The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029394040 BX1735 iTg^'lM"""" '■'*""' olin LLORENTES HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. THE HISTORY INQUISITION OF SPAIN, raoM THE TIME OF ITS ESTABLISHMENT THE REIGN OF FERDINAND VII. COMPOSED FROM TH£ ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS OF THE ARCHIVES OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL, AND FROM THOSE OF SUBORDINATE TRIBUNALS OF THE HOLY OFFICE. ABBIDQ£D AND TBANSLATED FROM THE ORIOINAL WORKS OF D. JUAN ANTONIO LLORENTE, FORMERLY SECRETARY OF THE INQUISITION, CBASCELLOR OF TBS VmYBItStTY OF TOLEDO, KNIGHT OF THE ORDER OF CHARLES -III,, ^c. 4-c. «^c. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: PRINTED FOR GEO. B. WHITTAKER, AVE-M ARIA-LANE . MDCCCXXVII, I PresiciL. MiK ^ library ^ 'i:IViS> LONIX>N: Prtnud by WILLIAAI CLOWJBH, Stamfisd Stiect. ■^il''i>iri% A. . '1 ' ■'■'rr, ? "Vi'-'*' CONTENTS. Page Chapter I. — First Epoch of the Church till the Conversion .of the ^Emperor Constantino ... . . 1 Chap. II. — Establishment of a General Inquisition against Heretics in the Thirteenth Century . . . .12 Chap. III. — Of the Ancient Inquisitiou of Spain . . 16 Chap. IV. — Of the Government of the Old Inquisition . . 20 Chap. V. — Establishment of the Modern Inquisition in Spain . 30 Chap. VI. — Creation of a Grand Inquisitor-general — of a Royal Council of the Inquisition — of Subaltern Tribunals and Or- ganic Laws — Establishment of the Holy Office in Aragon . 38 Chap. VII. — Additional Acts to the First Constitution of the Holy Office — Consequences of them, and Appeals to Rome against them . . ..... 4S Chap. VIII. — Expulsion of the Jews — Proceedings against Bishops — Death of Torquemada . . . . . 53 Chap. IX. — Of the Procedure of the Modern Inquisition . . 59 Chap. X. — Of the principal Events during the Ministry of the In- quisitors Dcza and Cisncros . . . . .71 Chap. XI. — An Attempt made by the Cortes of Castile and Aragon to reform the Inquisition — Of the principal Events under . Adrian, fourth Inquisitor-general . . .84 Chap. XII. — Conduct of the Inquisitors towards the Morescoes . 94 Chap. XIIL— Of the Prohibition of Booli;s and other Articles . 100 vi CONTENTS. Pb|[« Chap. XIV. — Particular Trials for Suspicion of Luthcranisin, and Ronie other Crimes . ,' . . . 113 Chap. XV. — Prosecution of Sorcerers, M.igicians, Enclianters, Ne- cromancers, and others . . . . • 129 Chap. XVI.— Of the Trial of the false Nuncio of Portugal, and other important Events during the time of Cardinal Tabera, sixth Inquisitor-general . . ... 142 Chap, XVII. — Of the Inquisitions of Naples, Sicily, and Malta, and of the Events of the Time of Cardinal Loaisa, seventh Inqui- sitor-general ...... 157 Chap. XVIII. — Of important Events during the first years of the Administration of the eighth Inquisitor-general — Religion of Charles V. during the last years of his Life . . . 164 Chap. XIX.— Of the Proceedings against Charles V. and Philip II. as Schismatics and Favourers of Heresy — Progress of the In- quisition under the last of these Princes — Consequences of the particular Favour which he shewed towards it . . 179 Chap. XX. — The Inquisition celebrates at Valladolid, in 1539, two Autos-da-fe against the Lutherans, in the Presence of some Members of the Royal Family . . . . .196 Chap. XXI. — History of two Autos-da-f6, celebrated against the Lutherans in the City of Seville .... 212 Chap. XXII. — Of the Ordinances of l.Wl, which have been followed in the Proceedings of the Holy Office, until the present Time 227 Chap. XXIII. — Of some Autos-da-fe celebrated in Murcia . 253 Chap. XXIV. — Of the Autos-da-fe celebrated by the Inquisitions of Toledo, Saragossa, A'alencia, Logrono, Grenada, Cuen9a, and Sardinia, during the Reign of Philip If. . . , 269 Chap. XXV. — Of the Learned Men who have been persecuted by the Inquisition ••..., 277 Chap. XXVI. — Offences committed by the Inquisitors against the Royal Authority and Magistrates . , , 333 CONTENTS. vii Page Chap. XXVII.— Of the Trials of several Sovereigns and Princes undertaken by the Inquisition .... 347 Chap. XXVII J. —Of the Conduct of the Holy Office towards those Priests who abused the Sacrament of Confession . . . 355 Chap. XXIX. — Of the Trials instituted by the Inquisition against the Prelates and Spanish Doctors of the Council of Trent . 357 Chap. XXX.^-Of the Prosecution of several Saints and Holy Per- sons by the Inquisition ..... 371 Chap. XXXI.— Of the celebrated Trial of Don Carios, Prince of the Asturias ...... 377 Chap. XXXIL— Trial of the Archbishop of Toledo . . . 409 Chap. XXXIII. — Continuation of the Trial, until the Archbishop went to Rome ...... 442 Chap. XXXIV.— End of the Trial of Carranza— His Death . . 459 Chap. XXXV. — Trial of Antonio Perez, Minister and First Secre- tary of State to Philip II. . . . . . 472 Chap. XXXVI. — Of several Trials occasioned by that of Antonio Perez. . . . . . . . 48S Chap. XXXVII.— Of the principal Events in the Inquisition during the Reign of Philip III .500 Chap. XXXVIII.— Of the Trials and Autos-da-fe during the Reign of Philip IV. .... . 503 Chap. XXXIX. — The Inquisition during the Reign of Charles II. 512 Chap. XL.— Of the Inquisition in the Reign of Philip V. . 518 Chap. XLI. — Of the Inquisition during the Reign of Ferdinand VI. 524 Chap. XLII.— Of the Inquisition under Charies III. . . 539 Chap. XLIII.— Of the Spanish Inquisition under Charies IV. . 546 Chap. XLIV.— Of the Inquisition during the Reign of Ferdinand VII. . . . • • • ^^^ ADVERTISEMENT. The Compiler of the following pages has only attempted to give a condensed translation of a complex and voluminous history, with the hope that it might prove of more utility in its present form than in the original works. Those por- tions which are not calculated to interest or instruct the general reader, and afford no illustrations of the subject, have been passed over. Those trials have been selected which serve as examples of the various laws of the Inqui- sition, and of its state at different epochs, and which include the persecutions of the most eminent men. The curious will be amply gratified by the perusal of the history of the secret tribunal; the man of leisure cannot fail in finding occupation and amusement in the pages of Llorente ; and the philosopher will discover in them ample scope for reflection on the aberrations of human reason, and on the capability of our nature, when under the influence of fanaticism, to inflict, with systematic indifierence, death, torture, misery, anxiety, and infamy, on the guilty and the innocent. All the records of the fantastic cruelties of the heathen world do not afford so appalling a picture of human weak- b A ADVERTISEMENT. nCsa and depravity as the authentic and genuine documents of the laws and proceeding of this Holy Office, which pro- fessed to act under the influence of the doctrines of the Redeemer of the World ! I offer, with humility, this abridgement of the work to the public, and while I hope that it will be kindly and favourably received, I believe that it may prove interesting and useful to every class of readers. June, 1826. PREFACE. Although a tribunal has existed for more than three hundred years in Spain, invested with the power of prosecuting heretics, no correct history of its origin, estabhshment, and progress has been written. Writers of many countries have spoken of Inquisi- tions established in different parts of the world, where the Roman Catholic faith is the religion of the state, and yet not one is worthy of confidence. The work of M. Lavallee, entitled the " History of the Inquisitions of Italy, Spain, and Portugal," and published in 1809, has only added to the historical errors of the authors who preceded him. The Spanish and Portuguese writers on the same subject deserve no higher credit; and have not detailed, with accuracy, the circum- stances which led to the establishment of this dreadful tribunal. These writers even differ in their state- ments of the period of its origin, and place it between the years 1477 and 1484. One affirms, with confi- dence, that the latter date is the true one, because in that year the regulations of the tribunal were enacted ; another decides that it originated in 1483, because in b 2 XU PREFACE. that year Thomas Torquemada was appointed inqui- sitor-general by the Pope. The inquisition of Spain was not a new tribunal created by Ferdinand V. and Isabella, the queen of Castile, but only a reform and extension of the an- cient tribunal, which had existed from the thirteenth century. No one could write a complete and authentic his- tory of the Inquisition, who was not either an inqui- sitor or a secretary of the holy office. Persons hold- ing only these situations could be permitted to make memoranda of papal bulls, the ordinances of sove- reigns, the decisions of the councils of the " Supreme," of the originals of the preliminary processes for sus- picion of heresy, or extracts of those which had been deposited in the archives. Being myself the secretary of the Inquuition at Madrid, during the years 1789, 1790, and 1791, I have the firmest confidence in my being able to give to the world a true code of the secret laws by which the- interior of the Inquisition was go- verned, of those laws which were veiled by mystery from all mankind, excepting those men to whom the know- ledge of their political import was exclusively re- served. A firm conviction, from knowing the deep objects of this tribunal, that it was vicious in prin- ciple, in its constitution, and in its laws, notwith- standing all that has been said in its support, induced me to avail myself of the advantage my situation afibrded me, and to collect every document I could procure relative to its history. My perseverance has PREFACE. XIU been crowned with success far beyond ray hopes, for in addition to an abundance of materials, obtained with labour and expense, consisting of unpublished manuscripts and papers, mentioned in the inventories of deceased inquisitors, and other officers of the insti- tution, in 1809, 1810, and 1811, when the Inquisition in Spain was suppressed, all the archives were -placed at my disposal ; and from 1809 to 1812, I collected everything that appeared to me to be of consequence in the registers of the council of the Inquisition, and in the provincial tribunals, for the purpose of compil- ing this history. Never has a prisoner of the Inquisition seen either the accusation against himself, or any other. No one was ever permitted to know more of his own cause than he could learn of it by the interrogations and accusa- tions to which he was obliged to reply, and by the extracts from the declarations of the witnesses, which were communicated to him, while not only their names were carefully concealed, and every circumstance relating to time, place, and person, by which he might obtain a clue to discover his denouncers, but even if the depositions contained any thing favour- able to the defence of the prisoner. The maxim on which this was founded, is, that the accused ought not to occupy himself but in replying to the chief points of his accusation, and that it was the province of the judge afterwards to compare the answers that he had made with those which had been given favourable to his acquittal. Philip Limborch, and many more of veracity, have erred in their histories, from their igno- XIV PREFACE. ranee of the method of conducting an inquisitorial trial. Those authors relied wholly on the accounts of prisoners, who knew nothing of the groundwork of their own case ; and the details in Eymerick, Paramo, Pegna, Carena, and some other inquisitors, are too limited to yield the necessary information. These facts make me hope that I shall not trans- gress the bounds of propriety when I say, that I only can give a true history of the Inquisition, as I only possess the materials necessary for the undertaking. I have read the most celebrated trials of the modern Inquisition, and the details given by me differ essen- tially from those of other historians, not excepting those of Limborch, who is the most exact of them. The trials of Don Carlos of Austria, prince of the Asturias, of Don Bartholomew Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, and of Antony Perez, the first minister and secretary of Philip II., have been greatly illus- trated in many important particulars. I have established the truth of that which concerns the Emperor Charles V. ; Jeanne of Albret, queen of Navarre ; Henry IV. king of France, her son, and of Margaret of Bourbon, the sovereign duchess of Bar, her daughter ; of Don James of Navarre, son of Don Carlos, prince of Biana, surnamed the Infant of Tu- dela ; of John Pic de Mirandola ; of Don John of Austria, son of Philip IV. ; of Alexander Farnese, duke of Parma, and grandson of Charles V. ; Don Philip of Arragon, son of the Emperor of Morocco ; of Caesar Borgia, son of Pope Alexander VI., and relation of the king of Navarre; of Jean Albret, PREFACE. XV duke of Valentinois, peer of France ; of Don Peter Louis Borgia, last grand-master of the military order of Montessa, and of niany other princes against whom the Inquisition exercised its power. The lover .of history will find the details of the trials of seven arch- bishops, twenty bishops, and a great number of learned men, among whom are many of the members of the Council of Trent, who were unfortunately sus- pected of entertaining or favouring the Lutheran doc- trines. To this list I have added the suits instituted by the holy office against many saints, and other per- sonages, held in reverence by the Church of Spain, and also of many literati persecuted by this tribunal. These, for the sake of perspicuity, I have divided into two classes ; the first class comprises those learned theologians who were accused of Lutheranism, for having, in their zeal, corrected the text of Bibles al- ready published, or Latin translations from the Greek and Hebrew editions. The second class consists of those learned men, designated by the holy office under the title of False Philosophers, and who were persecuted for having manifested a wish to destroy, in Spain, superstition and fanaticism. This history will make known numberless attempts perpetrated by the inquisitors against magistrates who defended the rights of sovereign authority, in opposition to the enterprises of the holy offi,ce and the court of Rome ; and which enables me to state the trials of many celebrated men and ministers who de- fended the prerogatives of the crown, and whose only crimes were having published works on the right of XVI PKEKACK. the crown, according with the true principles of juris- prudence. . These trials will display the Counsellors of the Inquisition carrying their audacity to such a height, as to deny that their temporal jurisdiction was derived from the concession of their sovereign, and actually prosecuting all the members of the council of Castile, as rash men, suspected of heresy, for having made known and denounced to the king this system of usurpation. In addition to these in- tolerable acts, will be found accounts of their assump- tion of superiority over viceroys, and other great officers of state. I have also shewn, that these ministers of persecution have been the chief causes of the decline of literature, and almost the annihilators of nearly all that could enlighten the people, by their ignorance, their blind submission to the monks who were qualifiers, and by persecuting the magistrates and the learned who were anxious to disseminate information. These monks were despicable scho- lastic theologians, too ignorant and prejudiced to be able to ascertain the truth between the doctrines of Luther and those of Roman Catholicism, and so condemned, as Lutheran, propositions incontestably true. The horrid conduct of this holy office weakened the power and diminished the population of Spain, by arresting the progress of arts, sciences, industry, and commerce, and by compelling multitudes of families to abandon the kingdom ; by instigating the expulsion of the Jews arvd the Moors ; and by immo- lating on its flaming piles more than three hundred PREFACE. XVU thouscind victims ! ! So replete with duplicity was the system of the inquisitorS:general, and the. council of this holy office, that if a papal bull was likely to cir- cumscribe their power, or check their vengeance, they refused to obey, on the pretext of its tieing opposed to the laws of the kingdom, and the orders of the Spanish government. By a similar proceeding, they evaded the ordinances of the king, by alleging that papal bulls prevented them from obeying, under pain of excommunication. Secrecy, the foe of truth and justice, was the soul of the tribunal of the Inquisition ; it gave to it new life and vigour, sustained and strengthened its arbi- trary power, and so emboldened it, that it had the hardihood to arrest the highest and noblest in the land, and enabled it to deceive, by concealing facts, popes, kings, viceroys, and all invested with authority by their sovereign. This holy office, veiled by secrecy, unhesitaiingly kept, back, falsified, concealed, or forged the reports of trials, when compelled to open their archives, to , popes or kings. The Inquisitors constantly succeeded, by this detestable knavery, in concealing the truth, and facilitated their object by being careful not to number the reports. , This was practised to a great extent in the trials , of the arch- bishop of Toledo, of the Prothonotary, and others. Facts prove beyond a doubt, that the extirpation of Judaism was not the real cause, but the mere pretext, for the establishment of the Inquisition, by Ferdinand V. The true motive was to carry on a vigorous system of confiscation against the Jews, and XVUl PREFACE. SO bring their riches into the hands of the government. Sixtus IV. sanctioned the measure, to gain the point dearest to the court of Rome, an extent of domination. Charles V. protected it from motives of policy, being convinced it was the only means of preventing the heresy of Luther from penetrating into Spain. Philip II. was actuated by superstition and tyranny to uphold it ; and even extended its jurisdiction to the excise, and made the exporters of horses into France liable to seizure by the officers of the tribunal, as persons suspected of heresy! PhiUp III.^~ Philip IV,, and Charles II., pursued the same course, stimulated by similar fanaticism and imbecility, when the re-union of Portugal to Spain led to the discovery of many Jews. Philip V. maintained the Inquisition from considerations of mistaken policy^ inherited from Louis XIV., who made him believe that such rigour would ensure the tranquillity of the kingdom, which was always in danger when many religions were tolerated. Ferdinand VI. and Charles III. befriended this holy office, because they would not deviate from the course that their father had traced, and because the latter hated the freemasons. Lastly, Charles IV. supported the tribunal, because the French Revolution seemed to justify a system of surveil- lance, and he found a firm support in the zeal of the inquisitors-general, always attentive to the pre- servation and extension of their power, as if the sovereign authority could find no surer means of strengthening the throne, than the terror inspired by an Inquisition. PREFACE. , , XIX During the time I remained in London, I heard some Catholics affirm that the Inquisition was useful in Spain, to preserve the Catholic faith, and that a similar esta- blishment would have been useful in France. These persons were deceived, by believing that it was sufficient for people to be good Catholics not to have any fear of the holy office. They knew not that nine-tenths of the prisoners were deemed guilty, though true to their faith, because the ignorance or malice of the denouncers prosecuted them for points of doctrine, which were not susceptible of heretical interpretation, but in the judgment of an illiterate monk, is considered erudite by the world, because he is said to have studied the theology of the schools. The Inquisition encouraged hypocrisy, and punished" those who either did not know how, or would not, assume the mask. This tribunal wrought no con- version. The Jews and Morescoes, who were bap- tized without being truly converted, merely that they might remain in Spain, are examples which prove the truth of this assertion. The former perished on the pyres of the Inquisition, the latter crossed over into Africa with the Moors, as much Mahometans as their ancestors were before they were baptised. I conclude with declaring that the contents of this history are original ; and that I have drawn my facts with fidelity, from the most authentic sources, and might have greatly extended them*. * The following fact shews that the inquisitors of our own days do not fall below the standard of those who followed the fanatic Torquemada. * * * * was present when the Inquisition was thrown open, in 1820, by the orders of the Cortes of Madrid. XX PREFACE. Twenty-one prisoners were found in it, not one of whom knew the name of the city in which he was : some had been confined three years, some a longer period, and not one knew perfectly the nature of the crime of which he was accusfed. One of these prisoners had been condemned, and was to have suffered on the following day. His punishment was to be death by the pendulum. The method of thus destroying the victim is as follows : — The condemned is fastened in a groove, upon a table, on his back ; suspended above him is a pendulum, the edge of which is sharp, and it is so constructed as to become longer with every movement. The wretch sees this implement of destruction swinging to and fro above him, and every moment the keen edge approaching nearer and nearer : at length it cuts the skin of his nose, and gradually cuts on, until life is extinct. It may be doubted if the holy office in its mercy ever invented a more humane and rapid method of exterminating heresy, or ensuring confiscation. This, let it be remembered, was a punishment of the Secret Tribunal, A.D. 1820 ! ! ! HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. CHAPTER I. FIRST KPOCH OF THE CHURCH TILL THE CONVERSION OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE. JL HE Christian religion was scarcely established before heresies arose among its disciples. The Apostle St. Paul instructs Titus, the Bishop of Crete, in his duty towards heretics, saying, that a man who persists in his heresy, after the first and second admonition, shall be rejected : but St. Paul does not say that the life of the heretic shall be taken ; and our Saviour, addressing St. Peter, commands that a sinner shall be forgiven, not only seven times, but seventy times seven, which infers that he ought never to be punished with death by a judgment of the church. Such was the doctrine of the church during the three first centuries, until the peace of Constantine. Heretics were never excom- municated until exhortation had been employed in vain. As this system was adopted, it was natural that some persons should write against heresy to prevent its increase. This was done by St. Ignatius, Castor Agrippa, St. Ireneeus, St. Clement of Alexandria, St. Justin, St. Denis of Corinth, Tertullian, Origen, and many others. These faithful imitators of the benevolence of their Divine Master were averse to oppressive measures. Although the evil produced by the religion of the impious Manfes was so B i HISTORY OF THE INaCISITlON. [Chap. I- great, that Archelaus, Bishop of Caschara, in Mesopotamia, judged it necessary to imprison him, yet he renounced that design when Marcellus (to whom Manes had written) pror posed another conference with him. Archelaus succeeded in converting the heretic, and not only gave up his intention of detaining him, but saved his life when the people would have stoned him to death. It is possible that the church was in a certain degree com- pelled to act in this manner, from the impossibility of em- ploying the coercive measures of temporal power agamst lieretics during the reigns of the heathen princes ; but this was not the only motive for her tolerance, since it is cer- tain that when no edicts of persecution existed against the Christians, the emperors received the appeals of the bishops in the same manner as those of their other subjects : this is proved by the history of the heretic Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch. The council of that town, assembled in 272, perceiving that Paul had relapsed into heresy, after the abjuration which he had made before the council of 266, deposed him, and elected Domnus in his place. The episcopal house being still occupied by the deposed bishop, he was ordered to quit it, that his successor might take possession. Paul having refused to obey, the bishops applied to the Emperor Aure- lian, who had not then begun to persecute the Christians : he received their complaint, and replied, that as he did not know which of the two parties was right, they must conform to the decision of the Bishop of Rome and his church. The holy see was then occupied by Felix I., who confirmed the decision of the council, and the Emperor Aurelian caused it to be executed. As toleration was universal in the Christian church, it is not to be supposed that the church of Spain followed dif- ferent principles. Basilides and Marcial, Bishops of Astorga and Merida, apostatized ; they were reconciled to the church A. D.303.] HISTORY OP THE INaUISITION. 3 without any punishment but degradation, to which they su]j- mitted before the year 253, when they appealed to Pope Stephen. The Council of Elvira in 303 decreed, that if an heretic demanded to be re-admitted into the bosom of the church, he should be reconciled, without suffering any punishment but a canonical peilance of ten years, which was the more remarkable, as this council established more severe punish- ments for many crimes which appear less heinous. This seems to prove that the Spanish bishops who composed this council, among whom were the great Osius of Cordova, Sabinus of Seville, Valerius of Saragossa, and Melantius of Toledo, were persuaded, like Origen, that leniency was the means to convert heretics, in order to prevent them from falling into obstinacy and impenitence. Second Epoch. — From the Fourth to the Eighth Century. If the primitive system of the church towards heretics had been faithfully pursued, as it ought to have been, after the peace of Constantine, the tribunal of the Inquisition v/ould never have existed, and, perhaps, the number and duration of heresies would have been less ; but the popes and bishops of the fourth century, profiting by the circum- stance of the emperors having embraced Christianity, began to imitate, in a certain degree, the conduct which they had reprehended in the heathen priests. These pontiffs, though respectable for the holiness of their lives, sometimes carried their zeal for the triumph of the Catholic faith, and the extirpation of heresy, to too great a height ; and to ensure success, engaged Constantine and his successors to establish civil laws against all heretics. . This first step, which the popes and bishops had taken contrary to the doctrine of St. Paul, was the principle and B2 4 HISTORY OF THE INOniSITION. [Chap. I. origin of the Inquisition ; for when the custom of punishing a heretic by corporeal pain, although he was a good sub- ject, was once established, it became necessary to vary the punishments, to augment their number, to render them niore or less severe, according to the character of each sovereign, and to regulate the manner of prosecuting the culprit. The Emperor Theodosius published, in 382, an edict against the Manlcheans, decreeing that they should be punished with death, and their property confiscated for the use of the state, and commissioning the prefect (Pr^fet du Pretoire) to appoint inquisitors and spies to discover those who should conceal themselves. It is here that inquisition and accusation are first men- tioned in relation to heresy, for until that time only those great crimes which attacked the safety of the empire were permitted to be publicly denounced. The successors of Theodosius modified these edicts, some of which menaced heretics with the prosecutions of the impartial judges, if they did not voluntarily abjure their errors. Notices were given to known heretics who did not abjure after the pub- lication of the edicts, that if they were converted in a certain time, they would be admitted to a reconciliation, and would only suffer a canonical penance. When these conciliatory measures were unavailing, various punishments were adopted. Those doctors who, in con- tempt of the laws, promulgated their false opinions, wei'e subjected to considerable fines, banishment from cities, and even transportation. In certain cases, their property was confiscated ; in others they were obliged to pay a fine of ten pounds of gold, or they were scourged with leathern thongs, and sent to islands from whence they could not escape. Besides these punishments, they were forbidden to hold assemblies, and the offenders were liable to proscription, banishment, transportation, and even death in some cases. The execution of these decrees was intrusted to the go- A, D.655.] HISTORy OF THE INaUISITION. 5 vernors of provinces, magistrates charged with the admi- nistration of justice, commanders of towns and their principal officers, who were all liable to various punishments in case of negligence. The establishment of most of these laws had been soli- cited by popes and bishops of known sanctity, and it must be allowed that it was not their intention to carry those which decreed the punishment of death into execution ; they only desired to intimidate innovators by their publication. The church of Spain continued faithful to the general discipline, under the authority of the Roman emperors : the Arian heresy M'as afterwards established among them under the Goths ; but since their princes have embraced the Catho- lic faith, the laws and councils of Spain inform us of their treatment of heretics. The fourth Council of Toledo, assembled in 633, at which St. Isidore, Archbishop of Seville, assisted, was occupied with the Judaic heresy : it was decreed, with the consent of King Sisinand, that they should be at the disposal of the bishops, to be punished, and compelled by fear to return to Chris-: tianity a second time : they were to be deprived of their children, and their slaves set at liberty. In 655, the ninth Council of Toledo decreed, that baptized Jews should be obliged to celebi'ate the Christian festivals with their bishops, and that those who should refuse to con- form to this discipline should be condemned either to the punishment of scourging, or abstinence, according to the age of the offender. We find that greater severity was shown towards those who returned from Christianity to idolatry. King Rdca- rede I. proposed to the third Council of Toledo, in 589, that the priests and civil judges should be commissioned to ex- tirpate that species of heresy, by punishing the culprits in a degree proportioned to the crime, yet without employing capital punishment. 6 HISTORY OF THE INttCISITION. [Oktv- I- These rigorous measures did not appear sufficient, and the twelfth Council of Toledo, in 681, at -which King Erbigius assisted, decided that, if the offender was noble, he should be subject to excommunication and exile ; if he was a slave, he should be scourged and delivered to his master loaded with chains, and if the proprietor could not answer for him, that he should be placed at the disposal of the king. In 693, the sixteenth Council of Toledo assembled in the presence of King Egica, added, to the measures already established, a law, by which all who opposed the efforts of the bishops and judges to destroy idolatry were condemned, if noble, to be excommunicated and pay a fine of three pounds of gold ; and if of a low condition, to receive a hundred strokes of a whip, and have half his property con- fiscated. Recesuinte, who reigned from 663 to 672, established a particular law against heretics : it deprived them indiscrimi- nately of the wealth and dignities they might possess, if they were priests, and added to these punishments, perpetual banishment for laymen, if they persisted in heresy. Third Epoch. — From the Eighth Century to the Pon- tificate of Gregory VII. In the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries, the ecclesi- astics obtained many privileges from the kings and emperors, and the judicial power became, in some cases, a right of the episcopacy. These acquisitions, and the uiliversal ignorance which followed the irruption of the barbarians, were the causes of the influence which the pontiffs of Rome acquired over the Christian people, who were persuaded that the authority of the pope should be without bounds, and that he had supreme power both in ecclesiastical and temporal affairs. In 726, when the Romans deposed their last duke, Basil, A.D,SOp.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 7 Pope Gregory II. usurped the civil government of Rome, and had recourse to the protection of Charles Martel, mayor of the palace, against the King of Lombardy, who aspired to the command in that capital. His successor, Gregory III., offered the dignity of patrician to Charles Martel, as if he had the right of disposing of it. Zachary, who was elected pope, in 741, acted as the temporal sovereign of Rome, and permitted Pepin, son of Charles Martel, to take the title of King of France, after having deposed Childeric III., who was the legitimate sovereign. Pepin was crowned in France by Stephen II., who became pope in 752. At last, Leo III. crowned Charlemagne emperor of the west, on Christmas day, in the year 800. In this ceremony, which took place at Rome, Chafrlemagne was proclaimed the first emperor of the restoration. The popes employed the great influence they had gained over general opinion, to extend and preserve their dominion. Pepin and Charlemagne did not foresee how fatal their ex- ample would prove to their successors, when they solicited Stephen II. to release the French from their oath of fidelity to Childeric III. When the doctrine, that a pope possessed the power of releasing subjects from their oath of fidelity, was once established, it became necessary that kings should endeavour to conciliate the popes. Succeeding events show that this doctrine was favourable to the rise of the In- quisition. The idea that excommunication produced all the effects attached to infamy, not only to the Christian on whom it fell, but to all who held any communion with him, was another cause of the great influence of the popes, and the progress of the Inquisition. The barbarians had preserved the doctrine of the Druids, which forbade a Gaul to assist one whom the priests had declared impious and abhorred of the gods, on pain of being deemed guilty towards the gods, and unworthy of the society of men. The priests, finding 8 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Chap. I. this opinion established, did not combat it, because it added force to the anathemas of the church. Fortunately the popes of the middle ages had not yet thought of com- missioning men to ascertain if Christians were orthodox, and the ancient discipline of the church was still pursued towards heretics. Felix, Bishop of Urgel, in Spain, had embraced the er- roneous opinion that Jesus Christ was the Son of God only by adoption. He returned to the faith of the church, but relapsed some time after into the same error, although he had abjured, before the Council of Ratisbonne, in 792, and before Pope Adrian, at Rome. The conduct of Felix was very reprehensible, yet Leo III. would not excommunicate him in a simple manner, but only pronounced the anathema against him, in case he refused to abjure a second time. Felix afterwards abjured, and suffered no punishment but deprivation of his dignity. The Emperor Michel, in 811, renewed all the laws which condemned the Manichean heretics to death. The patriarch Nicephorus represented to him that it was better to convert them by gentle means ; but the spirit of the church at that time was so far from moderation, that the Abbot Theo- phanes, celebrated for his piety, does not hesitate to speak of Nicephorus and the other counsellors of the prince, as ignorant and ill advised ; and adds, that the maxims of Holy Writ warrant the custom of burning heretics, because they can never be brought to repent. Theodore Critinus, chief of the Iconoclastes, was called before the seventh council general, assembled at Constanti- nople in 869. He was convicted of entertaining opinions contrary to the doctrines of the church : he abjured his heresy, with several of his sect, and was reconciled without being subjected to any penance. The Emperor Basil, who assisted at the council, honoured him with a kiss of peace. We may conclude from this, that if the conduct of the A. D. 1022.] HISTOKY OF THE INftUISlTlON. 9 church had always been equally lenient, heresy would not have been so frequent among the Christians. In 1022, certain heretics, who appeai-ed to profess the doctrines of the Manicheans, were discovered in Orleans, and Several other towns ; among them was Stephen, confessor to Queen Constance, wife of Robert. That prince assembled a council at Orleans : Stephen was summoned to appear before it, and attempts were made, but in vain, to bring him back to the true faith. The bishops resolved to punish these heretics, and those who were ecclesiastics were degraded and excommunicated with tl^e others. The king immediately afterwards condemned them to be burnt. Several, when they felt the flames, exclaimed that they were willing to submit to the church ; but it was too late, all hearts were closed against them. These examples show the diflerence which was made between the Manichean and other heresies. It is necessary to mention several maxims which had been introduced into the ecclesiastical government, and which passed at that time for incontestable truths. The first of these opinions was, that it was necessary not only to punish obstinate heretics with excommunication, but to employ it against every species of crime, which abuse was carried to such a height, that Cardinal St. Peter Damian reproached Pope Alexander with it. According to the second maxim, if an excommunicated Christian persisted for more than a year in refusing to submit and demand absolution, after having been subjected to a canonical penance, he was con- sidered as an heretic. The third maxim held that it was a meritorious act to - prosecute heretics, and apostolical in- dulgences were granted as a recompense for this service to the cause of religion. These maxims, and several others which prevailed during the fourth epoch, prepared the minds of the people for the establishment of the Inquisition, which was destined to per- s^ecute heretics and apostates. 10 HISTOKY OF THE INGUISITION. [Chap. 1. FooRTH Epoch. The celebrated Hildebrand ascended the pontifical throne in 1073, under the name of Gregory VII., soon after his predecessor, Alexander II., had summoned the emperor Henry III, to Rome, to be judged by a council. This prince had been denounced by the Saxons, who revolted against him, as an heretic. As he did not appear, the pope excommunicated him, released his subjects from their oath of fidelity, and caused them to elect, in his stead, Rodolph, Duke of Suabia. Tiie authority which this pope acquired over the Christian princes greatly surpassed that of his predecessors, and although it was directly contrary to the spirit of the New Testament, his successors employed every means to pre- serve it. The famous French monk Gerbert being elected pope in 999, under the name of Sylvester II., addressed a letter to all Christians, in which he supposes the Church of Jerusalem speaking from its ruins, and calling upon them to take up arms and fight boldly to deliver it from oppression. Gre- gory VII. also undertook, in 1074, to form a crusade against the Turks, in favour of Michael, emperor of the East ; but as he died before he could put his plan into exe- cution, his successor, Urban II., caused it to be proclaimed in the Council of Clermont, in the year 1095. The efforts of the pope had an incredible success ; a numerous army left Europe soon after, which first took the city of Antioch, and afterwards Jerusalem in 1099. The injustice of this war, and the other expeditions of the same kind which succeeded it, would have disgusted all Europe, if the people had not been prepossessed with the absurd idea, that it was meritorious to make war for the exaltation and glory of Christianity : the consequences of a system so fatal to temporal power were felt in France at the time of the Patarians, Catharians, A. D, 119?.] HISTORY 01' THE INQUISITION. 