CORNELL 
 
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 LIBRARY 
 
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 Alfred C. Barnes 
 
Date Due 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 NO. 23233 
 
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 St Luke, the prophet / by Edward Carus S 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 029 342 304 
 
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 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
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ST LUKE THE PROPHET 
 
ST LUKE 
 THE PROPHET 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD CARUS SELWYN, D.D. 
 
 HEAD MASTER OF UPPINGHAM SCHOOL AND LATE FELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGE, 
 CAMBRIDGE ; AUTHOR OF ' THE CHRISTIAN PROPHETS ' 
 
 ^ffttbfln 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited 
 
 NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 I9OI 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
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 3. wx^t 
 
 GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 BY R0I3ERT MACLEHOSE AND CO. 
 
IN MEMORIAM 
 
 DESIDERATISSIMI 
 
 MAGISTRI 
 
 PROPHETAE 
 
 EPISCOPI 
 
 BROOKE FOSS WESTCOTT 
 
PREFACE 
 
 One object of the present volume is, within its pre- 
 scribed limits, to combat a kind of agnosticism, 
 by which term I mean the application of the 
 formula 'we do not know' to masses of details of 
 the New Testament by some of those who study it 
 and teach it. The attempt is here made to re- 
 arrange the data so as to interpret the unknown by 
 the light of the known, and to diminish the number 
 of those New Testament expressions, the bearing of 
 which has to be 
 
 'won from the void and formless infinite' 
 
 of fluctuating statement which is apt to leave them in 
 the vortex of obscurity and doubt. If these unknown 
 data can be co-ordinated with the known, then our 
 knowledge will be substantially increased : and I 
 earnestly and respectfully claim that they can. 
 
 As an instance of the agnosticism in question, the 
 genuineness of the Second Epistle of Peter is 
 now being surrendered by many. But it would not 
 be creditable to the Christian Church to retain in 
 her New Testament a writing which her authorities 
 
viii PREFACE 
 
 were content to throw over into the middle of the 
 second century with the gentle blessing of ' pseudony- 
 mous epistle.' If by such a capitulation alone she 
 could explain 2 Peter; in regard to its phrases and 
 intention and origin, as simply the expression of an 
 intelligent forger, she would be right and bound to 
 capitulate, provided always she went on to erase the 
 forgery from her pages. But now, while admitting 
 the forgery — -there is no other word for a treatise 
 which, not in its title, but in its text, professed to 
 be what it was not — some orthodox theologians 
 would fain ignore the bearing of this forgery on 
 the rest of the New Testament and at the same 
 time would continue to be agnostic withal as to its 
 phraseology and meaning and origin and connection 
 with the Canon. What position could be more 
 damaging to the consistency and proficiency of those 
 who held it .? 
 
 I use the term proficiency advisedly. For a belief 
 in Christianity must ever be a belief in its power to 
 save and renew and uplift the soul of man, and not 
 merely a historical knowledge of the fact that it once 
 possessed this power. It must be efficient in a for- 
 ward direction, and this is to be proficient. The 
 force of current orthodoxy is well-nigh spent as a 
 proficient power — exhausted in maintaining a certain 
 kind of equilibrium. Compelled in spite of mis- 
 givings to ally itself with other forces of a beneficent 
 kind, it continually attracts the notice and invites the 
 
PREFACE ix 
 
 criticism of the world which it claims to move ; but 
 when the world interrogates orthodoxy, it finds to its 
 surprise that orthodoxy has room in its capacious 
 province for an agnosticism of its own origins^as it 
 were an unexplored dark region which certain 
 shadowy creatures, the ancestors of known office- 
 holders, are supposed to have tenanted and held in 
 sway. Can we not then obtain the key to this dark 
 place ? Who were those first officers of the Church, 
 and what was their character? Who were the first 
 believers in Christ? On what grounds chiefly did 
 they found their belief? These are questions which 
 for friend and foe alike require to be answered. No 
 civilising power can be content to leave its own 
 territory unexplored and unmapped. No spiritual 
 power can be proficient while it is agnostic within 
 its own province, and while it tends, if I mistake not, 
 to inculcate a mental equilibrium which many persons 
 identify with a via media, but which in fact largely 
 rests upon agnosticism. 
 
 Such then, in part, is the relation of the present 
 essay to current theology. But formally it is not 
 apologetic nor written in the strain of an apologist. 
 It is not more one-sided than all the data together 
 compel it to be. It is undertaken as a sequel to The 
 Christian Prophets, and it pursues some trains of 
 thought outlined in that volume, to which many 
 references are given. In writing it the author be- 
 came convinced that the present tendency, after 
 
X PREFACE 
 
 Renan and others, to relegate 2 Peter to the end 
 of the second century was wholly perverse and un- 
 satisfactory, and while further testing his theory 
 stated ■ in the former work that St Luke wrote 2 
 Peter for St Peter at Rome, he has found so much 
 light thrown upon it by the Acts and the Epistles, 
 and especially by the Book of Enoch (chapter IV), 
 that he ventures to set it forth at greater length. It 
 has led him directly and by clear and unmistakeable 
 evidence to the identification of Luke with Silas, to 
 the explanation of unsolved difficulties in Acts xvi. 
 Acts ii, and other passages (chapters II and VIII) 
 to the correlation of the Ephesians with i Peter 
 (chapter VI), and to the conclusion, more than 
 warranted by the comparison of their contents, that 
 both are epistles of conciliation between St Paul and 
 St Peter, rendered necessary by the writing of the 
 second chapter of the Galatians (chapter V). The 
 idea of a great conciliation of the followers of St 
 Paul and St Peter respectively in the second century 
 is not favoured so much by the present generation 
 as it was by the generation before Bishop Lightfoot. 
 Yet the vogue which it enjoyed can hardly have been 
 entirely groundless. The view here propounded is 
 simply that the principals and not their followers 
 were conciliated. I am not conscious of being 
 influenced by Baur, whose works I have not read, 
 but it is strange that readers, whether critics or not, 
 whether of Baur's school or not, should shut their 
 
PREFACE xi 
 
 eyes first to the fact that a written attack was made 
 by one Apostle upon another, and then to the 
 inevitable sequel of this fact. Withdrawal of the 
 Epistle to the Galatians was impossible. Redress 
 alone remained. And redress upon Christian lines 
 of true feeling was quickly forthcoming. It was 
 easy because it was quick. The followers of Paul 
 and Peter a century later would have found con- 
 ciliation impossible — as impossible as the Montanists 
 and the orthodox found it then, or earlier still. But 
 Paul and Peter themselves, aided by Luke and guided 
 by the Holy Spirit, found it easy. 
 
 The lines of enquiry here undertaken extend over 
 some ground which is, so far as the author knows, 
 hitherto unoccupied and neglected. The neglect, 
 which now issues in the dilemma concerning 2 Peter, 
 is due to two chief causes : first, the paramount effect 
 of the Septuagint (Greek translation of the Old 
 Testament made about 280 B.C. at Alexandria) in 
 moulding the thoughts of the first Christian disciples 
 has been very imperfectly appreciated ; and next, the 
 Christian Prophets -have not been allowed by com- 
 mentators, ever since the second century, to have 
 been the chief living force in the transmission 
 of the faith. How the belief in Jesus as the Christ 
 arose in the hearts of the first believers is surely one 
 of the most profoundly interesting questions that can 
 occupy the mind of man. We cannot afford to 
 neglect any single line of evidence which bears 
 
xii PREFACE 
 
 upon it. Yet we have neglected many. To the 
 answering of it this book is a humble and hearty 
 contribution. 
 
 At first it may seem that any conclusions which 
 appertain to the Christian Prophets deserve to be 
 damned with the faint praise of ' ingenious,' or more 
 resolutely set aside as ' far-fetched ' or ' obscure.' But 
 to say that a series of coincidences between the Book 
 of Jesus (Joshua) and the thoughts of Paul and Silas 
 is far-fetched will not be the least drawback to the 
 cogency of its truth. The common-sense of the 
 English reader is apt to be more impatient of far- 
 fetching than is the ingenuity of the German ; but 
 while I tax my fellow-countrymen's patience, I may 
 assure them that this volume owes hardly anything 
 to German ingenuity, which has ignored the ' fulfil- 
 ments ' described by St Luke and St Paul almost as 
 much as the devout common-sense of our English 
 commentators. At the same time I am greatly 
 indebted to Blass's scholarly Latin Commentary on 
 Acts, and to Zahn's Einleitung, in whose reasonings 
 and conclusions I have found a useful check for my 
 own. In England we are generally unwilling to 
 make the effort to place ourselves in the position of 
 the first Apostles, to see with their eyes and read 
 with their minds and interpret with their powers. 
 The imperfections of the present treatise are due to 
 this very inability on the author's part ; they are not 
 inherent in the method which he follows, nor in the 
 
PREFACE xiii 
 
 lines on which he has begun to work and which he 
 hopes that others may carry further. 
 
 Starting, then, with the clear perception obtained 
 in chapters I-III that Luke is Silas and a Prophet, we 
 find that an entirely new light is thrown upon the 
 reality of the history of the Acts. The latter half of 
 that book contains so much lively narrative that it 
 appeals to all ; yet probably few readers have sur- 
 mised how much prophetic thought underlies some of 
 its chapters, especially the bright episodes of Philippi 
 and Troas. The former half, with its preponderance 
 of speeches and addresses, has appealed to the more 
 thoughtful students of doctrine, but even they must 
 have found some difficulties pressing for solution in 
 several chapters besides St Stephen's speech- — which 
 passage (and also ' Gnosticism ' and ' Ebionism ') I 
 may here promise not to inflict upon my kind reader 
 in the following pages. There is enough requiring 
 his attention already in the relation of the Pentecostal 
 gift to Christian Prophecy (chapter VIII), in the 
 parallelism of the two halves of the Acts (chapter 
 IX), in the use of Old Testament (LXX) quota- 
 tions, in the comparison of the two recensions of the 
 text of the Acts, and especially in the use of the 
 Book of Enoch by the writer of Acts, and other 
 problems. The one serious objection which lies 
 against the first-century date of Acts— its reference 
 to Theudas in the mouth of Gamaliel — is, I believe, 
 removed by the remarks in chapter IX. How much 
 
xiv PREFACE 
 
 criticism adverse to the genuineness and integrity of 
 
 the Acts has been recently based upon the reference 
 
 to Theudas will be plain to anyone who reads the 
 
 Encydopadia Biblica, Art. Acts. 
 
 At the same time it must be admitted that 
 
 the proofs of the historical character of Acts and of 
 
 the genuineness of i and 2 Peter are not to be 
 
 obtained without purchase at a price, and the price 
 
 is one which some readers will be at first unwilling 
 
 to pay. It is the recognition of the Book of Enoch 
 
 as a storehouse of thought for St Luke (chapters V 
 
 and VIII) and St Paul as well as St Jude. And here 
 
 I am tempted to parody my Horace and to say of 
 
 ourselves : 
 
 Ennochus in manibus non est et mentibus haeret 
 paene recens. 
 
 Enoch, like Ennius, is not in our hands and stored 
 in our head as an almost modern writer — modern, 
 that is, in the days of the Apostles ! They, on the 
 other hand, held him in their hands and in their 
 head, but little knew how modern he was. They 
 were mistaken in assigning him a great antiquity. 
 We are told by Dr. Charles that the oldest part of 
 his book was not much more than two centuries, and 
 the latest part a century, older than St Paul. These 
 dates may be subject to slight correction, but what- 
 ever be the age of the Book of Enoch, few readers 
 will be found to dispute the abundant references to it 
 set forth in the following pages as made by St Paul 
 
PREFACE XV 
 
 and St Luke. ' The House of the Great King which 
 is builded in glory for evermore' ; the 'Awake thou 
 that sleepest' ; the 'Angels desiring to look down upon ' 
 the earth ; the Seven weeks crowned with Pente- 
 cost and followed by the Eighth week of ' Right- 
 eousness ' ; the ' Parthians and the Medes ' ; all these 
 Enochian figures and many more have furnished the 
 sacred writers with imagery and framework for 
 passages of higher inspiration which have long 
 become household words. This inspiration comes 
 from the life of Him who will not suffer us to call 
 what God has cleansed common or unclean. Nothing 
 short of the express image of His Glory could lend 
 lustre to the tawdry hangings, the vapid daubs, or 
 the lurid pictures of this miscellaneous Book of 
 Enoch. But this He has done. He has illuminated 
 literature as He has purified character. He is the 
 Master who inspires the scholarly Luke as He is the 
 Lord who claims the service of our life. He came in 
 and out amongst us through an Enochian atmosphere 
 and yet His personality is not obscured ; " the smell 
 of fire has not passed on Him " ; He ever liveth, and 
 we shall not cease to worship Him. 
 
 I avail myself of this preface to dispose of some 
 of the more superficial objections to the cardinal 
 statements of this volume and its predecessor. For 
 instance, with regard to such a question as that of 
 Babylon being Rome I have no more doubt than 
 
xvi PREFACE 
 
 1 have in regard to ' Auld Reekie ' being Edinburgh. 
 It is not a theory which is set against another theory 
 with some shew of equilibrium ; it is an absolute 
 certainty. There is no charge brought against any 
 man's good faith in the following pages ; but let 
 me here say that no one who denies that Babylon 
 is Rome can have studied the books of the entire New 
 Testament with a coherent intelligence, nor can he 
 possess a sound grasp of their meaning as documents. 
 The writers of the Apocalypse and i Peter and 
 
 2 Thessalonians wrote from a very different standing- 
 point from any that is natural to us now •. probably 
 this will be admitted. They had their reasons for 
 using such expressions as 'Maran atha,' and 'he that 
 letteth,' and ' the spirit of Jesus,' and ' KatSgor ' 
 ('Accuser,' in Rev xii lo), and for omitting Dan 
 from the Twelve tribes without reducing the number 
 to Eleven: (see The Christian Pw/z^^^j, chapter VIII). 
 They wished to speak as Christian Prophets spoke, 
 and they wished to write so that the Roman authori- 
 ties, if they captured their letters, might not under- 
 stand quite all their contents. Though they wrote 
 usually, not always, for the congregation, they certainly 
 did not write for the express convenience of the 
 juvenile reader in the twentieth century, nor did they 
 believe it possible that the world should survive so 
 long. Thus they have left us the necessity of taking 
 their point of view. Our understanding of their 
 writings wholly depends upon our taking it. Nor is 
 
PREFACE xvii 
 
 common-sense interpretation possible until we liave 
 made an effort of an uncommon kind at the outset 
 of our studies, the effort to see things as a very 
 uncommon class of persons saw them, and saw them 
 chronologically the first. 
 
 Another of the idola fori, as Bacon would call 
 them, is the prejudice that Christian Prophets must 
 be found to prophesy events of the distant future or 
 else forfeit their title to the name. It does not lie 
 within my province to determine how far ahead the 
 Prophets of the Old Testament could or could not 
 forecast the future. But in some remarks on this 
 subject in chapter IV, I have contended strongly for 
 one necessary point — -that they meant to speak what 
 their contemporaries understood, and they believed 
 that the latter understood them. There is no doubt 
 that the Christian Prophets intended and believed the 
 same : they meant their contemporaries to understand, 
 and believed that they did so. The reader who will 
 start with this admission may claim as much predictive 
 ability for the Prophets as he thinks fit, or as little : 
 but without this admission he will derive little benefit 
 from the ' Hear, O heavens ; and give ear, O earth,' 
 or from any other appeal of the Old Testament 
 Prophets. 
 
 Three points emerge clearly from the observation 
 
 of the statements in the New Testament concerning 
 
 the Prophets. First: the Christian Prophets laid 
 
 stress upon their corporate unity and continuity with 
 
 b 
 
xviii PREFACE 
 
 the Prophets of antiquity ; and some attempt has 
 been made by the present writer to shew the evidence 
 for the existence of a prophetic chain of literature 
 from 400 B.C. to 70 A.D. in The Christian Prophets. 
 
 Next: they did not aim at reproducing what we 
 should call the originality of their Old Testament 
 predecessors, because they were standing as they 
 believed on the last steps of time, at ' the end of the 
 age,' and they were conscious that the exceeding 
 great volume of prophecy behind them, while it 
 needed no further addition at their hands, charged 
 them with the duty of finding 'fulfilment' in every 
 current event, and declaring it when found. 
 
 Thirdly : the organs of this declaration to the 
 world at large were the Apostles who were, as 
 Missionary Prophets, a higher degree of the order of 
 Prophets, and ranked above the rest ; but so far from 
 being limited to twelve or thirteen or fourteen in 
 number, there were in fact scores of Apostles, as 
 there had been scores of Prophets before our Saviour, 
 who was the Apostle (Heb iii i), indeed before He 
 was the Saviour. 
 
 Another idolon must be mentioned. It is rather 
 an idol, or prejudice, of the cave. It says that what is 
 here stated cannot be true or it would have been 
 discovered long ago. Beyond the fact that we have 
 ignored the character of the Christian Prophets I 
 cannot tell the reason why certain conclusions of the 
 first importance have not been drawn many a time 
 
PREFACE xix 
 
 before this. Some of those here mentioned have 
 been drawn, though I have not seen Schwanbeck's 
 treatise on Silas and Luke : otliers have never seen 
 the Hght before. But we are all apt to miss what 
 lies at our very feet, and to fail in putting one and 
 one together. Just because Luke did not add to his 
 mention of ' Silas ' the words ' who was afterwards 
 called Luke,' or because he wrote sometimes of Silas, 
 and sometimes of ' us,' instead of using consistently 
 and always the same term, is this a reason for 
 thinking that Thucydides, for instance, who calls 
 himself in his history ' Thucydides,' could not have 
 sometimes spoken of himself as ' me ' or ' us ' ? Should 
 we say that Caesar who calls himself ' Caesar' could 
 not have written the whole of his ' Commentaries' if 
 we found a 'We' passage in them.'' or Jeremiah his 
 prophecies in which he calls himself 'Jeremiah ' ? As 
 to Xenophon, I hope that some kind friend will be 
 good enough to look through his works and tell us 
 whether he never speaks of himself as ' we ' or ' us.' 
 
 But it will be urged that at least the Christian 
 Fathers knew the truth on such an obvious question 
 as the identity of Luke and Silas. Not at all. This is 
 just where their ignorance came in. I am not now 
 speaking of Clement, ' Barnabas,' and Ignatius, to 
 whom I have referred in The Christian Prophets, but 
 of the successors of the Apostolic Fathers. It cannot 
 be too often urged that neither Justin nor Irenaeus 
 nor, Tertullian nor any other knew anything about 
 
XX PRE FA CE 
 
 the personality of Luke. There is not even a 
 tradition of real value. The Muratorian Canon is 
 examined in chapter III. Irenaeus was in entire 
 ignorance of the meaning of the greater part of the 
 Apocalypse. The question of the two Johns has 
 been left in confusion for us, as great as that of the 
 question of the two Philips, even by Eusebius. This 
 I have tried to shew in The Christian Prophets. The 
 books of the New Testament the Fathers knew 
 something about : the authors of them they knew 
 nothing about : the meaning of them they knew very 
 httle about. Between 70 and 150 the entire early 
 tradition as to the authorship of the books was lost, 
 and a new tradition, scanty enough, grew up. The 
 Montanists (see The Christian Prophets, chapter II) 
 possessed a certain amount of the force, not the 
 intelligence perhaps, of the prophetic tradition, but 
 they and it were hurried and harried, almost out of 
 existence, about the middle of the second century. 
 Our dear departed Bishop of Durham, whose death 
 has occurred while these pages pass through the 
 press, used (1878) to lament the vacuum of church 
 history between 150 and 175 ; but there is a hardly 
 less serious vacuum between 100 and 140 and a 
 more serious one between 80 and lOO. And yet we 
 possess enough remains of the Christian writings of 
 those periods, to shew that the New Testament 
 writings are vastly superior, and also to shew that 
 they do not and cannot belong to the second century. 
 
PREFACE xxi 
 
 The Christian Fathers, with their apparent know- 
 ledge — ^and it is only even apparent because of our 
 want of imagination — ^and their real ignorance of a 
 bygone century or more before their own time, have 
 been the chief cause of our failure to see what was at 
 our feet. Here is an instance. Says Renan, quoting 
 an observation of Jerome about 400 A.D. {Ep. ad Hebid. 
 II ; cf de viris ill. i) : ' The style of 2 Peter has no 
 resemblance to that of i Peter.' This one-sided and 
 misleading statement I respectfully traverse, and have 
 tried to treat the question more upon its merits in 
 chapter V below and in The Christian Prophets. 
 Renan {V Antechrist, Intr. vi) says : 
 
 " 2 Peter is surely apocryphal. We recognise in it 
 at the first glance an artificial composition, a make-up 
 of scraps from apostolic writings, especially from the 
 epistle of Jude. We do not insist upon this point, for 
 we do not believe that 2 Peter has a single defender 
 among true critics." 
 
 Whether Renan ever vouchsafed a second or third 
 glance at 2 Peter is not quite clear. My friend Dr. 
 Chase has studied it, but says that he goes further 
 into it and fares worse. It seems to me that he 
 becomes an agnostic on this subject. I can only say 
 that had either of these critics studied it in the light 
 of the Book of Enoch, they would not have written as 
 they have ; they would have made entire sense of 
 2 Peter i and iii ; they would have understood 2 Peter 
 ii at least as well as they can understand Jude ; and 
 
xxii PREFACE 
 
 they would probably have gone further and seen 
 that St Jude deals with the same necessary phase in 
 the evolution of the Christian faith which Silas him- 
 self had witnessed at Corinth (chapter VI'I). I 
 venture to think that there is no difficulty whatever 
 in the explanation of 2 Peter as a document, nor in 
 the interpretation of any single verse of it ; the orily 
 difficulties which remain are inherent in the original 
 materials on which it rests, especially the Trans- 
 figuration of Christ. Mystery, in the true sense of 
 that misapplied term, begins when we come into 
 touch with Life and Being : it does not belong to 
 the interpretation of words. As men, it envelops us ; 
 as readers of the Bible, it does not. The one thing 
 essential to the understanding of 2 Peter is the right 
 point of view, which is that of a Christian Prophet 
 between 60 and 70 A.D. Let us put one and one 
 together and count the Christian post-apostolic 
 Fathers as naught until their knowledge upon our 
 subject can be proved to be of value. At present 
 they are the source of a dangerous agnosticism. 
 
 I cherish a hope that this treatise may meet the 
 eye of Jewish students of prophecy and its interpreta- 
 tion, and that it may interest some of them to see 
 how closely the first Christians held to the church 
 WHICH IS, and how eagerly they sought fulfilments 
 of words and events which belonged to the great 
 body of Jewish prophetic doctrine, as waymarks 
 along the road tliat led them to eternal Life. That 
 
PREFACE 
 
 xxm 
 
 St Luke was a Jew, and that there is no ground for 
 the other supposition ; that St Paul, so far from 
 breaking with his ancient Church, whose is ' the 
 adoption as a son, and the glory, and the covenants, 
 and the lawgiving, and the worship, and the promises,' 
 remained a Jew to the last in every fibre of his 
 being, while he recognised the Door of faith as wide 
 open to the 'Gentiles,' beside the Door of circum- 
 cision ; that all the early Christians were, with all 
 Hellenists, nursed upon the Greek Old Testament, 
 widely as it diverges from the Hebrew in every page ; 
 these are facts which will become more and more 
 patent to all careful students, and they will throw us 
 back more and more upon a careful investigation of 
 the LXX, which the labours of Dr. Swete have now 
 made so accessible in a convenient form to all 
 readers. Instead of being a dreary waste of mis- 
 translations, it appears to me that very many pages 
 of the LXX require attention in every variation df 
 their reading, in order that we may ascertain, if 
 possible, the ipsissima verba which welcomed the eye 
 of the Christian Prophets and those who discussed 
 with them the first foundations of the Christian faith. 
 If there are Freemasons who search into the origins 
 of their own order, they will find in the following 
 pages that their ruling idea is the great idea which 
 ruled the Apostolic mind — that of 'the House of the 
 great King which is builded in glory for evermore.' 
 Into the questions, how far and since what time the 
 
XXIV 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 order has diverged from Christianity, the present 
 treatise has not ventured to go. But the writer has 
 satisfied his mind of the fact of such historical con- 
 nection. Whether the chain of it has passed through 
 the Apostles or not, the order has certainly in its 
 passage down the ages from the Temple of Solomon 
 linked itself on to the Book of Enoch, with which 
 the Apostolic preaching was powerfully connected. 
 
 The following pages contain few references to the 
 Gospel of St Luke, which, though it proceeds equally 
 with Acts from the pen of Silas, is too great a field to 
 be treated in the same volume. 
 
 I believe that the English reader who does not 
 possess a knowledge of Greek or Hebrew will not 
 find any increased difficulty in following what is here 
 written. In writing argumentatively almost through- 
 out, I have only obeyed the necessity of things, and 
 have not willingly passed over any part of the subject 
 undertaken. I have to thank Dr. Robertson NicoU 
 for kindly allowing some pages of chapter II to 
 appear in The Expositor, 1901. 
 
 While I have freely criticised the Revised Version 
 of the New Testament — as I believe the Revisers 
 would wish it criticised when they said, ' Blemishes 
 and imperfections will assuredly be found in our own 
 Revision ' — I cannot express too strongly my sense 
 of its immeasurable advance upon the Authorised 
 Version for the understanding of the Apostles' 
 writings. When a new English version is under- 
 
PREFACE XXV 
 
 taken, it will follow the Authorised Version more 
 closely in the Gospels than the Revised Version has 
 done, but diverge from it far more widely in the 
 Epistles. Meanwhile The New Testament in Greek 
 by Westcott and Hort (denoted by WH in these 
 pages) is the standard by which every student, in 
 England at least, will be guided. This recognition 
 does not release us from the duty of making the 
 thoughts of the New Testament writers, and their 
 trains of thought, our primary study, to which the use 
 of the Concordance for the study of words must ever 
 be subordinate. 
 
 In conclusion, in the words of Bacon, I would here 
 " humbly and earnestly beg, that human things may 
 not prejudice such as are divine ; neither that from 
 the unlocking of the gates of sense and the kindling 
 of a greater natural light, anything of incredulity or 
 intellectual night may arise in our minds towards 
 divine mysteries. But rather that by our mind 
 thoroughly cleansed and purged from fancy and 
 vanities, and yet subject and perfectly given up to 
 the divine oracles, there may be given unto faith the 
 things that are faith's. Amen." 
 
 St. Bartholomew's Day, 1901. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 The Names, Luke and Prophet. 
 
 The use of alternative names by Jews, p. I. Silvanus and Silas: 
 Lucanus and Lucas, p. 3. Origin of the name Silas, p. 6. Lucanus, 
 Lucius, and Luke, p. II. The Church in Antioch that IS, p. 15. 
 The Prophets and Teachers at Antioch, Lucius, p. 17. Apostles 
 and Prophets, p. 20. First Function of the Prophets, p. 21. The 
 Rules of the Prophets in Session, p. 24. The Rules of the Prophets 
 on Circuit. The ' Teaching of the xii Apostles,' p. 25. Prophets 
 and Apostles identical in O.T. , p. 29 : in N.T. , p. 30. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Travel-Document or Journey-Record or AVe- 
 document of the acts. 
 
 Not a foreign document incorporated, p. 33. Prophetic Descriptions, 
 p. 35. ' Fulfilments ' of Prophecy, p. 36. ' They of the circumcision ' 
 at Rome, p. 38 note. The We-document is prophetic, p. 39. The 
 Preaching of Apostles governed by ' fulfilments,' p. 40. The ' Spirit of 
 Jesus' fulfilling Joshua, p. 43. At Troas, p. 44. Macedonia the 
 ' portion ' of the Promised Land of Europe, p. 46. Philippi fulfils 
 Jericho, p. 48. Gangas fulfils Gilgal, p. 51. Places in Macedonia 
 fulfil Benjamin's portion, p. 54. Thessalonica and Selo, p. 56. Jason 
 
xxviii CONTENTS 
 
 and Lot, p. 58. Troas and Sarepta, p. 58. The circumcision of 
 Timothy, p. 60. The submission to the law, p. 61. The Elders who 
 had seen the Lord, p. 62. St I'aul's speech at Miletus, p. 64. At 
 Jerusalem : James' rash counsel, p. 65. Jewish views of Antichrist, 
 p. 67. St Paul is Antichrist to the Jews, p. 70. The Romans in 
 Daniel, p. 74. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 SiLVANUs' Disappearance and Luke's Appearance. 
 
 The standing-point of the writer of Acts, p. 75. Attitude to the 
 Jews, p. 78. Roman citizenship, p. 80. Close blending of the We- 
 passages with the rest of Acts, p. 82. Prophets travelled in 
 pairs, p. 82. The movements of Silas in Acts, p. 84. Silas at Philippi, 
 p. 86, at Beroea, p. 88. Silas disappears, p. 90. Silvanus in the 
 Epistles, p. 91. The brother praised in all the churches, p. 92. 'I, 
 Tertius, who write,' p. 93. Resumption of We in the third journey, 
 p. 96. The Churchwardens, 97. The Doberian, p. 98. Historical 
 value of the Western Recension, p. 99. ' Luke the Healer, the Beloved,' 
 p. 103. The Muratorian Fragment, p. 105. Luke 'the True Yoke- 
 Fellow,' p. 107. Luke is Silvanus and Silas, p. no. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 St Luke in the Petrine Epistles. 
 
 Style of the Petrine Epistles, p. 1 14. 2 Peter ' ambitious ' in style, 
 p. 115. Quotations of O.T. in the Petrine Epistles, p. 116. The 
 position of the Christian Prophets in i Peter, p. 118. Dr. Hort on 
 St Paul and Isaiah, p. 119 note. The O.T. Prophets did not seek out 
 their own meaning, p. 120. The Angels looking down into the fulfil- 
 ments, p. 122. Fulfilments, primary and secondary, p. 124. O.T. 
 Prophecy is free from hidden suggestions, p. 126. Christian Prophecy 
 recognised in I Peter and 2 Peter, p. 129. Use of Apocryphal books 
 in I Peter and 2 Peter, p. 130. The Water of the Deluge, 
 p. 131. The Fire of the Destruction of the Earth, p. 133. Quotations 
 from Enoch, pp. 134 ff. The Water of the Destruction of the Earth, 
 p. 137. The Spirits in prison in i Peter and Enoch, p. 139. The 
 House of the Great King in the same, p. 141. Hort on the Royal 
 
CONTENTS xxix 
 
 Priesthood, p. 143 note. The Eighth Week and Pentecost in St Luke, 
 p. 14s note. The House of God in 2 Peter, p. 147. 2 Peter i 3-10 
 explained, p. 148. Luke the Physician, p. 150 note. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 St Luke Reconciles his Senior Apostles. 
 
 Usages of the Petrines and St Luke ; use of tc, 151. References to 
 the Holy Spirit, p. 154. Dr. S. Davidson on the styles of the Petrines, 
 p. 156. Peter claims to be by Luke as 2 Peter shews itself to be, p. 160. 
 St Peter and St Paul meeting in Rome, p. 162. St Luke as Media- 
 tor, p. 164. The lines of St Peter's teaching, p. 166. ' The faithful 
 brother as Peter accounts him,' p. 169. Luke's proposal of redress to 
 write I Peter, p. 170. His further proposal of redress to write 2 Peter, 
 p. 172. Introduction to Luke's Gospel, p. 173. The influence of Luke 
 in Ephesians, p. 175. Shortcomings of i Peter from the Pauline point 
 of view, p. 177. Hort on Ephesians and i Peter, p. 179. Peter's 
 knowledge of Greek, p. 181. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 St Paul's Ephesians and St Luke's i Peter. 
 
 Their incessant correspondences, p. 183. In Ephesians i, p. 184. In 
 Ephesians ii, p. 186. The Treatment of the O.T. passages by the 
 Christian Prophets, p. 188. i Peter does not copy Romans, p. 193. 
 The stone of the Builders, p. 194. A side-light on the Lucan author- 
 ship of 2 Peter, p. 195. Parable of the Husbandmen, p. 196. History 
 of the combined citations, p. 198. Meaning of the term Revelation, 
 p. 199. Prophets and Apostles, p. 202 note. ' Unsearchable,' p. 203 
 note. Ephesians iii and i Peter, p. 203. ' Unity ' in Ephesians, 
 p. 204. Ephesians iv and i Peter, p. 205. ' Baptism ' in the Roman 
 Epistles of Paul, p. 207. Ephesians v and i Peter, p. 208. Genuine- 
 ness of Ephesians, p. 211. To whom was it addressed? p. 213. They in 
 Ephesus WHO ARE: Jesus WHO IS Lord Messiah, p. 215. 
 Zahn on Ephesians ; Baur ; Holtzmann, p. 219. What was included 
 in St Paul's sphere of work, p. 223. The Gentiles who were Jewish 
 proselytes, p. 227. 
 
XXX CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 St Luke and St Jude. 
 
 Does Jude refer to the written 2 Peter ? p. 230. Analysis of Jude, p. 231. 
 Features of the intruders into .the body of the faithful Called, p. 233. 
 The phraseology of Jude, p. 235. The scope of Jude and Zahn's date for 
 it, p. 238. The approximate date of Jude, p. 241. The supposed 
 quotation by Jude of 2 Peter, p. 244. Oral and written prophecy, 
 p. 245. Apostles and Prophets, p. 247. The intention to write a larger 
 work — a Gospel, p. 249. Closer inquiry into the date of Jude, p. 252. 
 Closer parallelism of 2 Peter and Jude, p. 253. The connection be- 
 tween St Peter and 2 Peter, p. 258. 2 Peter and the Corinthian 
 Church, p. 259. Christian faith and licentiousness, p. 260. 2 Peter ii 
 parallel with I and 2 Cor., p. 261. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 The Prophetic Character of Acts i-xii. 
 
 The two recensions of Acts, ^ and a contrasted together generally, 
 p. 266. A disappearing prophetic mode of thought in ;8, p. 271. The 
 Acts not a production of the second century, p. 272. The Pentecostal 
 account in Acts and the Book of Enoch, p, 275. Parable of the Unjust 
 Steward, p. 279 note. The Apostles' utterance at Pentecost was 
 psalmodic, p. 283. Dr. Martineau on the Acts, p. 285 note. The 
 Potter's Field of Zechariah, p. 286 note. The use of the Hallelujah 
 Psalms, p. 288. The prophetic fulfilment of Acts i, ii : ' Habitation,' 
 p. 293. Papias on Judas Iscariot, p. 294. Confusion of tongues, 
 p. 295. Parthians and Medes, p. 297. The Building of the House of 
 the Great King, 299. The rushing mighty wind and the fire, p. 300. 
 The fulfilment of Psalm .xvi : is the Psalm Davidic ? p. 303. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Parallelism of the Acts. 
 
 Passages in Acts referring to Ecstasy, Simon Magus, Philip, p. 307. 
 The Conversion of Saul, p. 311. Dr. J. Martineau on Retrospective 
 Reconstruction in Acts, p. 313. Parallelism of the two halves of Acts, 
 
CONTENTS xxxi 
 
 p.319. Its true basis, Psalm cxlvi, p. 320. • Selection in Acts based on 
 a principle, p. 326. Gamaliel's mention of Theudas, p. 327. Josephus 
 on Theudas and Athronges, p. 332. The multitude of instances of 
 healing and of magic, p. 337. The conversion of Peter, p. 339. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 Some Further Traces of the Origin of the Acts. 
 
 The release of Peter from prison, p. 346. More light from the Western 
 Recension, p. 349. The soldiers of Palestine, p. 351. Fulfilment of 
 Psalms, p. 355. Traces of Luke's whereabouts ; at Antioch, p. 356. 
 Theory of ft p. 361. Another trace at Antioch, p. 363. Christian 
 Prophets full of the Holy Ghost, p. 364. Luke has intimate 
 knowledge of Silas, p. 366. Luke at Corinth, where he knows 
 intimately St Paul's method of preaching, p. 369. Date of the Acts, 
 p. 372. Contents of the continuation of Acts, p. 374. Its suppres- 
 sion, p. 375. 
 
 INDEX OF Names and Subjects, p. 380. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET. 
 
 The use of alternative names by Jews. 
 
 The price which the Jews of old had to pay, as 
 a nation, for their exclusive privilege as the covenant 
 people of God, was exclusion from the ordinary 
 transactions of the human race. They could not 
 despise or pity the nations of the world as un- 
 circumcised heathens and at the same time mix 
 with them on equal terms. Yet such was their 
 industry, persistence, and financial ability, that, as 
 individuals, there was always a place for them 
 among the easy-going and necessitous Gentiles, 
 which they were quick to occupy. And as if to 
 prove their adaptability to the society in which they 
 called themselves 'strangers of the dispersion,' to 
 commend themselves as adopted sons of Greek and 
 Roman civilisation, to shew that they were in the 
 world if not of it, and prepared to be useful to it 
 in the ways of commerce, it had become their habit, 
 in the first century and earlier, to assume a second 
 
2 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 name which was Greek or Roman in form. Thus 
 a Saul or Sha'ool became known as Paulus, a 
 Joseph, Jussuf or Josephus moved among Gentiles as 
 Hegesippus, a Jesus or a Joseph might also become 
 Justus, a Miriam Maria. This additional name might 
 or might not entirely supplant the original Hebrew 
 name, but it usually bore some relation to it of 
 sound or sense. It was often a direct translation. 
 Thus we may suppose that Aquila was the Gentile 
 name of the ]&\w Nesher (Adler, Eagle). Or again 
 the choice might be suggested by a nick -name. Or 
 again it might be based upon the common usage 
 of the patronymic, by which it is commonly supposed 
 that Nathaniel, whose Gentile name is unknown — 
 but it might, for some bearers of the name, have 
 been Theodorus or Theodotus, — is to be identified 
 with Bar-tholmai or Bartholomew. Nor should we 
 be surprised to find that any Simon, son of John, 
 or Bar-Jonas, would assume the classical name of 
 lonides,! by translation of the Hebrew prefix for 
 Son of, combined with transliteration of the father's 
 name. 
 
 It follows that a plurality of names is to be ex- 
 pected in the case of almost any Jew. We are not 
 so familiar with cases of men bearing four names, 
 but Simon Peter's is one, for he was not only Simon 
 
 ^See The Christian Prophets, pp. io8, 163 f., where the termination 
 -Ion of Aristion would also suggest Ionia, the Roman proconsular 
 Asia, as the birthplace. 
 
HOIV NAMES ARE FORMED 3 
 
 and Peter, but Symeon and Cephas, and Peter is 
 the only one of the four names which is Greek. 
 Moreover his patronymic would furnish at least one 
 more name. We need not then be surprised if it 
 should prove that one of his contemporaries bore 
 four names, which are certainly reducible to three 
 by one of the commonest kinds of abbreviation. In 
 proper names of Jews, therefore, we have the follow- 
 ing principles at work : sound-resemblance, the 
 patronymic, translation, transliteration, abbreviation. 
 
 Silvanus and Silas: Lucanus and Lucas. 
 
 We now proceed to the particular case of the 
 name Silas.^ 
 
 It seems to be almost universally admitted that 
 the name Silas not only belongs to the same indivi- 
 dual as Silvanus, but itself is contracted from 
 
 Silvanus.^ Just as St Paul uses not the familiar ac> 
 
 18, . 
 Priscilla, but the shorter form Prisca, so conversely ro^, ^,^1 3. 
 
 he never mentions Silas, but always uses the longer iTimfvlg?' 
 
 form Silvanus. Other instances of the like contrac- \ JorVig. 
 
 tion abound : Lucas is shortened from Lucanus, ' 
 
 Parmenas from Parmenides, Demas from Demarchus 
 
 or Demetrius. The extant inscriptions give us Asclas 
 
 ■'For this subject see the learned collection in Pape-Benseler's Wor- 
 terbuch der Griechischen Eigennamen, 1884, Uebersicht xvii. 
 ^See e.g. Lightfoot, Notes on Epf. of St Paul, on I Th i i, p 6. 
 
 : xviii 2, 
 18, 26. 
 
4 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 (from Asclepius), Demosthas (from Demosthenes), 
 Diomas (from Diomedes), Hermogas (from Hermo- 
 
 t iii 12, 13. genes). The N.T. gives us Artemas from Artemi- 
 
 ;v36. dorus, Zenas from Zenodorus, Theudas from Theo- 
 dorus, Olympas from Olympiodorus or Olympius, 
 
 Dmxvii4. and probably Hermas for Hermodorus, Amplias 
 (see Lightfoot on Col iv 15) for Ampliatus, Antipas 
 for Antipater, Epaphras for Epaphroditus, Patrobas 
 for Patrobius, Stephanas for Stephanephorus, perhaps 
 
 3m xvi 7. Junias for Junianus, and perhaps Nymphas for 
 Nymphius, Nymphodotus, or Nymphodorus. Clas- 
 sical writers give us Alexas for Alexander, Artas for 
 Artemas for Artemidorus, Menas for Menodorus, 
 Cleopas for Cleopatrus. Thus it is clear that the 
 termination of a masculine name in -as frequently 
 shews the abbreviation of a longer name. 
 
 As regards the final syllable, Lucas for Lucanus 
 stands on exactly the same ground as Silas for 
 Silvanus, except that the final syllable of Lucas 
 bears the circumflex accent, which in Silas it does 
 not. Neither is there any circumflex accent on 
 Antipas, Amplias, Klebpas and others. Moreover we 
 may here observe that the instances of Nymphas 
 for Nymphius, Patrobas for Patrobius, and perhaps 
 Olympas for Olympius, serve further to exemplify 
 the lesser shortening of Lucas from the form Lucius. 
 
 There is then no dearth of evidence to shew that 
 any man bearing the name Silas was likely to be 
 called by a longer name ending for instance in -anus. 
 
WHY NOT SILVAS? 5 
 
 and that any Luke was likely to be called Lucanus, 
 while it is not improbable that any Luke was also 
 called Lucius. When we come however to enquire 
 on what grounds the particular Silas of the Acts 
 is identified with the particular Silvanus of the 
 Pauline Epistles, the proof is not forthcoming. The 
 identity, says Lightfoot, on i Th i i," appears from 
 the identity of situation ascribed to the two in the 
 historical narrative and the allusions in the Epistle." 
 But Lightfoot seems to ignore the plain truth that 
 Silas is short for Silanus, and that Silvas would 
 be the short for Silvanus. The fact is that again 
 and again in the N.T. the train of history has to 
 be followed closely, with the aid of as much historical 
 imagination as can be found, and no absolute proof 
 is to be expected. A reasonable probability is not 
 indeed the only guide of theology, whatever we may 
 think of it as the guide of life. But in matters 
 which are not doctrinal — such is the dearth of 
 explicit evidence — we are obliged to be content 
 with what is likely. And when these likely results 
 conflict with nothing except prejudice and precon- 
 ceived ideas, when they take account of all the 
 phenomena, when they cannot be confronted with 
 unregarded points of phrase, term, and grammar in 
 the context, when they do not take shelter under 
 the outworn and penetrable thatch of the pretence 
 'too little is known,' and under the fence of a later 
 tradition which arose out of ignorance and out of 
 
6 THE NAMES LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 the desire to fill its vacuum, they will be strong 
 enough to hold the field in the future as they have 
 done in the past. True criticism is really construc- 
 tive in its tendency. When it seems to destroy, it 
 is only removing materials from a doomed edifice 
 to build a new and more enduring dwelling. 
 
 Let us now investigate in the case of Silas and 
 Luke what Lightfoot has called " the identity of situa- 
 tion ascribed to the two (Silas and Silvanus) in the 
 historical narrative and in the [Epistles]." And first 
 we take the name itself 
 
 Origin of the name Silas. 
 
 Jerome^ considered the name Silas to come from 
 the Hebrew fT'P'lU, piel (l^UJ meaning ' sent,' ' apos- 
 tolus.' And in a matter of this sort his opinion is 
 entitled to consideration. It would connect it with 
 jn ix 7. Siloam or Shiloah, ' which is by interpretation, sent.' 
 In favour of this it may be urged that the name, if 
 thus derived, suits the office which Silas in fact 
 fulfilled in the pages of the N.T. He was an apostle 
 
 Acxiv4, in the sense in which Barnabas was, and Saul was, 
 
 14. 
 Phil ii 25. if not also Epaphroditus. He was a Prophet sent 
 
 on circuit^ to teach and preach and establish the 
 
 ■" De nom. Heb. on Silas. 
 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, pp. 1 2 f. , 1 34. 
 
HEBREW ORIGIN OF SILAS 7 
 
 churches. Now we can easily understand how the 
 name ' Sent ' would cause its bearer, Silas, to be sent 
 forth on a mission. It would strike ' the prophets 
 and teachers at Antioch ' as one of those ' prophecies i Tim i is, 
 which went before upon' him. He would seem to 
 be, as indeed he was, providentially designed to be 
 sent to the Gentiles. But on the other hand, the 
 fitness of the name for the Apostle would not be less 
 obvious had there been also an obvious fitness in 
 its first bestowal in infancy. Though like the name 
 of the prophet Nathan, ' set,' ' given,' ' appointed,' the 
 name Silas might have been chosen as an omen of 
 the infant's future, it might also mean that he was 
 recognised as sent as God's gift, a Theodore, a Deus- 
 dedit, to his parents. 
 
 Or again, the name might be drawn from Tppip Deuxxviii 
 
 ^ ' ' 57 
 
 Shil'yah : this is less probable.^ 
 
 Or perhaps, what is simplest of all, the original was 
 iipip'aj^ Sh'lishi, tertius, the third (child). The words, 
 ' I Tertius who write this Epistle' (to the Romans), Romxvi22. 
 will at once suggest themselves : of this later. But 
 there is another passage in Acts which appears to 
 bear a play upon the name, and if so, may throw 
 light upon its origin. The Hebrew for ' captain ' is 
 113"'!2'b5 Shilish, and it is remarkable that where the 
 word Silas is first mentioned in the Acts, the next 
 
 ' It is possible that he was so called from having been ' born with a 
 caul.' It is commonly supposed by nurses to be a fortunate omen ! 
 No one knows the antiquity of such beliefs. . 
 
8 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 Ac XV 22. words are 'chief men,'i 'men of leading,"'' avSpai 
 ^yov/xevovs, among the brethren. Still, if ' sent ' be 
 the meaning of the name Silas, we have 'sent ' in the 
 same verse. The choice between the meanings is not 
 easy. One would be inclined towards Jerome's 
 etymology, but for the facts (i) that both 'three' 
 (' third ') and ' captain ' are translations of words 
 which have for their final consonant sA, which is much 
 nearer to the final s of Silas than the guttural sound 
 of shilldgh ^ would be : and (2) that in Silas we have 
 neither the 11 of the piel voice of ' to send,' nor the 
 longer vowels of the name Siloam. It is true that, in 
 
 'I see nothing improbable (as Davidson does, Inh'od. to N.T., vol 
 ii p 20) in the expression if applied to himself by the author of the 
 Acts ; but those who do so will perhaps be satisfied if they see that the 
 meaning of the name Silas gives point to the expression. Had the 
 expression been ' chief men among the Apostles,' then there would have 
 been a neat question whether Shilla'gh, as explained in last page, would 
 not be more probable than Shalish as the original meaning of Silas. 
 But it would have been obviously excessive self-praise. ' Chief men 
 among the biethren' implies that Judas and Silas weie hardly known at 
 this time as Apostles. On the other hand, let us ask why is not the 
 order of the words ' Silas and Judas '? If Silas were not the writer, the 
 writer must have been well aware that Silas was far more widely known 
 about 74 A.D. than Judas, even if he were Jude who wrote the Epistle, 
 and far more entitled to be mentioned first. Whereas if he were the 
 writer, he would put himself last from modesty. 
 Is Iv ^. - The First Lesson for St Luke's day is very appropriate, but it must 
 
 be admitted that the coincidence of verse 4, ' a leader and commander 
 to the people,' is purely accidental. 
 
 ^ Dr. John Lightfoot, Works, vol. x. p. 345, ed. 1823, and also on 
 Jn ix 7, distinguishes two pools of Siloam, one called rhv) Shelahh, 
 Neh iii 15, 'skins,' and the other ^'h'S Shiloahh, Is viii 6, 'sent,' 
 thereby admitting the etymology given in Jn ix 7 for Siloam. 
 
IF//V NOT SILANUS? g 
 
 in order to get ' three ' (' third ') or ' captain ' as the 
 meaning of the name of Silas, the vowel-pointing 
 would have to be changed, but as there was no vowel- 
 pointing written in those days, this is a minor 
 consideration, especially when the name was trans- 
 literated into Greek. A Greek name such as 
 2aXa)?, Sal6s is entirely unknown, while 2aXe/?, SaXty, 
 Salis seems only possible as a Doric abbreviation 
 from Saleias, Salias. But Silas is a form which would 
 be produced with ease from either Hebrew Shahldsh 
 (Shlishi) or Shahlish, whereas it would not come 
 so easily from Shilla'gh. The essentials are the 
 sounds Sh-l-sh. 
 
 Another consideration may be strongly urged. The 
 lengthened form of Silas is said to be Silvanus. But 
 Silvanus cannot be the longer form of Silas.^ It 
 would have been Silanus. And Silanus was not a 
 name to be shunned. It was a good Roman name. 
 D. Junius Silanus had been consul A.U.C. 691. 
 Another member of the family, M. Junius Silanus, 
 was proconsul of Asia when St Paul was at Ephesus^ 
 in 54 A.D. He was a great-grandson of Augustus. 
 
 ^ This has also been observed by Dr. F. Zimmer, "Woher kommt 
 der Name ^S\ss,l" \xv Jahrb. d. Prot. TheoL, 1881, p. 721, who, more- 
 over, says that "ZCKovavis^ could not throw back its accent to the 
 paroxyton ZiXa;. There are but four persons named Silas in Josephus, 
 and a presbyter in Egypt of that name is given in Zoega Cat. Codd. 546, 
 21. See Pape-Benseler. The restoration of the name Silas in an 
 epitaph at Jaffa by M. Clermont-Ganneau is what he calls only ' rela- 
 tively satisfactory.' Revue Archdol., 1878, ii p. 315. 
 
 ^Tac. Ann. xiii 1. 
 
lO THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 He fell a victim to Agrippina, as his brother, L. 
 Silanus, had fallen before him. Another honourable 
 Roman name, as a longer form of Silas, was Silius. 
 Yet no trace of Silanus or Silius do we find in N.T. 
 A corresponding objection lies against the idea that 
 Silas is a, shortening from Silvanus. It would cer- 
 tainly have been Silvas. 
 
 The only alternative explanation open to those 
 who identify a Silas with a Silvanus — and it is a 
 sufficient explanation — is that Silvanus is lengthened 
 from the original Hebretv form of Silas. We have 
 then to account for the presence in Silvanus of the 
 z'-sound, and in order to do so, we must infer 
 that the original Hebrew name, from which Silas 
 comes, contained the zz-sound of the Hebrew "i 
 (vau ; see A.V. of Ps cxix 41). What then was this 
 Hebrew name .'' It might seem that STipiU Shal'- 
 vah, prosperity, was a name that offered the sound 
 required ; but it has the objection of being a feminine 
 form, and so unsuited to a man. On the whole then 
 we cannot do better than suppose that 12i ipiJ? Shahlosh, 
 three, which contains the vocalised v, though not the 
 English w-sound, and is masculine, originated the 
 longer form in Latin, Silvanus ; while the same num- 
 ber or its ordinal ''ll^vP Sh'lishi, third, or indeed, 
 125"'pii: Shahlish, captain, originated the shorter Silas. 
 
WHENCE LUC AN US? n 
 
 Liicamis, Lucius, and Luke. 
 
 It will be obvious that, in the matter of names, con- 
 siderable latitude was enjoyed by bilingual people 
 of the first century. So far from being sticklers 
 for one form as we are, for Frederic against Frederick, 
 or for Claude against Claud, or for Sidney against 
 Sydney, they welcomed Symeon along with Simon, 
 Ananias along with Hananias, and other similar 
 varieties. Is there the smallest improbability that 
 a Jew whose name had become Silvanus, which in 
 Latin means 'woody,' should receive another name 
 in Latin of similar meaning, Lucanus, which would 
 be naturally shortened into Lucius and Lucas (Luke)? 
 I can see no improbability. Whether of course a par- 
 ticular Silvanus was called Lucanus is a matter 
 of the particular evidence only. 
 
 Let us see whether we cannot easily imagine an 
 occasion for the change from Silvanus to Lucanus. 
 Let us suppose that one Silvanus was thrown with 
 a genial centurion of an Italian cohort, in whose 
 company he remained for some six months, associat- 
 ing with him on friendly terms, telling him story 
 after story from Thucydides, Herodotus, and Poly- 
 bius, voyaging with him on three successive vessels, 
 enduring the hardships and discomforts of the sea 
 together, feeding and famishing with him at close 
 quarters, till they were all shipwrecked, and then 
 
12 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 starting fair again towards Rome. One conclusion 
 is certain, that much jocularity would have passed 
 between this passenger and the centurion. Italian 
 soldiers were never lacking in humour, even if given 
 to brutality on occasion. Who does not recollect 
 a friend at school whose name was Wood, and whose 
 nickname was Timber or something synonymous? 
 But Silvanus was the name of a rough country 
 god. Silas was a classical and cultivated man. The 
 jokes once begun upon his name would be endless. 
 But it would seem that his name ought to be no 
 more bucolic than his nature. He was a converted 
 and civilised Wood, and his name should accordingly 
 become that of a Grove ^ — Lucanus. It is at least 
 
 ' For the exact difference between silva and Iticus we can hardly have 
 better evidence than the charmingly simple description by Virgil of the 
 appeal of Cybele to Jupiter in Aen. ix 85 ff. 
 
 Pinea silva mihi, multos dilecta per annos : 
 Lucus in arce fuit summa, quo sacra ferebant, 
 Nigranti picea trabibusque obscurus acernis. 
 But there is also a reference in Virg. Aen. ix 600 to a lucus of 
 Silvanus ; 
 
 Silvano fama est veteris sacrasse Pelasgos, 
 Arvorum pecorisque deo, lucumque diemque. 
 Qui primi finis aliquando habuere Latinos. 
 Silvanus was however an objectionable god, as any reader of ICeightley's 
 Mythology may remember. To bear the identical name among Romans 
 of Italy might well be distasteful, though outside Italy the objectionable 
 stories about Silvanus might not be current. Jews did not mind 
 adopting the names of heathen deities — strange to say — using Hermas, 
 ApoUos, Zenas. But we can well imagine that the less historic name 
 of Silvanus had less redeeming features than the others, and that it 
 was resented. 
 
LUKE AND ANTIOCH 1 3 
 
 a fact that the author of Acts was a refined classical 
 scholar. It is a fact that Julius the centurion was 
 courteous. It is a fact that Silas is never called 
 Silvanus by St Paul in his epistles written after his 
 arrival in Rome ; and never called Lucas before 
 it. This use of the name Luke has now to be 
 examined, along with the question of Lucius. 
 
 It is agreed that ' Luke, the beloved physician,' 
 of Col iv 14, is the same with ' Luke my fellow- 
 worker' of Philemon 24 and 2 Tim iv 11, 'only 
 Luke is with me.' Luke then is with St Paul at 
 Rome during the first and, let us assume, the 
 second captivities. 
 
 Lucius is mentioned twice in N.T. ' There were 
 in Antioch in the existing Church,' or rather, the 
 Church that IS, from everlasting to everlasting, 
 ' prophets and teachers, both Barnabas and Symeon 
 who was called Niger, and Lucius the Cyrenian, 
 Manaen too, a foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, 
 and Saul.' The passage is one of profound interest 
 and importance. I understand it to say that the 
 Church at Antioch was an organised community 
 with Prophets and teachers at its head. The writer 
 of the Acts is taking a new departure in his history, 
 and in full accordance with his declared intention 
 in the opening of chapter i. he is now passing from ac \ i 
 (Part I) the description of the witness 'both in 
 Jerusalem and in all Judaea and Samaria' to 
 (Part II) the account of the witness 'unto the end 
 
14 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 of the earth,' for which St Paul is the chosen vessel. 
 Peter had hitherto been the leading figure in Part I, 
 but alongside of him we have had mention of John, 
 a full account of the ministry of Stephen, and its 
 result, the conversion of Saul, and an inserted 'report' 
 of the preaching of Philip at Samaria : after which 
 
 Ac 1x32. we were taken back to Lydda, Joppa, and on to 
 
 Ac xi 19. Caesarea ; then again back to Jerusalem. The 
 Stephanie persecution led directly to Antioch be- 
 
 Acxi26. coming a centre : 'the disciples were called Christians 
 first in Antioch.' So strong a centre did it become 
 
 Acxiso. that it was even able to send relief to Jerusalem 
 itself, where the Church was suffering another crisis 
 in the persecution of Herod Agrippa I. After 
 
 Acxiiss. fulfilling their relief ministration Barnabas and Saul 
 returned from^ Jerusalem to Antioch. 
 
 'Whether we adopt Prof. Ramsay's explanation in St Paul the 
 Traveller, p. 64, or not, the marginal reading of Westcott and Hort 
 alone is correct as regards the sense. Westcott and Hort suggest 
 (N.T. vol. ii Notes on Select Readings, p. 94) that the order of words 
 in Acts xii 25, was originally tt\v els 'lep. irK-qpihffavTss SiaKovlav. 
 Now it is very uncommon to find in N.T. this, arrangement, which 
 became common after 100 A.D. in Christian writers, of placing the 
 substantive last and splitting the composite object by the interposition 
 of a participle or verb. St Luke's usual practice is the more ancient 
 and less fanciful, but a remarkable confirmation of the exceptional 
 practice is found in I Peter iv 2, rbv M\onrov iv crapKi ^lOxrai -xpbvov. 
 In Philo this will often occur : cf. Quis Reruni div. Hares ad fin. 
 0^770115 5^ T^v SKrjv dvairifnr\7]aL dLdvoiav, and e,^. also Apology of 
 Aristides, xvi ^rts e/s ti]v oXdviov x^f-P^y^y^^ ^aaiKeiav. 
 
THE DOOR OF CIRCUMCISION 
 
 The Church in Antioch that IS. 
 
 15 
 
 Now this change of the centre of gravity of the 
 Church from Jerusalem to Antioch was fraught with 
 momentous consequence. Its full meaning did not 
 appear in 44 A.D., but it was clear enough at the time 
 when Luke wrote the Acts, about 74 A.D. Jewish 
 Christians of the forties — if I may use the expression 
 — were beginning to see the danger of Antioch 
 growing to be a separate church : this danger was 
 that it would develop a separate character of its own, 
 that it would not stick so close as of old to 'the 
 teaching of the apostles and the fellowship and the 
 breaking of the bread and the prayers,' that it would Aoii4». 
 not insist so much as before on entrance by the door 
 of circumcision, that it might throw open ' the door ac xiv 27. 
 of faith' too wide, that the 'loosing' of the ancient 
 ties would be more frequent than the 'binding' of 
 new ones. In order to combat this danger, which 
 was partly imaginary, and partly arose from the 
 nature of the case, first 'Prophets came down from Ac xi 27. 
 Jerusalem to Antioch,' and again 'certain people came 
 down from Judaea and began teaching the brethren ' 
 the necessity of circumcision 'by the custom ofAcxvi. 
 Moses ' : the latter emissaries are probably those 
 whom St Paul mentions as ' certain who came direct oai u 12. 
 frorii James.' It would be affectation to deny that 
 the course of events which ended in the Council acxv. 
 
l6 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 of Jerusalem had been preceded and accompanied 
 by a tension of feeling and a difference of opinion 
 between the two schools of Jerusalem and Antioch. 
 
 This point then is just where St. Luke is careful to 
 shew that the Church in Antioch was not merely a 
 school at variance with another school. It was the 
 real nucleus of the Church which IS from everlasting, 
 and so was that Church itself. Though in point of 
 age a few years junior to the sister body at Jerusalem, 
 it was by no means the result of a departure from its 
 teaching. It broadened and deepened that teaching, 
 
 5aU6. without departing from it. It did not ' preach another 
 gospel.' At the head of it was the Prophet Joseph 
 Barnabas, a good {i.e. kind) man, who had been before 
 a pillar of the Jerusalem Church, for whose benefit he 
 had sold his possessions. He could not but 're- 
 member the rock from which he was hewn.' The 
 Church of which he was a leader was essentially the 
 same as the Church in Jerusalem, which was the Church 
 of God in all the ages. It was about to ' lengthen 
 
 s Hv 2. its cords and strengthen its stakes,' but it was not to 
 be described as the Church that came into being 
 (yei/OjueVi^i') at Antioch ; it was the Church which is, 
 after the pattern of its Master whose watchword was, 
 
 jnviiiss. I AM.i (See p. 2x6.) 
 
 ^ I cannot agree with Prof. Ramsay that tt/j- off(rai» iKK\ri<rlai> is almost 
 equivalent to t^v dvoixa^oixhriv ' that was named,' or ' formed.' That it 
 bears some special, not technical, sense, is true : but it is a mistake to 
 class it along with Acts xiv 13, v 17, xxviii 17. In all these pas- 
 sages the present participle of ei/ii is otiose and unnecessary and in 
 
LUCIUS IS NOT LUKE ij 
 
 The Prophets and Teachers at Antioch ; Lucius. 
 
 The first series of Prophets and teachers at Antioch 
 
 whom the author names is Barnabas, Symeon Niger, 
 
 Lucius of Cyrene : the second series is Manaen, and 
 
 Saul.^ We should very much like to know whether 
 
 Lucius of Cyrene was Luke the author. The present 
 
 writer is compelled to take the negative view, first 
 
 because he does not think that the author would 
 
 place himself in a higher series, whether in point of 
 
 age or of rank, than he would place Saul. Secondly, 
 
 whatever name he gave to Silas in this chapter, he 
 
 would give him throughout the passage dealing with 
 
 Antioch in those days, upon the assumption of the 
 
 identity which the present treatise aims at proving. 
 
 He mentions ' Silas ' in xv 22, 32. Thirdly, Silas is 
 
 closely joined with Judas in xv 32, both being 
 
 the best Greek would not be used. It only represents the copulative 
 verb, which is already represented sufficiently by the definite article. In 
 Acts XXV 2, it is omitted, and there is no difference of meaning what- 
 ever between the expression there and in xxviii 17. On the other 
 hand in Acts xiii i, there is no predicate ; the participle cannot stand 
 for a copulative verb, and the expression is solemn and unique. The 
 so-called ' circular ' usage of Eph i l is dealt with below. There is no 
 parallel that I can find except perhaps in Eph i 1. The occasion of 
 the statement was unique, and the phraseology is unique likewise. We 
 may compare of course Ap i 4. 
 
 iThe distinction made by P^e on Acts xiii i and Ramsay, St Paul 
 the Traveller, p. 65 is a sound one, except that the latter indulges in 
 the conjecture that the former series is one of Prophets, and the latter 
 one of teachers. We know for a fact that Saul was a Prophet soon after 
 this, if not now. 
 
 B 
 
1 8 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 Prophets : as there is no mention of Judas in xiii i, so 
 it is to be expected that there will be no mention of 
 Silas. The two in fact form a third series, but they 
 were not so much associated with Antioch as with 
 Jerusalem, as their proper centre at the first. 
 
 The only other mention of a Lucius in the N.T. is 
 in Rom xvi, where St Paul includes his salutation 
 along with others. ' Timotheus my workfellow, and 
 Lucius and Jason and Sosipater, my kinsmen,' that is, 
 Jews. Why is the expression, ' kinsmen,' applied 
 three times in this chapter to certain people when 
 there are very few in all the names which are not 
 those of Jews? The explanation is simply this. St 
 Paul begins with Prisca and Aquila, who were Jews, 
 and goes on with Epsenetus, who was probably a 
 Jew, but this is doubtful. Next comes Maria,^ who, 
 we may suppose, was not a full Jewess, though her 
 name is Latin for Miriam. He then returns to 
 Andronicus and Junia, who were full Jews, ' my kins- 
 men,' therefore. Then follow others. Then come they 
 of the familia or household of Aristobulus, who were 
 not Jews. He resumes with Herodion a full Jew, ' my 
 kinsman,' and continues with others. Again Timotheus 
 who heads the list of those who send salutations, is 
 only half a Jew ; but the others who follow, being full 
 Jews, are called 'kinsmen.' St Paul was not by any 
 means addressing the members of a family party of 
 his own in Rome. And lastly, if he had meant by the 
 
 1 The accusative case is Mapidc according to W. H., not Ma/jid/t. 
 
NO GENTILE PROPHETS YET 
 
 19 
 
 expression, as some suppose, his fellow-tribesmen of 
 Benjamin, he would have used the word which he had 
 previously used to the Thessalonians. We are tO'Thiii4. 
 infer then that this Lucius was a Jew. Was Lucius 
 of Cyrene a Jew ? There is nothing to shew that he 
 was a Gentile proselyte. Had he been so, we should 
 have been informed accordingly. It would have been 
 indeed remarkable that in Antioch already there 
 should be a Gentile Prophet or teacher. This was 
 only a few years since the Crucifixion, and a very 
 short time since the opening of Peter's eyes to the 
 admission of the Gentiles through the door of faith. 
 No Gentile could have been sufficiently proved in the 
 faith for admission to the rank of a Prophet and 
 teacher along with Barnabas. Had he been so re- 
 cognised, the discussion at Jerusalem could not have 
 taken place without reference to it, if at all. The 
 ground would have been cut away. Causa finita 
 esset. The burden of proof lies heavy upon those 
 who would assert that any one of the Prophets and 
 teachers at Antioch then was a Gentile. Until this 
 is produced we must hold that Lucius of Cyrene was 
 a Jew. And we may reasonably suppose that he is 
 mentioned as the Cyrenian in order to distinguish 
 him from the writer himself, who might be known by 
 some as Lucius in his later days, when he came to 
 write the Acts, though St Paul uses in the Epistles 
 the shortest form of all, Lucas. The Lucius of Rom. 
 xvi. may very well be Lucius of Cyrene of Acts xiii i. 
 