11 and other sects of Man^s. Alexander IJI., having sent Peter, Bishop of Meaux, to Count Raymond V. of Toulouse, that legate made him and all his nobles take an oath that they would not favour the heretics M^ho had taken up arms in defence of their party ; and in the Council of Lateran, the following year, the fathers declared that though the church did not approve of sanguinary measures, yet she would not refuse the assistance offered by Christian princes : in conse- quence, Alexander not only excommunicated the heretics and their adherents, but promised all those who should die in the war against them absolution and salvation, and for the present granted indulgences for two years to all who should take up arms. In 1181, Cardinal Henry, Bishop of Alva, was sent into France to pursue the war against the Albigenses ; but this expedition did not entirely destroy that party, and a new council was held, in whose decrees Cardinal Fleury supposes he has discovered the origin of the Inquisition. He was not mistaken in this opinion, but it was not at that time actually instituted, since th& bishops alone, as they had always been, were commissioned to preserve the faith. The council re- commended that the bishops, or their archdeacons, should visit the dioceses once or twice a year, and that they should cause the inhabitants to take an oath that they would denounce all heretics, or persons who held meetings, to the bishop or archdeacon. The council also deci'eed that counts, barons, and other nobles should take an oath to discover heretics and punish them, on pain of excommunication and deprivation of their estates and employments. In 1194, Cardinal Gregory St. Angelo instigated Al- phonso II., King of Aragon, to publish an edict banishing heretics of all sects indiscriminately from his states ; and Peter II., son of Alphonso, published another in 1197, with nearly, the same injunctions, which proves that the former edict had little effect. 12 HISTORY OF THE INttTJISITION. [C)i»p- H- CHAPTER II. BSTABLISHMENT OF A GENERAL INauISITION AGAINST HERETICS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. In 1203, Pope Innocent 111. commissioned Peter de Castel- nau and Ralph, two monks of the order of Cistercians, in the monastery of Fontfroide, in Narbonnese Gaul, to preach against the Albigenses. Their exhortations were not in vain, and the success of their mission was a favourable introduction to a plan which Pope Innocent had formed of instituting inquisitors independent of the bishops, with the privilege of prosecuting heretics, as delegates of the holy- see. On the 4th of June, in the seventh year of his ponti- ficate, he named the abbot of the Cistercians, with Peter and Ralph, apostolical legates. He gave them full powers to prosecute all heretics; and to facilitate the execution of the orders of the holy see, they were to engage in the name of the pope, Philip II., King of France, his son, and all his nobles, to pursue the heretics, and to promise them full in- dulgences as a recompense for their zeal. The pope invested these monks with the necessary powers to enable them to destroy or establish whatever they might judge to be favour- able to their design, in the ecclesiastical provinces of Aix, Aries, Narbonne, and other bishoprics where heretics might be found, only recommending that they should apply to the holy see in all difficult cases ; at the same lime he wrote to Philip, requesting him to assist his commissioners, and even, if it was necessary, to send the presumptive heir to his throne with an army against the heretics. The legates encountered many difficulties, because their mission was displeasing to the bishops. The King of France A.i_D. 1208] HISTORY OF THE INftUlSITION. 13 took no part in the affair, but the Counts of Toulouse, Foix, Beziers, Cominges, and Carcassone, and the other nobles of these provinces, seeing that the Albigenses had singularly increased, and persuaded that a very small number would be" converted, refused to banish them from their states, as it would lessen the population, and, consequently, be against their interests: an additional motive for this re- fusal was, that these heretics were all peaceful and sub- missive subjects. Peter and Ralph commenced preaching against the here- tics ; they held conferences with these fanatics, but the number of the converted was very small. Arnauld, Abbot of the Cistercians, called upon twelve abbots of his order to assist him ; and (during their sojourn at Montpellier) they ad- mitted two Spaniards to share their labours, who wei-e known under the names of Diego Acebes, a bishop of Osma, who was returning to his diocese, and St. Dominic de Guz- man, a regular canon of the order of St. Augustine. They both converted several Albigenses, and when the Spanish bishop returned to his diocese, he permitted St. Dominic to remain in France. The great feudal chiefs of Provence and Narbonne re- fused to execute the orders of the legates, to pursue the heretics in their states, alleging that they were always at war with each other ; but the legates threatened to excommuni- cate them, and to release their subjects from their oaths of fidelity. These menaces alarmed the nobles, and they con- sented to sign a peace. The most powerful of these princes was Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse. His conduct towards Peter de Castelnau, who had threatened him several times for iiot performing his promises, induced the Albigenses who were his subjects to assassinate the legate, who was beatified in 1208. The pope wrote to all the nobles of the provinces of Narbonne, Aries, Embrun, Aix, and Vienne in Dauphiny, pressing 14 HISTORY OF THE INttUISITlON. [Chap. II. them to unite and march against the heretics, and promising them the same indnlgences which had been granted to the crusaders. The assassination of Peter de Castelnau had excited among the Catholics the greatest indignation against his murderers. Arnauld took advantage of this moment to execute the orders which he had received from the pope. He com- missioned the twelve monks, and others whom he had as- sociated, to preach a crusade against the heretics, to grant indulgences, to note those who refused to engage in the war, to inform themselves of their creed, to reconcile the con- verted, and place all obstinate heretics at the disposal of Simon de Montfort, commander of the crusaders. This was the beginning of the Inquisition in 1208. Pope Innocent III. died on the 16th of July, 1216, before he had succeeded in giving a permanent form to the delegated inquisition: the continuation of the war against the Albi- genses, and the opposition which he met with from the bishops in the Council of Lateran, were perhaps the causes of his failure. Honorius III., who succeeded him, prepared to finish his undertaking. Innocent had sent St. Dominic de Guzman to Toulouse, that he might choose one of the religious orders approved by the church, for the institution which he intended to form. He preferred that of St. Augustine ; and on his return to Rome with his companions, Honorius approved his choice on the 22nd of December, 1216. St. Dominic also established an order for laymen. This order has been designated as the Third Order of Penitence, but most commonly as the Militia of Christ, because those who were members of it fought against heretics, and assisted the Inquisitors in the exercise of their functions ; they were considered as part of the inquisitorial family, and on that account bore the name of Familiars. This association after- wards gave rise to that which was called the Congregation A. D. 1229,] HISTORY OP THE INaUISITlON. 15 of St. Peter Martyr ; it was appi'oved by Honorius, and confirmed 'by his successor, Gregory IX. Another associa- tion was formed in Narbonne^ which also bore the name of Militia of Christ ; it was soon after blended with the third order of St. Dominic. Honorius having formed a consti- tution against heretics, the Emperor Frederic II. gave it the sanction of civil law at his coronation. In 1224 the Inqui- sition already existed in Italy under the ministry of the Dominican friars, which is proved by an edict of the Em- peror Frederic against heretics at Padua. The efforts of the Inquisition in Narbonne had not succeeded according to the expectation of the pope, who imputed its failure to the negligence of Cardinal Conrad, whom he recalled, and sent Cardinal Roman in his place. The importunity of this le- gate induced Louis VIII., King of France, to place himself at the head of an army to march against the nobles who protected the Albigenses. But Louis died in the same year, and the pope followed him, without having succeeded in giving a permanent form to the new tribunal which had been introduced into France. Gregory IX., who ascended the pontifical throne in 1227, finally established the Inquisition : he had been the zealous protector of St. Dominic, and the intimate friend of St. Francis d'Assiz. Cardinal Roman was more fortunate than the legates who preceded him : the nobles, weary of a war which had lasted twenty years, wished for peace. The Count of Toulouse, Raymond VII., after the death of his father, who had begun the war, reconciled himself to St. Louis and the church in a Council of Narbonne, and pro- mised to drive the heretics from his domains. In 1229 another council was held at Toulouse. The de- crees were nearly the same as those made at the Councils of Lateran and Verona, except that laymen were then first prohibited from reading the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue. In the succeeding year, many other edicts were published. 16 HISTOEY OF THE INftUISlTION. [Chup. 111. incTeasing in severity; but it appears that these rigorous measures foiled in effect, as the heresy of the Albigenses penetrated even to the capital of Christendom. CHAPTER III. OP THE ANCIENT INQUISITION OF SPAIN. In 1233, when the Inquisition in France had received the established form which was bestowed on it by St. Louis, Spain was divided into four Christian kingdoms, besides the Mahometan states. Castile was under the dominion of St. Ferdinand, who added to it the kingdoms of Seville, Cor- dova, and Jaen. James I. governed Aragon, and con- quered the kingdoms of Valencia and Majorca ; Navarre was possessed by Sancho VIII., who died in the course of the following year, and -left his crown to Theobald I., Count de Champagne and de Brie. Sancho II. reigned in Portugal. Many convents of Dominicans existed in these kingdoms after the establishment of the order, but there are no au- thentic records, to prove that the Inquisition was introduced before the year 1232, wlien Pope Gregory IX. -addressed a brief to Don Esparrago, Archbishop of Taragona, and to his suffragan bishops, in which he most earnestly exhorted them to oppose the progress of heresy by every means in their power. The archbishop sent the bull to Gil Rodriguez de Valla- dares, first provincial of the Spanish Dominicans ; he also sent it to Don Bertrand, Bishop of Lerida, in whose diocese the first Spanish Inquisition was founded. Pope Innocent YI. conferred many privileges on the Dominican Friars, and in 1254 extended the rights of the Inquisitors, and in the A.D.130S.] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 17 same brief decreed that the depositions of witnesses should be considered valid, although their names were unknown. Urban VI. and Clement VI. also augmented their pri- vileges. . The Kings of Ai-agon continued to protect the Inquisition, and James II., in 1292, published a decree, commanding the tribunals of justice to assist the Dominicans, to imprison all who might be denounced, to execute the judgments pro- nounced by the monks, to rempve every obstacle which they might meet with, ^~c. The hatred which the office of an inquisitor everywhere inspired in the first ages of the In- quisition caused' the death of a great number of Dominicans and some Cordeliers : the honours of martyrdom were as- signed to them, but St. Peter of Verona was the only one canonized by the pope. Nothing certain is known of the state of Portugal during this period: it appears that in the thirteenth century the Inquisition was established only in the dioceses of Taragona, Barcelona, Urgel, Lerida, and Girona. The convents of Dominicans having multiplied in Spain, a. chapter-general of the order decreed, in 1301, that it should be divided into two provinces ; that the first in rank should be named the province of Spain, and comprise Cas- tile and Portugal ; and that the second should have the title of Ai-agon, and be composed of Valencia, Catalonia, Rousillon, Cerdagne, Majorca, Minorca, and Iviza. The provincial of the Dominicans of Castile, designated as the pi'ovincial of Spain, possessed the right of naming the apostolical inquisitor in the other provinces. In 1302 Fa- ther Bernard was inquisitor of Aragon, and celebrated several autos-da-fe in the same year. In 1308 Pope Clement V. commanded the King of Aragon and the inquisitors to arrest all the knights templars who had not been prosecuted, and to donfiscate their property C 18 HISTOHr OF THB INftOISITION. [Chap. III. for the use of the holy see; the templars in Castile and Portugal were aLso arrested. In 1314, other heretics were discovered in the kingdom ofAragon; Bernard Puigceros, the inquisitor-general, con- demned several to banishment, the others Were burnt. Many who abjured were reconciled. In 1325, F. Arnaldo Burguete, inquisitor-general of the kingdom, arrested Pierre Durand de Baldhac, who had re- lapsed into heresy, and he was burnt alive in the presence of King James, his sons, and two bishops. In 1334, F. William da Costa condemned F. BonatotOthe flames, and reconciled many persons who had been perverted by that monk. In 1350, Father Nicholas Roselli discovered a sect of heretics named Begards, whose chief was named Jacobus Justis ; they were all reconciled, and Jacobus was condemned to perpetual imprisonment. The bones of three of these heretics who had died impenitent were disinterred and burnt. Roselli being elected Cardinal in 1356, Nicholas Eymerich suc- ceeded him. Eymerich composed a book entitled " The Guide of Inquisitors," in which the most minute details of his judg- ments, and those of other inquisitors of Aragon, are found. It is not certain whether the provincial of Castile exer- cised his privilege of naming inquisitors ; perhaps heresy had not penetrated into the states of Castile. Pope Gregory IX. dying in 1378, the Romans named Urban VI. as his successor ; but several cardinals assembled out of Rome, and elected another Pope under the name of Clement VII. The great schism of the West then began, and lasted till the election of Martin V., in the Council-general of Con- stance in 1417, where Don Gil Muiioz, who had been elected as Clement VIII., renounced the papacy. This re- Volution influenced the state of the Inquisition as much as A. D. Uiy.] HISTORY OP THE INOUrSITIONi 19 the other points of ecclesiastical discipline. Castile followed the party of Clement VII., and Portugal that of Urban VI. The order of Dominicans was equally divided, and elected different vicars-general. Urban VI. died in 1389, and his party elected Boniface IX., who appointed F. Rodrigo de Cintra apostolical inquisitor-general of Portugal. He afterwards named F. Vicente de Lisboa inquisitor^general of Spain. Castile, Navarre, and Aragon were under the dominion of Benedict XIII., who was elected Pope after the death of Clement VII. Such was the state of the Inquisition in Spain towards the end of the fourteenth century. It is uncertain if the Inquisition existed in Castile in the beginning of the fifteenth century ; for, though Boniface IX. appointed F. Vicente de Lisboa inquisitor-general, his au- thority was not recognized, as that kingdom belonged to the party of Benedict XIII., who, after the Council of Constance; was designated as the anti-pope Peter de Luna. The town of Perpignan was the seat of one of the provincial Inqui- sitions of Aragon, whose jurisdiction extended over the countships of Rousillon and Cerdagne, and over the islands of Majorca, Minorca, and Iviza. Benedict XIII., who was recognized in this part of Spain, divided this province and appointed two inquisitors, who celebrated several autos-da- fe, and burnt a considerable number of people. The election of Martin V. having put an end to the great schism of the West, the Portuguese monks ought to have submitted to the authority of the Provincial of Spain, who was then a monk of their nation, named F. Juan de Santa Justa; but the Dominicans who were at Constance per- suaded the Pope that his jurisdiction was too extensive, which induced the pontiff to subdivide the province of Spain into three parts : the first part was named the province of Spain, and comprised Castile, Toledo, Murcia^ Estremadura, Anda- lusia, Biscay, and the Asturias de Santillana ; the second, Santiago, was composed of the kingdom of Leon, Galicia, C 2 20 HISTORY OP THE INaCISITION. [Chap. IV. and the Astnrias of Oviedo ; and the third, that of Portugal, extended over all the dominions of the monarch. Martin V. established a provincial Inquisition at Valencia, in 1420, at the request of Alphonso V., King of Aragon; hitherto commissioners had only been sent there. The Inquisitor of Aragon, 1441, was F. Michael Ferriz, and that of Valencia, F. Martin Trilles, who reconciled in their districts several Wickliffites, and condemned many others to be burnt. Several inquisitors succeeded these till 1474, when Isabella, wife of Ferdinand of Aragon, King of Sicily, ascended the throne of Castile, after the death of Henry IV. her brother. John II., King of Aragon, dying in 1479, his son, Ferdinand, united that kingdom to Sicily ; he soon after conquered the kingdom of Grenada, which belonged to the Moors, and lastly that of Navarre, which was secured to him by the capitulation of the inha- bitants. CHAPTER IV. OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE OLD INQUISITION. Although the Popes, in establishing the Inquisition, had only proposed to punish the crime of heresy, yet the inqui- sitors were commissioned to pursue those Christians who were only suspected, because it was the only means of dis- covering those who were really guilty. There were many crimes which came under the jurisdiction of a civil judge, which the Popes considered no one could be guilty of with- out being tainted with a false doctrine ; and although they were pursued by secular tribunals, the inquisitors were en- joined to consider the accused as suspected of heresy, and to A.D.U79.] HISTOEV OF THE INaUISlTION. 21 proceed against them, in order to ascertain if they committed these crimes from the depravity natural to man, or from the idea that they were not criminal; which opinion caused a suspicion that their doctrine was erroneous. A species of blasphemy which was called heretical, belonged to this class of crimes ; it was committed against God or his saints, and showed in the ofiFender erroneous opinions of the omni- science or other attributes of the Deity. It rendered the blasphemer liable to be suspected of heresy, as the inquisitor might consider it a proof that his habitual thoughts were contrary to the faith. The second species of crime. which caused a suspicion of heresy, was sorcery and divination. If the offenders only made use of natural and simple means of discovering the fu- ture, such as counting the lines in the palm of the hand, they came under the jurisdiction of a civil judge ; but all so^vcerers wei-e liable to be punished for hei'esy by the Inquisition, if they baptized a dead person, re-baptized an infant, made use of holy water, the consecrated host, the oil of extreme unc- tion, or other things which proved contempt or abuse of the sacraments and the mysteries of religion. . The same suspicion affected those who addressed them- selves to demons in their superstitious practices. A third species of crime was the invocation of demons. Nicholas Eymerich informs us that, in his office of inquisitor, he had procured and burnt, after having read them, two books which treated of that subject ; they both contained an ac- count of the power of demons, and of the mode of wor- shipping them. The same author adds, that in his time a great number of trials for this crime took place in Cata- lonia, and that many of the accused had gone so far as to worship Satan, with all the signs, ceremonies, and words of the Catholic religion. A fourth kind of crime which caused suspicion of heresy, was, to remain a year, or longer, excommunicated without 22 HISTORY or TUB INftUISITION. [Ch«p. IV. seeking absolution, or performing the penance which had been imposed. The Popes affirmed that no Catholic, irre- proachable in his faith, could live with so much indifference under the censure of the church. Schism was the sixth case where heresy was suspected. It may exist either without heresy or with it. To the first class belong all schismatics, who admit the articles of the faith, but deny the authority of the Pope, as head of the Catholic Churcli, and vicar of Jesus Christ. The second is composed of those who hold the same opinions as the first, and also refuse to believe in some of the articles ; such as the. Greeks, who hold that the Holy Ghost proceeds only from the Father, and not from the Son. The Inquisition also proceeded against concealers, fa- vourers, and adherents of heretics, as being suspected of professing the same opinions. The seventh class was com- posed of all those wlio opposed the Inquisition, and pre- vented the inquisitors from exercising their functions. The eighth class comprehended those nobles who refused to take an oath to drive the heretics from their states. The ninth class consisted of governors of kingdoms, provinces and towns, who did not defend the Church against heretics, when they were required by the Inquisition. The tenth class comprised those who refused to repeal the statutes in force iu towns and cities, when they were contrary to the measures decreed by the holy office. The eleventh class of suspect- ed persons, were, all lawyers, notaries, and other persons belonging to the law, who assisted heretics by their advice ; or concealed papers, records, and other writings, which might make their errors, dwellings, or stations known. In the twelfth class of suspected were those persons who have given ecclesiastical sepulture to known heretics. Those who refused to take an oath in the trials of heretics when they were required to do it, were also liable to suspicion. The fourteenth class were deceased persons who had been de-. A.D. htb], history of the inquisition. 23 nounced as heretics. The Popes, in order to render heresy njore odious, had decreed that the bodies of dead heretics should be disinterred and burnt, their property confiscated, and their nuemory pronounced infamous. The same suspicion fell upon writings which contained heretical doctrines, or which might lead to them. Lastly, the Jews and Moors were considered as subject to the holy office, when they engaged Catholics to embrace their faith, either by their writings or dispourse. Although all the persons guilty of the crimes above- . mentioned were under the jurisdiction of the holy office, yet the Pope, his legates, his nuncios, his officers, and fa-, miliars were exempt ; and if any of these were denounced as heretics, the inquisitor could only take the secret information and refer it to the Pope. Bishops were also exempt, but kings had not that privilege. As the bishops were the ordinary inquisitors by divine right, it seems just that they should have had the power of receiving informations, and proceeding against the apostolical inquisitors in matters of faith ; but the Pope rendered his delegates independent, by decreeing that none but an apo- stolical inquisitor could proceed against another. The inqui- sitor and the bishop acted together, but each had the right of pursuing heretics separately : the'ordei's for imprisonment could only be issued by both together, and if they did not accord they referred to the Pope. The inquisitors could re- quire the assistance of secular power in the exercise of their authority, and it could not be refused without incurring the punishment of excommunication and suspicion of heresy. The bishop was obliged to lend his house for the prisoners ; besides this, the inquisitors had a particular pi-ison to secure the persons of the accused. The first inquisitors had no fixed salary : the holy office was founded on- devotion and zeal for the faith ; its members were almost all monks, who had made a vow of poverty, and 24 HISTORY OF THE INftDISlTION. [Chip. IV. the priests who were associated in their labours, were ge- nerally canons, or provided with benefices. But when the inquisitors began to make journeys, accompanied by recorders, alguazils, and an armed force, the Pope decreed that all their expenses should be defrayed by the bishops, on the pretence that the inquisitors laboured for the destruction of heresy in their dioceses. This measure displeased the bishops, still more as they were deprived of part of their authority. The expenses of the Inquisition were afterwards defrayed by the fines and confiscations of the condemned heretics : these re- sources were the only funds of the holy office ; it never pos- Bessed any fixed revenue. Of the Manner of Proceeding in the Tribunals of the Old Inquisition. When a priest was appointed an inquisitor by the Pope, or by a delegate of the holy see, he wrote to the king, who issued a royal mandate to all the tribunals of the towns where the inquisitor woul^ pass to perform his office, com- manding them, on pain of the most severe penalties, to arrest all the persons whom he should mark as heretics, or sus- pect of heresy, and to execute the judgments passed upon them. The same order obliged the magistrates to furnish the inquisitor and his attendants with a lodging, and to protect them from insult and every inconvenience. When the inquisitor arrived at the town where he intended to enter upon his ofiBce, he ofiicially informed the magistrate, and re- quired his attendance, fixing the time and place. The commander of the town presented himself before the delegate, and look an oath to put in force all the laws against heretics. If the officer or magistrate refused to obey, the inquisitor excommunicated him ; if he made no difficulty, the inquisitor appointed a day for the people to meet in the church, when he preached, and read an edict which com- A. D.U79.] HISTORY OF THE INdTJISITION. 25 manded that all informations should be given within a cer- tain period. The inquisitor afterwards declared that all who should voluntarily confess themselves heretics, should receive absolution, and be subjected to a slight penance, but that those who were denounced should be proceeded against with severity. If any accusations took place during the interval, they were registered, btlt did not take effect until it was known that the accused would not come voluntarily before the tri- bunal. After the expiration of the period allowed, the in- former was summoned ; he was told that there were three ways of proceeding, to discover the truth, — accusation, infor- mation, and inquisition, and was asked to which he gave the preference. If he chose the first, he was invited to accuse the denounced person, but at the same time to consider that he was subject to the law of retaliation if he was found to be a calumniator. This manner of proceeding was adopted by very few persons : the greater number declared, that fear of the punishments with which the holy office menaced those who did not inform against heretics was the cause of their appearance ; and they desired that their information might be kept secret, on account of the danger they incurred of being assassinated if they were known. The inquisitor interrogated the witnesses, assisted by the recorder and two priests, who were commissioned to observe if the declarations were faithfully taken down, and to be pre- sent when they were read to the witnesses, who were then asked if they acknowledged all that was read to them. If the crime or suspicion of heresy was proved in the informa- tion, the criminal was arrested and taken to the ecclesiastical prison. After his arrest, he was examined, and his answers compared with the testimony of the witnesses. If the accused confessed himself guilty of one heresy, it was in vain for him to assert that he was innocent of the others ; he was not per- mitted to defend himself, because his crime was proved. He 26 HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. [Chap. IV. was asked if he would abjure the heresy of which he acknow- ledged himself guilty. If he consented, he was reconciled, and the canonical penance was imposed on him, with some Other punishment ; if he refused, he was declared an obsti- nate heretic, and was delivered up to secular justice, with a copy of his sentence. If the accused denied the charge, and undertook to de- fend himself, a copy of the process was given to him, but without the names of the accuser or the witnesses, and with every circumstance omitted which might lead to their dis- covery. The accused was asked if he had enemies, and if he knew their motives for hating him. He was also permitted to de- clare that he suspected any particular person of wishing to ruin him. In either case the proof was admitted, and the inquisitor considered it in passing judgment. The inquisitor sometimes asked the accused if he knew certain persons : these individuals were the a'ccusers and witnesses : if he re- plied in the negative, he could not afterwards challenge them as enemies : in the course of time, every one concluded that these persons were the accuser and the witnesses, and the custom was abandoned. The accused person was also per- mitted to appeal to the Pope, who rejected or admitted his appeal, according to the rales of justice. There was no regular proceeding before the Inquisition, and the judges did not fix a time to establish the proof of the facts. After the replies and defence of the accused, the inquisitor and the bishop of the diocese, or their delegates, proceeded to pass sentence without any other formalities. If the accused de- nied the charges, although he was convicted or strongly suspected, he was tortured, to force him to confess his crime ; or if it was thought that there was no necessity for it, the judges proceeded to pass the final sentence. If the crime imputed to the accused was not proved, he was acquitted, and a copy of the declaration given to him, A.D. 1479.]^' HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 27 but the name of his accuser M'as not communioated. If he had been calumniated, he was obliged to cleai- himself pub- licly by the canonical method, in the town where it had taken place; he afterwards abjured all heresy, and i*eceived the absolution ad cautelam * for all the censures which he had incurred. In order to proportion the punishment to the suspicion, it was divided into three degrees, named slight, seriotis, and violent. The person who was declared to be suspected, though in the least degree, was called upon to renounce all heresies, and particularly that of which he was suspected. If he con- sented, he was reconciled, and was subjected to punishments and penances ; if he refused, he was excommunicated ; and if he did not demand absolution, or promise to abjure after the space of one year, he was considered as an obstinate heretic, and proceeded against as such. If the accused was a formal heretic, willing to abjure, and not guilty of having relapsed, he was reconciled with penances. A person was considered as relapsed if he had already been condemned, or violently suspected of the same errors. The abjurations were made in the place where the inquisitor resided, sometimes in the episcopal palace, in the convent of Dominicans, or in the house of the inquisitor, but most ge- nerally in the churches. The Sunday before this ceremony, the day on which it was to take place was announced in all the churches of the town, and the inhabitants were requested to attend the sermon which would be preached by the in- quisitor against heresy. On the appointed day the clergy and the people assembled round a scaffold, where the person slightly suspected stood bare-headed, that he might be seen by every one. The mass was performed, and the. inquisitor preached against the particular heresy which was the cause of the ceremony ; he announced that the person on the scaf- * The absolution ad cautelam is that granted by inquisitors to persons who have been suspected of heresy. 28 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Ch«p. IV. fold was slightly suspected of having fallen into it, and read the process to the people : he concluded by saying, that the culprit was ready to abjure. A cross and the Bible was given to the offender, who read his abjuration, and signed it, if he could write ; the inquisitor then gave him absolution, and imposed upon him those penances which were thought most useful. When the suspicion of heresy was violent, the auto-da-fe took place on a Sunday, or festival-day, and all the other churches were closed, that the concourse of people might be greater in that where the ceremony was lo be performed. The offender was warned, not only to be a good Catholic for the future, but to conduct himself in such a manner as not to be accused a second time ; as, if he relapsed, he would suffer capital punishment, although he might abjure and be reconciled. If the offender was suspected in the highest degree, he was treated as an heretic, and wore the habit of a penitent during the ceremony ; it was composed of brown stuff, with a scapulary which had two yellow crosses fastened on it. If the suspected person was to clear himself from calumny by the canonical method, the ceremony was also announced before it took place, and he was obliged to take an oath that he was not an heretic, and to produce twelve witnesses who had known him for the last ten years, to swear that they believed his affirmation to be true. He then abjured all heresies. If the accused was repentant, and demanded to be recon- ciled after having relapsed, he was to be delivered over to secular justice, and was destined to suffer capital punishment. The inquisitors, after having passed judgment on him, en- gaged some priests, who were in their confidence, to inform him of his situation, and induce him to demand the sacra- ment of penance and the communion. When these ministers had passed two or three days with the prisoner, an auto- Ai D. 1479.] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITipN. 29 da-fe was announced ; the sentence was read which delivered the culprit over to secular justice, and recommended the judges to treat him with humanity. If the accused was an impenitent heretic, he was con- demned, but the auto-da-fe was never celebrated until every means had been tried to convert him ; if he was obstinate, he was delivered up to the justice of the king, and burnt. If the unfortunate heretic had relapsed, it was in vain for him to return to the true faith ; he could not avoid death, and the only favour shewn him was, that he was first strangled, and afterwards burnt. Those who escaped from the prisons, or fled to avoid being arrested, were burnt in effigy. The tribunal of the Inquisition being ecclesiastical, had originally only the power of inflicting spiritual punishments ; but the laws of the emperors during the fourth and follow- ing centuries, and other circumstances, caused the inquisitors of the thirteenth century to assume the right of imposing punishments entirely temporal, except that of death. The sentence of the Inquisition imposed a variety of fines and personal penalties ; such as entire or partial confiscation ; perpetual, or a limited period of imprisonment; exile, or transportation ; infamy, and the loss, of employments, ho- nours, and dignities. Those persons who abjured as seriously suspected of heresy, were condemned to be imprisoned for a certain time proportioned to the degree of suspicion. If the accused was violently suspected, he was condemned to per- petual imprisonment, but the inquisitor had the power of mitigating the sentence, if he judged that the prisoner repented sincerely. If the abjurer had been a formal he- retic,, he was imprisoned for life, and the inquisitor had not the power of shortening the duration of the punish- ment. Among the punishments to which heretics were condemned, must be enumerated; that of wearing. the habit of a penitent, known in Spain under the name of San Benito,' which is a 30 HISTORY OP THB XNadSlTION. [Cluip. V- corruption of saco bendito. Ita real name in Spanish was Zamarra. The first became the common name, because the penitential habit was called sac in the Jewish history. Before the thirteenth century it was the custom to bless the sac which was worn in public penance, and hence it derived the epithet of bendito (blessed). It was a close tunic, made like the cassock of a priest, with crosses of a dif- ferent colour affixed to the breast. St. Dominic and the other inquisitors caused the reconciled heretics to wear these crosses, as a protection against the Catholics who massacred all known heretics, although they might be unarmed. The reconciled heretics wore two crosses to distinguish them from pure Catholics, who only wore one as crusaders. CHAPTER V. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MODERN INaOISITION IN SPAIN. The state of the Inquisition in the kingdom of Aragon, at the accession of Ferdinand and Isabella, has been shown in a preceding chapter. This tribunal was then introduced into the kingdom of Castile, after having been reformed by statutes and regulations so severe, tliat the Aragonese vio- lently resisted the fresh burdens which were imposed on them. This is the Inquisition which has reigned in Spain since the year 1481, which was destroyed, to the satisfaction of all Europe, and which has since been re-established to the grief of all enlightened Spaniards. The war against the Albigenses was the first cause of the establishment of the Inquisition; and the pretended neces- sity of punishing the apostacy of the newly-converted Spa- A. D. 1481.] HISTORY OF THE iNdUISltlON. 31 nish Jews, was the reason for intro ducing it in a reformed i state. It is important to remark, that the immense trade carried on by the Spanish J,ews had thrown into their hands the greatest part of the wealth of the Peninsula ; and that they had acquired great power and influence in Castile under Alphonso IX., Peter I., and Henry II.; and in Ara- gon under Peter IV. and John I. The Christians, who could not rival them in industry, had almost all become their debtors, and envy soon made them the enemies of their creditors. This disposition was fostered by evil-minded men, and popular commotions were the consequence in almost all the towns of the two kingdoms. In 1391, five / thousand Jews were sacrificed to the fury of the people in different towns. Several were known to have escaped death by becoming Christians ; many others sought to save them- selves in following their example ; and in a short time more than a million persons renounced the law of Moses to em- brace the Christian faith. The number of conversions increased considerably during the ten first years of the fifteenth century, through the zeal of St. Vincent Ferrier and several other, missionaries ; they were seconded by the famous conferences which took place in 1413 between several Rabbis and the converted Jew, Jerome de Santaffe. The converted Jews were named New Christians ; they were also called Marranos, or the cursed race, from an oath which the Jews Were in the habit of using among themselves. As the fear of death was the ciuse of most of these conversions, many repented, and secretly returned to Judaism, though they outwardly conformed to Christianity. The constraint to which they were obliged to submit was sometimes too painful, and several were discovered. This was the osten- sible reason for the establishment of a tribunal which gave Ferdinand an opportunity of confiscating immense riches, and which Sextus IV. could not but approve, as it tended to augment the credit of the maxims of the court of Rome ; 32 HISTORY OP THE INaCISITION. tCbap. V. it is to these projects, concealed under the appearance of zeal for religion, that the Inquisition of Spain owes its origin. In 1477, Philip de Barbaris, inquisitor of the kingdom of Sicily, went to Seville, to obtain from Ferdinand and Isabella the confirmation of a privilege granted in 1233, by the Emperor Frederic, which gave to the Inquisition of Sicily the right of seizing a third part of the property of con- demned heretics. Barbaris, through zeal for the interests of the Pope, endeavoured to persuade the king that the Christian religion derived the greatest advantages from the fear which the judgments of the Inquisition inspired. He was eagerly seconded by Alphonso de Hojida, prior of the convent of Dominicans at Seville ; and Nicholas Franco, the nuncio of the Pope at the court of Spain. A report was then spread in diflferent parts of the kingdom that the New Chris- tians, with the unbaptized Jews, insulted the images of Jesus Christ, and had even crucified Christian children in mockery of his sufferings on the cross. Fei'dinand was willing to receive the Inquisition into his states : the only obstacle was the refusal of Isabella ; that excellent queen could not approve of measures so contrary to the gentleness of her character, but her consent was obtained by alarming her conscience : she was told that it became a religious duty to adopt them in the present circumstances. Isabella suifered herself to be led away by the represen- tations of her council, and commissioned her ambassador at Rome, Don Francis de Santillan, Bishop of Osma, to solicit in her name a bull for the establishment of the Inqui- sition in Castile, which was granted in 1478. It authorized Ferdinand and Isabella to name the priests who were to be commissioned to discover in their states all heretics, apo- states, and favourers of these crimes. As this measure was dis- pleasing to Isabella, her council, by her order, suspended the execution of the bull until less severe remedies had been tried. A.D. uao.] HisToav OP the inciwisition. 