20 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 Apostles and Prophets. 
 
 Before going further it is well that we should clear 
 our minds of much that has been written about the 
 names • Apostle ' and ' Prophet/ and note the mutual 
 relations of the persons who bore them. There is 
 one way, and one only, by which we can arrive at the 
 meaning of these terms in the first century, and this 
 is by studying the books written in that century and 
 before it. The terms being of Greek origin, we shall 
 of course examine the LXX which was in the hands 
 of the first Christians. There, in the Greek O.T., 
 they found the ancient history of their prophetic 
 order. Nor was it so very ancient, for the latter part of 
 the Book of Daniel was really only 200 years earlier 
 than their own time ; though its true date was un- 
 known to them. And these two centuries were 
 bridged over by many apocryphal books.^ In all 
 their own and their predecessors' literature, we can 
 find here and there the origins of these terms with 
 many others which they adopted. And there we 
 must look. But it would be misleading to suppose 
 that later generations, even in the second century, 
 knew anything more than we do as to these origins. 
 The writers were unscientific, and their imagination 
 was only great enough to be mischievous. Their 
 accuracy, too, was anything but trustworthy, as we 
 
 ' See The Christian Prophets, pp. 57-80. 
 
WHO THE PROPHETS WERE 2 1 
 
 shall have occasion to see in the case even of so 
 venerable a person as Justin Martyr (c. 150 A.D.). 
 Consequently when Bishop Lightfoot quotes, for 
 instance, Epiphanius^ on the name Apostle, he is 
 quoting no authority as to the origin of the term as 
 found in N.T. The remark requires to be made in order 
 to guard against misapprehension. At the same time 
 he remarks that the evidence, ' if somewhat vague in 
 itself, is sufficient to discountenance the limitation of 
 the Apostolate in the manner generally conceived.'^ 
 This broad conclusion is valuable from one who has 
 almost entirely disregarded the Prophets, like most 
 other writers. When once the Prophets are under- 
 stood, there is not a great difficulty in understanding 
 what the Apostles were. 
 
 The Prophets' function first of all was to search the 
 Scriptures in order to find types of the Messiah and 
 His kingdom, and to apply them to current events as 
 their fulfilments, and then to declare the application. 
 Instances of this will be given below. ^ But it is 
 worth while to observe how the idea of prophecy as a 
 living gift was fostered and fed. Some passages in 
 Ecclesiasticus * have been quoted already, which 
 shew that it was a living idea with the son of 
 Sirach. A further instance occurs in the remark- 
 able ' Prayer for Jerusalem ' where we read : ' Fill ecc1us_ 
 
 ^ •' xxxvi ; 
 
 ' Galatians, p 93, ed. 1880, ' On the name and office of an Apostle.' 
 
 2 lb. p. 99. 
 
 3 See Chap II, etc. * The Christian Prophets, p icx). 
 
22 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 Sion with the praise of thy virtue, and thy 
 people with thy glory. Give testimony unto them 
 whom thou hast possessed from the beginning, and 
 raise up prophecies that rest upon thy name. Reward 
 them that wait for thee, and let thy Prophets be found 
 faithful in thee.' There seems to be an echo of this 
 text in Luke's description of Anna speaking of Him to 
 
 'k ii 38. all them that were waiting for Jerusalem's redemption. 
 
 -kxxiiisi. Joseph of Arimathea was another who himself also 
 was waiting for the kingdom of God. Can any one 
 doubt that this passage was known and cherished by 
 
 ,kii2s. Symeon, the 'righteous and devout, who looked for 
 the consolation of Israel ' ? It was one of the nearest 
 and dearest to his heart. Dr. Sanday in his most 
 able and accomplished article in Hastings' Dictionary 
 of the Bible on 'Jesus Christ' has drawn attention to 
 the character of those retired individuals, dwelling in 
 the hill-country of Judaea especially, whose hearts 
 were prepared for the coming of the Messiah, and 
 who formed the nucleus of the Christian Church by 
 becoming the first believers ; and he has pointed out 
 their spiritual affinity with the ' poor in spirit ' of the 
 Psalms of Solomon. A character and a disposition 
 indeed is absolutely necessary to those who would 
 receive Christ ; but Dr. Sanday has not named the 
 class which studied to possess the character. The 
 present writer ventures to think that ' Prophets ' is 
 the class name which is required. Symeon was 'in 
 Jerusalem,' and Anna 'departed not from the 
 
WHAT THE PROPHETS STUDIED 
 
 23 
 
 Temple, worshipping with fastings and supplications 
 night and day.' What study was more in accordance 
 with the highest teaching than the study of prophecy ? 
 The son of Sirach had said again: 'But he that 
 giveth his mind to the law of the Most High, and is 
 occupied in the meditation thereof, will seek out the 
 wisdom of all the ancient, and be occupied in EccIus 
 
 * XXXIX I. 
 
 prophecies. He will seek out the secrets of grave 
 sentences, and be conversant in dark parables.' Such 
 was the study of Symeon and of Anna. She was not 
 one of the dwellers in the hill-country, but lived in 
 the very centre of Jewish life. These are the Prophets 
 of whom Luke the Prophet and the author of Acts 
 and of 2 Peter, has heard, and for whom he finds a 
 place in the early chapters of his first volume of 
 history. 
 
 Another passage which, though not exclusively 
 prophetical, would feed the aspirations of the Pro- 
 phetic circles, is Mai iii 16. 'Then they that feared 
 the Lord spake often one to another : and the Lord 
 hearkened and heard it, and a book of remembrance 
 was written before him for them that feared the Lord, 
 and that thought upon his name. And they shall be 
 mine, saith the Lord of Hosts, in that day when I 
 make up my jewels.' 
 
 Another and not the least effective encourage- 
 ment to the Prophets would be found in the famous 
 verse of Daniel : ' Seventy weeks are determined Dan ix 24. 
 upon thy people and upon thy holy city, to finish the 
 
24 
 
 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 transgression, and to naake an end of sins, and to 
 make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in 
 everlasting righteousness, and to seal up the vision 
 and prophet (or prophecy), and to anoint the most 
 Holy.' From which was to be inferred that even at 
 the end of the seventy weeks, whenever that should 
 be, there was to be at least a Prophet left in the 
 Holy City, 
 
 The Rules of the Prophets in Session. 
 
 It was then well understood by every Prophet that 
 he was not meant to hide his candle under a bushel, 
 or hug his meditations and discoveries to himself 
 either in the hill-country of Palestine or in the streets 
 of a crowded city. The good news which came to 
 him by the word of the Lord was meant to be made 
 known abroad and proclaimed, as it were, upon the 
 house-tops. Only there was always some danger 
 that the individual Prophet might overstep the 
 bounds of sane interpretation and err in applying the 
 type to the current event, or in interpreting the text 
 by recent history : he might seek and assert a fulfil- 
 ment where there was none that commended itself to 
 the other Prophets. In fact some criticism was 
 necessary, and a gauntlet was required to be run. 
 This criticism was found in the rule by which the 
 Ap xxii 9. Prophet joined his ' fellow-servants the Prophets,' 
 
 2 Jn 12. 
 
 3jni4. 'spoke with them face to face,' 'mouth with 
 
RULES OF THE PROPHETS 2$ 
 
 mouth.' At this session he solemnly fell into a 
 state of intense thought, Ecstasy, while collecting the 
 materials of his utterance under the inspiration of the 
 Holy Spirit. The Rules are found at length in i 
 Cor xiv, ^ and just as St Paul follows the lines of an 
 established Tradition in the doctrine of the Resur- 
 rection which immediately follows in chapter xv, 
 
 and follows ' the Law ' in the matter of women's i Cor xiv 
 
 34. 
 
 silence in the churches, and equally informs the 
 Corinthian readers of what they knew or should have 
 known beforehand in the matter of spiritual gifts i Cor xu 3, 
 generally, so it is highly probable that the Rules of 
 the Prophets in Session which he lays down for their 
 observance were based upon rules already established. 
 Only the disorderly state of the Corinthian Church, 
 which contained relatively so many heathen 
 elements, and was not sufficiently leavened with 
 established Judaism, had made his clear declaration 
 necessary. 
 
 The Rules of the Prophets on Circuit. 
 
 Corresponding with the written Rules of the 
 Prophets in Session, we have still extant in writing 
 some Rules of the Prophets on Circuit, and these are 
 preserved for us in the ' Teaching of the Twelve 
 
 1 The Christian Prophets, pp. 2, 242 ff. 
 
26 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 Apostles,' or rather ' The Teaching of the Lord 
 through the Twelve Apostles to the Gentiles,' ^ and 
 its place of origin appears to be Palestine or Syria. 
 But, unfortunately, we cannot safely assign its date. 
 It belongs to a time when Sunday was called ' the 
 Lord's Day of the Lord.' But though we find the 
 expression, 'the Lord's Day,' in Ap. i lo, we cannot 
 be sure that it meant Sunday; nor can we be sure 
 that the first three chapters of the Apocalypse are of 
 the same date as the rest of that book. Therefore, 
 we cannot venture to say that the Teaching is as 
 early as before 70 A.D., so far as that expression 
 :orxvi goes. But, again, it contains the 'Maran Atha, 
 Amen,' which is a sign of very early date. Again 
 the Apocalypse of the last things, with which 
 it concludes, appears to be earlier in its origin than 
 70 A.D. ; yet it is also possible that an early Apo- 
 calypse was preserved in a document which itself 
 substantially was later. Once more, the Love-feast 
 still continues to be part of the Lord's Supper, or in 
 other words the Eucharist immediately follows a 
 meal. The words are : ' After ye are filled, give 
 thanks as follows ' : (or ' celebrate the Eucharist as 
 follows'). This implies that all the serious abuses 
 ;or xi i7ff. which St Paul had corrected for the Corinthians, and 
 de 12. against which Jude protests in his Epistle, were still 
 liable to occur so far as the deliberate Rules of the 
 Teaching are concerned. Now this is one of the 
 
 ^ See The Christian Prophets, pp. 1 2 flf. 
 
'THE TEACHING' PROPHETICAL 
 
 27 
 
 strongest arguments possible against a date so late as 
 Harnack's, 130-160 A.D. 
 
 Leaving aside its Rules for the Eucharist, which 
 are of the utmost interest, we now observe that 
 the Teaching says : ' Concerning the Apostles and 
 Prophets, so do ye according to the ordinance (^o'y/ua) 
 of the gospel. Let every Apostle when he cometh to 
 you, be received as the Lord ; but he shall not abide 
 more than a single day, or if there be need, a second 
 likewise ; but if he abide three days, he is a false 
 Prophet' Now it is impossible that the term 
 Apostle can here apply to the small body which we 
 usually call by the name, the Twelve with St Paul 
 and St Barnabas. None of these venerable persons 
 could be conceived as outstaying his welcome in such 
 a manner as to fall under the severe censure and 
 reprobation of a false Prophet. Nor can any 
 ingenuity maintain that the words imply any differ- 
 ence whatever between an Apostle and a Prophet, as 
 regards their status or character. Had the last words 
 run . . . ' he is a false Apostle,' they would have 
 meant just what they now mean. An Apostle is a 
 Prophet, but he is just a Prophet on Circuit. 
 
 The ' Teaching ' proceeds : ' And when he depart- 
 eth, let the Apostle receive nothing save bread, until 
 he findeth shelter ; but if he ask money, he is a false 
 Prophet.' Nobody will assert that one of the Twelve 
 Apostles was ever likely to be in need of shelter or 
 money among those who might set him down as a 
 
32. 
 
 28 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 false Prophet. But it is clear on the other hand that 
 if there were many scores of Prophets going on 
 circuit, the character of a true Prophet would need to 
 be safe-guarded. And that was the case ; there were 
 scores of Apostles. 'And any Prophet speaking in 
 the spirit ye shall not try nor discern ; for every sin 
 shall be forgiven but this sin shall not be forgiven.' 
 So strongly does the Teaching maintain the teaching 
 Corxiv of St Paul : 'And spirits of Prophets are subject to 
 (the discernment or discrimination of) Prophets 
 . (only) ' : and that of 2 Peter, ' No prophecy of 
 scripture is liable to private solution "... for as it was 
 uttered of old direct from God under the Holy Spirit, 
 so now it can only be interpreted under the Holy 
 Spirit of the Prophets. We note further that whereas 
 ' the Apostle ' was the term used in connection with 
 the movements on Circuit, the term used of the same 
 person when speaking or preaching is ' the Prophet.' 
 
 There is no reason why we should consider, as 
 some writers maintain, that the Teaching represents 
 a curious and abnormal set of rules, accepted only 
 by some outlying district in Egypt or elsewhere. So 
 far from thrusting this valuable relic back into a 
 corner, we ought to welcome it as a witness to what 
 was the accepted code of the main current of the 
 Christian Church for the greater part of the period 
 40-75 A.D. 
 
THE APOSTLES IN O. T. 
 
 29 
 
 Prophets and Apostles identical in O.T. 
 
 We now look into the Old Testament and we find 
 that Prophets and Apostles had been long ago 
 associated together. The term ' Apostle ' occurs 
 indeed but once in O.T., but then it is used by aiKixiv6. 
 Prophet of himself. Ahijah says to Jeroboam's wife : 
 ' I am a hard Apostle to thee ' (lxx). But the term 
 Apostle is only the verbal substantive of (aTroo-TeXXw) 
 ' to send forth ' in Greek, and we find this verb again 
 and again used of sending forth a Prophet. Thus : 
 ' the Lord sent forth a prophet unto . the children of Jud vi s. 
 Israel.' 'And the king sent forth with him . . .iKii44. 
 Nathan the prophet.' ' And he sent forth unto them 2 chr xxiv 
 Prophets.' ' And he sent forth unto Amaziah Pro- = chr xxv 
 phets.' ' And I sent forth unto you all my servants the 
 Prophets.' ' I was not sending forth the Prophets, yet jer vii 25. 
 they ran.' 'And I was sending forth unto you myjerxxm2i 
 servants the Prophets, rising early and sending.' jer xxv 4. 
 ' The words which the Lord sent forth by the Spirit in jer xiiv 4. 
 the hand of the Prophets.' ' Behold, I send forth my zechviiiz. 
 messenger,' who is generally recognised as a Prophet. M^xi'gf 
 Another passage is this : ' The Lord God of their 
 fathers sent (e^a-TrecrreiXev) to them by his messengers, 
 rising up betimes and sending (aTroa-reWwv) ; because zChrxxxv 
 he had compassion on his people and on his dwelling 
 place : But they mocked the messengers of God, and 
 despised his words, and scoffed at his prophets! These 
 
30 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 passages prove the identity of an Apostle with a 
 Prophet sent on a message in O.T. 
 
 Prophets and Apostles identical in N.T. 
 
 But exactly the same amount of identity between 
 Apostle and Prophet meets us throughout the N.T. 
 
 Lk'xUg.^'*' ' Behold I send forth unto you (Scribes and Pharisees) 
 Prophets and Apostles ' (Luke), (' and wise men and 
 scribes,' Mt). 'He calleth unto him the twelve' — 
 
 Mkvi7. He has just been speaking of Himself as a Prophet 
 who is only dishonoured in his own country — ' and 
 began to send them forth two and two ' : after being 
 thus sent forth they were Apostles, and have always 
 been so called. And one immediate effect of his 
 sending forth the Apostles is that he is said by the 
 
 Mk vi 15. people to be ' a Prophet as one of the Prophets,' that 
 
 2 Ki ii 3-7. is to say, He did as one of the Prophets of old were 
 supposed to have done and ordained his successors to 
 multiply His teaching. That Jesus recognised Him- 
 self as a Prophet is clear from the many passages in 
 
 Mkix37. which He says the Father sent Him forth; but as 
 
 Jn V 36, 38. 
 
 jnvi29,57. sent forth by the Father he is an Apostle, and He is 
 
 Hebm'i spoken of as such in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 'the 
 
 cf^Acm Apostle and High Priest of our confession,' where 
 
 we observe that the term Apostle distinctly means a 
 
 Prophet, because He is immediately compared with 
 
 Moses, the first and greatest of the Prophets. Jesus 
 
THE PROPHETS IN N. T. 31 
 
 is the head and culmination alike of the Prophetic 
 and of the Priestly order, and this is the point of the 
 passage. Again, the parable of the husbandmen of Mkxiizff. 
 the vineyard clearly implies the sending forth of 
 Prophets who are appropriately called 'servants, slaves,' 
 the regular term by which they called themselves^ acvH 35. 
 after Moses, in contrast to 'husbandmen.' The 
 seventy disciples are sent forth equally with theLkxi, 3. 
 twelve, though with a different purpose. 
 
 After the Lord's death the Apostles sent forth Ac viii 14. 
 Peter and John to the Samaritans. Ananias of Ac ix 17. 
 Damascus recognises that the Lord had sent him 
 forth to find Saul. In the Epistle of the Apostles 
 and Elders, Brethren, of Jerusalem we read: 'WeAcxv^?. 
 have sent forth Judas and Silas' : now we know that 
 these two were ' prophets also themselves.' St. Paul ac xv 32, 
 the prophet ' sent forth two of them that ministered acxIx 22. 
 unto him, Timothy and Erastus, into Macedonia,' as 
 later he sent forth Tychicus to Ephesus. In fact it 2 Tim iv 12. 
 was possible for an Apostle to be such relatively to a i cor ix 2. 
 certain church, and not to all; as St. Paul was to the 
 Corinthians, but not to all, for instance, not to the Cai ii 7. 
 
 ' . Phil 1125. 
 
 Jews in every case — for he had been entrusted with 
 
 the gospel of the uncircumcision — and as Epaphrodi- 
 
 tus was sent forth by St. Paul to the Philippians. In 2Corviii2; 
 
 short, each one who was sent forth on a mission of the 
 
 Gospel, including Jesus Himself, was so far forth an 
 
 Apostle : that is purely a grammatical necessity, for 
 
 1 The Christian Prophets, p. 104. 
 
32 THE NAMES, LUKE AND PROPHET 
 
 grammar makes the word Apostle the verbal substan- 
 tive of the Greek word ' to send forth.' If the mission 
 was often repeated, the person so sent would un- 
 doubtedly become entitled to the name Apostle. 
 That every Apostle was also a Prophet, without ex- 
 ception, is a statement which has the highest degree 
 of probability ; for the special errands on which simple 
 messengers were sent forth would probably not be 
 repeated, and thus the title Apostle would not attach 
 permanently to simple messengers, as it would attach 
 to Prophets. 
 
 The above remarks point to the conclusion that a 
 Prophet on his circuit was an Apostle. It has been 
 shewn elsewhere that Elders ^ were Prophets, and 
 Prophets were Elders, in N.T. times. And it cannot 
 be denied that Elders were frequently Apostles. 
 
 And we may conclude this chapter with some 
 weighty remarks on Apostolical Succession by Light- 
 foot,^ as follows : ' The functions of the Apostle and 
 the bishop differ widely. ... It is not, therefore, to 
 the Apostle that we must look for the prototype of 
 the bishop. . . . The succession at least does not 
 consist in an identity of office.' 
 
 ^ The Christian. Prophets, pp. 17S, 199) 238. 
 
 ^ Philippians, ed. 1879, "The Christian Ministry," p. 196. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE TRAVEL-DOCUMENT OR JOURNEY-RECORD 
 OR WE-DOCUMENT OF THE ACTS. 
 
 We now proceed to examine the Silas passages, and 
 along with them we have to consider what Harnack 
 has called the most trustworthy document of the 
 Acts. The statement assumes that there are some 
 documents which are not very trustworthy. If there 
 are such, by all means let us ascertain which they 
 are. At present he would be a bold critic who 
 ventured to arrange the paragraphs of the Acts in 
 order of merit as trustworthy and historical. It is 
 desirable to commence our investigations by re- 
 quiring as few assumptions as possible, and therefore 
 it should here be observed that the passages of Acts 
 described in the first person plural are not to be 
 classed as a Journey-record or a We-document except 
 for convenience of name. It would be misleading to 
 compare, for instance, the We-document with the 
 letter of Claudius Lysias, which definitely purports 
 to be a foreign document embedded in the history. 
 
34 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 The We-document does not purport to be a foreign 
 document: the onus of proof lies upon those who 
 maintain that it is such. It is fairer to start with an 
 open mind upon the question of its authorship, and 
 to allow that it may possibly be by the author of the 
 book. It is fairer to start with an open mind as to 
 its unity as a document, and to allow that it may be 
 a series of diary notes. Further still, the same 
 remark applies to its nature : let us not assume that 
 it is even a Travel-document : it may be a home- 
 document. Meanwhile, for convenience, and for no 
 other reason, the term used here is ' We-document.' 
 
 If xiv 22 is not a first trace of it, — and we shall see 
 later that there is a still earlier trace — it begins at 
 xvi lo and continues to xvi 17 : it resumes at xx 5, 
 and continues to 15, and almost certainly to xxi 18: 
 it resumes at xxvii 2 and continues to xxviii 16. 
 Professor Ramsay^ has thus put the question which 
 most recent writers are anxious to solve : 
 
 " What is the relation between the ' Travel-docu- 
 ment' and the completed text of the Acts f " To this 
 the answer must be that the ' Travel-document ' was 
 Luke's own written notes supplemented by memory, 
 and the education of further experience and reading 
 and research." " His diary, . . . and his notes of 
 conversation (s) . . . were worked into the book." . . 
 " He added ^ . . an obvious acquaintance with Paul's 
 
 ^ Si Paul the Traveller, p. 384. 
 
 '•^ lb. p. 385. See however Harnack's remark quoted below, chapter x. 
 
THE APOSTLES TOOK NOTES 33 
 
 own letters." " We shall ^ argue that ... the author 
 did not live to put the final touches to his second 
 book (the Acts)." 
 
 Now we shall bear in mind that the Acts tells us that 
 " Silas was a Prophet himself," as also was St Paul, ac xv 32. 
 What sort of men the Prophets were, I have en- 
 deavoured to indicate in another volume.^ If I may 
 be allowed to refer the reader to it he will there see 
 that the Prophets after going on Circuit, or as we say 
 on Missionary journeys — in which case they were 
 called Apostles, so that Barnabas was an Apostle as acxIv 14. 
 well as St Paul — brought home their accounts^ or 
 reports (^t^y/^trety, 'descriptions'). It would be too 
 much to say that we have evidence to shew that 
 these accounts were always drawn up in writing. 
 Yet when we read how those who 'had sent forth the 
 Apostles' solemnly 'handing them over the grace of Ac xv 23. 
 
 Ac xvii 14. 
 
 God,' joyfully welcomed them on their return, andAcxivae. 
 listened to their oral announcement of ' God's doings Ac xxi 17. 
 
 Ac xiv 27. 
 
 in conjunction with them,' it is impossible to refrain 
 from two inferences : first, that a missionary journey 
 of months and even years in duration could not be 
 fully described unless notes in diary form had been 
 taken at the time; and secondly, that certain inci- 
 dents would often be preserved in writing after the 
 account was delivered, if they had not been already 
 
 1^/ Paul the Traveller, p. 23. '^The Christian Prophets, p. 59. 
 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, p. 175. For the other Rules of the 
 Prophets on Circuit see the same volume p. 13. 
 
36 THE WE.PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 written. St Luke's own written Gospel was at any 
 rate of the nature of those accounts, any one of which 
 Lkii.4. is called by him a ' description ' (Scnyrjo-iv). 
 
 TJie object of the Prophetic Accounts: Fulfilment of 
 Prophecy. 
 
 It has been shewn in chapter i and elsewhere in 
 connexion with the Prophetic Apocalypse, that the 
 Christian Prophets made it their unceasing care and 
 business to interpret the Scriptures of the O.T. in 
 the light of recent events of which they were eye- 
 witnesses. Their subject-matter was ancient prophecy: 
 their production was Christian Prophecy. It is an 
 exaggeration to assert that a Prophet never spoke in 
 Session except when he had an Apocalypse. Nor 
 need we suppose that when, for instance, a Prophet 
 returned from his Circuit and was to deliver his 
 report, he would first fall into a state of ecstasy. We 
 may rather suppose that he would first exert his 
 powers of memory, aided by diary notes, and after- 
 wards the ecstasy might follow. This state was one 
 of intense thought, in which the attention was 
 fastened upon a text or passage, and its application 
 to recent events. The object was to verify an in- 
 stance of fulfilment of prophecy. This is why the 
 usual word, ' fulfilled/ is used in Luke i i. To our 
 minds it is natural to say ' an event occurs,' ' matters 
 
FULFILMENT THE OBJECT T^y 
 
 or things have resulted or taken place ' : it is unusual 
 and unnatural to say ' things have been fulfilled.' 
 But it was quite usual and natural for the Christian 
 Prophets to say that ' matters (of prophecy) have 
 been fulfilled^ or filled full of meaning, or fully estab- 
 lished. This was what they looked for every day 
 and every hour. Commentators have erred here just 
 because they failed to take the standpoint of a 
 Prophet which St Luke's certainly^ was. Bp. Words- 
 worth, for instance, thought that the idea was that of 
 a wind filling the sails of a ship ! But what has a 
 ship in full sail to do with the author, the subject, or 
 the narration 1 From this failure of historical im- 
 agination arose, as was natural, any number of 
 patristic fancies embellishing the page of the com- 
 mentator who allowed his unhistorical imagination 
 to run wild. And hence too would arise on the other 
 side many a railing accusation against the literary 
 style of St Luke, who, however good and sensible as 
 a man, must, forsooth, be so affected and silly a 
 writer as to adorn his history with the purple patch ^ 
 which he fished up on one of his voyages in company 
 with St Paul. Such misunderstanding is unprofit- 
 able. And therefore by all means let us deal with 
 
 1 That the We-author was once a Jew is plain from his expression in 
 xxvii. 9, 'the fast (Day of Atonement) was already past.' None but a 
 Jew would use this expression, pace Prof. Ramsay. 
 
 - Purpureus, late qui splendeat, unus et alter 
 Adsuitur pannus. — Hor. A. P. 15. 
 
38 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 the author on the assumption that he possesses the 
 elementary quality of common sense ; that he writes, 
 as every one does, from his point of view,i which 
 need not be a narrow or selfish one ; and that he 
 means what he says. 2 
 
 1 That Luke (i.e. the author of the Acts with or without the We- 
 passages) was a Jew, follows from the strong Jewish texture of all the 
 thoughts in Acts generally, not only in i-xii. It would fairly be 
 presumed until challenged, and until the challenge were made good. 
 The commonest argument for his being a Gentile is that in Col iv 14 
 he is mentioned with Demas, and after Epaphras, who are all men- 
 tioned after 'them of the circumcision,' namely Aristarchus, Mark, and 
 Jesus Justus. I do not feel the force of this reasoning. Surely no one 
 would say that if St Paul were speaking of himself he would put him- 
 self in the list of 'those of the circumcision.' Yet no critic has yet 
 been found to maintain that St Paul was uncircumcised. Analogy 
 compels us to hold that neither would he put his close friend, his 
 alter ego, ' the beloved healer Luke,' in the same list, if he, like Paul, 
 was a circumcised Jew. If then, we are led to conclude that Luke is 
 Silas, one result will be that the argument from Col iv 14 that Luke 
 was a Gentile will break down, resting as it does upon a hasty inference 
 from words imperfectly considered. The most recent English com- 
 mentator on St Luke's Gospel, Dr. A. Plummer, Edinburgh, 1900, 
 p. xix says : ' That he was originally a heathen may be regarded as 
 certain.' He advances no proof of this assertion, but adds later : ' The 
 attempt to shew that [he] is a Jew is a failure.' This style of criticism 
 is somewhat too positive. Dr. Plummer still admits : ' Whether he 
 was a Jewish proselyte before he was a Christian must remain un- 
 certain ' ! This is quite enough for the purpose of the present treatise. 
 I only ask for an open mind on the part of the reader, though I am 
 convinced, as the result of my enquiries, that Luke was a Jew. As to 
 the inference by Sanday and Headlam, Comm. on Rom. Int. xxxiv, 
 that Greek names of ' brethren ' at Rome imply a non-Jewish origin of 
 the bearers, it is quite unsafe : see Chapter i above. Was there ever a 
 more Gentile sounding name than Aristarchus ? Yet he was ' of the 
 circumcision.' 
 
 ^Alford again has failed in the same way when he adheres to the 
 A.V. in its colourless translation 'certainly believed.' 
 
IS IT PROPHETIC? 
 
 39 
 
 Does any prophetic object appear in the We-document f 
 
 We shall now examine the We-passages in order 
 to see whether they shew traces of being prophetical 
 accounts. 
 
 Acts xiv 21, 22. 'And when they had preached Acx;r2i,2a. 
 the gospel to that city, and had made many disciples, 
 they returned to Lystra, and to Iconium, and to 
 Antioch, confirming the souls of the disciples, ex- 
 horting them to continue in the faith, and that 
 through many tribulations we must enter into the 
 kingdom of God.' The present writer has dealt 
 with this passage elsewhere^ in connexion with 
 Barnabas, and has inferred that it contains the 
 essential and elementary teaching of the Christian 
 Prophets of that time, of whom Barnabas, as his 
 name betokens, was a conspicuous instance and an 
 important leader. The question before us now con- 
 cerns the expression ' we must.' Are we to say that 
 ' we must ' is part of the We-document, or not .'' If 
 not, whom does the ' we ' include ? If it denotes the 
 Christians, then it is noteworthy as finding more 
 parallels in the two Epistles of Peter than in the 
 Acts or the Gospel of St Luke. Another natural 
 explanation is that it includes the speaker, and 
 those to whom he had spoken in Galatia. But, 
 if so, it may perhaps be an abstract Report 
 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, p. 6o. 
 
40 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 of his preaching there, a Diegesis, a summary 
 Account. In fact the Author of the Acts may here 
 have incorporated in his Book a small piece of a 
 prophetic Account, which he had heard delivered 
 at Antioch in Syria by Barnabas on his return to 
 the Prophets who him sent forth with Paul. If 
 so, how much more likely he would be to incorporate 
 in other passages some notes of a prophetic Account 
 which was his own, taken from the pages of his own 
 diary ? 
 
 The preaching of Apostles governed by prophetic 
 fulfilment. 
 
 Acts xvi, 9 to 1 8. First, we observe that the 
 We-document is so entirely bound up with the con- 
 text that it is difficult to say exactly where it begins 
 and where it ends. It may begin at verse 9 or at 
 verse 10; it may end at 17 or at 18. The style 
 is, so far as one can judge, absolutely the same as 
 that of the context ; the grammatical person of the 
 narrator alone is different. But, what is stranger 
 still, we observe that the We-document takes us 
 into the middle of the story of the Pythoness, to 
 the point where St Paul solemnly commands the 
 spirit in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of 
 her, 'and it came out,' and then ceases. The sequel 
 is not in the first person of the We-document, and 
 
RESEMBLE THE REST OF ACTS 
 
 41 
 
 it begins, ' And when her masters saw . . .' after 
 which follows the action which led to the incidents 
 of the imprisonment. It is quite clear that what- 
 ever source the We-document proceeds from, it is 
 not more detailed, nor more graphic, nor more 
 elaborate in style, than the context which follows 
 it. No difference in style can be discovered at all.^ 
 Now we come to more important and also more 
 debateable ground, for treading which we must use 
 what support we can find, besides remembering that 
 if the passage is by a Prophet, his standpoint will 
 be strange to us, and his ideas will seem at first 
 far-fetched. And, first, it must be allowed that 
 there are some points in the narrative which are 
 unusually puzzling to all commentators. _ If the 
 solution of these puzzles can be discovered by 
 means of light thrown upon them from the side of 
 Christian Prophecy, then the latter will begin to 
 
 ' Schmiedel, Art. Acts, Encyclopcedia Biblica, p 44, says : ' If we 
 are to regard the We-record as coming from Silas, the author of 
 Acts must have used it without the we, and in a. very fragmentary 
 way indeed, for long periods during which, according to his own 
 statement (xv 40, etc.) Silas was with Paul. This, though not quite 
 impossible, is very unlikely.' Now this, I contend, is just what he 
 has done. It was, antecedently, very unlikely that any writer should, 
 for any reason at all, use we in passages of half a dozen chapters of a 
 history written otherwise in the third person. Yet here is a writer who 
 has done the unlikely thing. No convincing reason has been dis- 
 covered for it yet. The present treatise finds an intelligible reason in 
 the assumption that Luke is Silas, and it is more intelligible still if 
 we suppose the Acts to be Part ii of a work in three Parts. See below, 
 chapter x, and p. 80. 
 
42 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 command the attention which it deserves, and which 
 it has never yet received. The chief difficulties are : 
 
 1. "The spirit of Jesus" (WH, R.V.) in verse 7, 
 which is next before the We-document ; 
 
 2. The terms apphed to Philippi, "which is (or, 
 inasmuch as it is) a first city of the portion of Mace- 
 donia, a colony," 
 
 3. " Where we supposed, or we were thinking, there 
 was a place of prayer.'' 
 
 Professor Ramsay, who has done so much in 
 recent years to elucidate the Acts of the Apostles, 
 especially upon the geographical and political sides 
 of that unique history, has recently enforced his 
 remarks in The Church in the Roman Empire by a 
 paper ^ on "St Paul the Statesman.'' The following 
 pages tend to confirm and carry further his main 
 idea, clear and suggestive and convincing as it is, 
 and to shew that while St Paul was a statesman 
 and a patriot he was first of all a Prophet, and 
 that his prophetic office had made him both states- 
 man and patriot. 
 
 In the course of his 'Second Missionary Journey' 
 
 I This. St Paul writes to the Thessalonians that his gospel 
 came unto them not in word only but in power 
 and in the Holy Spirit and in much fulfilment. 
 This last is a unique expression, and the occasion 
 of it was unique. The function of the Prophets 
 
 ; Pet i 10. was, in the words of Peter,^ to "seek out and to 
 
 ilnthe Contemporary Review, 1901. ^ See Chapter iv. 
 
PAUL AND SILAS USE A GUIDE 43 
 
 search out diligently what time, or (failing that) 
 what manner of time, the Spirit of Christ, which 
 was (from time immemorial) in them (as a historic 
 body) was making clear." The Christian Prophets 
 searched the Scriptures in order to find fulfilment. 
 Their prophetic spirit indeed "searched all things, 
 yea, the deep things of God," and " unto them did ' Cor u 10. 
 God make revelation through the (prophetic) spirit." 
 Their function was, in other words, to find a corre- 
 spondence between a written text or texts of Old 
 Testament or Apocryphal Scripture on the one hand 
 and a current event on the other, and to declare 
 the fulfilment, and to build their teaching upon it. 
 Now let us endeavour to place ourselves in the 
 position of the two Prophets, Paul and Silas, when 
 they were at Troas in this ' Second Missionary 
 Journey.' In front of them lay the Aegaean Sea, with 
 its mountainous islands of Imbros and Samothrace, 
 beyond which lay the Promised Land of Europe, 
 to be made ere long the possession of Christ ; and in 
 their hands was a guide-book, the Book of Joshua in 
 Greek. But why call it the Book of Joshua.? To 
 them, as to all readers of the Septuagint, it was the 
 Book of Jesus. That is its one and only Greek 
 name. The order of the books was : — Deuteronomy, 
 Jesus, Judges. And so, if there was one book of the 
 Old Testament which must convey to the Christian 
 Prophets their prophetic spiritual guidance in " things 
 which were to be fulfilled among them," it was the 
 
44 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 Book of Jesus. Consequently when we read that 
 the two Prophets Paul and Silas had been " for- 
 bidden by the Spirit of Jesus to go into Bithynia" 
 we know what that expression means. " The Spirit 
 
 Acxvi?. of Christ" is not the same as "the Spirit of Jesus,'' 
 for this is the spirit of Jesus of Nazareth as typified 
 by that of Jesus son of Naue (LXX for Nun). The 
 Spirit of Jesus inspired them to find their guidance in 
 the Book of Jesus. 'Christ' in i Pet. and elsewhere 
 denotes a dream, a hope, an idea, Messiah, who 
 differed as he was imagined in the mind of this 
 Prophet and of that. But ' Jesus ' denotes a historical 
 person. And so they were led by the Spirit of Jesus 
 in the course of this memorable journey to descend 
 from the mountains of Mysia to the coast of Troas. 
 
 Here took place the next fulfilment. I do not say 
 the first, for we shall find that there had been pre- 
 vious fulfilments. Prof. Ramsay has suggested that 
 " the man of Macedonia who stood and besought 
 Paul in a vision of the night at Troas" was 
 none other than Luke himself The suggestion — I 
 gather from friends of mine — has commended itself 
 to many readers. But without considering it to be 
 " moonstruck fancy,'' to use the Professor's term, — 
 he claims no more for it than conjecture, — I think 
 it will prove untenable. For there is one passage 
 in the Bible where the expression occurs, '' Come 
 over and help us" and it is in the Book of Jesus, 
 
 Josh X 6. where "the men of Gibeon sent unto Joshua to the 
 
'MUCH FULFILMENT' 45 
 
 camp of Gilgal, saying, " Come up to us quickly and 
 help us." The rest of the vision originates or is 
 suggested in the preceding chapter of Jesus, where 
 the captain of the Lord's host came beside him : 
 "Behold, there stood a man before him, and hisjoshvis. 
 sword drawn in his hand." The two thoughts are 
 blended, as thoughts which have passed in the day 
 are so often blended, in the one vision of the night. 
 Thus was the conviction of the two Prophets con- 
 firmed. 
 
 But where was the Lord's host.' It was not yet; 
 albeit the holy angels were with them. They were 
 themselves but the pioneers of conquest ; they 
 were the two spies sent by Jesus Son of Naue to spy 
 out the land and Jericho. Jesus is the conqueror 
 about to occupy the promised Land of Europe. 
 And here before them was their Jordan, the North- 
 east corner of the Aegaean Sea. Perhaps they 
 knew how the Rabbis said that " the breadth of 
 the waters divided in Jordan was twelve miles "^ 
 But the waters of their present Jordan were on a 
 scale ten times as large; and as the Jordan did 
 not divide for the spies to pass over them, neither 
 did they expect their Jordan to divide for them. 
 
 We pass to another of the passages mentioned 
 above, — one which has hitherto, I think, never 
 received a satisfactory solution. What is the mean- 
 ing of Philippi being called (the) "first city of the 
 
 ■'John Lightfoot on Acts i 12, quoting Kimchi upon Josh iii 16. 
 
46 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 portion ^ Macedonia, a colony " ? Hort wrote ^ about 
 twenty years ago : " Mep/y, portion, never denotes 
 simply a region, province, or any geographical 
 division : when used of land or of anything else it 
 means a portion or share, i.e. a part in a relative 
 sense only, not absolutely" {fxepoi). The whole 
 note should be read. He adds : " It is not im- 
 possible that fxepiSo^ should be read as JliepiSo^," 
 i.e. "the first city of Pierian Macedonia, a colon3^" 
 but acknowledges that the conjecture " Pierian " 
 has no support and is unlikely. Ramsay trans- 
 lates first of its district, and so does R.V., but 
 there is no authority whatever for such a meanings 
 The idea of a portion is quite distinct from that 
 of a district, however cognate it may appear at 
 first sight. Blass translates of the Prima district of 
 Macedonia. The translation is tame and pointless, 
 for Luke is not a writer on political geography. 
 When he says Philippi is a colony, there is much 
 point in the remark, for it explains the positions of 
 the various officers mentioned in the story, and of 
 Paul and Silas as Roman citizens in relation to 
 them. In fact Luke confines himself to what is 
 necessary for the reader's understanding. More- 
 over Blass has had to alter the reading by the 
 conjecture TrptaTijs for Trpurrri. The only true trans- 
 lation of the words is first of the portion Macedonia, 
 
 1 Me/)is occurs frequently in LXX for p7D portion. 
 ' Xotes on SeUct Readings. 
 
'THE PORTION MACEDONIA' 47 
 
 a colony. It is not a true translation to say of the 
 portion of Macedonia, for that would require a 
 second r^y before Ma/ce^ow'ay, and there is none. 
 
 Although Hort says the reading must remain for 
 the present in doubt, he has shown the weakness of 
 Ramsay's and Blass's translations here, and of all 
 others which rest upon a supposed geographical 
 meaning of yuep/?, portion. I venture to think that 
 the text he has given us is sound, and indeed, as 
 regards the one word fxepiSoi, the testimony in favour 
 of its genuineness is overwhelming. Nor is the 
 meaning of fieplSos, portion, open to any more doubt 
 than the reading, pace Prof. Ramsay. Nor is the 
 explanation of it more difficult than the reading 
 when once we have the clue in the Book of Jesus. 
 
 Now Jesus said: "How long are ye slack to gojoshxviiie 
 to possess the land .' Give out of yourselves three 
 men ^ from a tribe, and let them arise and go through 
 the land and describe it before me. . . . And ye 
 shall describe the land into seven portions. . . . 
 The Levites have no portion among you." Again, 
 we have: "The portion of the sons of Judah wasjoshxixg. 
 made greater than theirs." What then can be 
 plainer than the idea which was in the mind of 
 the Prophet who wrote the Acts.' He saw that 
 the two Prophets had divided the Roman Empire 
 into (may we say seven ?) portions, one of which 
 
 ' The number three is made up in \he fulfilment by counting Timothy 
 along with the two Prophets, Paul and Silas-Luke, Silas being Luke. 
 
48 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 was " the portion Macedonia," and all of which were 
 prepared by God in the Promised Land, the new 
 inheritance of His people which He instructed Jesus 
 of Nazareth, as He had instructed Jesus son of 
 Naue, to allot to the tribes of Israel. 
 
 When then the lots were cast in Selo (Shiloh) 
 before the Lord, the first to come up was the 
 tribe of Benjamin. This of course was St Paul's 
 tribe, and he accepted Macedonia as the inheri- 
 tance of the Lord, in fulfilment of that allotment 
 by Jesus. 
 
 But why was Philippi tlie first city of the portion 
 Macedonia } Neapolis was where they set foot upon 
 Europe. All that we know is that no particular 
 fulfilment is connected with Neapolis. The fulfil- 
 ments began in full at Philippi. Neapolis was the 
 first city of Europe in order of time at which they 
 touched ; but Philippi was the first city of the 
 portion. Philippi was their Jericho. We shall see 
 further the truth of St Paul's remark to the Thes- 
 salonians, how "the gospel came to them at first,'' 
 and also to the Philippians, " in much fulfilment.'' 
 
 The capture of Jericho took place on the seventh 
 
 day of solemn compassing. In Philippi Paul and 
 
 Silas had sojourned certain days, till on the Sabbath 
 
 Acxvi. 13. day "we went outside the gate," and the crowning 
 
 incident occurred. 
 Hebxisi. The type of faith amidst unbelief was Rahab ; 
 the anti-type at Philippi was Lydia, who said : 
 
PHILIPPI FULFILS JERICHO 49 
 
 " If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, 
 come into my house and abide there." 
 
 Not only was Rahab saved when Jericho was 
 taken, but " all her house " ; so were the " house " of 
 Lydia baptized. 
 
 The token of Rahab's house was a line of scarlet 
 thread: the house of Lydia too had its stock ofAcxviM. 
 Thyatiran purple. With Clement, who devotes a cor i 12. 
 paragraph to Rahab, the scarlet thread is a type 
 of the blood of the Lord, and he shows how " not Heb xi 31. 
 only faith but prophecy is found in the woman." 
 
 Jericho was "straitly shut up and made fast with 
 bars (LXX) : none went out and none came in." 
 This is fulfilled in the prison at Philippi. 
 
 The shattering of the wall of Jericho, which fell 
 down flat, is fulfilled in the earthquake at Philippi. 
 
 And a subsidiary fulfilment is to be discerned in 
 the manner of the city's fall. For " when the people josh vi 20. 
 heard the trumpets, all the people shouted together 
 with a great and strong shout. And all the wall 
 fell around." And so we read in Acts : " Paul and 
 Silas were singing hymns to God, and the prisoners 
 were listening to them, and suddenly a great earth- 
 quake took place. . . ." The great shout was fulfilled 
 in the hymns ; the hearing of the people in the 
 listening of the prisoners ; the simultaneous fall of 
 the walls in the simultaneous opening of the prison 
 doors. 
 
 There is however one part of the occurrence at 
 
50 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 Philippi, in fact the central incident of the ven- 
 triloquist girl, which has no parallel in the Book, 
 of Jesus. This girl who had " a spirit, a Python," 
 and who is commonly known as a Pythoness, was 
 in fact a ventriloquist. Plutarch, who was living in 
 St Paul's time, tells us distinctly that ' Python ' 
 (feminine Pythoness) was in his time the modern 
 name for a ventriloquist. Now the witch of Endor 
 was called by the LXX a ventriloquist. And we 
 naturally look in i Samuel xxviii to find some 
 resemblance to the narrative in Acts xvi. Nor 
 are we disappointed. Paul the Prophet was entitled 
 to find some fulfilments in the book which records 
 the saying about his fellow Benjamite : " Is Saul 
 also among the prophets .'' " In this particular 
 chapter however we first observe that the " witch " 
 constrained {irape^iaa-aTo) Saul to eat when there 
 was no strength in him, whereas at Philippi it was 
 not the Pythoness, but Lydia, who " constrained 
 them to enter her house and abide there." The 
 verb in Greek is the same in both cases : in the 
 New Testament it only occurs in Luke xxiv 29 
 and here : in the Old Testament half a dozen times. 
 If this threefold fulfilment is not enough to satisfy 
 all doubts, there is a further coincidence which 
 does. The " witch " said unto Saul : " Behold now 
 thy handmaid heareth thy voice, and I place my 
 life in my hand, and I hear the words which thou 
 speakest unto me." Of Lydia We read in Acts : 
 
FULFILMENT IN THE PYTHONESS 51 
 
 " She heard, whose heart the Lord had opened to 
 give heed to the things that were spoken by Paul." 
 
 It remains for us to observe the remarkable ful- 
 filment of names of localities mentioned in the 
 Book of Jesus, which is to be discerned in the 
 record of Acts in dealing with this Macedonian 
 journey. 
 
 We have already explained two difficulties of the 
 three which have hitherto puzzled the commentators 
 in the narrative of Acts xvi. The first is the 
 meaning of the spirit of Jesus. The second — which 
 indeed has bafHed them — is first of the portion 
 Macedonia, as applied to Philippi, and the third 
 remains. What is the meaning of the words, 
 ' where we supposed,' or were thinking, ' that a ao xvi 13 
 place of prayer was.' This is Westcott and Hort's 
 reading, and has the best testimony. The Sinaitic 
 MS. does indeed give us a remarkable variant, 
 'where he supposed,' presumably meaning Paul. 
 The Western recension gives us, ' where it seemed 
 (likely).' Blass has conjectured, by a change of 
 one letter, 'where they were wont to be engaged 
 in prayer.' But this is pure conjecture, and testifies 
 to the difficulty of the readirig, ' where we supposed,' 
 rather than to its unsoundness: the MSS. should 
 not be given up if we find a reasonable sense in 
 what they say. 
 
 And I think we can find the sense in accordance 
 with the observations already given, and in accord- 
 
52 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 ance with the prophetic ideas which especially at 
 this time ruled the minds of Paul and Silas. 
 We have seen that they were finding 'much fulfil- 
 ment ' in their visit to Macedonia, and that they did 
 not, and could not, hesitate to take a text of O.T., 
 especially the Book of Jesus, upon its own merits 
 and apart from its context. Possessed of the con- 
 viction that Philippi was their Jericho, first city of 
 the Portion of Benjamin, although the complete 
 fulfilment had not yet been vouchsafed to them, 
 there was one place which they naturally sought to 
 identify, and this was Gilgal on the banks of the 
 Jordan. They proceeded in their journey, as the 
 writer of the Acts is careful to tell us, a-vjUL^i^d^ovres, 
 putting one and one together, and so 'concluding' 
 that the spirit of Jesus was still with them. It may 
 be thought that Gilgal, and Jericho too, should have 
 been at Neapolis, for the Jordan was the corner 
 of the Aegean Sea which they had already crossed. 
 However, it had not proved to be so, and they 
 might well fe thinking that, as their Jordan was 
 wider, by ten times, than even the Rabbinic Jordan, 
 twelve miles in width, so their Gilgal might be on 
 the same scale some eight miles further on, near 
 Philippi, which was their Jericho. 
 
 Now they had before their eyes the words in 
 
 joshvgf the LXX of Joshua: 'And the Lord said to Jesus 
 
 son of Naue, To-day I take away the reproach of 
 
 Egypt from you. And he called the name of that 
 
GANG AS FULFILS GILGAL 
 
 53 
 
 place Galgala. And the sons of Israel made the 
 passover on the 14th day of the month at evening, 
 on the west of Jericho beyond Jordan in the plain.' 
 When, then, they found on arriving at Philippi that 
 the Gangas, otherwise called Gangites,^ was the 
 river of Philippi, to the west of it, it is natural to 
 understand how they were thinking that hard by its 
 stream, approached by the Arch commemorating the 
 Battle of Philippi, they would find the place of prayer. 
 The great Via Egnatia, that artery of the Roman 
 Empire which joined Rome with Byzantium, is lined 
 near the Arch with rows of tombs. In that outskirt 
 of the Roman Colony the small Jewish community 
 was compelled to find its place of prayer.^ 
 
 Let us now pass beyond the neighbourhood of 
 Philippi, looking forth toward the western side of the 
 portion Macedonia. It is not necessary to make the 
 reasonable supposition that the two Prophets 
 guided by the spirit of Jesus on arriving at Neapolis, 
 or before, had gotten them a map or itinerary of 
 the country in which they were wayfaring strangers. 
 If a map were not allowed by the earliest prpphetic 
 Rule to those who might not take purse or scrip 
 or shoes, then they must depend on the oral pro- 
 nunciation of the names of places in the country 
 
 'See Lightfoot, Philippians, p. 52, ed. 1 879, though he sees no 
 prophetic clue. Yet Gangas and Galgala sound almost the same. 
 
 " See the admirable work of T. Lewin, Life and Epistles of St Paul, 
 for the topography of Philippi. 
 
54 
 
 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 they were to visit, and when these were pronounced 
 by foreign lips, there was much room for doubt as 
 to the spelling and there would be a proportionate 
 freedom in identifying the Macedonian name in 
 its uncouth pronunciation with the odd Greek 
 names of small and obscure Hebrew localities 
 recorded in the book of Jesus as belonging to the 
 portion of Benjamin. Probably the earliest prophetic 
 Rule had been relaxed by this time in view of 
 longer journeys for the Prophets. In any case the 
 modern reader who will take a map in the one 
 hand and a Bible in the other, will be surprised 
 to see what astonishing resemblances there are 
 between Macedonian names and Benjamite. Let 
 him, however, bear in mind that the identities 
 discovered by Paul and Silas were the fruit of 
 intense enthusiasm, of ecstasy, of a prophetic zeal 
 which anticipated and so promoted the fulfilment 
 of its own types. And let him remember that the 
 anticipation was not always found to be exact, 
 although on the whole its approach to exactness 
 was remarkable. The following coincidences then 
 would first strike the eye or the ear : 
 
 ■'''i " •?; LXX. Macedonian Names. 
 
 >sn xvm 23, 
 
 Azeka and Makeda = Akte and Makedonia. 
 
 Auein = Eion, port of Amphipolis, on 
 the Strymon, one mile from 
 the Egnatian road. 
 
THE LXX AND THE MAP 
 
 55 
 
 LXX. Macedonian Names. 
 
 Phara = Phagres, three miles further along the 
 coast. 
 
 Rogel = Tragilus, on the Egnatian road. 
 
 Sara = Serrhae or Siris, in the Strymon valley. 
 
 Whether we can venture to carry identification any 
 further except as to Beerotha (Beroea) is very 
 problematical. Yet considering that two cities, the 
 great Amphipolis on Lake Cercinitis, and Apollonia, 
 the small, receive mention in the Acts, though only a 
 bare mention, as halting places on the Egnatian Road, 
 we may perhaps say that the following equations 
 would be the result of more hesitating conjecture 
 by the Prophets: 
 
 Karapha and Ammona and Aphnei = Kerkine and 
 Amphipolis and Apollonia. 
 
 It is a strange fact that this is the reading 
 of some MSS. of the Hexapla instead of the 
 ' Karapha and Kepheira and Monei ' of the restored 
 LXX text of Swete, and the ' Kapharammon and 
 Aphni' of Stier and Theile. The Benjamite cities 
 in Joshua are grouped first (i) as twelve cities 
 and their villages, in the East of Benjamin, and 
 next (2) as thirteen cities and their villages in 
 the Western section. It would then seem natural 
 to the Prophets to find the corresponding division 
 in (i) Macedonia Prima or Eastern which con- 
 sisted of the basin of the Strymon and outlying 
 
56 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 districts, with Amphipolis and Philippi as capitals, 
 and in (2) Macedonia Secunda and Tertia which 
 extended as far West as the Peneus, with Thessa- 
 lonica and Pella as capitals. They would be 
 confirmed in this latter identification by finding 
 that whereas the above-named places were in the 
 first, in the second and more distant group the 
 Benjamite Beerotha suggested Beroea, and also the 
 Benjamite Seleka suggested again in another form 
 Thes-Salonika. If they had variant texts of LXX 
 before them, it is possible that they might have 
 found in one text a place called Therala where 
 ' another gave for the same place Nakan,^ and if so 
 there was nothing to prevent them from supposing 
 that the two forms gave either half of the true name 
 Theralanakan, or Thessalonica. 
 
 There was at least, from the prophetic point of 
 
 view, this very striking piece of guidance to be found 
 
 Fosh xviii 8. in Jesus : ' And thus I will bring out for you a 
 
 Foshxviiiio. lot (KXijpov) before the Lord in Selo.' . . . 'And 
 
 Jesus cast in for them ... a lot in Selo before the 
 
 Lord.' Selo, be it remembered, is the LXX form 
 
 roshxviiii. of ShUoli. It was therefore plain that 'a lot' was 
 
 to be expected on the arrival of the Prophets at 
 
 Selo. The nature of this ' lot ' appeared to be 
 
 shewn in a previous verse of Jesus: 'And there was 
 
 gathered together a whole synagogue of the sons 
 
 of Israel unto Selo.^ Now there is not much 
 
 ^ Field, Origen's Hexapla in loc. 
 
FULFILMEXT AT THESSALONICA t^-j 
 
 ingenuity required for the identification of Selo as 
 a prophetic name with the great sea-port of 
 Macedonia, Thessalonica. It would seem to Paul 
 and Silas that they were led thither, and that if so, 
 the synagogue there was the lot, or part of the lot. 
 Silas then, we observe, has duly marked the ful- 
 filment of the prophecy by recording quietly the 
 words : — ' They came to Thessalonica, where was a ac xvii i. 
 synagogue of the Jews.' The expression is perplexing 
 on any other hypothesis but that the author of 
 Acts means to point back to Josh xviii i. For at 
 a large place like Thessalonica there must have 
 been more than one synagogue. Lewin and Alford 
 say that we must read ' the synagogue.' WH are 
 opposed to this. I take the true bearing of the 
 words to be this : ' There was at least one 
 synagogue and therefore Joshua xviii i was fulfilled.' 
 The fact that the later name was Salonike suffices 
 to shew that the first syllable Thes- was not very 
 strongly pronounced, perhaps as early as St Paul's 
 time. The difference of sound would therefore not 
 forbid the fulfilment of Selo in Thessalonica. i xh i 5. 
 
 The narrative of the sojourn of Paul and Silas 
 in Thessalonica itself exhibits a trace, though not 
 more clearly than that of their sojourn at Philippi, of 
 the fulfilment of types of the O.T. Let me say 
 that anyone who has visited the Passion play of 
 Ober-ammergau will be readily disposed to observe 
 these N.T. fulfilments, however far-fetched they may 
 
58 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 appear to us. The parallel in question happens to 
 concern the personality of Lot, who was distinctly 
 a favourite type with Luke.^ Paul and Silas — for 
 just here Timothy, though present, is not men- 
 tioned — arrived in the strange city of Thessa- 
 lonica as the two angels arrived in Sodom. They 
 appear to have been sheltered by Jason as the 
 angels were received into the house of Lot. 
 
 Then the Jews ' took unto themselves certain vile 
 (ifovripovi) fellows of the rabble, and gathering a 
 crowd set the city of Thessalonica on an uproar, and 
 assaulting the house of Jason they sought to bring 
 Paul and Silas forth to the people.' So of old had 
 the men of the city encircled the house of Lot, all 
 the people together ; and they said to Lot, ' Where 
 are the men that came in to thee? bring them out.' 
 
 At Thessalonica they ' found not ' the Apostles : 
 at Sodom 'the men at the house-door were smitten 
 with blindness.' 
 
 At Thessalonica they 'dragged Jason . . . before 
 the rulers.' At Sodom, Lot came out, and said, 
 ' Nay brethren ; be not ye vile' {Trovripeu<Tr]a9e). Here 
 the parallel, which is just perceptible, appears to end. 
 
 Prophetic fulfilment at Troas. 
 
 Ac XX 5. 'And these having gone there (or gone before) 
 tarried for us at Troas.' This part of the We- 
 document contains further notes of days and places 
 
 ' The Christian Prophets, p. 163. 
 
FULFILMENT AT TROAS 59 
 
 on the journey from Europe to Asia and along the 
 Asiatic coast, and one of the first incidents is the 
 restoration of Eutychus to conscious life. We need 
 not open the question whether the words, 'he 
 was taken up a corpse,' imply actual death or not. 
 Now the type of this sign in the Old Testament 
 is quite unmistakeable ; it is found in the raising 
 of the widow's son at Zarephath. 
 
 The type occurred in a city facing the Western iKixviii7ff. 
 Sea : so did the fulfilment at Troas. The very name 
 of Zarephath (Tsarfah in Hebrew) bore a strong 
 resemblance in sound to Troas. It is quite likely 
 that it was locally pronounced Tsrafih ; hence the 
 Greek form Sarepta. 
 
 Again the scene at Zarephath introduces us to a loft ac xx a. 
 or upper storey : so does the fulfilment to the third 
 loft. 
 
 The sufferer was a boy at Zarephath : at Troas he 
 was a young man. 
 
 In the type Elijah's words are, ' Let this child's life 
 come into him again ' : in the fulfilment St Paul says, 
 ' His life is in him! 
 
 In the type Elijah stretched himself upon the child 
 (breathed into him LXX) three times : St Paul "fell 
 on Eutychus and embraced him." 
 
 Lastly, we may not fail to observe that the type is 
 preceded in the story by the eating of 'a morsel of ^^\^yi\^^ 
 bread! or rather 'a little cake first,' instead of 'the 
 morsel of bread ' (\p-o>fi6v dprov), which was asked for : 
 
6o THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 this corresponds in the fulfilment to the description of 
 St Paul ' having broken the bread and tasted ' of this 
 high token of communion. 
 
 Nor is the effect of the spirit of Jesus to be dis- 
 cerned only in the occurrences at Troas and in 
 Macedonia. It began earlier still, if we may infer 
 from two instances of fulfilment of the Book of 
 Jesus by events in this memorable ' second ' journey 
 of Paul and Silas. 
 Josh V 3, 9. ' Jesus circumcised the sons of Israel . . . and the 
 Lord said to Jesus, son of Naue, To-day I take 
 away the reproach of Egypt from among you.' St 
 Paul had circumcised Timothy, whom 'he wished to 
 take the field with him ' — to give the expression 
 ' come forth ' its military touch once more in accord- 
 ance with the military tone of the Book of Jesus — 
 ' because of the Jews which were in those parts, for 
 they all knew that his father was a Greek (heathen).' 
 The critics who are so positive that St Paul never 
 could do so inconsistent a thing as to circumcise 
 Timothy, after all that he had said, or was going 
 to say, about ' circumcision availing nothing,' and 
 who accordingly infer that the Acts is a falsifica- 
 tion and forgery, may perhaps think it worth their 
 while to ponder this consideration. St Paul, as a 
 Prophet, was guided by the spirit of Jesus, and he 
 would be compelled by that record of the circum- 
 cision of the people to obey the guidance of Jesus 
 in this doubtful case of Timothy also ; for his, of 
 
WHY TIMOTHY IS CIRCUMCISED 6 1 
 
 course, was the case of the son of a mixed marriage, 
 and it was one of chronic disputation, especially 
 where the father was the heathen parent. If St 
 Paul did not comply with the spirit of Jesus in 
 'removing the reproach of Egypt from among' his 
 own company, how could he ever face a Jew again 
 and profess that he was guided by the spirit of 
 Moses' own chosen successor ? It was, therefore, 
 no desire of time-serving or ' pleasing men ' on St 
 Paul's part that induced him to circumcise Timothy, 
 while he afterwards declined to circumcise Titus ; 
 but it was a far higher dictate, the humble desire 
 to obey the spirit of Jesus, and to ensure the same 
 guidance for the future. '^ 
 
 The other act of obedience to the same spirit 
 was even more in the course of ministration marked 
 out for St Paul in the ' second ' journey, though 
 perhaps the correspondence is not quite so clear as 
 in the case of the circumcision of Timothy. We 
 read in Jesus : ' Be ye very strong to keep and to josh xxiu 6. 
 do all the things that are written in the book of 
 the law of Moses.' This solemn injunction of the 
 law by Jesus to the Israelites is made in accordance 
 with the charge of the Lord to him at the first : ' Be josh ; 7 f. 
 strong then to keep and to do according as Moses 
 my servant commanded thee . . . and the book of 
 this law shall not depart from thy mouth . . . then 
 
 'This question of inconsistency, which to many minds does not 
 arise here at all, is too large to be treated here. 
 
62 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 shalt thou prosper ..." It seems to be something 
 more than fancy, considering what has been said 
 above, to infer that when Paul and Silas ' delivered 
 them (the brethren in the cities of Asia Minor) the 
 decrees for to keep, which had been ordained of the 
 Apostles and Elders that were at Jerusalem,' they 
 did so in fulfilment of the passage in Jesus. At 
 least it may be said that the conclusion of the 
 Conciliar letter embodying the decrees is: 'from which 
 things if ye keep yourselves, ye shall do well! 
 This is essentially an antique ending, though not 
 in actual form that of the Book of Jesus, as quoted 
 above. Two out of the four Conciliar precepts of 
 Jerusalem, those against idolatry and impurity, are 
 enjoined clearly by Jesus in his final exhortation to 
 
 joshxxiii7«f the Israelites. 
 
 One more observation. It can hardly be doubted 
 that when the Acts says that the Prophets de- 
 livered to them the decrees, it means to the be- 
 lievers of the synagogues, around which the Churches 
 were gathered and out of which they invariably 
 grew. The supposition of there being in the time 
 of this ' second ' Journey many Gentile-Christians 
 who were not and had never been connected with 
 Judaism is purely a fiction of theological imagina- 
 tion, though it is a fiction which will die hard. 
 One of the last verses of Jesus is very instructive 
 to Jewish-Christians of the time, and it is this : 
 
 joshxxiv3i 'And Israel worshipped the Lord all the days of 
 
THE ELDERS LIFETIME 63 
 
 Jesus and all the days of the elders, as many as 
 had lived out the time with Jesus and as many as 
 had seen all the works of the Lord which he had 
 done to Israel.' The efTect of this passage on the 
 early Church would be to increase the veneration in 
 which the Christian elders were held, but also, and 
 especially, to cause all the new Israel of God to 
 persevere in the ancient worship of Temple and 
 Synagogue throughout the life-time of the elders 
 who had seen the Lord. The effect of this veneration 
 is discernible as late even as the time of Irenaeus,^ 
 long after the time at which the original basis 
 of it in the Book of Jesus had been forgotten. 
 
 It will, finally, occur to the reader to ask, 
 whether the occurrences in Macedonia did then 
 occur as they are related. The answer is certainly 
 that they did occur so : there is nothing whatever 
 to shake our acceptance of the history. Had the 
 consecutive account in Acts corresponded with the 
 consecutive account in Joshua, we should be inclined 
 to say that this was a purely manufactured story, 
 for history does not repeat itself in a consider- 
 able number of consecutive details. But such is 
 not the case with these accounts. The fulfilment 
 is not a fulfilment of one passage in Joshua, but 
 
 ^See The Christian Prophets, p 236 f., quoting Irenaeus' Epistle 
 to Florinus : ' These decrees are not those which the elders who were 
 before us delivered to thee . . . The intercourse of the rest who had 
 seen the Lord.' 
 
64 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 of several disjointed pieces of several passages, which 
 are patched together exactly as the Christian prophets 
 were wont to patch them. I believe this account 
 in Acts is true and accurate history. 
 
 St Paul's speech at Miletus. 
 
 Acts XX 17 to 38 falls next to be considered. 
 This passage reports the speech of St Paul to the 
 Ephesian elders at Miletus. Though it naturally 
 contains no proof of the We-character, it is equally 
 natural to consider it part of the We-document in 
 which it is imbedded. However this may be, its 
 prophetic character has been already exhibited in 
 full by the present writer,^ and its close resemblance 
 in every line to the ideas of the particular prophetic 
 school of Ephesus has been set forth. It is needless 
 to say that- these ideas were very much narrower, 
 more antique and less developed, than those of St 
 Paul at the time. With the simplicity which is 
 itself the highest art, and the truth which his own 
 experience supported, he addressed the elders in 
 words that moved their innermost hearts. No speech 
 of his is more tactful, and none certainly is so 
 touching. 
 
 Acts xxi I- 14 is marked by two occasions on 
 which Christian prophecy comes into prominence. 
 First, at Tyre there were ' disciples ' ^ who began to 
 urge St Paul through the Spirit of Prophecy not to 
 
 ' The Christian Prophets, p. 180. '^ lb. p. 11. 
 
PROPHETS BOLD AND TIMID 65 
 
 go on to Jerusalem. Next at Caesarea, besides 
 the four daughters of Philip the Evangelist who 
 prophesied/ there was a certain prophet from Judaea 
 named Agabus who urged the same advice.^ 
 
 St Paul at Jerusalem : James' rash counsel. 
 
 Acts xxi 15-18. The reference to Mnason, ' arr 
 old-fashioned disciple of Cyprus,' the native place of 
 Barnabas the Prophet, has been elsewhere noticed 
 and explained ^ as a distinctive prophetic feature. 
 It may, however, be observed here that the point 
 of mentioning an ' old-fashioned ' disciple as pro- 
 viding entertainment for St Paul and St Luke on 
 the way to Jerusalem * is this : St Paul represented 
 the new fashion in prophecy, the new ideas which 
 he and Barnabas had set forth at the Council of 
 Jerusalem some eight years before, the new and 
 much larger faith which opened the door of faith 
 to the Gentiles without entrance through the door '^'"'^' 
 of circumcision. This seemed a dangerous doctrine. 
 Perhaps the danger might be lessened if their host 
 adhered to the ' old-fashioned ' opinion and would 
 vouch for his guests. This amount of guarantee, 
 
 ' The Christian Prophets, pp. 16, 173, 247. ''■lb. p. 175. 
 
 ' lb. pp. 234, 242. 
 
 * It seems plain that Blass is right in pointing out how much more 
 clearly the position is described in /3 of Acts xxi 16, ' And having 
 arrived at a certain village (between Caesarea and Jerusalem) we lodged 
 with Mnason, etc' Mnason did not lodge in Jerusalem. 
 
66 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 however, proved quite inadequate ; and James 
 accordingly now propounded his almost fatal plan, 
 whereby St Paul should appease the rage of ' the 
 wild beast' by putting his head into its mouth. ^ 
 Nothing could possibly shew St Paul's marvellous 
 faith in God's providence and purpose towards him, 
 his absolute humility and consideration for others, 
 and his willingness to submit to the judgment of 
 others, more conclusively than his compliance with 
 James's advice. Looking back upon the circum- 
 stances now, especially through the mild atmosphere 
 of the historian of the Acts, we can see how the 
 true colouring of God's purpose has mellowed the 
 lurid passions of the Jews, who would have torn 
 the Apostle in pieces in the Temple Court. In 
 the twentieth century we can take the request of 
 James as a matter of course in the unfolding of 
 
 1 Prof. Schmiedel, in Cheyne and Black's Encydopadia Biblica, 
 p 46, remarks : ' And had Paul been engaged in carrying out a 
 Nazirite vow, it is hardly likely that his presence in the Temple 
 could have led to an attempt on his life.' This remark would supply 
 justification, if any were needed, for the observations which follow 
 in the present chapter, though it was written before I was aware of 
 Prof. Schmiedel's article. The encyclopaedists should certainly be 
 read, as providing a valuable stimulus to study and promoting a 
 clearer understanding of the Acts and of its author's point of view. 
 Schmiedel also says (p 43) : ' To prove that Paul himself constantly 
 observed the Jewish law would, for Paul, have been simply an 
 untruth, and that, too, on a point of his religious conviction that was 
 fundamental (Gal iv 9-1 1, Rom x 4, etc.).' This important question 
 I must reserve for future discussion. This kind of assertion "is in- 
 cessantly overstated by encyclopaedists. 
 
BELIEF IN ANTICHRIST 67 
 
 St Paul's progress to the world's metropolis, where 
 he intended to plant the Cross ; we can see that it 
 was a move upon the board, which brought in its 
 sequel other necessary and most beneficial moves. 
 But if we ask how an impartial observer — an in- 
 telligent Nicodemus or Gamaliel of the time, if we 
 could find him — would have regarded James's action, 
 there can be but one answer, that it was the rashest 
 and most ill-judged course that could be advised. 
 James must have known something of Antichrist. 
 He must have known that, just as Messiah was an 
 all-pervading dream of the Jews of that and the 
 preceding century, so Antichrist was a dream, an 
 almost universal dream, a dream that fiercely 
 haunted many of the Jews, and haunted some of 
 them more closely than did that of Messiah. Their 
 minds would be full of him ; and some who could 
 not rise high enough in the moral scale to thrill 
 with the joyful hope and aspiration for a personal 
 Son of Man, could very well summon up a fiery 
 and patriotic indignation that would storm forth 
 against so devilish a thought as " the abomination 
 of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet 
 standing where it ought not " in the Temple of the 
 Most High. 
 
 Jewish Views of Antichrist. 
 
 Now just as the dream of a Messiah took many 
 different forms in different minds, so did the dream 
 
68 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 of an Antichrist. In the mind of John of Ephesus, 
 since the term Antichrist is not mentioned in the 
 Apocalypse, we can hardly say^ that it designated 
 Rome.2 But the idea is essentially that Rome or its 
 representative was Antichrist. St Paul himself, 
 though he again has never used the term, speaks 
 of the Man of Sin as if he were Antichrist, and 
 he takes the exactly opposite view to John,^ in 
 that he regards Rome as the beneficent controlling 
 power which restrains Antichrist at present, while 
 John in his indignation at the Emperor-worship 
 under Nero regards Rome as the Church's deadliest 
 foe. The true Roman citizen, who was also Jew 
 by birth and training and Christian by conviction, 
 would have been grievously vexed with the Ephesian 
 seer's outburst against Rome. It is hardly too much 
 
 ' With Dr. Charles, Eschatology, p. 348. 
 
 ^ I have endeavoured co shew in The Christian Prophets, pp. 136 if, 
 that in 2 John, which I hold to be by the Seer of Apocalypse, the 
 description of Antichrist is totally different from the description in 1 
 John, which appears to be by the same author as the Fourth Gospel. 
 It is true that in both i John and 2 John the definition of Antichrist is 
 doctrinal in kind. But in I John Antichrist is a false Christian teacher, 
 who denies the Father and the Son : while in 2 John Antichrist is any 
 one who refuses to confess Jesus as the Christ that was to come in 
 flesh. The protest against this heathen preaching is of course quite of 
 a piece with the savage protest against the Emperor-worship of Rome 
 in the Apocalypse. 
 
 "2 Th ii 3, 4 8ti ib,v fi,T} i\8ri ri dTroa-Ta<rla irpwTov Kai a,TroKaXvrj>8^ 
 6 dvOpitiiroi TTJs ivofilas, 6 vids ttjs diruXeias, 6 dvTLKeifievos Kai ijTre- 
 paipo/iems iirl irdfra Xeydiievov 9ebv fj (ri^acfua,, SxTTe airriv eis rbv 
 vabv Tov deou Kadiaac, airodeLKvijVTa Eavrbv &n ^anv 6e6i. 
 
JEWISH OPPOSITION 69 
 
 to say that had Paul the Aged survived to read 
 
 the Apocalypse it would have broken his heart 
 
 He was spared that piercing thrust, that ' wounding zechxiue 
 
 in the house of his friends.' 
 
 If all this difference of opinion could exist between 
 two N.T. writers on the subject of Antichrist, it is 
 plain that no less difference would reign among 
 different Jewish minds.^ There is an equal difference 
 between the charges brought against St Paul by the 
 Jews in different places. When it suited them they 
 could, as at Thessalonica, accuse him of ' acting 
 contrary to the decrees of Csesar, saying that there is 
 another king, Jesus.' Yet at Antioch in Pisidia the 
 Jews, 'filled with jealousy' had 'urged on the devout A.cym^s,i,a 
 women of honourable estate,' presumably on high 
 scriptural grounds of O.T. At Corinth again the Ac iviii 13 
 Jews had alleged the injury done by Paul to the 
 Mosaic Law. At Ephesus^ they complained of hisAcxixi3 
 injuring their trade in magic. Now it is certain 
 that there were Jews in Ephesus as everywhere 
 else who held strongly the belief in Antichrist. 
 Nowhere was the Book of Daniel more closely 
 studied : nowhere was there a more fruitful crop 
 
 1 See Dr. Charles, Eschatology, p. 380 ff. n. for a discussion of the 
 Jewish origin of the idea of Antichrist, which we must remember was 
 as shifting and unsubstantial and yet impressive as a dream. 
 
 ^Blass quotes from Wessely, Ephesia Gtammata, Vienna, 1886, 
 and Abh. d. Wien. Akad., 1888, 2, a form of exorcism in a 
 Paris papyrus, which contains the name of 'Jesus, the God of the 
 Hebrews.' 
 
70 
 
 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 of Messianic literature:'- nowhere were persons more 
 awake for Judaism than in the birthplace of the 
 Apocalypse of John. 
 
 St Paul was Antichrist to the Jeivs. 
 
 The Ephesian or Asiatic Jews — for here as usual 
 "Asiatic" means of the Roman Province of Asia^ 
 —would bear at this time a special grudge against 
 
 Acxix33 St Paul personally. At the tumult at Ephesus 
 they had put forward Alexander, in order if 
 possible, to prove to the excited mob that the 
 Jews were not to be saddled with the offences of 
 this apostate Pharisee, Saul of Tarsus. They failed, 
 and they doubtless had suffered in consequence 
 since. But above all they were infuriated by his 
 teaching. Had he not himself said to the Thessa- 
 
 zThiis lonians that there was to be a great "apostasy" 
 before Antichrist came .' ' Anathema,' they would 
 say; 'he is the apostate himself; he teacheth men 
 to believe that Jesus is the Christ ; he maketh 
 the Law of Moses to be of none effect ; he ceaseth 
 not to speak against the Holy Place ; he saith that 
 the Jew hath no advantage ; that Abraham hath 
 nothing whereof to glory ; that circumcision is 
 nothing ; that the Jew is abolished.' They plotted 
 
 1 See The Chiistian Prophets, p. 77 , on " Asia" in 4 Esdras. 
 ^ Ih. p. 122. 
 
DANIEL FULFILLED 7 1 
 
 to take his life at Cenchrea, and thought they were 
 doing God service. For was it not written in the 
 Book of Daniel: "And in his place shall stand up Dan xi 21, 
 
 ^ *- 25, 26(lxx) 
 
 a contemptible person, to whom they shall not give 
 the glory of a king; but he shall come in suddenly, 
 and obtain the kingdom by lottery (or inheritance, 
 but in the Chaldee flatteries?) . . But he shall not 
 stand, for a device shall be devised against him." 
 Had not St Paul's weak bodily presence and con- 2 Cor x 10 
 temptible power of speech been already criticised 
 by the Corinthian objectors .'' Had not St Paul 
 preached much about the " inheritance of the Saints " 
 and their lot. Had he not been already accused 
 of preaching the Kingdom by flatteries, as he ad- 
 mitted himself when he wrote to the Galatians : 
 " Am I now persuading men, or God .'' or am I Gai i 10 
 seeking to please meji .' " Had he not enlarged in 
 preaching about the " lot of inheritance } " It would 
 be easy for Asiatic Jews^ to see in many of his 
 
 ^ It seems possible, though improbable, that the Asiatic, i.e. Ephesian, 
 Jews who took the leading part in arresting Paul were well versed in 
 the Chaldee of Dan vii-xi, but they certainly knew it in LXX, and 
 probably had other versions of it also. From the valuable articles of 
 Dr Gwynn on Symmachus, Theodotion, Hexapla, etc., in Smith's 
 Dtct. of Christian Biography, we gather that other versions existed. 
 Such a famous eschatological passage as this would be most closely 
 studied and jealously guarded. Thus Aquila's version of Dan ix 26, 
 27 was so hallowed, that when Symmachus came to make his version, 
 he did not venture to alter its sense. See D. C. B. Art. Symmachus. 
 By Aquila's literal version, to the fanatical students of prophecy it 
 would be even plainer than by the LXX, that St Paul was Antichrist, 
 and ought to be slain at once, to do God service. 
 
72 
 
 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 actions and doctrines the fulfilment of ancient 
 prophecy. And it was easy to find more than forty 
 resolute Jews who should forecast devices against 
 him, in other words, plot his destruction. For there 
 is no wind to fan the fanatical flame so strong as 
 a popular belief in the fulfilment of prophecy. 
 The prophecies in the Book of Daniel continued : 
 
 Dan xi 31 " And strong arms shall stand on his part." Well, 
 the strong arm of the law of Rome had protected 
 him once and again against the spluttering fury of 
 the Jews, at Corinth and at Ephesus. Only one 
 step more was needed ; it was that he should be 
 
 Acxxuef found standing in the Temple of God. "And they 
 shall pollute the sanctuary of awe, and shall take 
 
 Numvij3-2o away the daily sacrifice." "And they shall place 
 the abomination that maketh desolate." Exactly so. 
 Saul, they would say, is abolishing the sacrifice by 
 introducing the polluted heathen into the Temple, 
 where he had as a fact himself entered in order 
 to make the offerings prescribed in the Law. It 
 
 Danxiss was written: "He shall honour with gold and silver 
 
 Dan ix 26, 27a god whom his fathers did not know." "A 
 
 (lxx) 
 
 kingdom of Gentiles shall corrupt the city and 
 the Holy Place with the Messiah" — ^just what Saul 
 of Tarsus was doing, in bringing the offerings, so 
 long and carefully collected from the Gentile 
 Churches, to aid the poor Saints in Jerusalem in 
 Dan ix 35 the name of Messiah ! — " and in the end of the 
 week there shall be removed the sacrifice and the 
 
Sr PAUL ANTICHRIST y^ 
 
 libation." "And some of them of understanding Ac xxi 26 
 shall devise for purifying themselves" — exactly 
 what St Paul was doing in the Temple. Now 
 they had watched for him day after day, and he 
 had been seen in the Temple, at the altar, and 
 his four ragged men with him. What were these 
 four 1 Were they not also the four 'horns' (Chaldee, 
 ' notable ones ') towards the four winds of heaven 
 spoken of also by Daniel the prophet .'' And what 
 was their poor ragged appearance but a crafty 
 disguise of Beelzebub? For " the four bruised ones Dan viiis, 
 
 22 (lxx) 
 
 were not according to their real strength." And 
 what was Saul doing but confirming his diabolic 
 covenant for one week ? And what was he about 
 to do but to stop the sacrifice and overspread the 
 abomination of desolation } They must not wait 
 the full seven days, or they would be too late. So 
 when the "seven days were almost ended, theyAcxxi27 
 stirred up the people and took forcible hold of him." 
 The conclusion, the wild conviction and cer- 
 tainty, that the Jews would draw from these 
 coincidences was that Saul of Tarsus was Anti- 
 christ himself. Swiftly enough the rumour flew 
 from mouth to mouth. And no wonder that the}' 
 cried, " Away with him ! " There was for them no 
 other way of dealing with " the man of lawlessness " ^ 
 
 ' The whole passage, which is obscure enough in the original is more 
 so in the LXX, but it is quite capable of an interpretation which would 
 make Saul of Tarsus to be Antichrist to a fervent Jew of 58 a.d. 
 
74 THE WE-PASSAGES OF ACTS 
 
 2Thii3 who opposed the law of Moses, "the man of sin 
 
 the son of perdition." 
 Ac xxiii 23 The subsequent measures for his safety which 
 Claudius Lysias found it necessary to take are 
 quite incommensurate with the idea of an ordinary 
 accused person ; but 470 foot and horse were not 
 too many to guard the supposed Antichrist on his 
 way to the court of justice at Caesarea, at least as 
 far as Antipatris. Indeed the plot against St Paul, 
 subsequent to his rescue by the Chiliarch, appears, 
 to have been prompted by an increased conviction 
 on the part of the Jews that Antichrist had been 
 snatched from them. The Romans, in fact, were 
 fulfilling their part of the prophecy in Daniel just 
 as St Paul had been fulfilling his. For Daniel con- 
 Dan xi 30 tinues : "And the Romans shall come and shall 
 
 (i.xx) 
 
 thrust him out, and he shall turn round " — this St 
 
 Paul had done when he stood on the castle steps 
 
 Acxxi4o and waved his hand to the people — "and they shall 
 
 Ac xxii 20- 
 
 22 be angry upon the Covenant of the Holy One 
 (or Holy Place)," — ^thus they had been angry when 
 he reminded them of Stephen, and the covenant 
 once made with their fathers and now extended 
 to the heathen. Anyone who will read the 8th, 9th 
 and nth chapters of Daniel, in the lurid light of 
 an Ephesian Jew, so far as he can place himself in 
 so passionate a position, will appreciate something 
 of the half-reasoned frenzy which flung the mob 
 and their conspirators upon the innocent Apostle. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE AND LUKE'S 
 APPEARANCE. 
 
 The Standing-Point of the Writer of the Acts. 
 
 The theory of the identity of Luke with Silas is no 
 new one either here or on the Continent. Alford, 
 who shews himself so frequently a critic of no mean 
 acumen and independence, says : " More ingenious, 
 and admitting of more plausible defence, is the 
 hypothesis, which identifies Luke himself with Silas." 
 And he refers to the literary history of the N.T. in 
 Kitto's fournal of Sacred Literature for Oct. 1850. 
 The theory did not seem 50 years ago to lead to 
 anything in particular, but I have hopes that it may 
 now, in connection with the evidence set forth else- 
 where^ for Luke being the writer of 2 Peter, awaken 
 greater interest and perhaps find wider acceptance. 
 
 It follows from the considerations of the previous 
 chapter that the latter portion of the Acts, describing 
 the circumstances of St Paul's first captivity and 
 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, p. 159. 
 
■jd SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 voyage to Rome, is deeply interwoven with a thread 
 of Jewish and Christian prophetic thought. Current 
 prophetic ideas of the Jews could not be held apart 
 from current Christian prophetic ideas so long as it 
 was possible for the same individual to be a Jew 
 and a Christian at the same time. The Jew was 
 expecting the coming of Messiah and must there- 
 fore strain his eager gaze into the future. But no 
 sooner was he convinced that the object of his 
 gaze was removed into the recent past, no sooner 
 was he convinced that Jesus of Nazareth was the 
 Messiah, than he felt also that another object, the 
 Second Advent, was as much to him in the future 
 as the first Advent had been before. The momentum 
 gathered by his former outlook, if we may use a 
 material figure, was not suddenly brought to a halt 
 and backed to a retrospect : it was continued in the 
 same future direction towards the same object only 
 in a converted form, the Son of Man coming in glory 
 instead of in humility. And that humility was repre- 
 sented to him as the necessary preliminary to the 
 glory, and in fact as part of it. The only question 
 was how soon the Second Advent was to follow 
 after the first. The answer was at first simply a 
 prophetic week, the eighth week after the seven.^ 
 So said the Book of Enoch. But any one conversant 
 with prophecy could say that an eighth week was a 
 week not of days, but of years (7), or a week of 
 'See chapter viii. below and p. 145 note. 
 
THE TWO ADVENTS 
 
 77 
 
 seven years (49), or half of that period. It tended 
 to lengthen itself, until the great crisis of 70 A.D. 
 was past, and the supposed 'time, times, and half a Danyiias. 
 
 Ap xi 2, 3, 
 
 time' were fulfilled. All this time thousands of Jews „''"^:. 
 
 '' Dan xii ir. 
 
 were also Christians. But there is no proof whatever '^p '"" 5- 
 that even so much as hundreds of Gentiles were 
 Christians without having first become Jews. When 
 St Paul preached to pure Gentiles, at Athens, all 
 that we know is that his preaching produced hardly 
 any conversions. It must always be difficult for the 
 modern reader to place himself in thought in this 
 interim of Christian faith between 35 and 70 A.D. 
 But he must not assume that there were very 
 many Gentile believers before 70, and for some 
 years after. 
 
 Of course after 70 A.D. it became clear that the 
 dual character of Judaism and Christianity combined 
 in the same person was no longer possible. But it 
 would not become clear to all Jewish Christians at 
 one and the same time. To some it would be clear 
 immediately. We can imagine that to St Paul, had 
 he survived to 70 a.d., it would have been quickly 
 
 clear, indeed that it was almost clear before he 2 Tim Un 
 
 19. 
 
 passed away. But a John of Ephesus would be very 
 slow to read the signs of the times as we read them 
 now. Having nailed his faith to the future destruc- 
 tion of Rome, he would hardly believe the actual 
 destruction of Jerusalem instead, and the continued 
 existence of the Babylon of his prophecy. Between 
 
78 SILVANUS DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 these extremes there would be various halting-places 
 of thought, and Luke's would be found to approach 
 the position of his beloved fellow-traveller. 
 
 Let us endeavour briefly to take the bearings of 
 this position, in regard to four points, i. If we agree 
 with Ramsay in the view that Luke's ' hatred of the 
 Jeivs, and his obvious inability to feel the slighest 
 sympathy for their attitude towards Paul, are also 
 Greek,' we may bear in mind that the same^ hatred 
 and want of sympathy belonged not only to St Paul 
 himself in periodical flashes at a much earlier period 
 — twenty years before the Acts was written^ — but to 
 any Christian, though by birth a Jew, who wrote but 
 a few years after 70 A.D. And they would not prove 
 that the person who entertained them was a Greek, 
 that is, of heathen birth. A Gentile origin for Luke 
 is far from being proved at present. I cannot myself 
 profess to see the said hatred in the pages of the 
 Acts, nor even the same entire detachment from the 
 Jews as a people which is obvious in the pages of the 
 Fourth Gospel. Again, I can see no more ' blindness 
 to the true character of the ^ Roman name (the tria 
 nomind) ' in Acts than I can in almost any page of 
 Pliny or Tacitus. I do not see that Luke shews 
 himself to be anything but a Roman citizen, a Greek 
 
 'Cf. e.g. I Th ii 15, "The Jews who also slew the Lord Jesus and 
 persecuted the prophets and us. ..." Certainly the Christian Pro- 
 phets are meant. 
 
 '^St Patilthe Traveller, p. 207. 
 
LUKE A JEW 79 
 
 by speech, and a Jew by origin, when he speaks of 
 the Maltese as the barbarians. But this last ex- 
 pression I do take as a sign — and the account of ac> 
 the occurrence at Philippi is another, — that the Ac > 
 writer of the We-document was a Roman citizen. 
 At present we may be content to infer that several 
 passages in Acts which were originally jotted down 
 at one epoch of the prophetic life and circle of 
 thought appear in the present ' Acts ' in a form which 
 has been modified by the elimination of some of their 
 closer prophetic features. We may go further and say 
 that St Luke had in his notes many more points than 
 those which can be discovered underlying the present 
 text, in developing the fulfilment of the Book of Joshua. 
 These were deliberately excised by him in writing 
 his Book perhaps for this reason : they would unduly 
 have identified the work with those extreme Jewish 
 Christian Prophets, of whom John of Ephesus was 
 the chief representative, and who in remaining Jewish 
 could not but be anti-Roman. Now it was Luke's 
 purpose, as Ramsay has most ably pointed out,^ to 
 shew that the Christian Church as led by St Paul was 
 loyal to Rome and dependent on the Roman Govern- 
 ment for its freedom and beneficence as a regenerating 
 power in the Empire. It was therefore wisdom in St 
 
 ' St Paul the Traveller, p. 304. See also Julicher, Jahrb. f. prot. 
 Theol., 1882, p. 358, who however exaggerates greatly this tend- 
 ency, and tries to make it account for the growth in the second century 
 of the story that Paul was a Roman citizen. But the second century 
 was not equal to composing so good a romance as Julicher thinks. 
 
8o SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 Luke, as well as literary proportion, that curtailed the 
 account of the prophetic springs of action in the first 
 entrance of the two Apostles into Europe. ' The 
 • 42- Spirit of Jesus ' and ' the portion ' and ' we were 
 thinking' are the only traces left to us. When 
 Ramsay sketched the probable contents of St Luke's 
 third book^ he would have been quite justified in 
 quoting an ancient testimony to the fact that it was 
 actually composed. The Muratorian fragment says 
 so, as follows : " As also he clearly points out in a 
 separate book (semote) not only the suffering of 
 Peter, but moreover Paul's departure from the city 
 (Rome) to Spain." The existence of this third work 
 alone explains the expression in Acts i i. 'The 
 former treatise ' is wrongly translated in R.V. The 
 margin of R.V. is right, 'The first treatise,' im- 
 plying more than two, which are the Gospel and the 
 Acts. 
 
 2. This leads us to ask whether we can draw any 
 conclusion as to the Roman citizenship of the writer 
 of Acts. The right of Roman citizenship was not so 
 common that it would be immaterial to St Paul in 
 choosing his fellow-traveller along the highways of 
 Roman commerce. But it is generally admitted that 
 Silas was a Roman citizen on the ground of Acts 
 xvi 37. It may be argued, however, that the author 
 of Acts was not a Roman citizen, and that in speak- 
 ing of the barbarians in xxviii 1,4, he is only speaking 
 
 '^ St Paul the Traveller, p. 351. 
 
LUKE A ROMAN CITIZEN 8 1 
 
 as a Greek, or from the point of view of St Paul's 
 citizenship and not his own. But why must we 
 suppose that a writer would, in his own diary, take 
 his friend's point of view ? He is, on the contrary, 
 almost certain to take his own point of view. It 
 would be affectation to deny this. I should freely 
 admit that Luke, who has been shewn in these 
 pages to be a Jew, would more naturally speak 
 of them as heathens than as barbarians. But 
 he really implies that they were not only heathens 
 but barbarous heathens. The point of the expression 
 is one of the Melitans' language rather than of their 
 status or citizenship. The term barbarian appears 
 nowhere else in N.T. except in St Paul's writings, i Cor xiv : 
 once where it is clearly of foreign and unintelligible Rom i 14. 
 language, and twice where it means uncivilized,^ in 
 contrast with Greeks and Romans. In fact the only 
 other N.T. writer who uses it is himself a Roman 
 citizen. On the whole then, if the expression in Acts 
 xxviii is not sufficient to prove the author to be a 
 Roman citizen, it is a very strong indication that he 
 was. 
 
 3. The Unity of style in the We-document and the 
 rest of the Acts does not unfortunately permit of any 
 close or certain inference, because however much the 
 materials of the book have been worked up by the 
 author, it is impossible to determine within some 
 
 ^See Lightfoot on Col iii II, a. learned note, shewing that the 
 Scythian was held to be an outer barbarian. 
 
 F 
 
82 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 chapters {e.g. after xxi i8) the limits of the supposed 
 We-document.^ 
 
 4. The close interiveaving of the We-document with 
 the rest is a feature which offers surer ground. It is 
 supposed that the We-portions are due to Luke's 
 presence at the scenes described and the others to his 
 absence. The meeting at Troas has been mentioned 
 already above. But do the picturesque circumstances 
 imagined by Ramsay explain the difficulty of 'first 
 of the portion,' or account for the unique phrase ' the 
 Spirit of Jesus,' so well as the observations given in 
 these pages .■' Are they consistent with the latter ? 
 We have to take the phenomena as a whole. Let us 
 see how they correspond with one another if we 
 suppose the writer of Acts to be Silas.^ 
 
 The Prophets travelled in pairs. 
 
 First, it was the rule that Prophets went forth two 
 and two as apostles. Not to mention the despatch 
 
 'A useful list may be found in S. Davidson Int. to N.T., vol. ii 4. 
 
 ^ Blass has recently collected, preface to Lucae ad Theophilum Liber 
 prior (Leipzig, 1897), p. xvii, the results of the peculiarities of /3 
 as follows : (for explanation of ;8 see chapter viii) 
 
 Words found in ^ of Acts and nowhere else in N.T. , total 30 : 
 Words found in ^ of Acts and in Lk. Gospel only, total 3 : 
 Words found in (3 and N. T. but nowhere else in Luke, total 20 : 
 Words found in (3 Acts and Lk. Gospel and elsewhere, total 10. 
 These are approximate only. So far from being an inordinate propor- 
 tion, the number of peculiarities in ^ is well within the mark. 
 
PROPHETS IN PAIRS 83 
 
 (eVei^i/rei/) by John the Baptist^ of two of his disciples LkvUig. 
 to Jesus, since the term is not quite synonymous 
 with apostleship, we may notice that Jesus sent forth 
 (aTreoTTejXe) two disciples to find the ass for the entry Mt xxi i. 
 into Jerusalem. He had before this begun the 
 systematic sending forth of the twelve two and two, Mkvi7. 
 with full apostolic instructions. St Luke tells us 
 that 'He sent forth the seventy in pairs before Lkxi. 
 his face into every city and place where he himself 
 was to come.' The same rule was observed by the 
 Church as by the Master. Even in the Temple 
 Peter and John are found together. The same two Ac m 1. 
 are sent forth to Samaria by the apostles at Jeru- Acviiii4. 
 salem. When the disciples at Antioch sent relief 
 to the brethren in Judaea, they sent it forth by the Acxiso. 
 apostolic hands of Barnabas and Saul. A little later 
 Barnabas and Saul were separated for the work unto Acxiiia. 
 which God had called them, and they remained 
 together for the whole journey, with or without John 
 Mark who was Barnabas' cousin. From Paphos to ac xiu 13. 
 Perga at any rate there seem to have been other 
 members of the party, but Barnabas remained 
 throughout. Even when Paul and Barnabas are 
 despatched {ireixyp-ai) from Jerusalem with the decrees 
 to Antioch, the Apostles and Elders and the whole 
 church send forth {airecrraXKanev) a second pair as ac xv 27. 
 Apostles with them, Judas and Silas, both Prophets. 
 
 ^John is accompanied by two of his disciples on another occasion. 
 Jn i 35- 
 
84 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 When Paul starts with Silas, the term used of his 
 selection is rather remarkable; it implies that he 
 chose him for himself into the place of Barnabas. 
 The word used of Mark's association with the two 
 undoubtedly implies that he had an unofficial place, 
 Ac XV 37, and was extra niimerum. He had been with them 
 
 Ac xui 5. 
 
 as an attendant. When we come to Timothy the 
 Acxvia. expression is wholly different — 'Paul chose that he 
 should take the field with him ' — which suits very 
 well with the idea of the campaign and conquest 
 of the Promised Land. 
 
 The movements of Silas in Acts. 
 
 Now let us observe the movements of Silas, and 
 we shall see that whenever the We-document is 
 present Silas is unmentioned ; as soon as he is 
 mentioned again, the We-document ceases. Silas 
 is commended to the grace of the Lord by the 
 brethren at Antioch. He visits Derbe and Lystra ; 
 and the Phrygian and Galatian country, and 
 goes past Mysia to Troas. After the vision, 
 ' WE sought to go into Macedonia ; WE were 
 concluding that God hath called US to evangelize 
 them.' 
 
 Let us pause to ask whether any newly-converted 
 Luke was in a position to speak of himself as 
 joined already in this great and solemn campaign 
 
LUKE NO STRANGER 85 
 
 with the two apostles, as united in drawing^ the 
 important conclusion of Christian Prophecy, as being 
 on a level with these proved and earnest students 
 of the word of God. Ramsay seems to feel the 
 difficulty here, and he accounts for it by saying 
 that " the words derive their vivid and striking 
 character from Paul, who explained the whole divine 
 plan,^ and they remained indelibly imprinted on 
 Luke's memory." Are we then to suppose that inside 
 the We-document there is a sort of We-we-document, 
 which represents the innermost WE composed of 
 Paul and Silas, so that the words ' immediately we 
 sought . . . preach to them ' are between inverted 
 commas, being St Paul's words quoted by St Luke ? 
 Rather do I welcome Ramsay's reference to memory 
 in the case of a We-passage, for I hold that there 
 is no We-document at all, but that the We-passages 
 rest upon merriory alone. The Prophets were 
 two ; the men sent ' to view the land, even Jericho,' 
 were two ; no third party, no fourth party counting 
 the young Timothy as a third, could, whether by 
 love at first sight or any other cause, add himself 
 to the others and speak as if he shared in this 
 august interpretation of the will of God. On the 
 other hand, if Silas was the author of Acts, nothing 
 
 ^ The question was asked long ago by Schleiermacher, how a new- 
 comer converted only yesterday could have expressed himself with so 
 little modesty as 'immediately we endeavoured . . . ; the Lord had 
 called us.' See Godet, Comm. on St Luke, E.T. i p. 19. 
 
 ^ St Paul the Traveller, p. 200. 
 
86 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 could be more natural than the words. The change 
 of person is not made at random ; there was a 
 reason, which may perhaps have been suggested 
 rightly above (p. 41), but in any case we may admit, 
 with Ramsay, that the book was left unfinished by 
 the author, and we can conceive that had it been sub- 
 mitted to a third draft, the We-passages might have 
 been further reduced or eliminated by the author. 
 Acxvi. 'We ran with a straight course . . . WE were in 
 the city . . . WE went out . . . WE thought . . . 
 WE were talking . . . She constrained us . . . WE 
 were going ... A damsel met US . . . followed Paul 
 and Us.' I see no difficulty here in the meaning 
 of US. By the third US is meant Silas and Timothy, 
 or Silas alone ; for St Paul in his epistles speaks 
 again and again of US when he means ' me.' The 
 first person plural is a way of avoiding the first 
 person singular, which Greeks and Romans in their 
 letters were more careful to avoid than we are now. 
 
 Two verses after this we have ' Paul and Silas ' 
 to the end of the incident. It is easy to see how 
 Silas, if he wrote Acts, would prefer to describe 
 his sufferings in the third person. 
 
 Silas at Philippi. 
 
 Silas visits with St Paul Amphipolis, ApoUonia, 
 Thessalonica, Beroea. At the last place, if the reading 
 of Westcott and Hort is right, the synagogue was 
 
LUKE AT PHILIP PI 
 
 87 
 
 in a quarter away from the city. ' They arrived and 
 went away to the synagogue.' This strange expression 
 is a trace of an eye-witness. I can see no difference 
 between the description of events here and at Philippi 
 except what has been fully accounted for above. The 
 almost universal theory is that Luke stayed behind at 
 Philippi, to preach and teach there, though he had 
 been an unknown stranger to St Paul, according to 
 Ramsay, a fortnight before ; by the older view he 
 was a tried minister of the Gospel who came upon the 
 scene at Troas, we know not how. If he stayed 
 there in any capacity whatever, he stayed, we are to 
 suppose, a portion of several years. Lightfoot^ says 
 "he was taken up there after several years, and 
 perhaps he had spent there some portion of the 
 intervening period." If he stayed there several years 
 why, in the Epistle to the Philippians, is not Luke 
 mentioned or referred to once ? Was it not ex- 
 pedient to say a word about the first Christian 
 Apostle to that much beloved Church? St Paul 
 could mention Epaphroditus, Euodia, Syntyche, and 
 Clement ; why not a word about Luke ? The Philip- 
 pian Church had been specially munificent to St 
 Paul, and this kindness must have been due in some phii iv 15 f. 
 degree to Luke's preaching if he stayed there at all. 
 Why is the individual spring of this kindness ignored 
 by the Apostle in writing } The answer about to be 
 given to this question is that he is not ignored, for the 
 
 1 Coinm. on Phil, 1879, p. 39. 
 
88 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 Phil iv 3. ' true yoke-fellow ' is Silas-Luke. The names ' Silas ' 
 and ' Luke ' are both omitted in the Epistle, while 
 Timothy is mentioned. It may well be that Silas left 
 Rome for a visit to Philippi and to return (see below). 
 In any case the absence in Philippians of a reference 
 to the supposed sojourn of Luke during the ' second ' 
 and 'third' journeys would be most damaging to 
 the almost universal theory of such a sojourn. If he 
 did not stay there, and yet had not accompanied St 
 Paul in the interval, it would be a coincidence that 
 six and a half years afterwards he should be picked 
 up there by St Paul when about to rejoin his party at 
 Troas on the return from his ' third ' journey. Upon 
 either supposition we note that the WE-author is 
 there when Silas is not. Where was Silas .' To 
 answer this we resume the thread of the history. 
 
 Silas and Beroea. 
 
 We start with a difficult verse, and there are more 
 perplexities in this part of the history than appear at 
 first. I understand xvii 14 to mean that the brethren, 
 being Christians of Jewish birth who studied the 
 O.T. with eagerness and candour, desired to avoid the 
 trouble and loss^ which had ensued at Thessalonica 
 from keeping St Paul, and on this occasion quickly 
 sent him away, escorting him as far as the sea. This 
 was a keen trial to him ; it seemed like a surrender of 
 
 1 ' They received the word in (spite of) much affliction,' I Th i 6. 
 
LUKE AT BEROEA 89 
 
 the divinely given portion of Macedonia : but it was 
 necessary/ and there was too (re) the comfort that 
 both Silas and. Timothy were resolved to remain 
 behind at Beroea to carry on the work. Those who 
 conducted Paul to the sea at Dium thought it best to 
 bring him as far as Athens. There may be, as Lewin 
 suggests, an underlying reference to St Paul's infirmity, 
 but there may well have been special dangers in the 
 sea-voyage from Dium to Athens : he could not in 
 safety be allowed to travel alone. Silas and Timothy 
 resolved to stay behind at Beroea because of the 
 prophetic promise of the opening for the Gospel 
 there and at Thessalonica,. and Timothy was able to 
 return to Thessalonica — a journey of upwards of 50 
 miles — before he and Silas rejoined St Paul at the 
 end of the year at Corinth.^ AcxviUs. 
 
 ^ ' There is no doubt that here, where again ^ alone records such 
 intimations of the Spirit, Paul was travelling in company with a 
 Prophet,' Zahn, Einl. ii 343. He was a Prophet himself, though Zahn 
 denies that Paul and Barnabas were Prophets (i 148, 170) — of which 
 more hereafter — but Zahn's statement is one of great value for the 
 support of the present contention that Luke was Silas. How else 
 could Luke have known the interior movements of Paul's mind in 
 all its incessant changes? 
 
 ^ It is of course possible to take I Th iii I as meaning that 
 Timothy came to St Paul at Athens, and then went back to 
 Thessalonica, and then to Beroea to join Silas, and so came on with 
 him to St Paul at Corinth. But I think it is also possible, and, on 
 the whole, more natural, to understand the words as above : ' I felt 
 that I must have news of you, and so I thought well to go to Athens 
 and be there without my companions, and I sent or left word with ' Th iii i. 
 Timothy that he was to go ' back to Thessalonica, and return with 
 Silas 'as quickly as possible' to join him. Zahn, Einl. i 147. Acxviiis. 
 
90 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 Silas disappears. 
 
 From this point onwards there is no word about 
 ' Silas ' in the Acts. He disappears, according to the 
 almost universal theory, from the historian's ken. 
 Probably the chief reason which has led to the 
 almost universal identification of Silas with Silvanus 
 is a sense that somehow Silas was not dropped over- 
 board in the Aegean sea, was not beaten to death, did 
 not die prematurely, that — 
 
 He must not float upon his watery bier 
 Unwept, and welter to the parching wind, 
 Without the meed of some melodious tear. 
 
 It is a very proper sense, and so they said he was 
 Silvanus. But they have not reflected that he should 
 have been Silanus, as far as evidence goes, and they 
 have not accounted for his being Silvanus.^ We are 
 therefore only carrying on the same sense when we 
 endeavour to identify Silas with Luke. 
 
 Now there is exactly the same silence of the 
 historian with regard to the separate action of 
 Silas as with regard to that of the We-author. 
 Neither of them is, neither of them has been from 
 the first, in the narrative of Acts, any more than a 
 shadow of St Paul. If it be held that St Luke 
 was left behind at Philippi, which is pure though 
 almost universal conjecture, so is Silas left behind 
 ^ See above p. 9. 
 
SILAS NO MORE 
 
 91 
 
 at Beroea, which is plain fact. But nothing is said 
 of what Silas did ; not even that he preached and 
 taught. His movements are only mentioned as 
 subordinate to those of St Paul. Silas, if he wrote 
 the Acts, is not less modest about Silas, than 
 Luke, if he wrote it, is modest about Luke. We 
 know nothing more of Silas either in Acts or in 
 the Epistles or elsewhere. Lewin supposes, and we 
 may agree with him, that he crossed from Corinth to 
 Ephesus with St Paul ; possibly too he went thence 
 to Caesarea, to Antioch, to Galatia, and Phrygia, ac xviii ; 
 and Ephesus : and thence to Macedonia. There it 
 would be a natural supposition in accordance with 
 xvii 14 that Silas stayed, and there St Paul and ac xx 1. 
 his company joined him after a few months, andAcxxs. 
 we have the We-author again, to continue with us 
 to Jerusalem, and afterwards on the voyages to 
 Rome. 
 
 Silvanus in the Epistles. 
 
 We now turn to the evidence of the Epistles, 
 and we find nothing whatever to upset the identity 
 of Silas with Silvanus, and nothing to upset the 
 identity of Silvanus with Luke. 
 
 The First Epistle to the Thessalonians was written 
 from Corinth in the ' second ' journey. The address 
 is by Paul and Silvanus and Timotheus. Silas 
 and Timothy had both rejoined him. The same 
 is true of the Second Epistle. 
 
92 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 The Epistle to the Galatians contains no refer- 
 Gaiviii. ence to Silvanus. It states that it was written by 
 Paul's own hand. This is a contrast to 2 Thess. which 
 expressly says, ' The salutation of me Paul by nny 
 own hand.' Had Silas been present when Galatians 
 was written, it might have been couched in other 
 terms. 
 
 The First Epistle to the Corinthians contains no 
 reference to Silvanus. It resembles 2 Thess. in 
 the same statement in the four concluding lines. 
 
 The Brother whose Praise is in all the Churches. 
 
 The Second Epistle to the Corinthians does not 
 
 include Silvanus in the address though it includes 
 
 Timotheus. It refers to Silvanus once by name ; 
 
 2 Cor i 19. 'The Son of God Messiah Jesus who was preached 
 
 among you by our agency, that of myself and 
 
 Silvanus and Timotheus.' It says much about 
 
 Titus and his movements, and there is much to be 
 
 aCorviiie, said in favour of Lewin's^ idea that Titus was a 
 
 =! Cor viii 18. Corinthian. Along with Titus as bearer of the 
 
 letter, St Paul says that he 'sent the brother 
 
 whose praise in the gospel is spread through all 
 
 the churches and not only this, but he was also 
 
 appointed by the churches to travel with us in 
 
 the matter of this generous gift which is being 
 
 ministered by us to promote the glory of the Lord 
 
 ^ Lewin, Life and Letters of St Paul, i 302. 
 
IN ALL THE CHURCHES 93 
 
 and to shew our readiness : avoiding the risk that any 
 man should blame us in the matter of this gift 
 which is ministered by us : for we take thought 
 for things honourable not only in the sight of the 
 Lord, but also in the sight of men.' Now who is 
 this so likely to be as Silvanus ? Who had been 
 appointed by the churches to travel with Paul? OrAcxv4o. 
 are we to draw upon the unknown for the sup- 
 position in this case also that ' perhaps St Luke 
 had been so appointed ' ? (If so, he was not the 
 stranger picked up at Troas). But, let us ask, 
 whose praise in the Gospel was spread through all 
 the churches} Silas' certainly was, but who shall 
 say that Luke's was, if he were not Silas ? Luke's, 
 who drops from the clouds at Troas and disappears 
 in turn at Philippi ? Praise in Philippi, perhaps: 
 but what praise in all the churches could ' Luke ' 
 at this time have had ? It might possibly seem 
 that Timotheus was the brother in question ; but 
 the fact of his sharing the address makes that 
 impossible. Trophimus is probably the 'brother' 
 
 who is mentioned next; and the 'brethren' arezCorviUs 
 
 23- 
 Silas and Trophimus. 
 
 T Tertius who write this Epistle. 
 
 The Epistle to the Romans contains no reference 
 to ' Silvanus ' or ' Luke.' It was written from 
 
94 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 Corinth, substantially as it is now, in the ' third ' 
 journey during the three months which St Paul 
 -Ac XX 2. spent in Hellas. Such at least is the prevailing 
 view. It might be left out of our consideration in 
 the present question, but for one curious and 
 interesting sentence near the end : ' I Tertius who 
 write the epistle in the Lord salute you.' I am 
 compelled to think that this is Silas' own way of 
 translating his name to the readers of the Roman 
 Church. They did not know, and he did not know, 
 that in later years he would be more often called 
 Silvanus or Lucas than Silas. But ' Tertius ' is the 
 natural Latin form of the Hebrew name ; and it is 
 much more full-sounding than the Greek form 
 ^ Tritos.' To have turned ' Tritos ' into the Latinised 
 Tritus would have been to give another Latin word 
 with a separate meaning of its own, and would have 
 been therefore an objectionable course which he 
 does not take. On the other hand it is reasonable 
 to suppose that hitherto such common friends of 
 the brethren as Prisca and Aquila had known him 
 as Silas. Paul and Silas went about among their 
 Jewish friends as Shi'ool and Shaldsh or Shilish. 
 But when first he comes under the notice of the 
 Church in Rome itself, it is perfectly natural to 
 suppose that Silas would translate his name for the 
 nonce in Roman form as Tertius. It may be allowed 
 that if Paul had referred to him in the body of the 
 letter, he would have put Silvanus. But any man 
 
TERTIUS IS LUKE 95 
 
 may be allowed to indulge a fancy about his 
 own name on occasion, and if his original name 
 were '(23^12^, Tertius is a nearer equivalent in sense 
 than Silvanus is in sound. The present theory 
 allows the possibility of Luke having remained in 
 Macedonia during all the time that St Paul ' went Ac xx 3. 
 over those parts,' which include the neighbouring 
 part of Illyricum, which may perhaps have been 
 the third portion of the Promised Land, Hellas being uomxvig. 
 the second. If he was with St Paul at Corinth when 
 he wrote the ' Romans' and had been sent to Corinth 
 as a bearer of 2 Corinthians, it is most probable that 
 the interval had been spent by him at Corinth ; but 
 perhaps he left Corinth in order to join him in 
 Macedonia, then went along the Egnatian road into 
 Illyricum — no very great distance — and went with 
 him to Corinth where he wrote the ' Romans.' Why 
 this period and portion of St Paul's preaching, even 
 if with Silas, is omitted in Acts, we cannot tell, but 
 many other periods are also omitted. (It may be that 
 the prophetic fulfilments connected with it were less 
 striking than those which marked the travels before 
 and after it. But this is pure conjecture, nor does 
 it affect the facts of the case.) Whatever uncer- 
 tainty hangs over the movements of Silas, it does not 
 seem to be increased when we identify him with Luke, 
 nor even when we identify him with Tertius. 
 
96 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 The Resumption of We in the ' Third' Journey. 
 
 Now we come to another critical time, at which 
 St Paul was engaged in conveying the alms of the 
 Gentile Churches to Judaea, immediately after writing 
 from Corinth his Epistle to the Romans. It is 
 
 Ac XX 4. generally supposed that the Acts has preserved for 
 us the names of representative men of those 
 Churches, who acted as a Relief Fund Committee, 
 or let us say, Churchwardens. St Paul was perhaps 
 more concerned about this fund than about anything 
 else in his 'third' journey: for the successful collec- 
 tion and application of it would do more than 
 anything else to prove that the Gospel message 
 which he preached among the Gentiles was one 
 and the same with the salvation preached to the 
 
 Acxxviiiao. circumcision, which was 'the hope of Israel.' To 
 obtain this proof of the unity of the Gospel he had 
 laboured for years ; and his object had been three- 
 fold : first, to satisfy James and the weaker brethren 
 of the conservative side of the Church that he, Paul, 
 was not a revolutionary ; next, to test the reality of 
 the faith of the Gentile Churches ; and thirdly, to 
 relieve the destitution of the Jewish brethren in 
 Judaea. There had been, of course, difficulties in the 
 collection. The conveyance of the fund, when col- 
 lected, was nearly frustrated iby the plot of the Jews, 
 which might have resulted fatally to himself at 
 
Sr PAUL'S COMPANIONS 97 
 
 Cenchraea. And finally the deliverance of the money 
 was to result, as we have seen, in a further risk, still 
 more nearly fatal to his life, but overruled by God 
 ' for the furtherance of the Gospel ' at Rome at 
 last. 
 
 The Churchwardens. 
 
 Now in order to safeguard the fund, it is supposed 
 that St Paul had with him the following Church- 
 wardens when he was leaving Europe : 
 
 Of Beroea : Sopater, son of Pyrrhus (the latter a good 
 
 Macedonian name, but we need not doubt that he 
 
 was a Jew). 
 Of Thessalonica : Aristarchus and Secundus. (Jason, of 
 
 this city, was at Corinth when ' Romans ' was written Rom xvi 21. 
 
 He was perhaps left behind at his native city, but 
 
 this is conjecture.) 
 
 Then we come to a difficulty about the reading. 
 We have in WH : 
 
 And Gams of Derbe, and Timothy, and of Asia {i.e. 
 Ephesians) Tychicus and Trophimus. 
 
 The last line is clear ; but what are we to say of 
 Gaius and Timothy? Blass reads : 
 
 And Gains (as a third churchwarden of Thessalonica), 
 And of Derbe : Timotheus. 
 
 But what has Derbe to do with the Churches of 
 Macedonia and Achaia.-* It is indeed probable that 
 Galatia was included in the collection. St. Paul 
 
 G 
 
98 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 implies this ; and by the ' South Galatian ' theory 
 iCorxvii Derbe means Galatia. But Ephesus was not in- 
 on Ac XX 4. eluded, as Blass observes: so that when the 
 ' Ephesians ' or ' Asians ' is the geographical name 
 prefixed to Tychicus and Trophimus, we are not to 
 suppose that they were Churchwardens of Ephesus, 
 though they were with the party. 
 
 Now it is usually supposed that Timothy was of 
 Lystra, not of Derbe. And rightly so, if we under- 
 stand Ac xvi I in its natural sense. But Blass 
 rather forces the interpretation of 'these' in xvi I, in 
 support of his peculiar arrangement of the names 
 in XX 4. 
 
 But even if Timothy were of Derbe, why should 
 ' Derbaean ' be put so prominently here, in xx 4 ? 
 ' And the Derbaean, Timothy,' is very strange, for 
 we are already familiar with him in Acts, and we 
 thought we were familiar with his dwelling at Lystra, 
 but Blass would fain even omit the words 'and to 
 Lystra' in xvi i, without any authority ! 
 
 In place of this attempt to prove Timothy a man 
 of Derbe, let me offer another solution of the 
 passage, though a new one. Beroea has its Church- 
 warden ; Thessalonica has two ; Corinth perhaps 
 has Trophimus, though we may wonder that Titus 
 is not named. But Philippi has none. Was Silas 
 (Luke) or was Timothy acting for it 1 Perhaps so : 
 but in any case I suggest that Gaius of Doberus, on 
 the Egnatian road near Philippi, was the special 
 
DOBERUS NOT DERBE 
 
 99 
 
 Philippian Churchwarden. The list would then con- 
 tinue after those of Thessalonica, as follows : 
 
 [Of Philippi : No Philippian but a near neighbour,] the 
 Doberian Gaius. (He is the Macedonian of Ac xix 29.) 
 
 This solution meets the case of those who suppose 
 that Churchwardens are here intended, and it is 
 supported by the first draft of Acts (,8) in the Bezan 
 reading, Aov/Sepio^ ' t/te Douberian^ followed by d 
 ' the Doverian,' and Gigas the Doberian misspelt. 
 
 Historical value of the Western Recension. 
 
 We now pass on to consider the exact movements 
 of the party, and it is convenient to place side by 
 side the double version of the Acts at this point. 
 
 a (our Acts). /3 (the supposed first draft). 
 So having passed three So having passed three Ac xx 3. 
 
 months (in Greece, chiefly at months, he had chosen to sail 
 
 Corinth), when a plot was straight to Syria, and when 
 
 formed against him by the a plot - was formed against 
 
 Jews as he was about to sail him by the Jews, the spirit 
 
 into Syria, he purposed to re- told him to return through 
 
 turn through Macedonia (in- Macedonia, 
 stead of sailing across from When then he was about to 
 
 Cenchraea the port of Corinth), go forth., § there were going 
 
 And there was following with before him § as far as Asia 
 
 him (into Asia) S., etc. Sopater, etc. 
 
 Now these having gone before These having gone before 
 were tairying for us at Troas. were tarrying for him at Troas. 
 §The words between § are purely a conjecture of Blass, but they 
 are necessary for the understanding of the expression ' as far as Asia,' 
 in the larger sense, meaning Troas. On p, see further chap. viii. 
 
100 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 Blass has shewn how very much clearer the move- 
 ments are made in the first draft of Acts. First of 
 all, the change of plan was made by St Paul in 
 obedience to a prophetic warning.^ ' The (prophetic) 
 spirit told him ' is a touch which a omits here as it 
 did in xix i, which runs in /3 as follows: 'Now 
 when Paul was willing of his own counsel {QeXovToi 
 KUTu TTiv ISlav ^ovXriv) to journey to Jerusalem, the 
 spirit told him to return into Asia. And having 
 gone through the upper parts ' — the highlands of the 
 interior of Asia Minor — etc. The whole sentence 
 'Now — Asia' is omitted in our draft of Acts, and 
 it is, historically speaking, a serious loss. For it 
 conveys the reason why he did not fulfil his inten- 
 tion of visiting Jerusalem, mentioned in xviii 21. 
 I think Blass makes out his case for treating xviii 
 
 ^ It has been contended that at this verse, as elsewhere in Acts, we 
 have in /3 merely a ' Montanist interpqlation. ' I respectfully suggest 
 that the reference to the Spirit here is of the same kind with the remark 
 in xvi that thf Spirit of Jesus suffered them not ; and I would claim 
 that, if so, Paul and Silas are at least described by a ' Montanist' in 
 Acts if they are not ' Montanists ' themselves ! A footnote is not the 
 place to embark on this large and fascinating question. I have tried 
 to shew in C. P. , chap, ii, what the relation of Montanism was to the 
 Christian Church, and that its ideas were survivals in a distorted form 
 of the earliest Christian ideas. It would even be possible to hold the 
 theory that some passages in Acts were considered Montanist about 
 130 A.D. , and were struck out of the author's text as dangerous. It 
 could be shewn that /3 is older than a, and that ^ minus a represents 
 partly, no doubt, verbiage, omitted for a purely literary improvement 
 on the side of brevity, but partly extreme prophetic references which 
 were not necessary, as it seejned to the reviser of the Acts. See also 
 C.P., page 152, for the view that 2 Peter was also considered dangerous. 
 
SECOND DRAFT ADDS ' US' loi 
 
 22 as a visit to Caesarea only, and not to Jerusalem 
 as most commentators had hitherto supposed the 
 words 'went up' to mean. He went no further 
 than the 'upper' town of Caesarea, the town as 
 distinct from the port. Not a word is said of 
 Jerusalem, and to suppose a visit of two days' journey 
 thither is to force the words. 
 
 Next, we are on the verge of the We-document 
 again here, and we therefore look out for the first 
 beginnings of we. It would be easy to suppose that 
 if the author of the We-document is the writer of 
 a diary and also the writer of Acts, he would 
 vacillate as to the exact point in the narrative at 
 which he would begin with the we. It is not easy 
 to understand this if the author of Acts be a writer 
 of the second century, Such a writer would not 
 hesitate as to where to put the first person and 
 where to put the third. As soon as he came to 
 the first, he would put it down on paper. Now 
 we find the writer vacillates. According to the 
 first draft of Acts represented by D in xx 5 he 
 wrote, 'they awaited him (Paul) at Troas.' Thus 
 D has preserved for us the absence of a We-state- 
 ment. According to the interpretation offered in 
 these pages, both this reading and that of our Acts 
 are true to fact, since the writer of Acts is with 
 St. Paul at the time, and he can as easily say 
 ' awaited us ' as he can say ' awaited him.' Of 
 course it may be said that the divergence of D in 
 
I02 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 this place is due to a slip of the pen of the copyist, 
 but I do not think that the usual strong character 
 of D can be so lightly treated. It is safer to say 
 that D means what it says. It is safer to say that 
 Silas-Luke, in composing the Acts, not in writing 
 his diary, was so much more occupied with St 
 Paul's movements, as head of the party, than with 
 his own, that he does not care whether he records 
 his own companionship or forgathering with St 
 Paul, or not. 
 
 The conclusion which it seems fair to draw from 
 the passage generally as to the exact movements 
 of Silas-Luke is indefinite as to whether he joined 
 St Paul at Philippi or not. We cannot say whether 
 Sopater and the rest all started from Corinth 
 with St Paul to Macedonia. Blass says they went 
 before him not only from Macedonia to Asia, but 
 from Corinth to Macedonia. It seems to me more 
 probable that when the party started from Corinth on 
 their long and arduous overland journey, it consisted 
 of Paul, Silas, Timothy, Tychicus, Trophimus : that 
 Sopater and the rest joined them at Beroea, 
 Thessalonica, and Philippi respectively : that at 
 Philippi Sopater and the rest went ahead to 
 Troas, and that Paul and Silas stayed to complete . 
 the days of unleavened bread at Philippi. Here 
 again the reference to the observance of the 
 ancient Jewish feast, occurring as it does in the 
 ordinary course of the writer's own diary, is a 
 
PHYSICIAN OF THE SOUL 
 
 103 
 
 proof that the writer had been himself a Jew 
 and felt the obligation upon himself. It resembles 
 the reference to 'the fast' of the day of Atone- Ac xxviiy 
 ment, being already past,' in the account of the 
 voyage to Rome. 
 
 Luke the Healer, the Beloved. 
 
 The Epistle to the Ephesians mentions only Paul 
 in the address, and gives no salutations. Its very 
 marked resemblance to i Peter will be dealt with 
 later. 
 
 The Epistle to the Colossians mentions Paul and 
 Timotheus in the address, and it resembles 2 Th and 
 I Cor in saying, ' the salutation of me Paul by my 
 own hand.' But it has the remarkable salutation of 
 ' Luke the beloved physician and Demas.' Now the 
 almost universal voice of Christendom on this verse 
 has said that Luke was a physician, and moderns 
 have supported the statement by discovering 
 passages in Luke and Acts which shew medical 
 knowledge. I have not myself been able to discern 
 these traces of medical knowledge in Luke more 
 than in Mark, but if they are there, they will also 
 very probably be found in Eph iv 16. Are we 
 to say that this passage is St Paul's own writing .? 
 and that he had derived his knowledge from St Luke 
 the anatomist .-' This would be one explanation. 
 Or are we to say that, since Luke was definitely 
 
I04 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 St Paul's medical adviser, he may have written parts 
 of Ephesians himself? The question will be treated 
 afterwards. (See particularly 193 n.) Meanwhile 
 with all respect, even if Luke were a medical 
 adviser, I do not think that St Paul, however much 
 he suffered, was so careful of things of the body as 
 to specify in a salutation ' the beloved physician,' or 
 rather ' Luke the healer, the beloved,' as a term of 
 the very highest commendation. If that were all 
 the meaning, the tone of this particular remark 
 would not be as high as St Paul's tone invariably is. 
 I must leave this however to the consideration of 
 the reader, and I must urge in any case that 
 * physician ' means, as our Collect for St Luke's 
 day has beautifully said, that he was a physician 
 of the soul, and in this power lay his title to 
 St Paul's happy reference. Luke could 'minister 
 to a mind diseased,' whether of a Pythoness, 
 Ac xvi 1. 6 as the girl at Philippi, or of St Paul himself in 
 times of depression, but through the mind he could 
 provide healing for the soul. Now St Paul is here 
 conveying a spiritual fact, while he plays upon the 
 name of Silas. From Silvanus, as we have seen, 
 the natural abbreviation would be Silvas ; but by a 
 simple vowel-change familiar to all Hebrews the 
 name would become Saluas, which might be trans- 
 lated healer, which in Greek is undoubtedly larpoi. 
 The name Saluas was not then existent : like Sal- 
 uator it did not exist before Christ, as St Augustine 
 
MURATORIAN FRAGMENT 105 
 
 observes. But Saluas is a fair transliteration of the 
 Hebrew for 'Three' lisbuj, whence had previously 
 come the translated name Tertius. ' Luke the 
 healer, the beloved,' should be the translation^ — 
 
 ^ In reference to Luke there are 'two passages in the Muratorian 
 fragment, both of the very greatest interest. The first is as follows : 
 
 Tertio Edangelii Librum Secando Lucan 
 
 lucas iste medicus post acensum xpi. 
 
 cum eo paulus quasi ut iuris studiosum 
 
 secundum adsumsisset numeni suo 
 
 ex opinione concriset dnm tamen nee ipse 
 
 duidit in came et ide pro asequi potuit 
 
 ita et ad nativitate iohannis incipet dicere. 
 
 Translation. 'The third (tertium) book of the Gospel is that accord- 
 ing (secundum) to Luke. Luke the famous physician, after Christ's 
 ascension, having been taken by Paul as a student of law to accompany 
 him, composed (it) (conscripsit) in his own name (nomine suo) from oral 
 tradition : but he never himself saw (vidit) the Lord in the flesh and he 
 (idem) too (like Mark) commenced (incepit) his history as far (prout) 
 back as he could go, with John (the Baptist), in fact with his birth.' 
 
 Now there is a corruption of this very corrupt MS (see The Christian 
 Prophets, 8l, 140, 165, 224, 240, and Westcott On the Canon of N. T. 
 App. C. ) in the words tit juris. The ut could not be right after quasi 
 which means the same as ut. How shall we restore the reading ? It 
 has been suggested that we might translate ' as one zealous for the 
 righteousness of the law' as though juris were tqv dtKaiov. But we 
 should require ttj^ SiKaioaivris, and jus could not represent this word of 
 the Greek original. (There is no doubt that the Mur. frag, is trans- 
 lated from Greek). Nor could it = ' scripture. ' Westcott suggests 
 virtutis instead of ut iuris, and it is remarkable that Luke in 2 Peter 
 and in i Peter uses ap^rl] = virtus of God, but nowhere else : this there- 
 fore is a pure coincidence. Tit ii 14 might support it, but not as a 
 special feature of Luke. After examining the MS again I am con- 
 vinced that the original was in Greek something like us larpelas 
 (TirovdaffT^v. (i) For some reason or other the dis airovSaarriv w.is 
 translated and the larpdas was only transliterated, perhaps being badly 
 written in the Greek original and illegible and so supposed by the 
 
I06 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 The 'healer' from his name, his nature, and his 
 history alike ; the ' beloved ' from his relation to 
 St Paul and also to the brethren. For Demas, 
 whom he mentions with him, St Paul has no 
 epithet. And his misgivings about him were soon 
 to be realized. Surely he would not affect to imply 
 that the difference between Luke and Demas was 
 that the former was a physician and beloved. He 
 would lay the stress upon his spiritual work and 
 influence, as he has just been describing that of 
 their own special friend and teacher Epaphras. 
 
 The Epistle to Philemon includes Timotheus in 
 the address, and contains the salutation of Luke with 
 others at the end. Luke is mentioned last, Epaphras 
 first, as connected with Colossae where Philemon 
 
 translator, who was certainly very ignorant, to be a proper name, (ii) or 
 
 else the original was ws laTpeLtit d,ya,in]T6v. The words would then 
 
 have been written (lis iarpelaL i,yavi)Tliv 
 
 and have been read as lisei arpMi i,ya.Tn]Tbv 
 
 and translated into QVASi atriai sthdiosvm 
 
 and copied thus qvasi ut iuris stddiosvm 
 
 In the MS the A is written very much like U, and TIURI looks 
 very much like trial Thus the Muratorian fragment so far from 
 suggesting a legal career for the Apostle Luke, which would be 
 absurd, adds nothing to our knowledge of his calling, but only leaves 
 him a physician as before, since it follows the tradition based on the 
 supposed meaning of Phil iv 14. It is necessaiy to suppose that the 
 present copy was removed by at least one copy from the autograph trans- 
 lation, but that is in any case a supposition necessary from the condition 
 of the single extant MS which is about as old as ' 650, while the 
 original is about as old as 200. 
 
 The second passage of the Muratorian Fragment about Luke (Acts) 
 has been quoted already above p. 80. 
 
LUKE THE YOKE-FELLOW \oj 
 
 lived, then ' Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, my 
 fellow-labourers.' If the curious should enquire why 
 Luke should be mentioned last of all, if he were 
 really so old and close a friend as Silas, he might 
 perhaps be content to think that Luke was the 
 amanuensis of this Epistle also, and named himself 
 last with his wonted modesty. This I hold to be 
 the correct view. 
 
 Luke, the True Yoke-Fellow. 
 
 The Epistle to the Philippians is the latest 
 of the ' four that we have from Rome. I 
 agree with Ramsay against Lightfoot that the 
 evidence of ' the. things which happen to me ' in 
 Eph vi 21 is convincing, when taken together with 
 the words in vi 19, ' that speech may be given me 
 in the opening of my mouth' — i.e. that I may be 
 allowed the opportunity of speaking and opening 
 my mouth in the open court of the Praetor — -the 
 Emperor — himself : and pleading the Gospel cause 
 for which I am an ambassador in a chain ; and 
 also with the words in Phil i 12, 'the things 
 which happened to me,' i.e. his hearing on appeal 
 by Caesar himself in the Praetor's Court. The 
 ' whole Praetorian guard ' must be abandoned as a phii i 13 
 translation, and we must read ' the whole of the 
 Praetorian retinue, or Court'^ In fact the hearing, 
 
 'See Ramsay, St Paul, etc., quoting Momnisen. 
 