33 The queen commissioned D. Diego Alphonso de Solis, Bishop of Cadiz, Diego de Merlo, and Alphonso de Hojida, prior of the convent of Dominicans, to observe the effects pro- duced by gentle means, and give a faithful account of them. Their reports were such as might be expected from the situation of affairs ; and the Dominican fathers, "the nuncio, and even the king, desii-ed that the measures prefe^'i-ed by Isabella should be declared insufficient. The events of this year proved how displeasing the insti- tution was to the Castilians. In the beginning of the year 1480, the Cortes assembled at Toledo. It was occupied In providing means to prevent the , evil which the communi- cation of the Jews with Christians might produce : the an- cient regulations were renewed ; and among others, those which obliged unbaptized Jews to wear some distinguishing mark, and to Inhabit separate quarters, to which they were compelled to retire before night : they were also prohibited from exercising the professions of physicians, surgeons, mer- chants, barbers, and innkeepers ; yet the Cortes had no intention either of approving or demanding that the Inquisi- tion should be established In the kingdom. The consent of the queen was obtained ; and while the two sovereigns were at Medina del Campo, on the 17th of November, 1480, they named as the first Inquisitors Michael Morillo and John de San Martin, both Dominicans, as adviser and accessor of these two monks. Doctor John Ruiz de Me- dina, a counsellor of the queen's ; and as (procurator-fiscal) attorney, John Lopez del Barco, the queen's chaplain. On the 9th of October an order was sent by the king and queen to all the governors of provinces to furnish the Inquisitors and their suite with everything they might re- quire In their journey to Seville ; an extraordinary circum- stance In that time, and which proves the influence which the Dominicans had already acquired. Their privileges were the same as those granted in 1223 by the Emperor D 34 HISTORY OF THE INaOISITlON. [Chsp. V. Frederic. The Castilians were so far from being pleased at the introduction of the Inquisition, that the inquisitors, on their arrival at Seville, found it impossible to collect the small number of persons necessary to the performance of their functions, although they shewed their commission ; and the Council of Spain was obliged to issue another order, that the prefect and other authorities of Seville, and the diocese of Cadiz, should assist the inquisitors in their installation : this order was also interpreted in such a manner that it was only executed in those towns which belonged to the queen. The New Christians then immediately emigrated into ihe states of the Duke de Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Cadiz, the Count D'Arcos, and other nobles ; and the new tribunal declared that their heresy was proved by their emigration. The inquisitors established their tribunal in the Dominican convent of St. Paul, at Seville ; and on the 2rid of Janiiary, 1481, they issued their first edict, which commanded the Marquis of Cadiz, the Count D'Arcos, and all grandeesof Spain, to seize the persons of the emigrants within fifteen days ; and to send them under an escort to Seville, and se- questrate their property, on pain of excommunication, besides the other punishments to which they would be liable as favourers of heresy. The number of prisoners was soon so considerable, that the convent assigned to the inquisitors was not sufficiently large to contain them, and the tribu- nal was removed to the Castle de Triana, situated near Seville- The inquisitors soon published a second edict, named the Edict of Grace, to engage those who had apostatized to sur- render themselves voluntarily : it promised that if they came with true repentance, their property should not be confis- cated, and they should receive absolution ; but if, on the contrary, they suffered the time of grace to elapse, or were denounced by others, they would be prosecuted tvith all the A. I). U8I.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 85 severity of the tribunal. Several suffered themselves to be persuaded ; but the inquisitprs only granted them absolution Vifhen they had declared upon oath the names, condition, and place of dwelling, of all the apostates whom they knew or had beard spoken of. They were also obliged to keep these revelations secret ; and by these means a great number of New Christians fell into the hands of the inquisitors. When the period of grace was passed, a new edict was published, which commanded all persons to denounce those who had embraced the Judaic heresy, on pain of mortal sin and excommunica- tion. The consequence of this edict was, that an heretic was only informed that he was accused, at the Hioment when he was arrested and dragged to the dungeons of the Inquisition. The same fate awaited the converted Jew, who might have acquired certain habits in his infancy, which, though not con- trary to Christianity, might be represented as certain signs of apostacy. The inquisitors mentioned in their edict several cases where accusation was commanded. The following cases are so equivocal, that altogether they would scarcely form a simple presumption in the present, time. A convert was con- sidered as relapsed into heresy, if he kept the sabbath out of respect to the law which he had abandoned ; this was suffi- ciently proved if he wore better linen and garments on that day than those which he commonly used, or had not a fire in his house from the preceding evening ; if he took the suet and fat from the animals which were intended for his food, and washed the blood from it ; if he examined the blade of the knife before he killed the animals, and covered the blood with earth ; if he blessed the table after the manner of the Jews ; if he has drunk of the wine named caser, (a. word de- rived fi-om caxer, which means Icnoful,) and which is pre- pared by Jews ; if he pronounces the bahara, or benediction, when he takes the vessel of wine into his hands, and proi- nounces certain words before he gives it to another person ; if he eats of an animal killed by Jews ; if he has recited the D2 36 HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. [Cksp. V. Psalms of David without repeating the Gloria Patri at the end ; if he gives his son a Hebrew name chosen among those used by the Jews ; if he plunges him seven days after his birth into a basin containing water, gold, silver, seed-pearl, wheat, barley, and other substances, pronouncing at the same time certain words, according to the custom of the Jews; if he draws the horoscope of his children at their birth ; if he performs the ruaya, a ceremony which consists in inviting his relations and friends to a repast the day before he undertakes a journey ; if he turned his face to the wall at the time of his death, or has been placed in that posture before he expired ; if he has washed, or caused to be washed, in hot water the body of a dead person, and interred him in a new shroud, with hose, shirt; and a mantle, and placed a piece of money in his mouth ; if he has uttered a discourse in praise of the dead, or recited melancholy verses ; if he has emptied the pitchers and other vessels of water in the house of the dead person, or in those of his neighbours, according to the custom of the Jews ; if he sits behind the door of the de- ceased as a sign of grief, or eats fish and olives instead of meat, to honour his memory ; if he remains in his house one year after the death of any one, to prove his grief. All these articles show the artifice used by the inquisitors in order to prove to Isabella that a great number of Judaic heretics existed in the dioceses of Cadiz and Seville. These measures, BO well adapted to multiply victims, could not fail in their effect, and the tribunal soon began its cruel executions. On the 6th of January, 1481, six persons were burnt, seventeen on the 26th of March following, and a still greater number a month after ; on the 4th of November, the same year, two hundred and ninety-eight 'New Christians had suffered the punishment of burning, and seventy-nine were con- demned to the horrors of perpetual imprisonment in the town of Seville alone. In other parts of the province and in the diocese of Cadiz, two thousand of these unfortunate A. D. 1481] HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 37 creatures were burnt ; according to Mariana, a still greater number were burnt in effigy, and one thousand seven hun- dred suffered different canonical punishments. The great number of persons condemned to be burnt, obliged the prefect of Seville to construct a scaffold of stone in a field near the town, name Tablada; it was, called Que- madero, and still exists. Four statues, of plaster, were erected on it, and bore the name- of the Four Prophets ; the condemned persons were enclosed alive in these figures, and perished by a slow and horrible death*. The dread which these executions inspired in the New Christians caused a great number to emigrate to France, Portugal, and even to Africa. Many of those who had been condemned for contumacy had fled to Rome, and demanded justice of the Pope against their judges. The sovereign pontiff wrote on the 29th of January to Ferdinand and Isa- bella, and complained that the inquisitors did not follow the rule of right in declaring those to be heretics who were not guilty. His Holiness added that he would- have pronounced their deprivation but from respect to the royal decree which had instituted them in their oflBce, but he revoked the autho- rization which he had given. On the 11th of the following month the Pope despatched a new brief, in which, without mentioning the first, he says, the general of the Dominicans, Alphonso de St. Cebriant, having proved to him the neces- sity of increasing the number of inquisitors, he had appointed to that office Alphonso de St. Cebriant, and seven monks of his order. It was at this time that Queen Isabella requested the Pope to give the Inquisition a permanent form which should be satisfactory to all parties ; she required that the * Since the publication of this work, the Author has been informed that the convicts were only fastened to the statues of the Four Prophets, and not enclosed in them. Andrew Bernaldez, a contemporary writer, and eye-witness of the executions, from whom this fact was taken, is not sufficiently explicit to remove all doubtt 3S HtSTORy OF THK TNaHISITION. [Chap. V. jndgraents passed in Spain should be definitive and without appeal to Rome, and complained at the same time that many persons accused her of being influenced in all that she did for the tribunal by a desire to seize the wealth of the con- demned. When Sixtus IV. received this letter he had just learnt that his bulls had met with some resistance in Sicily from the viceroy and other magistrates, and artfully took advantage of Isabella's request to confirm his authority in that king' dom. He replied to the queen, and praised her zeal for the Inquisition ; appeased her scruples of conscience in regard to the confiscations ; and assured her that he would have com- plied with all her demands, if the cardinals, and those charged with the administration of affairs, had not found insurmount- able difficulties in so doing. He exhorted her to maintain the Inquisition in her states, and above all to take proper measures that the apostolical bulls should be received and executed in Sicily. The councillors to whom the Pope had submitted the demands of Isabella, approved of the creation of an apos- tolical judge of appeal in Spain ; and proposed at the same time that no person descended from the Jews, either by the male or female side, should be admitted among the inquisi- torial judges. Don Inigo Manrique was named sole judge of appeals in all matters of faith. A.D. 1434.] l^ISTpRy OF THE INftUISITIO??, 39 CHAPTER VI. CREATION OF 4. GHANp It^ClU^SITOR-GENERAL ; OF A ROYAL COUI^qi^ OF THE INQHISITION ; OP SUBALTERN TRIBU- NALS AND ORGANIC LAWS : ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HOLY OFFICE IN ARAGON. In 1483, Father. Thomas d? Tprquemada was appointed inquisitor-general of Aragon, and the immense powers of his office were confirmed in 1486, by Innocent VIII. and by the two successors of that pontiff. It would have been im- possible to find a man more proper to fulfil the intentions of Ferdinand in multiplyiiig the number of confiscations than Tprquemad9.. He first created fqvir iqferiq:;- tribunals at Seville, Cordova, JTaen, and Villa- Real (now Ciud3,4-Real) ; the latter was soon after transferred to Toledo. He then permitted the Dominican fathers to exercise their functions in the kingdom of Castile : these monks, whq held their com- mission from the holy see, did not submit to the authority of Tojquemada without some resistance ; they declared that they were not his delegates. Torquemada did not pronounce their deposition, as he feared it would injiire the execution of the enterprise which he was comnienc^ng, bv^t prepared to fqrm laws which hp, fqund very necessary. He phose as assistants and councillors, two Civilians) named John Cruiter- rez de Chabes, and Tristan de Medina. At this time Fer- dinapdj perceiyipg hqw important it was to the interest of the revenue tq organize the tribunal, created a royal council pf the Inquisition, and appointed Torquemada president, and as councillors, Don Alphonso Carillq, Bishop of Mazara in Sipily, Sancho Velasquez de Cuellar and Popce de Valencia, both doptqrs of ]a,v(. Tprquemada commissioned his two assistants tp arrange tjie laws for tjie new council, and con- voked a junta, which was composed of the inquisitors pf the four tviburjals which he had e5tal;jli§hed, tl]e twp assistants, 40 HISTORY OF THE INaCISITION. [Ch»p. VI. and the members of the royal council. This assembly was held at Seville, and published the first laws of the Spanish tribunal under the name of instructions in 1484. These in- structions were divided into twenty-eight articles. ^ The 1st article regulated the manner in which the esta- blishment of the Inquisition should be announced in the country where it was to be introduced. The 2nd article commanded that an edict should be pub- lished, accompanied with censures against those who did not accuse themselves voluntarilj' during the term of grace. By the 3rd, a delay of thirty days was appointed for here- tics to declare themselves. The 4th regulated that all voluntary confessions should be written in the presence of the inquisitors and a recorder. The 5th, that absolution should not be given secretly to any individual voluntarily confessing, unless no person was acquainted with his crime. , The 6th ordained, that part of the penance of a reconciled heretic should consist in being deprived of all honourable employments, and of the use of gold, silver, pearls, silk, and fine wool. By the 7th article, pecuniary penalties w«re imposed on all who made a voluntary confession. By the 8th, the person who accused himself after the term of grace could not be exempted from the punishment of confiscation. The 9th article decreed, that if persons under twenty years of age accuse themselves after the term of grace, and it is proved that they were drawn into error by their parents, a slight punishment shall be inflicted. The 10th obliged the inquisitors to declare, in their act of reconciliation, the exact time when the offender fell into heresy, that the portion of property to be confiscated might be ascertained. J The 1 1th article decreed, that if a heretic, detained in A. D. 1484.1 HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 41 the prisons of the holy office, demanded absolution, and appeared to feel true repentance, that it might be granted to him, imposing, at the same time, perpetual imprisonment. ^ By the 12th, if the inquisitors thought the repentance of the prisoner was pretended, in the case indicated by the former article, they were permitted to refuse the absolution, to declare him a false penitent, and as such condemn him to be burnt. By the 13th, if a man, absolved after his confession, should boast of having concealed several crimes, or if information should be obtained that he had committed more than he had confessed, he was to be arrested and judged as a false penitent. By the 14th article, the accused was to be condemned as impenitent, if he persisted in his denials even after the publi- cation of the testimony. By the 15th, if a semi-proof existed against a person who denied his crime, he was to be put to the torture ; if he con- fessed his crime during the torture, and afterwards confirmed his confession, he was punished as convicted ; if he retracted, he was tortured again, or condemned- to an extraordinary punishment. The 16th article prohibited the communication of the entire deposition of the witnesses to the accused. The 17th article obliged the inquisitors to interrogate the witnesses themselves, if it was not impossible. The 18th article decrees, that one or two inquisitors should be present when the prisoner was tortured, or ap- point a commissioner if they were occupied elsewhere, to receive his declarations. / By the 19th article, if the accused did not appear when summoned, according to the prescribed form, he was con- demned as a heretic. " The 20th article decrees, that if it is proved that any per- son died a heretic, by his writings or conduct, that he shall 42 mSTORlf OF THi; INQUISITION. [Chap. VI. be ju4g«cl apd condemned as such, his body disinterred a^d burnt, and his property confiscated. By the 2Ist, the inquisitors were commanded to extend their jurisdiction over the vassals of nobles ; if they refused to permit it, they were to be censured. The 22nd decreed, th^t if a man, burnt as a heretic, left children under age, a, portion of their father's property should be granted to them under the title of alms, and the inquisitors sliall be obliged to confide their educsition to proper persons. By the ?3rd, if a heretic, reconciled during th? term of grace, without having incurred the punishment of confiscation, possessed property belonging to a condemned person, thi^ property was not to be included in the pardon. The 24th obliged the reconciled to give his CJiristj^n slaves thejr liberty, when his property was not confiscated, if the king granted the pardon on that condition. The 2.5th prohibited the inquisitors, aiid ot\\er persons at- tached to the tribunal, froiq receiving presents, on pain of excommunication, deprivation of their e^Bployments, restitu- tion, and a penalty of twice the value of the gifts received. The 26th recommends to the officers of the Inqiiisition to live in peace together. The 27th commands that they shall caref^iily watch the conduct of their inferior officers. The 28th and last, commits to the prudencp of the inqui- sitors the discussion of all points not mentioijed in the fore* going articlesi. Ferdinand having convoked at Taraizjona the Cortes of his kingdom of Aragon, decreed that the Inquisition should be reformed in a privy-council. After this resolution, Torque- mada named Gaspard Juglar, a dominican, and Peter Ar- biies d'Epila, as inquisitors for the archbishopric of Sara- gossa. A royal ordinance commanded ail the authorities to aid and assist them in their office, and the magistrate known by the name of Chief Justice of Aragon, took the oath with A. D, 1484.] HISTORY OE THE INftUISlTION. 43 several others. This circumstance did not prevent the resistance which the Aragonese opposed to the tribunal ; on the contrary it augmented, and rose to such a height, that it might have been termed national. The principal persons employed in the Court of Aragon were descended from New Christians : among tl\es«> were Louis Gonzalez, the royal secretary for the affairs of the kingdom ; Philip de Clemente, prothonotary ; Alphonso de la Caballeria, vice-chancellor ; and Gabriel Sanchez, grand treasurer ; who were all descended from Jews eondemned, in their time, by the Inquisition. These men, and many others employed in the court, had allied themselves to the principal grandees in the kingdom, and used the influence which they derived from this circumstance, to engage the representatives of the nation to appeal to the. Pope and the king, against the inquisitorial code. Commissioners were sent to Rome and the Court of Spain, to demand the suspension of the ar- ticles relating to confiscation, as contrary to the laws of the kingdom of Aragon. They were persuaded that, the Inquisi- tion would not maintain itself if this measure was abandoned. While the deputies of the Cortes of Aragon were at Rome, and with the king, the inquisitors condemned several New Christians as Judaic heretics. These executions increased the irritation of the Aragonese ; and when the deputies wrote from the Court of Spain, that they were not satisfied with the state of affairs, they resolved to sacrifice one or two of the inquisitors, with the hope that no one would dare to take the office, and that the king would re- nounce his design. The project of assassination having been approved by the conspirators, a voluntary contribution was raised among all the Aragonese of the Jewish race ; and it was proved by the trials of Sancho de Paternoy and others, that Don Blasco d'Alagon received ten thousand reals, which were destined to reward the assassins of the Inquisitor Arbues. Johade la Abadia, a noble of Aragon, but de- 44 HI«TOET OF THE INttDISlTION. [Clmp. VI. scended from Jewish ancestors on the female side, took upon himself the direction of the enterprise. The assassination was confided to John d'Esperaindeo, to Vidal d' Uranso, his ser- vant, to Matthew Ram, Tristan de Leonis, Anthony Gran, and Bernard Leofante. They failed several times in their attempts, as Peter Arbues, being informed of their design, took the necessary precautions to secure his life. It appears, from the examination of some of the mui'derers, that the inquisitor wore a coat of mail under his vest, and a kind of helmet covered with a cap. He was at last assas- sinated in the metropolitan church, during the performance of the matins, on the 15th of November, 1485. Vidal d'Uranso wounded him so severely in the back of the neck, that he died two days after. The next day the murder was known in the town, but its effects were different from what had been ex- pected, for all the Old Christians, or those who were not of Jewish origin, pei-suaded that the New Christians had com- mitted the crime, assembled to pursue them and revenge the death of the inquisitor. The disturbance was violent, and its consequences would have been terrible, if the young archbishop, Don Alphonso of Aragon, had not shewn him- self, and assured the multitude that the criminal should be punished. Policy inspired Ferdinand and Isabella with the idea of honouring the memory of Arbues with a solemnity which contributed to make him pass for a saint, and caused a particular worship to be addressed to him. This took place long after, when Pope Alexander VII. had beatified him as a martyr, in 1664. A magnificent monument was erected to his memory, by Ferdinand and Isabella. While the sovereigns were occupied in honouring the remains of Peter Arbues, the inquisitors of Saragossa were labouring without ceasing to discover the authors and accomplices of his murder, and to punish them as Judaic heretics and ene- mies to the holy office. It would be difficult to enumerate the number of families plunged into misery through their A.D. US?.] HISTORY OP THT! INQ,UISITION. 45 vengeance; two hundred victims were soon sacrificed. Vidal d'Uranso, one of the assassins, revealed all he knew of the conspiracy, which was the cause of the discovery of its authors. There was scarcely a single family in the three first orders of nobility, which was not disgraced by having at least one of its members in the auto-da-f4, wearing the habit of a penitent. Don James Diaz d'Aux Armendarix, lord of the town of Cadreita, a knight of Navarre, and ancestor of the Dukes of Albuquerque, was condemned to a public penance, for having concealed in his house, for one night, several persons who fled from Saragossa. The same punishment was inflicted on several other illustrious knights of the town of Tudela in Navarre, for having received and concealed other fugitives. Don James de Navarre (the son of Eleanor, Queen of Navarre, and Gaston de Foix) was imprisoned in the dun- geons of the Inquisition, and was subjected to a public penance for having assisted several of the conspirators in their flight. The inquisitors knew, when they had the audacity to im- prison him, that he was not- beloved by Ferdinand, who always feared him, although he was not legitimate. Don Lope Ximenez de Urrea, first count of Aranda,; Don Louis Gonzalez, secretary to the king ; Don Alphonso de la Caballeria, vice-chancellor of the kingdom ; and many other persons of equal rank, were condemned to the same punish- ment. John de Esperaindeo and the other assassins of Arbufes were hung, after having their hands cut ofl". Their bodies were quartered, and their limbs exposed in the high- ways. John de I'Abadia killed himself in prison the day before the execution, but his corpse was treated in the same manner as the others. The hands of Vidal d'Uranso were not cut o£F until he had expired, because he had been pro- mised his pardon if he discovered the conspii'ators. All the other provinces of Aragon made an equal resist- ance to the introduction of the new Inquisition. The sedi- 46 HISTORY OF THE INttDISITION. [cai»p. VII. tions at Teruel were only quelled in 1485, by extreme severity. The town and bishopric of Lerida, and other towns in Catalonkj obstinately resisted the establishment of the reform, and were not reduced to obedience until 1487. Bar- celona refused to acknowledge Torquemada or any of his delegates, on account of a privilege which it possessed of having an inquisitor with a special title. The king applied to the Pope, who instituted Torquemada special inquisitor of the town and bishopric of Barcelona, with the power of appointing others to the office. The king was obliged to employ the same method with the inhabitants of Majoi-ca and those of Sardinia, who did not receive the Inquisition until 1490 and 1492. It is an incontestable fact in the history of the Spanish Inquisition, that it was introduced entirely against the consent of the provinces, and only by the influence of the Dominican monks. CHAPTER VII. ADDIT^IONAL ACTS TO THE FIRST CONSTITOTION OF THE HOLY Office; coNSEauENCEs of them, and appeals TO ROME AGAINST THEM. The inquisitor-general judged it necessary to augment the laws of the holy office ; and added eleven new articles to them ; the substance of them is as follows : — 1st. That each inferior tribunal should consist of two inquisitors as civilians, an attorney, an alguazil, a recorder and other persons, if necessary, who were to receive a fixed salary. The same article prohibits the admission of the ser- vants or creatures of the inquisitors into the tribunal. 2nd. That if any of the persons employed should receive presents from the accused or his family, he should be imme- diately deprived of his office. A. b. 1493.] inSfORY OP THE lN««* A. D.uas.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 51 prohibited from inflicting imprisonment or torture, ov com- municating the charges made by the witnesses, without the consent of both. Secondly, that the inquisitors should not allpw their de- pendents to cany any defensive arms, except wher.e their office obliges them to do so. Thirdly, that no person should be imprisoned if his crime had not been sufficiently proved ; and that when the arrest had taken place, his judgment should be iipmediately pro- nounced, without waiting for fresh proofs. Fourthly, that the Inquisition should acquit deceased per- sons, if sufficient proof was not produced, and not delay the trial to wait for fresh accusations, as it was injurious to the children, whose establishment was prevented, from the un- certainty of the i-esult of the trial. Fifthly, that the entire failure of the funds of the holy office should not occasion the imposition of a greater num- ber of pecuniary penalties. Sixthly, that the inquisitors should not change imprison- ment, or any other corporeal punishment, to a pecuniary penalty, but for the punishment of fasting, alms, pilgrimages, or other similar penances. Seventhly, that the inquisitors should carefully examine into the expediency of admitting to reconciliation those who confessed their crimes after their arrest, since they might be considered as contumacious, as the Inquisition had been estar blished many years. Eighthly, that the inquisitors should punish false witnesses publicly. Ninthly, that two men related in any degree should not be employed in the holy office, nor a master and his servant, even in case their functions should be entirely distinct. T,enthly, that each tribunal should have archives secured by three locks, the keys of which should be placed in the hands of the two notaries and the fiscal. £ 2 52 HISTORY OF THE INftUtSITION. [Ciap. VII. Eleventhly, that the notary should receive the testimony of witnesses only in the presence of an inquisitor, and that the two priests commissioned to prove the truth of the depo- sition should not belong to the tribunal. Twelfthly, that the inquisitor should establish the Inqui- sition in all towns where it did not already exist. Thirteenthly, that in all difficult cases the inquisitors should consult the council. Fourteenthly, that the women should have a prison sepa- rated from that of the men. Fifteenthly, that the officers of the tribunal should perform their functions six hours in a day, and that they should attend the inquisitors whenever they were required, Sixteenthly, that after the inquisitors had received the oath of the witnesses in presence of the fiscal, he should be obliged to retire. Besides these ordinances, Torquemada established several particular regulations for each individual belonging to the tribunal: all the persons employed were- obliged to take an oath that they would not reveal anything they might see or hear: the inquisitor was not allowed to remain alone with the prisoner ; the gaoler could not allow any person to speak with him, and was obliged to examine if any writings were concealed in the food which was given him. These were the last regulations framed by Torquemada, but Diego Deza, his successor, published a fifth inslruclion at Seville, in 1500. Such were the laws of the holy office in Spain. This code caused the emigration of more than a hundred thousand families useful to the state, and the loss of many millions of francs which were spent at the court of Rome, either for the bulls which it expedited, or by those who repaired thither to solicit their absolution from the Popes. The holy see was far from complaining of this practice, as it brought im- mense sums to tlie treasury, and no person who presented A. D. U92.] HISTORY OP THE TNftUISlTION. 53 himself with his money before the. apostolical penitentiary, failed of obtaining the absolution he solicited, oi- an order for absolution elsewhere. This conduct displeased the inquisitors : depending on the protection of Ferdinand and Isabella, they expostulated with the Pope, who annulled the absolutions already granted, thus deceiving those who had spent the greatest part of their fortunes in endeavouring to obtain them. He then promised new pardons on new conditions, contrary to the engagement he had entered into with Ferdinand, to abolish every means of appeal to the Court of Rome. Such was the constant prac- tice of the holy see during thirty years after the establishr ment of the Inquisition in Spain. CHAPTER VHI. EXPULSION OF THE JEWS. PROCEEDINGS AGMNST BISHOPS. DEATH OF TORQUEMADA. In 1492 Ferdinand and Isabella conquered the kingdom of Grenada. This event offered a multitude of victims to the holy-oiBce in the persons of the Moors, who were converted merely in the hope of obtaining consideration, and after their baptism returned to Mahometanism. John de Navagiero, in his travels in Spain, states, that Ferdinand had promised the Morescoes, (as those Moors were called who became Chris- tians,) that the Inquisition should not interfere with them for the space of forty years, but that the Inquisition was established in the kingdom of Grenada, on the pretence that many Jews had taken refuge there. This statement is not exact ; the sovereigns only promised that the Moorish Chris- tians should not be prosecuted except for serious crimes, and the Inquisition was not introduced among them before lO^d. 54 HIStbRY OF TBE lUaUISITION. [Cl«p. viir It was in the year 1492 that the unbaptized Jews were expelled from Spain. They were accused of persuading those of their nation who had become Christians to aposta- tize, and of crucifying children on Good-Friday, in mockery of the Saviour of the world, and of many other offences of the same nature. The Jewish phpicians, surgeons, and apothecaries, were also accused of having taken advantage of their professions, to cause the death of a great number of Christians, and among others, that of Henry III., which was attributed to his physician, Don Ma'ir. The Jews, in order to avert the danger which threatened them, offered to supply Ferdinand with thirty thousand pieces of silver to carry on the war against Grenada ; they pi-omised to live peaceably, to comply with the regulations formed for them, in retiring to their houses in the quarters assigned to them before night, and in renouncing all profes- sions which were reserved for the Christians. Ferdinand and Isabella were willing to listen to these propositions ; but Torquemada, being informed of their inclinations, had the boldness to appear before them with a crucifix in his hand, and to address them in these words : — "Judas sold his master for thirty pieces of silver, your highnesses are about to do the same for thirty thousand ; behold him, take him, and hasten to sell him." The fanaticism of the Dominican wrought a sudden change in the minds of the sovereigns, and they issued a decree on the 31st of March 1492, by which all the Jews were compelled to quit Spain before the 31st of July ensuing, on pain of death, and the confiscation of their property; the decree also prohibited Christians from receiving them into their houses after that period. They were permitted to sell their stock, to carry away their furniture and otlier effects, except gold and silver, for which they were to accept letters of change, or any merchandise not prohibited. Torquemada commissioned all preachers to exhort them A. D. 1493.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 65 to receive baptism, and remain in the kingdom. A small number suffered themselves to be persuaded ; the rest sold their goods at so low a price, that Andrew Bernaldez (a con- temporary historian) declares, in his history of the Catholic Kings, that he saw the Jews give a house for an ass, and a vineyard for a small quantity of cloth or linen. According to Mai-iana, eight hundred thousand Jews quitted Spain, and if the Moors, who emigrated to Africa, and the Christians who settled in the New World, are added to the number, We shall find that Ferdinand and Isabella lost, through these cruel measures, two millions of subjects. Bernaldez affirms, that the Jews carried a quantity of gold with them, concealed in their garments and saddles, and even in their intestines, for they reduced the ducats into small pieces, and swallowed them. A great number afterwards returned to Spain, and received baptism. Some returned from the kingdom of Fez, where the Moors had seized their money'and effects, and even killed the women, to take the gold which they expected to find within them. These cruel- ties can only be attributed to the fanaticism of Torquemada, to the avarice and superstition of Ferdinand, and to the inconsiderate zeal of Isabella, who, nevertheless, possessed great gentleness of character, and an enlightened mind. The other European courts were not thus influenced by fanaticism, and paid no attention to a bull of Innocent VIII., which commanded all governments to arrest, at the desire of Torquemada, the fugitives- whom he should designate, on pain of excommunication ; the monarch was the only person exempted from the penalty. The insolent fanatic, Torquemada, while he affected to refuse the honour of episcopacy through modesty, was the first who gave- the fatal example of subjecting bishops to trial. Not satisfied with having obtained from Sixtus IV. the briefs which prohibited bishops of Jewish origin from in- terfering in the affairs of the Inquisition, he even wished to 56 HISTORY OF THE 1-NQUISITION. [Ch»p. Vlll. put two on their trial, namely, Don Juan Arias Davila, Bishop of Segovia ; and Don Pedro de Aranda, Bishop of Calahorra. He made his resolution known to the Pope, who informed him that his predecessor, Boniface VIII., had pro- hibited the Inquisition from proceeding against bishops, archbishops, or cardinals, without an apostolical commission ; but if any prelate was accused of heresy, he charged Torque- mada to send him a copy of the informations, that he might decide on the method to be pursued. Torquemada immediately began to take secret informa- tions of the conduct of the bishops, and the Pope sent An- tonio Palavicini, Bisliop of Tournai, to Spain, with the title of apostolical nuncio, when he received the informations of Torquemada, and returned to Rome, where the two bishops were cited to appear and defend themselves. Don Juan Arias Davila was the son of Diego Arias Davila, who was of Jewish origin, and was baptized after the preaching of St. Vincent Ferrier ; he afterwards became chief financier to the kings John II. and Henry IV. Henry IV. ennobled him, and gave him the lordship of the Castle of Pufionrostro, and several other places which form the countshin of Pufionrostro, and the title of Grandee of Spain, which has been possessed by his descendants from the time of Pedro Ai-ias Davila, the first count, and brother to the bishop, and who was also chief financier to Henry IV. and Ferdinand V. The rank of the bishop did not intimidate Torquemada ; informations were taken by his order, and the result was, that Diego Arias Davila died a Judaic heretic: the object which the inquisitor-general had in view, was to condemn his memory, confiscate his property, and to disinter his body, in order to burn it with his effigy. As, in all affairs of this nature, the children are cited to appear, Don Juan Arias Da- vila was obliged to repair to Rome in 1490, to defend his father and himself, although he had arrived at a great age, and had been Bishop of Segovia thirty years. He was well A. D, 1490.] HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 57 received by Alexander VI., M'ho appointed him to accompany his nephew, the Cardinal Montreal, to Naples, when he went to crown Ferdinand II. Davila returned to Rome, and died there in 1497, after having cleared the memory of his father. Don Pedro Aranda, Bishop of Calahorra, was not so for- tunate. He was the son of Gonzales Alonzo, a Jew, who was also baptized in the time of St. Vincent Ferrier, and who was afterwards master of a chapel. Gonzales had the plea- sure of seeing both his sons attain the dignity of bishops : the eldest was ArchbishoiD of Montreal in Sicily, the second was made Bishop of Calahorra, in 1478, and president of the Council of Castile in 148:2 ; yet in 1488 he was the object of a secret instruction, directed by Torquemada, which how- ever did not prevent him from convoking a synod in the town of Logrogna, in 1492. At that period Torquemada, and the other inquisitors of Valladolid, undertook the trial of Gonzales Alonzo, to prove that he had died a Judaic heretic. The inquisitors of Valladolid and the bishop of the diocese could pot agree on the sentence to be pronounced on the accused ; and his son, Don Pedro Aranda, obtained a brief from Alexander VI., by which this affair was referred to Don Inigo Manrique, Bishop of Cordova, and John de St. John, prior of the Benedictines at Valladolid. They were commissioned to pronounce judgment and execute the sen- tence, without any interference on the part of the Inquisition. Their decision was favourable to Gonzales. The bishop, his son, gained the esteem of the Pope, who made him chief major-domo of the pontifical palace, and sent him as ambassador to Venice, in 1494. These marks of favour did not cause the inquisitors to relax in their zeal : they proceeded in their trial against Don Pedro, for heresy : his judges were the archbishop, the Governor of Rome, and two bishops, auditors of the apostolical palace. Don Pedro called one hundred and one witnesses for his defence ; but imfortunately every one qf them had something to advance 58 HISTORY OF THE INftUISlTION. [Chap. VIII. against himi on different points. The judges made their report to the Pope, in a secret consistory, in 1498, who, with the cardinals, condemned the bishop to be deprived of his offices and benefices, to be degraded from his episcopal dig- nity, and reduced to the rank of a simple layman. He was confined in the Castle of Santangelo, where he died some time after. Thomas de Torquemada, first inquisitor-general of Spain, died tlie 16th of November, 1498. The miseries which were the consequences of the system which he adopted, and recom- mended to his successors, justify the general hatred which followed him to the tomb, and compelled him to take precau- tions for his personal safety. Ferdinand and Isabella permitted him to use an escort of fifty familiars of the Inquisition on horseback, and two hundred others on foot, whenever he travelled. He also kept the horn of a unicorn on his table, which was supposed to discover and neutralize poisons. It is not surprising that many should have conspired against his life, when his cruel administration is considered : the Pope himself was alarmed at his barbarity, and the complaints which were made against him ; and Torquemada was obliged to send his colleague, Antonio Badoja, three times to Rome, to defend him against the accusations of his enemies. At last Alexander VI., weary of the continual clamours of which he was the object, resolved to deprive him of his dignity, but was deterred from so doing through considera- tion for the Court of Spain. He therefore expedited a brief in 1404, saying, that as Torquemada had arrived at a great age, and suffered from many infirmities, he had named four inquisitors-general, invested with the same powers which he The femiliars of the holy office, who were employed as the body-guard of the inquisitor-general, were the successors of the familiars of the Old Inquisition. They were commii--- aoned to pursue the heretics, and persons suspected of A. D. 1499.