I08 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 or a hearing, of the appeal actually took place 
 between the writing of Eph vi and that of Phil i, 
 and the result was so far favourable that his im- 
 prisonment and its cause, the Gospel, became widely 
 and clearly known to the higher ranks of Rome. 
 
 But the Epistle to the Philippians does not 
 mention Silvanus, and its address is from Paul and 
 Timotheus. The apparent absence of any reference 
 to Luke by name in the Epistle has been mentioned 
 before.^ But I think that the most probable inter- 
 
 phii iv 3. pretation of " true yoke-fellow ' is that which makes 
 it to mean Silas. The words and their context 
 appear to imply that the true yokefellow was the 
 closest of all St Paul's companions, that he was 
 sent on a special mission of some delicacy and, 
 as regards the women mentioned, of some difficulty, 
 and that the writer, while recognising their many 
 
 Ph ii 25-30. and great services and Clement's also, gave Epaphro- 
 ditus a place of the highest esteem and affection. 
 There is force in Lightfoot's remark that ' true ■ 
 yoke-fellow' means Epaphroditus, the bearer of the 
 letter, because in his case alone there would be no 
 risk of making the reference unintelligible by the 
 suppression of the name. But on the other hand we 
 must not forget the full force of ' yoke-fellow,' which 
 is far more than any one of the terms applied to 
 
 Ph ii 25. Epaphroditus, ' brother, fellow-worker, fellow-soldier.' 
 Brother is one of the brethren, who were now many ; 
 
 ip. 87. 
 
THE STOCKS AT PHILIPPI 
 
 109 
 
 the other two terms are applicable to all brethren 
 
 who were enlisted in St Paul's work generally. But 
 
 ' yoke-fellow ' implies that there was one, and one 
 
 only, who had borne a particular yoke and endured 
 
 a particular burden, since only two beasts bore a 
 
 yoke together. The word is a specially prophetic 
 
 term. When St Paul repeated the words, ' It is Ac xxvi 14. 
 
 hard for thee to kick against the goad,' he bethought 
 
 him of his condition as a yoke-bearing beast. I 
 
 think too it implies that he was a Prophet before 
 
 he was a Christian. Lightfoot therefore, on Phil iv 
 
 3, hardly does justice to the expression. 'Thy toilApUz. 
 
 and thy endurance' in the Epistle to the Angel of 
 
 the Church in Ephesus suggests the same thought 
 
 of the toiling ox. ' Take my yoke upon you ' is 
 
 itself part of the same image and nothing else. The Mtxi29. 
 
 ^C XV 10 
 
 yoke of the slave is rather different; for though Gaivi. 
 'slave' was especially a favourite term with the 
 prophets, slaves less often bore the yoke in pairs. 
 We seem then drawn to the conclusion that Silas 
 alone can be here intended. And if the Philippians 
 had not forgotten how Paul and Silas had once had 
 their feet fast in the stocks, they would not mistake 
 who most deserved the name of ' true yoke-fellow ' 
 {yvr\(Tit. (Tv^vye) to St Paul. We may conclude that 
 Silas went from Rome to Philippi, and returned to 
 St Paul at Rome. This he could have done within 
 three months. 
 
 Almost the last extant sentence of St Paul is 2 Tim iv n. 
 
no SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 that to Timothy, 'only Luke is with me.'i This is 
 the only reference to Luke or to Silvanus in the 
 three Pastoral Epistles. 
 
 Luke is Silvanus and Silas. 
 
 Thus the alternate appearance of Luke and of 
 Silas has run to its full circle in the Epistles of St 
 Paul. What a strange fact that we can never find 
 the two in the same place together, whether we 
 look through the optic glass of St Paul or that of 
 the writer of the Acts ! Timotheus and Titus, 
 Trophimus and Tychicus, all have their points of 
 mutual contact, which preclude their being identified 
 with one another, but as to Luke and Silas, we are 
 tempted to parody a famous line and say — if 
 disappearance from the scene of action is a sort 
 of death — 
 
 Sic Lucam Silas alterna morte redemit ! 
 
 The evidence is quite enough so far to justify 
 the challenge, that they must be proved to be two 
 men, or we must hold them to be one. I am unable 
 to find any one ground for believing them to be 
 two. Perhaps the above discussion may gave rise 
 
 1 Godet, Comm. on St Luke, i 21 commends Thiersch's conjecture as 
 ingenious, that the reference which follows almost immediately, ' Bring 
 with thee the books, but especially the parchments,' shows that St Paul 
 -was then occupied in some literary labour requiring these MSS. 
 
'T WRITE BY LUKE'S HAND'- m 
 
 to the discovery of some sort of proof that they 
 are two. Tradition on this point is of no value. 
 But before concluding this chapter there is some- 
 thing more to add. 
 
 On a previous occasion the present writer was 
 led by an examination of 2 Peter, apart from 
 I Peter, to conclude that it was written by an 
 enthusiastic Prophet, under the immediate direction 
 of St Peter, in his infirmity and old age, at Rome, 
 to Romans ; and that this Prophet was St Luke. 
 Little did it occur to him when he was led to that 
 conclusion, that it would ever prove that Luke was 
 Silas. But it remains to put this whole argument 
 to two more tests by asking first the plain question : 
 Does the word eypa-\f/-a in i Peter v I2 mean 'I 
 write ' or ' I send ' .■■ In teaching our fourth-form 
 boys we say it is ' I write ' and eVe/^n^a is ' I send.' 
 Thus we have St Peter clearly stating here : 
 ' I write this Epistle to you by the agency of 
 Silvanus, the faithful brother as I account him.' Yet 
 the almost universal voice of antiquity and to-day 
 declares that 'eypa\j/a here means ' I send.' Writers 
 insist on maintaining that i Peter was borne by 
 Silvanus round the coasts of Asia Minor. They 
 seem to think of Silvanus as Antony thought of 
 
 Lepidus : 
 
 This is a slight unmeritable man, 
 Meet to be sent on errands ! 
 
 As long as they maintain this, they will chng to 
 
112 SILVANUS' DISAPPEARANCE 
 
 their tenet, however unable to prove the duality of 
 Luke and Silas. But some day the scales will 
 fall from their eyes, and they will admit that here 
 as elsewhere eypa^p-a means I write. Silas is 
 Luke, and wrote i Peter, as he wrote 2 Peter, for 
 and with and in the name of the Apostle Peter, 
 who never became a Greek scholar equal to the 
 free idiomatic Greek of those Epistles, but yet 
 wished to send epistles in his own name from Rome 
 and the neighbourhood of Rome to the brethren 
 after St Paul's manner. 
 
 The other question^ is that ancient one of the 
 relation of Jude to 2 Peter: What was it.'' The 
 plain answer I now suggest is 'Judas and Silas 
 Ac XV 32. being Prophets also themselves,' used naturally one 
 and the same syllabus of teaching in the early days. 
 Accordingly in 2 Peter ii we have the version of 
 Silas, which is more especially, that is more so than 
 2 Peter i and iii, his very own, and yet most closely 
 allied to that of his former 'true yoke-fellow' Judas 
 or Jude. But this question has to be discussed at a 
 later page below. 
 
 ■' The Christian Prophets, pp. 149-163. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINE EPISTLES. 
 
 We pass from the scattered notices of the move- 
 ments of Luke in Acts and the Pauline Epistles to 
 -the consideration of his thoughts as exhibited in 
 the Petrine Epistles. If the prudent reader be 
 surprised at this invitation, and if he resent the 
 assumption that is couched in the foregoing words, 
 I can only ask him whether he is prepared to 
 steel himself against the elementary knowledge that 
 eypa\p-a most naturally means " I write." Peter 
 says /le writes by the agency of Silvanus, whom 
 nearly all readers have hitherto willingly and well 
 admitted to be Silas. The preceding pages have 
 tended to prove that Silas is Luke : and the 
 inference that Silas wrote the Third Gospel is 
 fruitfully suggestive of many lines of thought, which, 
 however, cannot be pursued now. At present we 
 are concerned with the clear statement of Peter i Pet v 12 
 himself, and we seek to test it further in connexion 
 with the results of the three previous chapters, and 
 
114 ■S^ LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 also in connexion with a result which the present 
 writer has tried to set forth ^ that 2 Peter proves 
 itself by internal evidence— and this is the only 
 evidence available — to be by the hand that wrote 
 Luke and Acts. 
 
 Style of the Petrine Epistles. 
 
 There is, without a doubt, some diversity of 
 style between i Peter and 2 Peter, on which com- 
 mentators have often enlarged, and on which some 
 further remarks will be offered later. A divergence 
 of style will strike any student either more or less 
 at different times of reading, and with more or less 
 use of the Greek Concordance. A divergence of 
 style will occasionally shew itself between different 
 writings which are acknowledged to be by the 
 same hand. A chapter here or there in a single 
 writing of St Paul, or even chapter ii of 2 Peter, 
 no less than passages in secular writers, will strike 
 the reader sometimes as betraying different author- 
 ship from that of the context. Style is a hard 
 thing to come by, and there is room for great 
 variety of opinion upon it. Still when the style 
 is taken together with the underlying thought, 
 when the expression is allowed to be pregnant 
 with meaning, and when the meaning is carefully 
 
 1 The Christian Frophe/s, pp. 157 ff. 
 
STYLE OF 2 PETER 115 
 
 considered and referred to its original, fount of 
 inspiration, we cannot fail to find some guidance 
 to the authorship. And it is only fair to ask that 
 every phenomenon of the works in question should 
 be regarded, both in itself, and in relation to other 
 phenomena, and that judgment should go by the 
 fullest and ripest consideration of all together. 
 Tradition there is virtually none. When we find 
 it we ought to be willing to count it for what it is 
 worth. Only the chain of tradition must not 
 desert us for 75 years after the date at which it 
 is contended that the works were written. Such a 
 breach, or anything like such a breach, is fatal to 
 the value of tradition. 
 
 2 Peter ' ambitious ' in style. 
 
 Two further preliminary remarks may be here 
 made with regard to style. Dr. Chase, in his article 
 on 2 Peter,^ has observed that the style of 2 Peter 
 is ' ambitious.' I note that Dr. Plummer says of 
 the style of St Luke's Gospel ^ that it is 
 ' ambitious.' I would no more hesitate to say with 
 Antony of Brutus, that both Doctors are ' honour- 
 able men,' than to say that Dr. Chase and 
 Dr. Plummer wrote independently of each other, 
 
 1 Hastings' Diet. Bible. 
 
 ^ Int. to Critical Commentary on St Ltike. 
 
1 16 ST LUKE IN THE PETRI NES 
 
 about the. same time, concerning their respective 
 authors' style, and without a thought of the identity 
 of authorship for the Third Gospel and the Second 
 Epistle of Peter. Yet it is strange that, like 
 Antony's Brutus, they should both consider that 
 their authors were 'ambitious.' I almost begin to 
 think that in style Silas was ' ambitious.' But 
 when we further ask, What is 'ambitious'? the 
 answer is not so easy. Let us hope that the 
 dangerous epithet may be somehow reduced to its 
 true proportions as we proceed in our enquiry. 
 
 Quotations of O. T. in the Petrine Epistles. 
 
 The other observation refers to a more tangible 
 piece of evidence, the number of quotations from 
 the O.T. which can be identified in i Peter and 
 2 Peter respectively. There is no doubt that a 
 writer, even in the very rare position of embodying 
 a friend's thoughts and expressing them in words 
 for him, as I have been led to think that Luke 
 did for Peter, tends to revert to certain favourite 
 works and passages of original Suggestion. Sir Walter 
 Scott will hardly write a novel without its containing 
 a reference to magical arts and witchcraft somewhere 
 or other. Ex pede Hercuiem. The pes will leave 
 its print upon the familiar citation. Let us see then 
 how the case stands between the two Petrine Epistles. 
 
QUOTATIONS A TEST nj 
 
 A cursory glance at the O.T. quotations in i 
 Peter compared with those in 2 Peter, as collected 
 in Westcott's and Hort's edition (1881), will shew 
 a remarkable contrast in point of number. The 
 former contains in its seven pages no less than 
 36 quotations ; the latter contains in its four pages 
 and a quarter only 6 quotations. This difference 
 has been alleged as an indication of separate 
 authorship for the two epistles. But if we look 
 again, we shall observe that while 2 Peter quotes 
 from three O.T. books only, Isaiah (both I and II), 
 Psalms, and Proverbs, the predominant quotations 
 in I Peter are from those very three books ; 
 namely, Isaiah (II), giving 6 quotations, Isaiah (I) 5, 
 Psalms 8, Proverbs 5. Twenty-four out of the 
 thirty-six are thus accounted for, and in point of 
 length they are considerably longer than the 
 remaining twelve. Moreover these twelve may 
 be reduced to eight by not counting repetitions. 
 Th^re is therefore a very remarkable agreement 
 between the two epistles in point of proportion in 
 their O.T. quotations. This is undeniable, but it 
 will, I think, be admitted that it is a kind of 
 agreement which is naturally explained only by 
 supposing identity of authorship for the two 
 Epistles, and that it is the very l^z'c which any 
 forger, or simulator, or imitator, would di-eam of 
 manufacturing as a means of recommending his 
 work under a false title. ■ 
 
Il8 ST LUKE IN THE PETRI NES 
 
 The position of the Christian Prophets in i Peter. 
 
 Let us then at once proceed to examine the attitude 
 of I Peter to the Christian Prophets as a then living 
 power in the Church. We very soon come upon a 
 crucial passage in i Pet i 10-12. This must refer 
 to Christian prophets as well as to O.T. prophets. 
 We first observe that the O.T. prophets cannot be 
 said to 'search out,' (e^epavvav, but this was the 
 special work and function of the Christian prophets 
 as of all who looked for Messiah's coming. Thus 
 
 jnv39. our Lord said : ' Ye (Jews who know the Bible) search 
 the Scriptures, for ye think in them to have eternal 
 life ; and they (if ye read them aright) are they 
 
 jn vii 52. which witness about me.' ' Search (the Scriptures) 
 and see that a prophet doth not arise out of Galilee.' 
 
 I Cor ii 10. Again St Paul says: — 'The (prophetic) spirit, the 
 agency by which God made revelation to prophets, 
 searcheth all things, even the deep things of God.' 
 Consequently we, the Prophets, do now ' speak not 
 by words taught of human wisdom, but taught of 
 the Spirit, spiritually taught, critically comparing 
 (a-v/KpivovTe^) spiritual things with spiritual . . . 
 corii 16. and we have Messiah's mind.' 
 
 The word ' ecstasy ' is not used in the passage 
 I Pet i, but it is implied in the two very strong 
 words e^e^tirrjcrav Koi e^r/pavvrjcrav ; in their seeking 
 out and searching out of the scriptures the Prophets 
 
DR. HORT CRITICISED 
 
 1 19 
 
 must needs be taken out of themselves in abstract 
 thought ; they must needs pass through the condition 
 of ecstasy ; thus they received their revelation or 
 apocalypse. The object of their search was ' to i Cor h 12. 
 find in reference to what time, or failing that, what 
 sort of crisis ^ the Messiah-spirit which in them was Cor ii n. 
 making its revelation clear. The Spirit is the same 
 that used to testify (" was protesting," Hort) before- 
 hand of the sufferings which were to extend to 
 Messiah and to be fulfilled in Him, with the glories 
 that should follow. To the Christian prophets was 
 revelation (thus) made, because ' (the A.V. translation 
 "that" is quite wrong) 'they were ministering the 
 
 ' Of course Dr Hort's learned notes will be studied on this passage. 
 Unfortunately he has not elucidated the sense, if there be any, in the 
 idea that O.T. prophets could 'seek out and search out.' He says: 
 ' St Peter doubtless found the evidence for this seeking and searching 
 in the prophecies themselves.' (p. 49b). He then goes on to say; 
 ' It is a remarkable illustration of this chasm in O. T. prophecy, 
 that, when St Paul is wishing in Rom. and Gal. to justify out of the 
 O.T. his doctrine of salvation by faith, the one text from the prophets 
 which he is able to adduce is Hab ii 4 ; his other great proof-text being 
 the Pentateuchal saying about Abraham. ' I really must demur to this 
 statement of St Paul's ability. Was he really unable to find anything 
 else in the Pentateuch, in the Psalms, in the Prophets on this subject ? 
 I cannot think so, especially when I read in Rom ix 33 that he has 
 actually quoted Is xxviii 16. So far does the authority of Dr Hort's 
 great name and marvellous learning carry us away, that criticism is 
 awed and hushed for a time, then it awakens to the fact that no man is 
 always at his best — plerumque bonus dormitat et Hortus — and that post- 
 humous works especially require the most careful scrutiny. We may 
 observe that St Paul has chosen in Gen xv 6 and Hab ii 4 two texts 
 which fairly represent the beginning and the end of the O.T.— the 
 sacred volume from cover to cover. 
 
I20 ST LUKE IN THE PETRI NES 
 
 things revealed, not for themselves but for you, and 
 they were announced unto you through them that 
 preached the gospel unto you by the Holy Ghost 
 sent forth from heaven.' 
 
 The O.T. Prophets did not seek out their own 
 meaning. 
 
 The present writer finds himself unable to make 
 sense of this passage if it be supposed, with Hort 
 'and others, that the O.T. Prophets are intended. 
 For it would require to be shewn, what Hort says 
 that ' St Peter doubtless found the evidence for,' 
 that the O.T. Prophets did seek and search in their 
 own prophecies. If they did so, would it be im- 
 possible for us to find some trace of such seeking 
 and searching? But this, or anything like it, is 
 nowhere to be found .■" The O.T. Prophets do not 
 betray the smallest desire to search in their own 
 prophecies for anything hidden. Nor do they shew 
 an inability to find an object of search. They have 
 never wrapped up any truth in obscure language 
 in order that they may themselves discover it again. 
 These are still some O.T. prophecies awaiting elucida- 
 tion by us — and they are comparatively very few — 
 prophecies of which we seek and search for the true 
 meaning, prophecies of which perhaps no clue can 
 be safely and certainly found- to the fulfilment or 
 
O.T. PROPHETS INTELLIGIBLE 12 1 
 
 even to the origin. But the seeking and the searching 
 is ours alone. Where can we find the least proof 
 that it was ever undertaken by the authors? It 
 would be indeed a strange position that a Prophet 
 in trumpet tones should deliver his prophecy, and 
 then forthwith set to work to discover its meaning. 
 He lifted up his voice and said, 'Hear, O heavens, is i 2. 
 give ear, O earth : for the Lord hath spoken.' Are 
 we to believe that this direct and divine message 
 is one which he must at once sit down to unravel 
 the meaning of.' How helpless and even ridiculous 
 would be the condition of the Prophet who called 
 heaven and earth to hear a message which he could not 
 understand himself, and must seek out and search out 
 the season or crisis— a tinie of the far-distant future — 
 or^ failing that, the kind of season, to which it 
 applied ! 
 
 It cannot be too often asserted, that the O.T. 
 Prophets delivered a clear, direct, intelligible message 
 to the men of their own time. ' Go and cry in 
 the ears of Jerusalem, saying' is not a command jerii 2. 
 that can possibly be followed by such words as ' what 
 thou canst not understand.' The charge to Ezekiel, 
 ' I do send thee unto them, and thou shalt say ez u 4. 
 unto them. Thus saith the Lord God,' implies clearly 
 enough that the hearers, ' though they be a rebellious 
 house,' can hear if they choose; they are notEziiis. 
 barbarians, like them of Tyre and Sidon ; had they 
 been so, they would have hearkened :— they are 
 
122 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 Ez 11126 .his ov/n people, to whom his rebuke is plain enough. 
 Even the visions, which are in detail perhaps per- 
 plexing to us, were clear to the prophet himself, 
 and are to be interpreted by his own environment. 
 What depth of further and secondary meaning they 
 and all his prophecies may bear for us is another 
 question : the Prophet, who foresaw the immediate 
 future, had no knowledge of the historical details 
 of the distant future. He could not ascertain them 
 and did not profess to know them. Moses and 
 David, Isaiah and Ezekiel, were wholly unconscious 
 of any further meaning than that which they con- 
 veyed to their present and immediate hearers. Had 
 they been conscious of anything further, they would 
 have been lifted above the limitations of human 
 nature, and their miraculous powers would, to use 
 Bp Westcott's words on another prophetic subject, 
 have ' introduced confusion into life.' 
 
 The Angels looking down into the fulfilments. 
 
 It may be urged, however, that this is what the 
 prophets of O.T. were and are said in i Pet i 12 to 
 have been, — lifted above the limitations of human 
 nature, nay above those of angelic nature,^ ' which 
 things (even) angels desire to look down into.' The 
 words must now be considered. Hort points out 
 'Cf. I Cor vi 3, 'we shall judge angels.' 
 
THE ANGELS' FORECAST. 
 
 123 
 
 that these things, upon which the angels in heaven 
 look down, must therefore be on earth, not in heaven. 
 It cannot be doubted that this is the meaning. And 
 he refers to Enoch ix i : ' And when the four 
 great archangels Michael and Uriel and Raphael and 
 Gabriel heard it, they looked down (TrapeKV^rav eirl) 
 upon the earth from the holy ones of heaven.' 1 This 
 is undoubtedly the origin of the expression in i Pet 
 i 12, as Hort says, and we thus have one more proof 
 of the free use of apocalyptic uncanonical works 
 by Silvanus-Luke in writing i Peter, as we have in 
 his companion Jude. Hort then goes on to say 
 that the things ' which angels desire to look into ' 
 cannot be the historical contents of the Gospel 
 message, because the necessary key to that was the 
 final exaltation, which is in heaven, and he limits 
 the meaning to the 'grace' and 'salvation' extended 
 to the Gentiles. The limitation appears perhaps 
 somewhat too strict, but let it pass. He proceeds : 
 " But this manifestation of grace drew down the 
 eyes of angels less as a present fact than as a 
 promise of the future : they recognised the fulfil- 
 ment of prophecy as itself a larger prophecy, subject 
 to the necessary conditions of prophecy and pre- 
 eminently partaking of its mysteriousness." This 
 
 •'For the general idea of the angels desiring to know the future, 
 
 we may further compare Enoch cviii 7, ' For some of them are 
 
 written and inscribed above in the heavens in order that the 
 
 angels may read them and know that which will befall the sinners 
 and the spirits of the humble. ..." 
 
124 
 
 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 indeed is a paradox ; prophecy fulfilled is prophecy 
 unfulfilled : it never is fulfilled ! It is like the 
 Camelot of which the old seer so finely said : — 
 
 For an ye heard a music, like enow 
 
 They are building still, seeing the city is built 
 
 To music, therefore never built at all, 
 
 And therefore built for ever.^ 
 
 But the old seer was not exactly an O.T. Prophet. 
 Nor did Dr Hort mean what Tennyson means. He 
 meant that the primary fulfilment of O.T. prophecy 
 was itself a prophecy, and mysterious, and awaited in 
 turn, its fulfilment. We may agree so far as to say 
 that every O.T. prophecy has («) its fulfilment which 
 we may call primary, and this is its application to 
 the immediate circumstances of the time at which 
 it was uttered ; and {b) its fulfilment which we 
 may call secondary, and this is its application by 
 the Christian Prophets to the circumstances of their 
 later time. Any other fulfilment of O.T. prophecy 
 is a matter which theology, so far at least as the 
 present writer and the present treatise are- con- 
 cerned, must set on one side for the present. It 
 is plain that all inferences. drawn from Daniel and 
 Revelation as to the nearness of the last things in 
 the year 1900 A.D. belong to a special province of 
 eschatological study and must be regarded apart, 
 however important the issues and however unmis- 
 
 ' Tennyson, Gareih. and Lynette 
 
SECONDARY FULFILMENTS 
 
 125 
 
 takeable the signs. Now the point where Dr Hort 
 seems to invite controversy is his remark that the 
 fulfilment of prophecy, by which I think he means 
 its primary fulfilment, is itself a larger prophecy. 
 We must, for purposes of scriptural theology, ask 
 the question, To whom is it a larger prophecy ? 
 And if the answer is, to the O.T. Prophets them- 
 selves, then we must say, as was said before, that 
 there is absolutely no trace of this, and the idea 
 is untenable until abundant .proof of it is furnished 
 from their writings. If the answer should be, on the 
 other hand, to the Christian Prophets, then we must 
 reply that it has been shewn elsewhere that they 
 wholly ignored the primary fulfilment and wholly 
 concerned themselves with the words of the original 
 O.T. prophecy.^ Their belief was that the O.T. 
 Prophets were animated by the Messiah-spirit, usually 
 translated ' the Spirit of Christ,' and that they them- 
 selves were moved by the same. They held the 
 doctrine of the unity and continuity of the spirit of 
 prophecy. Their function was to ' seek out and 
 search out in reference to what time, or failing that, 
 what sort of time the Messiah-spirit was making 
 clear ' its revelations. When it was clear, they must 
 declare it as evangelists and carry it abroad as Mis- 
 sionary Apostles. They maintained that the appli- 
 cation, when found and approved by the rules of 
 their order, which were divine in their origin and 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, pp. 62 ff. 
 
126 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 exercise, was clear,— so clear that the salvation of 
 the world depended on the announcement and 
 acceptance of it as the good tidings. Consequently 
 Dr Hort's words seem to require that instead of 
 'the angels recognised the fulfilment of prophecy as 
 itself a larger ^ prophecy,' we should say ' the angels 
 recognised O.T. prophecy as itself of larger or 
 secondary application.' The things which angels 
 desire to look down into are the larger or secondary 
 applications by Christian Prophets of O.T. prophecy. 
 We thus have a very clear meaning of the whole 
 passage, and but for the interposition of centuries 
 of commentators ignoring Christian prophecy and 
 Christian Prophets, it would have been always 
 clear. 
 
 O.T. Prophecy is free from ^hidden suggestions! 
 
 But we have not yet done with Dr Hort's com- 
 mentary. He says that the word eSrjXov, ' was dis- 
 closing ' (Hort) — ■' did point unto ' (R.V.), ' did signify ' 
 (A.V.) — is a strange word prima facie. Now .any 
 ordinary Greek scholar would say it was a plain 
 word, a common word, an easy word prima facie. 
 
 1 The expression of Clem. R. Cor 5 that ' Paul went unto the holy 
 place having been found a notable pattern {v7roypafj.i/,6s) of patient 
 endurance' is hardly a support of this statement, though the word 
 is used I Pet ii 21 of Christ. 
 
NO HIDDEN SUGGESTIONS 
 
 127 
 
 It is a very common word indeed, and we have 
 learned it ever since our Aesop's fables, ' The fable 
 shews,' ' makes clear.' Says Dr Hort : " It is still 
 more often used of any indirect ^ kind of communi- 
 cation. . . . Thus it might stand for faint half- 
 hidden suggestions of the spirit in the midst of its 
 clearer notifications." Indirect it may be — for speech 
 and writing are indirect sometimes — but absolutely 
 clear it is, and free from all concealment and ' half- 
 hidden suggestions.' St Luke was a classical scholar, 
 and we do not begin again to read the scores of 
 references in Liddell and Scott in order to test 
 whether SrjXos, SrjXow, can imply 'half-hidden sug- 
 gestions' which are supposed to be imported by 
 their authors, or which their authors are ' to seek out 
 and to search out ' of their own utterances. The 
 power which some people possess of seeing diffi- 
 culties where there are none is far greater than any 
 man's power of solving true difficulties. But we 
 may best uphold the laws of the Greek language 
 and general intelligence by maintaining that eSrjXov 
 means ' was shewing clearly.' He who is loyal to 
 the e.ssence of truth will be resolved to take the 
 consequences of his acts and words, though he may 
 
 ^ It is interesting to contrast a remark of Zahn (Einl. ii, p. 54) on 
 the same word eS-fi\a<rev in 2 Pet i 14. He says : ' This straight- 
 forward expression does not point -to a miraculous revelation.' It 
 would seem possible that it should apply so, but Zahn is right in 
 proposing the other meaning. In any case it means ' clearly 
 shewed.' 
 
128 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 seem to wear a disguise, as Gareth did of old- in 
 
 Tennyson's Idyll, when 
 
 the Seer replied, 
 ' Know ye not then the Riddling of the Bards : 
 " Confusion, and illusion, and relation. 
 Elusion, and occasion, and evasion?" 
 I mock thee not but as thou mockest me . . . 
 And now thou goest up to mock the King, 
 Who cannot brook the shadow of any lie.' 
 
 Never was anyone more absolutely free from the 
 shadow of any He than the great critic and beloved 
 and venerable man, whose words are under dis- 
 cussion ; but when he wrote this portion of his 
 commentary he must have been sore bestead by the 
 Riddling of the Bards, or he would not have thus 
 understated the ability of St Paul. ?rom one 
 erroneous step he has passed to another, till he is 
 well-nigh lost in those terrible Abstractions of Tenny- 
 son's old seer. The angels have no desire to look 
 down from heaven upon such Abstractions as these, 
 but the things which, according to i Peter, they 
 desire to see are the effect of the Good Tidings 
 on the earth, the unfolding of the purpose of God 
 among Jews and Gentiles, the ever-widening circle of 
 the Church holy unto the Lord, the springing of that 
 stately Palace or City built upon the foundation of 
 the apostles and prophets, till 'tipt with lessening- 
 peak and pinnacle,' they ' made it spire to heaven.' ^ 
 
 ^This grand prophetic Image which has so profoundly impressed 
 St Luke, St Peter, and St Paul will be dealt with below. It originates 
 in O.T,, but receives definite shape in the Book of Enoch. 
 
UNITY OF PROPHECY 
 
 129 
 
 Christian Prophecy recognised in i Peter and 2 Peter. 
 
 What relation then does this passage bear to the 
 passage on Prophecy in 2 Peter i ? "^ We have seen 
 that in both cases prophecy is aHve, and Christian. 
 On no other ground is either passage capable of 
 reasonable interpretation. First : in i Peter i the 
 Prophets continue to 'seek out and search out' of 
 the Scriptures of O.T. the will of God as shewn 
 in texts, of which they were and are to find ful- 
 filments. In 2 Peter i the readers, who are not in 
 the first instance the same as those of i Peter, are 
 warned that private interpretation of the O.T. proves 
 to be impossible, that the interpretation is limited 
 to Christian Prophets endowed with the Holy Spirit, 
 that the Prophets of old themselves only spake 
 when moved by the Spirit ; hence false prophets 
 are a snare and a danger, and will be punished. 
 Next : in i Peter we are told of a Messiah-spirit 
 animating and possessing the Christian prophets as 
 it possessed the O.T. prophets. In 2 Peter we 
 are told of a Holy Spirit which bore or carried 
 them. There is no difference here but one of form 
 and metaphor. Lastly, we learn from i Peter that 
 the revelation was made to Prophets because they 
 were the body entrusted with the ministration of 
 its contents and bound in duty to pass them on as 
 
 ^See The Christian Prophets, p. 15S ff. 
 I 
 
I30 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 the gospel, by means of the preachers who announced 
 them to the readers. And from 2 Peter we learn 
 that no usurpation of prophetic powers is lawful, 
 though the prophets now, as of old, are human 
 : Pet i 21. beings, and the last word ' men ' is not without its 
 emphasis.^ 
 
 Use of Apocryphal Books in i Peter and 2 Peter. 
 
 The next point which engages our notice is the 
 attitude which is adopted by i Peter and by 2 
 Peter respectively towards Apocryphal books. The 
 Book of Enoch was highly esteemed by Jude, wh6 
 has quoted from it once and referred to it once. 
 And if Luke were really the author of i Peter 
 and of 2 Peter, and had been the close companion 
 in apostleship of Jude, it would be strange if he 
 could write in such a similar strain to Jude's without 
 any use of the venerated book which Jude supposed 
 to be so ancient. After agreeing so closely with 
 Jude on the six heads of ungodliness as to treat 
 of them in exactly the same order ;^ after enter- 
 taining and propounding the same intention with 
 Jude to compose a larger work concerning the 
 common salvation ; after resolving to put forward 
 
 ^Cf. Ez xxxiv 31, 'And ye, my flock, the flock of my pasture, 
 are men.' Heb and LXX Codex Marchalianus. 
 ^ This question is worked out below, chap. vii. 
 
RESTITUTION IN FULFILMENT 
 
 131 
 
 his present ad interim writing exactly as Jude did, 
 the writer of 2 Peter must have entertained, we 
 should suppose, a decided conviction adverse to the 
 Book of Enoch if he entirely passed it by : and if 
 he quoted it, then he would be one degree removed 
 from the writer of i Peter if the latter shewed 
 no trace of its influence. If there is a resemblance 
 between i Peter and 2 Peter in their quotations 
 of O.T., we may expect to find a resemblance in 
 their references to non-canonical works. 
 
 The Water of the Deluge. 
 
 Let us see whether in this expectation we shall 
 be disappointed. The two passages which are first 
 to be compared are as follows: 
 
 I P ii 18 ff. Because even Christ died for sins 
 once, the righteous on behalf of the unrighteous, in 
 order that he may lead us unto God; put to death 
 in flesh, but quickened in spirit; by which also he 
 went and preached to the spirits in prison, who 
 had been disobedient aforetime when the long- 
 suffering of God was earnestly waiting in Noah's 
 days while an ark was a-preparing into which a 
 few, that is eight souls, (entered and) were carried 
 safely through by means of water. Which water 
 (or rather its) antitype now saves you, (I mean) 
 baptism, not the putting away, etc. . . . 
 
132 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 2 P iii S- For they willingly ignore the fact 
 that there were heavens of old and (dry) land com- 
 pacted out of water and through water by the word 
 of God, through which waters the then world was 
 inundated and perished : But the present heavens and 
 the earth have by the same word been treasured 
 up for fire, being reserved unto a day of judgment 
 and destruction of ungodly men. 
 
 To deal first with the latter passage. The account 
 of the creation here given is based on Genesis. The 
 Genii-ii. 'compacted' earth, or rather land, represents a word 
 Gen i IT. in LXX : 'The compactions of the waters he called 
 seas.' The word is not applied in Genesis LXX to 
 the land, but the analogy is obvious. The land was 
 compacted out of the water, because 'the water 
 under the heaven was to be gathered into one 
 gathering for the dry land to appear.' It was 
 compacted through (that is, by a division of) water, 
 because the waters beneath the firmament had first 
 to be divided from the waters above the firma- 
 ment. The account of the Deluge, ' through which 
 waters . . . ,' is also based on Genesis, where it is 
 Genviiii said that there was a combination of the waters 
 below and those above. . ' The fountains of the 
 abyss were broken (up) and the cataracts of heaven 
 were opened.' 
 
FIRE IN PROPHECY 133 
 
 The Fire of the Destruction of the Earth. 
 
 At this point, however, we cease to find the basis 
 for 2 Peter in the O.T. There is indeed a passage 
 in Isaiah where the wrath of the Lord falls upon all is xxxiv 4. 
 the nations, but it does not speak of fire. Rather 
 the contrary is implied. ' All the (starry) powers 
 of heaven shall wither, the heaven shall be rolled 
 like a book, and all the constellations shall fall 
 like leaves from a vine, and as leaves fall from 
 a figtree ' (LXX). This passage seems to imply 
 rather the extinction of such fire as there is in the 
 heavens. 
 
 There is another passage from which 2 Peter 
 
 might have drawn its language, in the Song of 
 
 Moses: 'A fire is kindled in mine anger, and shall oem xxxu 
 
 22. 
 turn unto the lowest hell, and shall consume the 
 
 earth with her increase, and set on fire the founda- 
 tions of the mountains.' Here the original reference 
 is not to the destruction of the heavens and the 
 earth, but to that of the land of rebellious Jeshurun. 
 Yet this fact would not have prevented it from 
 being applied by 2 Peter, since, as we have seen, 
 the original circumstances of a Scripture are not 
 regarded,! and often doubtless were not known, by 
 the Christian Prophet who used the language of it. 
 But there is no trace of this passage being before 
 ' See The Christian Prophets., pp. 63 ff. 
 
134 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 the mind of 2 Peter,i and the omission to quote is 
 all the more remarkable. 
 
 From whence, then, is the thought of the fiery 
 destruction drawn, together with the language in 
 which it is clothed ? We may confidently say that 
 there is a passage in our present Book of Enoch — 
 though perhaps it has no right to be there, being 
 
 Enixvii. a Noachic interpolation^ — which has greatly influ- 
 enced 2 Peter : ' But (8) these waters will in those 
 days serve for the Kings ... for the punishment 
 of the spirit, because their spirit is full of lust, that 
 they may be punished in their body ; for they have 
 
 sPetiii. denied the Lord of Spirits ... (13) Because these 
 waters of judgment minister to the healing of the 
 body of the kings and to the best of their body ; 
 therefore they will not see and will not believe 
 that those waters will change and become a fire 
 which burns for ever.' 
 
 Another passage is the concluding chapter of the 
 
 En cviii 3, 5. Book : ' They will burn with fire where there is no 
 earth.' ... ' What is this shining thing? for it is not 
 a heaven but only the flame of a burning fire' Both 
 texts undoubtedly describe a kind of hell, but we note 
 that both earth and heaven have given place to fire. 
 Again, while 2 Peter iii 10 says : ' The elements 
 
 En i 4 f. shall melt with fervent Iieat,' Enoch says : ' The 
 
 ' TriKbixevoi indeed occurs in Deut xxxii 24, but only of men wasting 
 with hunger. T^Kerai, is a quotation from Isaiah, I.e. 
 ^ See Charles, Book of Enoch, p. 169. 
 
FIRE IN ENOCH 135 
 
 Holy and Great One will come forth from his 
 dwelling, the God of the world. And ... He will 
 tread on Mount Sinai . . . and the high mountains 
 will be shaken, and the high hills will be made 
 low, and will melt like wax before the flame.' 
 
 Again : ' And in those days when the Most High En cu i. 
 brings a grievous fire upon you, whither will ye flee 
 and where will ye find deliverance ? ' There seems 
 to be a reference to this in i Pet i 7, ' that the trial 
 of your faith . . . with fire', etc. 
 
 Again : ' In those days the nations will be stirred En xcix 4. 
 
 En xci 14. 
 
 Up and the families of the nations will arise on the 
 day of destruction'. So also : ' And all the world 
 will be written down'^ for destruction.' 
 
 Again : ' And in those days will the earth also En u i. 
 give back those who are treasured up within it.' 
 
 Again, while 2 Peter iii 10 says : ' The heavens 
 shall pass away with a great noise,' Enoch says : En ix i. 
 ' I saw how the heaven of heavens quaked with a 
 great earthquake (sic)! He has said just before : ' I 
 saw the secrets of the thunder and how the peal 
 thereof is heard and how ... it serves for a curse 
 before the Lord of Spirits.' 
 
 ^The parallel to this in 2 Peter is the strange expression in iii 10 
 which WH print as eipeSiitTeTai.. On this Hort observes (Int. N. T. 
 § 365) : ' It fully accounts for all other four readings, while no other 
 reading will. . . . Yet it is hardly less certain by intrinsic probability 
 that eyp. cannot be right. ... It is the parent of the rest, and yet 
 itself corrupt. ' I suggest that 7pa0i)(r6Tai, will be written, is the lost 
 original. 
 
136 ST LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 Again, while 2 Peter iii 1 3 says : ' But we await 
 new heavens and a new earth according to his 
 promise, wherein dwelleth righteousness.' Enoch 
 En xci 16. had said : ' And the first heaven will depart and 
 pass away, and a new heaven will appear, and all 
 the powers of the heavens will shine sevenfold for 
 ever. And after that there will be many weeks 
 without number for ever in goodness and righteous- 
 ness, and sin will no more be mentioned for ever.' 
 
 Thus, although there is not a single quotation of 
 any length from Enoch in 2 Peter, it is not too much 
 to say that many elementary ideas of the later work 
 are found in the former, which has profoundly in- 
 fluenced St Luke, as we have seen that it influenced 
 Jude. Anyone who reads the Book of Enoch would 
 draw from it the idea that fire was to play a most 
 important and overwhelming part in the future of 
 the world, whether it emanated from the sulphur 
 En xxiii 2. springs of Palestine, or from the cities of the Plain, 
 or from the ceaseless river of fire that ran regularly 
 in the west, towards the end of the earth. There 
 is indeed so much said about fire that it is almost 
 surprising to find in Enoch no distinct and straight- 
 forward declaration of fire as the final means of 
 destruction, the more so because it is implied per- 
 is ne. ha,ps in Isaiah once, and Zephaniah comes near it. 
 
 Zeph iii 8. 
 
 This concludmg touch was left for the hand of 
 Luke to put on paper. 
 
'RESTITUTION' OF THE DELUGE 137 
 
 The Water of the Destruction of the Earth. 
 
 Again the frequency of references to Noah in the 
 Book of Enoch, and the fulness of the details of 
 the deluge, will suffice to explain to any reader 
 why both i Peter and 2 Peter have agreed in dwell- 
 ing upon the destruction of the world by water. 
 To our modern notions the reference must appear 
 forced and far-fetched in both cases. For in 
 2 Peter it is obvious that ' the world ' in its proper 
 sense must include the fair order of the heaven as 
 well as the earth or land and the sea. But the 
 heaven was not destroyed at all, and we cannot say 
 that the sea perished either. There is therefore a 
 failure of the contrast, when in the future it is fore- 
 told that the heaven shall pass away and the 
 elements melt. 
 
 On the other hand— to return to i Pet iii 8 — 
 we find there that the deluge, or the water of it, 
 is said to be the saving means, where we should 
 have been disposed to say that the Ark was the 
 saving and the water the destroying means. 'But 
 Luke here notes the restitution or antitype (see ch. viii).' 
 We may also notice in passing a very remarkable 
 resemblance between i Peter and 2 Peter in the use 
 of the preposition Aa, ' through.' For it is a slight 
 alleviation of the difficulty, and only a slight one, 
 if we give the same rather peculiar sense to the 
 
138 ST LUKE IN THE PETRI NES 
 
 preposition in both passages — as it appears that we 
 must give it — and translate it ' by the division of 
 water.' The persons in the Ark in i Peter were 
 brought safely through by the waters dividing so as 
 to leave a special path for the Ark, whereby it was 
 uninjured by the cataracts of heaven which opened 
 and the fountains of the great deep which broke up. 
 Those who attempt (if any still attempt) to main- 
 tain the literal accuracy of the Genesis account of 
 Noah's ark must admit that this ' deeply laden, sail- 
 less, oarless, and rudderless craft, if by good fortune 
 it escaped capsizing in whirpools, or having its 
 bottom knocked into holes by drags (like those 
 which prove fatal even to well-built steamers on the 
 Mississippi in our day), would have speedily found 
 itself a good way down the Persian Gulf, and not 
 long after in the Indian Ocean, somewhere between 
 Arabia and Hindostan. Even if eventually the Ark 
 might have gone ashore, with other jetsam and 
 flotsam, on the coasts of Arabia, or of Hindostan, 
 or of the Maldives, or of Madagascar, its return to 
 the " mountains of Ararat " would have been a 
 miracle more stupendous than all the rest.'^ We 
 must bear in mind that the difficulties of the sub- 
 sidence of the waters in the floating of the Ark 
 were fully as great as those of their increase and 
 prevalence. 'The assertion that the surface of a 
 body of deep water, to which no addition was made, 
 ^ Huxley, Lux Mundi and Science. 
 
THE DIVISION OF WATER. 139 
 
 and which there was nothing to stop from running 
 into the sea, sank at the rate of only a few inches 
 or even feet a day, simply outrages the most ordi- 
 nary and familiar teachings of every man's daily 
 experience.' i Peter partly meets this difficulty. 
 
 Tke Spirits in Prison in i Peter — Enoch. 
 
 If we pursue further the sense of i Peter, we find 
 exactly similar phenomena : the passages are obscure 
 until illuminated from the Book of Enoch. One 
 has been already mentioned as discovered by Dr 
 Hort^ in i Peter i. Here follow others. 
 
 The spirits in prison who were disobedient are 1 Pet m 19. 
 distinctly, and seem to be exclusively, the souls of 
 those who were destroyed by the deluge. But first 
 of all we find in Enoch the mention of a prison 
 for the stars who were disobedient. ' The angel 
 said : This is the place where heaven and earth En xviu 14. 
 terminate; it serves for a prison for the stars of 
 heaven and the host of heaven. And the stars which 
 roll over the fire are they which have transgressed 
 the commandment of God before their rising because 
 they did not come forth at the appointed time. 
 And He was wroth with them and bound them till 
 the time when their guilt should be consummated 
 in the year of the mystery.' 
 
 ^See p. 123. 
 
I40 Sr LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 Secondly: we have the prison of the fallen angels: 
 En xviii 14. And Uriel said to me : ' Here will stand the angels 
 Gen vis. who have sinned with women' — a reference to the 
 sin which caused the deluge — ' and with their 
 women also it will fare in like manner as with 
 their friends.' Elsewhere we read of the offspring 
 En X 13. of this unholy union : ' In those days they will be 
 led off to the abyss of fire : in torment and in 
 prison will they be confined for ever and ever.' 
 There is a prison of the angels also: 'This place' 
 En Mi 10. (of chaos) ' is the prison of the angels, and here 
 En i.iix 28. they will be imprisoned for ever.' Again : ' With 
 chains shall they be bound, and in their assemblage- 
 place of destruction shall they be imprisoned.' 
 Thirdly : that human beings are in prison is clear 
 En XX 6. from the following : ' Saraqael, one of the holy 
 angels, who is set over the spirits of the children 
 of men, whose spirits have sinned.' 
 
 Fourthly : there is a later passage in which a 
 En ixiii I. desire to repent is shewn by those in prison. ' In 
 those days will the mighty and the kings who 
 possess the earth implore His angels of punishment 
 to whom they were delivered to grant them a little 
 respite, that they might fall down before the Lord 
 of Spirits, and worship, and confess their sins before 
 Him. And they will . . . say : Blessed is the Lord 
 of Spirits ! . . . We have now learnt that we 
 should glorify and bless the Lord of Kings . . . 
 for we have not believed before Him.' . . . Upon 
 
THE SPIRITS IN PRISON 141 
 
 this regret for unbelief and desire to confess their 
 sins and to worship before the Lord on the part 
 of the spirits in prison is built by St Luke the 
 idea that the Messiah after His death on the Cross 
 receives a spiritual quickening in order to go and 
 preach to them. 
 
 T/te House of God in i Peter — Enoch. 
 
 There is also another passage which clearly reflects i pet iv 17. 
 an idea of the Book of Enoch, one to which we shall 
 refer at greater length hereafter, i Peter says ' It jcn xd 13. 
 is time for the sentence' (or judgment) 'to begin 
 from the house of God.' Now, we find in Enoch that 
 after the Eighth week of righteousness, 'they will 
 acquire houses through their righteousness, and the 
 House of the Great King will be built in glory for 
 evermore. And after that in the Ninth week the 
 righteous judgment will be revealed to the whole 1 Pet iv 13. 
 world, and all the works of the godless will vanish 
 from the whole earth, and the world will be written 
 down for destruction, and all mankind will look to 
 the path of righteousness. And after this will be 
 the great eternal judgment, in which he will execute 
 vengeance amongst the angels. And the first 
 heaven,' etc. (See p. 280 below.) 
 
 The source of the canonical passage is unmistake- 
 ably Enoch. It is indeed claimed that Ez ix 6 is 
 
142 ST LUKE IN THE PE TRINE S 
 
 the source instead of Enoch. But this cannot be. 
 Ezekiel says : ' Slay utterly old and young, both 
 maids and little children, and women : but come 
 not near any man upon whom is the mark ; and 
 begin at my sanctuary.' (LXX ' my holy ones.') 
 'Then they began at the ancient men which were 
 before the house. And he said unto them. Defile 
 the house, and fill the courts with the slain.' Now 
 even making all allowance for the disregard of 
 context by the Christian Prophets when they quote 
 the O.T., we must hold that this forced connexion 
 with Ez ix 6 is going rather too far in such utter 
 disregard. The thought itself is worth much, but 
 the connexion with Ezekiel is worth nothing, and 
 is non-existent. There is to be a slaughter, says 
 Ezekiel, through the midst of Jerusalem, of all 
 that have not a special mark on their foreheads 
 Apvii3,ix4. (and this expression, no doubt, is the origin of 
 
 Ap xiii i6 f. 
 
 Apxx4. several passages in the Apocalypse). But when 
 the house itself is to be defiled with the slain, it 
 is not possible to see how the house can be identi- 
 fied with 'us,' 'the saints.' Ezekiel does not so 
 identify them, but it is obvious that i Peter i 17 
 does. On the contrary Ezekiel means : ' Begin 
 by giving the order to the aged saints who stood 
 at (LXX in) the sanctuary as its warders, and let 
 them slay.' That is all intelligible, and it makes 
 very little difference to the clear sense whether 
 we follow the LXX or the Hebrew. i Peter 
 
THE HOUSE OF THE GREAT KING 
 
 143 
 
 nearly always follows the LXX in its quotations. 
 Only by analogy can we find the words 'from the 
 house ' in Ezekiel at all. In fact, though Westcott 
 and Hort give it as a quotation from Ez ix 6, it 
 is just as likely to come from any one of a score 
 of other passages in O.T. Obviously the Ezekiel 
 source must be given up and the Enochian origin 
 must be admitted. 
 
 The meaning is then clear. The ' time ' is come : 
 ' another week, the eighth, of righteousness,' says 
 Enoch: Ezekiel here specifies no time. The ' House 
 of the Great King is builded in glory for evermore,' 
 says Enoch ; Ezekiel does not mention ' the House of 
 God': but i Peter has enlarged upon this spiritual i pet ii 5 ff. 
 building in a previous page, and it inspires some 
 of the leading thoughts in the Epistle. The House 
 is composed of the saints as spiritual and living 
 stones, and so naturally they are identified in 
 I Pet iv 17 with the House. But the judgment 
 sentence does not begin with being a sentence upon 
 the saints, who are not judged, for ' upon them 1 Pet iv 14. 
 resteth the spirit of glory and the spirit of God,' as 
 Luke has just observed, and they are to ' entrust their 
 souls to their faithful Creator,' as he presently says. 
 It begins with the building of us as the spiritual and 
 living House of God wherein dwelleth righteousness.^ 2 Pet iii 13. 
 
 ^ We may pause at this point to refer to Dr Hort's learned note upon 'a i Pet ii g 
 royal priesthood,' for such, he finally concludes, is the right translation. 
 The present writer ventures to differ from this, and to translate in the 
 
144 -^^ LUKE IN THE PETRI NES 
 
 The next following words, 'and if first at us,' 
 which have always seemed to be a sort of a 
 fortiori argument just because the quotation from Pro- 
 verbs in the next verse is d, fortiori, are not so really. 
 They do not mean as i8 does 'if we are scarcely 
 saved, the ungodly will not be saved at all.' But 
 they have a clear meaning when we refer to the 
 passage in Enoch which says : ' To the week of 
 righteousness a sword will be given that judgment 
 En xci 12. and righteousness may be executed on those who 
 commit oppression, and sinners will be delivered 
 into the hands of the righteous.' In other words 
 
 natural way thus, 'a King's house, a priesthood, a holy nation.' 
 Hort admits that the original is Ex xix 5 f ^ao-fXeiOK iepdrevfi-a khI iBvoi 
 S,yi.ov, and that the LXX meant the translation to be 'a kingdom, a 
 priesthood, and a holy nation ' — three terms and not two ; that 2 Mace 
 ii 1 7 clearly understood the words so, for it has put the definite article 
 before each of the three terms ; and that Philo did the same though he 
 more correctly translates ' palace.' Hort is further inclined to translate 
 'a kingdom which is also a priesthood.' He should have said 'a 
 palace, a priesthood.' For the word does not mean a kingdom, which 
 is paaCKelav. But he adds : ' the apposition is too harsh and obscure.' 
 Then, apparently misled by the Latin and Syriac versions and Clement 
 and Origen, he falls into the A.V. translation. If he had happened to 
 see how closely the Book of Enoch is followed in i Peter, he would not 
 have troubled about these versions and fathers, nor about the apposition. 
 The right translation is quite clear. ' You are a King's House, ' says 
 Luke, ' a body of priests,' and thus he follows the same understanding 
 of Ex xix which 2 Mace had followed before him. There is no need to 
 imagine an adjective iSacriXeios which in N.T. and in all the rest of 
 LXX is non-existent, for the |8o<riXiK6s, which Luke knows well (Ac xii 
 20, 21), and James and John know also. The reference is plainly to the 
 ■' House of the great King which is now being built in glory for ever- 
 more.' See further chap. viii. 
 
THE EIGHTH WEEK 145 
 
 1 Peter says : If a man suffer as a Christian, a 
 follower of Messiah, let him not be ashamed, for 
 though persecuted now by his fellow-men, unjustly, 
 and so saved with difficulty, he will share the 
 approaching victory of Messiah, the great King, 
 whose spiritual House is now being built in glory 
 with us first, and let him glorify God in the name 
 of Messiah to whose House he belongs, as a 
 spiritual stone in it : because the time is at hand 
 — the seven weeks are past and the eighth week ^ 
 
 ' When once the importance of the Book of Enoch is fairly recog- 
 nised in the mind of the Christian Prophets, it will be seen that this 
 passage of Enoch has a wider bearing than appears at first, namely 
 in connection with the Pentecost of Acts ii. 
 
 It is probable that these seven weeks were at first identified with 
 those which elapsed between the Resurrection and the Descent of the 
 Holy Ghost. 
 
 The eighth week of righteousness would quickly be interpreted to 
 mean not a week of days but of some longer unit, first of years and 
 then of seven years, or ' of a time, times, and half a time,' according to 
 the prophetic notation of Daniel vii 25, which would be combined 
 with it. It would be an interesting study to ascertain what was the 
 influence of the Book of Daniel on the Book of Enoch, and of the 
 interpretation of one upon that of the other. It seems clear that John 
 of Ephesus, e.g. in Ap. xi 2, 3, was guided by some method of pro- 
 phetic chronology which was connected in some way with this eighth 
 week of righteousness, which he dated from some supposed epoch of 
 the life of Christ. Certainly 49 years from the beginning of John 
 the Baptist's ministry would bring the great events of 69-70 very near. 
 It seems also clear that Luke's chronology of Lk iii I, which pur- 
 ports to relate to John's ministry, has some definite intention in 
 relation to the fulfilment of prophetic time. The 49 years cannot be 
 added to the date of the Resurrection in order to effect the total 70, 
 but they may perhaps be counted from the beginning of John the 
 Baptist's teaching, which was earlier than Lk iii. There is more 
 arithmetic in the Christian Prophets than we have yet allowed for. 
 
 K 
 
146 Sr LUKE IN THE PETRI NES 
 
 is at its close now — and we of this generation are 
 the House ; and if the judgment begins with the 
 building of us, what shall be the end of those who 
 reject the Gospel of God which we now preach ? 
 
 Piovxisi. The next verse, which is cited direct from Proverbs, 
 has undoubtedly misled us in our ignorance of 
 Enoch, which has never been known to the average 
 reader, and was never seen in English till 1821, 
 when Archbishop Laurence translated it. The 
 ' scarcely ' of Proverbs is applied by i Peter in 
 the obvious sense of the persecution or trial which 
 now besets the ' Christian,' a term which no N.T. 
 
 AcxLvi28. writer uses except Luke here and twice in the Acts. 
 Before concluding this part of the subject, let us 
 turn back to the passage in 2 Pet i to which I 
 have referred elsewhere ^ as the Pauline passage, by 
 which it is not meant that St Paul wrote it, but " 
 that many have seen in it a resemblance to his 
 style of thought. Now Dr Chase has been rather 
 severe upon 2 Peter in saying that if we go further 
 into the examination of his phraseology we do not 
 fare better. He says^: 'The student's hope is 
 disappointed ' if he ' patiently ponders on the words ' 
 of 2 Peter. ' The sense of the artificiality of the 
 expression does not wear off, and as he dwells on 
 it, he cannot honestly say that its significance grows 
 upon him.' 
 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, pp. 149 ff. 
 
 2 Hastings' Diet, of the Bible, art. Peter, Second Epistle, p. 809 a. 
 
2 PETER MAKES SENSE 147 
 
 The House of God in 2 Peter. 
 
 I venture to think that such language is fatal to 
 the exponent at least in the case of a N.T. writer. 
 It shews that he has not yet stood at the right point 
 of view for watching the movements of that writer's 
 brain. Every writer of O.T. and N.T. wrote sense ; 
 sense which he understood himself, without having 
 to seek it and search it out, as Dr Hort would 
 maintain that the O.T. Prophets had to do ; sense 
 which he meant his readers to understand. This 
 obvious remark is exceedingly necessary, for the 
 truth of it goes to the very root of our understanding 
 of holy scripture, which has for so many centuries been 
 treated as a mass of mystery, as a storehouse of 
 revelation, as a reservoir of truth ' which passeth 
 knowledge,' that we have well-nigh ceased to think 
 that it yields to the patient application of an ordinary 
 mind furnished with ordinary materials. Yet to 
 this it does yield. The clearer it becomes that the 
 author of 2 Peter was a Prophet himself, the clearer 
 it also becomes that he did not seek out and search 
 out his own meaning. When once we know that 
 he had the Book of Enoch before him, we have no 
 difficulty in understanding his use of the fine image 
 of 'the House of the Great King which is builded 
 in glory for evermore.' 
 
 This is the image which inspires the passage in 
 2 Peter i i-ii, and on which it is transparently con- 
 
148 ST LUKE IN THE PE TRINE S 
 
 structed. The writer and his readers are still in 
 the eighth week in which the House is being builded. 
 The materials have been all abundantly granted 
 by the divine Power even as Hiram King of Tyre 
 once granted materials for that House of God which 
 Solomon built. The foundation has been laid in 
 
 1 Cor iii II. the faith of Jesus Messiah, and 'other foundation 
 
 2 Tim ii 20. 
 
 can no man lay than that which is laid.' Of 
 course St Paul is working on the same idea exactly 
 in I Cor iii 1 1 ff. It was therefore one that had 
 been grasped by him, probably in common with 
 Silvanus, even some months before he wrote the 
 Epistle to the Romans, in which his use of it will 
 occupy our attention later in chapter vi. The Faith 
 I Cor iii II. in Jesus Christ is what St Paul calls 'Jesus Christ,' 
 and what 2 Peter calls 'your faith.' On this 
 foundation, with the materials granted, which St 
 
 1 Cor iii 21. Paul calls 'all things' — 'all things are yours' — and 
 
 2 Pet i 3. 
 
 which 2 Peter calls ' all things,' different builders ^ 
 
 1 Cor iii 12. raise very different fabrics. But the readers of 
 "^ "^ ' ^' 2 Peter are to ' supply ' seven successive stages or 
 
 2 Pet i 5. layers of precious spiritual power, ' using (introducing 
 
 I Cor iii 10. 
 
 by the way) all diligence ' to ' build the structure 
 
 ^ In Enoch xciv 7, as in I Chr xxi.x 2, is to be found the beginning of 
 St Paul's remark in this passage about ' gold, silver, precious stones.' . . 
 Enoch says : ' Woe to those that build their houses with sin ; for they 
 will be overthrown from their foundation and will fall by the sword ; 
 and those who acquire gold and silver will perish in judgment utterly.' 
 This follows upon the passage which is given below (p. 281), as 
 reproduced in Eph v 14, but which has not, I think, been hitherto 
 identified. 
 
THE SEVEN SPIRITS NAMED 149 
 
 upon the foundation which the apostles, as wise 
 master-builders, have laid.' They are to furnish 
 every layer in or by its preceding base, so that it 
 rests upon it. It may be asked, Why then do we 
 not find here the preposition k-wl upon, if the metaphor 
 is really one from building ? The answer is that 
 this preposition is present there, in the compound 
 eirixopriyria-aTe, and further, that the house being of a 
 spiritual nature, the writer finds that ev in or by is 
 more suitable than a repeated k-w'u since every power 
 is to be supplied in or by its predecessor. These 
 seven powers or spirits are Virtue, Knowledge, 
 Temperance, Endurance, Godliness, Brotherly-kind- 
 ness, Love. They are not called powers or spirits 
 by the author : perhaps to call them so impairs 
 the metaphor ; but he says they can ' exist ' and 2 Pet i s. 
 ' abound,' and can ' be present ' to the individual. 
 In view of the observation about to be made below, 
 that the Holy Spirit as such is not mentioned in 
 the Epistle, there is nothing to prevent us from 
 treating these as forms of the seven Spirits of 
 God, in agreement with the idea of Ap i 4. 
 
 However this may be, continuing, we find that 
 the idea of a foundation-stone or chief corner-stone, 
 which is also a possible stone of stumbling — the 
 same idea which we have had so clearly set forth 
 in I Peter ii 6-8 — underlies the following verses 
 also. For the readers of 2 Peter are to be zealous 
 builders who make their ' foundation solid,' so that \ pS ! i?! 
 
I50 Sr LUKE IN THE PETRINES 
 
 they may ' never stumble ' upon the stone of 
 stumbling ; and by thus building fair on a firm 
 basis they will find that for them is 'supplied the 
 porch of access into the eternal kingdom of our 
 Lord and Saviour Jesus Messiah.' With any im- 
 perfect state of sight/ such as forgetfulness of the 
 cleansing of sins once for all may superinduce, 
 the individual soul may fatally stumble, and from 
 this danger the presence of the Seven Spirits, as 
 Apivs. lamps of burning fire, may protect him.^ 
 
 It will hardly be denied, after a careful con- 
 sideration of the Enochian parallel, (i) that 2 Peter 
 has a clear intelligible image behind his words ; 
 (2) that it is the same image which appears in 
 
 1 Peter ; (3) that no forger or pseudonymous 
 writer could have constructed this passage of 
 
 2 Peter upon what he found in i Peter ; (4) 
 that while the Book of Enoch provides the clue 
 to its meaning throughout, there is nothing else 
 which provides throughout a satisfactory interpre- 
 tation at all. 
 
 ' Is not uvunrdi^uif added to the tv<j>\6s worth notice (2 P i 9) by 
 those who believe in Luke's actual practice as a physician of the body, 
 as a sample of medical diagnosis? 
 
 2 See C. P. p. 184. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS. 
 
 Before proceeding to consider the historical situa- 
 tion which appears to have produced the composition 
 of I Peter by the agency of Silvanus, this is an 
 opportunity to offer some remarks upon the Uterary 
 features of the Fetrine Epistles, apart from their 
 subject matter. The following are supplementary to 
 those which the present writer has made elsewhere 
 upon the style of 2 Peter,i and which have not so far 
 been disputed or even noticed. Probably all observa- 
 tions upon the literary style of short treatises of a 
 few pages in length are regarded with extreme diffi- 
 dence by many persons, and there may even be 
 controversial writers who consider such critical 
 remarks generally not worth the paper on which they 
 are printed. This is not my view, and so far as I 
 have been able to pursue the question of literary style 
 in the Fetrine Epistles, I can only say that I have 
 found that the evidence, besides being definite, points 
 
 ' The Christian Prophets, pp. 149 ff. 
 
152 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 all in one direction. No writer within my knowledge 
 has hitherto put forward the theory of identity of 
 authorship for the Acts, i Peter, and 2 Peter. Nor 
 could I consider it fair to maintain it here unless both 
 sides of the evidence from literary style were fairly 
 treated. 
 
 The use of re. 
 
 For instance, let me say that I was much impressed 
 by a remark of Mr. Bebb's ^ : ' A very striking, because 
 obviously unpremeditated, illustration of the classical 
 character of St Luke's vocabulary will be found by 
 examining in a concordance the distribution of the 
 use of re, too, both, in the Books of the N.T.' True ; 
 this is not too small a matter to overlook. Now the 
 author of Acts has a remarkable fondness for the use 
 of re: he uses it in Acts about 130 times. In the 
 Gospel of Luke it is used about 8 times. In the 
 other three Gospels together it occurs about 8 
 times : in all St Paul's Epistles, some 25 times : 
 in Hebrews some 20 times. In the Petrine 
 Epistles it never occurs. To what does this 
 evidence point } Does it shew that Luke is not by 
 the author of Acts? or that Hebrews is by Luke.? 
 Does it tend to shew that the Petrines are not by 
 Luke.' Such inferences would be no juster than to 
 say that the first xxi chapters of Matthew, which 
 
 ^Hastings' Diet. B., art. "Gospel of Luke," p. 169 b. 
 
LUKE'S ADVANCE IN STYLE 
 
 153 
 
 have no re, are not composed by the writer of the last 
 vii chapters, which contain 3 instances of it. For on 
 further examination we note that the more history 
 Luke wrote, the fonder he became of using re. 
 In the first half of Luke it occurs once : 
 In the second half 7 times: 
 
 In the first half of Acts 54 times : 
 
 In the second half 78 times. 
 
 In St Stephen's speech, which is nearly as long as 
 2 Peter, I can find but one re. But a speech ap- 
 proaches more nearly to an epistle than does the 
 account of a judicial trial or a shipwreck. My own 
 explanation of the distribution of re is simply that the 
 historian Luke was more ready to appreciate the 
 utility of the particle -re than he had been when he 
 undertook to write i Peter for Peter. If he could 
 write the first 40 pages of his Gospel, as he has done, 
 without using re more than once, it is not surprising 
 that he should write 1 1 pages of Epistle without using 
 it even once. There are numerous places in the first 
 40 pages of Luke where the -re would have been 
 grateful, and why he chose to say e.g. ' both to eat and 
 to drink ' in the latter part of the Gospel and only to 
 say 'to eat and drink' in the former is a small 
 difficulty which finds its solution, as it appears to me, 
 simply in the growing sense on St Luke's part of the 
 value of this particle. His mind became more and 
 more accustomed to see things in pairs and parallels, 
 to match type with antitype, to look on this side and 
 
154 
 
 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 on that, to balance fact with fact, according as his 
 prophetic study lent itself to the ideas of corre- 
 spondence and conciliation. We shall see in chapters 
 viii and ix the fuller tendencies of this parallelism in 
 Acts, of which the use of re is symptomatic. 
 
 References to ' the Holy Spirit! 
 
 A more important question is opened up when we 
 come to observe the single reference to the word 
 
 2 Pet 1 21. ' Spirit ' in 2 Peter, where it is said that ' men spake 
 direct from God, being carried by the Holy Spirit' 
 In other words the Spirit is limited to prophecy. 
 It might seem at first as if this very limited use of the 
 term must argue an early period of the Church when 
 the fulness of the gifts of the Holy Spirit was not 
 understood, and when the account of the first Christian 
 Pentecost was not current as we have it in Acts ii. It 
 is quite true that the same limited use appears in the 
 
 Apxxiii?. Apocalypse, where the Spirit is not found except as 
 the Spirit of Prophecy, and where we have instead the 
 
 Api4, etc. more archaic mention of the seven Spirits. But John 
 of Ephesus was an extreme conservative in his 
 language and imagery. The writer of 2 Peter, on 
 the other hand, is in full accord with St Paul and 
 with I Peter when he says in the very opening of his 
 first chapter that ' the divine Power (of God and 
 Jesus our Lord) hath granted us all things that tend 
 unto life and godliness . . . ,' the ' things ' being the 
 
POWER IS SPIRIT 155 
 
 seven gifts already described (p. 148). Thus it seems 
 that ' his divine Power ' (' divine ' occurs in Acts xvii 2 Pet. i 3. 
 29 alone of N.T.) is here another term for His Holy 
 Spirit, and if so, there is a close resemblance with the 
 interchange of terms in the opening verses of Acts : 
 'Ye shall be baptised with Holy Spirit' (we note the Ac is. 
 same absence of the article here as in 2 Pet i 21). . 
 'Ye shall receive power when the Holy Spirit cometh Ac is. 
 upon you.' In fact ' power ' and ' Spirit ' are almost 
 if not quite interchangeable terms. When i Peter 
 says ' those who are kept by the power of God,' he i Pet i s- 
 means ' by the Spirit of God.' When 2 Peter says 
 ■ we made known to you the power and presence of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ,' he means 'the spirit and 
 presence ' which are contrasted with the ' magnificence ' 
 of Him, which we are able to report as "eye- 
 witnesses ' ; for ' spirit and presence ' are essences of 
 which only imperfect notions can be conveyed to the 
 disciples by the Apostles, who ' make them known ' 
 to the best of their power, and assuredly do not resort 
 to myths for the purpose. Here, then, is a case 2 Pet i 16. 
 where the relation of i Peter to 2 Peter is very clearly 
 seen when once it is allowed that both Epistles may 
 proceed from the author of Acts. 
 
 I would fain linger upon this part of the subject 
 if only considerations of space permitted. Consider- 
 ing the brevity of i Peter and the extreme brevity 
 of 2 Peter, and considering that epistles are not 
 history, and that these two Epistles were written at 
 
156 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 least some years before Acts, and also in view of 
 the fact that so learned an editor of St Luke as 
 Dean Farrar has said that St Luke ' has two styles,' ^ 
 it may perhaps suffice if I pass on to a review of 
 the results obtained by a very capable writer on 
 this subject. 
 
 Dr. S Davidson on the styles of the Petrines. 
 
 The phraseology of i and 2 Peter, apart from 
 Acts and Luke, has received a very thorough and 
 impartial treatment many years ago by Dr. Samuel 
 Davidson.^ He concludes his observations thus : ' It 
 is very difficult to attribute the two Epistles to the 
 one author Peter. Were we called upon to decide 
 positively either to admit 2 Peter as Peter's, or to 
 reject it as supposititious, we should take the former 
 alternative, believing it to be on the whole exposed 
 to fewer objections. ... It breathes an apostolic 
 spirit. . . . But our mind is not wholly satisfied 
 respecting it.' But I must review the hst which he 
 has given of the differences of language between 
 I and 2 Peter (p. 430 fif.). 
 
 {a) The appellations applied to God the Father 
 and to Christ. These differences seem to me infini- 
 tesimal and immaterial. ' God appears 40 times in 
 I Peter ; in 2 Peter a very few times.' 
 
 '^Book by Book, Int. to Acts. ^ Int. to N.T. vol. iii. 
 
DR DAVIDSON TESTED 157 
 
 {b) The second coming of Christ is called in 
 2 Peter ' coming,' ' day of the Lord,' ' day of judge- 
 ment ' ; in I Peter • revelation.' But we observe 
 •judgement' (or sentence, /cpz/xa) is used very much 
 in the same way in i Pet iv 17 as 'judging' (Kpiais) 
 in 2 Pet ii 9. This difference is immaterial. On 
 ' revelation ' in i Peter some remarks will be found 
 in chapter vi. 
 
 (c) The use of ' as ' (ojj). A peculiar and rather 
 otiose use of it does not occur in 2 Peter so often 
 as it does in i Peter, but it does occur in 2 Pet i 3. 
 It means something less than quippe, utpote in Latin. 
 The same use is found in Acts i 4 /3 (Blass) Kai eoy 
 awaXitpfi.evo'i, xvii 14 (Blass) toy eTr/ Ty\v OaXaa-a-av, 
 xvii 22 0)9 SeicriSai/ULOvea-Tepovi, xxiii 15 a)? /meXXovrai, 
 ib. 20. 
 
 (<f) The use in 2 Peter of a subordinate clause 
 such as ' the corruption that is in the world in lust ' 
 i 4 ' has no parallel in i Peter.' Dr. Davidson has 
 overlooked the expression in i Pet iii 2,' Your chaste 
 behaviour in fear.' 
 
 {e) ' Attributes of Christianity ' in i Peter, ' hope,' 
 'grace,' 'truth,' etc. differ from those in 2 Peter, 'way 
 of truth/ ' way of righteousness,' etc. This is very 
 hypercritical. We only need to look at the analysis 
 of 2 Pet i 5-6, which passage will suffice (p. 149). 
 
 {/) 'The mode of introducing quotations from 
 O.T.' As to inferences which can be based upon 
 this when there are only three quotations from O.T. in 
 
158 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 2 Peter according to Westcott and Hort (1881), I have 
 shewn above (p. 116) a remarkable correspondence. 
 
 {g) ' In 2 Peter more stress is laid on the " further 
 knowledge " of God ; in i Peter more on hope.' Very 
 likely. We cannot have monotony, and do not desire 
 it. 
 
 (A) ' 2 Peter is marked by a poverty of language, 
 drawling repetitions.' The same might be said of 
 many passages in St Paul, e.g: the well-known 
 passage in 2 Cor i 3-8, where TrapaKoXeiv and its 
 derivatives occur 10 times in 12 lines. We need 
 not call this ' drawling.' There is in fact an unusual 
 command of language in 2 Peter. The repetitions 
 in 2 Peter are quoted by Davidson (p. 434). 
 
 (?) ' The style of i Peter is fresh, lively, periodic : 
 of 2 Peter flat, cold, heavy.' These epithets are far 
 too random. It is true that there is much more of 
 the pithy, gnomic, practical teaching in i Peter, and 
 this accounts for much of the difference in the form 
 of the sentences. The occasions of the two letters 
 were different, and the people addressed were in 
 I Peter Asiatics and in 2 Peter the Romans.^ But 
 as if to show that the writer was in Rome, he refers 
 1 Pet V 8. distinctly to the ' roaring lion walking round ' the 
 amphitheatre, which was probably in or near the 
 Campus Martius, the Colosseum not being yet built. 
 No one will suppose that St Peter had been a lion- 
 hunter in the jungles of Babylonia. Nor shall we 
 
 'See The Christian Prophets, p. l6l. 
 
PETRINES COINCIDE 159 
 
 admit that he merely drew on his imagination for 
 a description of the enemy of man as the king of 
 beasts in all his uncaged grandeur. The Roman 
 lion represented hatred of the Gospel — Christianas 
 ad leones. 
 
 But there are more terms common to the two 
 Epistles than we might suppose. Davidson quotes 
 for similar conformation of periods i Pet ii 7, 8, 1 2 ; 
 iii 7, 19; 2 Pet i 3. S ; " 4-ii- 
 
 The article separated from its substantive by 
 several inserted words: i Pet ii 2, iii 3, 16 ; 2 Pet 
 i 4, ii 7, iii 2. 
 
 The salutation is common to both. avaaT po<^y\} etc. 
 I Pet i 15, 17, 18; ii 12 ; iii i, 2, 16; 2 Pet ii 7, 18; 
 iii II. a-woQtai^? i Pet iii 21, 2 Pet i 14 a/oerj? of 
 God, I Pet ii 9, 2 Pet i 5. Nowhere else. ao-TrtXo? Km 
 aixwfio^ combined i Pet i 19, 2 Pet ii 13, iii 14. 
 Nowhere else. eiroirTt]^, eTroTrreveiv,^ 2 Pet i 1 6, i Pet 
 ii 12, iii 2. 'iSios, I Pet iii i, 5, 2 Pet i 20, ii 16, 22, 
 iii 16. Ko/j.l^ea-6ai of rewarding, i Pet i 9, v 4 ; 2 Pet 
 ii 13. iropevecrQai iv eiridvfiiai^, kutu €Trt6v/j.las, I Pet 
 iv 3, 2 Pet ii 10, iii 3. koXscv of God calling men, 
 I Pet i 15, ii 9, 21, iii 9, v 10; 2 Pet i 3. 
 
 'The verb and substantive occur twice in Eph. The active verb 
 twice in Acts; once in quoting Am ix 11, it is forced in by Luke 
 though not in LXX. He must therefore have been fond of the word, 
 and we may compare his treatment of iin(rTpi\(/as : cf. TAe Christian 
 Prophets, p. 161. 
 
 "Verb twice in Eph in the same figurative sense. 
 
 ^See The Christian Prophets, p. 161. 
 
l6o ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 Among further coincidences of style between 2 
 Peter and Luke may be added : — 2 Pet ii 1 5 fjucrOov 
 aSiKiai of Balaam's with Acts i 18, €k /ulictOov r^y 
 aSiKias of Judas. The same Hebraism occurs in 
 Luke xvi 8 (steward of unrighteousness). 
 
 Blass points out in Acts xx 3 an instance of a 
 construction in common with 2 Pet i 20 and no- 
 where else found In N.T. yivea-dai yvdofi}]? 'to become 
 (part) of decision ' = to be decided. It is classical 
 and finds parallels in Thucydides and Plutarch. 
 Every peculiarity of 2 Peter that meets us as we 
 observe more closely tends to prove the same 
 conclusion that 2 Peter is by Luke. 
 
 Among coincidences of style between i Peter and 
 Luke may be mentioned i Pet ii 21 (Blass Acts, p. 
 1 10 misprinted) {jTroXi/jLiravixiv 'forma ex lingua 
 elegantiore arrepta,' compared with SieXl/niravev of /3 
 recension of Acts viii 24 D. Neither word occurs 
 elsewhere in the Bible but ^laX. in Tobit x 5. 
 
 I Pet ii 6 Trepux^L of a passage in writing or its 
 contents, cf Acts xxiii 25 and viii 32 -rrepioxij- Only 
 here in the Bible, but 2 Mace ix 18, xi 16, 22. 
 
 1 Peter claims to be by Luke as 2 Peter shews 
 itself to be. 
 
 : Pet V 12. Thus the hand of Silvanus, of which St Peter so 
 candidly avows in his conclusion that he has availed 
 
Sr PETER AND ST PAUL i6l 
 
 himself, is abundantly attested in the style, structure 
 and contents of i Peter. The only view which takes 
 account of all the phenomena is that Luke is Silas, 
 just as Silas is Silvanus. So modest is he that 
 he will not mention his own name in his own 
 works ; so helpful that he is ready to compose an 
 epistle or two for his senior, the Apostle Peter, as 
 he had been to write at the dictation of his other 
 senior, his beloved yoke-fellow, the Apostle Paul. 
 
 Nor was this service one of gratitude or affection 
 only. Luke was moved by larger considerations 
 of Church polity and by deeper requirements of 
 Christian grace. The division of spheres of work 
 and responsibility, which St Paul describes as a 
 matter of history, had taken place some years Gai u ^ ir. 
 before, and it had produced its results. One of 
 these results inevitably was a danger of division 
 of another kind, between those who said ' I am 
 of Paul ' and those who said ' I am of Cephas.' 
 St Paul had not known Christ after the flesh as 
 one of the Twelve, though he seems to have seen 2 Cor v 16, 
 Him: St Peter had 'gone in and out with Him.' 
 St Paul embraced the future ; St Peter clung to 
 the past. St Paul was philosophical and broad ; St 
 Peter was narrow, but stood to his history. St Paul 
 was sanguine and unshakeable and indomitable ; St 
 Peter was timid, moody, and unequal to a crisis. 
 His firmness had not been that of a rock, whatever 
 his faith might have been, even in his Lord's 
 
1 62 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 lifetime on earth. And afterwards he had shewn 
 at Antioch a like vacillation to that which beset 
 him in the High Priest's hall. 
 
 Si Peter and St Paul meeting in Rome. 
 
 Our Lord had attempted long ago to confirm 
 his moody character by that appeal to all the firm- 
 ness he possessed when he called him Peter. And 
 now in the decline of his age might not another 
 attempt be made to encourage his timidity by an 
 appeal to all the hopefulness that was in him ? 
 He, too, was ' such an one as Paul the aged,' older 
 in years, probably, than Paul himself, and after his 
 labours among ' them of the circumcision ' in 
 Palestine he had made his way to Rome. We do 
 not know what had been the last occasion of their 
 meeting. But we cannot but suppose that his 
 movements had been very different to those of 
 Paul ! How much more chequered was Paul's 
 career by shipwrecks, jmprisonments, plots, perils, 
 accusations, stripes ! Not a hint can we glean from 
 Peter's Epistles or any other source of any trial that 
 had befallen him in all those years. He might 
 have lived quietly with Simon the tanner at Joppa, 
 or continued in the scenes of his youth by the 
 lake of Galilee still. At last, however, he was in 
 the same great metropolis with his brother Apostle. 
 
RECONCILIATION NEEDED 163 
 
 A reconciliation might not be needed, but an 
 understanding must have been. The writer of 
 'Romans' and 'Galatians' had spoken and written 
 somewhat freely of the Jewish law and of Peter Gai li u-h- 
 himself The latter must have been more than 
 human if he could endure unmoved the unnecessary 
 description of his conduct at Antioch, set forth by 
 the pen of one who was not ' in Christ before him.' 
 To have read in a public letter to Christians of 
 Jewish origin that he had 'stood condemned,' that 
 he 'feared them of the circumcision,' that he had 
 'dissembled/ that he 'walked not uprightly accord- 
 ing to the truth of the Gospel,' that he 'lived as 
 do the Gentiles ' ; and to know that this letter 
 would perpetuate the memory of his error till the 
 Judgment-day, and to feel that these statements 
 must add to the violence of party-feeling, all this 
 was enough to try the temper of a greater saint 
 than Peter. As the former leader of the disciples, 
 he would feel that he had perhaps shewn a 
 grievous want of consistency, and deserved the 
 censure which he had received, but he had not 
 deserved to be stamped for life, if not till the 
 Judgment-day, as a dissembler and a coward. If 
 one member suffered by the public castigation of 
 another, then all the members suffered with him, 
 and Christ was divided, and the Body was torn. 
 Even if private resentment could be smothered, 
 the care for the commonwealth of the Church 
 
1 64 ■Sr LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 demanded an understanding. Thus in the nature 
 of things, a clear and straightforward interchange 
 of thought would follow the meeting of Peter and 
 Paul at Rome. Nothing less would satisfy the fiery 
 candour of the Apostle of the Gentiles, and per- 
 haps nothing more would be needed by the senior 
 and more conservative leader of the Twelve, whose 
 heart was still so warm and true. 
 
 St Luke as Mediator of St Peter and St Paul. 
 
 Now the medium of this understanding would 
 naturally be Luke. To St Paul he had ministered 
 for years, and with him had shared his trials and 
 dangers as a 'true yoke-fellow,' proximus huic longo 
 sed proximus intervallo. Tuke could speak his 
 mind to Paul. But he could also feel the strongest 
 sympathy with Peter. He had not been at St 
 Paul's side when he penned that painful Epistle to 
 the Galatians. Had he been there, perhaps it would 
 not have been written quite in those terms about 
 Cephas. As a convinced Jew himself, though not 
 ' of the circumcision ' in the narrower sense, he 
 would still 'look unto the rock whence he was 
 hewn and to the hole of the pit whence he was 
 digged,' without having committed himself to the 
 writing of those strong yet necessary indictments 
 of the Jewish law and its shortcomings which we 
 
LUKE THE MEDIATOR 165 
 
 can read in ' Romans ' and ' Galatians.' To say 
 that St Paul was the Luther of the times and 
 St Luke the Erasmus would of course be a mis- 
 leading analogy. But there was in Luke an 
 unwillingness in 60-70 A.D. to cast off the old 
 moorings which attached him to the ancient Jewish 
 Church of God, and this unwillingness survived all 
 the straining of the cable with which St Paul, as 
 some thought, had been pressing the eager pace. 
 The vessel of the Church was not to cast those 
 moorings till they were cut for her by the moral 
 earthquake of the destruction of Jerusalem in 
 A.D. 70. 
 
 That St Luke had a mediating mind is to be 
 inferred from his obvious modesty. To have written 
 both ' Luke ' and ' Acts ' without once mentioning 
 himself as the author is proof enough of his freedom 
 from self-assertion, which is all the more confirmed if 
 it is agreed that he was Silas, and the ' true yoke- 
 fellow.' But while he was a good foil to St Paul's 
 fiery energy, he was as well able to appreciate the 
 slow and painful progress of the mind of St Peter 
 along the lines of the O.T. We have seen how in 
 company with St Paul he had been forbidden by the 
 spirit of Joshua as type of Jesus to remain in Asia, 
 and driven by the vision like that in 'Joshua' to 
 cross the Jordan of the north-east Aegaean. His 
 movements as well as his words had been guided by 
 a sense of prophetic fulfilment. 
 
1 66 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 The lines of St Peter's teaching. 
 
 Now, apart from i and 2 Peter, the lines of St 
 Peter's teaching are not to be discovered anywhere 
 but in St Luke's account of them in Acts. This 
 has not been constructed out of the Petrine Epistles 
 alone ; yet it is composed by a writer so deeply 
 versed in prophetic lines of thought that he knows 
 exactly what prophecies to select as the basis of 
 his chief speaker's reasoned appeals to the people. 
 Either then we have in Acts i-v the true account 
 of what occurred, or we have the account which the 
 author believed to be true, or we have both. How 
 is it that the author has caught the prophetic spirit 
 of the Petrines to such a remarkable degree pre- 
 cisely on those points in them which have been for 
 centuries so imperfectly understood .' Probably be- 
 cause he derived his account not from John Mark, 
 nor from Philip, nor from any hearer, but from 
 the lips of Peter himself, whom he understood as 
 a Christian Prophet. And when we look into it 
 we find, to be sure, that same teaching of the 
 
 Acts iv II. 'stone that was set at nought of you the builders, 
 which was made the head of the corner,' only less 
 elaborate than we find it in i Peter. There we 
 find the same insistence on the prophetic word as 
 we have seen in i and 2 Peter : not only on the word 
 
 Actsiii22ff of Moses, the first Prophet, the original 'servant of 
 
ST PETER A PROPHET 1 67 
 
 the Lord,' concerning Joshua, 'A prophet shall the 
 Lord your God raise up unto you from among your 
 brethren, like unto me,' with the awful sanction 
 following like those of 2 Peter, ' And it shall be that 
 every soul, which shall not hearken to that prophet, 
 shall be utterly destroyed from among the people': 
 not only the word of Samuel, but ' yea and all the 
 prophets from Samuel and them that followed after, 
 as many as have spoken, they also told of these days. 
 Ye are the sons of the prophets.' What is this last 
 phrase but a parallel with i Peter i 14, ' children 
 of obedience ' .^ As if he had said to the people in 
 Solomon's porch, Ye are bound by all your traditions 
 and your birth as Jews to listen to the prophets. 
 There is not a speech of Peter of any length at all 
 which does not turn upon a prophecy of the O.T. 
 When first he opens his lips, it is to say, ' It was Acts ; 16. 
 needful that the scripture should be fulfilled, which 
 the Holy Ghost spake before by the mouth of David 
 concerning Judas,' and he quotes two verses from the 
 Psalms. When first he addresses the people in 
 Jerusalem, it is to quote the wonderfully apposite 
 passage of the Prophet Joel. Jesus, he adds, was Acts ii 17 ff. 
 delivered up by the determinate counsel and fore- 
 knowledge of God, as expressed by the O.T. Prophets, 
 and Uavid, whom he quotes at length, was also 'aActsUasff. 
 prophet,' and ' foresaw the resurrection of the Christ.' 
 Peter sees in Psalm xvi the reference to the descent 
 into Hades, which he has enforced in his first Epistle, 
 
1 68 S7- LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 a reference which we should not have acknowledged 
 so readily in the present day. And he crowns 
 Acts 1134. his quotation by another prophecy of the Ascension 
 of the Christ by David. When the Apostles were 
 released and returned to their own company, their 
 song of thanksgiving is epitomised, but not so as 
 to exclude the Messianic prophecy of Psalm ii by 
 " David thy^ servant." When Peter addressed Simon 
 Magus at Samaria he follows the lines of the pro- 
 phetic ideal of Isaiah concerning ' the fast that God 
 has chosen,' at least so far as regards the duty of 
 ' relaxing every bond ^ of iniquity.' On arriving at 
 Cornelius' house at Caesarea, he is saluted by the 
 centurion as a Prophet and receives his prostration 
 with the regular salutation, ' Stand up : I myself also 
 am a man.' This is the prostration of the Prophet 
 of the Apocalypse to the Angel, who claims to be 
 a fellow-servant of the Prophets, that is a fellow- 
 prophet ; and it is also the same as that act of 
 homage which St Paul in his Rules concerning the 
 Prophets in Session declares that they may expect 
 to receive from the unbeliever in church. 
 
 ^For the use of 'servant' as a prophetic term see The C.P. 
 p. 104. 
 
 ^ For the ' fulfilment ' of this duty in the life of Christ according to 
 the Christian Prophets, see the passage of Ignatius, Eph xix, in The 
 Christian Prophets, p. 8, where I have ventured to supply a clear inter- 
 pretation, if perhaps a new one. 
 
'AS / ACCOUNT HIM-- 169 
 
 The faitliful brother as Peter accounts him. 
 
 Thus St Luke was as much a brother and a 
 fellow-servant and a fellow-prophet with St Peter 
 as with St Paul. And however much he had adopted 
 a forward interpretation of O.T. prophecy with his 
 yoke-fellow, he was not out of touch with the more 
 conservative understanding of the older primus inter 
 pares of the Twelve. And he was welcomed by Peter 
 as such. The attestation of Luke by Peter at the 
 close of I Peter has possibly never yet been ex- 
 plained. He says, ' By the hand of Silvanus, the 
 faithful brother, as I account him, I write unto you 
 briefly.' What is the meaning of ' the faithful brother 
 as I account him ' .' There is little meaning in ' forti- 
 fying him in his mission to the churches addressed 
 by the Apostle's recommendation,' as Alford says. 
 Silvanus was very well known in most of the 
 churches addressed; that is to say, he was known Acxvie. 
 in Asia and Galatia, and without doubt there were xx 15. 
 those in Pontus, Cappadocia, and Bithynia whoxvi7. 
 knew him well by name if not by sight. Priscilla xviii 2. 
 and Aquila belonged to Pontus, and the perpetual 
 travelling of the Jews would carry his hearers far 
 afield. So if Peter had wished to recommend Silas 
 more strongly he would have omitted the words ' as 
 I account him ' altogether. ' The faithful brother ' is 
 far more emphatic without them. The only account 
 
I/O 
 
 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 we can give of the added words is that Peter might 
 be thought by some not to have so accounted him, 
 and this is obvious from what had happened. Silas 
 had been for more than lO years the constant com- 
 panion of St Paul, and might be thought therefore 
 to be identified with all that he had said and 
 done in opposing Peter. But now the understand- 
 ing had taken place, and Peter states that he fully 
 recognises him, not merely ' supposes ' as A,V. 
 says, but ' accounts ' him (R.V.) ' the faithful 
 brother,' the faithful fellow-prophet who has brought 
 about the understanding with Paul. He naturally 
 calls him by the old and well-known name 
 Silvanus. 
 
 Luke's prop^al of redress to write i Peter. 
 
 It is not too much to say that something like this 
 had occurred. Luke suggested that the injury in 
 disparaging, really or apparently, the authority of 
 Peter, was done and could not be undone. It might, 
 however, be compensated to some extent, and that 
 by means of another letter. But the letter must be 
 written in Greek, as the injurious letter had been. 
 Peter would then express his doubts as to his own 
 ability to write a Greek Epistle. The former fisher- 
 man of Galilee was not likely to be a good Greek 
 scholar. Luke then would volunteer to do the writing. 
 
HOW PETER MUST WRITE 171 
 
 The offer was accepted. The plan of the Epistle 
 was almost self-constructed. Peter would naturally 
 address the readers of the ' Galatians ' as neighbour- 
 ing churches, for they had read St. Paul's Epistle. 
 He would address them as ' elect sojourners of the 
 dispersion,' that is, the members of the old Jewish 
 Church scattered abroad, who were not less members 
 because they were Christians. 
 
 He would exhort them by their past history, by 
 their present circumstances, and by their glorious 
 hope to exemplify that ancient and primary lesson 
 of endurance on which the prophets so invariably 
 dwelt. He would claim their obedience to Christ as 
 the Redeemer and Captain of their Salvation, as 
 the Prince of Life, and chief corner-stone of the 
 spiritual House, on which last theme he would ex- 
 pound his leading prophetic text from Psalm cxviii. 
 •Above all he would urge perseverance in well-doing, 
 even if it were accompanied by suffering. This he 
 has done so clearly and repeatedly in three separate i Pet u 15. 
 chapters, as to suggest the idea that his own ex-iiii4ff. 
 perience prompted the exhortation. Had he notivi4. 
 himself suffered at the hand of St Paul as writer 
 of the 'Galatians'.? Not that he was not in the 
 wrong, but that he had suffered rather more than 
 that wrong-doing required in justice. He was not 
 an evil-doer ; he was not a meddler in other men's i Pet ;v 15. 
 matters. And it should be not difficult to observe 
 a difference between the condemnation of a man 
 
172 Sr LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 who did a wrong.i and the condemnation of a habi- 
 tual wrong-doer. Thus Peter had endured for con- 
 science sake, albeit his conscience had not acquitted 
 him in the particular case at Antioch. 
 
 Lastly, there is the insistence on the nearness of 
 the Second Advent of Christ, described under the 
 images employed in the Book of Enoch, and there 
 are reminders that the author had been a witness 
 
 I Pet V I. of the sufferings of Christ, that he was an Elder — 
 which, as is shewn elsewhere,^ means a Prophet — 
 and that he was charged with a special care of 
 
 iPetv2ff. the flock of God, a care, however, which he would 
 
 ii 24, 25. 
 
 have his fellow-elders to feel with him. There is 
 no sign of particular acquaintance with the details 
 of church life of his readers, although he is aware 
 that they are liable to such petty persecutions as a 
 I Pet ii 20. box on the ear, railings, abuse, false accusations, 
 
 iii 15. 
 
 and such scornful demands as the question, ' Why 
 do you believe ' .'' 
 
 Lukes further proposal of redress — 2 Peter. 
 
 Nor would Luke's good offices end here. While 
 he composed for St Peter the first Epistle to these 
 distant Christians of the East, he composed at a 
 
 ^ The word evil-doer^ KCLKoirocds, -eoj, occurs five times in i Peter ; 
 well-doer, ayado-n-oiSs, -la, -^u, occurs six times. aXKoTpweTrla-KOTros 
 is unique. 
 
 ^ T/ie Christian Prophets, p. 175. 
 
'OUR BELOVED BROTHER PAUL' 173 
 
 later time 2 Peter for the benefit of the Romans. 
 The purpose of his doing so was not the same as 
 of writing i Peter, but it was ancillary to it, to the 
 extent of shewing, by the reference to St Paul's 
 Epistles in the concluding verses, that Peter recog- = Pet i" is- 
 nised Paul as a beloved brother, just as he had 
 recognised Silas as a faithful brother ; that Paul's 
 Epistles contained things hard to understand in more 
 senses than one — for instance, some part of Gal ii ; 
 that it was possible for a reader without knowledge 
 and without confirmation in the faith, to torture 
 some passages in them to his own ruin. These 
 observations would serve to restrain sweeping con- 
 clusions as to Paul's disparagement of Peter, and to 
 give pause to those who would otherwise pass by 
 the senior Apostle as little more than niagni nominis 
 umbra. 
 
 Again, the intimation in 2 Peter of a larger forth- 
 coming work of a historical ^ kind, — which, however, 
 is never said to be intended to be written by Peter = Pet i 15. 
 himself, and which is announced in terms so entirely 
 consistent with Luke's authorship, that we may safely 
 speak of it as Luke's Gospel, — is meant for the very 
 practical purpose of recommending that gospel, when- 
 ever it should see the light, to the favourable notice 
 of the Jewish Christians at Rome. 
 
 Lastly, the mental equipment of the writer, or the 
 joint authors, of 2 Peter is exactly that of i Peter, 
 
 ' See above, p. 130. 
 
174 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 as we have already seen, in point of quotations, 
 explicit or implicit, from the O.T., and from Apo- 
 cryphal or pseudepigraphical works, such as the Book 
 of Enoch, and also in point of a belief in Prophecy as 
 a living gift in the Church. Though we have not a 
 definite claim for the Church as being one and 
 the same through all the ages, like that which we 
 have noticed in Acts xiii i, and like that which we 
 shall presently notice in Eph i i, we have an ex- 
 2 Pet i 12. pression which comes very near to it, ' confirmed in the 
 present truth! ' The present truth ' is almost exactly 
 the same as ' the ever present truth.' The truth has 
 changed its form only in this, that whereas faith in God 
 had till recently fastened upon His representative 
 Messiah as one to come, it had now since Hiscoming 
 on earth fastened upon Him first as a historical 
 Person, to whom the writer bore witness as having 
 ^Petii6. clearly with his own eyes seen His majesty, and as 
 2 Pet i 9. qualified therefore to instruct the blind who can only 
 see what is near at hand ; and next as still to come 
 again in glory. He could not have used the words 
 'the present faith,' if he considered that a revolution 
 had been wrought in ' the faith,' first because he feels 
 that the whole gist of its opponent's mockery lies 
 in the taunt that there never has been a revolution 
 2 Pet iii 4. in the world, where ' all things continue as they were 
 at the first, ever since the patriarchs fell asleep ' : 
 and secondly, because he baises the whole of his 
 arguments, apart from the historical portion of 
 
LIGHTFOOT FORGETS PETER 175 
 
 chapter i, upon the teaching of scriptures which are 
 ancient or supposed to be so. 
 
 The influe?tce of Luke in Ephesians. 
 
 We have observed that the writing of Gal ii by St 
 Paul must have conveyed a disparagement in the 
 minds of the readers to the personal authority of St 
 Peter. Bishop Lightfoot glides very smoothly over 
 this, ^ and it is not easy to iind in his pages any 
 reference to St Peter's feelings as a man and a 
 colleague and a senior Apostle to St Paul. However, 
 the Bishop admits that ' the point of St Paul's rebuke 
 is plainly this : that ... St Peter was untrue to his 
 principles, was acting hypocritically and from fear. . . . 
 He argues on the glaring inconsistency and unfairness 
 that Cephas should claim this liberty himself though 
 not born to it, and yet by hypocritical compliance 
 with the Jews should practically force the ritual law 
 on the Gentiles and deprive them of a freedom which 
 was their natural right.' He goes on to say that ' St 
 Paul must have made his influence felt on the frank 
 and enthusiastic temperament of the elder Apostle. 
 The weighty spiritual maxims thrown out during the 
 dispute at Antioch, e.g. would sink deep into his 
 heart : and taking into account the many occasions 
 
 '■ Galatians, Comm. on ch. ii, and St Paul and the Three, pp. 354 ff. 
 of 6th ed. 
 
176 Sr LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 when either by his writings or by personal intercourse 
 St Paul's influence would be communicated, we can 
 hardly doubt that the whole effect was great' We 
 can hardly doubt it, indeed. But if his words at 
 Antioch had been ' drawn swords ' they would also 
 have sunk deep. And the pain of this Galatian littera 
 scripta would be far less easily healed. And if the 
 Senior Apostle was tmtrue to his principles once, there 
 was no knowing whether he would not be untrue 
 again. 
 
 St Luke, then, besides redressing the disparage- 
 ment and restoring it so far as literary composition 
 could restore it, in view of the facts that St Paul had 
 written numerous Epistles, far more than we possess, 
 while St Peter had written none in Greek, — St Luke 
 found it desirable to do still more. The points which 
 had divided his two chiefs had been partly character- 
 istic and caused by temperament, partly conventional 
 Gaiiig. and connected with their distinct spheres of work, the 
 Jews and the ' Gentiles' respectively, and partly also 
 circumstantial, such as time, experience, and the 
 understanding of God's purpose would diminish. We 
 cannot suppose that ' the grace of God ' was less to 
 each than it had been before to St Paul when he said 
 ' By the grace of God I am what I am.' But readers 
 of the Galatians, and others who were aware of the 
 former differences between the two Apostles, might 
 easily exaggerate this difference in point of doctrine. 
 They knew what St Paul's doctrine was like, for it 
 
PAULINE ELEMENTS IN i PETER ijy 
 
 was ' evidently set forth ' in many a page ; but they 
 did not know till they read i Peter and 2 Peter what 
 St Peter's was. On doctrine they would say they still 
 disagreed ; either one or the other was to be preferred. 
 And the schismatic error which St Paul had con- 
 demned in writing to the Corinthians, some of whom 
 said 'I am of Paul, I am of Cephas,' would appear to 
 members of other churches to have some ground in 
 reason. The same would be felt by any who had 
 2 Peter as the only representative writing of St Peter. 
 
 Shortcomings of I Peter from the Pauline point of view. 
 
 With I Peter also before them they would, no 
 doubt, feel differently. It draws far closer to the 
 heart of St Paul. It glows with the blessed conscious- i pet i 19. 
 ness of personal redemption from sin. It trims the i 16, ii 5. 
 holy flame of sanctification of life. It dwells upon i i, 15. 
 calling and election. It expresses the resurrection of i 21, ,. 
 Christ from the dead as a spring of new life. It m 21, f. 
 glories in His exaltation at God's right hand. It 
 recognises the duty of a good citizen in obedience and u 13. 
 subordination to all lawful authority under the great 
 government of Rome in the deserved punishment of 
 the rebellious. In this respect how different is its 
 tone from that of the Apocalypse ! It is alive to the 
 power of the conscience. It is full of the moral teach- a 19. 
 ing which is rooted in the Gospel and its truth. In all m 21. 
 
 M 
 
178 Sr LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 these ways it savours of the spirit of St Paul. The 
 parallels in St Paul's Epistles will readily occur to the 
 reader. And yet some contrasts might be found by 
 the scrupulous and be exaggerated into differences by 
 the unfriendly. They might say that i Peter comes 
 far short of the ' Christ that liveth in me,' which is so 
 expressive of St Paul. It does not breathe that eager 
 love of death as of life, ' To me to live is Christ, to 
 die is gain.' It draws far more than Pauline Epistles 
 were wont to do upon personal and local O.T. types 
 of the age preceding Abraham, such as Noah and the 
 angels of the Book of Enoch. Nor is this so surpris- 
 ing, since it is addressed to Jews as 'sojourners of the 
 dispersion ' ^ in various parts of Asia, whereas St Paul 
 addressed his readers collectively, whatever their 
 geographical positions, without any distinction of 
 Jewish race. An Epistle which in its very first line 
 employs a strong Jewish term, ' dispersion,' must of 
 necessity imply a distinction and a superiority which 
 is something more than a priority of time, such as St 
 Paul implies in the Romans, when he says three times, 
 Romi 16. ' To the Jew first and also to the Greek.' It is certain 
 
 ii 9 f. 
 
 that I Peter contains many plain references to the 
 
 ' It is possible to infer, with Zahn, for instance, that i Peter is 
 addressed to Gentiles, but only upon one condition, namely, that the 
 Gentile converts regard themselves as an annexation of the J ews of the 
 Dispersion. No Gentile Christian would at once think of himself as 
 ' an elect member of the dispersion, ' which is only a Jewish term. Jn vii 
 35 means nothing more than ' the Jews dispersed among the Greeks or 
 Gentiles.' Seep. 186 below. 
 
THE 'DISPERSION' IN i PETER 
 
 179 
 
 previous and inherited idolatry of its readers, — ' your 
 vain conversation {i.e. idolatrous manner of life) i Pet i 
 handed down from your fathers,' ' to have wrought iv 3. 
 the will of the heathen ... in abominable idolatries,' 
 ' called out of darkness.' It is therefore certainly ii 
 addressed to Gentiles, but it must have been deroga- 
 tory to the sense of independence which many Gentile 
 Christians would entertain towards their Jewish 
 brethren when it addresses the Gentile Christians 
 under a Jewish title. 
 
 Hort on Ephesians and i Peter. 
 
 Now in order to exhibit the closeness of the 
 Petrine teaching to the Pauline still further, and to 
 reduce still more the criticism of their differences, 
 St Paul undertook, at the instance of Luke, to write 
 a Pauline Epistle which should lay stress upon this 
 essential unity of teaching with the i Peter which 
 Luke at the same time wrote for St Peter under St 
 Peter's hand. This Epistle is the ' Ephesians.' And 
 it addresses Gentiles under their proper and simple Eph iu 2 ff. 
 title. Let me here quote some tantalising remarks 
 by Hort :i ' A few words must suffice on the relation 
 of .the Epistle to the Ephesians to the First Epistle 
 of St Peter. Their affinity has been often noticed of 
 
 ' The Romans and Ephesians. Prolegomena. Lectures. 1895, 
 p. 168. 
 
l8o Sr LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 late years, and comes the more clearly to light the 
 more attentively each is studied. Opinion is much 
 divided as to relative priority. One ingenious critic, 
 Seufert, who has traced out many not obvious 
 coincidences, besides imagining others, comes to the 
 conclusion that both Epistles were written by the 
 same author, and that he lived in the second century. 
 The truth is that in i Peter many thoughts are 
 derived from ' Ephesians,' as others are from that to 
 the Romans ; but St Peter makes them fully his own 
 by the form into which he casts them, a form for the 
 most part unlike what we find in any Epistle of St 
 Paul's.' It is quite disappointing to find in this little 
 volume, of 200 pages or less, no other reference to 
 this question of the relation of i Peter and 
 ' Ephesians ' : and to observe in Hort's Commentary 
 on Part of i Peter (1898, p. 5) the following note : 
 ' This intimate dependence of i Peter on Romans and 
 Eph. is important not only for fixing its time but 
 for purposes of interpretation. The true key to not a 
 few difficult passages of St Peter is to be found in 
 tracing back the thought to its origin in one or both 
 of those two Epistles of St Paul. This importance 
 of theirs, it cannot be too often repeated, is not 
 accidental : they are precisely the two most compre- 
 hensive and fundamental of all St Paul's EpistleSj 
 and they are connected much more closely together 
 in their drift than appears on the surface.' 'The 
 connexion [between i Peter and Eph.], though very 
 
ST PETER NO GREEK SCHOLAR i8l 
 
 close, does not lie on the surface. It is shewn more 
 by identities of thought and similarity in the structure 
 of the two Epistles as wholes than by identities of 
 phrase ' (Hort, p. 5). 
 
 It appears to be assumed by Hort throughout his 
 remarks that St Peter drew his thought, if not the 
 structure of his Epistle also, from Pauline Epistles, 
 especially these two : and that having done so, he 
 worked up the thought much further, ' making it 
 fully his own by the form into which he casts it,' 
 which certainly is a form of good Greek. In fact, 
 according to Hort, the fisherman of Galilee was able 
 to improve both on the thought and diction of the 
 Pauline Epistles. This is an unfortunate position to 
 assume, for it is quite untenable. And it is not held 
 by one of Hort's ablest and most learned pupils, Dr. 
 Armitage Robinson, who says,i with more candour 
 than persuasiveness, to those at least who wish to 
 think that we are not between two forgeries, in the 
 shape of the two Epistles of Peter : ' It is exceedingly 
 probable that St Peter could not write or preach, 
 even if he could speak at all, in any language but 
 his mother tongue, the Aramaic of Galilee, a local 
 dialect akin to Hebrew.' With this remark the 
 present writer quite agrees, but he feels that it 
 compels us to admit either that i or 2 Peter or 
 both are forgeries, or that we must forthwith pursue 
 
 ' Lecture on the Study of the Gospels in Westminster Abbey, 
 Dec. I, 1900, reported in the Guardian of Dec. 5- 
 
1 82 ST LUKE RECONCILES HIS SENIORS 
 
 a searching enquiry into the possibilities of the case 
 in order to escape the shameful and damaging ad- 
 mission that the Christian Church from the second 
 century has been the victim of a forgery, not merely 
 in the outer circle of attributed authorship, but in 
 the inner circle of the text. The Epistle to the 
 Hebrews does not claim in itself to be written by 
 St Paul : but the Second Epistle of Peter, no less 
 than the First, claims in its first line to be the 
 writing of St Peter. There is here no mere question 
 of the authorship of a document which may be cast 
 in the mould of one author or of another, whose style 
 is meant to be imitated, but of a definite persona- 
 tion of the Apostle. That the whole Church should 
 have been misled from the first on such a material 
 point as this, would be a reason for mistrusting the 
 Church entirely, alike on matters of doctrine and of 
 evidence. Let us be quite sure of our ground before 
 we condemn the Church as a dupe in its own Canon 
 of its own Testament, and sweep off as a detected 
 fraud of the second century a book which we confess 
 that the second century cannot explain. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ST PAUL'S EPHESIANS AND ST LUKE'S i PETER. 
 
 The present chapter has for its aim to shew in 
 parallel form the correspondence between the two 
 companion Epistles, Ephesians and i Peter. The 
 existence of the correspondence has been stated as 
 a bare fact by Zahn, but I have not seen the paral- 
 lelism exhibited at length, and I have been greatly 
 surprised to find how it works out. It may interest 
 others like myself, and the results which appear to 
 flow from it have a distinct importance of their own 
 for all who desire to understand the genesis of one 
 of the more immediately stirring and impressive 
 writings of the N.T. 
 
 The following four or five score of correspon- 
 dences are often, but not always, verbal. My object 
 has been to shew identity of thought rather than of 
 expression ; for I am content to think that we have 
 not to deal with one author for these two Epistles, 
 but the two authors, St Paul and St Luke. If any 
 one should maintain that Ephesians came from the 
 same pen and brain as i Peter, though exerted in 
 
1 84 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 the name and under the hand of St Paul, I think 
 he would have a fairly good case, only less good 
 than that which is here maintained, or rather main- 
 tains itself with a strong spontaneous eloquence. St 
 Paul, we know, wielded the pen of a ready writer, 
 and before we allowed the idea of St Luke writing 
 Ephesians for him, we should require to have some 
 reasonable ground against the probability that St 
 Paul in this case wielded his pen himself, — such a 
 ground as we have against the former fisherman of 
 Galilee being able to write good Greek. The differ- 
 ence of style which exists between Ephesians and 
 Romans is a question which has been recently 
 treated by very able hands.^ 
 
 I Peter. 
 i 3 Blessed be the God and 
 Father of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, who . . . 
 iii 9 That ye may inherit a 
 blessing. 
 I To the elect. 
 
 20 Before the foundation of 
 the world, 
 i i6 Be ye holy, for I am 
 
 holy, 
 i 19 a lamb unblemished, 
 iii 4 Which is in God's sight 
 (iviiiriov) precious. 
 i 3 Begat us again unto an 
 inheritance. 
 
 E^k i. 
 
 3 Blessed be the God and 
 
 Father of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, who . . . 
 Blessed us in all spiritual 
 blessing. 
 
 4 He elected us for himself 
 
 in him. 
 Before the foundation of 
 the world. 
 
 That we should be holy 
 and unblemished. 
 
 Before him {KwrevCnnov). 
 
 5 Foreordained us unto adop- 
 
 tion as sons. 
 
 II In whom we were made a 
 heritage. 
 
 14 The pledge of our inheri- 
 tance. 
 
 ^Sanday and Headlam, Coiiim. on Romans, 1895, Int. p. Iv ff. 
 
A HUNDRED COINCIDENCES 
 
 I8S 
 
 I Peter. 
 i 3 According to his great 
 
 mercy. 
 i 7 Unto praise and glory 
 
 and . . . 
 i lo Grace which (corrjeth) 
 
 unto you. 
 i 1 8 Ye were redeemed . 
 
 by the blood of . . . 
 
 Christ, 
 ii 24 He himself bare our sins. 
 
 iv 10 Stewards of the manifold 
 
 grace of God. 
 i 20 Christ was manifested for 
 
 you. 
 i 20 At the end of the times 
 
 (xpivoi). 
 
 i II What time {Kaipbv) the 
 spirit of Christ was 
 shewing. 
 
 i 10 The (Christian) prophets 
 who prophesied search- 
 ing .. . 
 
 i 12 Announced to you through 
 them who preached the 
 gospel to you. 
 
 i 9 Receiving the end of be- 
 lief, the salvation of 
 souls, 
 ii 9 A people for (God's) own 
 possession. 
 
 With its second paragraph, i 15 f., Ephesians 
 
 begins to follow the course of Colossians chapter i. 
 
 St Paul has 'heard of his readers' faith.' He 
 
 ' gives thanks and prays for them continually.' But 
 
 Ephesians soon reverts to several thoughts of 
 
 I Peter. 
 
 1 Peter. 
 i 13 The grace that is being 
 borne unto you by reve- 
 lation of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Eph i. 
 
 5 According to the good 
 
 pleasure of his will. 
 
 6 Untothepraiseofthegloryof 
 
 (compare i 12, 14). 
 
 6 Grace which he freely be- 
 
 stowed on us. 
 
 7 In whom we have the re- 
 
 demption through his 
 blood. 
 
 7 The remission of our trans- 
 
 gressions. 
 
 8 According to the riches of 
 
 his grace. 
 
 9 Made known to us the 
 
 mystery of his will. 
 10 The fulfilment of the times 
 (/ftttptSi'). 
 
 12 We (Christian Prophets) 
 
 who have hoped before 
 on the Messiah. 
 
 13 By whom ye also heard the 
 
 word of truth, the Gos- 
 pel of your salvation. 
 
 In whom by believing ye 
 were sealed by the Holy 
 Spirit of promise. 
 
 Redemption of (God's) own 
 possession. 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 Eph i. 
 17 The spirit of wisdom and 
 revelation. 
 
1 86 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 I Peter. 
 i 7 By revelation of Jesus 
 
 Christ, 
 i 4 An inheritance . . un- 
 fading, 
 i 5 For you who are guarded 
 
 by God's power, 
 i 21 Who raised him from the 
 
 dead, 
 iii 22 Who is at God's right 
 hand, having gone into 
 heaven, 
 iii 22 Angels and authorities 
 and powers 
 Being subject unto him. 
 
 I Peter. 
 
 i 14 Cf children of obedience. 
 
 iv 3 Having journeyed (far) in 
 
 lasciviousness. 
 iv 3 Performed the will of the 
 
 Gentiles. 
 iv 4 They think it strange 
 that you do not run 
 with them, 
 i 3 Begat us again unto a 
 living hope. 
 
 i 21 You who by his means 
 are faithful unto God. 
 
 Eph ii II ff. 
 
 Eph i. 
 
 1 8 His inheritance among the 
 
 saints. 
 
 19 The exceeding greatness of 
 
 his power towards us. 
 
 20 By raising him from the 
 
 dead. 
 
 20 And set him at his right 
 
 hand in the heavenly 
 places. 
 
 2 1 Above all rule and authority 
 
 and power. 
 
 22 Subject under his feet. 
 
 Eph ii. 
 2 Sons of disobedience. 
 
 2 In which sins ye had 
 
 walked. 
 
 3 Doing the things chosen 
 
 by the flesh. . . . 
 3 As were also the rest. 
 
 1, 5 You that were dead in 
 transgressions hath he 
 quickened. 
 8 By the grace have ye been 
 saved by means of faith ; 
 this is Gods gift. 
 
 With its third paragraph ii 1 1 ff., Ephesians 
 addresses the Gentile Christians — most of whom were 
 Jewish proselytes before they accepted Christ Jesus — 
 in such a way as to remind them that there was much 
 truth in the view of St Peter that they were once 
 strangers and sojourners, that they were once afar 
 off and now were brought near in the blood of the 
 Jewish IVEessiah. On this theme, St Paul enlarges at 
 some length. It is not fanciful to discern in this 
 
CHRIST OUR PEACE 
 
 187 
 
 passage a deeper undertone of triumph in the recon- 
 ciliation of Jew and Gentile which has received 
 accentuation in the fuller understanding now estab- 
 lished between the Apostle of the Gentiles and the 
 Apostle of the Circumcision. The Gentiles had been 
 ' called the uncircumcision,' ' alienated from the com- 
 monwealth of Israel,' 'strangers from the covenants 
 and the promise,' 'having no hope,' ' without God in 
 the world.' Now, Christ Jesus Himself is our peace;, 
 in Him the two are created one new man. This 
 sublime and stirring passage concludes with a very 
 marked reference to i Peter in its imagery of the 
 House of God. 
 
 I Peter. 
 ii II I beseech you as so- 
 journers. 
 i 17 Pass the time of your 
 
 sojourning. 
 i 16 ' Ye shall be saints.' 
 
 iv 17 To begin from the house 
 of God, and if from 
 us. . . . 
 i 12 Which were now an- 
 nounced to you by 
 means of those who 
 preached the gospel to 
 you, etc. 
 
 ii 6 ' I lay in Zion a chief 
 corner-stone.' 
 
 ii 2 That in him ye may be 
 made to grow. 
 
 ii 5 A spiritual house. 
 
 ii 5 Yourselves -also . . are 
 being built up ... to 
 offer spiritual sacrifices. 
 
 Eph ii. 
 1 9 Ye are no more . . .so- 
 journers. (For the con- 
 trast see on iv 13 below.) 
 
 19 Ye are fellow-citizens with 
 
 the saints, and of the 
 household of God. 
 
 20 Being built upon thefounda- 
 
 tion of the apostles and 
 prophets. 
 
 Messiah Jesus himself being 
 the chief corner-stone. 
 
 21 In whom the whole build- 
 
 ing . . . groweth unto- 
 a holy sanctuary. 
 
 22 In whom ye also are being 
 
 built up together for an 
 habitation of God in 
 the spirit. 
 
1 88 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 The Treatment of Old Testament Passages by the 
 Christian Prophets. 
 
 The last reference demands our close attention, 
 although the point on which it turns is connected not 
 so much with Ephesians as with Romans. Zahn 
 has remarked^ that "the passages i Pet ii 4-8 and 
 Rom ix 32 f. are not independent of each other, as 
 appears from the facts (i) that both apostles in 
 quoting Is xxviii 16 agree essentially in a strong 
 divergence from the LXX version of the text, and also 
 Rom ix 33. in the addition of the words ' upon him,' which are 
 
 Rom X II. 
 
 iPetiie. certainly spurious in LXX; and (2) that in i Pet ii 7 
 the words ' stone of stumbling and rock of offence,' 
 which originate in Is viii 14 (where the LXX diverges), 
 and which St Paul has inserted into this quotation 
 from Is xxviii 16, are tacked on to a quotation from 
 Ps cxviii 22 immediately after the citation of Is 
 xxviii 16. Here again (continues Zahn) Peter is not 
 copying Romans. He knows the prophetic text 
 from his own reading of it, for he gives in i Pet ii 6 
 the attributes of the stone omitted by St Paul, which 
 he has previously quoted in ii 4. But his mind 
 retains the conception which St Paul had given to 
 the prophetic word, and he spins out the threads pre- 
 sented to him by St Paul in the combination of 
 Is xxviii 16 and Is viii 14, while he joins on to them 
 that of Ps cxviii 22." 
 
 ^ Einl. ii p. 38. 
 
CHRIST THE FOUNDATION 189 
 
 The treatment of these passages in ' Romans ' and 
 I Peter throws considerable light upon the practice of 
 the Christian Prophets, when once it is understood 
 that Romans is written by St Paul and i Peter by 
 Silas- Luke. Here are the passages according to the 
 LXX : we are not concerned with the meaning in- 
 tended by the Septuagint translators, but only with 
 their language : — 
 
 Is viii 1 1 ff. Thus said the Lord : With the strong 
 hand they disobey the walking of the way of this 
 people, saying Let them not say a hard thing : for 
 whatsoever this people say is hard : and fear ye not 
 its fear nor be dismayed : Sanctify ye the Lord him- 
 self and he shall be thy fear. And if thou have 
 trusted upon him, he shall be to thee a sanctified 
 thing, and ye^ shall not meet with stumbling as on 
 (of) a stone nor with a fall as on (of) a rock. 
 
 Is xxviii 16. Wherefore thus said the Lord 
 Jehovah, Behold ^ I lay for the foundations of Sion 
 a precious stone, an elect cornerstone, honourable, 
 for her foundations, and he that believeth shall not be 
 put to shame. 
 
 Ps cxviii 22 ff. The^ stone which the builders 
 rejected, 
 
 ^ Kai ovx W5 \C0ov irpoffKbix^rt, avvavrricTCGd^, oid^ ws ir^rpas Trrci/xari. 
 
 ^ 'I5oi> iyib i/i^XKa els rot Se/uAia SeiMX XWov TroXirreXij iK\eKTbv 
 
 dKpoydivLouov ivTiiiov, els TO. BefxiXia avTTJs, Kal 6 inartiav oi ^7) 
 
 ^ MBov 6v dTrcSoKL/xaaav ol olKoSofioOi'Tes, oBros iyev^Bri els Ke(f>a\T}i' 
 yu)vlas. 
 
igo EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 The same was made the head of the corner. 
 
 This (head of the corner) came (eyeVero) from the 
 
 Lord's hand {-Trapa Kvplov), 
 And is marvellous (davjULaa-Tij) in our eyes. 
 This is the day which the Lord made. 
 Let us rejoice and be glad in it. 
 
 Now, let us see the altered form in which i Pet ii 6 
 and Rom reproduce the O.T. words. 
 
 I Pet ii 6 ff. Because it is contained in scripture 
 {■n-epiexei €v ypa(j)ri): Behold^ I lay in Sion a stone 
 elect, a chief-corner (stone), honourable, and he 
 that believeth on him (it) shall not be put to 
 shame. 
 
 For you, therefore, which believe is the honour : 
 but for such as disbelieve,'^ The stone which the 
 builders rejected, this was made the head of the 
 corner ; and, A stone of stumbling and rock of 
 offence. 
 
 Rom ix 32 f For they stumbled at the rock of 
 offence, as it is written : Behold^ I lay in Sion 
 a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence, and 
 he that believeth on him (it) shall not be put to 
 shame. 
 
 ^ 'I5oi) HStj/j.^ iv Stctj^ Xidov ^KkGKTbv 6.Kpoy{i)vi.aXov ^pri/xop, Kai 6 
 TTiCTTsiojv iir' avT(p oi) /MTj KaraiaxvvOTJ. 
 
 ^ Aldos 6V aTTedoKifJ-aaav ol oiKodofiovvres o^os ^ev-qOrj els KetpaKijv 
 yu)vias Kai \l6os Trjootr/crf/x/xaros Kai ir^rpa (XKavSoKov. 
 
 ^ 'Idoif Tid7}fjLi iv 2itb»' Mdov TrpocTKdfji./xaTos Kai ir^rpav (TKavSaKoVj Kai 
 6 Tricre^iijv ^tt' aury oO KaTaicrxvvd^(7€rai. 
 
THE PROPHETS QUOTE LXX 191 
 
 To these may be added for comparison : 
 
 Eph ii 20 Messiah Jesus himself being the chief- 
 corner-stone {aKpoywviaiov). 
 
 Now, the first divergence which we notice from the 
 LXX is that both Apostles use rlOtifii instead of 
 e/uL^dWot) in the quotation from Is xxviii 16. The 
 next is that they put ' in Sion ' for ' for the founda- 
 tions of Sion.' The third is that they insert the 
 words 'upon him (it)' after ' believeth,' The two 
 first divergences are justified by the Hebrew : the 
 third is not. 
 
 We must remember that in nearly every case 
 where St Paul quotes from O.T. he quotes the LXX. 
 In Romans he is said by Westcott and Hort to 
 quote the O.T. about 88 times ; out of these he is 
 said to quote the Hebrew only three times ; and 
 of these the first (Rom ix 22) is imaginary as 
 regards the Hebrew of Is xiii 5, for it comes 
 direct from LXX of Jer 1 (xxvii) 25, as WH also, and 
 herein correctly, have noted : the citation in the 
 second case is no nearer to the Hebrew than it is 
 to LXX (Rom x 15, Is Hi 7): the third citation is 
 also equally divided between the LXX and the 
 Hebrew, and there is no substantial difference 
 between them (Rom xii 19, Deut xxxii 35). Thus 
 the two former divergences from the LXX in the 
 passages before us (Rom ix 32 and i Pet ii 6 f) are 
 only remarkable because they form exceptions to St 
 Paul's regular practice. However the principal fact 
 
192 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 is that they agree in adding the words ' upon him ^ 
 (it), and the verse is quoted with the same addition 
 again in Rom x ii, introduced by the words, 'the 
 scripture saith.' 
 
 Next, the interdependence of Rom ix 32 and 
 I Pet ii 6 f. appears from the combination of Is viii 14 
 with Is xxviii 16, by interpolation in Romans and 
 by addition in i Peter. Now a careful observation 
 of these two passages in Isaiah will shew that neither 
 in LXX nor in the Hebrew original have they affinities 
 with each other. They do not belong originally to 
 the same section of (I) Isaiah. The earlier passage 
 is one in which Jehovah declares that He himself 
 shall become a holy thing to those who trust in 
 Him without any compromise at all. There is no 
 question of a holy place being built. The R.V. 
 translation ' sanctuary ' is probably right, but the 
 connexion between it and the stone ('even) and the 
 rock (tzur) is not only not discernible, but not present 
 in the passage by itself The idea of building 
 appears first in Is xxviii 16, but here it reaches no 
 further than the materials, the foundation-stone, the 
 line, and the level. The foundation-stone in Isaiah's 
 mind was the Anointed Prince of the tribe of Judah. 
 It was not Jehovah Himself as in the former passage, 
 but it was His Elect, ' a tried stone, a precious corner 
 
 ' It is certain that the thought of Eph ii 18 is reproduced in 
 2 Pet i 10, where the stumbling is the opposite of the ' rich provision 
 of the entry into the kingdom,' which is here ' the access which we 
 have unto the Father.' 
 
AGREEMENT IN QUOTATION 193 
 
 stone of sure foundation.' We are entitled to claim 
 for the words a secondary fulfilment in Christ Jesus, 
 but the first and primary meaning was the only 
 one present to Isaiah. And this fact only increases 
 the marvel. 
 
 I Peter does not copy Romans. 
 
 The question then which is forced upon us is how 
 and why these two Isaian passages came to be com- 
 bined in almost identical terms by Peter and Paul 
 in Romans, while Peter and Paul in Ephesians iv 15 f. 
 add the third (never before combined with them ^) 
 
 1 Hort says (Ephesians, p. 133) "Now it is true we have no direct 
 evidence from St Paul's earlier Epistles that the image of the corner- 
 stone was familiar to his rnind. But if we remember that this image 
 came from our Lord's own implicit appropriation of the words of 
 the psalm to Himself in the pafrable of the wicked husbandmen 
 recorded in all the first three Gospels, not to speak of St Peter's 
 reference to it before the Sanhedrim as well as afterwards in his 
 Epistle, it must be impossible for us to believe that the idea was 
 either unknown to St Paul from the day that he became a Christian, 
 or was rejected by him. On these then, as on other grounds, the 
 negative fact that Christ is not called the Head of the Church in 
 the earlier Epistles has no force towards shewing that this Epistle 
 must have a different author." On this it may be remarked that 
 St Paul did probably know his Psalter thoroughly, both after and 
 before his conversion ; but while this is granted, we still ' want to 
 know what led him to treat Ps cxviii in this particular connexion in 
 which he had never treated it before. We may not assume that he 
 knew Matthew which was not written till many years afterwards, nor 
 Luke which was not written till some years afterwards, and we 
 have no evidence whatever that he knew Mark. 
 
 N 
 
194 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 from Ps cxviii 22 ff., which in its primary sense refers 
 to the rebuilding of the temple by Zerubbabel, what- 
 ever its date of composition may be. Either we , 
 must resort to the mechanical explanation which 
 seems to satisfy some commentators, that Peter was 
 content to copy ' Romans' ; or there was a common 
 origin of the grouping and application of the three. 
 Now Zahn has pointed out that Peter "is not copying 
 Romans : he knows the prophetic text from his own 
 reading of it, for he gives in i Pet ii 6 the attributes 
 of the stone ('elect, honourable ') which are omitted 
 by Paul but previously quoted by himself in ii 4. 
 But his mind retains the conception which Paul had 
 given to the prophetic word, and he spins out the 
 threads presented to him by Paul in the combination 
 of the Isaian passages while he joins on to them the 
 verses of P.s cxviii." This is very unsatisfactory on 
 Zahn's part. He begins by saying that Peter is not 
 copying, and he ends by saying that he has received 
 the idea from Paul and works it up consciously ! 
 That is next door to copying. Let us have a clear 
 idea of what happened. And perhaps we may gain 
 some help by observing the subsequent history of the 
 citation from Ps cxviii. 
 
 It occurs in Mark xii 10: 'And have ye not read 
 this scripture, The stone which the builders .... our 
 eyes.' It concludes the parable of the wicked hus- 
 bandmen. 
 
 It occurs in Luke xx 17 : ' What then is this which 
 
HISTORY OF 'THE STONE' 
 
 195 
 
 is written, The stone which the builders rejected, this 
 is become the head of the corner. Every one that 
 falleth on that stone shall be broken to pieces, but on 
 whomsoever it shall fall, it will scatter him as dust.' 
 Here again it concludes the same parable. 
 
 It occurs in Matthew xxi 42, where again it con- 
 cludes the same parable. ' Have ye never read in the 
 scriptures. The stone which the builders .... our eyes ? 
 Therefore I say unto you that the kingdom of God 
 shall be taken from you and given to a nation that 
 doeth the works thereof The words which follow 
 ' And he that falleth on this stone . . . him as dust ' 
 are bracketed by WH and omitted by Tischendorf, 
 as introduced by a copyist from Luke. They were 
 introduced by Matthew himself if not by a copyist. 
 The question whether Matthew had availed himself of 
 Luke is too large to be discussed here, but the words 
 certainly originate in St Luke, and to this we shall 
 return presently. 
 
 It occurs lastly in Acts iv 11: ' This is the stone 
 that was set at nought (e^ovdevrjdeli) by you the 
 builders, that is made the head of the corner.' 
 
 A Side-Light upon the Lucan Authorship of 
 2 Peter. 
 
 Now in the three Synoptists the entire discourse 
 which concludes with the citation is the same and 
 
196 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 coherent. The question is put by ' the high priests 
 and the scribes with the elders in the temple' to 
 Jesus, By what authority doest thou these things ? 
 He replies by the counter-question, Whence came the 
 baptism of John ? and so involves them in the 
 dilemma. (Here Matthew inserts the parable of the 
 two sons.) 
 
 Then follows the parable of the wicked husband- 
 men in language almost identical in the three 
 Gospels, except in one particular which throws an 
 unexpected light upon the theory here maintained, 
 that Luke wrote the Petrine Epistles. Mark and 
 Matthew have given a clue to the identity of ' the 
 Mt .\vi 45, builders ' with 'the husbandmen,' which is con- 
 
 43- 
 
 Lkxxis. spicuous by its absence in Luke. They have quoted 
 just one more expression from the introductory 
 
 isv2. passage in Isaiah than Luke has: 'and built a 
 tower.' Obviously the owner employed his own 
 labourers to build ; thus the builders can be readily 
 identified with the husbandmen in the minds of 
 Mark and Matthew. 
 