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 59 heresy, to assist the officers of the tribunal in talking them to prison, and to do all that the inquisitors might require. It has been shown that the Spaniards received the Inquisition with reluctance ; but as they were obliged to endure it when once established, some prudent persons thought they should be more secure from the danger of incurring suspicion, if they appeared devoted to the cause, which was the reason why several illustrious gentlemen offered to become familiars of the holy office, and were admitted into the congregation of St. Peter. Their example was followed by the inferior classes, and encouraged by Ferdinand and Isabella, who bestowed several immunities and privileges on them. CHAPTER IX. OF THE PROCEDURE OP THE MODERN INftUISITION. After the death of the inquisitor-general, Torquemada, Ferdinand and Isabella proposed Don Diego Deza, a Domi- nician, to the Pope, as his successor. Deza was Bishop of Jaen, and afterwards became Archbishop of Seville. The Pope signed his bulls of confirmation on the 1st of December, 1498, but limited his authority to the affairs of the kingdom of Castile. Deza was displeased at a restriction which did not exist in the bulls of his two colleagues, and refused to accept the nomination, until the Pope invested him with the same power over Aragon, in a bull, in 1499. The new inquisitor-general did not show less severity in the exercise of his office than his predecessor ; but, before I enter oil this part of the history, it is necessary to giv6 some account of the mode of proceeding of the holy office, as it was the work of Torquemada, the effect of the laws which he formed, and properly belongs to his history. 60 HISTORY OF THE INaOISlTION. [CUp. IX. The processes in the Inquisition began by a denunciation, or some other information, such as a discovery accidentally made before the tribunal in another trial. When the denun- ciation is signed, it takes the form of a declaration, in which the informer, after having sworn to the truth of his deposition, designates those persons whom he presumes, or believes, to have anything to depose against the accused person. These persons are then heard, and their depositions, with that of the first witness, form the summary of the information, or the preparatory instruction. Ingritest. When the tribunal judged that the actions or words which were denounced were sufficient to warrant an inquiry to establish the proofs, the persons who had been cited as knowing the object of the declaration were examined, and were obliged to take an oath not to reveal the questions which were put to them. None of the witnesses were informed of the subject on which they were to make their depositions; they were only asked in general terms, if they had ever seen or heard anything which was, or appeared, contrary to the Catholic faith, or the rights of the Inqui- sition. Personal experience has shown me that the witnesses who were ignorant of the cause of their citation often recol- lected circumstances entirely foreign to the subject, M'liich they made known, and were then interrogated as if their examination had no other object ; this accidental deposition served instead of a denunciation, and a new process was commenced. The declarations were written down by the commissary or notary, who usually aggravated the denunciation, as much as the arbitrary interpretation of the improper or equivocal expressions used by ignorant persons would permit. The A.D.U90.] HtSTORY OF THE INftUISITION. 61 declai'ation was twice read to the witnesses, mho did not fail to afpraoe all that had been written. Censure of the Qualifiers. When the inquisitors examine the preliminary instruction, if they find sufficient cause to proceed, they send a circular to all the tribunals in the province to inquire if any charges against the accused exist in their registers. This proceeding is called the review of tlie registers. Extracts are made of the propositions against the accused, and if eagh is expressed in different terms, which is almost always the case, they are sent as accusations advanced on different occasions. This writing was then remitted to the theologians, qualifiers of the holy office, who write at the bottom of the page if the pro- positions merit the theological censure, as heretical, if they give occasion to suppose that the person who pronounced them approved of any heresy, or if he is only suspected of that crime. The declaration of the qualifiers determines the pro- ceedings against the ' accused, until the trial is prepai-ed for the definite sentence. The^qualifiers were generally scholastic monks, almost entirely unacquainted v/ith true dogmatic theology, and who carried fanaticism and superstition to such a height as to find heresy in everything which they had not studied : this disposition has often caused them to censure some of the doctrines of the fathers of the church. Prisons. When the qualification has been made, the procurator-fiscal demands that the denounced person shall be removed to the secret prisons of the holy office. The tribunal has three sorts of prisons, public, intermediate, and secret. The first are those where persons are imprisoned, who are not gtiilty 62 HISTORT OF THE INQUISITION. CChap. IX. of heresy, but of some crime which the Inquisition has the privilege of punishing : the second are destined for those servants of the holy office who have committed some crime in the exercise of their functions, without incurring suspicion of heresy. Those who are detained in these prisons are permitted to communicate with others, unless they are con- demned to solitary confinement. The secret prisons are those where all heretics, or persons suspected of heresy, are confined ; they can only communicate with the judges of the tribunal. These priarfns are not, as they have been represented, damp, dirty, and unhealthy ; they are vaulted chambers, well lighted, not damp, and large enough for a person to take some exercise in. The real horrors of the prisons are, that no one can enter them without becoming infamous in public opinion ; and the solitude and the darkness to which the prisoner is condemned for fifteen hours in the day during the winter, as he is not allowed light before the hour of seven in the morning, or after four in the evening. Some authors have stated, that the prisoners were chained ; these means are only employed on extraordinary occasions, and to prevent them from destroying themselves. First Audiences, In the three first days following the imprisonment of the culprit, he had three audiences of monition, or caution, recommending him to speak the truth, without concealing anything that he had done or said, or that he can impute to others, contrary to the faith. He was told that if he fol- lowed this recommendation he would be treated leniently ; but in the contrary case, he would be proceeded against with severity. Until then the prisoner is ignorant of the cause of his arrest ; he is only told that no person is taken to the prison of the holy office without sufficient proof that A. D. U99.] HISTORY QF THE INflUISITIO^. 63 he has spoken against the Catholic faith, and, therefore, jt is for his interest to confess his crimes voluntarily. Some prisoners confessed themselves guilty of the crimes stated in the preparatory instruction ; others acknowledged more ; others less ; generally the prisoners declared that their con- sciences did not reproach them, but that they would endea- vour to recollect the faults which they had committed if the accusations of the witnesses were read to thepi. The advantages of the confession were, that it lessened the duration of the trial, and rendered the punishments inflicted on the accused less severe when the reconciliatipn took place. Whatever promises might be made to the prisoners, they could not avoid the disgrace of the san-benito ^nd q,uto-da-fe, or preserve their honour or their property, if they acknpwr ledged themselves formal heretics. Another custom of the Inquisition was to examine the prisoner on his genealogy and parentage, in order to discover by the registers of the tribunal if any of his family had been punished for heresy, supposing that he might have inherited the erroneous doctrines of his ancestors. He was also ob? liged to recite the Pater, the Credo, and other forms of Christian doctrine, because the presumption that he had erred in his faith was stronger, if he did not know them, had forgotten them, or if he made mistakes in the repetition. In short, the Inquisition employed every means, and neglected nothing in the trial of the prisoners, to make them appear guilty of heresy, and all this was done with an appearance of charity and compassion, and in the name of Jesus Christ. Charges. Wljen the ceremony of the three first audiences is finished, the procurator-fiscal forms his act of accusation against the prisoner, from the preliminary instruction. Although a semi- proof only exists, he reports the facts in the depositions as if 64 HISTORY OF THE INftUISlTION. [Chap. IX. they were proved ; and what is still more illegal, he does not reduce the articles of his requisition to the number of facts, but following the practice in forming the extracts of the propositions for the act of qualification, he multiplies them according to the variations in the statements ; so that an accusation which ought to be reduced to one point, con- tains five or six charges, which appear to indicate that the accused has advanced so many heretical opinions on different occasions, without any foundation but the diflferent manner in which each witness relates the conversation. This mode of proceeding produces the worst effects ; it confuses the prisoner where the charges are read to him, and if he has not coolness and intelligence, he imagines that several crimes are imputed to him, and replies, for instance, to the third article, and relates the facts in different words from those which he employed in answering the second ; this variation taking place in each article, he sometimes contra- dicts himself, and thus furnishes the fiscal with fresh accusa- tions against him, for he is accused of not adhering to truth in his replies. Torture. Although the prisoner has confessed all that the witnesses deposed against him in the first audiences, yet the fiscal ter- minates liis requisition by saying, that he is guilty of con- cealment and denial, that he is, therefore, impenitent and obstinate, and demands that the question shall be applied to the accused. It is true, that it is so long since torture has been inflicted by the inquisitors, that the custom may be looked upon as abolished, and the fiscal only makes the demand in conformity to the example of his predecessors, yet it is equally cruel to make the prisoners fear it. In former times, if the inquisitors judged that the prisoner A. D. 1490.] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 65 had not made a full confession, they ordered him to be tor- tured ; the object was to make him confess all that formed the substance of the process. I shall not describe the dif- ferent modes of torture employed by the Inquisition, as it has been already done by many historians : I shall only say that none of them can be accused of exaggeration. When the accused acknowledged the crimes imputed to them, during the torture, they were obliged the next day to ratify or retract their confession upon oath. Almost all confirmed their first statement, because they were subjected to the torture a second time if they dared to retract. Requisition. The requisition or accusation of the procurator-fiscal was never given to the prisoner in writing, that he might not re- flect on the charges, in prison and prepare his replies. The prisoner is conducted to the audience-chamber, where a secretary reads the charges, in the presence of the inquisitors and the fiscal : between each article he calls upon the pri- soner to reply to it instantly, and declare if it is true or false. It is evident that this proceeding is intended to embarrass the prisoner, by compelling him to reply without previous reflection. Such stratagems are allowed in other tribunals where the prisoners are guilty of homicide, theft, or other offences against society ; but it must be allowed that it is against the spirit of Christianity to employ them where zeal for religion and the salvation of others seem to be the motives for acting. Defence. When the charges and the accusation have been read, the inquisitors ask the prisoner if he wishes to make a defence ; if he replies in the affirmative, a copy of the accusation and F 66 'HISTORY OP THE INaCISITION. [Chnp. IX. the replies is taken. He is then required to select the lawyer whom he wishes to employ for his defence, from the list of those belonging to the holy office. Some prisoners required permission to seek a defender out of the tribunal, a pretension which is not contrary to any law, particularly if the lawyer has taken an oath of secrecy ; yet this simple and natural right has seldom been granted by the inqui- sitors. It is of little consequence to the accused to be defended by an able man, as the lawyer is not allowed to see the ori- ginal process, or to communicate with his client. One of the notaries draws up a copy of the result of the preliminary instruction, in which he reports the deposition of the wit- nesses, without mentioning their names, or the circumstances of time or place, and (what is more extraordinary) without stating what has been said in defence of the prisoner. He entirely omits the declarations of the persons who, having been summoned and interrogated by the tribunal, have per- sisted in affirming that they knew nothing of the subject on which they were examined. This extract is accompanied by the censure of the qualifiers, and the demand of the fiscal for the examination, and the accusation, and the replies of the accused. This is all that is given to the defender in the audience-chamber, where the inquisitors have commanded him to attend. He is then obliged to promise to defend the prisoner if he thinks that it is just to do so ; but, in the con- trary case, that he will use all the means in his power to persuade him to solicit his pardon of the tribunal, by a sincere confession of his sins, and a demand to be reconciled to the church. Those who have acquired any experience in criminal pro- ceedings, are aware of the great advantages which may be derived from the- comparison of the testimony of the wit- nesses in the defence of the accused ; but the direction given A. D. U9Q.] HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 07 to the proceedings by the Inquisition' is such, that the lawyer can rarely find any means of defence but that which arises from the diffei'ence and variations in the depositions on the actions and words imputed to the prisoner. As this is not sufficient, (because the semi-proof exists,^ the defender generally demands to see the prisoner, that he may inquire if it is his intention to challenge the witnesses, to destroy, either in part, or entirely, the proof established against him. If he replies in the affirmative, the inquisitors order proceedings to prove the irregularity of the witnesses; Proof. It is then necessary to separate all the original declarations of the witnesses from the pi-ocess, and send them to the places which they inhabit to receive a ratification. This takes place without the knowledge of the prisoner, and as he is not represented by any person during this formality, it is impossible that the challenge of a witness should suc- ceed, even if he was the greatest enemy of the prisoner. If the witness was at Madrid at the tim6 of the instruction, and afterwards went to the Philippine Isles, the course of the trial was suspended, and the prisoner was obliged to wait till the ratification arrived from Asia. If he demanded an audience, to complain of the delay, he was answered with ambiguity, that the tribunal could not proceed with greater haste, as it was occupied with particular measures. The prisoner made his challenge of the witnesses by naming those whom he considei-ed as his enemies, giving his reasons for mistrusting them, and writing on the margin of each article the names of those persons who could attest the facts which are the causes of the challenge. .The inquisitors decree that they shall be examined, unless some motive pi'e vents it, F2 68 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. LCliap. IX. As the prisoner is not acquainted with the proceedings, he often accuses persons who have not been summoned as witnesses. The article in which they are mentioned is passed over with those of the witnesses wlio have not deposed against him, or who have spoken in his favour. Thus ho encounters his accusers only by chance. It sometimes happens that the procurator-fiscal secretly obtains the proof of tlie morality of the witnesses, in order to destroy the effect of the challenge ; and as this is more easy to accomplish than the measures taken by the prisoner, they are generally rendered useless, because in doubtful cases the inquisitors are always disposed to depend upon the witness, if he is not known to be the declared enemy of the accused. Publicalion of the Proofs. When the proof is established, the tribunal publishes the state of the trial, the depositions, and the act of judgment. But these terms are not to be understood in the common sense, since the publication was only an unfaithful copy of the declarations and other facts contained in the extract formed for the use of the defender. A secretary reads it to the prisoner in the presence of the inquisitors ; after each article he asks him if he acknowledges the truth of what he has just heard ; he then reads the declarations, and if the prisoner has not yet alleged any thing against the witnesses, that privilege is given him, because, after hearing the de- position, he is generally able to designate the person who has made it. This reading is only a fresh snare ; for if the least contra- diction is perceived, he may be considered guilty of duplicity, concealment, or a false confession, and the tribunal may re- fuse to grant the reconciliation, although he demand it, and even condemn him to relaxation. A. D. 1490.] HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. 09 Definitive Censure of the Qualifiers. After this ceremony the qualifiers are summoned, who re- ceive the original writing of the sentence passed in iii'i sum- mary , instruction, with the extract of the replies of the prisoner in liis last examination, and the declarations of the witnesses which were communicated to him^ They are com- missioned to qualify the propositions a second time, to ex- amine his explanation, and to decide if his replies have destroyed the suspicion of heresy which he had incurred, or if he had confirmed it, and was to be looked upon as di formal heretic. Every one must be sensible of the importance of this cen- sure, since it led to the definite sentence ; yet the qualifiers scarcely took the trouble to hear a rapid perusal of the pro- ceedings ; they hastily gave their opinion, and this was the last important act in the proceedings, as the rest was a mere formality. Sentence. The trial was then considered as finished. The diocesan in ordinary was convoked, that with the inquisitors he might decide upon the proper sentence. In the first ages of the holy office these functions were confided to consultqrs : these were doctors of law, but as they could only give their opinion, and as the inquisitors pronounced the definitive sentence, the latter always prevailed if they chanced to difi'er. The accused had the right of appealing to the Su- preine Council, but appeals to Rome were more frequent. The inquisitors of the provinces were afterwards obliged to submit their opinion to the council befo^'e they pronounced tlie definitive sentence ; the council modified and refoi'med it ; their decision was sent to the inquisitoi's, who then esta- blished the judgment in their own names, although it might 70 HISTORY OF THE INaOISITION. [Chap. IX. be contrary to their previous opinion. This proceeding rendered the office of the consultors useless, and it was dis- continued. Although the prisoner was acquitted, he was not acquaint- ed with the names of his denouncers and the witnesses. He rarely obtained a more public reparation than the liberty of returning to his house with a certificate of absolution. Execution of the Sentence. The nature of the punishments inflicted by the Inquisition has been already described ; it is, therefore, only necessary to remark that the sentences were not communicated to the victims until the commencement of the execution, since the condemned were sent to the autos-da-fc, either to be recon- ciled or given over to secular justice; on leaving prison the familiars attired them in the san-benito, with a paper mitre on their heads, a cord round their necks, and a wax taper in their hands. When the prisoner arrives at the place of execution, his sentence is read, and he is then reconciled or relaxed, which means, that he is condemned to be burnt by the justice of the king. San-benito. The San-hfnito was a species of scapulary, which only de- scended to the knees, that it might not be confounded with those worn by some monks : this motive also made the inqui- sitors prefer common woollen stuff of a yellow colour with red crosses for the San-benito. Such were the penitential habits in 1514, when Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros altered the common crosses for those of St. Andrew. The inquisitors afterwards had a different habit for each class of penitents. Those who abjured as slightly suspected of heresy, wore the scapulary of yellow stuff without the cross. If he ab- A. D. 1504.] HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTlON. 71 jured as violently suspected, he wore half the ci'oss ; if he was a formal heretic, he wore it entire. There were also three different kinds of garments for those who were con- demned to death. The first was for those who repented before they were sentenced. It ■was a simple yellow sca- pulary with a red cross, and a conical cap, denominated Carqza, which was formed of the same stuff as the San-be- nito, and decorated with similar crosses. The second was destined for those who had been con- demned to be burnt, but who had repented after their sen- tence, and before they were conducted to the autos-da-fe. The San-benito and the Caroza were made of the same stuff. On the lower part of the scapulary a bust was painted, in the midst of a fire, the flames of which were reversed, to show that the culprit was not to be burnt until he had been strangled. The Caroza was painted in the same manner. i The third was for those who were impenitent. It was similar to the others, with a bust, and the flames in the natural direction, to show that the person who wore it was to be burnt alive ; grotesque figures of devils were also painted on the San-benito and Caroza. CHAPTER X. OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS DURING THE MINISTRY OF THE INC10ISITORS DEZA AND CISNEROS. The new inquisitor-general was scarcely in possession of his office, when he began to establish regulations to increase the activity of the Inquisition. In 1500 he published a con- stitution in seven articles ; and in 1504 four new articles relative to the confiscations. To pi-ove his zeal, Deza proposed to Ferdinand that the 72 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Chap. X. Inquisition should be introduced into Sicily and Naples in its present form, and that it should be under the authority of the Spanish inquisitor-general, instead of being dependent on the Court of Rome. The king undertook to introduce it into Sicily by a decree in 1500 ; but the inhabitants made great resistance, and he was obliged to pursue the plan which had succeeded in Aragon, by commanding the viceroy and other magistrates to assist the inquisitors. Several seditions were quelled before the sub-delegated inquisitor- general, Don Pedro Velorad, Archbishop of Messina, could enter upon his office. In 1516 the Sicilians, weary of the proceedings of the Inquisition, revolted and set all the prisoners at liberty. Melchior de Cervera, the inquisitor, only escaped death by a concurrence of extraordinary circumstances ; the viceroy was also in the greatest danger. The islanders were thus freed from the yoke of this detested tribunal ; but they did not long enjoy liberty, for they were not able to resist the power of Charles V., who obliged them to receive it a second time. Naples was more fortunate. Ferdinand, in 1504, commanded the viceroy, Gonzales Fernandez de Cor- dova, surnamed the Great Captain, to assist the Archbishop of Messina witli all his power, in establishing the Inquisi- tion ; but the Neapolitans opposed it so obstinately, that the viceroy judged it prudent to desist, and informed the king that it would be extremely dangerous to combat so decided a resistance. In 1510 Ferdinand again attempted to introduce the new Inquisition ; but his efforts were unavailing, and he was obliged to declare that he would be satisfied if the Neapo- litans would banish all the New Christians who had taken refuge in their towns when they were driven from Spain. Deza persuaded Ferdinand and Isabella to introduce the Inquisition into the kingdom of Grenada, although a promise to the contrary had been made to the baptized Moors. A. D. 1502.] HISTPRY OF THE INaUISITION. 73 The queen rejected the pi'oposition, but granted one that differed little from it, namely, that the jurisdiction of the inquisitors of Cordova should extend over Grenada, but permitting them to prosecute only in cases of actual apos- tasy. From that period the Moors have been known in history by the name of Morescoes. The principal inquisitor of Cordova was Don Diego de Lucero ; the severity of his character caused great misery throughout the kingdom of Cordova. The moderation and exhortations of Ximenez de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo, and Don Ferdinand de Talavei-a, had converted more than 50,000 Moors, and the conversions would have been still more numerous, if some priests had not treated the Moors with severity, and excited a general revolt. - In 1501 the sovereigns declared in an edict, that by the grace of God, there were no infidels in tlie kingdom of Grenada, and to render the conversions more secure, they forbade any Moors to enter the territory; they also pro- hibited the slaves of that nation from holding any communi- cation with others, that their conversion might not be retarded, or with those who had been baptized, as they might induce them to apostatize. All who did not conform to these laws incurred the punishment of death. In February, 1502, Ferdinand and Isabella commanded all the free Moors of both sexes, above fourteen and twelve years of age, to quit the kingdom of Spain before the month of May following : they were allowed to sell their goods as the Jews had been ; but were prohibited from going to Africa, which was then at war with Spain. The states of the Grand Seignior and other countries were assigned to them as places of refuge : as several baptized Moors sold their pro- perty and went to Africa, a royal ordinance was published, importing that, for the space of two years, no person could sell his property, or leave the kingdom of Castile, except to 74 HISTORY OF THB INaOISITION. [Chap.X. go into Aragon or Portugal, without a permission, which would only be granted to those who gave a security for their return when they had terminated their afiairs. Deza was not contented with exciting the zeal of Ferdi- nand and Isabella against the Moors ; he also proposed measures against the Jews on the occasion of the arrival of different strangers in Spain, but who were not of those expelled in 1492. He obtained a royal ordinance in 1499, which applied those measures to them which had been esta- blished against the first Jews. The council of the Inquisition had already decreed that the converted Jews should be obliged to prove their baptism, and that they lived with the other Christians ; that those who had been rabbins or masters of the law should be obliged to change the place of their residence ; that they should appear every Sundaj' and on festival days in the churches, and be carefully instructed in the christian doctrine. Ferdinand permitted the inquisi- tors of Aragon to take cognizance of usury and other crimes foreign to their jurisdiction, contrary to the oath which he had taken to observe the laws of that kingdom, which ordained that they should be punished by the secular judge. Deza was at the head of the Inquisition eight years. If the calculation of his victims is formed after the inscription at Seville, we shall find that 38,440 persons were punished during that time, of whom 2592 were burnt in person, 896 in effigy, and 34,952 condemned to different penances. Among this crowd of persons who were persecuted by the Inquisition, there were many distinguished by their birth, their learning, their fortunes, and their offices. The san- guinary inquisitor, Lucero, made the venerable Don Fer- dinand de Talavera, first Archbishop of Grenada, the object of a shameful persecution. lie became jealous of the re- putation for sanctity and charity which this prelate had acquired, and raised doubts of his faith, by reminding Isabella, that he had opposed the establishment of the A. D. 1506.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 75 Inquisition in 1478, and the following years ; and by pub- lishing that, although his father ^Yas noble, and of the illustrious family of Contreras, yet he was of Jewish origin by the mother's side. The inquisitor concluded from these circumstances that he could commence a secret instruction against the holy prelate. Deza commissioned the Arch- bishop of Toledo, Ximenez de Cisneros, to receive the preparatory informations on the faith of the Archbishop of Grenada ; Cisneros informed the Pope of the commission which he had received, and the pontiff commanded his apostolical nuncio, the Bishop of Bristol, to take the affair under his direction, and prohibited Deza and the Inquisitors from pursuing it. The Pope, in a Council of Cardinals and Bishops, acquitted the Archbishop of Grenada, who died in 1507, some months after this judgment, after three years of the greatest anxiety, as the inquisitor Lucero had caused many of his relations to be arrested, although they were all innocent. The persecution suffered by the learned Antonio Lebrija was not less cruel. He had been tutor to Isabella, and was honoured by the friendship and protection of Ximenez de Cisneros : he was well acquainted with the Gi'eek and Hebrew, and discovered and con-ected in the Latin text of the Vulgate some errors which had been committed by the transcribers before the invention of printing. He was ac- cused by some scholastic theologians ; his papers were seized, and after being treated with the greatest cruelty, he had the grief of seeing the suspicion of heresy established against him, and was obliged to live in that species of disgrace until he could write his apology under the protection of Ximenez de Cisneros. The inhumanity of the inquisitor Lucero had still more serious consequences : as he declared almost all the accused persons guilty of concealment, and condemned them as false penitents, some persons added imaginary circumstances to 76 HISTORY OF THE INaDISITlON. [Cbap. X. their- confessions, and declared that synagogues were held in different houses in Cordova, Grenada, and other towns ; they added, that even monks and nuns attended at them, and went in procession from all parts of Castile ; they also affirmed that many Spanish families of Old Christians, whom they named, assisted at the Jewish feasts. In consequence of these declarations, Lucero arrested such an immense number of persons, that Cordova was on the point of re- volting against the Inquisition. The municipality, the bishop, the chapter of the cathedral, and all the nobility sent deputies to the inquisitor-general, to demand that Lu- cero should be recalled. Deza refused to listen to their claim, until tiie cruelties of which Lucero was accused were proved. Lucero had then the audacity to note down as favourers of Judaism, knights, ladies, canons, monks, nuns, and respectable persons of every class. At this period, 1506, Philip I. ascended the throne of Castile ; the Bishop of Cordova informed him of what was passing, and the relations of the prisoners demanded that they should be tried by another tnbunal. Philip commanded Deza to retire to his archbishopric of Seville, and to invest Don Diego Ramirez de Guzman, Bishop of Catania, with the powers of inquisitor-general ; at the same time all the papers relative to this afTair were submitted to the Supremo Council of Castile. Ramirez de Guzman suspended Lucero, and the other inquisitors of Cordova, from their functions. The affair would have terminated happily, but for the death of the king in the same year. Deza was no sooner informed of that event than he again resumed his office of inquisitor-general, and annulled all that had been done during his retirement. Ferdinand V. re- sumed the government of the kingdom, as father of Queen Joanna, widow of Philip I., as her mind was disordered. Some time elapsed, however, before he began to reign, as he was at Naples at the time of the death of the King of A. D. 1507.] HISTORY OF THE INtlUISlTION. 77 Spain. At this period, all the inhabitants of Cordova, and some members of the Council of Castile, declared against Deza, and published that he was of the race of Marranos, that is, a descendant of the Jews . The Marquis de Priego excited the Cordovans to a revolt ; they forced the prisons of the holy office, and liberated an immense number of prisoners. They seized the persons of the procurator-fiscal, one of the notaries, and several other officers of the tribunal ; Priego would also have arrested Lucero, but he escaped by means of an excellent mule. These events alarmed the inquisitor-general to such a degree, that he resigned his office, and retired to his diocese with the greatest precaution. This proceeding restored tranquil- lity ia Cordova, but didruot terminate the trials. When the Regent of Spain ai-rived in that kingdom, he named Don Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros inquisitor-general for the crown of Castile, and Don Juan Enguera, Bishop of Vic, for that of Aragon. The Pope expedited their bulls in 1507, and made Cisneros a cardinal. Ximenez de Cisneros began to exercise his new employ- ment on the 1st October, when the conspiracy against the holy office had become almost general, on account of the events at Cordova, of which the Council of Castile took cog- nizance. All its members who had been of the party of Philip I. signalized themselves by their hatred against the Inquisition. This aversion made Ximenez de Cisneros feel the necessity of conducting himself with extreme caution, that he might not give occasion for a general convocation of the Cortes, which would have deprived him of the high office of governor of the kingdom, which he then possessed. The events at Cordova forced a great number of persons to appeal to Rome. The Pope appointed two prelates to examine the trials, and made Cardinal Cisneros judge of appeals, with the power of bringing all the trials begun by the apostolical commissioners before him. 78 HISTORY OF THE INQDISITION. [Chap. X, The cardinal immediately suspended the inquisitor Lucero, and sent him prisoner to Burgos; he also imprisoned all those witnesses who were suspected of having made false depositions, because some of the charges were so absurd that no one could believe them. The examination of the trials made the cardinal perceive, that an affair which implicated some of the most illustrious families of Spain could not be treated with too much delicacy : — he therefore obtained the king's permission to form a junta, which he named the Catholic Congregation : it was composed of twenty-two respectable persons, namely, the inquisitor-general (who was the president) ; the inquisitor-general of Aragon ; the Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo ; those of Calahorra and Barce- lona ; the mitred abbot of the Benedictines at Valladolid j the president of the Council of Castile, and eight of its members ; the vice-chancellor and the president of the Chancery of Aragon ; two counsellors of the Supreme ; two provincial inquisitors, and an auditor of the Chancery of Valladolid. Their first assembly was held at Burgos, on Ascension-day, in 1508, and on the 9th of July they decreed that the cha- racters of the witnesses were vile, contemptible, and un- worthy of confidence ; that their declarations were full of contradictions; that they contained things unworthy of belief, and contrary to common sense ; that the prisoners were con- sequently at liberty ; that their honour, and that of the pri- soners who had died, was re-established ; that the houses which had been destroyed, as having been used for syna- gogues, should be rebuilt ; and that the judgment and the notes in the register should be erased. This decision of the Catholic Junta was proclaimed at Val- ladolid on the 1st August, in the same year, in the presence of the king, and a multitude of nobles, and other inhabitants of all classes. Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros had genius, knowledge, A. D. 1516.] HISTORY OF THE INdUISITION. 79 and was just, which he proved in the affair of Cordova, and in the protection which he granted to Lebrija and other learned men on different occasions. I shall here remark the error into which several writers have fallen, in accusing Cisneros of having taken a great part in the establishment of the holy office, when it is certain that, in concert with Car- dinal Mendoza and Talavera, he endeavoured to prevent it. When he was chosen as chief of an institution which had more power and was better obeyed than many sovereigns, circumstances made it a duty to uphold and defend it, and he was obliged to oppose innovations in the manner of pro- ceeding, although the events at Cordova had shown him the inconveniences of the secrecy preserved by the tribunal. The division of the kingdoms of Aragon and Castile, which took place at this time, and the idea that it was no longer necessary to have as many inquisitorial tribunals as bishoprics, were the reasons that induced Cisneros to dis- tribute them by provinces. He established the holy office at Seville, Cordova, Jaen, Toledo, in Estremadura, at Murcia, Valladolid, and Calahorra, and determined the extent of territory for the jurisdiction of each tribunal : at this time he also sent inquisitors to the Canary isles. In 1513, the inquisition was introduced at Cuen§a; in 1524, at Grenada ; under Philip II., at Santiago de Galicia ; and under Philip IV., at Madrid, Cisneros also judged it ne- cessary, in 1516, to have a tribunal at Oran, and soon after in America. The inquisitor-general of Aragon adopted the same system, and sent inquisitors to Saragossa, Barcelona, Valencia, Majorca, Sardinia, and Sicily ; and, at a later period, to Pampeluna, after the conquest of Navarre : but this king- dom being united in 1515 to that of Castile, its tribunal was subjected to the inquisitor-general of that kingdom, who suppressed it some time after, and transferred the territory to that of Calahorra. 