 Not so does Luke understand the bearing of 
 ' the builders.' To him the husbandmen have been 
 husbandmen for ages past throughout the history 
 of the Jewish Church ; the builders, on the other 
 hand, are those of the days of Christ, who having 
 the materials and the power to build the house of 
 God with Jesus as the chief corner-stone, reject 
 Him, but at their peril. He expresses this peril of 
 
LUKE KNOWS 'THE BUILDERS' 
 
 197 
 
 Stumbling, and possibly worse, in words which clearly 
 enough recall the very same passage of Is viii 14 
 which we have seen was familiar with him in this 
 connexion in i Pet ii 7 and in i Pet iv 17, and to 
 which he also referred in 2 Pet i 10, ' make your 
 calling and election sure : for while ye do this ye 
 surely shall never stumble ; for thus shall richly 
 be provided for you the entrance into the eternal 
 kingdom of our Lord.' Only when the thread of 
 thought is supplied by the connexion of Is viii 14, 
 Is xxviii 15, and Ps cxviii 22, which are all illus- 
 trated by the light of Enoch xci 13 (see p. 141 above), 
 do we gain the clue to the understanding of passages 
 so remote as Luke xx 18 and 2 Pet i 10 f. The 
 very expression ' ye shall not surely ' {ov /nij with 
 aorist subjunctive) in the latter place takes us back 
 to the same construction in Is xxviii 16. These 
 facts are most conclusive evidence that none but 
 Luke, the author of Luke, can be the author of i 
 Peter and of 2 Peter. They are not explained by 
 the simple supposition that before writing his Gospel 
 Luke had studied the two Epistles carefully. No 
 mere reader could have so deeply imbibed their 
 inward meaning as to reproduce, in connexion with 
 the wicked husbandmen, the thought of the spiritual 
 stone of stumbling where St Mark had before him 
 only that of the chief corner-stone. 
 
198 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 History of the combined citations. 
 
 The conclusion that we must reasonably draw 
 is this. First, the grouping of the two Isaian texts 
 was originally made by Paul and Luke as Prophets 
 seeking the fulfilment of Isaiah. It was first treated 
 by Paul in writing to the Romans. 
 
 Secondly, The two Isaian passages are combined 
 by Luke and Peter with Ps cxviii seeking the ful- 
 filment of Isaiah, Psalms, and Enoch. And the 
 combination is first treated in writing in i Peter. 
 
 Thirdly, The combination of Isaiah with the Psalm 
 is made by Paul, Luke, and Peter, seeking the fulfil- 
 ment of the three ancient types, and is repeated 
 in the writing of the Ephesians as an open seal 
 of conciliation of the Apostles. 
 
 Fourthly, The fuller combination is plainly referred 
 to by Luke and Peter in 2 Peter in the following 
 expressions, 'Ye surely shall not stumble' (Is viii 14): 
 • shall be richly supplied ' (2 Pet i 1 1 = ' every joint 
 of the supply,' 1 Eph iv 16 = Ps cxviii 22, 23) : 
 ' partakers of the divine nature ' (2 Pet i 4 with 
 verses 5 ff, 'Supply . . . supply . . . supply'; these 
 are the 'joints' of Eph iv 15, 16): and to these 
 may be added the two closing verses of 2 Peter, ' fall 
 
 ^ There is really nothing anatomical in this famous passage of Eph iv 
 16: it is all architectural, and it becomes quite. plain when regarded in 
 the light of 2 Peter i, but not otherwise. This answers the question on 
 p. 104 above. 
 
WHAT IS REVELATION 199 
 
 {i.e. be shaken) out of your own stedfastness (of 
 foundation). But grow . . ' For ctt^pi^od and its 
 cognates are frequently used of houses and founda- 
 tions, Ecclus iii 9 and elsewhere in LXX. This 
 recalls Is xxviii 16. 
 
 Fifthly, It was then rehandled by Luke in Luke, 
 so as to give a different turn to the parable of 
 the wicked husbandmen from that which is given in 
 Mark. 
 
 Sixthly, It was finally referred to by St Luke in 
 Acts in the mouth of Peter — only negatively and ac iv 12. 
 slightly so far as the stumbling is concerned. It 
 may or may not be found in Matthew. 
 
 ne meaning of the term Revelation. 
 
 After this long digression we may now revert to 
 our parallelism of i Peter and Ephesians. But first 
 the term Revelation requires to be noticed. In i 
 Peter St Luke had urged his readers to set their i Pet i 
 hopes on the grace that was being brought unto 
 them by revelation of Jesus Messiah. The words 
 have usually been understood to mean a future gift. 
 So R.V. translates ' that is to be brought unto 
 you,' but its marginal rendering alone is correct, ' is 
 being brought.' The general ignorance of the fact 
 that Christian Prophecy was a living gift in the 
 CJiurch was shared by the Revisers, as we have seen 
 
200 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 more than once, and they appear to have thought 
 that whenever ' revelation ' is mentioned, unless St 
 Paul is speaking of his special revelations, it means 
 the future appearance of Christ in glory. No doubt 
 the Christian mind will be slow to realise the fact 
 which these pages are designed to elucidate, but it 
 will awaken at length to the violence which any 
 other interpretation must do to the plain words of 
 the New Testament. Here, for instance, i Peter 
 has been describing in the plainest manner the 
 current practice of prophecy as understood and 
 followed by an earnest and enthusiastic Prophet.^ 
 In vain for us modern readers does he do so. He 
 
 iPetiio-i2. uses the aorist tense, and what happened a few 
 years before he wrote, when his readers were first 
 taught the Gospel, is made by R.V. and the com- 
 mentators to refer to the hoary antiquity of Isaiah 
 
 I Pet i s. or Malachi. The time in which i Peter was written 
 was indeed to Peter 'the last time,' but though he 
 thought that the last time was soon to be con- 
 summated in the end of all things, we have no 
 right to say that whenever he mentions ' revelation,' 
 ' apocalypse,' he means the final end of the last 
 time any more than the present moment of it. 
 Not even in i 5 does ' revealed ' mean the final end 
 any more than the present moment. Salvation is 
 ever ready to be ' revealed,' and at that present 
 moment it was revealed by the medium of prophecy. 
 
 ^ The Christian Prophets, p. 152. 
 
TO-DAY ALL-IMPORTANT 201 
 
 It may be granted that the aorist tense in that 
 particular verse favours a moment, such as the final 
 end, more than the present tense would have done. 
 But this is only because the effort of mind neces- 
 sary to realise a moment is less difficult when there 
 is a definite future climax anticipated, around and 
 upon which the thoughts and words of men have 
 clustered more than they have upon any average 
 moment which, however intense to the writer when 
 he wrote, seems to us like any other in the daily 
 course of things when we look back after these 
 centuries upon the written word. The volcano is 
 ever cooling. ' For from the day that the fathers 2 Pet iii 4, 
 fell asleep, all things continue as they were from 
 the beginning of the creation.' There was a real 
 difficulty at the base of the mockers' mockery, 
 which the Christian Prophets had to meet. It is2Corvi2. 
 a difficulty with us to-day. ' Behold, now is the 
 acceptable time ; behold, now is the day of salva- 
 tion.' ' Exhort one another day by day, so long 
 as it is called To-day ; lest any one of you be Heb iii 13. 
 hardened by the deceitfulness of sin.' On this point 
 at least the teaching of the Christian Prophets is 
 not obsolete or limited : to-day is all-important 
 still. 
 
 Still more does this apply to another verse in 
 I Peter i 7. The ' revelation ' was a present fact 
 resulting from the study of O.T. scripture, and the 
 discovery of the fulfilment of types and prophecies. 
 
202 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 In and by such revelation lay ' the praise and honour 
 and glory' which would crown the proof of the 
 reader's faith. These began now, and would them- 
 selves be crowned when He appeared, and they 
 would see Him as He is. 
 
 Ephiiis. When then in Ephesians St Paul dwells on the 
 ' revelation ' ' made to himself, with regard to the 
 truth heretofore secret and now declared, that the 
 Gentiles are admitted to the fullest equality in the 
 Covenant of God, he is also careful to refer to the 
 
 Ephii'is. fact described by Peter, that the same truth had 'been 
 now revealed to Messiah's holy Apostles and Pro- 
 phets ^ in the spirit' There is a note of holy exul- 
 tation in the three-fold emphasis, ' fellow-heirs, 
 
 ^ See above, p. 119. Zahn {Einl. ii 358) rather labours to justify the 
 use of ' holy ' as a term applied to ' His apostles and prophets in the 
 spirit,' and adds : ' It is a matter of indifference to criticism whether 
 Paul meant to include himself, or ' by apostles ' meant the Twelve 
 apart from himself, as in Rom xvi 7, 1 Cor xv 7. The former is more 
 probable in Eph iv 1 1 ; the latter in ii 20. But the same is true of iii 
 5, after speaking in iii 3 about the revelation of the mystery to him- 
 self, as he further in iii 7 claims only to be the chief personal instru- 
 ment for realising the knowledge revealed to the Apostles and Prophets, 
 and as he calls himself the lesser (but the word is really ' leaster ') 
 of all saints, not in quite the same language as that of i Cor xv 9.' 
 But as Zahn fully recognises that Paul calls himself an Apostle, and 
 calls all believers 'holy,' even the licentious Corinthians, whom he 
 urges to live up to their name, it seems quite needless to refine upon 
 meanings. The chief point is that Prophets are those who receive 
 Apocalypses, Apostles are those Prophets who go on Missionary 
 journeys. Evangelists are those who preach the Gospel without being 
 Prophets, though they go on Missions. There is no difficulty to those 
 who accept the view that Christian Prophecy was a living agency of 
 Apocalypse. 
 
UNSEARCHABLE, UNTRACEABLE 
 
 203 
 
 fellow-members of the body, and fellow-partakers 
 of the promise in Messiah Jesus,' which there is notEphiue. 
 in the companion passage by the Apostle of the 
 circumcision, who still states the truth, and declares i Pet 1 8-12. 
 the rejoicing of the readers. 
 
 I Peter. 
 i 12 To whom it was revealed 
 because . . . for you they 
 ministered what was 
 now announced to you 
 through them who 
 preached the Gospel to 
 you by the holy spirit. 
 
 iv II If any one minister, let 
 him do so as of the 
 strength which God 
 supplies. 
 
 iv 10 Cf. Good stewards of the 
 grace, 
 i 8 With joy unspeakable. 
 
 Eph Hi. 
 
 5 As it was now revealed to 
 
 Messiah's holy apostles 
 and prophets in the 
 spirit. 
 
 6 Through the Gospel of 
 
 which I became a minis- 
 ter, according to the . . 
 grace of God given unto 
 me. 
 9 Stewardship of the mystery. 
 
 8 The untraceable ' riches of 
 
 Christ. 
 1 1 We have the fulness of 
 speech. 
 
 ' The word dj'ejix''""'"^'"' here and in Rom xi 33 is by no means 
 merely rhetorical. It refers to the searching of the O.T. scriptures for 
 the types and prophecies of the Messiah. Thus it is combined as a 
 parallel with ' unsearchable,' which comes from the very same word 
 that is used in i Pet i 10. The R.V. rendering, like A.V., is wrong. 
 It means ' never enough traced out ' — there is always more to trace out. 
 But ivCKkaKiiTif is like ^fix"^""'^'"') ^"d means 'joy that has never been 
 enough expressed yet,' i.e. by those who have heard (he Christian 
 Prophets, and SeBo^ixaiiivtf is 'joy that is completely glorified.' 'Ye 
 rejoice (a.ya.\\i.S.Te) with a joy complete in glory, but not yet complete 
 in expression.' There is clearly here a reference to the speaking with 
 tongues. Certain it is that Ps xvi 9 contains the words, ' my tongue 
 rejoiced,' Tr/oKKLaaaTo r/ yXSirird /iOU, and that it is quoted by Luke in 
 Peter's mouth, Ac ii 25, as the type of the Pentecostal gift of tongues. 
 Hence the expression i Pet i 12 end. See p. 123 above. 
 
204 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 I Peter. 
 12 Which things the angels 
 desire to look down into. 
 
 iv 10 Manifold grace of God. 
 
 i 15 Him that called you. 
 
 ii 5 To offer up sacrifices ac- 
 ceptable to God. 
 
 i 5 Guarded by God's power 
 through faith. 
 
 ii 5 Ye are being built as 
 living stones. 
 
 ii 6 He that believeth upon 
 Him (as a foundation). 
 
 iv 1 1 That God may be glori- 
 fied in all things through 
 Jesus Messiah, to whom 
 is the glory and the 
 might unto the ages of 
 the ages. Amen. 
 
 Eph Hi. 
 10 That it may be made known 
 
 now to the principalities 
 
 and powers in the 
 
 heavenly places. 
 10 The manifold wisdom of 
 
 God. 
 12 We have the approach. 
 
 16 To be strengthened with 
 power through His 
 spirit. 
 
 18 Having been rooted and 
 founded. 
 
 21 To God be the glory in the 
 Church and in Messiah 
 Jesus unto all the gene- 
 rations of the age of the 
 ages.-* Amen. 
 
 The ' unity ' of the Ephesians is not contrasted with 
 private judgment. 
 
 We now approach the practical and hortatory por- 
 tion of Ephesians, only to find the same remarkable 
 parallelism with i Peter as before. But no sooner 
 is the exhortation begun than St. Paul launches forth 
 upon the praise of unity, which we must remember is 
 contrasted with the duality of Jew and Gentile, in 
 accordance with his previous remarks, much more 
 
 ^ These are in eternity at least, if not on earth. The phrase lends no 
 support to the idea of a late date for the writing of Ephesians. 
 
UNITY NOT DUALITY 
 
 205 
 
 than with the plurality of opinions rising from the Eph " 15 f 
 private judgment of members of the Church, how- 
 ever much the 'Prayer for Unity' of 171 5 may have 
 turned the language against ' our unhappy divisions.' 
 Eph iv must be read with Eph ii, and in the sense of 
 an Epistle of conciliation. The reference to the 
 plurality of offices in the Church finds its origin in 
 I Peter. Not even the Descent before the Ascension 
 is omitted in Ephesians, though it is based now upon 
 canonical Scripture, whereas i Peter based it upon 
 uncanonical. We shall have the Book of Enoch 
 quoted soon afterwards in Eph v 14 f 
 
 I Peter. 
 
 iii 9 Lowly and not rendering 
 evil for e\il. 
 
 iii 15 With meekness. 
 
 iv 8 Having your mutual love 
 intense. 
 
 iv 10 Each according as he re- 
 ceived a gift {x^P'-'^ !'■'>■) ■ 
 
 iii 19 He went and preached to 
 the spirits in prison. 
 
 iv 6 The Gospel was preached 
 to the dead. 
 
 > 
 
 iv 10 Ministering it to one 
 another : if any one 
 ministers . . . if any one 
 speaks. 
 
 ii 2 As new-born babes, long 
 for the reasonable milk 
 without guile. 
 
 Eph iv. 
 2 With all lowliness 
 meekness. 
 
 and 
 
 2 Forbearing one another in 
 love. 
 
 7 To each one of us was 
 given grace (x"P") ac- 
 cording to the measure 
 of the gift. 
 
 9 That he ascended what is 
 it but that he had de- 
 scended into the lower 
 parts of the earth ? 
 
 1 1 £ He gave some . . . evan- 
 gelists . . . untothework 
 of ministering. 
 
 13 Unto a fullgrown man . 
 
 that we may be no'^ more 
 infants (c-ijttioi). 
 
 ^ This is a very remarkable sudden contrast in the midst of a series of 
 parallels, and along with that of 'no more strangers' (p. 187 above), is 
 conclusive proof, if any were needed, that Ephesians is composed after 
 
206 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 I Peter. 
 
 ii 2 That ye may be made to 
 grow in him unto sal- 
 vation. 
 
 ii 7 The head of the corner. 
 
 ii 5 Ye are being built up a 
 spiritual house. 
 
 iv 2 Ye should no more live 
 by the lusts of men. . . . 
 
 iv 3 For the past is enough to 
 have wrought the will of 
 the Gentiles. 
 In abominable idolatries. 
 
 ii 9 Whocalled us out of dark- 
 ness. 
 
 ii lo Whooncewerenot(God's) 
 
 people, 
 iv 3 Having journeyed (far) in 
 kinds of lasciviousness. 
 
 ii 3 Ifyou have tasted that the 
 Lord is good. 
 
 iii 21 Not the putting off of the 
 filth of the flesh. 
 
 iii 1 6 Your good manner of life 
 
 in Christ, 
 iii 1 8 Quickened in the spirit 
 
 (as a type of baptism). 
 
 Eph iv. 
 
 15 Let us grow unto him in 
 all things, who is the 
 head,^ Messiah, from 
 whom all the body being 
 fitly framed and knit 
 together . . . maketh 
 the growth of the body 
 unto the building of 
 itself in love. 
 
 17 Ye should no more walk 
 as the Gentiles walk. 
 
 1 7 In the vanity of their mind 
 
 {i.e. idolatry). 
 
 18 Having been darkened in 
 
 their understanding, 
 estranged from the life of 
 God. 
 
 19 Gave themselves up to 
 
 lasciviousness. 
 
 21 If so be ye have heard him . 
 
 and been taught in him. 
 
 22 That ye put off . . . the 
 
 old man. 
 25 Having put off falsehood. 
 
 22 According to your former 
 
 manner of life. 
 
 23 Renewed in the spirit of 
 
 your mind. 
 
 I Peter; i.e. slightly after it in time, but I should think only just long 
 enough for the writer of Ephesians to have seen I Peter, and to bring out 
 the teaching of the other side of the same cornparison of Christians to 
 infants. For I Peter also proceeds at once to urge growth unto matu- 
 rity in the same verse. 
 
 ^ It seems clear that the literary origin of Eph iv 15, which presents 
 the complete fusion of the two metaphors of building and bodily grmith, 
 is to be found in adding to the thought of the head, which is originally 
 that of Ps cxviii 'the head of the corner,' the single and natural idea 
 of a body, while the idea of a Temple is retained as fundamental. 
 Again, Ephesians is rather more elaborate than I Peter. 
 
NAMES FOR BAPTISM 
 
 207 
 
 While the parallelism of the two baptismal passages 
 I Pet iii 18 ff. and Eph iv 20 ff. is unmistakeable, 
 it is also plain that they represent different 
 aspects of the symbolism. Ephesians has dispensed 
 with the symbolism of the ark and deluge, 
 in which we have already noticed the meaning of 
 antitype} just as it omitted the reference earlier in 
 the chapter to the spirits in prison, while preserving 
 the ' descent to the lower parts of the earth.' Already 
 baptism is indissolubly linked with the humiliation 
 and exaltation of Christ. Ephesians refrains from 
 using the word 'baptism,' laying stress on 'teaching' 
 and ■ newness of creation,' as symbolised in the 
 clothing of the candidates, while i Peter names 
 ' baptism ' and also speaks of the ' interrogation of a i Pet iii 21. 
 good conscience towards God ' and ' quickening by the 
 spirit,' and uses the symbolism of ' clothing ' and of 
 planting. The corresponding passage in the Colos- coi ii n ff. 
 sians combines in the same way the distinct ideas 
 of ' clothing ' and ' burial ' with the name of ' baptism ' 
 and ' newness of life.' The corresponding passage in 
 Romans mentions baptism symbolised by 'burial,' Rom vi 4. 
 not by 'clothing,' but by 'planting,' and connected Rom vii 4. 
 with newness of life. All the four passages therefore 
 belong to the same stage in the evolution of doctrine. 
 
 I Peter. 
 i 22 In obedience to the truth 
 unto brotherly love un- 
 feigned. 
 
 Eph iv. 
 25 Speak truth . . 
 are members 
 another. 
 
 for we 
 one of 
 
 1 See p. I 
 
 37 above. 
 
 
208 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 I Peter. 
 
 iii 1 1 ' Let him seek peace, and 
 
 ensue it.' 
 V 9 Resist the devil. 
 
 iv 15 Let none of you suffer as 
 
 a thief, 
 iii 10 Let him stop his tongue 
 
 from evil and his Hps 
 
 that they speak no 
 
 guile, 
 iv 10 To one another as good 
 
 stewards of God's 
 
 grace. 
 iv 14 The spirit of God resteth 
 
 upon you. 
 i 18 Ye were redeemed. 
 ii I Having put away all 
 
 malice and all guile 
 . and envies and 
 
 all evil speakings. 
 
 iii 8 Be ye all likeminded . . . 
 tenderhearted . . . be- 
 cause ye were called to 
 inherit blessing. 
 
 I Peter. 
 
 ii 21 Because Christ also 
 suffered for you, leav- 
 ing you an example 
 that ye should follow 
 his steps. 
 
 i 15 As he that called you is 
 holy, be ye also holy, 
 iv 13 But as ye are partakers 
 of Chjist's sufferings, 
 rejoice. 
 
 Eph iv, 
 
 26 ' Be ye angry and sin not' 
 
 27 Neither give place to the 
 
 devil.^ 
 vi II Stand against the wiles 
 of the devil. 
 
 28 Let him that stealeth steal 
 
 no more. 
 
 29 Let no corrupt speech pro- 
 
 ceed out of your mouth. 
 
 Give grace unto the 
 hearers. 
 
 30 Ye were sealed by the holy 
 
 spirit unto the day of 
 redemption. 
 
 31 Let all bitterness and 
 
 wrath and anger and 
 clamour and railing be 
 put away from you with 
 all malice. 
 
 32 Be ye kind one to another, 
 
 tenderhearted . . . even 
 as God in Christ forgave 
 you. 
 
 Eph V. 
 
 I Be ye imitators of God . . . 
 and walk in love, even 
 as Christ loved you and 
 gave himself for you an 
 offering and sacrifice to 
 God. 
 
 4 As becometh saints (holy). 
 
 But rather thanksgiving is 
 fitting. 
 
 ' It is a remarkable fact that St Paul nowhere mentions ' the devil ' 
 except in Ephesians and in the Pastoral Epistles. 
 
PRACTICAL TEACHING 
 
 209 
 
 1 Peter. 
 iv 5 Wlio shall render an 
 
 account to him that is 
 
 ready to judge quick 
 
 and dead. 
 iv 4 That ye do not run with 
 
 them, 
 ii 9 Who called you out of 
 
 darkness into his mar- 
 vellous light, 
 pp. 134 ff. See reff. to Enoch in 
 
 I Peter, 
 ii 15 So is the will of God, 
 
 that in doing' good ye 
 
 should silence the 
 
 ignorance of the fool- 
 ish men. 
 iv 3 f Winebibbings ... to 
 
 the same flood of 
 
 excess.-' 
 iii 15 Sanctify Christ as Lord 
 
 in your hearts. 
 
 iii I Wives being subject^ to 
 
 their own husbands, 
 iii 7 Husbands likewise . . . 
 
 assigning honour to the 
 
 wife as to the weaker 
 
 vessel. 
 As also fellowheirs of the 
 
 grace of life, 
 iii 2 Your chaste manner of 
 
 life in fear. 
 6 Not fearing with any 
 
 terror. 
 
 In regard to the duties of wives to husbands i 
 Peter is more exphcit, and employs the illustration 
 of Sarah. In the duty of husband to wife Ephesians 
 
 ido-uWa nowhere else in N.T. but once in Tit i 6; cf. Lk xv 13 
 dffuTws of the Prodigal. 
 
 'The same participial construction without a. verb in both caaes is 
 extraordinary. 
 
 Eph V. 
 
 6 For these things the wrath 
 
 of God Cometh upon 
 the children of disobed- 
 ience. 
 
 7 Be ye not partakers with 
 
 them. 
 
 8 Ye were once darkness, but 
 
 now are light in the 
 
 Lord. 
 14 is from Enoch xci 10 (see 
 
 below, p. 281.) 
 17 Be not ye foolish, but 
 
 understand what the 
 
 will of the Lord is. 
 
 18 Be not drunk with wine, 
 
 wherein is excess.' 
 
 19 Singing hymns and psalms 
 
 in your heart to the 
 
 Lord. 
 22 Wives* being subject to 
 
 their own husbands. 
 25 Husbands, love your wives 
 
 . . as Christ loved the 
 
 Church. 
 
 30 
 
 For we are members of 
 Christ's body. 
 33 The wife that she may fear 
 her husband. 
 
210 
 
 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 is much more elaborate, drawing out the comparison 
 of Christ and the Church. Ephesians alone adds a 
 paragraph on the duties of children to parents and 
 the converse. And it has unfolded the ideas of light 
 as an agency of the fertility of works and their test. 
 Romxmi2. Also we may note a modification in St Paul. In 
 Romans the works of darkness are mentioned in 
 connexion with the works of the law, as if to imply 
 — after all that had been said in that Epistle about 
 works — that they were of that character. But in 
 Ephesians a distinction is made, and we read of ' the 
 unfruitful works of darkness ' ; in other words, the 
 earlier tone of severity towards works is modified, and 
 they are divided into fruitful, which grow in light, 
 and unfruitful, which belong to darkness. Lastly, 
 'the hidden man of the heart' of i Peter expands 
 in Ephesians into hymns and psalms in the heart. 
 
 Rom xi 6, 
 
 etc. 
 Eph V J I. 
 
 I Pet iii 4. 
 
 I Peter. 
 ii 18 Servants being subject in 
 all fear to your masters. 
 
 ii 16 Not as using your free- 
 dom for a cloke of your 
 wickedness. 
 But as slaves of God. 
 
 i 17 Who without respect of 
 persons judgeth ac- 
 cording to each man's 
 work. 
 V 8 Your adversary the devil 
 . . resist. 
 
 v 14 Peace unto you all who 
 are in Christ. 
 
 Eph VI. 
 
 5 Slaves, obey your human 
 
 lords with fear and 
 trembling. 
 
 6 Not with eye-service. 
 
 But as slaves of Christ doing 
 
 the will of God. 
 8 Each if he do any good shall 
 
 receive it from the Lord 
 
 . . . there is no respect 
 
 of persons with him. 
 1 1 That ye may be able to stand 
 
 against the wiles of the 
 
 devil. 
 23 Peace to the brethren and 
 
 love with faith. 
 
'J/F CASE AT LAW 21 1 
 
 Genuineness of the Epistle to the Ephesians. 
 
 The rest of chapter vi contains first a description 
 of the spiritual panoply, which is chiefly based, not as 
 some have supposed upon a description of the Roman Eph vi 30. 
 soldier who guarded the Apostle as a prisoner with a 
 chain, but upon the words of Is lix 17, to which he 
 has before had recourse, though more briefly, in 
 writing i Thess v 8. From this he glides into a 
 request for his readers' prayers on behalf of his 
 approaching trial before Caesar at Rome. He 
 mentions this so simply and artlessly that the 
 unprejudiced reader entertains no doubt that the 
 Epistle is St Paul's. He mentions his trial to 
 the Ephesians, as to the Colossians, in the very words coi iv 7. 
 
 Eph vi 21. 
 
 of Philippians (ra /car' e/xe ' my case '), and the only pwi i 12. 
 reasonable explanation of these references is the 
 simple one that Ephesians and Colossians were 
 written before the hearing and Philippians after 
 it. He was now about to 'open his mouth' 
 in open court ; he prays that ' speech may be 
 vouchsafed him ' by God ' to make known with 
 all freedom the revealed truth of the Gospel.' 
 And so it happened. ' His imprisonment became 
 manifest by Christ in all the praetor's (Caesar's) 
 court and among all the rest of his courtiers, and the 
 brethren were more abundantly encouraged to speak 
 the word of God fearlessly.' 
 
212 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 Lightfoot was right in maintaining that the Philip- 
 pians was the last written of the four Epistles of the 
 captivity, and that they all belong to the first 
 captivity at Rome, and not to that of Caesarea. 
 
 Acxxviii. There is no difficulty in supposing that Peter was 
 in Rome before Paul, Luke, and Aristarchus arrived ; 
 that the understanding with Peter was the first thing, 
 as was natural, to occupy the three; that consequently 
 I Peter was written first, then Ephesians, Colossians, 
 and Philemon ; that the first hearing of the case in 
 in the Praetor's court followed, after much delay; 
 that Philippians was written last, but before the end 
 of the two years of Paul's detention at Rome. Nor 
 does there seem any reason to doubt that Lightfoot 
 and Hort are right in identifying ' the Epistle (in its 
 
 Coiivi6. circulation) from Laodicea' to Colossae with our 
 Epistle to the Ephesians. St Paul orders that it be 
 read in Church at Colossae, and likewise that his 
 Epistle to the Colossians be circulated and read 
 publicly at Laodicea. This express order for public 
 reading had a reason in the one case which it had 
 not to the same extent in the other ; for the Ephe- 
 sians was his message urbi et orbi of conciliation with 
 Peter ; but it was unnecessary to declare this fact 
 upon the housetops so long as the satisfaction was 
 done to the partisans who craved it and to the truth 
 itself. 
 
THE CIRCULAR EPISTLE 313 
 
 To Whom was Ephesians Addressed? 
 
 The question still remains, to whom precisely the 
 Epistle of Paul ' to the Ephesians ' was addressed. 
 The documentary evidence for the present title ' to 
 the Ephesians' and for the present words in i i ' in 
 Ephesus ' may be seen discussed by Hort in his post- 
 humous lectures.^ Zahn agrees with Hort that the 
 letter was an encyclical or circular epistle, by St 
 Paul himself, carried by Tychicus through Asia, his 
 own province, and intended to be read in church 
 first at Laodicea and next at Colossae, being the 
 very Epistle mentioned in Col iv 16, but addressed 
 to all the churches in Asia. Zahn offers a suggestion 
 which appears to have everything to commend it 
 when he says : ' If, when the Epistles of Paul were made 
 into a collection, Ephesians received a title according 
 to the analogy of the rest, and the unsuitable name^ 
 
 ^ The Romans and the Ephesians. Prolegomena, p. 75 ff- 
 
 ^ This name is unsuitable, Zahn thinks, because certain passages Eph i 15 f. 
 imply that the recipients had no personal knowledge of the writer, gpij |" ^i. 
 Hort, on the other hand, thinks rightly that i 15 is not inappropriate 
 in reference to tidings about the present condition of the Ephesian 
 church (and other churches near it), from which St Paul had long been 
 separated. In the other two passages, iii 2, iv 21, the ihj^ riKoiaaTe 
 means ' if, as I suppose,' with a rhetorical or appealing force where no 
 real doubt is intended. It may be added that the contrast of the 
 parallel in I Pet ii 3 where the plain ' if is used is here instructive. St 
 Paul's 2nd person plural may mean (l) individual readers, or (2) a 
 group of readers, or (3) a particular church, or (4) a group of churches. 
 Well might he say ' if, as I suppose, ye have heard of my stewardship 
 
214 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 To the Ephesians was selected for it, we must 
 assume that an accurate and genuine tradition about 
 the destination of the Epistle was not available by 
 those who made the collection.' How the error on 
 the part of the editor or some later copyist, of 
 addressing it to the Ephesians, arose and was per- 
 petuated is not inexplicable. Ephesus was the 
 jMetropolis of the Province of Asia, both ecclesiasti- 
 cally and politically. Through Ephesus lay the road 
 on which the Asiatic churches communicated, chiefly, 
 at least, with those of other lands. Thus this Epistle 
 would pass to all churches (in Asia Minor) from 
 Ephesus. But if it was circulated as a letter ' from 
 Ephesus,' it was just as easy for it to be supposed 
 to be addressed to the Church of Ephesus as it was 
 Col iv i6. for !Marcion to suppose, as he did suppose, the ' letter 
 from Laodicea ' to be a ' letter to the Laodiceans.' 
 
 The original draft of the letter probably had no 
 title whatever, just as it is probable that none of the 
 Pauline letters to churches had a title written by St 
 Paul or his amanuensis. The title would be left for 
 the collector to add. It is probable too that the 
 autograph did not contain the words ' in Ephesus ' in 
 i I. The place was left blank, to be filled up in each 
 case with a different local address.^ The words, how- 
 
 as Apostle to the Gentiles ' — whatever you may have heard of St 
 Peter's apostleship as well, and whatever you may have thought of the 
 Rom vi I ;. different spheres and ' types of teaching ' of us two. 
 
 1 See Westcott and Hort, The N. T. in Creek, vol. ii. A'otes on 
 Select Readings, p. 1 23 f. 
 
' WHO ARE,' ' WHO IS' 215 
 
 ever, are ' a legitimate but unavoidably partial supple- 
 ment to the true text, filling up a chasm which might 
 be perplexing to a reader in later times.' ' The Epistle 
 would be communicated to the great mother church 
 (of Ephesus) first.' 
 
 They in Ephesus WHO ARE : Jesus WHO IS 
 Lord Messiah. 
 
 But there is one noteworthy feature in the address 
 which should not be passed over, though it seems to 
 have failed hitherto to receive its right explanation. 
 What is the meaning of 'them who are' (to?? ouo-iv)! 
 The answer is to be found in the explanation, given 
 above (p. 15), of 'the Church which is.' The Apostle ac xiu i. 
 Paul was as anxious as Luke was to emphasise in his 
 Epistles at the outset, and rather more so as time 
 went on, the great truth that Christian believers were 
 the covenant people of God, free-holders of the in- 
 heritance which lasts throughout the ages, not in any 
 mere titular sense, but as a deeply real fact. Not 
 only did they possess the true name of Jehovah when 
 they transferred it to the Saviour Jesus, as Kvpio's 
 Lord — that was the titular sense — which He had 
 vindicated for Himself when He incurred the charge 
 of blasphemy by the Jews. The incident as recorded jnvUiss. 
 in the Fourth Gospel may not have been known to 
 St Paul ; but the open confession before the High 
 
2l6 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 Mkxiv62. Priest, as recorded in Mark, must certainly have been 
 known to him, even if he never saw Mark, for the ' I 
 AM' was the ground of blasphemy on which He 
 actually was brought to crucifixion : and this fact 
 must have been widely known. The titular possession 
 
 Romxg. of the Christian, who 'called Jesus Lord' with the 
 confession of his lips, was therefore one which 
 identified him with the very charge of blasphemy 
 on which the Saviour laid down His life for the world. 
 ' He that cometh to God must believe that HE IS.' 
 The same was true of him who came to Christ. 
 
 But the other fact was a reality of deep importance. 
 It has been welP said : 'No greater gift do we owe 
 to Christianity than the conception and consecration 
 of Personality : and every influence that confuses and 
 disturbs it softens the very nerve of modern civilisa- 
 tion.' That was the real property of believers which 
 St Paul had in mind when he addresses the readers as 
 ' them who ARE,' '^ the sense of personality which was 
 
 ^ James Martineau, Essays, etc., vol. iv. p. 313, "The Relation 
 between Ethics and Religion. " 
 
 ^ Origen was right, therefore, in noticing the expression, though, of 
 course, it is not peculiar to this passage ; and right in interpreting it 
 absolutely, and in reference to Ex iii 14, ' I AM ' ; nor does he deserve 
 the slighting remark of Jerome ('unnecessary refinement'), which is 
 probably directed upon Origen, who had provided him with most 
 of his remarks in the Commetitary written nearly 200 years later. 
 Origen sees another reference to the same thought in I Cor i 28. Hort 
 says, Bphesia7is, p. 86 : ' Certainly no one could now be satisfied to follow 
 Origen in putting a transcendental force into rois oBo-iy. . . .' But he 
 immediately goes on to shew that the same essential meaning as is 
 
TITLE OF BELIEVERS 
 
 217 
 
 in each individual, and was the basis iirmly laid of 
 that character which distinguishes modern civilisation 
 from ancient, and will ever distinguish it in propor- 
 tion as Christian faith is alive and healthy. The best 
 guidance that we have then on the whole is the read- 
 ing of the two best MSS. N and B, which give the fol- 
 lowing translation of the opening of the Epistle : No 
 title. ' Paul Apostle of Messiah Jesus through God's 
 will to the Saints who Are and believe (God) in (by) 
 Messiah Jesus,' The meaning is 'to those who 
 belong to the Eternal Covenant and Name and 
 confess their belief in God by their belief in Jesus 
 as Messiah.' No more inclusive terms could be 
 applied to those who were Christians at this time. 
 Had St Paul written ' and to them who believe in 
 Christ,' he would have laid himself open, by the use 
 of the words and to them, to the charge of having 
 divided the Jewish from the Gentile believers ; he 
 might have been called one of the Separaters of Jude 
 19 : he would have done the very opposite of what 
 he meant to do in writing the Epistle. 
 
 How far into Asia and the other provinces of Asia 
 Minor the Epistle would penetrate was not so much 
 the question as whether it was an open circular letter 
 to all who by this time accepted the faith that Jesus 
 was the Messiah and was Head of the organic Body 
 
 given on this page (above) may be obtained from the koX, ' the com- 
 bination of the old title of " Saints" with the distinctive characteristic 
 of Christians ' ! 
 
2i8 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 and Cornerstone of the Spiritual House, which was 
 building and growing on the foundation laid by the 
 Apostles and other Prophets. The Epistle places 
 these latter in their proper position, and implies that 
 amongst and in spite of all differences they were alike 
 engaged in the holy work of edifying the Body, and 
 could not vitally disagree. If it should be asked why 
 the Epistle was not directed plainly to the brethren of 
 ' Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia ' as 
 I Peter had been, the answer is easy : to do so would 
 have been to do too much : it would have impHed 
 that the claims to be satisfied were those of ' exact 
 justice,' whereas they were those of ' the gentleness of 
 2 Cor X I. Christ,' the sweet reasonableness of the Gospel. The 
 
 Phil iv 5. '^ 
 
 I Tim iii 3. harm that St Paul had done in writing Gal ii could 
 not be undone, nor could it be redressed with exacti- 
 tude, nor did St Peter expect such redress. He had 
 addressed all those whom St Paul had addressed, and 
 many more in the four adjacent provinces. St Paul 
 now addressed an indefinite number of believers, 
 possibly more and possibly less than i Peter would 
 reach. Perhaps, too, we may conclude that while 
 I Peter would enter Asia Minor by the port of Sinope, 
 as Hort supposes, ^ ' Ephesians ' would enter by that 
 of Ephesus, as Zahn suggests : so the whole Christian 
 population would be approached from opposite geo- 
 graphical sides with the gentle tidings of a Gospel of 
 
 Eph i 20, iv conciliation : Glory to God in the highest and on 
 
 lO) vi 9. 
 
 ^ Comm. on i Peter, ad fin. 
 
ZAHN ON BAUR 
 
 219 
 
 earth peace, to men of goodwill. Among all the Eph 1114, 15, 
 
 17, iv 3, vi 
 
 discourses delivered upon the Angel-song, none hash's-. ^ 
 ever been so complete and so telling as the Epistle 
 to the Ephesians. 
 
 Zahn on the Genuineness of Ephesians. 
 
 The above has been written entirely without regard 
 to the writings of Eaur, which the present writer 
 has not studied. But as I agree with Baur that 
 Ephesians is a letter of conciliation, though he 
 would assign it to the middle of the second century 
 and I place it in the first, the following remarks 
 of Zahn are noteworthy:^ "The feebleness of the 
 negative criticism on Ephesians appears also in its 
 inability to assign a credible object of the fabrica- 
 tion. (I.) According to Baur [Paulus, ii 39 /), both 
 Epistles (Eph and Col) have not so much the 
 theoretical object, of ' setting forth the higher idea 
 of the Person of Christ, which they contain,' as the 
 practical object of combining the Heathen- Christiati 
 and Jewish-Christian parties, and so preparing the 
 way for the establishment of the oae Christian 
 Church : and again ' the complete coalition of born 
 Jews and Heathens into a concluded fellowship in 
 Christianity' is quoted in the first instance as the 
 object at all events of Ephesians. It is also 
 
 ^ Einl. i 361. 
 
220 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 relevant to this contrast and contest that (II.) Holtz- 
 mann {Krit., 303) makes the re-arisen Paul " (this, of 
 course, is metaphorical for the Pauline scholar of 
 the second century whom he supposes to have 
 written Ephesians) " upraise a word of triumph and 
 peace over the Churches founded by Paul. But where^ 
 do we. find a trace of the readers requiring an 
 admonition to peace in this connexion .' It is true 
 Eph ii 11-22 deals with the hostile opposition which 
 subsisted before the appearance of Christ, and is 
 removed in His death. But we hear nothing of 
 this opposition having survived in a new form or 
 continued as a hostile opposition of the Jewish and 
 Heathen Christians even where the Gospel of Peace 
 had found acceptance within the one House of the 
 Church which embraced Jew and Heathen alike : 
 we only hear the full-toned testimony of the com- 
 plete establishment of peace and the subsisting 
 equality and unity of those who were formerly Jews 
 and Heathens. Nothing transpires^ of occurrences 
 which have endangered the concord between the 
 Jewish and the Heathen Christians, as in Gal 
 ii 1-14 or Acts xv, or of admonitions to mutual 
 
 ^ The present writer ventures to think that the answer to this question 
 is given in the present work, pp. i63ff., which were written without any 
 reference to the views of Zahn, Holtzmann, and Baur, the question 
 itself being obvious enough. 
 
 ^ How little has ' transpired ' of any kind of Christian feeling before 
 Justin Martyr? But we know that the Apostles and their followers 
 were human, and therefore Gal ii had results, which Zahn glides over. 
 
ZAHN ON HOLTZMANN 221 
 
 forbearance of both classes, as in Rom xvi 13. 
 
 As the readers are addressed collectively and Ephu 2,11 
 
 iii I. 
 
 generally as Heathens by birth/ without an 
 allusion anywhere to Jewish Christians amongst 
 them or even near them, this admonition can have 
 nothing to do with the opposition of Jews and 
 Heathens within Christendom. But as to the 
 relation of these Churches to the whole of Christen- 
 dom, we hear nothing. Had the author's object 
 been (I), he has used every means to conceal it and 
 none to attain it.^ But even with regard to the 
 supposed object (II), we observe the absence of even 
 one word of triumphant joy upon the life-work of 
 Paul, which had thriven so in spite of all hostility. 
 And naturally such a word is too much for this 
 false Paul to choose to utter ; for its utterance 
 would have placed him in a false position in open 
 Churches which had arisen apart from any assist- 
 ance of Paul ! Nor does he, in fact, especially 
 praise them. A pseudo-Paul, however feeble, would 
 have found in passages like i Th i 2-10, ii 19 f , iv 9, 
 
 ^This statement of Zahn ignores the possibility of the Heathen 
 Christians having been Jewish proselytes before they became Christians. 
 That is a vital question for the understanding of St Paul's position. 
 See p. 186 above. 
 
 ^ I should exactly invert this statement. St Paul has used no means 
 to conceal, and every means to express, his joy at the union of the two 
 currents of Christian teaching, that led by himself as the Apostle to the 
 Gentiles including those who had become Jewish proselytes, and that 
 led by St Peter as the Apostle to the born Jews. For he knew that 
 the union of the leaders was the union of the followers. 
 
2 22 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 2 Th i 3 f., Phil i 5, iv i, 15, some language for his 
 
 Paul if he had to express his joyful pride in his 
 
 fpJjL.'s. Churches. That Paul had heard of these Asiatic 
 
 tph 111 2. 
 
 Christians, and that they had heard of him, is not 
 an actual merit ; and that they had heard of one 
 another's general well-being is far from being a 
 victory to be triumphantly announced. Or where 
 should ' we have read anything of the preceding 
 contest, without which we cannot, of course, speak 
 of a victory'? (III.) The measure of uncircumstan- 
 tial inventions is only complete if we again take 
 censure and punishment to be the object of the 
 forgery.^ For where in Ephesians do we find such 
 :Eph ii I, iv censure ? The earlier life in heathenism of the persons 
 
 £ph iv I, addressed is severely noticed, and they are admon- 
 
 20 f, 32, J ' J 
 
 ished to walk aright. But with so many undoubted 
 Epistles of Paul before him, with their testimonies 
 based on actual life and directed against heathen 
 wickedness, the forger would never have needed to 
 invent another testimony of the same scope and 
 intention." 
 
 Thus does Zahn dispose of objections again§t the 
 genuineness of Ephesians. The passage here trans- 
 lated and abridged is only the conclusion of several 
 pages devoted to this question, but on the whole 
 I think it does not misrepresent either his special 
 pleading or his energetic reasoning, which is, with 
 some deductions, convincing. But when we come 
 
 ^ Holtzmann, 304. 
 
 V 1. 
 
ZAHN ON EPHESIANS 
 
 223 
 
 to examine into Zahn's own account of the object 
 and origin of Ephesians, we seem to find a certain 
 vagueness and obscurity. He saysi^ 'It is incon- 
 testable that St Paul not merely felt himself pledged 
 to the missionary preaching over the whole uncon- 
 verted heathen world, but also took under the care Rom i 14. 
 of his heart all Churches already existing.^ If heaCorxiss 
 addressed a copious Epistle to a Church like the 
 Romans, which did not belong to his proper mis- 
 sionary province, but only lay on the way of his 
 future travels and labours, it is likewise intelligible 
 that he felt himself bound to watch over and pro- 
 mote the development of the Churches in the 
 province of Asia, where he had laid the foundation 
 in his three years of work at Ephesus, from which 
 centre the others had received the Gospel, and to 
 do this all the more if he was accused, as at 
 Colossae and Laodicea, of failing to fulfil this obli- 
 gation, and if the other Churches were threatened, 
 as these two were, with the danger of being misled 
 into an unsound Christianity.' 
 
 What was included in St Paul's sphere of work ? 
 
 Now, even if this be intelligible, a caveat must be 
 entered against the latter part of the statement 
 claimed as incontestable. For it would require 
 
 ^ Einl. i 351. ^ 'Already existing ' is Zahn's own comment. 
 
224 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 more space than can be here afforded to examine 
 into the question of St Paul's sphere of work 
 except in regard to one particular point : How far 
 a congregation of Jewish Christians, arising in a 
 place which no Apostle had visited, let us suppose 
 in the centre of Asia Minor, would be considered, 
 by themselves or by St Paul, to belong to his sphere 
 of work ? Zahn boldly asserts that Rome did not 
 belong to St Paul's proper missionary province. 
 This is an astounding statement about one who 
 says, " I must see Rome also." Why did St Paul 
 say this ? Was it merely that he might call there 
 on his way to Spain .' Yet what else do Zahn's 
 words mean ? St Paul was consumed with a 
 Rom xv23ff. passionate desire to visit Rome, where he had been 
 
 Ac xxiii II 
 
 solemnly instructed by the Lord that he ' must bear 
 witness concerning' Him. And it seems clear from 
 the last chapter of Acts that some Roman Christians 
 believed that they were part of his province. We 
 need not refer to the division of the Roman Empire 
 into portions, which, as we have seen above, 
 so deeply affected his entrance into Macedonia: 
 though if Macedonia was one portion in his 
 mind, there must have been others — Greece, lUy- 
 ricum, Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul. But in proof of 
 A.; xxviii 15. what the Roman brethren felt about St Paul, let 
 us see how they behaved towards him. When St 
 Paul under guard with Luke and Aristarchus had 
 landed at Puteoli, 141 miles from Rome, and 
 
ST PAUL AT ROME 
 
 225 
 
 passed on by land as far as Forum Appii (43 miles 
 from Rome), they were met by some Christians 
 from Rome who came to do them honour, having 
 heard from Puteoli of their approach. Another 
 detachment of the brethren was ready at Tres 
 Tabernae, 10 miles further on. ' On seeing them 
 Paul gave thanks to God and took courage.' What 
 gave him the encouragement was the prospect which 
 the brethren held out of restoring unity with St 
 Peter and his followers ' of the circumcision.' The 
 account is not inconsistent indeed with the view 
 that these friends belonged to the sphere of St 
 Peter's work, and that St Peter himself had been 
 already in Rome before this, and was there now. 
 Among the Roman Christians there were some ■ of 
 the circumcision,' and some of these were his friends, coUvn. 
 as was Aristarchus, his fellow-traveller from Caesarea, 
 while others were actively engaged in opposing 
 him. Even the latter were ' preaching the Christ,' Phii i 17 1. 
 whether they could justly claim to preach a gospel 
 of Christ or not. If St Paul could rejoice at Messiah 
 being preached at Rome even falsely and in partisan 
 spirit, we must infer that there was at least one 
 party of Roman Christians who, after his presence 
 there for a year (more or less), did not acknow- 
 ledge his leadership. And we must further infer 
 that at least some of the circumcision party held 
 by St Peter. ' The greater part of the brethren pmi i 14. 
 confident in the Lord dare, the more abundantly 
 
226 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 for my bonds, to utter the word of God fearlessly.' 
 But on the other hand these expressions, whether 
 they betoken friendly sympathy or unfriendly rivalry, 
 do not militate against the facts that St Paul had 
 had, long before he became a Roman prisoner, 
 a definite object in coming to Rome ; that his 
 approach was the signal for an eager welcome, and 
 that exertions were made by Roman Christians to 
 meet him a long way off and escort him to the city; 
 that there had been a definite division of apostolic 
 spheres of work a few years before : and above all, 
 that he could not have addressed his Epistle to 
 the Romans if he had no locus standi as an Apostle 
 at least to some of them. 
 
 The above statement of Zahn must then be set 
 aside entirely as being unsatisfactory where it is 
 not vague. The more it is considered in the light 
 of the evidence we possess, especially the Epistles 
 (Eph, Col, Philem, Phil), of the Roman ^ captivity, 
 the Petrines, Acts, and Romans — the last written 
 some three years before Paul's arrival in Rome — the 
 more impossible it becomes to treat his visit as 
 anything but a part of his divine destiny ((5e() and 
 duty, which he would have carried out as a free 
 man if not as a prisoner. What the evidence points 
 to is this : — Paul's sphere of work consisted of all 
 persons of Gentile birth whether they were Jewish 
 
 ^ The view of Weiss and others that these Epistles belong to the 
 captivity at Caesarea is discussed by Hort (Ephesiaiis), and answered. 
 
Sr PAUL'S JEWISH PROSELYTES 227 
 
 proselytes or not; St Peter's sphere consisted of 
 Jews by birth. The importance of this distinction, 
 especially as regards the proselytes, cannot here 
 be set forth as it deserves. 
 
 Still as regards the Ephesian readers whom St 
 Paul addresses as ' Gentiles,' we have no difficulty 
 in seeing that his words apply to them equally well 
 whether they had or had not become Jews before 
 conversion to Christianity. 
 
 On the other hand in regard to the occasion of 
 Ephesians, we can also see that if the relations of 
 Paul with Peter had been what human nature under 
 the grace of God requires them to have been, it 
 is certain that something like the conciliation here 
 suggested took place at some time, and if so we 
 may safely say it took place just before the 
 ' Ephesians ' was written, and so must perforce have 
 shewn its effects in the Epistle. 
 
 If only a general circular letter was necessary, 
 ' Colossians ' might have served for the purpose, 
 for though intended for the Colossian Church it 
 was also ordered to be read at Laodicea, and if 
 there, why not elsewhere also? It probably was 
 read elsewhere, but it was not considered by St Paul 
 adequate to meet the case, as well it might not be. 
 Commentators have observed the measured note of 
 thanksgiving which Colossians contains, in contrast 
 to the triumphant burst which characterises 
 ' Ephesians,' among other points of diiiference which 
 
228 EPHESIANS AND i PETER 
 
 the attentive reader can mark for himself. But the 
 broad difference between Ephesians and Colossians 
 is this: Ephesians is kindled by a subjective con- 
 sideration of St Paul himself, Colossians is evoked 
 by the objective dangers which threatened the 
 Colossian Church. Zahn says the readers of Ephesians 
 were threatened by the like danger to that of 
 Colossae and Laodicea, or more correctly ' threatened 
 like them by the danger of being misled into un- 
 sound Christianity' But he does not support the 
 statement, and we may say that the likeness of the 
 danger is not very apparent. The term ' unsound 
 Christianity ' is most unfortunately vague. As applied 
 to Colossians, it would cover a heresy ; as applied 
 to Ephesians, it would cover a schism. And it 
 were better to keep these two ideas distinct than to 
 combine them in one term. The Colossian heresy 
 in fact, which may be seen treated by Lightfoot, 
 was very peculiar, and reference to it is entirely 
 absent in Ephesians. Moreover, it is the purest 
 supposition that some of the readers of Ephesians 
 had ' accused St Paul of failing in his obligation to 
 them,' and though Zahn makes something^ of the 
 
 Eph vi 21. words 'that ye too may know about my case,' the 
 words refer not so much to the occasion of the letter 
 itself, which contains no information about St Paul but 
 his entreaty for their prayers, as to the arrival of 
 
 Eph vi 19. its bearer Tychicus who, as an Ephesian himself, 
 
 Ac XX4. ^ 
 
 1 SM. i 344. 
 
' EPHESIANS' DISTINCTIVE 
 
 229 
 
 would interest the Ephesians more than the members 
 of other churches. I am not therefore aware that 
 Zahn has urged anything sufficient to modify the 
 clear line indicated above for the course of action 
 and feeling in which Ephesians originated. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE. 
 
 Does Jiide refer to the written 2 Peter"! 
 
 The conclusion arrived at above (p. 112), that the 
 close resemblance between 2 Peter ii and Jude is 
 due to the fact that the authors were Silas and 
 Jude, who had been companion Prophets, using the 
 same plan of teaching and preaching, seems to 
 require further consideration at this point, for it 
 takes us much further than the result previously- 
 reached by the present writer upon independent 
 grounds,! -^^x the authors were both Christian 
 Prophets. A very different theory has been put 
 forward by Zahn ^ which, if held to be sound, would 
 explain the phenomena in a way not perhaps 
 wholly inconsistent with that here adopted, but 
 more purely mechanical, and much more derogatory 
 to the ability and character of St Jude. Zahn's 
 view turns upon his interpretation of Jude 5, in 
 which he discovers a reference to the destruction 
 
 1 C. p. pp. 67, 70, 156. ^Einl. ii pp. 73 ff. 
 
JUDE IS ORIGINAL 23 1 
 
 of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. He therefore places the 
 date of the Epistle about 75. Having already put 
 2 Peter about 60-63, ^"d earlier than i Peter, he 
 then finds that Jude refers to certain events as now 
 occurring which in 2 Peter were foretold, and that 
 Jude, having 2 Peter before him, has embodied 
 most of 2 Peter ii in his own Epistle. He holds 
 that 2 Peter was addressed to Jewish Christians of 
 Palestine, and that Jude is addressed later to the 
 same class of persons. Such a view does not leave 
 to St Jude much power of originality, and still less 
 does it leave him the character of an inspired 
 writer. 
 
 Now, without covering once more the whole field 
 of controversy and either fighting the old battles 
 over again as a combatant or seeing them fought 
 as an umpire, I venture to submit a few remarks 
 upon this theory of the distinguished German theo- 
 logian. And first it will be convenient to obtain a 
 view of the structure of the Epistle. 
 
 Analysis of Jude. 
 
 We observe that it falls easily into sections, each 
 of which is double, for after commencing with 
 ' These' ... it proceeds with a contrast to ' these ' 
 misbelievers and ungodly men in the form of the 
 true belief and godliness. This arrangement had 
 
232 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 the sanction of a writer for whom both Jude and 
 
 2 Peter had a profound respect, the Son of Sirach, 
 
 Ecxxxiiiin whose pages they had read as follows: — 'Good 
 
 14 f, 
 
 is set against evil, and life against death, so is the 
 godly against the sinner. So look upon all the 
 works of the Most High, and there are two and 
 two, one against another' In the latter part of the 
 Epistle the latter persons on the contrasted side 
 are addressed directly as 'You' . . . Thus 19-23 
 is one of these sections; 16-18 is another. In the 
 earlier verses the contrasted side is given not so 
 much under the form of conduct enforced in the 
 present time by an imperative, as under that of a 
 venerable type drawn from the storied past. Thus 
 12-15 is another section; 10- 11 is another; 8-9 is 
 another. In these three last sections the types are 
 all found in the Pentateuch, or in the Assumption 
 of Moses or the Book of Enoch, which seem to 
 hold in the author's mind as high a rank as the 
 Pentateuch. There is no modern event admitted 
 to a place in the antithesis. Having distinguished 
 five sections, we push further back and we find in 
 verse 5 the beginning of a sixth ^ contrast, begin- 
 ning, 'But I wish to remind you^ . . . Now, we 
 
 ' I venture to modify in this chapter the remark of Maclear referred 
 to in TAe Christian Prophets, p. 148 n. , concerning seven headings in 
 the Epistle of Jude, which I now consider to contain six. The number 
 of goodness is 7 ; the number of wickedness is 6, which is the base 
 of the number of the Beasl, 666. See C. P. p. 176. Jude and 
 2 Peter ii contain more about wickedness than about goodness. 
 
JUDE DWELLS ON ANTIQUITY 233 
 
 might expect the types which enforce this contrast 
 to be of exactly the same nature as the others, 
 that is, to be drawn from the Pentateuch or an 
 equivalent work. Nor are we disappointed. Sodom 
 and Gomorrha, from Genesis ; the angels which 
 kept not their proper rule, from the Book of 
 Enoch (see C. P. p. 148) ; the Exodus, from the 
 O.T. Finally, we discover in verse 4 the original 
 ' these ' belonging to this first section, only described 
 as they should naturally be described when first 
 introduced. This section, then, vv. 4-7, is the 
 last, or in order of arrangement the first, of the 
 six, which form the main body of the Epistle. 
 There remain still the address, 1-2 ; the intro- 
 duction, 3 ; the conclusion, 24-25. We may now 
 arrange the sections and name them thu^ : 
 
 Features of the intruders into the body of the 
 faithful Called. 
 
 I 4-7. Impure : types. Exodus and its sequel ; 
 fallen angels ; Sodom and Gomorrha. 
 
 II 8-10. Blasphemous: type, Michael and the devil. 
 
 III 11-12. Corrupt: types, Cain, Balaam, Korah. 
 
 IV 13-15. Deceivers: contrast, Enoch's prophecy, 
 the Lord cometh to test. 
 
 V 16-18. Arrogant : contrast, the Prophets' and 
 Apostles' teaching. 
 
234 ^^ LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 VI 19-23. Sectarian : contrast, the solid Building 
 of the Faith. 
 
 The Revised Version, following Westcott and Hort, 
 has given a misleading arrangement of the Epistle 
 by commencing a new paragraph at the fifth ' you,' 
 and thus disjointing the two portions of the fifth 
 section. That these two portions are clearly and 
 unmistakeably solid is proved by the fact that the 
 
 jude 16. ' murmurers, complainers, walking after their own 
 lusts' are identified by the same feature as the 
 
 Jude 18. ' mockers walking after their own lusts ' foretold by 
 the Apostles. The six sections do not deal with six 
 several classes of people, but with six fairly distinct 
 features of a class of teachers and teaching which 
 had begun to steal into the Christian Church and 
 corrupt it.. There is much overlapping of the terms 
 descriptive of the several features, and part of it is 
 intentional. Thus in section II in the first declara- 
 
 jude 8. tion, " Now (not as R. V. ' yet,' for the /xeVroi is 
 obviously answered by the ^e in verse 9) in like 
 manner also these in their dreamings defile the 
 flesh," the defilement of the flesh has been abun- 
 dantly treated in the previous verses of section I, 
 verses 4 and 7. The words italicised are a link 
 between sections I and II. Again, in section III 
 the same repetition occurs ; the first declaration, 
 
 Jude 10. " But these men rail at whatever they know not," 
 refers to the previous section.' Again, in section V 
 
 Jude 16. the ' respecting persons for the sake of advantage ' 
 
BALAAM, CAIN, KORAH 235 
 
 has been anticipated in 'the error of Balaam for 
 reward/ verse 11, and 'their mouth speaketh great?*. 
 swelling words' in the 'gainsaying of Kore,' _yerse 11, 
 while ' complainers ' suggest Cain, verse 11, when 
 he complains, 'My punishment is greater than I Gen iv 13. 
 can bear.' Lastly, in section VI the expression ' the 
 sectarians' or ' separatists,' (' who make separations,' 
 R. v.), refers back also to Korah.^ 
 
 The phraseology of Jude. 
 
 In spite, however, of this pleonasm, or overlapping, 
 or repetition, or tautology, the six characteristics 
 emerge into clear outline, and so do the accompany- 
 ing types or contrasts. Let us review them, beginning 
 from the last. 
 
 Section VI — Separatism of an unspiritual kind is 
 set against the 'building of yourselves upon your most jude2o. 
 holy faith.' If it be asked what building is par- 
 ticularly intended, the answer will be found in the 
 two passages^-kindred to each other — i Pet ii 4 ff 
 and Eph ii 19 ; but there is nothing whatever in Jude 
 to show what sort of ' house ' to be ' builded ' is 
 meant. 
 
 Section V — Arrogance of speech, taking the triple 
 form oi—{ci) complaining of the appointed lot, (b) 
 
 1 The separation intended is perhaps that between circumcised and 
 uncircumcised. 
 
236 SI LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 uttering overswollen words, (c) respecting persons to 
 gain advantage, accompanied with lustful conduct, is 
 set against the apostolic words of prophecy which 
 foretold in the last time mockers, characterised by 
 the same lustful conduct, appearing in acts of ungod- 
 liness. If it be asked, what is the substance of the 
 mockery ? the answer may be seen in 2 Pet iii 4. 
 
 Section IV — Deceivers are described, first, directly 
 
 under two heads : their behaviour at the love-feasts, 
 
 out of which the Holy Communion was developed 
 
 I Cor xi 17- in accordance with St Paul's Rules, and their abuse 
 
 34- 
 
 Ezxxxivic. of the pastoral office ; and, secondly, under four 
 parabolic images corresponding to the four elements. 
 In the air they resemble clouds which promise 
 healthy and nourishing rain, but disappear with a 
 puff of wind ; on the earth they are as barren as tre.es 
 in late autumn, after the fall of the leaf, but dead 
 in reality as well as in appearance, and therefore 
 uprooted as useless ; on the sea they are as empty as 
 wild waves which do but break in foam and sand and 
 mud, to end in their own disgrace ; in the realm of 
 fire they are like astonishing comets, which quickly 
 vanish in eternal darkness. Against the deceivers is 
 set the prophecy of ' Enoch,i the seventh from Adam,' 
 and therefore remarkable as holding the sabbatical 
 number, who foretells the sure judgment of the 
 Lord and the testing of the ungodly and their works. 
 
 ' The title itself is from Enoch ix S : ' the seventh from Adam, the 
 first man whom the Lord of spirits created. ' 
 
JUDeS FALSE PROPHETS 237 
 
 Section III — Corruption of hirelings is the fulfil- 
 ment of three types : in its disregard of life it crowns 
 the murderous work of Cain ; in its avarice it runs 
 riotously after the error of Balaam ; in its rebellion 
 it perishes as surely as Korah. 
 
 Section II — Blasphemy, besides tending to the 
 defilement of the flesh, attacks both earthly sovereignty 
 and heavenly glories, but over against it stands the 
 type of Michael, who was content to invoke the 
 Lord's rebuke and to wait for its coming. We note 
 that the blasphemy in question is connected with 
 false prophecy. The ' dreaming ' is expressed by the 
 very same word which is used by Joel and applied to joei ii 28. 
 the dreaming of the Elders, and nowhere is this word 
 found in N.T. except where Joel's prophecy is quoted. Actsii 17. 
 It is certain that the false teachers who are the 
 object of Jude's warning were false Prophets who, in 
 spite of the stern denunciation of dreams in Ecclus. 
 xxxiv, relied upon their dreams as a pretended 
 means of revelation, and were glad to shelter their 
 claims under the prophecy of Joel. They pretended 
 to be Prophets, but were not ; they cited their dreams 
 in support of their pretence, because dreams were 
 sometimes cited by Christian Prophets. But the 
 group of passages in N.T. in which dreams are 
 highly valued is an isolated one, and, apart from the 
 famous passage in Joel, the rarity of dreams in 
 N.T. in contrast with the O.T. is more striking than 
 their presence. 
 
238 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 The scope of Jude and ZaHn's date for it. 
 
 We now come to Section I. The counter-types 
 are — {a) Sodom and Gomorrha, of outrageous lust ; 
 {b) the angels who fell by unnatural indulgence; (c) 
 the destruction of the unbelieving Israelites. I 
 cannot agree with Zahn here in thinking that any 
 event so modern as the fall of Jerusalem of A.D. 70 
 would be in 75 A.D. can possibly be mentioned as a 
 type. The whole of the epistle is in regard to its 
 types archaic ; it seeks them in the ancient past. It 
 is quite true that the two concluding warnings (17-18 
 and 20-23), which are not types, are, as they must be, 
 impressed with a modern stamp ; they deal with the 
 present or the immediate past : but here, in 4-7, we 
 have a type of the same antiquity as Enoch or Moses, 
 and any more recent type would be out of place. 
 Jude 5. The first part of («) of course refers to the exodus 
 directly and in no allegorical sense : ' The Lord 
 brought a people out of Egypt' It has been 
 observed that there is no definite article before 
 ' people.' The reason is that He did not bring the 
 true people out of Egypt, but an idolatrous people 
 which perished in the wilderness, except Joshua and 
 Caleb. ' The people ' was the people of the next 
 generation, which passed over into the land of 
 Canaan. But what are the two destructions referred 
 to ? Assuming that the reading of Westcott and 
 Hort is correct (as R.V.), we shall doubtless admit 
 
FALL OF JERUSALEM 239 
 
 that the first destruction was of those who perished 
 in the wilderness, and the only question is whether 
 we must give what in Jude's time would be a 
 modern meaning to ' the second time ' {to Sevrepov). 
 Now Zahn's interpretation of the whole epistle rests 
 upon these words, and he holds that there have 
 been two destructions of ' them that believed not,' 
 one soon after the exodus, and the other in 70 A D. 
 Nothing in the interval is to count as a destruction, 
 neither what happened in the time of David, nor in 
 that of Hoshea, nor in that of Zedekiah, nor in that 
 of Antiochus. The most momentous and over- 
 whelming catastrophe of the Jews as a people — we 
 are to suppose — is not referred to in 75 A.D. except 
 under the remote and obscure expression ' the 
 second time.' Jude, according to Zahn, was writing 
 in Palestine, but he writes unmoved by this ' shaking 
 of the earth and of the heaven,' and can bestow no 
 more than a fragment of a line to the notice of this up- 
 heaval, in which 1,100,000 Jews are said by Josephus^ 
 
 ' The figure is generally considered to be an exaggeration, like many 
 others on the part of Josephus. Merivale considers that it is by no 
 means an excessive estimate that 90,000 Jews were made captives in 
 the course of the whole war. Josephus says that his statement of 
 1,100,000 will not appear extravagant when we remember that the 
 multitudes which flocked to Jerusalem for the passover were shut up in 
 the city, and that the priests, when interrogated by Cestius about the 
 number of their people, had calculated the number of the Paschal 
 Lambs in a given year at 256,500 and the number of communicants at 
 2,700,000. See Merivale, Hist. R. E., vol. vi., p. 599. We have to 
 consider what a contemporary would estimate in this case of Jude 
 rather than the actual fact. 
 
240 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 to have perished and the Temple and the Holy City- 
 was left a heap of stones. One would think that there 
 was no fulfilment of prophecy in particular connected 
 with the overthrow. Prophecy, with its ancient types 
 of Cain, Balaam, and Korah, went imperturbably on, 
 though the golden candlestick was removed and the 
 golden table disappeared. It hardly noticed that 
 Jerusalem was not there. The incident was equivalent 
 to about half a line in the epistle of Jude ! 
 
 But the case is otherwise if we are not obliged to 
 strain our sight to this microscopic reference to an 
 overwhelming fact. Let it be supposed that Jude is 
 not later than 70, and all is simple enough. The 
 meaning of verse 5 is ' I wish to remind you, though 
 you know everything (necessary to salvation) once 
 for all (since you were baptised), that the Lord 
 having brought a people safely through out of the 
 land of Egypt (and having once destroyed in the Red 
 Sea the Egyptians then) afterwards destroyed in the 
 wilderness them of Israel who believed not.' There 
 is no trace of a reference to the event of 70 A.D. in 
 the Epistle of Jude. Hence we infer that the Epistle 
 was written before 70. 
 
 We now come to the consideration of verse 4, where 
 
 the intruders who 
 
 " for their bellies' sake, 
 Creep, and intrude, and climb into the fold " 
 
 are first mentioned, as ' they who were of old set 
 forth unto this condemnation, ungodly men ' (R.V.). 
 
WRITTEN PROPHECY 
 
 241 
 
 The only natural meaning of -Kpoyeypa^^kvoi is that 
 they were ' set forth in writing ' ; whether we lay 
 stress on the preposition as meaning ' beforehand ' or 
 not, it is plain that they were set forth by some kind 
 of Prophet, but it is also plain that the word must 
 imply a written statement. It would be safer to 
 translate /c/w'/xa ' sentence ' than ' condemnation ' 
 which would be KaraKpi/xa, but the verse here is 
 the same owing to the context. ' Unto this sentence, 
 ungodly ..." is surely plain enough, although, as 
 Alford remarks, we might have disputed which 
 passage of O.T. was specially intended, had we not 
 been provided with the citation from the Book of 
 Enoch in verse 14,1 which strikes on the note of 
 ungodliness no less than four times. The expression 
 in verse 4 would have been put by a Greek scholar, 
 which Jude was not, in the form eh to Kpifia tSu/ Acxxiv^s. 
 a<re^wv . . ' to the sentence of the ungodly.' 
 
 The approximate date of Jude. 
 
 It thus appears that the Epistle is directed against 
 ungodly men, whose characteristic features are 
 
 'This verse is wrongly translated in R.V. The right translation is : 
 ' But Enoch, the seventh from Adam, prophesied in these words also, 
 saying, . . .' The naX to&tois cannot possibly be otherwise taken. 
 The atsa points back to the previous reference to the Book of Enoch in 
 Jude 5, the bearing of which has been given, together with the original, 
 in TAe Christian Prophets, p. 148. Enoch Ixxxvi I. 
 
 Q 
 
242 57- LUKE AND ST J,UDE 
 
 described at some length, and whose end has been 
 foretold by written prophecy supposed to be ancient, 
 as well as by ancient prophecy itself. It is plain that 
 its date is earlier than 70 a.d., nor does it seem that 
 any Epistle except the ' Hebrews ' and i John is 
 later than that epoch. We may therefore agree with 
 Dr. Sandayi that Jude ' must be placed late in the 
 Apostolic age,' understanding the Apostolic age to 
 mean the age in which the 12 Apostles and St Paul 
 had lived, and no longer.^ He further says that in 
 Jude "faith has got the concrete sense of a 'body of 
 belief — not necessarily a large or complete body, 
 but as we should say ' the essentials of Christianity.' 
 As the particular point against which the saints are 
 to contend is the denial of Christ, so the faith for 
 which they are to contend would be the (full) con- 
 fession of Christ (Jude 3 f , 20)." All remarks of Dr. 
 Sanday deserve the greatest respect and care and 
 consideration, and it is never easy to differ from 
 them. But this remark is obviously capable of a 
 variety of meanings, according as one enlarges or 
 narrows the meaning of the ' essentials of Chris- 
 tianity.' It may be, however, enough to say that 
 whatever these were in the time of Jude they were 
 required at baptism of every candidate, for baptism 
 
 ^ Comm. on Romans, p. xxxii. 
 
 ^The passage in Clement Alex. Strom, vii. 17 maybe quoted with 
 advantage : ' The teaching of His Apostles concludes with the public 
 ministry of Paul under Nero.' See The Christian Prophets, p. 247. 
 
ESSENTIALS OF BELIEF 243 
 
 as it was then practised and the conditions of it as 
 then required are what we have to consider. There 
 caiinot be a doubt that ' tjie essentials,' ' the body of 
 belief,' were 'handed on' — to use the word in Jude 3 
 — by tradition to the baptised, and confession was Rom x 9. 
 then made by them accordingly. The Apostles' 
 Creed in its present form did not exist, but 'the 
 essentials ' of it did, and were required. There is no 
 other reference in verse 3 to any ' body of teaching ' ; 
 there is no reference to anything like a council or 
 conciliar dogmas ; there is no reference to an epoch 
 which fixed the contents of 'the faith.' Whatever 
 baptismal form was in use then is referred to, and 
 baptism is declared to be an event ' once for all ' in 
 contradistinction to John's baptism.^ The form used 
 then may have been our own form, but there is little Mtxxviiiig. 
 doubt that Matthew's Gospel was not then composed. 
 It may have been one of the simpler forms given us 
 in the Acts: "I believe in the name of the Lord Ac xvi 31. 
 
 xix 5, ii 38, 
 
 Jesus," or "I believe in the name of Jesus Christ.' "48. 
 In that burning and solemn statement of St Paul in 
 Rom X 9 we have everything which 'the essentials 
 of Christianity ' can possibly convey. " If thou shalt 
 confess the word in thy mouth that ' Jesus is Lord,' 
 and believe in thy heart that God raised Him from 
 the dead, thou shalt be saved." And assuredly this 
 
 1 See T/ie Christian Prophets, p. 197, where it is contended that 
 John's baptism was not ' once for all,' but was as frequent as 
 repentance. 
 
244 
 
 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 ' faith ' was worth contending for, and the Christians 
 of those days did contend for it. I fail to see that 
 the expression compels us to admit any later date 
 than, for instance, any of St Paul's references to 
 baptism, in his Epistles of 53-63 A.D. It leaves us 
 where we were. 
 
 We now return to Zahn's statement that Jude 
 contains a clear and definite quotation from 2 Peter, 
 which he considers was written some 10-15 years 
 earlier. The passages are Jude 18 and 2 Pet iii 3. 
 It may be admitted at once that the words are 
 quite close enough for the one passage to be a 
 quotation of the other. But we must prefix the 
 context : 
 
 _/ude 17. 
 
 But ye, beloved, remember ye 
 the words which have been 
 spoken before by the Apostles 
 of our Lord Jesus Messiah ; 
 that they used to tell you ' In 
 the last time there shall be 
 mockers walking after their 
 own lusts of ungodlinesses'. 
 
 2 Pe/ iii I . 
 
 . . to remember the words 
 which have been spoken be- 
 fore by the holy Prophets, 
 and the commandment of 
 your Apostles of the Lord 
 and Saviour ; knowing ' this 
 first, that there shall come in 
 the last days mockers ^ with 
 mockery, walking after their 
 own lusts, and saying . . 
 
 ' The word is -^iviiiaKovm, coming to know, learning by experience, 
 and it is not the same as elSdras in Jude 5, which implies intuitive 
 knowledge, subsisting in a much deeper layer of the mind, so to speak, 
 than the experience of the moment. 
 
 ^ Cf Enoch cviii 6. ' Here are cast the spirits of sinners and blas- 
 phemers and those who work wickedness and those who pervert 
 everything that God does through the mouth of the Prophets — (even) 
 the things that shall be.' 
 
JUDE DOES NOT QUOTE PETER 245 
 
 What Strikes us first is that if Jude refers back 
 to 2 Peter and quotes it, 2 Peter seems equally 
 to refer back to some other earlier authorities and 
 quote them. Both Jude and 2 Peter speak of the 
 earlier authorities in the plural. If Jude is merely 
 referring to 2 Peter, it is strange that he should use 
 the plural. Zahn says that there is nothing strange 
 because Jude recognises that other Apostles besides 
 2 Peter had probably said the same. This appeal, 
 however, to a vague use of the plural, when at 
 the same time a definite singular is required in 
 order to substantiate the claim of a definite quota- 
 tion, is not at all convincing. The natural expression 
 for Jude would have been far more effective, and 
 it would have been put in the singular number. 
 But it is a more fatal objection still against Zahn, 
 that there is not a trace in Jude of his original 
 authority having written his prophecy. Thrice does 
 Jude say that the prophecy was oral : the words 
 (or utterances, prifxaTwv), spoken before, used to say. 
 Could anything be more conclusive to show that 
 there was no written letter quoted? Just as the 
 murmurers indulge in great sounding words so the 
 Apostles, in contrast to them, used to warn by the 
 spoken word. The absence of writing in Jude 17 
 is as abundantly clear as the presence of writing 
 is in Jude 4. Jude does not quote 2 Peter. 
 
 Both Jude and 2 Peter refer to the same past 
 oral teaching. At the same time it is worth while 
 
246 Sr LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 to enquire more particularly what is the original 
 authbrity for the ' mockers ' of 2 Pet iii 3. And 
 the answer is partly to be found in a chapter of 
 
 zsch xii 3, O.T. which has probably influenced the history of 
 the world as much as any in the whole Bible, for 
 it contains the words, which, however, the LXX does 
 not, ' They shall look on me whom they have 
 pierced.' ^ Next, along with this passage of Zech 
 xii it is evident that Peter has combined a text of 
 solemn reflection which concludes the history of the 
 Chronicles, and which is generally taken by critics 
 to belong to about 300 B.C. (not earlier than 332, 
 
 2Chx.xxvi Driver). "And the Lord God of their fathers 
 sent (e^aTrecrretXev) to them by his messengers, rising 
 up betimes and sending apostles (airoerTeWcov) ; 
 because he had compassion on his people, and 
 on his dwelling place: But they mockbd the 
 messengers of God, and despised his words, and 
 scoffed at (efXTrai^ovTei) his prophets, until the wrath 
 of the Lord arose against his people, till there was 
 no remedy." The passage is of course a summaiy 
 of the history, but is was well known that the 
 history of the Prophets' illtreatment and suffering hid 
 repeated and would repeat itself from time to time. 
 
 Ecciusxviii Thirdly, the origin of the latter part of 2 Pet 
 iii 3 is Ecclus v 2, ' Follow not after thy soul and thy 
 strength to walk in the lusts of thy heart, and say 
 not, Who shall control me 1 For the Lord will 
 
 ^ Christian Prophets, p. 105. 
 
 30, V 2. 
 
THE MOCKERS FORETOLD 
 
 247 
 
 surely punish thee.' The quotation is not very- 
 clear, and yet it seems to be certain that this is 
 its origin, for almost immediately afterwards in 2 
 Peter iii 9 we have the immediate context of Ecclus 
 V 4, ' Say not I have sinned and what harm happened 
 unto me ? for the Lord is long-suffering.' Again 
 we have Ecclus v 7 quoted loosely in 2 Pet iii 10, 
 ' For suddenly shall the wrath of the Lord come 
 forth . . .' 
 
 Apostles and Prophets. 
 
 But this comparison leads us back to 2 Peter 
 iii, and first of all to the terms in which he in- 
 troduces the foretelling of the mockers. He speaks, 
 only less definitely than Jude, of the utterances that 
 have been spoken beforehand by the' Prophets and 
 the Apostles. Had he meant written beforehand 
 he might have used just as easily the term irpoye- 
 ypa/uLfjLevwv, 'that have been written before,' for he 
 is a more accomplished writer of Greek than Jude 
 is. There are, indeed, in 2 Peter slight irregularities 
 in syntax, which, however, are not solecisins, but 
 the same kinds of false sequence that we find again 
 and again in Thucydides.^ Jude, on the other hand, 
 
 ^ The very remarkable sequence in 2 Pet i 17 has been quoted in TAe 
 Christian Prophets, p. 162, as proving the author to be alsO the author 
 of the Acts. I still think so, even if it stood without the 14 other 
 instances given. Another nominative in suspense is 2 Pet iii 3 
 yivda-Koi'Tcs which should be in the accusative. 
 
248 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 is correct, but extremely compressed : the page is 
 crowded with images, each of which might form 
 the text of a picture or discourse or even a parable : 
 he is above all suggestive, of course within his own 
 limits and range of thought. The epistle is a col- 
 lection of headings. But 2 Peter has at any rate 
 a beginning, a middle, and an end : nor can I at 
 all admit the truth of Zahn's remark ^ concerning 
 its ' obscure and unwieldy ' style. The whole ob- 
 scurity — such as it is — disappears when it is under- 
 stood that he is a Christian Prophet, like Jude, 
 speaking sometimes of Christian Prophecy as a living 
 gift in the Church. He plainly says that the Apostles 
 and Prophets spoke: speaking was their first duty. 
 We have already seen why the Prophets are so 
 frequently classed with the Apostles. The Prophets 
 were sometimes sent upon circuits or Missionary 
 Journeys, and when so sent forth they became 
 Apostles. After going on Circuit frequently they 
 would naturally become known as Apostles, and 
 would take precedence of Prophets who had not 
 been so sent forth. 
 
 It follows from what has been said that the 
 meaning of 2 Peter iii 2 is that his readers at Rome 
 had received the preaching of Christian Prophets, 
 and the Saviour's commandment had been made 
 known unto them by Apostles sent expressly to 
 them — 'your Apostles.' The Prophets did not 
 
 ^ Einl. ii p. 91. 
 
YOUR APOSTLES 249 
 
 belong to these Roman readers in particular; for 
 instance, St Luke had preached to them ; but ' their 
 Apostles ' included both St Paul and St Peter himself. 
 On the other hand when Jude bids his readers 
 ' remember the words spoken before by the Apostles jude 17. 
 of Jesus ' he may perhaps include some who did not 
 belong to the Twelve. There is no reason why Jude 
 should not include under the term 'the Apostles 
 of Jesus ' his own previous words spoken as an 
 Apostle to his present readers. St Jude's im- 
 mediate readers were not — we may safely say — the 
 same as the immediate readers of 2 Peter, but the 
 substance of his teaching is very similar, and the way 
 in which he introduces it is very similar also. 
 
 7";^!? intention te write a larger work — a Gospel. 
 
 For example, he comes before them as a writer 
 engaged upon some larger work, but pressed by an 
 emergency to indite the present urgent warning 
 before the magnum opus can appear. ' Beloved, 
 while I am giving' (the R.V. perhaps means to 
 assume an epistolary past in English, which however 
 natural in Latin or Greek is unnatural in our idiom), 
 ' all diligence to write unto you ' (the present ypoKptiv jude 3 
 ' to be a writer ' is here sharply contrasted with the 
 aorist ypdyfrai 'to write a particular letter' in the 
 same verse), 'of our common salvation, I am' ('was' 
 
250 ST LUkE AlSTD ST JUDE 
 
 R.V.) "constrained to write unto you exhorting ybu 
 to contend.' . . . Now a very similar feature strikes 
 our attention in 2 Peter i 12-16, where St Luke 
 writes for St Peter thus : ' I shall be ready always to 
 rernind you ' (present tense) ' of these things . . . and 
 I think it right, so long as I am in this tabernacle} 
 to stir you up by putting you in remembrance ; 
 knowing that the putting off of my tabernacle 
 Cometh swiftly, even as our Lord Jesus Christ 
 signified unto me ; but I will give diligence that ye 
 be able, at every time also, after my decease td call 
 these things to remembrance.' Now, what can be 
 the meaning of these words except that Peter will 
 be near them during the remainder of his life, which 
 may end by violence any time, to remind them and 
 to stir them up, but also that he plans the production 
 of some written work, by which they can remind 
 themselves after his death .' This is the only possible 
 meaning, as Zahn has shown.^ But Zahn goes on to 
 
 ^'Tabernacle' is suggested by Enoch xci 13, which describes the ■ 
 eighth week, of Righteousness, already quoted p. 140. ... ' And at 
 its close they will acquire houses through their righteousness, and the 
 House of the Great King will be builded in glory for evermore.' St 
 Peter then evidently dates his epistle, prophetically speaking, in the 
 dose of the eighth week. But it is not quite clear whether in 2 Pet i there 
 is a contrast intended between ' this tabernacle ' and ' that house ' or 
 whether he identifies the two. 
 
 "^ Einl. ii p. 47. It may be worth while to observe that Ignatius, 
 Eph 20 (quoted in The Christian Prophets, p. 12) declares a Similar 
 intention of writing a second treatise to them dealing with ' the passion 
 and resurrection, especially if the Lord should reveal aught unto me.' 
 Such a treatise has never been heard of. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO A GOSPEL 
 
 251 
 
 say that the words point to " a doctrinal writing, like 
 2 Peter itself, and not to a history. Even if 2 Peter 
 were written about 170 A.D., it would be inadmissible 
 to think of a Gospel of Mark, for the story that Peter 
 commissioned Mark to write his Gospel did not 
 originate till much later; and even after the forma- 
 tion of this opinion, such an intention could not be 
 ascribed to Peter in words which only permit us to 
 think of a religious doctrinal writing. There is no 
 writing which could make such a claim . . . and so 
 far as we know there never has been." Now in this 
 opinion I cannot follow Zahn. The very next words 
 in 2 Peter throw a clear light upon the character of 
 the work intended to be written. " For we did not 
 follow cunningly devised fables when we made 
 known unto you the historical facts of the power and 
 presence of our Lord Jesus Messiah." The meaning 
 of the first word /or is plain enough. 'We have 
 given you the historical fact of the transfiguration, 
 with other facts, which as fulfilments of prophecy you 
 are to call to mind and think over; but we have not 
 given you enough, and there are more to be given 
 you, if God will, and they are equally historical facts, 
 and not mythical fables.' It seems clear, therefore, 
 that the greater work, the kt^/xu e? ael as Thucydides 
 would have called it — and the e/cao-Tore here is almost 
 identical with the meaning of aei in that famous 
 phrase — was intended to be a history, and not an 
 epistle. I have no doubt that the intention here 
 
252 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 expressed was fulfilled in the writing of St Luke's 
 gospel — not St Mark's — by the very amanuensis ^ 
 who first wrote and composed these words of 2 Peter. 
 
 Closer inquiry into the date of Jude. 
 
 It would seem then that the intention of writing a 
 larger and more comprehensive work, containing the 
 facts of the Gospel history, was present to the minds 
 of both the Prophets, Jude and Silas-Luke, and 
 naturally it would be forced upon them in the 
 course of their joint ministrations in Judaea. They 
 continued to cherish it for years before it was put 
 into effect. But it seems on every ground to be 
 probable that Luke was engaged in collecting 
 materials for it during the time that St Paul was 
 imprisoned at Csesarea. He would then be able to 
 converse with the dwellers of Northern Palestine 
 and Syro-Phoenicia, for it is probable that he never 
 left St Paul for a very long absence, and he would 
 maintain his headquarters at Caesarea. But other 
 parts of the country would also be well within his 
 range. Such visits would enable him to supply many 
 of those details which are found in Lk only and 
 which belong less to the neighbourhood of the Sea 
 of Galilee and to Jerusalem. Such are the incidents ^ 
 
 ' Christian Prophets, p. 162.* 
 
 ^ Sanday in Book by Book, N. T. p. 64. 
 
LUKE AND JUDE COMPANIONS 253 
 
 relating to the Samaritan village and the Samaritan Lkixsifr. 
 
 Lk xvii 1 1 ff. 
 
 leper ; even the parables of the Good Samaritan, and lic x 30 tr. 
 of the Unrighteous Steward, and other passages in 
 Lk xiii and the next three chapters, especially infor- 
 mation connected with the Herods and their Court at 
 Csesarea. However this may be, the joint preaching 
 of Jude and Luke, which had already taken place 
 about the year 50 A.D. or before, might easily have 
 been renewed during these two years of captivity 
 without Luke having left St Paul for any length of 
 time. This is the view which appears to me to suit 
 the phenomena better than any other. " The two 
 Apostles worked upon a common plan, and the 
 syllabus or substance of their teaching, in regard to 
 the one most unpleasant development of the gospel 
 at this time, is embodied in the twin passages 'Jude' 
 and 2 Peter ii. At the same time this is not the 
 only date at which the renewal of the companionship 
 of Jude and Silas was possible. It may have taken 
 place when Silas was fresh from Corinth at the end 
 of St. Paul's 'second' missionary journey (see p. 91 
 above), after Acts xviii 22. 
 
 Closer parallelism 0/2 Peter and Jude. 
 
 But before proceeding further we must deal with 
 two questions which naturally arise at this point of 
 the enquiry. First : Do the ungodly of 2 Peter 
 show the same general features as those of Jude? 
 
254 ■^^ LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 Secondly, Do the ungodly of Jude show a similar 
 stage of development to that which we find in any 
 other place, for instance, in the Church of Corinth 
 as described in i Corinthians? 
 
 I. Following the orderof the description given in Jude 
 and the enumeration as given above Tp. 233), we search 
 in 2 Peter and we find the following correspondences: 
 
 Introductions tally closely in the three points : (i) the 
 sinners enter by the side ; (2) they begin by denial ; 
 {3) they will be punished. 
 
 I. Impure : 2 Pet ii 2 ' lascivious doings.' R.V., but 
 
 the Greek word is the same as that of Jude 4 
 (singular). Also 2 Pet ii 18 referred to below. 
 
 II. Blasphemous: 2 Pet ii 2 'by reason of whom 
 
 the way of truth shall be blasphemed,' Jude 
 8 ' they blaspheme glories.' Also 2 Pet ii 1 1 
 referred to below. 
 
 III. Corrupt : 2 Pet ii 3 ' in covetousness shall thpy 
 with feigned words make merchandise of you.' 
 The covetousness is essentially that ' of Balaam 
 for reward ' in Jude 12; the ' feigned words ' are 
 not unlike 'the gainsaying of Korah' in tlie 
 same verse. The construction of ifXTropeva-ovTai 
 bears the stamp of Luke.^ 
 
 After stamping these first three characteristics of the 
 ungodly class in ii 2, 3, 2 Peter enlarges on their 
 punishment, which he illustrates by that of the rebel 
 angels, that of the deluge, that of Sodom and 
 
 'See TAe Christian Prophets, p. 163. 
 
LUKE AND LOT 255 
 
 Gomorrha, from which Lot was rescued. Jude 
 mentions the first and the last of these three types, 
 but not the deluge. But what is particularly note- 
 worthy is that 2 Peter enlarges on the subject of Lot. 
 Now we have seen that on a critical occasion in his 
 travels the type of Sodom and Lot was very much 
 borne in upon his mind (see p. 58 above), and it is 
 probable that 2 Peter ii 7-9 represents the experience 
 of many a day in the Apostle Luke's own life in 
 heathen cities. 
 
 In 2 Pet ii 10-12 he reviews the same characteristics 
 again, in the order I., II. with the type of Michael 
 as given in Jude, yet without mentioning the name, 
 III. in almost the words of Jude 11. 
 
 We now continue with 
 
 IV. Deceivers: 2 Pet ii 13-17 in mixing in the 
 Love- Feasts, as in Jude 12. Zahn is undoubt- 
 edly right in maintaining ayairaii in 2 Pet ii 13 
 as well as in Jude 12. The comparison with 
 ' spots ' employs almost the same word as in 
 Jude. The graphic description in 2 Pet ii 14 
 of the eyes and the heart of the ungodl)' is not 
 in Jude, and it leads to a brief digression upon 
 Balaam (15, 16). This is followed by a double 
 type from nature (17) corresponding to the 
 quadruple type of Jude. 
 
 V. Arrogant: 2 Pet ii 18 in point of great swelling 
 
 words, which, as in Jude 16, are combined with 
 lustful conduct. 
 
256 Sr LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 VI. Sectarian : 2 Pet ii 19 ' promising -them free- 
 dom, when they are themselves slaves of 
 corruption, which is shown to be pollution 
 by carnal indulgence in the expressions which 
 follow (19-22). It is a safe inference that the 
 same feature is expressed in Jude 19, ' sensual, 
 not having the spirit ' as is expressed in ' the 
 pollution of the world,' ' entangled,' ' wallowing 
 in the mire ' of 2 Pet ii 20-22. And we may 
 go further and say that the 'promise of 
 freedom' 2 Pet ii 19 is tantamount to 'separa- 
 tist,' Jude 19. Any doubt that may arise on 
 this identity is dispelled by the consideration 
 of one particular text which brings out the 
 
 ! Cor iii 17. connexion between ' freedom ' and ' the spirit.' 
 
 ' Now where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is 
 freedom ' (that is, true freedom, not the pro- 
 mised freedom of the licentious by whom 
 Christ is made a reason for sin, and who 
 
 Rom vi 1. advocate ' continuance in sin that grace may 
 
 abound.') 2 Pet ii enlarges in 20-22 upon the 
 slavery of relapse into sin, and concludes with 
 
 Eccius xxxiv a thought borrowed from Ecclesiasticus. ' He 
 
 that washeth himself after the touching of a 
 dead body, if he touch it again, what availeth 
 his washing .■' So is it with a man that fasteth 
 for his sins, and goeth again, and doeth the 
 same : who will hear his prayer ? or what doth 
 his humbling profit him } ' 
 
 25- 
 
ACTUALITY IN JUDE 257 
 
 Thus the parallelism between 2 Peter ii and Jude 
 is complete. It is true that 2 Pet ii begins the 
 passage (1-3) with a future tense, four times repeated. 
 But in the remaining nineteen verses there are pre- 
 sents and aorists and perfects, while the only future 
 which occurs refers to the punishment in store for the 
 sinners. When, therefore, Zahn says that this is all a 
 prophecy about certain false teachers of the then 
 future, which was fulfilled according to Jude in the 
 then present, which was some twelve years later than 
 the prophecy of 2 Pet ii, he is making too much of 
 the initial future tenses of 2 Pet ii 1-3. A present 
 evil tendency in society is actually, for some time to 
 come at least, a future tendency, and this is true 
 even of ' the last times ' so long as the actual last day 2 Pet iii 3. 
 is delayed. Though the authors and promoters of it 
 will be punished, still the evil will continue, and will 
 not be instantaneously stopped unless the world is 
 stopped — an event which was then expected shortly. 
 Consequently there is veryjittle difference between 
 the said future tenses of 2 Pet ii 1-3 and 
 the present tenses of Jude. If the graphic de- 
 scription in 2 Pet ii 1 3 f has been borrowed partly 
 from Ecclesiasticus and Proverbs, it is also bor- 
 rowed from life ; and if such wickedness existed in 
 the writer's day it might equally well be described 
 in the present tense along with Jude and the greater 
 part of 2 Pet ii, as in the future tense along with 
 2 Pet ii 1-3. It will not be denied that the torturing 2 Pct iii 16. 
 
258 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 of passages in St Paul's letters is mentioned in 
 2 Peter, a present and not a future characteristic. 
 But there is every reason to suppose that the torturers 
 were the same aforesaid ungodly, since the ' un- 
 learned ' corresponds to the ' ignorance' of 2 Pet ii 12, 
 the ' unstable ' corresponds to the victims of the 
 deceivers in 2 Pet ii 14, ' the error of the (wicked 
 R.V.) lawless ' to the ' lawless ' of 2 Pet ii 7. More- 
 over, the writer is an enthusiastic Prophet and 
 launches out into the future all the more readily 
 because it is habitual with the Prophets so to do. 
 
 The connection between St Peter and 2 Peter ii. 
 
 If it should further be asked, why, if the syllabus 
 be essentially that of Luke and Jude, it should be put 
 forth under the name of Peter, the answer appears to 
 be simple enough. The acceptance of it by Peter 
 had been ensured already. Peter remained long in 
 Palestine : he might even have stayed there till about 
 the year 60. This circle of ideas would be similar to 
 that of Jude, and whatever line of teaching com- 
 mended itself to the one would be welcome to the 
 other. The syllabus bears the strongest marks of 
 prophetic revision. The types and their fulfilments 
 had been submitted to Prophets in Session and been 
 accepted by them. The phraseology shows just such 
 independence of treatment as would be found if the 
 
ST PETER AND JUDE 259 
 
 types and their fulfilments were fixed by authority of 
 the Prophets in Session, and only the language in 
 which they were to be clothed had been left to the 
 individual writer or preacher. The Epistle of Jude 
 may have remained in the keeping of some church of 
 Palestine ; the syllabus was remembered by St Peter 
 and St Luke, to be treated in their own way, which 
 was, as it eventually proved, St Luke's way, when the 
 time came to address another church, the Roman, on 
 the same subject of vital importance. 
 
 Relation 0/2 Peter to the Corinthian Church. Christian 
 faith in collision with licentiousness. 
 
 IL We now come to the second question, whether 
 the ungodly of Jude show a similar stage of develop- 
 ment to that which we find in the Corinthian Church. 
 We must bear in mind that the tendency to license 
 was, philosophically speaking, not a matter of mere 
 chance which happened to occur just then at Corinth. 
 It was not simply a local trouble or due to local 
 circumstance.s. It is usual, no doubt, for commen- 
 tators to enlarge upon the abnormal sensuality of 
 Corinth, and it may be granted that the conditions 
 of such a thriving and wealthy commercial city 
 were conducive to the greatest possible licentious- 
 ness. But the same might be said of Ephesus, 
 Thessalonica, Antioch, and many more places. This 
 
26o ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 is not enough. We must recognise the fact that 
 any disturbance of the old Jewish lines of belief 
 and conduct, especially when they were changed for 
 the purpose of admitting the heathen proselytes to 
 Ac xiv 27. the Church, and when the ' door of faith ' was opened 
 alongside of the most venerable door of circum- 
 cision, must inevitably result in perversion of the 
 •true teaching, and in a disposition to torture it in 
 order to allow loose conduct to combine with a 
 profession of the faith. No sooner is a new aspira- 
 tion on the wing than a new effort to reach it is 
 required, and new muscles are put in movement 
 which cause a stiffness and a difficulty which in 
 their turn provoke attempts at conciliation and 
 easement. This flight is too high for the soul 
 which has not counted the cost and the fatigue. 
 It is too sustained for the soul which has under- 
 rated the clinging power and deadly weight of old 
 associations. The real height is greater than the 
 apparent, and has baffled and disappointed the soul 
 that was never made for such a daring attempt. 
 All the samples of failure comprised in the Parable 
 of the Sower would now begin to find their illustra- 
 tion in practice. And yet the attempt at conciliation 
 of two incompatible things, the fellowship of Christ 
 and indulgence in sensual lust, would continue to 
 be made, and the Gospel must pass through that 
 phase of its existence in which it is well-nigh 
 choked with the riches and pleasures of this life. 
 
LUKE AT CORINTH 26 1 
 
 St Luke having personally seen this development 
 at Corinth had realised its dangerous poison in an 
 acute form,i but he also saw that it must needs 
 before long assail all other parts of the Church. 
 
 We may for convenience examine the condition 
 of the Corinthian Church under the same heads as 
 before. 
 
 I. Impure. Nothing can be stronger than St Paul's iCorvi. 
 words on this head : ' Such fornication as is not 
 
 even among the Gentiles.' But if this does not 
 prove that the last stage of development had been 
 reached at Corinth, we may read further in the 
 indictment of the heathen vices which he had 
 written from Corinth to Rome, and which he must Rom i 24 ff. 
 have based on what he saw around him at Corinth 
 and elsewhere. There was quite enough to justify 
 the type of Sodom and Gomorrha. 
 
 II. Blasphemous. St Paul was the object of extreme i corxso. 
 evil-speaking at Corinth, for he says : ' If I by 
 grace partake, why am I blasphemed for that for 
 which I give thanks .? ' Again : ' Being reviled we 
 (continue to) bless; being persecuted ' (not by Rome, . 
 
 of course — far from it), ' we endure ; being defamed, j cor iv 12. 
 we exhort ; we are made as the filth of the world, 
 the offscouring of all things, even until now.' 
 
 ^Zahn says (Einl. ii loi) ; 'We find all elements of the prophetic 
 picture of the false teachers in 2 Peter already present in i Cor, but not 
 yet at the same stage of development.' I think, however, that this 
 same stage has been fully reached at Corinth. 
 
262 ST LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 III. Corrupt. The quality is illustrated under three 
 headings : {A) indifference to life, physical or 
 spiritual, when anger is allowed free scope, of 
 which Cain is the type. St Paul has implied very 
 clearly that there were in the Corinthian Church 
 the forms of sin which he feared he should find 
 when he came to visit them again. ' I fear, lest 
 
 jCorxiiso. by any means when I come, . . . there should be 
 strife, jealousy, wraths' (these three are represented 
 by the way of Cain) ; ' factions ' (that is the follow- 
 ing of hireling or hiring leaders, epiOiai), ' back- 
 bitings, whisperings,' (these three are typified by 
 the error of Balaam) ; ' swellings, disorders ' (these 
 
 2Corxi3. two answer to the gainsaying of Kore). Elsewhere 
 he refers to {B) the second aspect of corruption, 
 impure motive, thus : ' Lest your minds be cor- 
 rupted from the simplicity and the purity that is 
 toward Christ,' and in the verses immediately follow- 
 ing he proceeds to lay stress on the fact that, so 
 far from working for reward himself, he was never 
 
 2 Cor xi 9. 'a burden on any man.' He had previously 
 
 3 coi ii 17. contrasted himself with ' the many ' who ' make 
 merchandise'^ of the word of God, but as of 
 sincerity . . speak we in Christ.' We compare 
 
 2Coriv2. also the reference to those 'who handle the word 
 
 ^The list appears in an altered and enlarged form in Gal v 19, 'the 
 Ap ii 14. works of the flesh,' of which all the terms could be justified by the state- 
 ments scattered in i and 2 Cor concerning the Corinthian Church, 
 except perhaps ' witchcraft,' which, however, is one side of Balaamism. 
 
CORRUPTION AT CORINTH 263 
 
 of God deceitfully.' And thus we have sufficient 
 proof that Balaamism ' for reward ' was rife at 
 Corinth. (C) The third type of ' the gainsaying of 
 Kore' is shown to be fulfilled in gainsaying of St 
 Paul's authority very frequently throughout i Cor 
 and 2 Cor, though not indeed under the name of 
 Korah. St Paul says : ' If he that cometh preacheth = Cor xi 4. 
 another Jesus, whom we did not preach . . . .' ' Such ^ Cor xi i^ 
 men are false Apostles, deceitful workers, fashioning 
 themselves into Apostles of Christ' 'If any man^Corxy. 
 trusteth in himself that he is Christ's,' this last 
 resembles Korah's saying : ' All the congregation Num xvi 3. 
 are holy.' 
 
 IV. Deceivers. The presence of these at Corinth 
 has been just mentioned above, in a general sense. 
 But in the special sense Jude and 2 Peter refer to 
 their presence at the love-feasts which were now in 
 process of being connected, by St Paul's regulation, 
 with the Lord's Supper more closely than before. 
 This is exactly where the special form of deception 
 comes in at Corinth. 'First of all, when ye come iCorxii/fr. 
 together in the church, I hear that divisions exist 
 among you ; and I partly believe it. For there 
 must be also heresies among you, that they which 
 are approved {i.e. pass the test which sifts the true 
 from the deceivers) may be made manifest among 
 you.' There were, therefore, false teachers on this jude 12. 
 subject also, as well as false learners. And these, 
 who came for eating and drinking only — one being 
 
264 ^^ LUKE AND ST JUDE 
 
 hungry and another drunken, ' ate and drank judge- 
 ment unto themselves.' 'Their coming together' 
 was not to be ' unto judgement' 
 
 V. Arrogant. The murmuring of some of the 
 Corinthians is specially noticed by St. Paul when 
 
 iCorxio. he says: 'Neither murmur ye, as some of them 
 also murmured ; and were destroyed by the 
 destroyer.' The whole of that chapter in its first 
 part is devoted to the teaching of the types of the 
 
 I Cor X 6. Exodus : ' Now these things were done as types,' 
 or, ' were made to be types, of us.' The R.V. here 
 goes quite away from the mark when it translates : 
 ' These things were our examples.' Even the mar- 
 ginal translation, ' figures,' yields us no help. The 
 mind of the Revisers seems to have been closed 
 against any idea of St Paul being a Prophet, and 
 yet he strove to make it clear that, for what the 
 O.T. gave as a type, the time of the N.T. was ever 
 ready with a fulfilment, if the Christian Prophets 
 could supply it, whether as a warning or as a 
 
 I Cor XII. lesson. Thus St Paul repeats his remark: 'Now 
 these things happened unto them typically.' But 
 all the notice which the Revisers can give him is 
 to continue to translate ' by way of example.' The 
 close connection between the ' murmurings ' and the 
 ' lustfulness ' of these ' arrogant ' persons is shown by 
 
 1 Cor X 6. the neighbouring verse : ' That we should not lust 
 after evil things, as they also lusted.' Again, their 
 
 I Cor X 9. swelling words find a reference in: 'Neither let us 
 
THE TEACHING OF TYPES 265 
 
 tempt the Lord.' Lastly, their undue and venal 
 respect for persons is closely parallel with St Paul's 
 words : ' Ye look at what is in a face.' Here again = Cor x 7. 
 the Revisers have erred in translating : ' Ye look at 
 the things that are before ^ your face.' Once more : 
 'His letters, they say, are weighty and strong; but his 
 bodily presence is weak, and his speech of no account' 
 
 IV. Sectarian. This term, as perhaps should 
 have been remarked before, is not quite used in its 
 modern sense, but some one word must be found 
 and used to translate the one word cnroSiopl^ovre^, 
 and ' sectarian ' seems the best. This feature has 
 already been illustrated by features of the Corinthian 
 Church (above, p. 256), and especially in regard to 
 its connection with the carnal mind, which claims a 
 freedom which is at enmity with the true freedom 
 of the Spirit. 
 
 It thus appears that before 58 A.D. every one of 
 these several features of the ungodly described in 
 Jude was recognised by an Apostle who addressed 
 the Church of his own founding at Corinth, and 
 that the ungodliness was at least in an equal stage 
 of development with that which St Jude was com- 
 pelled to combat in his Epistle. 
 
 1 It is quite true that kotA is ' in a line with,' and so may be ' before.' 
 But the meaning is quite tame and senseless if this translation be given 
 here. There is nothing wrong in ' looking at the things before your 
 face ' : far from it ; all must do so, if their eyes are not closed. The 
 obvious reference is to the ' accepting of a man's person,' which God 
 never does (Gal ii 6), and man should never do. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH. 
 
 General contrast of the two Recensions of Acts, /3 more 
 prophetic, a less prophetic. 
 
 It may at least be argued whether, if one of the 
 Books of Holy Scripture had had to be forfeited, 
 the Acts is not on the whole the one which we could 
 least afford to lose. If St Matthew's Gospel has 
 ' exerted a greater influence than any book in the 
 world,' we could supply some part of its loss from 
 three other Gospels. If Isaiah awakened men from 
 the sleep and indifference and depression of sin to 
 the heavenly dawn of glad promise, the loss of his 
 two golden volumes — had it taken place in 70 A.D., 
 let us say — would be less than irreparable so long as 
 we possessed so many of his verses in citation, al- 
 though no possible collection of these fragments 
 would avail to reproduce the Book of the Prophet 
 Isaiah, the spiritual ancestor of St Paul and of every 
 other regenerating agency that in these latter days shall 
 renew the earth with blessings, and people it with 
 
VALUE OF THE ACTS 267 
 
 the true children of the Highest. The Acts indeed 
 is not so inspiring. Its effect is touching again and 
 again, but scarcely thrilling, whatever its power may 
 be to please, to convince, and to instruct. Yet it is 
 so unique in its contents, so necessary for the under- 
 standing of the N.T., of the Bible, of the Church of 
 Christ, and therefore of all history from 30 A.D. on- 
 wards, that, if lost, its loss could never be supplied. 
 No wonder if, along with St John's Gospel, it is a 
 favourite book with so many in modern days. 
 
 And yet it is strange to find that St Chrysostom 
 opens his Commentary on Acts with the remark : 
 ' Many people are unaware even of the existence of 
 this book, and they know equally little about its 
 author and compiler.' And elsewhere 1 he says : 
 ' Perhaps you do not hear the book read through- 
 out the whole year (in Church).' Such neglect by 
 the authorities of the ' early ' Church may strike us 
 as surprising, but slowly we learn that the average 
 well-informed Christian of (say) Constantinople in 
 400 A.D. knew very little about the Bible, and it is 
 a strangely interesting fact that the same Archbishop 
 and Patriarch, who desires to make better known the 
 treasure which he possesses in the Acts, was himself 
 unaware of the very existence of 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, 
 Jude, and the Apocalypse. Not merely at one epoch, 
 but through many centuries, the Acts was neglected 
 in favour of the Gospels and the Epistles. Thus it 
 
 ' Chrysostom (Montf. ) vol. ix I, iii 66. 
 
268 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 has come to pass that comparatively few MSS. of the' 
 Acts are now extant. 
 
 But what adds very greatly to the documentary 
 interest of the Acts is the discovery, mentioned 
 already, that there are two editions of it in circu- 
 lation — two Recensions, a and /3, probably both 
 by St Luke.^ We are familiar with a, which sup- 
 plied Chrysostom with the text of his commentary 
 {395) at Antioch, for it closely resembles our 
 English A.V. About the same time Jerome trans- 
 lated the Acts in the Latin vulgate from a Greek 
 text (also a) which, though different, did not differ 
 so much as to suggest a different edition. We can 
 find /3 of Acts in the text of the Bezan MS. D, 
 and in Blass's Acta, and a few portions are given 
 in R.V. margin. The question whether a and /3 are 
 two editions seems almost decided, but the question 
 whether they are wholly by the same author is, I 
 think, only provisionally settled in the affirmative 
 sense. The credit of establishing the former con- 
 clusion rests in Germany with Fried. Blass, whose 
 
 ' The present writer is so convinced of the genuineness of both Acts 
 and Luke and their identity of authorship that he does not consider the 
 questions worth arguing until some entirely new discovery is made. 
 The present work is written therefore upon a hypothesis, or rather at 
 a certain stage of hypothesis. But of course every advance in the 
 superstructure of a theory really depends upon the foundation and serves 
 as a test of its soundness. If rotten, its rottenness would very soon 
 appear in any and all attempts, such as those which are made in the 
 present treatise, to go behind the writer's words and to grasp the en- 
 vironment which immediately suggests his thoughts. 
 
WHAT IS BEHIND THE ACTS 269 
 
 classical learning and researches in the Greek 
 orators were already famous, and who startled the 
 theological world with a treatise ^ in 1894, followed 
 by his edition of Acts with a Latin preface and 
 commentary in 1895. Previous to this, however, 
 in 1892-4, Dr. Rendel Harris had delivered his Four 
 Lectures on the Western Text, in which he most ably 
 reviews four separate and distinct theories, besides 
 referring to Ramsay's chapter in The Church on the 
 Roman Empire, and including his own Study of 
 Codex Bezae? Students interested in this ' problem 
 of problems ' are looking forward now to further light 
 from Dr. Harris, Prof. Blass, and others. Meanwhile 
 throughout the following pages it is assumed that the 
 readings of the Western Recension, commonly denoted 
 as /3, are distinct from and equally genuine with those 
 of non-Western Recensions, commonly denoted as a, 
 which may be read in Westcott and Hort's edition of 
 the Greek Testament, and so far as my own observa- 
 tion goes I entertain no doubt that most of the ^ 
 readings represent the first draft of Acts by Luke. 
 I wish I could feel the same degree of certainty that 
 the a represent his own second and final draft. It 
 seems to be an open question whether our present 
 Acts has not passed under the pruning-knife of some 
 orthodox critic soon after it was written. However it 
 is not easy at present to discover any dividing line 
 between the characters of ^ and a better than that 
 1 Theol. Stud, u Krit. 1894. ^ Texts and Studies, 11 i, Cambridge. 
 
2/0 
 
 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 just mentioned as drawn by Blass. In most cases ^ 
 and a appear to differ as the more diffuse from tiie 
 more terse, only in the way of literary style. In 
 some cases they differ very distinctly as the more 
 personal from the less personal ; and here the very 
 important character of ^ declares itself, as throwing 
 invaluable light upon the author's personality. In 
 some few there are important overflows in ^8 in the 
 way of history, and some of these are recorded in the 
 footnotes of WH and in the margin of R.V. In 
 others again /3 presents the facts in a slightly different 
 aspect. Of course not one of the divergencies is un- 
 important. The present writer is not aware of one 
 which adds a difficulty to the theories here put 
 forward ; in chapters ii and iii above he has dealt 
 with some passages of /3 which seem to him to fortify 
 the conclusion that Luke is Silas, and to place it still 
 more beyond a doubt. But even apart from this, he 
 is convinced that an impartial study of jS tends to 
 dispel and destroy the idea that Acts was written so 
 late as 1 50 A.D. The ^ text shows throughout, the 
 more closely it is examined, the primitive and inimi- 
 table texture of genuine Apostolic work and thought 
 and expression. 
 
 This is perhaps nothing more than a personal 
 statement, such as any writer is entitled to hold, but 
 not to impose on others unless he can enforce and 
 substantiate it by adequate evidence. This evidence 
 must be supplied by textual critics, whose conclu- 
 
TRACES OF A CRISIS 
 
 271 
 
 sions are waited for, and should be waited for, by 
 those who attempt constructive criticism. At the 
 same time the converse is also true. The textual 
 critics ought to wait upon the results of constructive 
 criticism, whether supplied by others or by them- 
 selves. It • is a misfortune when textual and con- 
 structive criticism are not united in the same person ; 
 and they are too seldom united. The history of the 
 text of the N.T. is to a large extent the history of 
 movements in the Church, yet it has not hitherto 
 been treated as such. Only in the Acts, perhaps, can 
 we at present entertain a hope of discovering in the 
 textual phenomena a clue to one particular part of 
 the course of historical events. But here it does 
 appear that we possess certain traces of a disappear- 
 ing prophetic mode of thought, a prophetic way of 
 viewing events, a prophetic treatment of O.T. Scrip- 
 ture and uncanonical writings, which existed down 
 to the year 70 A.D., and had ceased to exist by 140 
 A.D. ; and those traces are largely connected with the 
 variations in reading of the text of Acts. Unfor- 
 tunately they cannot be included, except incidentally, 
 in the compass of the present work. I may here only 
 observe that the assertions contained in this volume, 
 so far from professing to go unchecked by any other 
 line of evidence, claim to be regarded in the light 
 of any conclusions drawn from the textual history 
 of Acts, and to throw light upon that history in 
 return. 
 
2/2 
 
 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 The Acts not a production of the second century. 
 
 But what has been said above upon the relation of 
 Luke to Peter and Paul as their mediator will go far 
 to explain the general proportions of the structure 
 of Acts. It has been supposed by others that the 
 remarkably even balance which is held in Acts— and 
 this even balance is a clear and undeniable fact, to 
 be shown in the next chapter — between the works of 
 Peter in the first part and those of Paul in the second 
 is a proof that some second-century writer wished to 
 reconcile the followings of the two Apostles, and for 
 this purpose, in collecting the historical materials of 
 their lives, took care to provide a Rowland of the one 
 for the Oliver of the other. Now it can hardly be 
 too strongly asserted in reply to this, that the 
 second-century writer, had he been able to do this 
 as it is done in Acts, would have been not only 
 far abler than St Luke was, but far the ablest 
 writer of that or any other of the first ten cen- 
 turies. He must have been a man of astonishing 
 literary originality, scholarship, and force, and his 
 knowledge and experience must have been cor- 
 respondingly great. For the materials were not 
 in existence in the first place for anything like 
 such a work. There is scarcely a trace of any 
 historical or biographical Christian writer before the 
 
EYEWITNESS, OR ROMANCE'^ 
 
 273 
 
 time of Hegesippus (? 155 to 180 A.D.)^ Of the 
 known second-century writers no Melito or Miltiades 
 or Apollinaris or Caius ventured to say tiiat he had 
 any materials whatever for composing or even for 
 criticising a life of St Paul. How could our writer 
 then have had the monopoly of all materials ? The 
 Acts is plainly the work of one who has unlimited 
 information bearing upon his subject, and is only 
 embarrassed, if at all, by the amount of the material 
 from which he has to select. He knows the name of 
 a street in Damascus, the number of steps leading 
 from the tower Antonia to the city of Jerusalem, the 
 unusual title of the officer in Melita or Thessalonica, 
 the name of a school at Ephesus, and he combines 
 with this the knowledge of many other details of 
 which we are amazed at his possessing an over- 
 whelming monopoly. Yet beyond all these facts, 
 the romancer, for such he would be, has provided and 
 arranged his materials with such perfect art that to 
 this day the closest criticism leads many scholars to 
 the increasing conviction that they describe the ex- 
 perience and impressions of an eye-witness, indirectly 
 in the first part, and directly in most of the second 
 and larger part of the work. 
 
 Critics who are so ready to suppose a second- 
 century historian are slow to reflect what enormous 
 cheques they draw upon the resources of that Chris- 
 
 i"It appears that Hegesippus' object was theological rather than 
 historical." Westcott, Canon (1875), P' 20S- 
 
 S 
 
274 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 tian second century. It cannot possibly honour their 
 drafts. Recognise the case as that of an eye-witness 
 describing what he heard, saw and did in the first 
 century, and all is easy : the eye-witness need not be 
 a genius, and indeed he never professed to be one. 
 But on the other hand imagine a romancer in the 
 second century who is to write as easily and fully, 
 with as much classic terseness and eloquence, and in 
 some parts with as much Hebraic idiom, as if he had 
 been a scholar and traveller and disciple of the first 
 century, and an Apostle withal ; then, I contend, you 
 must imagine a literary genius of the iirst order, 
 an -authority whose existence cannot possibly have 
 escaped notice by the Justin or Irenseus or Tertullian 
 or the other Christian writers who by such hypothesis 
 would be his own contemporaries. They at least 
 could never have been so perverse or misguided as to 
 antedate him by a century. Not one of them could 
 combine, as our author has combined, the Hebraic 
 idiom in some portions of his work with the Greek 
 classical idiom in other portions, and in fact through- 
 out the whole. 
 
 A longer discussion of the statements in Acts, and 
 of their character, and of the right way of explaining 
 their character, cannot be attempted within the limits 
 of this book, which has for its object to discover the 
 characteristic features of a Christian Prophet in the 
 writings of Luke outside the Gospels. Nor does it 
 seem necessary to suppose a forgery even for the 
 
THE MEDIATING MIND 275 
 
 sake of argument, when it has once been shown 
 that if any conciliation between Peter and Paul 
 was required after Gal. ii was written, there are 
 manifest signs that it actually took place, in the 
 Epistles of I and 2 Peter and Ephesians, Luke being 
 the mediator. For it will hardly be denied that 
 whoever mediated in so important a cause would 
 naturally be careful to retain traces of that relation to 
 the two leading characters throughout the rest of his 
 literary career. That he should think it desirable to 
 exhibit some parallelism between the life experiences 
 of the two Apostles is natural enough, and we shall 
 presently see that Luke does this. (See chapter ix.) 
 
 First, however, we proceed to examine one of the 
 most important incidents of the whole work, the 
 account of the first Christian Pentecost in Acts ii, to 
 which reference has has already been made. We shall 
 endeavour to gain from the literary texture of this 
 account a clear understanding of the point of view 
 from which the author wrote, and hence a clear 
 understanding of what actually occurred. 
 
 The Pentecostal Account in Acts and the Book 
 of Enoch. 
 
 When once the importance of the Book of Enoch 
 is recognised as a powerful influence on the mind of 
 the Christian Prophets, and especially of Luke, we 
 
Ac ii 33. 
 
 276 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 may expect to find traces of it in various passages of 
 his undoubted writings, the Acts, as we have already 
 seen traces of it in i Peter. It will be convenient to 
 EnA-c/. have one most important prophecy of Enoch 1 before 
 us in full. It is as follows : 
 
 'And now, my son Methuselah, call to me all thy 
 brothers; for the word calls me and the spirit is 
 poured out jipon me that I shall show you all that 
 will befall you for ever.' . . 
 
 3. ' And Enoch conversed with all the children of 
 righteousness and spake; 'Hear, ye sons of Enoch, 
 
 Ac ii 14. all the words of your father, andluarken befittingly to 
 the voice of my mouth ; for I exhort you and say unto 
 you, beloved, love righteousness and walk therein. 
 
 4. And draw not nigh to uprightness with a double 
 heart, associate not with those of a double heart ; but 
 walk in uprightness and righteousness, and it will 
 guide you on good paths, and righteousness will be 
 your companion. 
 
 5. For I know that a condition of oppression will 
 increase on the earth and a great chastisement will 
 be executed on the earth, and all unrighteousness 
 will be consummated and be cut off from the roots, 
 
 Gen xi 4. and its whole superstructure destroyed. . . . 
 
 6. And unrighteousness will again be consummated 
 
 1 Charles, The Book of Enoch, 1893, p. 265. The marginal 
 references in the next four pages show the passages of N.T. which 
 are directly drawn from the Book of Enoch, and those of O.T. 
 which correspond \\\\h it. I beg the kind attention of the reader 
 to them. 
 
 Is xxviii 2^. 
 
 Jam. i E 
 
ENOCHIAN PROPHECY 
 
 177 
 
 on the earth, and all the deeds of unrighteousness 
 and of violence and transgression will again prevail. 
 
 7. And then, when unrighteousness and sin and 
 blasphemy and violence in all kinds of deeds will 
 increase, and apostasy and transgression and unclean- 2 Thess ii. 
 ness increase, a great chastisement from heaven will 
 come upon them all, and the holy Lord will come 
 forth with wrath and chastisement to execute judg- 
 ment on earth. 
 
 8. In those days violence will be cut off from its 
 roots and the roots of unrighteousness, together 
 with deceit, and they will be destroyed from under 
 heaven. 
 
 9. And all the idols of the heathen will be aban- 
 doned : the temples will be burned with fire and 
 they will be removed from the whole earth, and 
 the (heathen) will be cast into the judgment of 
 fire and will perish in wrath and in grievous eternal 
 judgment. 
 
 10. And the righteous one will arise from sleep, 
 and wisdom will arise and be given unto them.' 
 
 1. ^And after that Enoch began to recount from En ^c///. 
 the Books. 
 
 2. And Enoch spake : ' Concerning the children of 
 righteousness and concerning the elect of the world 
 and the plant of uprightness, of these I will speak 
 to you and announce to you, my sons, I, Enoch, 
 
 1 I follow Dr. Charles's account of the displacement of the verses, 
 and give them in what he concludes to be the proper sequence. 
 
278 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 according to that which appeared to me in the 
 heavenly vision, and know through the word of the 
 holy angels, and have heard from the heavenly 
 Father.' 
 
 3. And Enoch began to recount from the books 
 and spake : ' I was born the seventh in the First 
 week, while judgment and righteousness still tarried. 
 
 4. And after me there will arise in the Second 
 week great wickedness, and deceit will spring up ; 
 and in it there will be the first end, and in it a 
 man will be saved : and after it is ended unrighteous- 
 ness will grow up and He will make a law for the 
 sinners. 
 
 5. And after that in the Third week at its close 
 Ac 122, 5. a Man zvill be chosen as the plant of righteous judg- 
 Aciiii4. ment, and after him will come for evermore the 
 
 Ac ii 30 f. 
 
 Plant ^ of righteousness. 
 
 6. And after that in the Fourth week, at its close, 
 Ac ii 17. visions of the holy and the righteous will be seen, 
 Aciii22. and a law for all future generations and an enclosure 
 
 Ac i 20. 
 
 will be made for them. 
 
 7. And after that in the Fifth week, at its close, 
 will the House of glory and dominion be built for 
 ever. 
 
 8. And after that in the Sixth week all those who 
 Acxxviii26f. live in it will be blinded, and the hearts of all of 
 
 Ac ii 17. - , . 
 
 them will be given over to a wicked forgetfulness of 
 Acii33. wisdom, and in it a Man will ascend; and at its 
 
 1 'Fruit,' Acts I.e. 
 
THE WEEKS 
 
 279 
 
 close the house of dominion will be burnt with fire, and 
 
 the whole race of the Elect root will be dispersed. Ac ii s- 
 
 9. And after that in the Seventh week will awAciji. 
 
 Ac ii 40. 
 
 apostate generation arise, and many will be its deeds, 
 and all its deeds will be apostate. 
 
 10. And at its close will the Elect of righteousness 
 of the eternal plant of righteousness be elected to 
 receive sevenfold instruction concerning His whole 2 Pet is- 
 creation. 
 
 . II. And after that there will be another week, the Enjfc/. 
 Eighth, that of righteousness, and a sword will be 
 giveti to it that judgment and righteousness may be Rom xiii 4. 
 executed on those who cofnviit oppression, and sinners 
 will be delivered into the hands of the righteous. 
 
 12. And at its close'^ they will acquire houses i-k y.\\ 9- 
 
 ■' •' 2 Pet i 13 f. 
 
 through their righteousness, and the House o/the great acIv n. 
 King shall be built in glory for evermore. 
 
 13. And after that in the Ninth week the righteous 
 judgment will be revealed to the zvhole world, and all ^veim^o. 
 the works of the godless will vanish from the whole 2 Pet iii ?■ 
 earth, and the world will be written down ^ for 2 Pet iii 10. 
 
 1 1 cannot refrain from observing here, in view of most persistent 
 misunderstanding, that the Parable of the Unjust Steward (Lk xvi) is 
 to be explained by reference to this verse. ' Make to yourselves friends 
 outside of the mammon of unrighteousness, that when it shall fail, i.e. 
 at the close of the Eighth week, they may receive you into everlasting 
 habitations.' This is the only true moral of it. Space forbids the 
 discussion of it here. For e/c outside of see Jebb on Soph, Track. 1078. 
 
 2 The reading in 2 Pet iii 10 is a crux for critics. I have ventured 
 to suggest (p. 136) that WH evpe0ria-eTai., which Dr. Hort considered 
 to be only a makeshift reading, really conceals the true reading 
 
28o PROPHETIC CHARACTER OE ACTS I-XIl 
 
 2 Pet. ii IS. destruction, and all mankind will look to the path of 
 
 uprightness. 
 
 14. And after this in the Tenth week in the 
 2Petii4. seventh part, there will be the great eternal y«^- 
 
 ment, in which he will execute vengeance amongst the 
 
 angels. 
 2Petmi2. 15. And the first heaven ivill depart and pass 
 2 Pet iii 10. away, and a new heaven will appear, and all the 
 
 powers of the heavens will shine sevenfold for ever. 
 
 16. And after that there will be many weeks 
 2 Pet iii 13. without number for ever in goodness and righteousness, 
 
 and sin will no more be mentioned for ever. 
 
 17. And now I tell you, my sons, and I shew you 
 the paths of righteousness and the paths of violence, 
 and I will shew them to you again that ye may 
 know what will happen. 
 
 18. And now hearken, my sons, and walk in the 
 paths of righteousness and walk not in paths of 
 violence ; for all who walk in the paths of un- 
 righteousness will perish for ever.' 
 
 En^c//. !■ Written by Enoch the scribe, this complete 
 
 Lkvii35. doctriuc of Wisdom which deserves the praise of all 
 
 men and is a judge of the whole earth, for all my 
 
 children who will dwell on the earth and the future 
 
 generations who will observe righteousness and peace. 
 
 2. Let not your spirit be troubled on account of the 
 
 ■ypa<f>i]<xeTa.i, which was misunderstood and miswritten, and indeed 
 could hardly have been recovered until the original in Enoch was 
 recovered. 
 
AWAKE, THOU THAT STEEPEST 28 1 
 
 times, for the Holy Great One has appointed days for 
 all things. 
 
 3. And the righteous one will arise from sleep, will Ephvi4, 15. 
 arise and ivalk in the ^path of righteousness, and all 
 
 his path and conversation will be in eternal goodness 
 and grace [cf xci 10, And the righteous one will 
 arise from sleep and zvisdom will arise and be given'^ 
 unto thei>i\. 
 
 4. He will be gracious to the righteous and will 
 give him eternal uprightness, and will give him power, 
 and he will live in goodness and righteousness, and 
 will walk in eternal light. 
 
 5. And sin will perish in darkness for ever, andAciiiig. 
 will no more be seen from that day for evermore. 
 
 Before attempting to apply this part of Enoch to 
 the explanation of Acts ii, we must approach the 
 subject from another point of vie'w, that of the writer. 
 
 It cannot be denied that tongue-speaking was 
 among the historical phenomena of the early Church, iCorxiviff. 
 and that when St Paul treats of it he is deahng with 
 a gift which he did not value so much as the 
 Corinthians valued it or as he valued Prophecy, but 
 which he recognised as a 'manifestation of the spirit j cor xii 7. 
 to profit withal.' 
 
 It is therefore plain that St Paul would accept, and 
 we must accept, the account of Acts ii as dealing 
 with the same kind of phenomenon as that which 
 
 1 Cf Eph ' walk accurately, not as unwise, but as wise.' 
 
282 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 occurred so often at Corinth. There is nothing in 
 common betweeit it and the speaking of foreign lan- 
 guages, although it is usually supposed that the writer 
 of Acts intended his readers to think that there was. 
 The writer of Acts never intended any such thing, 
 and so far from wishing to mislead, we may be sure 
 that he, whose great distinguishing feature is can- 
 dour, would have been the first to guard against his 
 readers' misapprehension had he anticipated such a 
 result of his words. The time, including the periods 
 of which and at which he wrote, was one in which the 
 whole ' world ' was ' of one speech and one language ' 
 in a sense and to a degree which was never realised 
 from the days of the Tower of Babel to the present 
 year of Grace. The conquests of Alexander the 
 Great had led to the overspreading of the known 
 world by the Greek civilisation and the Greek 
 language ; the conquests of Rome had utilised this 
 extension of Greek civilisation for purposes of govern- 
 ment and had still further unified the Greek world in 
 which the Jews who used the Greek Bible were the 
 most industrious promoters of trade and commerce. 
 Greek was everywhere, and- when Juvenal, writing 
 about 100 A.D. complains, 
 
 Non possum ferre, Quirites, 
 Graecam urbem. 
 
 ' Sons of Quirinus, I cannot bear my city to be Greek ' 
 — we know that in Rome itself Greek was the lingua 
 franca, and must have half supplanted the language 
 
XO FOREIGN LANGUAGES 283 
 
 of Quirinus in his own city of Rome. To this fact 
 the Jewish catacombs and tlie other monuments bear 
 witness. There is no question, and to St Luke's 
 mind there could be no question, of the universal 
 prevalence and predominance of the Greek language 
 in the years 30-80. It is not, however, to be supposed 
 that it would sound with the same accent everywhere. 
 Different countries would make very different dialects 
 of it, and hence mere pronunciation of it by the lips 
 of strangers would have been perplexing. When, 
 however, we find that tongues were an utterance of 
 sounds difficult to interpret, so that the faculty ofiCor: 
 interpretation was itself a 'spiritual gift,' and when 
 we have to add this difficulty to the former and make 
 allowance for intense excitement withal, we cannot 
 be surprised if confusion ensued. 
 
 The Apostles' utterance at Pentecost. 
 
 However the first question which arises is, what 
 was the substance of the words uttered by the 
 Apostles on the day of the outpouring. For some- 
 thing was heard, and therefore was uttered. Blass 
 observes with less than his usual shrewdness here 
 that " what follows after Acts ii S is narrated, even 
 more than what precedes, prophetically rather than 
 historically. As afterwards the Gospel was spread 
 abroad through men of every nation, so at the birth 
 
284 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 of the Church it is said that men of every nation were 
 present and took part in its beginning." Propheti- 
 cally I agree, but not in the sense which Blass 
 intends. Historically I assert against Blass. Blass 
 
 Atiis. then smartly attacks the reading 'Jews/ which how- 
 ever, is too well attested by the evidence of both 
 editions of the Acts to be expunged from both. He 
 would make all the men to be of divers nationalities 
 and to be proselytes, and Luke distinctly says that 
 they dwelt in Jerusalem. But those who find it hard 
 to believe that proselytes of every one of these 
 peoples were to be found resident there will be ready 
 to believe that Jews from those countries,^ Jews of the 
 Dispersion usually trading in the Eastern Provinces, 
 could, on the occasion of this festal season, be found 
 at their homes in Jerusalem. If at the Passover, 
 seven weeks before this event, Simon the Cyrenian 
 was in Jerusalem, if Aquila and Prisca of the more 
 distant Pontus were found at Rome, and afterwards 
 
 Acxviiiaf. ^t Corinth pursuing their trade of tent-makers, and 
 at Ephesus, the same propensity to travel would, at 
 the great feast of Pentecost, have brought" many 
 thousands of Jews to the temple. Luke says that 
 
 ' See Schiirer, The Jewish People, etc., E. T. II ii 223, ' The Jews in 
 those provinces were numbered not by thousands but by miUions. ' He 
 quotes Sanhedrim x 3 of the ten tribes : " As the day becomes dark and 
 then again light, so will it be one day light again to the ten tribes with 
 whom it was dark.' There is no reason why this thought should not 
 have been present to the mind of Luke. It was probably far older than 
 the date at which it was put in writing in the treatise of the Mishna. 
 