80 HISTORV OF THE INaUISITION. [Chap. X. During the eleven years of his ministry, (which ended by his death in 1517,) Cisneros permitted the condemnation of 52,855 individuals, 3564 were burnt in person, 1232 in eflBgy, and 4832 suflFered diflferent punishments. Although this number of executions is immense, yet it must be ac- knowledged that Cisneros had taken measures to relax the activity of the Inquisition ; the most important was, that he assigned particular churches to the New Christians, and charged the curates to increase their zeal in instructing them, and to visit them often in their own houses. Offer made to the King to obtain the publicity of the Proceedings. In 1512, a report being spread among the New Christians that Ferdinand intended to make war against his nephew, the King of Navarre, they offered him 600,000 ducats of gold towards the expenses of the war if he would consent to make a law that the trials of the Inquisition should be public : the king was on the point of treating with the New Christians, when Cisneros placed a large sum of money at his disposal ; the king accepted it, though it was less than the first, and abandoned the idea of a reform. After the death of that prince, and while Chai'les V. was in Flanders, in 1517, the New Christians again offered, on the same conditions, 800,000 ducats for the expenses of his journey to Spain. William de Croy, Duke d'Ariscot, the favourite governor of the young monarch, persuaded him to consult the colleges, universities, and learned men of Spain and Flanders ; they all replied that the communication of the names and the entire depositions of the witnesses was consonant to all rights natural, human, and divine. When the cardinal-inquisitor was informed of this decision, he sent deputies, and wrote to the king to combat it ; he reminded him that a similar proposal had been refused by his grand- A. D. 1517.] HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 81 father ; but he did not tell him the most important circum- stance, that he had refused it for a sum of money. Charles V. left the affair undecided until his arrival in Spain, but he terminated it according to the general hopes after the death of Cisneros, in 1 518. The particular favour which Ferdinand granted to the Inquisition did not prevent him from maintaining the rights . of his crown. In 1509, he published a law which prohibited, on pain of death, any person from presenting to the inqui- sitors any bull, or wiiting of that nature, obtained from the Pope, or his legates, without first applying to the king that it might be examined by his council. This right of the crown of Spain over the decisions of the Pope has been lately renewed by a law of Charles III. ; yet the law has often been impotent against the entei-prises, the decisions, and the briefs of the Popes. Ferdinand named Don Louis Mercader inquisltor-geiieral for the kingdom of Aragon, after the death of the Bishop of Vic. Mercader died in 1516, while the government was in the hands of Charles of Austria, the grandson of Ferdinand, who died in the same year, leaving no children by his second marriage. Charles, his grandson, resided in Flanders, but he sent into Spain several men who enjoyed his confidence : amongst them were his governor, the Duke d'Ariscot, and Adrian de . Florencio, who was Dean of Louvain, and born at Utrecht. As the two sovereignties of Castile and Aragon were now united, it appeared natural that there should be but one inquisitor- general for the monarchy, but Cisneros had too much penetration to omit this opportunity of recommending himself to the favorite, and, consequently, to the prince. Instead of demanding this union, he wrote to the king to represent that it appeared to him expedient to bestow the bishopric of Tortosa and the office of inquisitor-general of G 82 HISTORY OP THB TNQDISITION. [Chap. X. Aragon on the Dean of Louvain, and it was easy to obviate the difficulty of his being a foreigner by giving him letters of naturalization. This plan was executed ; the double nomi- nation was sent to Rome, and the Pope granted the bulls. Adrian took possession of Majorca- on the 7th of February, 1517 : this nomination was followed by one to the office of Cisneros, who died on the 6th of November following. Al- though he was elected Pope on the 9th of January, 1522, he continued in his office until the 10th of September in the following year, when he signed the bulls of his successor, Don Alphonso Manrique de Lara, Archbishop of Seville. During the period that the Inquisition remained separate from that of Castile, it was often violently attacked, and more than once was on the point of being abolished, or at least subjected to a reform, which would have left it without the power of exciting terror. Ferdinand having assembled the Cortes of the kingdom at Monion, in 1510, the deputies of the towns and cities loudly complained that the inquisitors abused their powers, not only in matters of faith, but in several points which were not in their jurisdiction. The de- puties also represented, that they interfered in the regulation of the contributions, and that the taxes were shamefully diminished by the reductions which they made in the lists ; that their authority had made them so bold and insolent, that they created themselves judges in all doubtful cases ; and where their competence was denied, they had recourse to excommunication ; that they oppressed the magistrates, who feared that they should be obliged to do public penance in an auto-da-fe ; that this misfortune had already happened to the viceroys and governors of Barcelona, Valencia, Majorca, Sardinia, and Sicily, and to several persons of high rank ; in consequence, they entreated his Majesty to maintain the execution of the laws and statues of the kingdom of Ara- gon, and to oblige the officers of the Inquisition to confine A, D, 1517] HJ5T0RY OP THE INaUISITIOiT. 83 themselves to matter of faith, and to pursue them according to the rules of common law, in giving them the publicity of criminal proceedings. This representation of the Cortes acquainted the king with the disposition of the public ; yet he avoided giving a direct reply, and said that it was impossible to decide upon so important an affair without having acquired a profound knowledge of facts ; that he requested them to collect all that came to their knowledge, and, to lay them before him in the first assembly. This took place in the same town, in 1512, The resolutions which were then adopted form a treaty be- tween the sovereign and his people : it contains tw^enty-five articles, all tending to restrain the extent of the jurisdiction of the inquisitors. It was there stated that they could not interfere in trials for bigamy and usury unless the culprits had fallen into the crime of heresy in asserting that these offences were not sinful ; nor in the proceedings instituted against blasphemers by other tribunals, unless the blasphemy was heretical : they -were also prohibited from proceeding in a trial without the concurrence of the ordinaire diocesan : the inquisitor-general was likewise restrained from pronoimcing judgment in cases of appeal without the consent of his counsellors ; and that the execution of the sentence which had caused it should be delayed. No measures were taken for the publicity of the proceedings, or with regard to the confiscations ; but it was agreed that the contracts and other engagements, signed by one who had the reputation of a good catholic, should be valid, although he should be afterwards proved to have been a heretic at the time of the transaction. The king soon repented of having given his word to the Cortes ; and, seconded by the intrigues of the inquisitors, he solicited and obtained a dispensation from his promise, on the 30th of April, 1513. One of the clauses of the dispensa- tion reinstates the tribunals of the holy oflBce in all the pri- G2 84 HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. [Clap. XI vileges which they had formerly possessed. This conduct of the king caused a general revolt ; and he was obliged to re- quest the Pope to confirm the regulations of the Cortes, and subject those who did not conform to them to the censure of the church. The Pope saw the necessity of compliance, and granted the bull in 1515. CHAPTER XI. AN ATTEMPT MADE BY THE CORTES OF CASTILE AND ARAGON TO REFORM THE INftDISITION. OF THE PRIN- CIPAL EVENTS UNDER ADRIAN, FOURTH INQUISITOR- GENERAL. The Inquisition was never in so much danger as during the first year of the reign of Charles V. When the young monarch arrived in Spain, he was disposed to abolish the Inquisition, or at least to regulate the proceedings according to those of other tribunals. In 1518 a general assembly of the Cortes was held at Valladolid, when the representatives solicited that his highness would command the office of the holy Inquisition to conform to the rules of the canons and the common law. The Cortes likewise sent ten thousand pieces of gold to the chancellor Selvagio, and promised the same sum when the decree which they solicited should be put in execution. The king replied that he would take proper measures to remedy the evil of which they com- plained : in consequence, he engaged the Cortes to publish the abuses which had been introduced, and to indicate the means of abolishing them . When the assembly at Valladolid had terminated their labours, Charles convoked the Cortes of Aragon at Sara- gossa, where he was accompanied by the chancellor Selvagio, who had prepared a royal ordinance, to be published ac- A. D. 1518.] HISTORY OF THE INdUISlTION. 85 cording to the demand of the Cortes of Castile. It was composed of thirty-nine articles : the proceedings of the tribunal were regulated in it, with the ages, the rank, and salaries of the judges and subaltern officers. The result of this new code was, that the inquisitors could not question a witness to obtain information on any subject but that for which he was summoned. That each denouncer should be subject to a strict exami- nation, to discover his motives for the accusation. That the order for imprisonment could not be given without the concurrence of the diocesan in ordinary, or until they had examined each witness a second time. That the prisons should be public, neat, and convenient. That the prisoners should be allowed to see their relations, their friends, and their counsel. That they might choose a lawyer or procurator in whom they placed confidence. That the accusation should be immediately communicated to them, with the name of the place where, and the time when, the witnesses had declared the crime to have been committed. That if the accused demanded a copy of the accusation and the examination, it should be given to him. That when the proofs and the depositions were all re- ceived, they should be communicated entirely to the pri- soner, as in the present time there are no persons powerful enough to inspire the witnesses with fear^ except in cases where the prisoner is a duke, marquis, count, bishop, or in possession of some other dignity of the church. That in this case, in order to conceal the names of the witnesses, the judge shall draw up a writing, declaring upon oath, that he believes this measure to be necessary for the preservation of the lives of the witnesses ; that this act shall deprive the prisoiter of his right of appealing against it. That if it is considered absolutely necessary to make use 86 HiSTORT OF THE INQDiSITION. [Chap. XI. of the tortnrej it shall only be administered in moderation, and without recurring to the cruel inventions hitherto em- ployed. That it shall only be employed once for what personally concerns the accused ; never to obtain from him information of other individuals ; and only in the case of persons men- tioned in the law. That the definitive sentences, and even the interlocutory orders, shall be subject to the right of appeal, as to their double effect. That when the preparatory examination of the judgment is commenced, the parties and their counsel may attend at this revision of the process, and demand that the reading may be made in their presence. That if the proof of the crime is not then established, the prisoner shall be acquitted, without being liable to a punish- ment as being still suspected. That if the accused desires to clear himself, on oath, lie shall be allowed to seek witnesses, and to converse with them in private ; and that their being descendants of the Jews shall not prevent their admission. That the challenge of witnesses shall be permitted ; and if one of those called by the procurator-fiscal is convicted of giving false testimony, he shall be subject to the punishment of retaliation, according to a law of Ferdinand and Isabella, in the beginning of their reign. That when an accused person has been reconciled, he shall not be arrested for things which he has not confessed, be- cause it is to be supposed that he forgot them. That no persons shall be molested or imprisoned for a simple presumption of heresy, arising from their having been brought up among Jews or heretics. That the San-benitos shall be taken out of the churches, and that they no longer be worn in the streets. That the punishment of perpetual imprisonment shall be A. D. 1518.] HISTORY OF THE INftUISlTION. 87 abolished, because the prisoners die of hunger, and cannot serve God. That the statutes recently established to prevent New Christians from being admitted into convents, shall be con- sidered as null and void, because they are contrary to all laws, human and divine. That where an individual is sentenced to imprisonment, an inventory shall be taken of his property, and they shall not be sequestrated or sold. That he, and his wife, and children, shall possess his revenues during his detention, and shall be allowed to employ them to prepare his means of defence against the Inquisition. That when a man is condemned, his children shall inherit his property. That no donation shall be made on their property, until it has been definitively confiscated. That the spirit and letter of the canons shall be complied with in all things, without regard to any particular custom previously in use. That the king shall be supplicated to obtain a bull from the Pope to ratify these measures. That until this bull is obtained, the king shall be requested to commarld the inquisitors to conform to these regulations, in the trials already commenced, and in those which may begin from this time. This excellent code of laws was never put in execution, because the chancellor Selvagio, who framed it, died before its publication ; and Cardinal Adrian so totally changed the ideas and inclinations of Charles V. that he became an ar- dent defender of the Inquisition. Charles V. had sworn at Saragossa, in 1518, to respect the privileges and customs of the Aragonese, particularly the resolutions of the Cortes at Saragossa, Tarazona, and 88 HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. [Chap. XI. Monzon, and consequently that he would not sufifer the inquisitors to commence any trials for usury. But a new assembly of the Cortes having been convoked at Saragossa, towards the end of the year 1518, the deputies of Aragon represented to the king, that the agreement of the Cortes at Monzon, in 1512, was not sufficient to remedy the abuses which the inquisitors had introduced ; they there- fore entreated his Majesty to add to it thirty-one articles wliich they had adopted. These articles differed little from those of the Cortes of Castile. The king, after having consulted his council, replied, *' that it was his pleasure that the holy canons, and the decrees of the holy see, should be conformed to in regard to all the articles which had been presented to him. That if difficulties or doubts should occur, which required explana- tion, they should apply to the Pope ; that if any person wished to accuse an inquisitor of abuse in the exercise of his office, he might do so by applying to the inquisitor- general, who would pronounce sentence according to equity ; and that the king would cause them to be punished as an example ; that he engaged by oath to observe himself, and cause others to observe, the order and declaration which he addressed to the assembly, as well as the articles which the Pope might add to those of the Cortes ; that he also pro- mised, upon oath, never to demand a dispensation from his promise ; and that if one was addressed to him he would never make use of it, as he at that time renounced all the rights which might arise from it." This reply induced the Cortes to believe that the king had granted all their requests ; they considered that the trials would be there conducted as before other ecclesiastical tribunals. Persuaded that this was the king's intention, the Cortes resolved to show their gratitude by a voluntary con- tribution of money. A. D. 1521,] HISTORY OV THE INClUISITIONt 89 Some time elapsed before the agreement was approved by the Pope. The Emperor wrote the following letter from Cologne, in 1520, to his ambassador at Rome: — " In regard to the transactions of the Cortes, it will be sufficient if his Holiness will approve an act sent to Don Louiz Carroz, and afterwards to Don Jerome Vich, which is written by the hand of the venerable Cardinal of Tortosa, and that of the great chancellor, without any extension or interpretation, as I have often demanded earnestly." The Aragonese, who did not even believe it possible to obtain this last point, entreated the inquisitor-general to com- mand the inquisitors of Saragossa to conform immediately to the regulations of the agreement, without waiting for the confirmation of the Pope, because almost all the articles were the same as those in the convention of 1512, which the Pope had approved. Cardinal Adrian complied with the request, and wrote to the inquisitors. They replied, that they thought themselves obliged to take the orders of the king before they obeyed him. Charles addressed an ordinance to them, in which he commanded them to execute all that he had promised and sworn in the preceding year. At last the Pope confirmed the resolutions by a bull, which was proclaimed with great solemnity. However, it soon appeared that this publication would have no effect, because the promise of the king was, that the canons and apostolical ordinances should be strictly observed in regard to the articles; and in conforming to this they only executed the bull of 1515. On the 21st of January, 1521, the Emperor ordered the secretary of the Cortes to be set at liberty ; for although the inquisitor-general, in 1520, had decreed that he should be relaxed, and the prisoner had been informed of it, yet he refused tp quit the prison, affirming that the decree which 90 HIStORT OP THE INQUISITtON. [Ciap. XI. set him at liberty, tended more to make him appear guilty than innocent, by the use of the word relaxed. Similar debates took place in Catalonia, where the king convoked a Cortes at Barcelona, in 1519, to take the oath of maintaining the privileges of the province. The Catalans, Informed of the effect produced by the representations of the Cartes of Aragon, likewise demanded a reform of several abuses of their Inquisition relative to the taxes, as well as usury, bigamy, and other crimes of that class. The king, after having heard their remonstrances, made nearly the same reply as to the Cortes of Saragossa, and wrote to the Pope to demand a ratification of the articles. The Pope approved them in a bull in 1520; but Charles did not wait for its arrival to enforce the execution of his promise, which is proved by his order to Don Diego de Mendoza, his lieu- tenant-general in Catalonia. Yet he declares in his letter to his lieutenant, that he only made these promises on account of the importunitirs of some representatives of towns, and some men who were among the members of the Cortes. In consequence of some events in Aragon, during the period which elapsed before the bull of confirmation was issued, Leo. X. was on the point of destroying the Inqui- sition ; but intimidated by the policy of Charles V., he left the hydra in the same state. John Prat, the secretary of the Cortes of Aragon, drew up the proposition of the representatives, and the reply of the king, to be addressed to the Pope ; the chancellor of the king had done the same. This proceeding particularly dis- pleased the inquisitors of Saragossa; and to avoid the dan- ger which they believed themselves to be in, they began to intrigue at court, and soon succeeded in rendering the king averse to the cause of the deputies of Aragon. They in- sinuated that Prat had drawn up the act which was to be sent to Rome, in such a manner, as to represent the reply of A. 1). 1521.] HrsTORY OP THE INaUISITIOM. 91 the king as obligatory, not only in the literal sense of -the words, but in supposing that he had admitted the articles as being conformed to the common law ; and that they, conse- quently, only wanted the ratification of the Pope, which there was no doubt of obtaining, as it was known that the deputies of Aragon were supported by several cardinals, and had sent them considerable sums of money. The papers which contained these details were sent to Cardinal Adrian, who communicated them to the king, and obtained permission to order the inquisitors of Saragossa to make an inquiry if this recital was true, when they would be authorized to arrest Prat. Everything happened ac- cording to the hopes of the inquisitors. Prat was arrested on the 5th of May, 1509, and the next day the king wrote to the Pope, to request that he would not expedite the bull. It was intended that the prisoner should be transferred to Barcelona, but the permanent deputation (who then represented the Aragonese during the intervals of the assembling of the Cortes) wrote to the king; that this proceeding was Contrary to the statutes which he had sworn to maintain. The deputation also judged it necessary to convoke a new Cortes, who represented to the king the dangerous consequences of the riemoval of Secretary Prat, whose fidelity had been particularly remarked during the reign of Ferdinand ; and entreated him to set Prat at liberty, not only because they believfed him to be juSt, faithful, and loyal, but that it was impossible to levy the supply which had been offered to the king, tinless this i-equest was granted. The king prevented the removal of the prisoner, but would not libei'ate him. The deputation of the Cortes sent commissioners to Bar- celona, to say that the sum of money offered to the king was conditional, and at the same time convoked the tiers-kat. Charles being informed of it, commanded the dissolution of the assembly, which replied, that the kings of Aragon had 92 HISTORY OP THE INftUISITION. [Ch«p. XI. no right to use so violent a measure, without the consent of the people ; it decreed that the levy should not be raised, and applied to the Coui't of Rome for the ratification of the articles of Saragossa. Leo X. was at that time displeased with the Inquisition of Spain, on account of its refusal to admit certain briefs of inhibition in the tribunals of Toledo, Seville, Valencia, and Sicily ; and forgetting the consideration which he owed to Charles (who was then emperor of Germany), he resolved to reform the holy office, and to compel it to submit to the rules of common law. In consequence of this resolution he expedited three briefs addressed to the king, the cardinal inquisitor-general, and the inquisitors of Saragossa, in which, after explaining his intention, he decrees that the inquisitors shall be deprived of their oUices, and that the bishops and their chapters should present two canons to the inquisitor-general, who should appoint one : he added that this choice should be confirmed by the holy see, and that these new inquisitors should be subjected every two years to a judicial censure. The deputies received these briefs, and immediately re- quired the inquisitors to conform to them ; they replied that they would await the orders of their immediate chief. The king wrote to liis uncle Don Alphonso of Aragon, Arch- bishop of Saragossa, to enter into an agreement with the deputies, and at the same time he sent an ambassador- extraordinary to Rome to demand a revocation of the briefs. The Aragonese then promised to levy the supply if the secre- tary Prat was liberated, but protested that they would not admit any proposition contrary to the promise which the king had made. This prince instructed his ambassador to inform the Pope of all that had passed in the Cortes of Castile, but to keep silence on the most important circumstances, and to assure his Holiness that no complaints had been made of the Inqui- A. D. 1523.] HISTORV OF THE INftUISITION. 93 sition since Cardinal Adrian had been inquisitor-general. Charles also required that no brief should be expedited to cause the San-benitos to be removed from the churches, or to prohibit them from being worn in the streets. The Pope, seeing the importance which Charles attached to these things, wrote to Cardinal Adrian, that although he was perfectly informed of all that was passing, and that he had resolved to do justice to the claims of the Cortes, yet he would not carry the affair further without the consent of the King, to whom he promised to make no innovations ; but he requested him to pay great attention to what was passing, as he heard serious complaints every day from all parts of the kingdom, of the avarice and injustice of the inquisitors. This brief offended the deputies, but they continued their importunities at the Court of Rome with so much ardour, that their credit balanced the power of Charles V. ; and though they did not obtain the extension of the articles, they prevented the revocation of the reforming briefs, and Charles was obliged to be satisfied with that addressed to Cardinal Adrian. Leo X. died on the 1st of December, 1521, and Cardinal Adrian succeeded him on the 9th of January, 1522 : he did not quit his office of inquisitor-general until the 10th of Sep- tember, 1523, when he bestowed it on Don Alphonso Man- rique, Archbishop of Seville. According to the most moderate calculation from the in- scription at Seville, it appears that 240,025 persons were condemned by the Inquisition during the five years of the ministry of Adrian ; 1620 were burnt in person ; 560 in effigy; and 21,845 subjected to different penances. If the year 1523, which may be considered as an interregnum until the inscription of Seville, which is of the year 1524, is added to this, the number of victims sacrificed by the Inqui- sition may be estimated at 234,526 persons, an immense number, though it is far below the truth. 94 HISTORY OP THE INftUISITION. [Cliip. XII. CHAPTER XII. CONDUCT OP THE INQUISITORS TOWARDS THE MOHESCOES. The New Christians of Jewish origin flattered themselves, at the commencement of tiie ministry of Don Alphonso Manrique, that they should obtain the publication of the names and charges of the witnesses, as he had supported their request in 1516 : but the inquisitors persuaded him that such a proceeding tended to the destruction of the holy office, and the triumph of the enemies of the faith ; and that the appearance of two new sects of Morescoes and Lutherans rendered a great degree of severity indispensable. It has been already stated, that an order from Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1502, had compelled all those Moors who refused to become Christians, to quit Spain. Although this law was executed in Castile, it did not aflfect the Moors of Aragon, as the King had yielded to the solicitations of the nobles, who represented the immense injury which it would do them, in destroying the population of their domains, where there were scarcely any baptized inhabitants. The two sovereigns renewed their promise in 1510, and Charles V. took an oath to the same eflect in the Cortes of Saragossa in 1519. A civil war soon after broke out in Aragon, similar to one in Castile, about the same time. The factious were almost all common people, who hated the nobles : they endeavoured to injure them as much as possible ; and knowing that the Moors, who were their vassals, were obliged to serve them in a more laborious manner, on account of the difference of their religion, they baptized all the Moors who fell into their hands. Above sixteen thousand thus received baptism ; but as they were forced to it, many afterwards returned to A. D. 1525.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 95 their former creed. The emperor punished the chiefs of the insurrection, and many Moors, feai'ing the same fate, quitted Spain, and retired to the kingdom of Algiers ; so that in 1523, more than five thousand houses were left without in- habitants. Charles V., irritated at this conduct, persuaded himself that he ought not to suffer any Moors to remain in his domi- nions, and demanded a dispensation from his oath to the Cortes of Saragossa. The Pope at first refused, on account of the scandal of such a proceeding ; but the emperor in- sisted, and it was granted in 1524: the Pope, however, en- gaged him, at the same time, to charge the inquisitors to accelerate the conversion of the Moors, by announcing, that if they did not become Christians within a certain period, they would be obliged to quit Spain, on pain of being re- duced to slavery. Doubts were afterwards raised, of the validity of the baptism administered to the Moors in Valencia by the rebels ; but Charles assembled a council, which, after many debates, decided, on the 23d of March, 1525, that it was valid, as the infidels hadnot offered any resistance. The greatest part of the Moorish people fled to the moun- tains and the Sierra de Bernia, and resisted the arms of Charles, until the month of August, when they surrendered, after obtaining an amnesty. The Moors of Almonacid re- fused baptism, and took up arms ; their town was taken, and several put to death, and the rest became Christians. In the borough of Correa, the Moors assassinated the lord of the district, and seventeen Christians, who endeavoured to compel them to embrace Christianity. At last the revolt became general throughout the kingdom of Valencia, where they formed nearly twenty-six thousand families ; they for- tified themselves in the town of the Sierra d'Espadan, and a considerable period elapsed before they were reduced by the royal army. They then implored the protection of Ger- maine de Foix, second wife to Ferdinand V., and who was 96 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Ckip. XII. then married to Don Ferdinand of Aragon, Duke of Cala- bria. This princess granted a passport to twelve of their deputies, whom they sent to court to learn the real inten- tions of the emperor. They demanded a delay of five years before they became Christians, or left Spain by the port of Alicant, These demands being refused, they offered to become Christians, on condition that the inquisitors should not be permitted to prosecute them for the space of forty years ; this was also cruelly refused them. They then applied to the inquisitor-general Manrique, who received them graciously, and supposing that they would freely consent to receive baptism, he offered to employ his influence with the emperor. On the 16th of January, 1526, they remitted a memorial to him, in which they demanded, 1st, that during forty years they should not be liable to be prosecuted by the holy office; 2ndly, that they might be allowed to preserve their language, and their manner of clothing themselves ; 3rdly, that they might have a cemetery separate from that of the old Christians ; 4thly, that they might be able to marry their relations during the space of forty years, and that the marriages already contracted should not be interfered with ; 5thly, that the ministers of their re- ligion should continue to receive the revenues of the mosques converted into churches ; Othly, tliat they might be allowed the use of arms like other Christians ; 7thly, that the chai-ges and rents which they paid to their lords should not be more burdensome tlian those of other Christians ; Sthly, that they should not be obliged to pay the municipal expenses of royal towns, unless they were allowed to hold offices, and enjoy the honours depending on them. These articles being submitted to the emperor, they were granted, with a few restrictions, and the Moors were all baptized, with the exception of some thousands who fled to the mountains, and resisted the royal force during the year 1526. When they were reduced, they received baptism, and A-. D. 1526.] HISTOftY Of THE INQUISlTIOI^i - 97 the ."punishment of slavery which they had incurred was com- muted for a fine of twelve thousand ducats. -The Aragonese, fearing that the Moors dispersed among them would be subjected to the same laws as those of Va- lencia, represented to the emperor, through the medium of his relation the Count de Ribagorza. that they had never caused any trouble either in politics or religion ; that they could not have any communication with Africa, on account of the distance of the countries ; and that many of them were excellent workmen in the fabrication of arms, and, conse- quently, their banishm^ent would occasion gi-eat loss to the kingdom of. Aragon. The representations of the Aragonese were unavailing : the emperor commanded the inquisitors to subject the Moors of Aragon to the same laws as those of Valencia, and they were baptized without resistance in 1526. In 1530 the Pope gave the inquisitor-general, the neces- sary power to absolve all the Moors of Aragon as often as they should relapse into heresy and repent, without inflicting any public penance or infamous punishments. The motives expressed in the bull for" this conduct were, that they were much sooner converted by gentle means than severity. It is natural to inquire why a different policy was adopted with respect to the Jews ; they were all rich merchants, while scarcely one in five thousand was found ; among' the Moors. Occupied in the cultivation of the ground and, the care of their flocks, they were always poor; sometimes workmen of singular intelligence, talent, and address were found among them. The Morescoes of Grenada also occupied the attention of the emperor, although the events which passed among them were of less importance. When the empei'or was at Grenada in 1526, a memorial from the' Morescoes was presented to him, by Don Ferdinand Benegas, Don Michael d' Aragon and Diego Lopez Benax- ara ; they were all members of the municipality, and illus- H 98 nrSTORT op the iNaUISlXION. [Chap.XII. trious nobles, as they were descended in the direct male line from the Moorish kings of Grenada. They represented that the Moors suffered much from the priests, judges, notaries, alguazils, and other Old Christians. The emperor appeared touched by the recital, and commissioned a bishop to go into the countries inhabited by the Moors and examine into the state of religion. The bishop visited the kingdom of Gre- nada, and found that the Moors had reason to complain ; but he also discovered that there were scarcely seven Catho- lics among all these people ; all the others had returned to Mahometanism, either because they had not been properly instructed, or because they were permitted to exercise their old religion in public. The emperor convoked a council, which decreed that the inquisitorial tribunal of Jaen should be transferred to Gre- nada. Several other measures were adopted and approved by the emperor ; the most important was a promise of pardon to the Moors for all that had passed, and a notice that they would be treated with the utmost severity, if they again relapsed into heres)'. The Morescoes submitted, and obtained for eighty thousand ducats the privileges of wearing the costume of their nation, and that the Inquisition should not be allowed to seize their property if they relapsed. The inquisitors of Grenada celebrated an auto-da-f4 in 1528 with the greatest ceremony, in order to inspire the Moors with more respect and fear. However no Moors were burnt, but only baptized Jews who had returned to Judaism. The Moors still continued to emigrate to Africa, although they were treated with moderation. Philip II. obtained a brief from Paul IV., by which the confessors were autho- rized to absolve the Moors secretly, without imposing any penance or pecuniary penalty, on the condition that they demanded absolution voluntarily. The system of indulgence which had been adopted did not prevent Louis Alboaciu A. D. 1526.]. HISTORY OF THE INdUISITION. 99 from being condemned to the flames. After emigrating to Africa, he returned to Valencia with several other rene- gadoes, with the intention of exciting the Morescoes to a revolt ; the plot was discovered, the conspirators disarmed, and Louis was burnt in 1562. In 1567 the Pope expedited a brief in- favour of the Mo- rescoes of Valencia, but those of Grenada revolted, and elected for their king Don Ferdinand Valor, a descendant of their former sovereigns of the dynasty of Abenhumeyas. This rebellion continued for some time ; and Philip II. en- deavoured to quell it by issuing edicts of pardon even for those crimes which came under the jurisdiction of the Inqui- sition. An amnesty was granted to the Moors on condition that they came to solicit it, and many took advantage of the permission. To prevent emigration, the king remitted the penalty of confiscation, but the inquisitors, by means of the impenetrable secrecy which they always preserved, rendered the benevolent intentions of the sovereign of no avail. They did not publish the briefs of indulgence granted by the Coui't of Rome, knowing that a great number of the relwpsed would take advantage of them ; these people, not being aware of their privileges, were condemned and burnt. These ex- amples of cruelty increased the hatred of the Moors for this sanguinary tribunal, and were the cause of many seditions, which, in 1609, led to the entire expulsion of the Moors, to the number of a million souls ; so that in the space of an hundred and thirty-nine years the Inquisition deprived the kingdom of Spain of three millions of inhabitants, Jews, Morescoes, and Moors. H2 lOO BiSTORr OP THE INftUlSlTION. [Ckap. XIII. CHAPTER XIII. OF THE PROHIBITION OF BOOKS AND OTHER ARTICLES. The opinions of Luther, Carolstadt, Zuingle, CEcoIampadius, Melancthon, Muncer, and Calvin, were first promulgated during the ministry of Don Alphonso Manrique, the fifth inquisitor-general. These reformers were called Protestants after the imperial diet at Spire, in 1529. Leo the Xth had already condemned the opinions of Lu- ther as heretical, which induced Manrique to enact severe punishments for those who should openly maintain or write in favour of them. In 1490 several Hebrew bibles and books written by Jews were burnt at Seville ; at Salamanca more than six thousand volumes of magic and sorcery were committed to the flames. In 1502 Ferdinand and Isabella appointed the presidents of the Chanceries of Valladolid and Ciudad Real, the Arch- bishops of Seville, Toledo, Grenada, the Bishops of Burgos, Salamanca, and Zamora, to decide on all affairs relating to the examination, censure, printing, introduction, or sale of books. In 1521 the Pope wrote to the governors of the provinces of Castile during the absence of Charles V., re- commending them to prevent the introduction of the works of Luther into the kingdom ; and Cardinal Adrian, in the same year, ordered the inquisitors to seize all books of that nature : this order was repeated in 1523. In 1530 the Supreme Council wrote to the inquisitors during the absence of Cardinal Manrique, on the necessity of executing the measures which had been ordained ; adding, that information had been received that the writings of Luther had been introduced into the Kingdom under fic- titious titles, or as works entirely composed by Catholics A. D. 1S27.]- HISTORY OP THE INdUISITION. lOl authors ; and in order to repress this intolerable abuse, they were commanded to vi?it all public libraries for those books, and to add to the edict of denunciation, a particular article, to oblige all Catholics to denounce any person who might read or keep them in their houses. In 1535 Cardinal Manrique addressed an order to the inquisitors, and ano- ther in the same year prohibiting the universities of the kingdom from explaining, reading, or even selling the Colloquies of Erasmus. In 1528 he anathematised some other works of the' same author, although he had defended him in 1527, in an assembly which met to examine his writings. Erasmus was considered in Spain as a supporter of the Catholic faith against the doctrine of Luther, and his enemies were only a few scholastic theologians, who were not acquainted with the Greek and . Hebrew tongues. The Spanish theologians who, wrote against him were, Diego Lopez de Zuiiiga, Sancho de Carranza, professor of theo- logy in the university of Alcala. de' Heuares, Brother Louis de Carjaval, a Franciscan, Edward Lee, the English ambas- sador, and Pedro Vittoria, a theologian of Salamanca. After this first attack, in the Lent of the year 1527, two monks denounced several propositions in the works, of Eras- mus, as heretical. Alphpnso Manrique (although he was then the friend of Erasmus) was obliged to submit these propositions to the examination of qualifiers ; but he ap- pointed the most learned men of the kingdom to that office. This assembly of doctors lasted two months, when the plague, which then desolated some parts of the kingdom, obliged them to separate, before they had decided on the judgment to be pronounced ; it appears from several letters written by Erasmus about that time that he hoped it would be favourable to him.* * Erasmus, letters 884, 907, 910, - 102 .HISTORr OF THE INftUISITION. [Ckap. XIU. But the Supreme Council qualified his Colloquies, his Eulogy of FoUy, and his Paraphrase, and prohibited them from being read. In later times, this prohibition was ex- tended to several other books of the same author, and the Inquisition recommended in its edicts that the works of Erasmus should be read with caution. The emperor Charles V. commissioned the University of Lou vain to form a list of dangerous books, and in 1539 he obtained a bull of approbation from the Pope. The index was published in 1540 by the university in all the states of Flanders, six years after a decree had been issued to pro- hibit the writings of Luther from being read or bought on pain of death.* This severe measure displeased all ranks. The princes of Germany openly complained of it, and offered to assist Charles in his war against the Turks, if he would allow the people liberty in matters of religion. Charles paid no atten- tion to their remonstrances, and this bad policy accelerated the progress of Lutlieranism. In 1349, the inquisitor-general, with the approbation of the Supreme Council, added some new works to the list of those which had been prohibited, and addressed two ordi- nances to the inquisitors, enjoining them in the first, not to allow any person to possess them, and in the second, com- manding the consultors of the holy office neither to read nor keep them, though the execution of the decrees might throw them into their hands. In 1.346 the emperor commanded the University of Lou- vain to publish the index, with additions. This work appeared in 1550, and the prince remitted it to tlie in- quisitor-general, and it was printed by the order of the Supreme Council, with a supplement composed of books prohibited in Spain; some time after the council framed another index, which was certified by the secretary. * Sandoval. Hist. Charles V. B. 24, J 23. A.D. IMO.] HISTORY OF THE INCiUISITION. 103 All the Inquisitions received copies, and a bull from Julius III., which renewed the prohibitions and revoked the per* missions contraiy to the new bulls : he charged the inquisi- tors to seize as many books as they could ; to publish prohibitory edicts, accompanied by censures ; to prosecute those who did not obey them, as suspected of heresy ; and to give an account of the books which they had read and preserved. The Pope added, that he was informed that a great number were in the possession of librarians and private persons, particulai'ly the Spanish Bibles mentioned in the catalogue, and the Missal and Diurnal in the supplement. The Council of Trent, after acknowledging the necessity x>{ treating the writings of heretics with great severity^ commissioned the celebrated Carranza to compose the cata- logue. After having examined the great number of book^ submitted to the coaincil, he sent all those which did no$ contain any thing reprehensible to the Dominican convent in -the city of Trent, and caused the rest to be burnt, or torn, and thrown into, the Adige.* Carranza soon after accom- panied Philip II. to England, where he not only converted many Lutherans, but caused many bibles which had been translated to be burnt, ■ Some bibles, which had been introduced into Spain, and were not upon the list, wei'e also prohibited ; and the inqui- sitors were commanded to publish the interdict, and to employ severe measures against those who refused to obey it. The ordinances of the Council of Castile, composed by the order of the king, and approved by him, were published in the same year ; they gave the council the privilege of permitting books to be printed, on the condition that they should be examined previously, if the subject of which they treated was important. * Salazar de Mendoz?., Life of Don Bartholomew Cairanza, oh. yii. 104 HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. [Chap. XIII. Charles V. and Philip II. liad regulated the circulation of books in their American states. In 1543 the viceroys and other authorities were commanded to prevent the intro- duction or printing of tales and romances. In 1550 a new decree obliged the tribunal of the com- merce of Seville to register all the books destined for the colonies, to certify that they were not prohibited. In 15.36 the government commanded that no work re- lating to the affairs of America should be published without a permission from the council of the Indies, and that those already printed should not be sold unless they were exa- mined and approved, wliich obliged all those who possessed any to submit them to the council. The officers of the customs in America were also obliged to seize all the pro- hibited books which might be imported, and remit them to the archbishops and bishops, who, in this case, possessed the same powers as the inquisitors of Spain. Lastly, Philip II. in 1560 deci-eed new measures, and the surveillance was afterwards as strictly observed in the colo- nies of the New World as in the Peninsula. Although Charles V. and Philip II. neglected nothing that could j)revent the introduction of prohibited books into Spain, several which were favourable to the Lutheran lieresy penetrated into the kingdom. In 1558 the inquisitor- general published an edict more severe than any of the pre- ceding ; and also drew up an instruction for the use of the inquisitors ; importing, that all books mentioned in the printed catalogue should be seized ; that a public auto- da-fe should be made of those tending" to heresy ; that the commentaries and notes attributed to Melancthon should be suppressed in all the treatises on grammar where they were introduced ; that the bibles . marked as being suspected should be examined ; that no books should be seized except those mentioned in the list ; that all the books printed in Germany since 1519 without the name of the author should A.D. 1558.] HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 105 be examined ; that the translation of Theophylact by Qico- lampadius should be seized ; likewise some volumes of the works of St. John Chrysostom, which had been translated by that arch-heretic and Wolfang Nuscuhis ; that the com- mentaries by heretics on works composed by catholics should be suppressed ; and that a book on medicine might be seized, although it was not mentioned in the index. When this edict was published, Francis Sanchez, professor of theology in the university of Salamanca, wrote to inform the Supreme Council, that he had occupied himself for several years in examining dangerous books, and gave his opinion on the course which ought to be pursued. The council, in consequence, decreed that those theolo- gians in the university who had studied the Oriental lan- guages, should be obliged, as well as other persons, to give up their Hebrew and Greek Bibles to the commissaries of the holy office, on pain of excqmmunication j that the pro- prietors of Greek, Arabic,' and Hebrew books," not men- tioned in the list, should not be molested ; that the order concerning the books printed without the name of the author, related only to modern productions ; that the request made by some persons to be allowed to keep Pomponius Mela, with the commentary of Nadicano, should be refused ; that these books should be remitted to the council to be examined ; that the order to seize all works containing errors should only be applied to modern books ; and that the Summa Armata of Durand, of Cajetan, Peter Lombard, Origen, Theophylact, TertuUian, Lactantius, Lucian, Aris- totle, Plato, Seneca, and other authors of that class, should be allowed to circulate ; that the council, being informed that several catalogues of prohibited books existed, would unite them, and compose one general catalogue. In the year 1558 the terrible law of Philip II. was pub- lished, which decreed the punishments of death and con- ftscation for all those who should sell, buy, keep, or read. 106 HISTORY OF THE INftDISITION. [Ck»p. XIII. the books prohibited by the holy office ; and, to ensure th^ execation of this sanguinary Jaw, the index was printed, that the people might not allege ignorance in their defence. A bull of 1559 enjoins confessors to interrogate their penitents on this subject, and to remind them that they were obliged to denounce the guilty on pain of excommunication. A particular article subjects the confessors to the same punishment if they neglected this duty, even if their peni- tents were of the highest rank. This severe law was however mitigated in 1561, when the Cardinal of Alexandria, inquisitor-general of Rome, pub- lished a decree, announcing, in the name of Pius IV., that some of the prohibitions of books had been withdrawn. This decree also granted permission to read and possess gome books which had been suppressed only because they were written by heretics. Valdes, the inquisitor-general of Spain, immediately wrote to the inquisitors of the provinces, to suspend the execution of the edict, until he had received the orders of the king, to whom he had represented the danger arising from a measure which annulled the punishment of ex- communication ; but Valdes had another motive in this proceeding. In 1559, this inquisitor had published a printed catalogue of prohibited books, which was much more extended than that of 1558, and in which, according to the advice of Francis Sanchez, he had introduced all the works mentioned in the catalogues of Rome, Lisbon, Louvain, and those of Spain of an earlier date. He divided them into six classes. The first consisted of Latin books ; the second of those written in CastiUan ; the third of those in the Teutonic language ; the fourth of German books ; the fifth of French ; and the sixth of Portuguese. Valdes, in a note at the end of his index, gave notice that there were many books subject to the prohibition, not mentioned in the list, but that they A. D. 1568] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 107 would be added. He appointed the punishment of excom- munication, and a penalty of two hundred ducats, for those persons who should read any of these books, and in this number were included some which were permitted to be read by the last edict of the Pope. Valdes had inserted in his catalogue some books which had not only been considered catholic, but were in the hands of everybody and full of true piety, particularly some works of Don Hernand de Talavera, the venerable Juan d'Avila, Bartholomew Carranza de Miranda, Archbishop of Toledo ; Hernand de Villegas, Louis de Granada, a Dominican ; and St. Francis Borgia. The catalogue of Valdes contained other general prohi^ bitions. This proscription included all Hebrew books, and those in other tongues which treated of the Jewish customs ; those of the Arabs, or those which in any way treated of the Mahometan religion ; all works composed or translated by an heretic, or a pei'son condemned by the holy office; all treatises in the Spanish language with a preface, letter, prologue, summary, notes, additions, paraphrase, expla- nation, glossary, or writing of that nature added by an heretic ; all sermons, writings, letters, discourses, on the Christian religion, its mysteries, sacraments, or the Holy Scriptures, if these works were inedited manuscripts. Lastly, the same prohibition was extended to a multitude of translations of the Bible, and other books which had been written by men of great piety, and had always been con- sidered as proper guides to virtue : of this number were the works of Denis, the Carthusian ; the author known by the name of the Idiot; the Bishop Roffense, and many other writers. In the eighteenth session of the Council of Trent (which began on the 26th February, 1562), the bishops found that it was necessary to examine the books which were denounced as suspicious, on account of the complaints which had been 108 HISTORY OP THE INClUrsITION. [Ch»p. Xllf. made on the probibition.of the great number of works which had been unjustly enrolled in the decree of Paul IV. The council appointed commissioners to examine them, and they made a report of their labour in the last session in 1563 : they had drawn up a catalogue of the works which they considered necessary to be prohibited. It was submitted to Pius v., who published it in 1564, with ten general rules for the solution of any difficulties which might be discovered. A great number of books, which had been unjustly con- demned by Valdes, were omitted in this index, and the Catechism of Carranza was declared to be orthodox by an assembly of theologians who had been appointed to ex- amine it. In 1565 the Doctor Gonzales Illescas published the first part of his Pontifical History. It was immediately seized by the holy office, and the second part, printed at Valla- dolid in 1567, shared the same fate. . A short time after, Illescas was persecuted by the inquisitors of Valladolid ; and, to preserve himself from becoming their victim, was obliged to suppress his work and write another, omitting the articles against some of the popes : this work appeared in 1574. Although the holy office had so carefully sup- pressed the first edition, it was inserted in the index of 1583, as if some copies had been still in existence. In 1567 the council commanded the theological works of Brother John Fero, a Franciscan of Italy, to be seized, with the. notes and corrections of Brother Michael de Medina, and some other works of the same author, who ended his days in the dungeons of the Inquisition in 1578, before his sentence had been pronounced. After his death, his Apology for John Fero was inserted in the expurgatory index. In 1568 the Supreme Council charged the officers of the Inquisition to watch the ; frontiers of Guipuscoa, Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia, with the greatest vigilance, to pre- vent the introduction of prohibited books. This resolution A. D. 1581] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION, 109 Vas adopted, because information had been received tliat a great number of Lutheran books in the Castilian tongue were packed and sent in hogsheads of the wines of Cham- pagne and Burgundy, with so much art, that the officers of -the customs could not discover the deception. In 1570 the council prohibited a work on the Pentateuch by Brother Jerome de Holcastro ; and the Petit Office, printed at Paris in 1556. The motive for this suppression was sin- gular : the frontispiece was decorated with" a cross and a swan, with the motto, " In hoc cigno vinces." It is plain that the Petit OffiSe was prohibited, because a C was used instead, of the S in the word signo. The same severity was shewn in all cases where the books had this symbol, or any allegories of that nature. i , ' . In 1571 the inquisitors caused a Spanish Bible,' printed at Baste, to be seized, and Philip II. wrote to the- Duke of ^Iva, the governor of the Low Countries, to compose an index for the use of the Flemish people, with the assistance of the learned Arias Montanus. . He presided in an assembly of theologians, who judged that the new index should only consist of the Latin prohibited by the Inquisition, or M'hich it was necessary to correct. This measure was applied only to some well-known authors who were dead , and to some others, still living ; but more particularly to the works of Erasmus, and with circumstances which might lead to the supposition, that his books were the principal objects of the prohibition, and that of the other authors merely a pretext to conceal the injury done to him. This catalogue was printed at Ant- werp in 1571, with a preface by Arias Montanus, a royal decree and a proclamation of the Duke of Alva enforcing the execution of it. This list is known by the name of the Eocpurgatory Index of the Duke of Alva. The holy office had no part in this affair, as the Flemings had refused to ■recognise their authority. In 1582 the inquisitor-geijeral, Don Gaspard de Quiroga, 110 HISTORY OP THE INSUISITION. [Chap. XIII. published a new Prohibitory Index. It is remarkable that the Index of his predecessor Valdes is mentioned in this list. That which was published in 1584 was drawn up by Juan de Mariana, who soon after had some of his own works prohibited. In 1611, a new index was formed under the inquisitor-general Don Bernard de Roxas de Sandoval. The Cardinal Zapata, who succeeded Roxas, adopted one more extended in 1620, and it was used by his successor, Don Antonio de Sotomayer, in 1630. This catalogue was the first which the inquisitors presumed to publish from their own authority, and without being commissioned by govern- ment. Don Diego Sarmiento Valladares, inquisitor-general, in 1681, began to reprint it with additions, and it was finished by Don Vidal Marin, who published it in 1707. Don Francis Perez del Prado, another inquisitor-general, commissioned the Jesuits Casani and Carrasco to compose a new catalc^ue. Although these monks wei'e not authorized by the Supreme Council, they inserted in the list all the books which they supposed to be favourable to the Jansenists, £aius and Father Quesnel. Tlieir conduct was denounced to the Supreme Council by the Dominican Concina, and some other monks ; the Jesuits were examined, and defended themselves : the council, though it could not approve, did not carry the aflair further ; it had not suflftcient power to balance the influence of the Jesuit Francis Rabago, who was confessor to Ferdinand VI. Among the books which they prohibited were the works of Cardinal Norris, which were held in general estimation by the learned throughout Christendom. Benedict XIV., in 1748, addressed a brief to the inquisitor-general, com- manding him to revoke the prohibition ; as this order was not obeyed, the Pope complained to the king, but was unable to obtain his request until ten years after, when the Jesuit Rabago no longer directed the conscience of the monarch. A. D. 1792.] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. Ill The index of the Jesuits also contained several treatises of the venerable Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Ai'chbishop and Viceroy of Mexico. The congregation of rites after- wards declared that there was nothing in them worthy of censure, and the inquisitor-general was obliged to revoke the prohibition in an edict, the copies of which were immediately bought up by some friends of the Jesuits. To give an idea of the criticism of Perez del Prado, it is sufficient to say that he bitterly lamented the misfortunes of the age he lived in, saying, " That some individuals had carried their audacity to the execrable extremity of demanding permission to read the Holy Scriptures in the vulgar tongue, without fearing to encounter mortal poison therein.''^ ■ In 1792 a new index was published, without the consent, and even in opposition to the Supreme Council, by Don Augustine Rubin de Cevallos, inquisitor-general. It is this index which is still in force, but the prohibitions and expur- gatory measures have since been multiplied. The prohibitory decrees are preceded by qualification. The process is instituted before the supreme council ; but as the information is generally laid before the inquisitors of the court, they appoint the qualifiers who censure the book. A copy of the work and the denunciation is sent to the first qualifier, and afterwards to the second, unsigned by the opinion of the first ; if they do not accord, copies are sent a third time before it is submitted to the Supreme Council. The inquisitors of the provinces have likewise the privilege of receiving informations : they proceed in the same manner ; but the council always commission the inquisitoi's of the court to censure books, because they were more sure of their qualifiers. If any person presumed to buy, keep, or read prohibited books, he rendered himself liable to be suspected of heresy by the inquisitors, although it might not be proved that he becanie au hei'etic from such reading; he incurred the 112 HISTORY OF THE INftOISlTION. [Chap. XIII. punishment of major excommunication, and was proceeded against by the tribunal : the result of this action was the ab- solution ad cautdam. < During the last years of the eighteenth century, no person has been imprisoned for reading prohibited books, unless he was convicted of having advanced or MTitten heretical pro- positions. The punishment inflicted was merely a pecuniary penalty, and a declaration that the individual was slightly suspected of heresy ; it must be acknowledged that this qua- lification was omitted, if there was any reason to suppose that the accused had erred from motives of curiosity, and not from a tendency to false doctrine. Nevertheless all these proceedings are arbitrary, and tiie inquisitors have the power of pursuing the infringers of this law as if they were heretics. The permission to read prohibited books, rendered all ac- tions instituted against those who violated the law ineffectual. The Pope granted it for a sum of money, without inquiring if the person who demanded it was capable of abusing the permission. The inquisitor-general of Spain acted with more prudence ; he took secret informations on the conduct of the solicitor, and required him to state in writing the object of his demand, and the subject on which he wished to consult the prohibited books. Where the permission granted was general, the books mentioned in the edicts were ex- cepted. In this sense the works of Rousseau, Montesquieu, Mirabeau, Diderot, d'Alembert, Voltaire, and several other modern philosophers, among whom was Filangleri, were ex- cepted from the privilege. During the, last years. of the In- quisition, the permissions granted by the Court of Rome did not defend the persons who received them from the inquisi- torial actions; they were subject to revision, and the inqui- sitor-general did not authorize the use of them without great difficulty, and as if the Court of Rome had never granted them. The Inquisition also prohibited pictures, medals, prints. A.D.1530.] HISTORY- OP THE INQTJISITIO-N. 113 and a nurnber of other things, with as much severity as books. Thus fans, snuff-boxes, mirrors, and other articles of furniture, were often the cause of great ti'oubles and diffi- culties to those wlio possessed them, if they happened to be adorned with the mythological figure which might be consi- dered as indeceflt. CHAPTER XIV. PAETICULAR TRIALS FOR SUSPICION OF LUTHERANISM, AND SOME OTHER CRIMES. Edicts against Lutherans, Illuminati, &c. The inquisitor-general, who perceived the necessity of arrest- ing the progress of Lutheranism in Spain, decreed, in con- cert with the Council of the Inquisition, several new articles in addition to the annual edict. These articles oblige every Christian to declare, if he knows or has heard of any person who has said, maintained, or thought that the sect of Luther is good, or that his partisans will be saved, and approved nor believed any of his condemned propositions : for example, that it is not necessary to confess sins to a priest, and that it is sufficient to confess to God ; that neither the Pope nor the priests have the power of remitting sins ; that the body of Jesus is not actually present in the consecrated host ; that it is not permitted to pray to saints, or expose images in churches ; that faith and baptism are sufficient for salvation, and that good works are not necessary ; that every Christian may, although not of the . priesthood, receive the confession of another Christian, and administer the sacrament to him ; that the Pope has not the power of granting indulgences ; that priests and monks may lawfully marry ;, that God did not establish the regular religious orders ; that the state of mar- I 114 HISTORY OP THE INaUISITION. [Chap. XIV. riage is better and more perfect than that of celibacy ; that there ought to be no festivals but the sabbath, and that it is not sinful to eat meat on Friday, in Lent, or on other fast-days. Alphonso Manrique also gave permission to the inquisi- tors of the provinces to take any measures they might think proper, to discover those persons who had embraced the heresy of the illuminati, {alumbrados.) These people, who were also called dejados (jjuietists), formed a sect whose chief, it is said, was that Muncer who had already established that of the Anabaptists. Some time after, the Council of the Inquisition added several articles relative to the illumi- nati to those already mentioned. I am of opinion, that the first Spaniards who followed the doctrines of Luther were Franciscan monks ; for Clement VII., in 1526, authorized the general and provincials of the order of Minor Friars of St. Francis d'Assiz, to absolve those of the community who had fallen into that heresy, after they had taken an oath to renounce it for ever. Several monks of the same order had already represented to the Pope, that by the privileges granted to them in the bull mare magnum, and confirmed by other decrees of the holy see, no stranger had a right to interfere in their affairs, and that they did not recognize any judge but the judge of their institution, even in cases of apostasy. Manrique, embarrassed in his ministry by the pretensions of the Franciscans, wrote to the Pope, who expedited, in 1525, a brief, by which the inquisitor-general was em- powered to take cognizance of these affairs, assisted by a monk named by the prelate of the order, and that, in cases of appeal from judgment, the Pope should be applied to : but these appeals were afterwards ordered to be made before the inquisitor-general. Trials of Several Persons. During the ministry of the inquisitor-general Manrique, A.D. 1534.] HISTORY OP THE INQtFlSITlON. 115 history points out several illustrious and innocent victims of the tribunal, virho were suspected of Lutheranism : such was the Venerable Juan d'Avila, who M'ould have been beati- fied, if he had been a monk, but he was only a secular priest : he was called, in Spain, the Apostle of Andalusia, on account of his exemplary life and his charitable actions. St. Theresa de Jesus informs us, in her works, that she derived much assistance from his counsels and doctrine. He preached the gospel with simplicity, and never introduced into his dis. courses those questions which at that time so disgracefully agitated the scholastic theologians. Some envious monks, irritated at his aversion for disputes, united to plan his ruin. They denounced some of his propositions to the Inqui- sition, as tending to Lutheranism and the doctrines of the illuminati. In 1534, Juan d'Avila was confined in the se- cret prison of the holy office, by an order of the inquisitors ; they did not make their resolution known to the Supreme Council or to the ordinary, on the pretence that this measure was only ordained in case of a difference of opinion. Although this proceeding was contrary to the laws of the Inquisition, to the royal ordinances, and those of the Supreme Council, yet they contemned these violations, and even tacitly ap- proved them, as no reprimand was addressed to the offenders. This act of the Inquisition, which took place at Seville, much affected the inquisitor -general : he occupied the see of that city, and had the greatest esteem for Juan d'Avila, whom he regarded as a saint, which was a fortunate circum- stance for him, as the protection of Manrique, as chief of the Inquisition, greatly contributed to prove his innocence; d'Avila was acquitted, and continued to preach with the same zeal and charity until his death. This year was more fatal to two men, who are celebrated in the literary history of -Spain — Juan de Vergara, and Ber- nardin de Tobar, his brother: they were arrested by the Inquisition of Toledo, and were not released from its dun- I 2 116 HISTORY OP THE INQDISITION. [Chap. XtV. geons, until they had been subjected to the abjuration {de levi) of the Lutheran heresy, to receive tlie absolution of censures ad cautelam, and to several penances. Juan de Vergara was a canon of Toledo, and had been secretary to Cardinal Xlmenez de Cisneros, and to Don Alphonso de Fonseca, his successor in the see of that city. Nicholas An- tonio has inserted, in his library, a notice of the literary pro- ductions of this Spaniard, and does justice to his virtue and merit. His profound knowledge of the Greek and Hebrew languages was the cause of his misfortune ; he had remarked some faults in the translation of the Vulgate, and thus gave the signal for persecution to some monks who had only studied Latin and the jargon of the schools. The chapter of Toledo honoured his memory in placing on his tomb an epi- taph, which is preserved by the author I have cited. Vergara had a claim on the gratitude of this community, for having composed the inscriptions which decorate the choir of their church. Bernardin de Tobar is less known, but Peter Martyr d'Angleria mentions him among the learned men of the six- teenth century, and John Louis Vives, a learned man of that age, says, in writing to Erasmus : " We live in a difficult time ; it is dangerous either to si)eak or be silent ; Vergara, his brother Bernardin de Tobar, and several other learned men, have been arrested in Spain *." Among this number was one of whom Vives could not give a particular account. I speak of Alphonso Virues, a Benedictine, born at Olm'edo, and one of the best theologians of his time. He had a profound knowledge of the oriental languages, and had composed several works. He was a member of the commission which judged the works of Eras- mus in 1527, and preacher to Charles V., who listened to his discourses with so much pleasure that he took him to * Mayan's Life of John Louis Vives, in the introduction to the new edition of his works. A.D. 1538.] HISTORY OF THE INQBISITION. 117 Germany, and on his return to Spain would not hear any other person. ^These distinctions excited the envy of the monks, and they would have succeeded in their endeavours to ruin him, but for the firmness and constancy of the emperor in protecting him. Virues was suspected of being favourable to the opinions of Luther, and thrown into the secret prisons of the holy office at Seville. The emperor, who knew him well, both from his sermons, and the intei-course which took place during their travels in Germany, felt this blow acutely, and not doubting that Virues was the victim of an intrigue which the inquisitor-general ought to have prevented, he exiled Manrique, who was obliged to retire to his archbishopric of Seville, where he died in 1538. Not content with this, Charles commanded the Supreme Council to address an ordi- nance to all the tribunals of the Inquisition, importing, that in case of a preliminary instruction sufficiently serious to cause the arrest of a monk, the decree of imprisonment should be delayed, and that the inquisitors should send an entire and faithful copy of the commencement of the proceed- ings to the Supreme 'Council, and wait for the orders which \vould be sent them after the examination of the writings. The unfortunate Virues, nevertheless, suffered all the hor- hors of a secret impi'isonment for four years. During this period, as he writes to Charles V., " he was scarcely allowed to breathe, or to occupy himself with anything but charges, replies, testimonies, defences, libels, means, acts (nomina quce et ipso poene timendo sono words which cannot be heard without terrors), or with heresies, blasphemies, errors, anathemas, schisms, and other monsters, which, with labour that may. be compared to those of Hercules, I have at last conquered with the aid of Jesus Christ, so that I am now justified through your majesty's protection*." * Virues : Pfdlippics against Melancthon, in tjie dedication of the edition of Antwerp, 1541, 118 HISTORY OF THE INQOISITION. [Clmp. XIV. One of the means employed by Virues for his defence, was to demand that the tribunal should pay attention to the points of doctrine which he had established, and prepared to attack Melancthon and other Lutherans before the diet of Ratisbon ; but this demand did not gain the object which he had in view, which was a complete absolution, because his enemies had denounced propositions advanced in public. Although he proved that they were extremely Catholic, when examined with the text, yet he could not prevent them from incurring the theological censure in the fonn given by the denunciation : he was obliged to submit to an abjuration of all heresies, particularly that of Luther and his adherents. The definitive sentence was pronounced in 1537 : he was declared to be suspected of professing the erroi's of Luther, and condemned to be absolved from the censures ad cautelam ; to be confined in a monastery for two years, and prohibited from preaching the M'ord of God for two years after his release. The emperor, when informed of these transactions, com- plained to the Pope, who, in 1538, addressed a brief to Virues, which contained a dispensation from the different penances to which he had been condemned : it also re-in- stated him in his oflRce of preacher ; and declared, that what had passed could not exclude him from any office, not even from episcopacy. It is surprising that the affair of Virues, and many others, did not make Charles V. perceive the nature of the Inqui- sition, and that he still continued to protect that institution. However, the trial of his preacher, and several other crosses which he experienced about that time, were the reasons why he deprived the holy office of the royal jurisdiction in 1535, and it was not restored until the year 1545. This favour for Virues was so constant, that he soon after presented him to the Pope for the bishopric of the Canaries ; but the Pope refused him, alleging that the suspicions raised against the ^R t527.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. Il9 purity of his faith rendered him improper to be invested with the dignity of a bishop, although the bull had declared him to be eligible. The emperor insisted, and the Pope at length yielded to his pressing solicitations. Virues was made Bishop of the Canaries in 1540. In 1527 the Inquisition of Valladolid was occupied by an affair, of which it is necessary to give an account, that the compassion and indulgence which the inquisitors always pro- fessed in their acts, and other forms of justice, may be justly appreciated. One Diego Vallejo, of the village of Palacios de Meneses, m the diocese of Palencia, having been arrested for blas- phemy by the Inquisition, declared, among other things, that two months before, on the 24th of April, 1526, two phy- sicians, named Alphonso Garcia and Juan de "Salas, were disputing on the subject of medicine, before him and Ferdi- nand Ramirez, his son-in-law : the first maintained his opi- nion on the authority of certain writers ; Salas affirmed that these writers were deceived ; Garcia replied that his opinion was proved by the text of the evangelists, which caused Salas to say that they had lied as ioell as the others. Ferdinand • Ramirez (who had al^o been arrested upon suspicion of Judaism) was examined the same day ; his deposition was the same as that of Vallejo, but he added, that Salas returned to his house some hours after, and in speaking of what had passed, said, '^ What folly I have asserted!"" When the tribunal had finished the affair of Ramirez and Vallejo, they an'ested Juan de Salas. Th^ inquisitors (without the concurrence of the diocesan, without cOnsultors or qualifiers, and without communicating with the Supreme Council) decreed the arrest of Juan de •Salas on the 14th of February, 1527, as if the declarations of Ramirez and Vallejo had been sufficient. The audiences of admonition were granted, and the depositions were com- municated without the names of the pei-sons or place. He 120 HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. [Chap. XIV. replied that the circumstances were not correctly stated. The other physician was then called, who declared, that in conversing with Salas on the evangelists, he heard him say, that some of them had lied. He was asked if any one had reproached Salas for this expression ; Garcia replied, that an hour after he had advised him to give himself up to the Inquisition, and that he had promised to do so. The in- quisitor then asked if he was inimical to the accused ; the witness replied in the negative. On the 16th of April the ratification of Ramirez and Garcia took place. On the Gth of May the prisoner presented two requisitions or means of defence: in the first he protested against all that had been baid contrary to his declaration, and pointed out the differ- ences in the depositions of the witnesses ; the second was an interrogatory in thirteen questions, two of which tended to prove his orthodoxy, and the others to justify the motives of the challenge which ho had presented against certain persons who had been called upon to depose in his trial. This piece contains, in the margin, the witnesses to be consulted for each question. It will be seen that the prisoner took advan- tage of the laws of the holy oflSce' in his defence ; but tlic inquisitors, instead of conforming to their own regulations, erased the names of several persons designated in the list of the accused witnesses on his side, and would not hear them. Nevertheless, the facts mentioned in the interrogatory were proved by fourteen witnesses, and on the 25th of May the fiscal gave his conclusions. The fact related by Ramirez, the contradictions in the de- positions of the witnesses ; the difference in the report of both, from that of the accuser ; the important advantages gained by the prisoner in justifying his challenge, in only having two witnesses against him (who had both been pro- secuted, one for blasphemy, the other for Judaism), and in being accused of only one proposition ; lastly, the possibility that the accused had forgotten many things during the space A. D. 1527.] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 121 of a year, are circumstances which would make any one sup- pose that Juan de Salas would have been acquitted, or that they would, at least, (if they supposed that he had denied the truth,) have contented themselves with imposing the penance of the suspicion de levi upon him ; but instead of this, the inquisitor Moriz, without the concurrence of his colleague Alvarado, decreed that Salas should be tortured, as guilty of concealment. In this act the following depo- sition is found : — " We ordain that the said torture be em- ployed in the manner and during the time that we shall think proper, after having protested as we still protest, that, in case of injury, death, or fractured limbs, the fault can only be imputed to the said licentiate Salas." The decree of Moriz took eifect : I subjoin the verbal process of the execution. " At Valladolid, on the 21st of June, 1527, the licentiate Moriz, inquisitor, caused the licentiate Juan de Salas to appear before him, and the sentence was read and notified to him. After the reading, the said licentiate Salas declared, that he had not said that of which he loas accused ; and the said licentiate Moriz immediately caused him to be conducted to the chamber of torture, where, being stripped to his shirt, Salas was put by the shoulders into the chevalet, where the executioner, Pedro Porras, fastened him by the arms and legs with cords of hemp, of which he made eleven turns round each limb ; Salas, during the time that the said Pedro was tying him thus, was warned to speak the truth several times, to which he always replied, ension of their privileges for a fresli term of five years. The aversion inspired by the holy office was not without a cause, as will be seen in the follow- ing affair, which happened in 1.332. Antonio Napoles, a rich inhabitant of tlie island, had been thrown into the secret prisons of the Inquisition : Francis Napoles, his son, applied to the Pope, and described this act of authority as the result of a miserable intrigue of some men of the lowest class, of whom the inquisitors had been the dupes, and had granted them a degree of confidence which nothing could justify, since his father had acted like a good Catholic from his infancy. He represented that the dean of the inqiiisilors had leagued with his father's enemies, and detained him in prison five months, to the scandal and discontent of tiic inhabitants of Palermo, and without afford- ing him any means of defence ; Francis entreated his holiness not to allow the inquisitor to judge his father. The Pope referred the affair to his commissioners in Sicily, Don Thomas Guerrero and Don Sebastian Martinez. Scarcely had the inquisitors of Madrid received information of this event, than they pressed the emperor and Cardinal Manrique to write to the Pope, aud represent to him that the existence of this commission destroyed the privileges of the Spanish Inquisition, on which that of Sicily depended. The weak A A. D. 1569.] % IirSTORY OV THE INaUISITION. 161 Clement VII. hastened 'to. suppress the commission, and caused Guerrero to send all the writings of the process to the Spanish inquisitor-general. He appointed Doctor Don Augustin Camargo, inquisitor of Sicily, to continue the trial, or in his place any other inquisitor, so that Anifonio Napoles fell into the hands of his enemy. He was condemned as an heretic, his property confiscated, (although he was admitted to reconciliation,) and to be imprisoned for life. What can justify the conduct of the Pope, the cardinal, and the judges? The inquisitors of Sicily depended on the protection of the court of Madrid, and supposed, that when all fear of rebellion had ceased, their privileges would be restored : this was really the case ; the emperor, in 1543, signed a royal ordinance, which annulled the suspension at the end of the tenth year. This event inspii'ed the inquisitors with the boldness to signify to the Marquis de Terranova, that he must accomplish the penance to which he had been con- demned. An act appeared on the 16th of June, 1546, renewing the former concessions, and granting new ones. The Inquisition resolved to celebrate its victory ; a solemn auto-da-fe M'as celebrated, in which four contumacious persons were burnt in effigy. Similar ceremonies took place in 1549 and 1551. The inquisitors now became as insolent as formerly, treated the Sicilians of all classes with so much severity, that a new sedition was excited in Palermo against the holy office, at the time when the edict of the faith was about to be published. The viceroy succeeded in restoring tranquillity, and the in- quisitors appeared more moderate, at least while they were under the influence of fear, and instead of the solemn autos- dafe which had caused so much indignation, satisfied them- selves with celebrating them, from time to time, privately in the hall of the tribunal ; but in 1569 they ordained one which was general, and gave rise to a circumstance which deserves to be recorded. M I 162 HISTORY OK THE INftniSlTION. ,!(Cli»p. KVII. Among the prisoners of the Inquisition, was an unfortunate creature who had inspired the Marchioness of Pescari, the wife of the viceroy, with some interest. The inquisitors, thinlcing it necessary to conciliate the first magistrate of the island, remitted his punishment at the request of the mar- chioness, but at the same time informed the inquisitor-general of the circumstance, to avoid all reproach. The Supreme Council having deliberated on the affair, addressed a severe reprimand to the inquisitors, for having assumed a right which they did not possess, because, in affairs of that nature, intercession could not be admitted. When the island of Malta belonged to the Spanish mon- archy, it was subject to the Inquisition of Sicily ; but when it was given to the knights of St. John of Jerusalem, it would have beea contrary to the dignity of the grand-mastet to permit the exercise of foreign jurisdiction in it, after hav- ing received that of ecclesiastical power from the Pope. A man was arrested in the island as an heretic, and the Inquisition of Sicily took informations on the affair. The grand-master wrote to demand them ; the inquisitors con- sulted the council, which directed them, in 1575, not only to refuse them, but to claim the prisoner. The grand-master, resolved to defend his privileges, caused the man to be tried in the island, and he was acquitted. This act displeased the inquisitors, who, to revenge themselves, took advantage of an occurrence which took place in the following year. Don Pedro de la Roca, a Spaniard, and a knight of Malta^ killed the first alguazil of the Sicilian Inquisition in the city of Messina. He was arrested and conducted to the secret prisons of the holy oflBce. The grand-master claimed his knight, as he alone had a right to try him. The council being consulted, commanded the inquisitors to condemn and punish the accused as an homicide. The inquisitor-general commumcated this resolution to Philip II,, who wrote to th« grand-master to terminate the dispute. A. D. 1546.] HISTORY OP THE INaUISlTION. 163 The quarrels between the secular powers and the Inqui- sition were not less violent in Sicily : in 1580 and 1397 attempts were made to appease them, but without success; and in 1606 the Sicilians had the mortification of seeing their viceroy, the Duke de Frias, constable of Castile, prosecuted and subjected to their censures. In 1592 the Duke of Alva, who was then viceroy, en- deavoured by indirect means to i-epress the insolence of the inquisitors. Perceiving that the nobility of all classes were enrolled among the familiars oi the holy offi.ce, in order to enjoy its privileges, and to keep the people in greater order, he represented to the king that the power of the sovereign and the authority of his lieutenant were almost null, and would be entirely so in time, if these different classes con- tinued to enjoy privileges which had the .effect of neutra- lizing the measures of government. Charles II. acknow- ledged that this state of things was contrary to the dignity of his crown ; and he decreed that no person employed by the king should possess those prerogatives, even if he was a familiar or officer of the Inquisition. The people then began to feel less respect for the tribunal ; and this was the commencement of its decline. In 1713, Sicily no longer formed a part of the Spanish dominions, and Charles de Bourbon in 1739 obtained a bull, which created an inquisitor-general for that country, independent of Spain; and in 1782, Ferdinand IV., who suc- ceeded Charles, suppressed this odious tribunal. During the two hundred and seventy-nine years of its existence, the solemn and general autos-da-fe were celebrated of whiclT Munter speaks, and several others which were performed in the hall of the tribunal. In the year 1546, which corresponds with the administra- tion of Cardinal Loaisa, the number of condemned in the fifteen Spanish tribunals amounted to seven hundred and eighty individuals. M 2 164 HISTORY OP THE INttUISITION. [Chap. XVIII. CHAPTER XVIII. OF IMPOETANT EVENTS DURING THE FIRST YEARS OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE EIGHTH INGDISITOR-GENERAL ; RELIGION OF CHARLES V. DURING THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE. Trials during the first years of the ministry of Valde's. Don Ferdinand Valdes was the successor of Cardinal Loaisa in the archbishopric of Seville, and the office of inqui- silor-general. At the time of his appointment he was bishop of Siguenza, and president of the royal Council of Castile, after having been successively a member of the grand Col- lege of St. Bartholomew de Salamanca, of the Council of Administration for the archbishopric of Toledo, for the Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros, visitor of the Inquisition of Cuen9a and of the Royal Council of Navarre, a member of the Council of State, canon of the metropolitan church of Santiago de Gaiicia, counsellor of the Supreme Inquisition, bishop of Elna, Orensa, Oviedo and Leon, and president of the Royal Chancery of Valiadolid. So many honours could not render him insensible to the mortification of not being a cardinal like his predecessors, and of seeing Bartholomew Carranza elevated to the see of Toledo. This was the true cause of his cruel persecution of Carranza. The Pope approved the nomination of Valdes in Januaiy, 1547, and he took possession of his office in the following month. Valdes displayed an almost sanguinary disposition during his administration. It led him to demand from the Pope the power of condemning Lutherans to be burnt, even though they had not relapsed, and had desired to be recon- ciled. I shall here make known the most illustrious of the victims sacrificed before the abdication of Charles V., as it is A. D, 155»0 HISTORV OF THK INQUI i.]j HISTORY OF. ;THE : INaOISlTlON. 173 the illness ofthe emperor. Don Prudent de Sandoval, Bishop of Tui and Pampeluna, speaking of the last circumstances of the life of Chai'les V., relates that when that prince heard of the imprisonment of Ponce, ihe said, Oh ! if Constantine is an heretic, he is a great heretic ran expression very different from that which. he used on hearing that a monk named Dominic de Guzman had been arrested in the same city : They might rather imprison him as a fool than an heretic. In his codicil, written twelve days before his death, Charles V. thus expresses himself: "When I had been in- formed that many persons had been arrested in some pro- vinces, and that others were to be taken, as accused of Lu- theranism, I wrote to the princess my daughtei-, to inform her in what manner they should be punished, and the evil remedied. I also wrote aftervvards to Louis Quixada, and authorized him to act in my name in the same affair; and although I am persuaded that the king my son, the princess my daughter, and the ministers, have already, and will always, make every . possible effort to destroy so great an evil,, with all the severity and promptitude which it re- quires ; yet, considering what I owe to the service of our Lord, the triumph of his faith, the preservation of his church and the Christian religion, (in the defence of which I have pei'formed.such painful labours at the risk of my life, as every one .knows ;) and particularly desiring, above all, to inspire my son, whose catholic sentiments I know, with the wish of imitating my conduct, and which I hope he will do, from knowing his virtue and piety, I beg and recommend to him very particularly, as much as I can and am obliged to do, and command him moreover in my quality of father, and by the obedience which, he owes me, to labour with diligence, as in a point which particularly interests him, that the -heretics shall be prosecuted and chastised with all the severity which their crimes deserve, without permitting a7vt/ criminal to be excepte(i,Mithout any respect for the entrea- 174 HISTORY OF THB INQUISITION. [Ctap.XVIII. ties, or rank, or quality of the persons : and that my inten- tions may have their full and entire effect, I desire him to protect the holy office of the Inquisition, for the great num- bers of crimes which it prevents or punishes, remembering that I have charged him to do so »?» my will, that he may fulfil his duty as a prince, and render himself worthy that the Lord should make his reign prosperous, conduct his affairs, and protect him against his enemies, to my consola- tion*." I have already stated, that no dependance can be placed on the account given by Gregorio Leti of the conversations of the emperor with Don Bartholomew Carranza de Miranda, archbishop of Toledo. It is certain that the emperor had a great esteem for Carranza, which induced him to give him the bishopric of Cusco in America, in 1542, and of the Canaries in 1549 ; to send him as theologian of the emperor to the council of Trent, in 1545 and 1551 ; and to London with his son Philip II., King of Naples and England, in 1554, to preach against the Lutherans. Nevertheless, when he was informed, in his retreat at Yuste, that Carranza had ac- cepted the archbishopric of Toledo, to which King Philip had appointed him, he began to feel less esteem for him, because he did not know that Carranza had refused that dignity, and named three persons whom he considered more worthy to occupy it. Philip was not only displeased at this refusal, but he commanded him to obey the will of his sovereign, and wrote to the Pope, who supported his order by a particular brief addressed to Br. Bartholomew. Charles V., at this period, had Br. Juau de Regla, a Jeronimite, and a learned theologian, for his confessor. He had assisted at the Council of Trent with Carranza, whom he always treated as an enemy, because he was jealous of his great reputation. I shall hereafter prove the disposition of Juan de Regla towards Carranza ; at present I shall only. * Saadoval's History of Charles V., vol. ii. A. D. 1588.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 175 show that he had great part in his disgrace with the empe- ror, for beipg suspected of professing the same doctrines as Egidius, Constantine, Cazalla, and others. Regla became more fanatip than charitable, during the persecution which he suffered from the Inquisition of Saragossa, when he was prior of the Convent of Santa Fe; he was condemned to abjure eighteen Lutheran propositions, of which the inquisi- tors declared him to be suspected. The emperor was also informed, through the private correspondence of his children, that the Inquisition was occupied in preparing the trial of the archbishop for heresy, when he came to visit him in his last illness ; and his presence was so disagreeable, that, instead of conversing with him, as Leti affirms, he did not speak one word. Sandoval, with more probability, thus expresses himself: " This evening the archbishop of Toledo^ Carranza, arrived, but he could not see the emperor. This prince had waited for him with much impatience since he had quitted England, because he wished to have an explanation on certain things which had been reported of him, and seemed to show that his faith was suspected ; for that of the prince was extremely lively, and anything which appeared contrary to sound doctrine gave him great pain. The archbishop re* turned on another day ; the emperor who wished much to hear him, admitted him into his presence, and told him to sit down, but did not talk to him, and on that night he became much worse.*" The animosity of Juan de Regla against the archbishop of Toledo, was soon manifested in two voluntary informations before the Inquisitor-General Valdes, on the 9th and 23rd of December, in 1558, at Valladolid. I shall at a future period explain all the articles of the denunciation of Juan de Regla, but it is necessary to anticipate the order of time in affairs, to prove that Charles V. was not disposed to favour Garranza in the latter part of his life. ' * Sandoval's History of Charles V., torn. ii. 176 HISTORY OF THE IXaUlSITION. (.Chsp. XVIII. The first denunciation toolc place on the 9 th of December : it imported, that on the day before the death of the emperor, the archbishop of Toledo kissed his majesty's hand, and left the room ; that he soon after returned ; and that he did so several times, though the emperor showed very little desire to see him, and that he gave him absolution before he confessed him ; which Juan da Rcgla imputed to the archbishop as a sign of contempt or neglect of the sacrament : that in one of these visits he said to the emperor, Your majesty may be full of confidenci; for there is not, nar ever has been any sin, the death of Jesus having sufficed to efface it ; that this dis- course appeared bad to him, and that there were present Br. Pedro de Sotomayor and Br. Diego Ximenez, Dominicans ; Br. Marcos Oriols de Cardona and Br. Francis Villalba, monks of St. Jerome : the last was his majesty's preacher ; the Count de Oropesa and Don Diego de Toledo his brother ; Don Louis d'Avila Zuriiga, grand commander of the military order of Alcantara, and Don Louis de Quixada, major-domo to the emperor. The inquisitor-general would not admit the Dominican monks as witnesses, because he supposed them subject to the archbishop : the evidences of Count Oropesa and his brother were likewise rejected, because they were his friends. The monk of St. Jerome declared that the archbishop arrived at Yuste on a Sunday, two days before the death of the emperor ; tliat this prince woidd not see him or allow him to enter, but his major-domo, Don Louis de Quixada, undertook to introduce liim ; that Carranza threw himself on his knees in the chamber, and that the emperor, without saying a word to him, fixed his eyes upon him, like a person wlio wishes to express himself by a look : that the persons who were present retired : that when the archbishop came out of the chamber he .^^ppeared discontented, and he the witness be- lieved that he was so, having heard from William, the emperor's barber, that on the day when the news of the A, D. 1308.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 177 nomination of Carranza to the archbishopric of Toledo ar- rived, his raajesty said, IVhen I gave him the bishopric of the Canwies he refused it ; now he accepts the archbishopric of Toledo ; we shall see what we are to think of his virtue ; that their private interview lasted a quarter of an liour, and the archbishop called in the attendants. When they entered, the arclibishop threw himself on his knees, and his majesty made a sign for him to sit down, and repeat some words of consolation ; that the prelate again threw himself on his knees, and repeated the four first verses of the psalm De profundis, not literally, but paraphrasing the text. His majesty made him a sign to stop, and Carranza then retired with the other attendants ; that on another day, about the hour of ten in the evening, just before the emperor expired, Carranza visited him, because he had been informed of his danger, and gave him the crucifix to kiss, and at the same time addressed some words of consolation to him, a,t which the monks Juan de Regla, Fi'ancis de Villalba, Francis Angulo, prior, and Louis de St. Gregoria, -were scandalized. These persons conversed together afterwards, and said that the prelate ought not to have Spoken thus ; but the .witness could not recollect what the words were. They were re- peated to him, and he replied that he believed they might be the same, but that he could not be certain, as he was reading the passion of our Saviour, according to St. Luke, at the time ; he only remarked that the monks looked at one another with a kind of mystery. Neither Francis Angulo, nor Louis de St. Gregoria were examined, pei-haps they wei-e dead. Francis de Villalba, preacher to the emperor, declared, that he had not heard anything In the emperor's apartment which was worthy of being reported to the Inquisition. Being questioned as to what he thought of the discourse which the archbishop had addressed to the emperor, he replied that he was only present once, when the prelate recited some verses of the De pro- N 178 HISTORY OF THE IXaOlSlTION. [Ch»p. XVIII fundis ; that Don Louis d'Avila afterwards requested him to speak to the emperor, and that he made him an exhortation. When examined on the subject of the words and the scandal, he replied that he did not hear or see anything that could offend him. Don Louis d'Avila y Zuniga cited the entrance of the prelate; and that he took a crucifix and knelt down, saying with a loud voice, behold him who answers for all ; there is no longer any sin, all is pardoned. The witness did not recollect if the archbishop said, and however numerous the sins may be, they are all pardoned : that these words did not appear proper to him, and he requested the emperor's preacher to make him an exhortation, who afterwards told him that his majesty appeared satisfied. Don Louis de Quixada deposed that the archbishop Was with the emperor, three times before his death, that he saw him take a crucifix, and that he pronounced some words on the subject of Jesus Christ dying for our sins, but he could not recollect them, because his employment as major-domo occupied him at the time. These circumstances show that Charles V. was far from being inclined to Lutheranism at his death. It is equally false that the inquisitors took his will, to examine if it con> tained any sentiments tending to heresy. I have read or consulted a multitude of books and papers in the archives of the Inquisition, and could not discover anything to support the opinion ; so that nothing now remains but to seek the origin of this fable. A number of circumstances may have caused the Inquisi- tion to be mentioned in relating the death of Charles V. The first is, that Carranza, who attended him at his death, was soon after arrested by the holy office ; the second, that his two preachers, Constantine Ponce and Augustine Cazalla, were condemned by that tribunal ; the third, that his con- fessor, Juan de Regla, was obliged to abjure certain pro- A. D. 1555.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 179 positions ; the fourth, that the emperor himself had been threatened with excommunication three years before, as a favourer of heretics, by Paul IV. ; the filth, tliat Philip II. made use of tlie Inquisition in a variety of circumstances entirely political. Charles V. died a Catholic ; and it is only to be regretted that he associated so many superstitions with his Catholicism, and showed so much attachment to the Inquisition during his life. CHAPTER XIX. OF THE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST CHARLES V. AND PHILIP it. AS SCHISMATICS AND FAVOURtlRS OF HERESY. PRO- GRESS OF THE INQUISITION UNDER THE LAST OF THESE tUlNCES.- — CONSEaOENCES OF THE PARTICULAR FAVOUR WHICH HE SHOWED TOWARDS IT. 'trials of Charles V., Philip II., and the Duke of Alva. In 1555, John Peter Carafa, a noble Neapolitan, and as such the subject of Charles V. and Philip II., was elevated to the holy see, under the name of Paul IV., at the age of seventy-nine years. Charles V. had then renounced the crown of Sicily, in favour of Prince Philip, who was about to marry the Queen of England. The new Pope mortally hated the emperor, not only because he could not bear to be a subject to the house of Austria, but because this prince and his son favoured the families of Colonna and Sforza, which he looked upon as the rivals of his house. The kingdom of Naples passed at that time for a fief of the holy see. Paul IV. undertook tb deprive Charles of the imperial purple, and his son of the crown of Sicily, and to dispose of it in favour of one of his nephews, with the assistance of the King of France, or to give the kingdom to some French prince N2 180 HtSTORT OF THfi INfttJISITION. [Chap. XIX He commenced the proceedings against Charles V. and Philip, by the preparatory instruction, to show that they were ene- mies of the holy see, particularly in prote3ting the families of Sforza and Colonna, whose hatred for the Pontiff was well known. To these reasons it was to be alleged that Charles V. was a fevourer of heretics, and suspected of Lutheranism, since the publication of the imperial decrees at the diet of Augs- burg, in 1.354. The fiscal of the apostolical chamber then demanded that the Pope should declare Charles V. to be deprived of the imperial crown, and that of Spain and its dependencies, and Philip of the throne of Najjles ; that bulls of excommunication should be issued against them, and the people of Germany, Spain, Italy, and particularly of Naples, released from their oath of fidelity. Paul IV. suspended the trial at this stage of the proceedings, to continue it when he judged it convenient. He revoked at the same time all the bulls which his predecessors had expedited in favour of the Spanish monarchs, for the collection of the annual subsidy imposed on the clergy, and for the funds destined for the holy crusade. The Pope was not content with this hostile measure ; he entered into an alliance with Henry II., King of France, to make war upon the house of Austria, until its princes were deprived of their kingdoms. Charles V. was then at Brussels, occupied in ceding the empire of Germany to his brother Ferdinand, King of Hun- gary and Bohemia, and in making over the crown of Spain and the countship of Flanders to his son. This policy was useful to Charles V., as it threw the weight of the embar- rassment on Philip, who had just arrived from England to receive his father's instructions how to govern Spain. The circumstances in which they found themselves required the greatest prudence, for they not only had to fear the abuse •which the Pope might make of his apostolical and temporal power, but also the consequences of the alliances which his piliness had just signed with the King of France. A. D. 1556] HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 181 Besides the Council of State (which Charles and Philip always consulted before they decided on any subject) they deemed it necessary to have judgments of conscience, to balance the authority of the supreme head of the Catholic Chui-ch. On the 15th of November, 1555, the famous con- sultation of Brother Melchior Cano was framed at Valla- dolid, which was published at Madrid in 1809, in my col- lection of different papers, ancient and modern, on matri- monial dispensations, and other ecclesiastical dispensations. The decision of Cano was, that in all similar cases the only and proper remedy is not only to deprive the temporal sovereign of Rome of the power of injuring, but to reduce him to the necessity of accepting reasonable terms, and of acting with more prudence in future. Other theologians decided that the concessions made by the Court of Rome were irrevocable, and had the force of a true conti-act passed for the benefit of an empire or kingdom. The Pope, informed of these decisions, commanded the inquisitor-general to punish the authors of it ; he was sup- ported by most of the prelates of the kingdom, at the head of whom was the Cardinal Siliceo, Archbishop of Toledo, who had been the king's preceptor. Philip, who had been King of Spain from January, 1556, wrote from London, in the month of July following, the letter to his sister, the go- verness of the kingdom, which I have inserted in my diplo- matic collection. It is as follows : — " Since I informed you of the conduct of the Pope, and of the news received from Rome, I have leai-nt that his holi- ness proposes to excommunicate the emperor and me, to put piy states under an interdict, and to prohibit the divine service. Having consulted learned men on this subject, it appears that it is not only an abuse of the power of the sovereign pontiff, founded only on the hatred and passion, which, certainly, has not been provoked by our conduct, but that we are not obliged to submit to what he has ordained 182 HISTOBV OP THE INaOISITION. [Ch«p. XIX. in respect to our persons, on account of the great scandal which would be caused by our confessing ourselves guiltyj since we are not so, and the great sin which we should com^ mit in so doing. In consequence, it has been decided, that if I am interdicted from certain things, I am not obliged to deprive myself of them, as those do who are excommunicatedt although a censure may be sent to me from Rome, according to the disposition of his holiness. For after having destroyed the sects in England, brought this country under the in- fluence of the church, pursued and punished the heretics without ceasing, and obtained a success which has always been constant, I see that his holiness evidently wishes to ruin my kingdom, without considering what he owes to his dignity; and I have no doubt that he would succeed if we consented to his demands, since he has already revoked all the legations which Cardinal Pole received for this kingdom, and which had produced so much benefit. These reasons, other important considerations, the necessity of preparing for all events, and of protecting our people from being sur- prised, have induced us to draw up, in the name of his majesty, and in our own, an act of recusation in form, of which I intended to send you a copy ; but as this piece is very long, and the courier is setting out for France, it could not be done, and I will send it by the courier going by sea, who will soon set out. When you receive it, you must Write to the prelates, the grandees, to the cities, universities, and the heads of orders, and inform them of all that has passed : you must direct them to look upon the censures and inter- dict sent from Rome as non-existent, because they are null, unjust, and without foundation, for I have taken counsel on what is permitted in these circumstances. If any act of the Pope should arrive in the interim, it will be sufficient to prevent it from being received, accepted, or executed ; but to preclude the necessity of coming to this extremity, you must cause the frontiers to be strictly guarded, as we have A.0.J556.] HISTORY OF THE INC^aiSlTlON, 183 done in England, that none of these pieces should be notified or delivered, and punish very severely any person who shall dare to distribute them, because it is not to be permitted that we should continue to dissimulate. If it is impossible to prevent their introduction, and if any one attempts to put them in force, you must oppose their execution, as we have powerful motives for this command ; and this prohibition must extend to the kingdom of Aragon, to which you must write if it is necessary. It has been since known, that in the bull published on Holy Thursday, the Pope has excom- municated all those who have taken or shall take the pro- perty of the church, whether they are kings or emperors, and that on Good Friday, he commanded the prayer for his majesty to be omitted, although the Jews, Moors, heretics, and schismatics are prayed for on that day. This proves that the evil is becoming serious, and induces us to recommend more particularly the execution of the measures wliich we have preBqribedj and of which we shall give an account to his majesty*-" Philip, for the time, prevented the inquisitor-general from trying any of those persons who had been marked as sus- pected of heresy, among whom were not only the theologians and canonists who had been consulted, but many counsellors of state who supported their opinion against Cardinal Siliceo and his adherents^. The Pope was obstinate in his resolutions ; and deceived by the tranquillity which Philip suffered him to enjoy in Rome, he placed himself at the brink of the precipice. "The Duke of Alva, who was viceroy of Naples (and whose character was at least as harsh as that of the Pope), in September 155^, left his government^ and occupied the states of the holy see, even to the gates of Rome ; and Paul IV., finding that the republic of Venice had deserted him, and being *• Cabrera, Hist. Philip II., Book 2. chap. vi. t Cabrera, ibid. B, I. chap, viii, and ix. 184 HISTORY OP THE IVQUISITION. [Chap. XIX. pressed by the cardinals and people, demanded an armistice, which was granted. Instead of taking advantage of this favour to make peace on reasonable terms, the Pope con- firmed his alliance with Henry II., and raised a war between that monarch and the King of Spain, although Charles V. had, in 1555, signed a truce of five years with that prince. Henry, having lost the famous battle of St. Quentin, on the 10th of August, 1557, the Pope became so alarmed, that he demanded a peace at the time when the Duke of Alva was preparing to enter Rome at the head of his army. The viceroy renounced his design, but had the boldness to tell the Pope that he would not make peace until he had asked pardon of the king, his master, for having ti'eated him with so little respect. This message increased the alarm of the old pontiff, who had recourse to the mediation of Venice. The Pope refused to negociate with the Duke of Alva, but said that he would consent to any proposal from the King of Spain, as he was persuaded that he would not impose any condition on him contrary lo his honour, or to the dignity of the holy see. The Duke of Alva wrote to Philip, to request that, in this instance, he would display the severity necessary to prevent new divisions. But this prince (who had signed on the 10th of July, 1556, the excellent letter already quoted) had no person in the following year to inspire him with sufficient energy to follow the advice of his viceroy. He wrote to command him to conclude a peace immediately, " as he would rather lose the privileges of his crown, than infringe those of the holy see in the slightest degree." The Duke of Alva was extremely displeased at this reso- lution, but he immediately obeyed his master, and this sin- gular peace was signed on the 14th of September, 1557, by the Duke of Alva, and Cardinal Carafa, nephew arid pleni- potentiary to the Pope. The envoy made no reparation to Philip II., and the foUowiiig singular article is part of the A.D. 1562] HISTORY OF THE INftCISITION. 185 treaty : — *' His holiness will receive from the Catholic king, through his plenipotentiary, the Duke of Alva, all the neces- sary submissions to obtain the pardon of his offences, without prejudicing the engagement of the king to send an ambas- sador extraordinary for the particular object of the pardon which he demands, it being understood that his holiness will restore him to favour as a submissive son, and worthy to share the benefits which the holy see is accustomed to bestow on its children and the other Christian princes." The haughty pontiff acknowledged that he had obtained more than he had hoped for, and to shew his satisfaction, bestowed the highest honours on the Duke of Alva ; he in- vited him to eat at his own table, and received him in the palace of the Vatican. Gregorio Leti is right in attributing all the evils that have since arisen from the excessive authority which the priests have ari'ogated over laymen, to this conduct of Philip II. Paul IV. soon displayed his contempt for Philip II. and his father, since, in five months after the treaty^ on the 13th of February, 1558, he addressed a brief to the inquisitor- general Vald^s, in which he revived all the regulations of the councils and pontiffs against heretics and schismatics. He commanded him to prosecute them, and punish them ac- cording to the constitutions, and, above all, to deprive all such persons of their dignities and offices, whether they were bishops, archbishops, patriarchs, cardinals, or legates, barons, counts, marquisses, dukes, princes, kings, or em,' perors. Fortunately, neither Charles V. nor his son had embraced the opinions of Luther, yet it was certainly the intention of the Pope to subject them to the dispositions of his bull. Of the Inquisitions of Sardinia, Flanders, Milan, Naples, Galicia, America, and the Sea, Jn 1562, Philip XL coma;ande4 the Inquisition of Sardinia 186 HIBTORy OF T»JB IWaOISITION. [Ck»p,XIK. to conform rigorously to the rules of the holy office of Spain in prosecuting the accused, although it was repreBonted to him that they had hitherto only known those of Ferdinand v., which were less severe. Philip did not treat his Flenaish subjects with less rigour. In 152^ Charles V. appointed Francis de Hull, a lay coun- sellor of Brabant, inquisitor-general for the stales of Flan- ders; and Adrian VI. invested him with the apostolical jurisdiction, on the condition that he had priests and theo. logians for aisesvors. Soon after three provincial inquisitors were appointed, tha overseer of the regular canons of Ypres for Flanders and ita dependencies ; the overseer of the clergy of Mons for Hninault, and the Dean of Louvain for Bi'abant, Holland, and the other provinces. The inquisitors-general appointed by Clement VII. were Cardinal Everard de la Marche, Bishop of Liege, and Francis de Hult, before men- tioned. This measure did not deprive the other inquisitors of their privileges | those of Louvain, in 1527, celebrated several autos-da-fe, and condemned sixty persons to different punishments. In 1529 terrible edicts were issued against heretics, which were renewed in 1531, but with some miti- gation. At the death of the Dean of Louvain, Paul III, in 1537, appointed as inquisitor-general for the Low Country the successor in the deanery, and the canon Donee ; they were approved by Charles V. In 1555 Julius III, authorised the sub-delegates of the dean and canon ; Paul IV. did the same in 1560 for the overseer of Valcanet, and the theolo- gical doctor of Louvain, Michael Bayo. All these men took the title of ecclesiastical ministers from the year 1550, when Chai'les V. prohibited them from ever taking the name of inquisitors, because it was obnoxious to the people. The Flemish Inquisition was extremely severe in the first period of its existence ; it inflicted the same punishments as that of Spain, but applied them to a greater number of cases. A. B. 1563,] mSTORy OF 'I'VfU IKaUlSlTlDN. 187 Philip II, moderated the action of this tribunal by an edict in 1556. Such was the state of the Flemish Inquisition in 1559, when a bull of Paul IV. was received from Rome, by which three eoclesiastical provinces were created, the bishoprics of which were subjected to the jurisdiction of the Archbishops of Maliues, Cambray, and Utrecht : twelve canons were instituted for eaph cathedral, three of whom were tq be inquisitors for life, Thjs measure paused the fir§t indication of the rebellion which raged in Holland and the United Provinces in 1562. The people maintained that they had pnly tolerated the inquisitors since 1522, because they con- sidered them as temporary agents ; but that they would never allow the permanent establi^liRJent of an institution so obnojHOUS to the provinces. This opposition increased when it was known that Philip II. intended to org£(,nize the eighteen Inquisitions of Flanders, on the plan of that of Spain, which had long been regarded as a S3,nguinary tribunal. This project was the more dreaded, as many Spaniards had fled from the Inquisition to Holland. These emigrations were most numerous after the year 1550, when several Bibles, which had been printed in the Spanish language in the Low Countries, were pvohibited as containing the opi- nions of the new heretics. Notwithstanding the obstinacy with which the King of Spain pursued the establishment of the Inquisition in Flanders, he failed in his enterprise, and also in his attempt to force the Low Countries to receive the regular tribuhq,l. The Flemings persisted in opposing every- thing resembling the Inquisition, and their resistance was the cause of the long and bloody wars which exhausted the treasures and armies of Spain during half a century. In the following year, 1563, Philip H. deci-eed the neces-- sary measures to establish the Inquisition at Milan. He communicated his design to the Pope, who appeared tp approve it, but was really displeased, because it tended to 188 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Cbap. XIX. diminish the power of the holy see. The Milanese imme- diately protested against the introduction of a tribunal, of which they had formed the most unfavourable opinion. The bishops of Lombardy were not less averse to it, as they Icnew that in Spain the bishops were not only deprived of all power, but had fallen into contempt from the despotism of the inquisitors, who had taken possession of the episcopal privileges, and enjoyed them in peace under the protection of the sovereign, who had no adviser in these affairs but the inquisitor-general. The city of Milan sent deputies to the Pope (who was a native of that place), to entreat him to preserve his country from the danger which threatened it. They also sent depu- ties to Madrid to demand that things should remain in the same state, and applied at the same time to the Milanese bishops at the Council of Trent to support their cause before that celebrated assembly. Pius IV. told the deputies that he would never allow the Spanish Inquisition to be esta- blished in Milan, as he knew its extreme severity, and pro- mised that their tribunal should be dependent on the Court of Rome, whose decrees were extremely mild, and gave the accused every facility in their defence. During the course of this negotiation, the Duke de Sesa, wishing to execute his master's private orders, established the tribunal of the Inquisition in the city of Milan, of which he was the governor, and published the names of the sub- delegated inquisitors. This declaration displeased the Mi- lanese, who began to excite popular commotions, and cried Long live the king ! perish the Inquisition ! The Milanese bishops at the Council of Trent disinclined all the Italian prelates to the Spanish Inquisition; the legates of the Pope who presided at the council, declared in favour of the Milanese, and Cardinal S. Charles Borromeo pleaded the cause of his countrymen in the college of car- dinals, a&d placed th^m under their protection. The Duke A. » 1533.] HISTORY OP THE INttUISlTION. 189 de Sesa, who observed all that passed, foresavy that the result would be disagreeable to his master, and wrote t6 Philip, who abandoned his design*- These events did not prevent Philip II. from attempting to introduce the inquisition at Naples, although both Fer- dinand V. and Charles V. had failed in the enterprise ; but his efforts only served to disgrace him and destroy his autho-* rity in Naples, as they had before done in Flanders and Milan. It may be supposed that Philip did not forget his Ame- rican dominions. Ferdinand V. having i-esolved to establish the Inquisition in the New World, charged Cardinal Xime- nez de Cisneros with the conduct of the affair, and in 1516 he appointed Don Juan Quevedo, Bishop of Cuba, the dele- gated inquisitor-general, for the Spanish colonies then known by the name of the kingdom of Terra Firma, and gave him the power of appointing judges and officers for the tribunal. Charles V. wished to extend the benefits of this fious insti- tution, and Cardinal Adrian, by his order, appointed, on the 7th of January, 1519, Don Alphonso Manso, Bishop of Porto Rico, and Brother Pedro de Cordova, inquisitors for the Indies and Isles of the Ocean, and gave them the requi- site powers to establish the tribunal. The new inquisitors began to prosecute the baptized Indians, who still retained some idolatrous practices. The viceroys informed the King of Spain of the evils produced by this system : in fact the Indians fled into the interior, and joined the savage tribes, which considerably retarded the progress of population in those vast countries. Charles V. in 1538 prohibited the inquisitors from prosecuting the In- dians, who were to be under the jurisdiction of the bishops. The inquisitors of America were not more submissive than * Leti. life of Philip II. Book 1 7.— Reinaldf, Annales Eccles. An. 1563, No. 146. — Palavicini, Hist. Council of Trent, Book 22, Chap. viji. — Sarpi, Hist. Council of Trent, Book 8. No. 42. 190 HISTORt OF THB INaOISITION. [Ch«p. XIX. those of Spain, which obliged the prince to renew his orders in 1549. Philip II. undertook to organize the tribunal on the plan of that of Spain. In loo3 and 1555 he renewed his father's injunctions to leave the Indians under the jurisdic- tion of the bishops; and in 1569 he published a royal ordi- nance, importing that the inquisitor-general had appointed inquisitors, and commanding the viceroys and governors to give them every assistance in their establishment. These inquisitors were received with great ceremony at Panama and Lima, when they first formed the tribunal. In 1570 Philip II. appointed an Inquisition at Mexico, and in 1571 established three tribunals for all America ; one at Lima, one at Mexico, and the other at Carthagena, as- signing to each the extent of territory which they were to possess, and subjecting them to the authority of the inqui- sitor-general and the Supreme Council. The first auto-da-fe m Mexico took place in 1574; it was celebrated with so much pomp and splendour, that eye- witnesses have declared that it could only be compared to that of Valladolid in 1559, at which Philip II. and the royal family attended. A Frenchman and an Englishman were burnt as impenitent Lutherans ; eighty persons were recon- ciled, and subjected to different penances. The Inquisition of Carthagena was not established at this period ; it was founded in 1010 by Philip III. The great fleet of the Catholic league against the Empc ror of Constantinople, which gained the famous battle of Lepanto, inspired Philip II. with the project of creating an Inquisition for heretics who might be found in ships. As the authority of the inquisitor-general did not extend be- yond the dominions of the King of Spain, it was considered necessary to apply to the Pope, who in 1571 granted the brief, which was demanded, authorizing the inquisitor- general to create the new tribunal, and appoint judges and officers. It was first known by the name of the Inquisition A.t>. 1574.] ■HISTORY OF tHE INQUISITION. 191 of ihe Galleys, but it was afterwards called the Inquisition of the Fleets and Armies ; it existed but for a short period, as it was found to impede the progress of navigation. The Inquisition was unknown in Galicia for more than a century before this period. This province formed part of the district subject to the holy office of old Castile and the kingdom of Leon ; it had escaped this scourge, but at last Philip II. resolved that it should have an Inquisition to superintend the sea-poftsj in Order to prevent the introduc- tion of pernicious books, and the entrance of persons who would teach the doctrines of the Protestants. The royal wdiuahce which established the Inquisition in Galicia was expedited in 1574, and the tribunal was organized in the same year. Disputes with the Inquisition of Portugal. The establishment of the power of Philip II, in Portugal, after the death of the Cardinal King Don Henry, tvho had occupied the throne until 1580, gave that prince another* opportunity of signalizing his zeal for the Inquisition. 1 have already indicated the period of its institution, and the attendant circumstances*. Don Henry was inquisitor-gene- ral from 1539 to 1578, when he succeeded to the cfown ox Portugal, after the death of his nephew Don Sebastian. He bestowed the archbishopric of Lisbon, which he occupied at the time of his accession, on Don George Almeida, and likewise appointed him the third inquisitor-general of the kingdom. In 1544, Don Henry (who then occupied the see of Evora), and Cardinal Don Juan Pardo de Tabera, inquisitor-gene- ral of Spain, with the consent of their respective sovereigns, published a circular, in which they announced, that as the two states were so near each other, and the extent of the * See Ghapt^ XVI* 192 HISTOEY OP TUE INftDISlTION. [Clip. XIX. frontier favoured the flight of the persons prosecuted by the Inquisition, they had agreed, 1st, to communicate reci- procally everything which might interest the Inquisition ; 2nd, to arrest in their respective jurisdictions those subjects who were designated ; 3rdly, to keep them prisoners, and to claim the writings of the trial, because this measure was less inconvenient than the excliange of the prisoners. This convention was observed for some time ; but in 1588 the inquisitors of Lisbon sent a requisition to those of Val- ladolid, to deliver up to them Gonzales Baez, who had been arrested at Medina del Campo: they replied that this demand could not be admitted, as it was contrary to the convention. The inquisitors of Portugal acknowledged the justice of this claim ; but those of Spain, who in 1568 found themselves in the same situation, refused to conform to the measure, because they had at their head Cardinal Espinosa, who was all-powerful with Philip. The cardinal informed Don Henry that he had not ratified the convention, and that he considered it more proper that the prisoner should be given up to the tribunal which had instituted the trial. He requested Cardinal Henry to apply to both their sovereigns, and promised to propose to the King of Spain a measure which should be a general rule for all cases in future. Don Henry commissioned Francis Pereira, the Portuguese ambassador at Madrid, to terminate this dispute with Cai'- dinal Espinosa. While this aflfair was being negotiated, several Spaniards who Iiad been condemned by the tribu- nal of Llerena to be burnt in effigy as contumacious, were arrested in Portugal by the inquisitors of Evora, who im- mediately demanded the writings of the trial according to the convention of 1544. The tribunal of Llerena replied that it was impossible not to follow the example of Cardinal Espinosa. Almost at the same time these inquisitors arrested some Portuguese who had escaped from their country. The Bishop of Portalegre, inquisitor of Evora, A. D. 1580,] HISTORY OF THE IKftUISlTION. 193 reclaimed the prisoners, but the tribunal refused to give them up, if the inhabitants of Albuquerque, who had been arrested by the Inquisition of Evora, were not returned. Cardinal Henry yielded to the Spanish Inquisition, but wrote to them on the 5th of December to address a formal requisition on this subject, while the Inquisition of Evora would do the same to Cardinal Espinosa. The Supreme Council consented to this arrangement, and the prisoners were exchanged. The inquisitor-genaral, Don Henry, died in 1580. The crown of Portugal then descended to Philip II., as being the son of the Empress Isabella, the sister of John III., King of Portugal. As the office of grand-inquisitor was vacant, he wished to suppress it, and place Portugal under the domi- nion of that of Spain. He represented to the Pope that there would be more unity in the proceedings : but this attempt was unsuccessful, as he had only been acknowledged king, on condition that the crown should continue indepen- dent of that of Spain. When the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed King of Portugal in the reign of Philip IV., Don Francis de Castro grand -inquisitor, and Don John de Vasconcellas, a member of the council of the Inquisition, remained faithful to the King of Spain. The new sovereign (who had taken the name of John IV.) wished to increase his party. Influenced by the advice of England, which had favoured the insurrec- tion, he resolved to restore to the Jews the libei-ty which they enjoyed before the establishment of the Inquisition ; but he was opposed by the two inquisitors above mentioned. The council even condemned a decision of the university of Paris, in which it was said that the king could appoint and conse- crate bishops without bulls from Rome, if Pope Innocent X. refused to grant them. John IV. threatened the inquisitors with imprisonment, and even with death, but they were ready to suffer anything rather than consent to the emanci- O 194 HISTORY OF THE INaOISITION. [Chap. XIX pation of the Jews. Don Francis de Castro died, and it was necessary to appoint another inquisitor-general ; but the bulls of confirmation were not less difficult to obtain than those for bishops, as the Popes, Urban VIII., Innocent X., and Alexander VII., avoided declaring in favour of either the King of Spain or the Duke of Braganza. At last Portu- gal triumphed over the efforts of Spain, and the Inquisitions of the two kingdoms seldom had any communication. Tliat I may not pass over any event tending to prove the attachment of Philip II. for the Inquisition, I shall here mention a project for a military order of the holy office, which would never have been conceived, if the partiality of the monarch for this tribunal had not been generally known. Some fanatics thought to please him by founding a new military order under the name of St. Mary of the White Sword. The object of this institution was to defend the Ca- tholic religion, the kingdom of Spain, its frontiers, and forts, from any invasion ; to prevent the ingress of Jews, Moors, and heretics ; and to execute any measures which the inqui- sitor might command. To be a member of this order it was necessary to produce proofs and witnesses that they de- scended neither from Jews, Moors, nor any Spaniard con- demned and punished by the holy office ; nobility was not necessary. The members of this association were indepen- dent of the jurisdiction of the bishops and civil authorities ; they were all to take the field and fight in defence of the frontier towns, but they acknowledged no chief but the inquisitor-general. This scheme was adopted by the provinces of Castile, Leon, the Asturias, Aragon, Navarre, Galicia, Guipuscoa, Alava, Biscay, Valencia, and Catalonia. The statutes of the order received the approbation of the inquisitor-general and the Supreme Council ; the founders and the representatives of the metropolitan churches of Toledo, Seville, Santiago, Grenada, Tarragona, Saragossa, Valencia, and forty-eight A. D. 1580.] HISTOUY OF THE INQUISITION. 195 noble families known for having never mixed theii- blood with that of the New Christians, addressed an humble sup- plication to the king to obtain the confirmation of them. They represented that the order of the White Sword offered the greatest advantages to Spain ; that it would increase the army without any expense of public treasure ; that its ser- vices would reform and ameliorate the morals of the people ; lastly, that it would shed fresh lustre on the nobility of the kingdom. Philip commissioned his Sovereign Council to examine the plan of this institution, which was likewise discussed in several assemblies appointed by his majesty. The opinions were various; but I shall make known that of a Spanish gentleman, as it deserves to be recorded. Don Pedro Venegas, of Cordova, represented to the king, that the new order was not necefesaryj as the Inquisition had not found the want of it in the most difficult circumstances ; that the bishops reformed the morals of the people as much as could be expected from human nature ; that Spain had never wanted troops even when part of the Peninsula was occupied by enemies ; that other military orders existed, who were obliged to obey their respective grand-masters ; that these dignities were now possessed by the monarch in virtue of apostolical bulls; that the new establishment might one day attack the authority of the sovereign, if the inquisitor-general made a bad use of the troops at his dis- posal ; that several similar instances had been known of the grand-masters of the oi-ders above mentioned ; that this institution would create two parties in the kingdom, that of the Old Christians and that of the New, and that the dis- tinction granted to the first would cause murders and civil wars, and threaten the monarchy with ruin. Philip II. thought seriously on what the grand-masters of the military orders had done, and being jealous of his au- thoritv, he was not disposed to place an army in the power 02 196 HISTORY OP THE INftO ISITIOV. [Chap. XX. of the inquisitor-general, who might follow their example ; he therefore commanded that the proceedings should be suspended, and the interested persons informed that it had not been found necessary to create a new order. CHAPTER XX. THE INQUISITION CELEBRATES AT VALLADOLID, IN 1559, TWO AUTOS-DA-FE AGAINST THE LUTHERANS, IN THE PRESENCE OP SOME MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY. First Auto-da-f6. The trial of Juan Gil, Bishop of Tortosa, so much alarmed many Lutherans, that they quitted the kingdom. Of this number were Cassiodorus de Beina, Juan Perez de Pineda, Cyprian de Valera, and Julian Hernandez ; the three first published catechisms, translations of the Bible, and other works written in the Castilian tongue, in foreign countries*. Juan Perez published his at Venice in 1556, and they were soon after introduced into Spain by Hernandez, who was arrested by the Inquisition. The citations and inquiries made in consequence of the trial of Hernandez, in order to discover the religious opinions of the persons with whom he associated, caused an infinite number of trials to be instituted during the fifteen years following, in all the tribunals of Spain, particularly in those of Seville and Valladolid. In 1557 and 1558, the Inquisition arrested a great number of persons distinguished by their birth, their offices, or their doctrine. Some indications found in the writings of the trials, of a vast scheme tending to the propagation of the * Pellecyr, Ens^o de Biblioteca de Traductores Espanoles. Articles, Reina, Perez, and Valera. A.;D. 1559.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 197 opinions of Luther, persuaded Philip II. and the inquisitor Valdds that it was necessary to treat all the convicted persons with the utmost severity. Philip wrote to Rome on the subject on the 4th January, 1559. The Pope addressed to Vald^s a brief, in which he authorized him to give over to secular justice all dogmatizing Lutherans, even those who had not relapsed, and who, to avoid capital punishment, had given equivocal signs of repentance. If history had nothing to allege against Philip II. and the inquisitor Vald^s, but the solicitation for this bull, it would be sufficient to devote their names to infemy. On the 5th of January, 1559, a second bull revoked all the permissions granted for reading prohibited books, and charged the inquisitor-general to prosecute all who should read or keep them in their houses ; and as his Holiness was informed that a great number of writings which tended to propagate the Lutheran doctrines were circulating in Spain, the bull commanded the confessors to ask their penitents if they knew or had heard of any persons possessing, reading, or dispersing them ; that they should also impose upon them the obligation of communicating such circumstances to the holy office on pain of excommunication ; and that the confes- sors who omitted this duty should be punished as guilty, even if persons they absolved were bishops, archbishops, patriarchs, cardinals, kings, or emperors. It is easy to perceive how much these measures must have increased the number of ac- cusations ; and to encourage the informers, Philip renewed the edict of Ferdinand V., published at Toro in 1505, by which they were entitled to the fourth part of the confiscated property. The multitudeof accusations caused by these bulls, induced the inquisitor-general to delegate his powers to Don Pedro de la Gasca, Bishop of Palencia, who established himself at Valladolid, and to Don Juan Gonzales de Munebrega, Bishop of Tarragona, who repaired to Seville. Vald^s at 198 HISTORY OP THB INftUISITION. [Ch»p. XX. the same time executed the dispositions of another bull, which granted to the holy office, on account of its increased expences in travelling and maintaining so great a number of prisoners, the revenues of a canonship in each metropolitan church, cathedral, and college, in the kingdom. Another brief granted them a subsidy of one hundred thousand ducats of gold, to be imposed on the ecclesiastical revenues of the kingdom, to pay the debts contracted from the same cause. It is surprising that, after eighty years of confiscation, the establishment should complain of distress. These bulls, how- ever, were not sufficient to procure money, owing to the re- sistance of several chapters, particularly that of Majorca. In 1574 they still remained unexecuted, when Gregory XIII. confirmed them, and the King of Spain was obliged to force the rebel canons to submit. The arrest and trial of so great a number of Spaniards necessarily caused an auto-da-fe to be celebrated in many tribunals ; but as the victims in those of Yalladolid and Seville were persons distinguished, some for their nobility, others for their doctrine, and all for tlie purity of their lives, the ceremonies in these cities were more noted than the others ; and I do not hesitate in affirming that all that has been written against the Spanish Inquisition in Germany and France was only caused by the treatment of the Luthe- rans at Seville and Valladolid (for, until then, scarcely any- thing had been written on the subject), though the number of Lutherans who perished was small, when compared to the enormous and almost incredible number of those who had suffered as Jews or Mahometans. The first solemn auto-da-fe of Valladolid, was celebrated on the 21st of May, 1559, in the grand square, and in the presence of the Prince Don Carlos, and the Princess Juana, of the civil authwities, and of a considerable number of the grandees of Spain, besides an immense multitude of people. The arrangement of the scaffolds and seats have A. D. 15B9.1 HISTOKY OP THE INaUISITION. 199 been already described in several works, and represented in prints. Fourteen persons were relaxed, the bones and effigy of a woman burnt, and sixteen individuals were admitted to reconciliation, with penances. Some details of the principal persons may be found interesting. Donna Eleonora de Vibero (the wife of Pedro Cazalla, who held an office in the Treasury), daughter of Juan de Vibero, who had a similar employment, and Constance Ortiz, was proprietress of a chapel in the Benedictine con- vent of Valladolid. She had been interred without any doubt of her orthodoxy; but she was accused of Luther- anism by the fiscal of the Inquisition, though he said she had concealed her opinions, by receiving the sacraments and the eucharist at her death. He supported his accusation by the testimony of several witnesses who had been tortured or threatened, the result of which was that the house of Eleo- nora de Vibero had been used as a temple by the Lutherans. Her memory and her posterity were condemned to infamy, her property confiscated, her body disinterred and burnt with her effigy, and her house razed to the ground, and pro- hibited from being rebuilt ; a monument with an inscription relating to this event was placed on the spot. I have seen the column and the inscription ; I have heard that it was destroyed in 1809. The other principal persons who perished in this auto- da-fe were. Doctor Augustin Cazalla, priest and canon of Salamanca, almoner and preacher to the king and emperor ; he was the son of Pedro Cazalla and Eleonora de Vibero, and descended fi*om the Jews both by his father and mo- ther. He was accused of professing -the Lutheran heresy ; of having dogmatized in the Lutheran conventicle of Valla- dolid, and corresponded with the heretics of Seville. Cazalla denied the facts imputed to him in several declarations on oath, and in others which he presented when the publication of the proofs took place, The torture was decreed: Cazalla, 200 HISTORY OF THE INftDISITION. [Chip. XX. on the 4th of March, was conducted to the dungeon where it was to be inflicted, but it did not take place, as the pri- soner promised to make a confession. He gave it in writing, and ratified it on the 16th, acknowledging that he was a Lutheran, but denied having taught the doctrine. He ex- plained the motives which had prevented him from making this declaration before ; and promised to be a good catholic for the future, if reconciliation was granted to him ; but the inquisitors did not think proper to spare him the capital punishment, as the witnesses affirmed that he had dogma- tized. Cazalla, however, continued to give every possible proof of conversion until his execution : when he saw that death was inevitable, he began to preach to his companions in misfortune. Two days before his death, he related some particulars of his life. He was born in 1510: at the age of seventeen he had Bartholomew Carranza de Miranda for his confessor, in the college of St. Gregory at Valladolid ; he continued his studies at Alcala de Henares, where he re- mained till Ia3t3. In 154.3 Charles V. made him his preacher ; in the following year he accompanied that prince to Ger- many, and stayed there till 1552, preacliing against the Lutherans ; he returned in that year to Spain, and retired to Salamanca, where he lived for three years, going some- times to Valladolid. He once attended, by the emperor's order, at an assembly where Don Antonio Fonseca, presi- dent of the Royal Council of Castile, presided, and at which the Licentiate Otalora, the Doctors Ribera and Velasco, auditoi's of the council and chancery, and Brothers Alphonso de Castro and Bartholomew Carranza assisted. The object of the meeting was to decide on the course to be pursued on the occasion of certain briefs which the Court of Rome had expedited against those who approved of the decrees of the Council of Trent, which continued to assemble in that city, though the Pope had commanded that it should be trans- ferred to Bologna. Cazalla declared that ^11 the members A, D. 1559.] HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. 201 of the junta acknowledged that the Pope only acted from motives of personal interest ; and that Bartholomew Car- ranza particularly distinguished himself by inveighing against the abuses of the Court of Rome. On the 20th of May, the day before his death, he received a visit from Brother Antonio de la Carrera, a monk of St, Jerome, who was sent to him by the inquisitors, to inform him that they were not satisfied with his declarations, and to exhort him, for the good of his conscience, to confess all that he knew of him- self and others. Cazalla answered, that he could not say more, without bearing false-witness. The monk replied, that he had always denied that he had dogmatized, though the contrary was proved by the witnesses. He said, that this crime had been unjustly imputed to him ; that he was guilty of not having undeceived those who held bad doc- trines ; but that he had only spoken of his opinions to per- sons who thought as he did : Brother Antonio then exhorted ham to prepare for death on the following day. This infor- mation was a thunderbolt to Cazalla, who had expected to be admitted to a reconciliation. He demanded if his punish- ment might not be commuted : Carrera told him, that if he confessed what he had hitherto concealed, he might hope for mercy. Well then, said Cazalla, / must prepare to die in the grace of God ; for it is impossible that I should add anything to what I have already said, unless I lie. He then began to encourage himself to suffer death ; he confessed several times in the same night, and the next day to Antonio de la Carrera. When, he arrived at the place of the auto-da-fe, he asked permission to preach to those who were to suffer with him; he could not obtain it, but he addressed a ievf. words to them : as he was a penitent, he was strangled before, he was burnt. When he was fastened to the stake, he con- fessed for the last time, and his confessor was so affected by all that he had seen and heard during the last twenty-four houi-s, that he afterwards wi-ote, " that he had no doubt that Doctor Cazalla was in Heaven." 202 HISTORY OF THK INQDISITION. [Ok.p. XX. Francis de Vibero Cazalla, brother to Augustin, a priest, and Curate of Hormigos in the diocese of Palencia, at first denied the charges, confessed them when tortured, ratified his confession, and demanded to be admitted to reconciliation. This was refused, as it was supposed that he had only con- fessed from the fear of death. In fact, he ridiculed his brother's exhortations on the scaSbld, and expired in the fiames without showing any signs of repentance. He was degraded from the priesthood, as well as his brother, before he ascended the scaffold. Donna Beatrice de Cazalla, sister to the above-mentioned persons, and Alphonso Perez, at first denied tlie charges, confessed during the torture, demanded reconciliation, but were strangled and burnt. Don Christobal de Ocampo, of Seville, a knight of the order of St. John, and almoner to the Grand Prior of Cas- tile and Leon, and Don Christobal de Padilla, a knight and inhabitant of Zamora, were condemned to the same punish- ment for Lutheranism. The licentiate Antonio Herrezuelo, a lawyer of the city of Toro, condemned as a Lutheran, died without any signs of repentance. Doctor Cazalla addressed some words to him in particular ; Antonio ridiculed his discourse, although he was already fastened to the stake. One of the archers, furious at so much courage, plunged his lance into the body of Herre- zuelo ; he died without uttering a word. Juan Garcia, a goldsmith of Valladolid, and the licentiate Perez de Herrera, judge of the court against smugglers, in Logrono, suffered as Lutherans. Gonzalez Baez, the Por- tuguese mentioned in the preceding chapter, suffered as a Judaic heretic. Donna Catherine de Ortega, widow of the commander Loaisa, and daughter to Hemand Diaz, fiscal of the Royal Council of Castile, was condemned as a Lutheran, and made her confession. She suffered the same &te with Catherine A. D. 1539.] HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 203 Roman de Pedrosa, Isabella d'Estrada, and Jane Blazqulez, a servant of the Marchioness d'Alcanizes. None of" these persons had dogmatized, none had relapsed, but they were condemned because they only confessed during the torture. Among the persons reconciled were distinguished, — Don Pedro Sarmiento de Roxas, a knight of the order of St. Jago, commander of Quintana, and the son of the first Marquis of Poza. He was condemned as a Luthei'an, deprived of his orders, clothed in the perpetual San-benito, imprisoned for life, devoted to infamy, and his property confiscated. Don Louis de Roxas, nepHew of the above, was charged with the same crime ; he was exiled from Madrid, Valladolid^ and Palencia, and prohibited from leaving Spain ; his pro- perty was confiscated, land he was declared incapable of succeeding to the marquisate of Poza, which passed to his youngest brother. Donna Mencia de Figueroa, wife of Don Pedro Sarmiento de Roxas, and an attendant of the Queen of Spain, was con- demned, for Lutheranism, to wear the San-benito, to im- prisonment for life, and the confiscation of her property. Donna Anna Henriquez de Roxas, daughter of the Mar- quis d'Alcanizes, and the wife of Don Juan Alphonso de Fonseca Mexia, was condemned as a Lutheran. She ap- peared in the auto-da-fe with the San-benito, and was after- wards shut up in a monastery. She was twenty-four years of age, was perfectly acquainted with the Latin tongue, and had read the works of Calvin, and those of Gonstantine Ponce de la Fuente. Donna Maria de Roxas, a nun of the convent of St. Catherine of Valladolid, and daughter to the first Marquis de Poza. She was condemned as a Lutheran, conducted to the auto-da-fe with the San-benito, and secluded for life in her convent. The Inquisition commanded that she should be treated as the lowest in the community in the choir and refectory, and deprived of the power of voting- 204 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Chap. XX. Don Juan de Ulloa Pereira, a knigtit commander of the order of St. John of Jerusalem. He was son and brother to the Lords de la Mota, who were soon after made Mar- quisses, and an inhabitant of Toro. He was condemned, for Lutheranism, to weaf the San-benito, to be imprisoned for life, and to be deprived of his property. He was declared infamous, incapable of obtaining dignities, stript of the habit and cross of his order, and banished from Madrid, Valla- dolid, and Toro, but was prohibited from quitting the king- dom. In 1565, Ulloa represented his situation to the Pope, reminding him of his services in fighting against the Turks, particularly when he took five ships of the pirate Caramani Arraez ; he added that the inquisitor-general had remitted the continuation of his penance for more than a year, but that he wished to regain his rank as a knight, as he was still capable of serving. The Pope granted a brief in favour of UUoa, rehabilitating him in his privileges as a knight, with a particular clause, stating that what had passed could not prevent him from attaining the superior dignities of his order, provided the inquisitor-general and the grand master of Malta approved the decree. Ulloa was then reinstated in his commandery. Juan de Vibero Cazalla, a brother of Augustin, and Donna Juana Silva de Ribera, his wife, were condemned, as Lu- therans, to be deprived of their liberty and their property, and to wear the San-benito. Donna Constance de Vibero Cazalla, sister of Augustin, and widow of Hernand Ortiz, was condemned to wear the San-benito, to perpetual imprisonment, and the confiscation of her property. When Augustin saw his sister pass, he turned to the princess governess, and said to her : Princess, I entreat your highness to have compassion on that unfor- tunate woman, who will leave thirteen orphans. Eleonora de Cisneros, aged twenty-four, the wife of Anto- nio Herrezuelo, and Donna Francisca Zuniga de Baeza, were A.D. 1559.] HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 205 condemned lo the San-benito, imprisonment, and confis- cation. Marina de Saavedi'a, the widow of Juan Cisneros de Soto, a distinguished gentleman, Isabella Minguez, a servant of Donna Beatrice Cazalla, and Antonio Minguez, the brother of Isabella, suffered the same punishment. Anthony Wasor, an Englishman, servant to Don Louis de Roxas, was condemned to wear the San-benito, to lose his property, and be confined in a convent for one year. Daniel de la Quadra lost his liberty and property, and took the perpetual San-benito, as a Lutheran. The sermon on the faith was preached by the celebrated Melchior Cano, after all the assembly had witnessed a scan- dalous transaction. When the court and all the other attendants had taken their places, Don Francis Baca, Inqui- sitor of Yalladolid, advanced towards the Prince of Asturias, Don Carlos, and his aunt, the princess Juaiia, to demand and receive from them an oath to maintain and defend the Inquisition, and to reveal to it all that might have been said against the faith by any person within their knowledge. It had been decreed at the establishment of the Inquisition, that the magistrate who presided at an auto-da-fe should take a similar oath, but sovereigns cannot be considered as magis- trates. Don Carlos and his aunt took the oath, but sub- sequent events show how much he was displeased at the boldness of this inquisitor : he was then aged fourteen years. Second Auto-da-fe. The second Auto-da-fe of Valladolid took place on the 8th of October, in the same year, 1559 ; it was still more splendid than the first, on account of the presence of Philip II. The inquisitors had waited his i*eturn from the Low Countries, to do him honour in this grand festival. Thirteen persons, with a corpse and an effigy, were burnt. 206 HISTORY OF THB IN4UISITION. [Oluip. XX. and sixteen admitted to reconciliation. The king was ac- companied by his son, his sister, tlie Prince of Parma, three ambassadors from France, the Archbishop of Seville, the Bishops of Palencia and Zamora, and other bishops elect ; there were also present, the constable and admiral, the Dukes de Naxara and d'Arcos, the Marquis de Denia, afterwards Duke of Lerma, the Marquis d'Astorga, and the Count de Ureoa, afterwards Duke of Ossuna, the Count de Be^ navente, the Count de Buendia, the last grand-master of the military order of Montesa, Don Louis Borgia, the Grand Prior of Castile and Leon, a knight of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, Don Antonio de Toledo, son and brother to the Dukes of Alva ; seyeral other grandees of Spain, not named in the verbal-process of this execution, and many persons of lower rank: the Countess de Ribadabia, and other ladies of distinction, besides the councils, the tribunals, and other authorities. The sermon on the faith was preached by the Bishop of Cuen9a : the Bishops of Palencia and Zamora degraded the condemned priests; and the inquisitor-general, tiie Arch- bishop of Seville, demanded and received from the king the same oath which had been administered to Don Carlos. The condemned persons were : — Don Carlos de Seso, a noble of Verona, son to the Bishop of Placenza in Italy, and one of the most noble families in the country ; he was forty-three years of age, passed for a learned man, who had rendered great services to the em- peror, and had held the office of Corregidor of Toro. He married Donna Isabella de Castilla, daughter of Don Francis de Castilla, who were descended from the king Don Pedro the Cruel. After his marriage he settled at Villamediana, near Logrono. He there openly preached heresy, and was the principal author of the progress of Lutheranism at Valla- dolid, Palencia, Zamora, and the boroughs depending on those cities. He was arrested at Logrono, and taken to the A. D. 15585 HISTORY OP THE INftUISITTON. 207 secret prisons of Valladolid. He answered the requisition of the fiscal on the 28th of June, 1658. His sentence was com- municated to him on the 7th of October, 1559, and he was told to prepare to suffer death on the following day. De Seso asked for ink and paper, and wrote his confession, which was entirely Lutheran ; he said that this doctrine, and not that taught by the Roman Church, which had been cor- rupted for several centuries, was the true faith of the gos- pel ; that he would die in that belief, and that he oflered himself to God in memory of the passion of Jesus Christ. It would be difficult to express the vigour and energy of his writing, which filled two sheets of paper. De Seso was ex- horted during the night,, and on the morning of the 8th, but without success ; he was gagged, that he might not have the power of preaching his doctrine. When he was fastened to the stake, the gag was taken from his mouth, and he was again exhorted to confess himself; he replied with a loud voice, and great firmness : " If I had sufficient time, I would convince you that you are lost, by not following my example. Hasten to light the wood which is to consume me." The executioners complied, and De Seso died impenitent; Pedro de Cazalla, curate of the parish of Pedrosa ; he was the brother of Augustin Cazalla, and aged thirty-three. He was arrested on the 23rd of April, 1558, and confessed that he was a Lutheran. He demanded to be reconciled, but was sentenced to be relaxed because he had preached the he- retical doctrine. On the 7th of October he was informed of his sentence, but refused to confess ; when he was fastened to the stake, he asked for a confessor, and was then strangled, and afterwards burnt. Dominic Sanchez, a priest of Villattiediana, adopted the Lutheran heresy, after having heard De Seso and read his books. He was condemned to be burnt, and followed the example of Pedro de Cazalla. Dominic de Roxas> a Dominican priest ; he was a disciple 208 HISTORY OF THE INatHSITION. [Ch«p. XX. of Bartholomew Carranza. His lather was the Marquis de Poza, who had two children punished in the first auto-da-fe. Brother Dominic was forty years of age. He was taken at Oalahorra, disguised as a layman ; he had taken the habit to conceal himself from the agents of the Inquisition, until he could escape to Flanders, after an interview which he wished to have with Don Carlos de Seso. He made his first decla- ration before the Holy Office, on the 13th of May, 1558 } he was obliged to make several others, because he retracted in one what he advanced iu another ; he was condemned to the torture for these recantations. Brother Dominic in- treated that he might be spared the horrors of the question, as he dreaded it more than death. This request was granted on condition that he would promise to reveal what he had hitherto concealed ; he consented, and added several new declarations to the first ; he afterwards demanded to be re- conciled. On the 7th of October, he was exhorted to prepare for death ; he then made some discoveries in favour of persons against whom he had spoken in the preceding examinations ; but he refused to confess, and when he descended from the scaffold of the auto-da-fe, he turned towards the king, and exclaimed, that he was going to die for the true faith, which was that of Luther. Philip II. commanded that he should be gagged. He was still in that situation when he was fastened to the stake ; but when they began to light the fire his courage failed, he demanded a confessor, received abso- lution, and was strangled. Juan Sanchez, a servant of Pedro de Cazalla, and Donna Catherine Hortega ; he was thirty-three years of age. The fear of being arrested by the Inquisition induced him to go to Valladolid, in order to escape to the Low Countries, under the forged name of Juan de Vibar. The inquisitors were informed of his intention by his letters written at Castrour- diales, addressed to Donna Catherine Hortega, while she was in prison. The inquisitors gave information to the ki;ig, A. D. 1558] HISTORY OF THE INftUISlTION. »209 who commissioned Don Francis de Castilla Alcalde, of the court, to arrest him. Sanchez was taken at Turlingen, and transferred to Valladolid, where he was condemned to relax- ation, as a dogmatizing and impenitent Lutheran. He was gagged until he was fastened to the stake. As he did not ask for a confessor, the pile was lighted, and when the cords which held him were burnt, he darted to the top of the scaffold, from whence he could see that several of the con- demned confessed, that they might avoid the flames. The priests again exhorted him to confess, but seeing that De Seso remained firm in his resolution, he returned and told them to add more wood, for that he would die like Don Carlos de Seso. The archers and executioners obeyed his injunctions, and he perished in the flames. Donna Euphrosyne Rios, a nun of the order of Santa Clara of Valladolid, was convicted of Lutheranism by twenty-two witnesses ; she continued impenitent until she was fastened to the stake, when she confessed, and was strangled and burnt. Donna Marina de Guevara, a nun of the convent of Belen at Valladolid, of the order of Cistercians ; she was related to the family of Poza. Marina confessed the facts, but could not avoid her condemnation, though she demanded to be reconciled. This was the more surprising, as the inquisitor- general made great efforts to save her life ; he was the in- timate friend of several of her relations, and being informed that the inquisitors of Valladolid intended to condemn her, he authorized Don Alphonso Tellez Giron, Lord of Montal- ban and cousin to Marina, and the Duke of Ossuna, to visit the accused, and press her to confess what she denied, and the witnesses affirmed ; but Marina said that she could not add anything to what she had already declared. She was condemned to be relaxed, but the sentence was not immediately published, as it was the custom to do so only on the day before the auto-da-fe ; and as the rules of 210 HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. [Ch»p. XX. 1541 allow the sentence of death to be i-evoked if the cri- minals repent before they are given up to secular justice, the inquisitor-general sent Don Alphonso Giron a second time to his cousin, to exhort her to confess all, and avoid death. This conduct of Vald^s displeased the inquisitors of Valladolid, who spoke of it as a singular and scandalous preference. Vald^s applied to the Supreme Council, which commanded that the visit should be made in the presence of one or two inquisitors. This last attempt did not succeed better than the first ; Marina persisted in her declaration, and was burnt. Donna Catherine de Reinoso, a nun in the same convent, Donna Margaret de Santisteban, and Donna Maria de Mi- randa, nuns of Santa Clara at Valladolid, were likewise strangled and burnt as Lutherans. Pedro de Sotelo and Francis d'Almarzo suffered the same punishment for Lutheranism, with Francis Blanco, a New Christian, who had abjured Mahometanism, and had after- wards fallen into error. Jane Sanchez, of the class of women called Beates, was condemned as a Lutheran: when she was informed of her sentence, she cut her throat with a pair of scissors, and died impenitent some days after in prison. Her corpse was taken to the auto-da-fe on a bier, and burnt with her effigy. Sixteen persons were condemned to penances. I shall only mention those distinguished for their rank or the nature of their trials. Donna Isabella de Castilla, the wife of Don Carlos de Seso, voluntarily confessed that she had adopted some of her husband's opinions ; she was condemned to wear the san- benito, to be imprisoned for life, and to be deprived of her property. Donna Catherine de Castilla, the niece of the above, suf- fered the same punishment. Donna Francisca de Zuniga Reinpso, sister to Donna Co- A. D. 1558.] HISTORY OF THE INaUIsmON. 211 therine, who was burnt in the same auto-da-fe, and a nun in the same conVent was condemned, with Donna Philippina de Heredia and Donna Catherine d'Alcaraz, two of her companions, to be deprived of the power of voting in her community, and prohibited from going out of the convent. Antonio Sanchez, an inhabitant of Salamanca, was pu- nished as a false witness ; it was proved that he had deposed falsely for the purpose of causing a Jew to be burnt : he was condemned to receive two hundred stripes ; was deprived of half his property, and sent to the galleys for five years. The compassion of the inquisitors for this sort of criminals is an incontestable fact, although they did not hesitate to condemn heretics to death, if they had only concealment, or an insin- cere repentance to reproach them with. Pedro d'Aguilar, a shearer, born at Tordesillas, pretended to be an alguazil of the Inquisition, and appeared at Valla- dolid with the wand of the Holy Office on the day of the celebration of the first auto-da-fe ; he afterwards went to a town in ^e province of Campos, where he said that he was commissioned to open the tomb of a bishop, and take the bones to be burnt in an auto-da-fe, as belonging to a man who had died in the Judaic hei'esy. Pedro was condemned to receive four hundred stripes, to have his property confis- cated, and to be sent to the galleys for life. This affair proves that the inquisitors considered it a much greater crime to pretend to be an alguazil of the Holy Office, than to bear false-witness, and to cause the death of a man, the confiscation of his property, and the condemnation of his posterity to infamy ! Such is the histoi'y of the two celebrated autos-da-fi of Valladolid, of which so much has been said, although nothing certain was known of them. It is an interesting circum- stance that the Inquisition was at the same time proceeding against forty-five persons distinguished for their rank or per- sonal qualities : of these forty-five persons, ten had been P2 212 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. [Chap. XXI. arrested. It is not to be supposed that the inquisitors only prosecuted these persons : the trial of Cai-ranza, Archbishop of Seville, was the origin of a great number against bishops and other distinguished individuals. I have confined myself to those of which I could consult the papers ; it would be a task beyond the strength of one man to read all that have accumulated in the archives. CHAPTER XXI. HISTORY OF TWO AUTOS-DA-PE, CELEBRATED AGAINST THE LUTHERANS IN THE CITY OF SEVILLE. An auto-da-fe was celebrated on the 24th of September, 1559, in the place of St. Francis, at Seville, not less remark- able for the rank of the condemned, than for the nature of their trials. Four bishops attended at it ; the coadjutor of Seville, those of Largo and the Canaries, wh