GREEK UNIVERSAL 285 
 
 these men were Jews by birth, born in places far 
 distant, or at any rate directly come from {uiro) those Ac ii 5- 
 places. They were devout Jews, and read their 
 Bible. But wherever Alexander's conquests had 
 extended, and indeed much farther,^ in the three 
 centuries and a half which had succeeded them, the 
 universal language of trade throughout the known 
 East was Greek ; and these Jews read the Greek 
 Bible in the LXX translation. 
 
 Accordingly Luke says, ' they heard the Apostles 
 speak in their own respective language^ or dialect 
 
 ^ There is at this day a considevable colony of Jews in S. Turliestan. 
 See an article of great political interest by H. Norman, M.P. , in 
 Scribiier's Ma«., Jan. 1901, on the Transcaspian Railway. 
 
 - With every wish to do the fullest justice to the statements of that great 
 teacher and divine. Dr. James Martineau, I must say that in matters of 
 criticism I have found him on more than one occasion somewhat hasty 
 in his conclusions. He does not distinguish, e.g. in the accounts of 
 Saul's conversion, between aKoiw with the genitive case ' I hear (part 
 of)' and with the accusative case 'I hear (directly).' Again in the 
 present chapter he seems to me to ignore the fact that Luke says the 
 hearers heard them speak both 'in their own]>espective language' 
 (SidXe/cros verses 6 and 8) and ' in their own respective tongue ' (verse 
 II). — Martineau, Seat of Authority in Religion, p. 273, ed. 1898. If I 
 am correct, it follows that he is wrong in saying that by the author of 
 Acts ^'tongues was construed into languages." Tongue always might 
 mean language with Luke as with us, but in the case of the ' gift of 
 tongues ' the phrase was always the same, stereotyped. The phrase 
 • gift of languages ' was never used by Luke at all. No construing at 
 all took place. If we turn to Genesis xi i we find ' the whole earth 
 was of one lip and one language (0wp)7).' xii 7, ' Let us confound their 
 language {-fKQiaaa.v], that they may not hear each the \oice [(l>avr]v) of 
 his neighbour' xi 9 'There the Lord confounded the lips of all the 
 earth, and from thence he scattered them. . . .' ^Ve cannot therefore 
 doubt that ' tongue ' meant ' language ' always : but in the case of the 
 
286 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 {tyi ISla SiaXeKTw verses 6 and 8, and rai? ^fxerepai^ 
 yXaicrcraig verse ii) the great (praises) of God.' Since 
 Luke uses both terms, 'tongues' and 'dialect,' it is 
 needless to discuss whether 'language' or 'dialect' 
 is the better translation here : either meaning is 
 allowed. The term ' dialect ' has been used just 
 before, when he said that the name of Judas' field 
 was ' in their dialect ('AKe\Sa/j.dx) Akeldamach.' This 
 word is one that a Greek-speaking Jew, that is, a 
 'Grecian ' (A.V.) or Hellenist, would use, but it is not a 
 proper Greek word, for in order to arrive at its mean- 
 ing we have to re-translate it first into the current 
 Aramaic G kal-d' ma} All that Luke means here by 
 
 ' gift of tongues ' it did not mean ' foreign languages,' at least with Luke 
 and the Christian Prophets. Nor do I agree with Blass that ' perhaps 
 Paul differed from Luke in distinguishing between 0upa£ and ■yKwaaa.i 
 in I Cor xiv lo ' : he is only giving an illustration here, and there is no 
 difference between the two writers. 
 
 ' What was the real name of this field ? It was originally the 
 Potter's Field according to Matthew xxvii 6, where by a strange 
 blunder the fulfilment of a passage in Zechariah is said to be that of 
 one in Jeremiah. However corrupt the text of Zechariah may have 
 been in the hands of the Christian Prophets, — and there is no reason 
 to think it was corrupted by them, — it would not account for the 
 blimder of the name. But it may be worth while to ask whether the 
 first word (Grecised as Akel) was not originally i'kar, price. The words 
 in Zech xi 13 are as follows: (R.V.) 'And the Lord said unto me, 
 Cast it unto the potter, the goodly price that I was prized at of them. 
 And I took the thirty pieces of silver and cast them tmto the potter, in the 
 house of the Lord.' For the words italicised, the Syriac reads into 
 the treasury, which makes good sense. The Targum says the treasurer 
 (see Dr. C. H. H. Wright's Bampton Lectures, " Zechariah and his 
 Prophecies," p. 583), The rendering of R.V. is based upon Aquila's 
 Greek version. It seems then very doubtful if there was any Potter's 
 
ACELDAMA 287 
 
 the term 'dialect' is a phonetic translation of the 
 Aramaic into Greek : it expresses something which 
 can be called Greek. And exactly the same is his 
 meaning when he uses the term 'dialect' for the 
 Apostles' Pentecostal utterance. The language was 
 Greek which the 'dialect' reproduced with some 
 modifications of pronunciation. There is a very fair 
 
 Field in existence in Zechariah's time under that name, and whether 
 Zechariah knew anything of a potter or, still more, of a field. Nor do 
 his LXX translators; for in translating 'unto a smelting-furnace,' they 
 confess that they have either no meaning in view, or at any rate not 
 that. Other modern translations of the Hebrew are the treasurer, and 
 the president. Now if, on the other hand, the word were originally 
 Vkar-cfmah, it would mean the price of blood e^a-ctXy as Matthew xxvii 6 
 says. The transliteration into Aceldama is just as easy as that from the 
 Aramaic given in Acts i, if not easier, for the interchange of R and L is 
 one of the commonest changes of sound. The story in Matthew is, as 
 it stands, improbable ; for no field could be bought near Jerusalem for 
 thirtj' pieces of silver, available as a cemetery, even for strangers. 
 Moreover, a. field with a history, a. prophetic history connected with 
 Zechariah, as this one purported to be, according to Aquila's transla- 
 tion of the Hebrew (though even this has no reference whatever to a 
 field), would not be acquired so easily as another, and would be less 
 likely to be turned into a graveyard. If then the original name had 
 been the ' field of the price of blood' for some historical reason unknown 
 to us but easy to imagine, then the name after Judas' death received an 
 explanation which it had not before, and the statement of Luke in 
 Acts i is intelligible, while, on the other hand, the whole history 
 of the name Potter's field is one that begins and ends with JIatthew 
 xx%'ii. How it originated with Matthew is a question reserved for 
 future consideration. Since writing the above I observe that Zahn, 
 Einl. i 20, says that the first part of Akeldama has no essentially 
 identical Hebrew word to support it. He throws a certain amount of 
 doubt upon a derivation of the second part of the word from the Syriac 
 damach, to sleep (cf cemetery), and seems to favour that from ghakal 
 and datnah, blood. 
 
288 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 analogy offered in modern Church usage : any 
 Englishman who has attended a Latin mass in France 
 and in Italy may have noticed the difference /n 
 pronunciation, let us say, between 
 
 Dominus vobiiciim : Et ciiin spiritii tiio 
 
 heard in the French Church and the more open sound 
 of the same u by the Italian priest, who finishes the 
 tiio as if it were a tooaw of our language. 
 
 Moreover what would increase the difficulty of 
 hearing is the fact that the Greek of Pentecost was 
 delivered in a time and in a tone of the utmost 
 excitement. Still although those Hellenistic Jews 
 had not the ' spiritual gift of the interpretation of 
 tongues,' as we infer from the fact that Peter subse- 
 
 Ac ii 38. quently offered them the reception of the Spirit upon 
 certain conditions, — they would just be able to 
 
 Psixxiig. recognise what was uttered as 'the great (praises) of 
 God.' For this phrase gives us the key to what was 
 uttered. It occurs as a various reading in the Mag- 
 
 Lki49. nificat, where it comes from the Psalm, and though 
 we may not say that the term ' great deeds ' or ' great 
 things ' (^eyaXera) is identical with ' great praises,' still 
 to tell the great deeds is to jdter the great praises. 
 Now if we ask how the great praises of God would 
 be uttered on that day, we cannot doubt that the 
 Great Hallel and the Hallelujah Psalms would guide 
 the predominant note. It would not require a subtle 
 power of interpreting tongues for any devout Jews 
 
HALLELUJAH 289 
 
 to identify the general purport of such language, and 
 to say that it was uttered in the dialect of their' birth, 
 and the effect of it might well be described by Luke 
 in the phrases which he has employed. 
 
 [The foregoing remarks had been written some 
 time before I found the statement in Lightfoot 1 upon 
 the Hallel, which appears to confirm them entirely. 
 " The Hallel, say they, recordeth five things : the 
 coming out of Egypt, the dividing of the sea, the 
 giving of the Law, the resurrection of the dead, and the 
 lot of Messias." " This Hallel was said over eighteen 
 days in the year and one night ; viz., at the killing 
 of the Passover, at the Feast of Pentecost, on the 
 eight days of the Feast of Tabernacles, on the eight 
 days of the Feast of Dedication, and on the Passover 
 night. With the manner of its saying over, the 
 people still answering ' Hallelujah,' compare the 
 redoubled 'Hallelujahs' in Rev xix i, 3, 4, 6." 
 
 There is much more information concerning the 
 use of Hallelujah in the same treatise of Lightfoot, 
 drawn from the same sources. One statement refers 
 to the brief Psalm cxvii, which belongs to the same 
 'great Hallel,' which consisted of Psalms cxiii-cxviii. 
 I can find no reference to Pss cxlvi and cxlvii which 
 are about to occupy our attention. But in view of 
 the fact that proper psalms were allotted by the 
 Jews to certain days of the week and of the year 
 
 ij. Lightfoot, T/te Temple Service, xii. Works, 1823, vol ix. 
 p. 143, quoting Maimonides in Meg. 3 and the Talmud in Succah 5. 
 
290 
 
 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 for constant singing in the Temple, it seems clear 
 that special psalms were the most natural vehicle of 
 congregational emotion on special occasions ; and of 
 these the later Hallel, Psalms cxlvi-end, would be 
 appropriate to this first Christian Pentecost. That 
 the occasion of so many Jews assembling in Jeru- 
 salem was the ancient Jewish Feast of Pentecost is 
 certain ; and it is certain that Pentecost commemo- 
 rated above all things the giving of the Law on Sinai. 
 But St Luke has not laid so much stress on this 
 commemoration in his narrative as upon the other 
 aspect of it, — the ' Building of the House of the 
 Great King in glory for evermore ' as the ' fulfilment ' 
 of the building of the Temple under Haggai and 
 Zachariah. This we shall see as we proceed. It is 
 noteworthy that there is a possible reference to the 
 giving of the Law in the words 'tongues as of fire', 
 for the Rabbis^ said : " At the time when learned 
 men study in the Law, and thence proceed to the 
 Prophets and the Holy writings a fire has flamed 
 around them, and the words have lifted them up, as 
 the same was done at the Sinaitic lawgiving. For 
 Deutivii. was not the Law given at Sinai by means of fire.' 
 The mountain burned with fire."] 
 
 We may then go farther than this in identifying 
 one or more of the Psalms which were sung by the 
 disciples at this Pentecost. Many Psalms of the 
 
 1 Schottgen, Hor. Heb., i 410, quoting the Midrash. But see below, 
 p. 301. 
 
PENTECOSTAL PSALMS 29 1 
 
 Fifth Book of the Psalter are entitled 'Alleluia' in 
 the LXX version. Of these cxvii is one : 
 
 Alleluia. Praise the Lord, all the nations, Ac iii 25. 
 
 Let all the people praise him. Ac ii n. 
 
 Another already often quoted is cxviii, which 
 would give the following: 
 
 Alleluia. Give thanks unto the Lord for He is good, 
 
 For His mercy endureth for ever. . . . 
 The stone ivhich the builders rejected, Ac iv u. 
 
 This is made the head of the comer. 
 This is the day which the Lord hath made : 
 
 Let us rejoice and be glad in it. Ac ii 26, 46. 
 
 Another is cxlvi, which we shall meet with pre- 
 sently : 
 
 Alleluia. Of Haggai and Zachariah. 
 
 Praise the Lord, O my soul, . . . 
 His spirit shall come forth, Ac ii 4. 
 
 And shall convert unto his land. 
 In that day shall all their divided thoughts perish. Ac ii 8. 
 
 Another is cxlvii, which has the same title as the 
 
 last: 
 
 The Lord buildeth up Jerusalem, Ac iv u. 
 
 And will gather together the dispersions of Israel. Ac ii gff. 
 
 The correspondences are remarkable as showing 
 how precisely in these Alleluia psalms do we find 
 verses in the LXX version, which the hearers used, 
 closely apposite to the outpouring of the Spirit. It 
 is certain that Peter himself is made by Luke to 
 connect a 'Psalm of David' which foretells the 
 
292 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 Exaltation of Christ with the joyful effects of the 
 outpouring of the Spirit, for he comments on 
 
 Ac ii 26. Wherefore my heart was glad and my tongice rejoiced 
 
 by the remark a few verses later 
 
 Ac ii 33. Being then by the right hand of God exalted and having 
 
 received the promise of the Holy Spirit, from the Father's 
 side he poured forth this v\fhich ye see and hear. 
 
 If any question remained as to whether the Pen- 
 tecostal utterances were of the nature of Psalm- 
 singing, it would be immediately answered by com- 
 paring the case of what is said to have happened a 
 few days afterwards, when a renewal of the Pente- 
 Aciv24, 31. costal outpouring took place. The Apostles when 
 released by the Jewish rulers came to their own 
 people and reported what the rulers had said. They, 
 when they heard it, with one accord {o/ULoOvimaSov) 
 lifted up their voice to God and said words express- 
 ing the substance of two Psalms, cxlvi and ii, the 
 former an 'Alleluia, the latter a Messianic Psalm. 
 
 T/ie Prophetic Fulfilment of Acts i and ii. 
 ' Habitation! 
 
 Before we leave the account of Pentecost other 
 important questions arise and must be answered. 
 One concerns the list of the nationalities : could this 
 possibly have been recited by the hearers themselves ? 
 
JUDAS' DEATH 293 
 
 It is altogether improbable that it was so recited. 
 We shall then be right in deciding that verses 9- 11 
 are parenthetical, the remark of Luke. This result 
 at once takes us back to a passage in Acts i 18, 19, 
 where WH mark a parenthesis though they do not 
 do so here. So also Blass. Adopting i 18, 19 as 
 Luke's own writing and not Peter's own speech, we 
 observe that Luke explains the former of Peter's two Ps ixix 26. 
 quotations from the Psalms as finding its 'fulfilment' Lkii. 
 in the fact that Judas had acquired a plot of ground 
 {xoapiov), for to this does the phrase ' his habitation ' 
 {eTravXii) point. 'His habitation' cannot mean hispsdxs. 
 ' bishopric ' of the second quotation, which was to be 
 filled up at once and not remain void. It is there- 
 fore plain that Luke has exerted his own power of 
 a Prophet in discovering the fulfilment of O.T. 
 prophecy in the events recorded in Acts i and ii. 
 
 A reference to the third fragment of Papias con- 
 cerning Judas is made by Blass, who in his incisive 
 manner calls Papias' account 'very stupid and dis- 
 gusting.' Papias states that Judas was inflated so 
 much that he could not pass through a narrow place, 
 where nevertheless a cart passed and crushed him. 
 The explanation of the story appears to be this. 
 Papias had before him a reading of Acts i 18 where 
 ■7rp}]vh'i yevo/iievo^ ' falling headlong ' (A.V.) was given 
 as Trprincrdel? ' thrown from a height,' and this in turn 
 was mistaken as irprjcrOels 'inflated. 
 
 In this connection it may be recollected that in 
 
294 
 
 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I- XII 
 
 the second century some of the Montanists were 
 compared by the orthodox to Judas ; i this compari- 
 son points to a lingering recollection that Judas was 
 the typical false Prophet, as the Traitor of the true 
 Prophet, his Master ; for the Montanists, conservative 
 as they were in claiming Prophetical Succession, 
 were excommunicated and denounced as false Pro- 
 phets by the champions of orthodoxy. 
 
 The reader will observe that the account given in 
 Matthew that Judas ' hanged himself,' is to be kept 
 entirely distinct. Acts does not say a word about 
 hanging. Nor does Papias, though he speaks of the 
 ' inflation,' probably through the aforesaid error in 
 Ac i 1 8. How the account in Matt arose must be 
 reserved for the present. Meanwhile the remark of 
 John Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. Exerc. on Matt xxvii 5, is 
 interesting as showing what the most learned and 
 able theologian of England thought in the year 1658: 
 " Interpreters take a good deal of pains to make Ac 
 i 18 agree with his hanging himself; but indeed all 
 will not do. I know the word aTD^y^aro is commonly 
 applied to man's hanging himself, but not to exclude 
 some other way of strangling. And I cannot but 
 take the story (with good leave of antiquity) in this 
 sense : After Judas had thrown down the money, 
 the price of his treason, in the Temple, and was now 
 returning again to his mates, the devil, who dwelt in 
 him, caught him up on high, strangled him, and 
 
 ' The Christian Prophets, p. 37. 
 
BABEL AND PENTECOST 295 
 
 threw him down headlong ; so that dashing upon the 
 ground, he burst in the midst, and his guts issued 
 out, and the devil went out in so horrid an exit." 
 We gratefully and humbly receive all the stores of 
 John Lightfoot's vast learning ; but it is vain to 
 pretend that we look at things, theological or secular, 
 now with the same eyes as he did 250 years ago. 
 And is it reasonable that the same Prayer-book 
 which satisfied him should satisfy the needs of our 
 country now } The belief in Demonology in 1658 
 was as great, in some learned minds, as it was in 75 
 A.D., and the absurdities of it far greater than we can 
 lay to the charge of St Luke and the Christian 
 Prophets. 
 
 Confusion of Tongues. 
 
 But there is more 'fulfilment' still. In order to 
 understand the important position which the gift of 
 tongues occupies in the history of the Acts, we must 
 place ourselves in the position of Luke and Peter as 
 two Prophets who had studied not only the Canonical 
 O.T. Books, but that of Enoch also. It must occur 
 to us to ask. Why is the outpouring of the Holy 
 Spirit accompanied by tongue-speaking as its evi- 
 dence rather than by prophesying.' In connection 
 with the long quotation made by Peter from Joel, ac ii 17-21. 
 there were very remarkable fulfilments: there was 
 
296 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 the outpouring of the Spirit itself ; there was prophe- 
 syifig j there were visions and dreams ; all to be 
 recognised in the N.T. narrative of the occurrences 
 connected with the Crucifixion of our Lord : there 
 were also the darkness and the earthquake at the 
 Crucifixion itself besides the expectation of the 
 final judgment. But Joel contains no prophecy 
 or prophetic type that can be fulfilled exactly 
 by the speaking with tongues. The quotation from 
 Joel is so long and so suggestive that by the end of 
 it we have almost forgotten that the one difficulty 
 which the Apostle set himself to explain, why sober 
 men were so noisy and excited that to mocking 
 spectators they appeared to be drunken when they 
 were speaking with tongues, is not explained at all. 
 Was it enough to say that nobody was drunken so 
 early in the day ? Or does the antithesis in verse 
 16, ' But this is that was spoken by Joel,' not lead 
 us to expect an explanation t 
 
 The fact is that we are indeed led to expect it, 
 and we are forced to look for it among the earlier 
 scriptures, and to explain the gift of tongues by 
 connecting it first of all, with the confusion of 
 tongues at the tower of Babel. This is not exactly 
 a ' fulfilment,' but it is the counterpart of it ; it is part 
 of the ' restitution of all things ' which Peter refers to 
 shortly afterwards, a restoration of things which were 
 believed to have been removed from their place and 
 altered for the worse in consequence of Adam's fall, 
 
OTHER ANTITYPES 
 
 297 
 
 and now put right again at the last. Thus the 
 first Adam had his restitution in the second Adam : iCorxv45. 
 the first creation had its restitution in the new Ap ii 7. 
 creation :^ the Garden of Eden had its restitution in Apxxii2. 
 the paradise of God, with its tree of life whose leaves 
 should heal the Gentiles : the Deluge had its resti- 
 tution or antitype in Christian Baptism : ^ the tower ^ i Pet iii 21. 
 of Babel in House of God : the confusion of tongues 
 in the gift of Tongues. 
 
 Parthians and Medes. 
 
 This observation takes us once more direct to the 
 Book of Enoch, which deals at length with the con- 
 sequences of the Deluge. It might be supposed that 
 the account in Genesis would suffice to provide 
 the necessary prophetic material for the ' fulfilments ' 
 or "restitutions' of Acts ii. We find however that 
 this is not so in the case of the nationalities whose 
 names are cited in a long list as having furnished 
 representative witnesses of the Gift of Tongues at 
 Pentecost. We search in vain in the pages of O.T. 
 to find the 'Parthians.' The Parthians and Medes 
 are not the same as the Medes and Persians. Blass 
 is right in saying that the list of the witnesses of the 
 gift of tongues is so arranged as to start with the 
 far East and proceed generally to the West. But why 
 iSee p. 136 above. ''See p. 137 above. "See p. 141 above. 
 
298 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 should the start be made with the people of the far 
 North-east, which is not recognised in Scripture ? 
 Why begin with the Parthians ? On this point he 
 is silent. So are all commentators. The list in 
 
 Gen X 2. Gen X of the generations of Noah, Shem, Ham, and 
 Japhet would, it is true, provide Luke with -Medes, 
 the descendants of Japhet through Madai, who is 
 placed third to Gamer (presumably the Gog of 
 
 Ezxxxviiia. Ezekiel) and Magog. It would also provide him 
 with Elamites, the descendants of Elam, the first- 
 born of Shem. But it does not suggest the Parthians. 
 It seems then that we must find the explanation in 
 concluding that the Parthians come to him through 
 
 Ez hi 5. the following passage of the Book of Enoch : ' And 
 in those days will the angels return and hurl them- 
 selves upon the East, upon the Parthians and Medes, 
 to stir up the kings and to provoke in them a spirit 
 of unrest, and rouse them from their thrones, that 
 they may break forth from their resting-place as 
 lions and as hungry wolves among their flocks. And 
 they will march up to and tread under foot the land 
 of His elect ones.' 
 
 The Parthians were expected by the Prophets 
 
 Apixis. to play some important part in the future con- 
 summation, though it is not clear exactly what 
 part,i and probably the Christian prophecy would 
 vary greatly on this subject from time to time, 
 keeping in view, however, the prophecy of Enoch, 
 
 'See The Christian Prophets, p. 121. 
 
t • • t 
 
 ENOCHIAN SOURCES 299 
 
 and always seeking its fulfilment. Here, for instance, 
 it is possible that Luke began to see a spiritual inva- 
 sion of the Holy Land by Parthian Jews which 
 should contribute to the prophesied failure of the 
 physical invasion. It is probable also that Medes 
 were closely connected in his mind with the Parthians 
 by the reading of this prophecy, and that the names 
 were given in the same order as in Enoch without 
 further regard to the details of the prophecy. 
 
 The Building of the House of the Great King. 
 
 The connexion with Enoch is certain. And if we 
 now return to p. 276 ff. above, we shall see that all the 
 passages there italicised are before Luke's mind when 
 he writes the Acts, as the marginal references there 
 given shew. We further observe in the same passages 
 a remarkable parallel in Rom and another in Eph, 
 both being Epistles which he had particular reason 
 for knowing, as the amanuensis of the former and 
 the prompter of the latter. But while Luke has 
 embodied in Acts, Luke, and 2 Peter so many 
 references to Enoch, it may still be asked. Where 
 is the reference to the confusion of tongues .' The 
 reference is Enoch xci 5 (above). The Superstructure 
 there mentioned is a quaint reference to the Tower 
 of Babel. The first ' great chastisement ' is naturally 
 the Deluge, after which the unrighteousness gathers 
 head till its ' whole superstructure is destroyed,' then 
 
300 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 the course of Enoch's prophecy passes rapidly for- 
 ward to later times of apostasy ^ and idolatry : we 
 discern from it that the Temple of Solomon is built 
 at the end of the Fifth week ; Elijah ascends in the 
 Sixth week ; and the Temple is destroyed and the 
 Jews dispersed, and so forth. The Christian Prophets 
 would thus understand that the Tower of Babel, 
 
 Gen xi 9. where ' the Lord did confound the language of all the 
 earth, and from whence the Lord scattered them 
 abroad upon the face of all the earth/ had been 
 prophetically set in correspondence with the Temple 
 of Solomon, and finally with the spiritual House 
 of God which is the theme of i Peter and Eph and 
 the other like passages. And the gift of tongues 
 would be to them a perpetual reminder, first, of the 
 dispersion, by which mankind first and then the Jews 
 were punished, and, next, of the ' restoration' from it, 
 promised in Messiah, whereby the scattered should 
 
 Ac ii 39. once more be gathered into one. 
 
 The rushing mighty wind and the fire. 
 
 If then the above is a true account, or something 
 like it, of the connexion between the gift of Tongues 
 
 ^ The fact that a ' crooked and perverse generation ' is a quotation 
 from Deut xxxii 5 does not in any way prevent it being also a reminis- 
 cence of Enoch xciii 9. It only means that this particular link in the 
 chain of Enochian prophecies had received confirmation by being 
 identified with the isolated term in Moses' song. We do not possess 
 this portion of Enoch in the Greek. 
 
PROPHETIC COMPARISONS 301 
 
 and the day of Pentecost, what, let us ask finally, is 
 the connexion between the latter and 'the rushing 
 mighty wind' ? We must be very careful to observe 
 the use of as, for the term of comparison. St Luke 
 says 'there was a sound as of {wa-Tvep) a rushing 
 mighty wind' : he also says 'tongues as of(wa-el) fire.' 
 He also says later on of St Paul's recovery of his 
 eyesight, ' there fell from his eyes as it had been (to?) 
 scales.' These expressions are certain to cause a 
 false impression, which, however, was not intended by 
 their author. The same is true of the descent of the 
 Holy Ghost at the Baptism of Jesus, 'in bodily form 
 as (ft)?) a dove.'* A great effort of mind is continu- 
 ally needed if we are not to confuse the actual thing 
 with that to which it is compared. Resemblance 
 tends to be confused with identity. Who can say 
 that he does not usually and habitually think that 
 a rushing wind was actually part of the event of 
 Pentecost as described in Acts .'' or that fire was not 
 also a part .'' Yet, if he so thinks, he is in error. 
 There was a sound which sounded like wind, but was 
 not wind. There were 'tongues' which looked like 
 fire and were not fire. There were obstacles to 
 sight removed from St Paul's eyes which were like 
 scales, but were not scales. Now, just in this very 
 distinction lies St Luke's safeguard. He cannot be 
 accused of an intention to deceive unless, indeed, 
 there are other grounds for such an accusation. He 
 
 1 Even the author of Ecce Homo fell into this error. 
 
302 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 1 Pet iii 20. 
 
 2 Pet iii 6. 
 
 Is xxix 6. 
 Ac i 20. 
 
 has used these marks of comparison dehberately for 
 prophetical reasons. In the case of the scales he is 
 thinking of the recovery of sight by Tobit. I n the case 
 of the dove at the Baptism, he is thinking of the dove 
 sent forth during the Deluge, which we know he has 
 used twice in the Petrine Epistles as a type of Chris- 
 tian Baptism. In the case of the fire and the rushing 
 mighty wind we have equally to seek for a typical 
 origin in Scripture. And if we look in that very 
 passage which has been so often before us already 
 where the ' corner-stone is laid for the foundation of 
 Sion ' we are not disappointed, for we begin to see in 
 the two adjacent verses two references to a ' rushing 
 whirlwind.' This is only in LXX, for it appears in 
 R.V. of the Hebrew as 'the overflowing scourge,' and 
 in that form it is unrecognisable. But we have only 
 to look forward some fifteen verses in order to find 
 the crucial passage on which Luke's description and 
 comparison turns. 
 
 ' For visitation ' {eiria-Ko-Tr^, bishopric, is the same 
 word in its other meaning) ' shall be with thunder 
 and earthquake and a great voice, a rushing whirl- 
 tvind and aflame of fire devouring.' 
 
 Disjoined from their context — and we have seen 
 how the Christian Prophets habitually^ disjoined 
 words — these expressions would be interpreted of 
 the new and fiery zeal which should animate the 
 church when it entered on its bishopric of the world. 
 
 ' See The Christian Prophets, p. 62 ff. 
 
A DAVIDIC PSALM 
 
 303 
 
 This is the thought which underlay St Luke's 
 description. 
 
 The fulfilment of Psalm xvi. 
 
 When we pass on to observe the other prophecies 
 which are so frequent in the early chapters of Acts, 
 we cannot fail to be struck with the important place 
 assigned there to Psalm xvi. The present writer Ac ii 25. 
 regrets to see that the high authority of Dr. Driver ^ 
 is opposed to the Davidic authorship of this Psalm in 
 spite of its strong Davidic character. Regarding the 
 Psalm by itself, and quite apart from its applied 
 interpretation, if we inquire what its primary meaning 
 is, it seems impossible to see how any other Psalmist 
 could succeed in placing himself so entirely in the 
 position of David as to be able to compose the 
 verses quoted. ' I have set the Lord before me 
 always : because He is at my right hand, I shall not 
 be moved.' The position at the right hand was that 
 of one who was completely trusted, because it was 
 the side on which the trusting host was defenceless : 
 against any stranger on his left hand he could guard 
 himself by keeping his right hand upon the handle 
 of the sword which hung at his left : in one instant it 
 could be drawn by the right hand and plunged into 
 the dangerous foeman on the left. It may be granted 
 ' The Parallel Psalter. 
 
304 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 that this was a very ancient fancy, and that it 
 continued to hold good of a later age than that of 
 David ; but whom does it suit so well as a warrior- 
 king surrounded by foes, one trustful by nature, but 
 taught by experience to doubt, and therefore doubting 
 what mortal man to trust ? ' My flesh also shall dwell 
 in safety ' must be understood of this life (Perowne). 
 The following words, ' Thou wilt not leave my 
 soul (life) in the pit, nor wilt thou give thy Holy 
 (anointed) one to see corruption ' are words which 
 take us straight to the limestone caves and fissures 
 of the hill-country of Judea, in which David and 
 1 Sam xiii 6. all outlaws were glad enough to seek refuge. They 
 
 iSamxivii. & & & J' 
 
 ' wandered in dens and caves of the earth.' These 
 hiding-places, often large enough only for a single 
 occupant, were liable to be fouled with the remains 
 of wild animals and other refuse swept in by flood- 
 water. Hard to enter and noisome to remain in, to 
 come out of them was hardest of all ; they were 
 places where one might indeed fear to 'see corrup- 
 tion.' But the Psalmist adds, ' Thou shalt make me 
 know the path of life,' that is, the path by which, 
 extricated from the pit or den of the earth, I may 
 escape from Saul and save my life, whether on this 
 side of some hill Hachilah or on that. Lastly, 
 'Fulness of joy in thy Presence' will more than atone 
 for all the trials of my present exile. 
 
 It would be interesting to know if there are any 
 cogent reasons why this should not be said by David. 
 
FUTURE LIFE IN THE PSALMS 305 
 
 Even if the former part of the Psalm is of later 
 origin, this latter part has all the ring of ancient 
 simple genuine experience. However, we cannot 
 hold that there was any conscious prophecy on 
 David's part. He was a prophet in the sense of 
 uttering words in which later ages would find a 
 meaning which he never saw and could not imagine. 
 It is also an untenable theory that he was one of 
 those who ' sought out and searched out ' a hidden 
 meaning in his own words: The word which Luke 
 applies to David, that he ' foresaw ' this, may not ac ii ; 
 be interpreted so as to introduce confusion into life. 
 
 Still it is only fair to quote Dr. Driver's own 
 words ^ : " The revelation of a future life was only 
 accomplished gradually ; and though there are 
 passages in the prophets which contain this great 
 truth in germ, and though the intuition of it is 
 expressed at certain sublime moments by some of 
 the Psalmists (Ps xvi, xvii, xlix, Ixxiii), yet these pas- 
 sages altogether are few in number, and the doctrine 
 formed no part of the established creed of an ancient 
 Israelite." As a general statement this appears to 
 the present writer to be eminently just, but the 
 imagery employed in our particular citation appears 
 to him to be so peculiarly apt in the mouth of David 
 himself, so simple and true to nature, so redolent of 
 the field-warfare in which he was long engaged, that he 
 finds it easier to believe that it belongs to a Psalm or 
 
 "^ Int. to the Literature of the O. T., 3rd ed., 1892, p. 443- 
 U 
 
3o6 PROPHETIC CHARACTER OF ACTS I-XH 
 
 Michtam {stamp) of David than to think that any later 
 composer possessed the idyllic imagination adequate 
 to the composition of it. That the author was think- 
 ing of his field-warfare chiefly, and that he started 
 from that pressing personal experience rather than 
 from any meditations on a future life, appears to me 
 certain. In any case the passage will ever remain 
 one of the most noteworthy instances of ' fulfilment,' 
 or, as we should say, of the application of O.T. 
 words to the facts of N.T. history, after the example 
 of Him who said, ' I came not to destroy the Law 
 and the Prophets, but to fuliil them.' 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE PROPHETIC CONSTRUCTION OF THE ACTS. 
 
 Passages referring to Ecstasy in Acts: Simon 
 Magus: Philip. 
 
 Some questions relating to Ecstasy fall next to 
 be considered. The R.V. says twice that Simon 
 Magus, who used sorcery in Samaria, ' amazed the a vh; 9, n 
 people ' in their metropolis. But this was no ordinary 
 astonishment. The Greek word means ' to produce 
 ecstasy.' The translation of A.V. bewitched is quaintly 
 forcible now that the belief in witchcraft is extinct : 
 but it was terribly dangerous in 161 1 when it was 
 adopted. What Simon did was to throw those who 
 accepted his instructions into ecstasy. No doubt the 
 belief of the Christian Prophets was that this was 
 parecstasy or false ecstasy, the same state which in 
 the second century Claudius Apollinaris and others 
 complained that the Montanist Prophets^ super- 
 induced upon their victims and themselves. But in 
 
 > This is discussed in The Christian Prophets, pp. 16-40. 
 
3o8 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 Simon's case the falsehood of it was so clear from 
 the attendant circumstances that it has naturally 
 not been embodied by St Luke in the term which 
 he applies to the actions of Simon. 
 
 It was left for Justin Martyr (140-150 A.D.) to 
 fall into his unfortunate blunder concerning Simon 
 which led the world astray for fifteen hundred years. 
 He said that " a certain Simon of Samaria, a native 
 of a village called Gitton, lived in the times of 
 Claudius Caesar, and after using the art of the 
 operating demons to do magical powers in Rome, 
 was held to be a god and has been honoured by the 
 Romans as a god, with a statue erected on the Tiber, 
 between the two bridges, with the Latin inscription : 
 Simoni Deo Sa^icto!' The base of this statue, with 
 the inscription ^ beginning Semoni Sanco Deo, was 
 dug out of rubbish on the island in the Tiber in 1574, 
 and Justin was thereby proved' to have made two 
 mistakes in quoting three words which he had pre- 
 sumably read himself in situ, besides the error of 
 identifying a Sabine deity — for such was Semo 
 Sancus — with a Samaritan magician. He recurs ^ 
 to his charge against the Romans and further says 
 that the Samaritans had been induced by the evil 
 demons to listen to the claims of one Menander^ 
 
 1 Orelli Inscr., i p. 337 n. i860 (Jahn). 
 ^ApoL, i 56. 
 
 ^ It seems possible that the name Menandros may be hidden in some 
 false reading of Acts viii 9 /j.^yav, or 13 /j.eydXa!. 
 
S/J/OX]- 309 
 
 along with Simon. However the bearing of the 
 statements in Acts was wholly lost upon Justin, 
 and Irenaeus is also misled. 
 
 What happened was as follows : Simon used to 
 practise ' ecstasy ' before he was baptized as a ac viii 13. 
 believer, and after this he continued to put himself 
 into that state while attending closely on St Philip. 
 To translate this word (e^iWaTo) again ' amazed,' as 
 R.V. does, is possible, but the other meaning seems ac 1x21,117. 
 far more natural ; for Simon had seen the mighty 
 works of healing already, as described in verse 7, and 
 the sight of them had led to Simon's belief and 
 baptism. His ' amazement ' comes therefore much 
 too late in the course of the narrative. The state- 
 ment in the Acts rather goes to shew that Simon 
 continued after his belief and baptism to practise 
 ecstasy in himself without condemnation. The sin 
 only began when he aspired to equal rank with the 
 Apostles, and like another Balaam, but conversely to 
 him, thought that the gift of God was purchased by 
 money. 
 
 In the same chapter, the substance of which was 
 very probably communicated to Luke by Philip or 
 his daughters who prophesied at Caesarea, a question ac xxi s. 
 arises whether we should translate verse 39, ' the 
 spirit of the Lord caught away Philip' with R.V., 
 which Blass calls ' rather absurd ' ; or, as he translates, 
 'a wind of the Lord,' referring to prophetic passages jKixviUia. 
 in the O.T., where, however, R.V. still translates 'the E^iiiu-' 
 
3IO 
 
 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 spirit of the Lord.' It has been supposed that some 
 early copyists, who failed to understand the meaning 
 ' wind ' in the case of Philip, interpolated a remark 
 concerning the Eunuch, so that they have produced 
 the following form of the verse : ' And when they 
 came out of the water, the Holy Spirit fell upon the 
 Eunuch, but the angel of the Lord caught away Philip.' 
 . . . This at least is Blass's supposition. And it is 
 perhaps noteworthy that though the catching may be 
 attributed to an angel at the moment^ of ecstasy in 
 corxii2, 4. N.T., still ecstasy can never account for the sudden 
 physical removal of an individual from one part of 
 the world to another, nor would the language of 
 ecstasy ever be used of such removal. We can there- 
 fore more easily suppose that the original reporters 
 of the occurrence employed the figurative language 
 of O.T. Prophets to describe it, whether they said 
 \c xxiii 9. ' angel ' or ' spirit.' The passage is one of those in 
 which it is hard to see that the two recensions of Acts 
 shew any sign of proceeding from more hands than 
 one. There is no more reason to accept Blass's 
 account of a later interpolation than to hold, in accor- 
 dance with Blass's own general idea, that Luke toz- 
 j^^ curtailed the slight verbosity of /3 by altering it to 
 the form of a. 
 
 1 Cf. The Christian Prophets, p. 42 n. 
 
ECSTASY AND CONVERSION 311 
 
 The Conversion of Saul. 
 
 The question next arises in connexion with what 
 has been said of ecstasy, whether the great and 
 momentous occurrence on the road to Damascus is 
 itself to be explained by the ecstatic state. The 
 answer at first seems to be that a distinction is made 
 between ecstasy and Saul's condition at the time in 
 question, as if to shew that they were not the same : 
 and if so, we could not possibly have more decisive 
 evidence for the negative conclusion, for both Luke 
 and Paul were well aware of the meaning of ecstasy, 
 and the latter was the source of the former's infor- 
 mation here. The distinction rests, first, upon St 
 Paul's statements : ' Have I not seen Jesus our ac 
 Lord ? ' ' Last of all he was seen of me also ' ; from i Cor x'VV 
 which many persons infer that he himself believed 
 that he saw Jesus on this occasion : and secondly, 
 on the statement that ' there fell from his eyes as it Ac u m. 
 were (wy) scales,' which seems to imply the removal 
 of some outward physical cause of blindness, at least 
 as subsisting in St Paul's own mind, though it may 
 very well be that a modern surgeon would have 
 given a different diagnosis of the patient. But we 
 have seen in the last chapter that ' as it were ' (wy 
 wcrei) was a regular prophetic term for expressing 
 parallelism with known types, and so here allowance 
 must be made for the fact that a recovery from 
 
 IX 17. 
 I Cor ix 1 
 
312 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 Tob xi 13. blindness was attended in the apocryphal history of 
 Tobit with these very symptoms: 'The white films 
 (XevKcofiara) were scaled from the corners of his eyes.' 
 If therefore another recovery from blindness had to 
 be described in scriptural language, it was very likely 
 that the phraseology would be repeated, especially 
 with the cautious addition of ' as it were.' Still, even 
 with these deductions, it appears at first sight that St 
 Paul himself speaks as if the occurrence were any- 
 thing but a case of ecstasy. Let us, however, leave 
 the question here till we have examined further into 
 the case of Peter's conversion. 
 
 The narrative contains other difficulties, especially 
 in ix 12, as Blass observes : 
 
 (i) A vision is contained in another vision. 
 
 (2) This is said to have been seen by Saul who is 
 about to be healed by the agency of Ananias. 
 
 (3) Though this is indicated, it does not appear that 
 Ananias has been informed yet of the loss of sight. 
 
 (4) Saul in his vision has seen even the name of 
 his visitor Ananias. 
 
 (5) Ananias derives his instructions about what he 
 is to do by a circuitous inference from the vision seen 
 by Saul. 
 
 Blass, therefore, suggests that ix 12 should be 
 omitted with the Fleury palimpsest representing /3, 
 its presence being explained as constructed out of 
 materials to be found in verses 17 and 10. I would 
 rather say that here is another case of Luke inserting 
 
A PARENTHESIS 
 
 313 
 
 a few words of his own by way of explanation as 
 we have seen in Acts i and ii.^ The speech of the 
 Lord would then end at the words, ' for behold he 
 prayeth.' And verse 12 would be a parenthesis by 
 Luke. The Peschitto, so far as that goes, favours 
 this solution of part of the difficulty, for it says— 
 I refer to Blass — ' when he was praying he saw 
 {cum ipse oraret vidit). . . .' It seems hardly neces- 
 sary to deal with the five objections given above, 
 if this simple expedient be accepted. Of course, in 
 every history there are details of description which 
 have to be sacrificed to brevity, and in this case there 
 are many which are left to be understood. The 
 decisive 'go thy way' in verse 15 sounds like a 
 command intended to cut short a dialogue which 
 would tend to become absurd if prolonged. 
 
 Dr. J. Martineati on Retrospective Reconstruction in 
 the Acts. 
 
 The 'Conversion' of Saul is a term commonly 
 applied to the occurrence on the road to Damascus, 
 but it is a term which has no scriptural authority as 
 applied thus. St Paul, so far from applying it to him- 
 self, gives no account of the event in his Epistles. In 
 one way it is an objectionable term, in that it implies 
 that St Paul was once converted from a sinful life. 
 
 1 P. 293 above. 
 
314 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 So marked is the absence in St Paul's Epistles of 
 any reference to the three narratives of it in Acts 
 that many writers have asserted it to be unhistorical. 
 Here, for instance, is the conclusion of so important 
 a writer as James Martineau ^ on the author of Acts : 
 '' His work is a retrospective reconstruction of a 
 drama which has long passed from the stage, and 
 which can be recovered only by shreds of scenery 
 preserved by rumoured memories, by portraits and 
 costumes of the chief actors, and by reasoning back- 
 wards from the known catastrophe. Passages of 
 successful restoration there may be, but the life and 
 genius of the whole are not there. The imitation 
 could hardly change so seriously the colouring and 
 proportions of the original without the refracting 
 power of a generation between." This serious indict- 
 ment requires a serious answer, which can hardly be 
 furnished without a clear understanding of the 
 Christian Prophets and their point of view. Let 
 us examine it in its particular assertions. 
 
 That a generation elapsed between the ' Conversion ' 
 of Saul and the writing of the Acts is not only pro- 
 bable, but certain. But that a generation elapsed 
 between the things described in the last verse of 
 Acts xxviii and its composition is most improbable. 
 That the colouring and proportions of the original are 
 so seriously changed can only be ascertained .by close 
 examination of what materials we possess, and the 
 
 1 Seat of Authority in Religion, p. 285 (1898). 
 
DR. MARTINEAU 315 
 
 present writer is only one of many who are doing 
 their best to examine those materials and to test the 
 trustworthiness, especially the pages of Acts them- 
 selves. He finds, the more he studies, that the life of 
 the -whole, if not perhaps the genius— {ox that is a very 
 uncertain term — is there. That the work is a retro- 
 spective reconstruction of a drama which has passed 
 from the stage, but not long passed, is true. So it 
 may be said of every historical work. Shreds of 
 scenery preserved are numerous indeed, especially 
 when we include those ' Western ' readings of the /3 
 recension which add so greatly to the text of the 
 Revised Version, and which it is not unreasonable to 
 believe with Blass to be from the author's own hand. 
 Portraits and costmnes of the chief actors are what we 
 expect in every history in which the life of the whole 
 is there, and, if we take 'costumes' in a figurative 
 sense, they are there. The portraits, too, are good, 
 with certain limitations. They are drawn by the 
 outlines of the actions and speeches, all epithets 
 being sternly withheld from the characters. 
 
 Reasoning backwards frotn the known catastrophe is 
 a phrase not so easy to understand. The latter 
 words, which are used in the dramatic sense, seem to 
 mean the destruction of Jerusalem, and, if so, there is 
 no doubt that this process of reasoning was a difficult 
 one. It is not easy to exaggerate the shock which 
 the event of A.D. 70 would produce upon the mind 
 of a devout ]e.vi, or a Jewish Christian, accustomed 
 
3l6 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 to worship in the Temple, to attend the great feasts 
 Rom'yi'ff ^^ Jerusalem, and to regard the Holy City as St 
 Paul did himself with a longing pity and unceasing 
 pain, for the slavery which she endured with her 
 children, and with a love which saw in her the 
 type by restitution ^ of 'the Jerusalem above, the free, 
 the mother of us all.' Never in the whole history 
 of the world have the hopes of a nation been so 
 overwhelmingly shattered, never have the associa- 
 tions of any citizens been so blasted and withered, 
 their memories so wounded, their richest feelings 
 so despoiled, as when the walls and gates of the 
 daughter of Sion were brought down and laid low 
 even with the ground. One marked effect which the 
 destruction of Jerusalem had upon the Christian 
 Church was naturally to separate their prospective 
 view of the end of the world from their prospective 
 view of the end of Jerusalem. Consequently we find 
 a much calmer tone pervading the Acts upon the 
 question of the ' consummation of the age ' than we 
 find even in St Paul's Epistles, and, of course, 
 intensely more than in Jude, 2 Peter, and Apoca- 
 lypse. Again, it is probable that Stephen would 
 not have been represented as a true prophet in 
 Ar vi H- regard to his ' words against this Holy Place ' unless 
 these words had been verified by history. 
 
 At the same time it would be only a vain imagina- 
 tion to suppose that Acts shows any sign whatever of 
 
 ^ Le. an antitype, see p. 297. 
 
REFRACTION 3,7 
 
 ' Gnostic sects 1 which so agitated the church of the 
 second century.' 
 
 Martineau's statement that 'the work (Acts) is 
 certainly post-apostolic' will be met throughout 
 these pages with counter-argument, and since 
 Martineau wrote, both Zahn and Harnack have 
 written agreeing in a date which is many years 
 short of 100 A.D. 
 
 If then the date of the composition of Acts were 
 a few years after 70 it would not be surprising if 
 in the course of reasoning backwards we found that 
 some refraction had taken place, causing a certain 
 difference of proportion in the view of objects — such 
 a refraction as occurs daily when the sun is visible, 
 and tends to the gratification of our sense of sight. 
 This is eminently in accordance with the daily course 
 of nature which presents us with the same landscape 
 which, nevertheless, is not the same. But while this 
 is so, it is also true that when an object is refracted 
 we distrust our sense of sight for the purpose 
 of obtaining a mathematically scientific observa- 
 tion, except under conditions of knowing the true 
 amount of refraction, and allowing for it accordingly. 
 It is possible for a historian to write so as to be too 
 scientific for the common reader. Refraction is not 
 an ill term to apply just to that amount of adaptation 
 
 1 Martineau, Seat of Authority, p. 249. ' The grievous wolves ' of St 
 Paul's speech at Miletus have been explained in The Christian 
 Prophets, p. 181. The date of Theudas is dealt with below, p. 327 ff. 
 
3l8 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 or adjustment which is necessary to commend his 
 history to the common reader. 
 
 For Wisdom dealt with mortal powers, 
 Where truth in closest words shall fail, 
 When truth embodied in a tale 
 
 Shall enter in at lowly doors. . . . 
 
 Which he may read who binds the sheaf. 
 Or builds the house, or digs the grave, 
 And those wild eyes that watch the wave 
 
 In roarings round the coral reef 
 
 And such, I think, is the only refraction which the 
 author of Acts has allowed himself to use. 
 
 We ask, then, is it possible to know the exact 
 amount of the refraction in the case of Saul's con- 
 version ? The answer to this question appears to be 
 not of a direct, but of a relative and comparative 
 nature : There is as much refraction in the case 
 of the history of Saul's conversion as there is in that 
 of Peter's. For the parallelism of Acts is a fact of 
 considerable value and importance, and, instead of 
 being a ground for discrediting the whole composi- 
 tion as a string of imaginary episodes woven by the 
 hand of a genius of fiction — a genius which the Chris- 
 tian church did not possess in the first two centuries 
 — it is a reason for drawing inferences which in con- 
 junction with known facts may result in strengthening 
 the credibility of the whole. Let us see then what 
 the parallelism amounts to : but let us by no means 
 
PETER AND PAUL 
 
 319 
 
 attempt to strengthen this credibility if it does not 
 strengthen itself. 
 
 Parallelism of the two main portions of the Acts. 
 
 Peter cures the lame man at 
 
 the Gate Beautiful. 
 Peter calls down judgment on 
 
 Ananias and Sapphira. 
 Peter cures men by his shadow. 
 
 Peter cures the sick, and casts 
 out unclean spirits. 
 
 Peter cures Aeneas of the 
 
 palsy. 
 Peter raises Dorcas from death. 
 Peter's conversion. 
 Peter is delivered by an angel 
 
 from prison. 
 Peter contends with Simon 
 
 Magus. 
 
 Peter is blamed by 'the cir- 
 cumcision.' 1 
 
 Philip's converts require the 
 hands of Peter and John. ^ 
 
 Peter is the Apostle to the 
 Gentiles originally. 
 
 (i) Paul cures the cripple at iii 10, xiv s. 
 Lystra. 
 
 (2) Paul brings the judgment v n, xiii s. 
 
 of blindness on Elymas. 
 
 (3) Paul cures men by hand- v 15, xix n. 
 
 kerchiefs, etc. 
 
 (4) Paul cures the sick, and v 16, xix 12. 
 
 casts out unclean 
 spirits. 
 
 (5) Paul cures Publius' father 1x32, xxviii 
 
 of fever, etc. ^• 
 
 (6) Paul restores Eutychus. ix 36, xx 7. 
 
 (7) Paul's conversion. x i, ix i. 
 
 (8) Paul and Silas are de- xii 6, xvi 23. 
 
 livered from prison. 
 
 (9) Paul contends with viii 14, xiiis. 
 
 Elymas Magus (see 
 R.V. marg.). 
 
 (10) Paul is blamed by the xi i, xv i. 
 
 ' circumcision.' 
 
 (11) Apollos' converts require viii 5 f, xix i. 
 
 the hands of Paul to be 
 laid on them. 
 
 (12) Paul is the Apostle to the x 45, xi i8, 
 
 Gentiles in results. ''^ '• 
 
 ' This parallelism,' says Martineau, ' is too marked 
 to be unintentional, too artificial to be historical : 
 and, even though all the materials thus balanced 
 should be drawn from previous sources (such as the 
 
 ' The above list is taken chiefly from a paper by my friend Mr. H. 
 Candler in The Christian Reformer, II. 3, September, 1886. 
 
 2 Martineau, Seat of Authority, p. 284, adds the parallels 11 and 12. 
 
320 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 " Preaching " or the " Acts of Peter," and some 
 itineraries of Paul), without any mention of con- 
 scious fiction, yet the organising principle which 
 has disposed them thus is evidently not the simple 
 service of fact, but some interest in persons, or 
 schools of doctrine, which cannot but weaken our 
 confidence in the carefulness of the writer.' Not so, 
 I think, if the clue to the understanding of the 
 parallelism may be found in the historical fact — as 
 I hold it to be — that Luke was the mediator of 
 Paul and Peter on a memorable occasion. 
 
 Tke true basis of the parallelism of the Acts. 
 
 Before going further into the examination of this 
 statement, it will be useful to quote the LXX version 
 of Psalm cxlvi which has already been before us,^ as 
 the Alleluia Psalm peculiarly appropriate to Pente- 
 cost. The reason and the bearing of this apparently 
 irrelevant observation will presently appear. 
 
 CXLVI. Alleluia. Of Haggai and Zachariah. 
 
 1. Praise the Lord, O my soul : 
 
 2. I will praise the Lord with my life ; 
 
 I will sing psalms to my God while I have my being. 
 
 3. Trust not in princes and in sons of men, in whotm there is 
 
 not salvation. 
 
 ^See p. 291. 
 
PSALM CXLVI 221 
 
 4. His spirit shall come forth 
 
 And shall convert unto his land : 
 
 In that day shall all their divided thoughts perish. 
 
 5. Blessed is he whose help is the God of Jacob, 
 
 His hope is on the Lord his God : 
 
 6. Who made the heaven and the earth, 
 
 The sea and all things therein : 
 Who guardeth truth for ever, 
 
 7. Who doeth judgment for them who are wronged, 
 
 Who giveth foo4 to the hungry. 
 The Lord looseth the prisoners, 
 
 8. The Lord uplifteth the fallen : 
 
 The Lord cureth the blind. 
 The Lord loveth the righteous. 
 
 9. The Lord guardeth the proselytes, 
 
 Orphan and widow he will take up. 
 And the way of sinners he will abolish. 
 10. The Lord shall reign for ever, thy God, O Sion, 
 Unto generation and generation. 
 
 Now the correspondence of this Psalm with Acts 
 i-xii is at least as remarkable as the balance of 
 narratives between i-xii and xiii — end. Let us 
 take the Psalm verse by verse, and see how Acts 
 i-xii comments on each one. 
 
 Title and verse i take us, as we have seen, to the 
 building of ' the House of the Great King in glory for 
 evermore' (pp. 290 ff.), for Haggai and Zechariah 
 were the Prophets who presided at the building of 
 Zerubbabel's Temple, to which event the familiar 
 passage of the Cornerstone in Ps cxviii refers, and so 
 many of St Peter's remarks in Acts ii and iii refer also. 
 
322 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 Verse 2. The hymns and praises of the newly 
 founded House of God, the Spiritual Church, have 
 been referred to (p. 288 above: Acts iv 24). 
 
 Verse 3. ' The Prince of Life ' is the one object 
 of trust, said Peter in Acts iii 15. 'Rulers' sinned 
 'in ignorance,' iii 17. The successor of the great 
 Ruler Moses is ' a Prophet (Joshua, Jesus) like 
 unto him,' iii 22. ' Herod and Pontius Pilate and 
 the Gentiles and the people of Israel were gathered 
 together against thy Holy Servant (i.e. Prophet) 
 Jesus ' in vain, iv 27, and ' in none other is there 
 salvation,' iv 12. 
 
 Verse 4. ' The Holy Spirit was poured forth,' 
 ii 33, and 'repentance' is preached now, and 
 'baptism in the name of Jesus Messiah,' ii 38. 'AH 
 that are afar off, as many as the Lord our God 
 shall call unto him,' are to share 'the promise' of 
 union in Christ, ii 39. 
 
 Verse 5. The God of Jacob helped ' your fathers ' 
 when he 'made the covenant with Abraham,' iii 25. 
 
 Verse 6 has been already quoted, as sung by 
 the Church, iv 24. See p. 292. 
 
 Verse 7. Judgment for them that are wronged 
 is attested by Stephen's vision of the glory of God 
 before the persecutors. 'Which of the Prophets 
 did not your fathers persecute?' vii 52 ff. 
 
 Verse 7. 'Food to the hungry.' This was ful- 
 filled when ' distribution was made unto each, as 
 he had need,' iv 35. 
 
FULFILMENTS 323 
 
 Verse 7. 'Looseth men from prison,' this was 
 fulfilled by the release of the Apostles, v 19, and 
 the release of Peter, xii 7. 
 
 Verse 8. ' Lifteth up the fallen.' This was 
 fulfilled in the case of Saul, ix 4, 6. 
 
 Verse 8. ' Cureth the blind ' in the case of 
 Saul, ix 18. 
 
 Verse 8. ' Loveth the righteous' in the case of 
 Cornelius, x 4. 
 
 Verse 9. ' Guardeth the proselytes ' in the person 
 of the Eunuch, viii 28. 
 
 Verse 9. ' Uplifteth the orphan and widow ' in 
 the Hebrew ' widows who had been neglected in 
 the daily ministration,' vi 2. 
 
 Verse 9. 'Abolisheth the way of sinners' in 
 Ananias and Sapphira, v 5 ff. 
 
 Verse 10. Doxology : compare Philip at Samaria, 
 viii 12, and the disciples, iv 26. 
 
 The fulfilment, close as it is throughout every 
 line of the Psalm from the title to the Doxology, 
 would perhaps not have suggested itself to us but 
 for the fact that one verse is quoted, as by the 
 Apostles in Acts, and we know that Luke again 
 and again has to be content with a selection and 
 a sample of large materials, especially when he is 
 reporting speeches. He cannot afford to do 
 otherwise. The longest speech in the Acts 
 occupies about six minutes to read. Does any 
 one suppose that he professes to give anything 
 
324 
 
 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 but an outline of what was really spoken on that 
 and the other occasions ? pven in the case of 
 the fulsome orator TertuUus, he has given us a 
 brief but admirable sketch of the exordium 
 and substance of the oration, and so far from 
 the words being imaginary, they strike the un- 
 prejudiced reader as being far too life-like to be 
 fictitious. On the same principle, we are likely 
 to gain some valuable knowledge whenever we 
 take the trouble to examine the context of the 
 passage from which Luke draws one of his 
 quotations. Something more of the same sort lies 
 there awaiting notice, and perhaps has lain for 
 many centuries without any notice at all. So it 
 has in the present case. We conclude then that 
 Ps cxlvi 6 is a sample of the entire Psalm, and 
 that the rest of it is held by Luke as a Prophet 
 to find its fulfilment as well as the sample which 
 he is able to quote. 
 
 But if this be so, we have a strong and un- 
 mistakeable mark of the predisposition of the 
 narrator's mind, which is only confirmed by a 
 careful study of the rest of the Acts and the 
 Petrine Epistles, each and all. The desire to 
 find parallelisms between N.T. occurrences and O.T. 
 prophecies will not be content to rest there. It 
 will lead him sometimes to seek and discover 
 parallelisms between one set of N.T. occurrences 
 and another, between the case of the Jew and 
 
THE FIRST MARTYR 325 
 
 the case of the Gentile, between the Apostle who 
 was owned by the Jewish Christians as the head 
 of the circumcision and the Apostle who was 
 owned by the Gentile Christians as the head of 
 the uncircumcision, between events in the life of 
 the former and events in the life of the latter. 
 In narrating these, he will be prone to exercise 
 a selection tending to show correspondence, and 
 he has based that selection upon the various 
 points which are made so conspicuous in Psalm 
 cxlvi. Nor shall we be greatly surprised if he 
 carries his correspondence one step further, and 
 finds a parallel between a ' sign ' of restoration 
 performed by Peter and one performed by the 
 Lord Himself,^ just as he has between the circum- 
 stances of Stephen's deaths and those of our Lord's, 
 between the visit of angels at His birth and at the 
 Church's birth, between the baptism of the Lord 
 with water and of the Church with fire. 
 
 ^ The question of the connexion between the miracle at Joppa where 
 Peter uses the words ' Tabitha, arise,' and that in. which our Lord 
 said 'Talitha, arise' (Mk v 41, Lk viii 54) is reserved for a future 
 consideration. 
 
 2 The false witnesses, the charge of blasphemy, the suffering outside 
 the city, the words 'Receive my spirit,' and 'Lay not this sin to 
 their charge,' and perhaps more. 
 
326 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 Selection in the Acts based upon a principle. 
 
 At the same time, before we begin to apply the 
 fact that paralleHsm exists in the arrangement of 
 Acts, it is desirable to add a few remarks upon it. 
 First we must bear in mind that it is, as we have 
 seen, a parallelism of selection based upon a prin- 
 ciple. It is not a parallelism of invention and 
 imagination. It may seem easy for a romance writer 
 to be consistent in his circumstantial details. But 
 any one who will take the trouble to refer to Col. 
 Mure's instructive Appendix to his Critical History 
 of the Language and Literature of Antient Greece^ 
 will see in four pages a succinct account of many 
 self-contradictions of Virgil, Milton, Cervantes, 
 Walter Scott, and others, as compared with those 
 of Homer. That acute and learned author states 
 that the few examples which he gives from other 
 works than Virgil's (of which he cites nine in the 
 Aeneid) are merely such as had incidentally pre- 
 sented themselves in the course of his reading. He 
 gives them in order that the reader may judge for 
 himself the value of Hermann's dogma, so formally 
 and authoritatively laid down, 'that no two passages 
 of the same work contrary to, or irreconcilable with, 
 each other can be by one and the same author.' 
 
 ' Vol. i. See also British and Foreign Review, Oct. 1839, vol. ix : 
 Westmhtster Review, vol. xlvi, p. 405 : Classical Mttseuin, ii, art. 16. 
 
IS VIRGIL GENUINE P 327 
 
 The self-contradictions of Virgil, Milton, and Scott 
 have not disproved the authenticity of their works. 
 But those self-contradictions are numerous, and we 
 infer that it must be difficult even for a professed 
 author of fiction to be entirely consistent in details. 
 How supremely difficult then would it have been 
 for an author of fiction to be consistent in details 
 if he undertook to compose a double narrative, of 
 parallel parts, each consistent with itself, and not 
 only possessing verisimilitude but full of details 
 such that their truth could and can be tested by 
 contemporary evidence. We have seen already (p. 
 308) the sort of value which can be placed upon the 
 witness, probably eye-witness, of Justin Martyr in 
 the middle of the second century. He is no better 
 than a wild romance writer upon so simple a matter 
 as reading and interpreting an inscription at Rome. 
 
 TAe mention of Theudas by Gamaliel. 
 
 It is far otherwise with Luke. In his dealing in 
 Acts with secular historical data connected with the 
 Roman provincial and local government he is 
 throughout surprisingly accurate. To this statement 
 it is probable that one notable exception will be 
 taken alike by supporters or opponents of the 
 genuineness of Acts — the case of Theudas as men- 
 tioned by Gamaliel. 
 
328 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 It has often been asserted by assailants and 
 feared by apologists — and Renan has observed that 
 the theologian, however liberal, is always uncon- 
 sciously an apologist : he aims at defending or 
 refuting — that Luke has fallen into an anachronism 
 in the speech of Gamaliel referring to the insurrection 
 of Theudas, for he places this sometime before the 
 appearance of Judas of Galilee in a.d. 6, whereas 
 Josephus makes his date under Cuspius Fadus 
 about 45 A.D. and therefore many years later than 
 Gamaliel's speech in 29-33 A.D. Let us then examine 
 this question not from the apologist's standing- 
 point, but from the historian's. It is admitted to 
 be the most crucial of all questions which affect 
 the trustworthiness of Luke as an historian ; and 
 if he is not a historian, it will be of small conse- 
 quence to us in the present day that he is never- 
 theless a Prophet. Prophecy has for its province 
 the interpretation and grouping of facts, but it is 
 not entitled to report them under false and im- 
 possible conditions of time. 
 
 First then we note the observations of three 
 leading living authorities on the subject. Schiirer^ 
 recognises this as a serious error on the part of 
 the author of Acts. Zahn ^ prefers to throw the 
 doubt upon Josephus, and more cautiously observes : 
 
 ' The Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ (E.T.), Div. I vol. i 
 p. 168, where lists of authorities are given on both sides. 
 '^ Einl. N.T. ii 416 (1899). 
 
CONTENTS OF JOSEPHUS 329 
 
 " Josephus' Statement is not to be taken on trust 
 as a matter of course. He was then [in 45 A.D.^] 
 a child of about 8, and his information in that 
 portion of the history is extremely inadequate. 
 The account of Theudas is a strangely isolated 
 appendix to the procuratorship of Fadus described 
 in Josephus, Ant. XX i, and separated from it by 
 the long episode of XX ii-iv [Parthian affairs]. If 
 Josephus is right and Luke wrong, Luke in any 
 case cannot have been misled by Josephus into his 
 chronological error of no less than half a century. 
 It is not to be supposed that Luke inferred the 
 priority of Theudas' rising to that of Judas by con- 
 fusing the sons of Judas, mentioned by Josephus 
 in the next paragraphs (Ant. XX v 2), with their 
 father. Josephus mentions, a few lines before the 
 sons of Judas, the great famine, which Luke knows Ac xi 28, 
 to have occurred under Claudius. But Luke must 
 needs have overlooked or have forgotten this, as 
 well as the names of the Procurators^ Cuspius 
 
 ' Josephus says. Life i : ' I was born in the first year of the reign of 
 C. Cfesar. ... I set down the genealogy of my family as I have found 
 it described in the public records.' 
 
 ^ This seems to be special pleading by Zahn : for Luke only gives an 
 epitome of Gamaliel's speech, and Gamaliel was not obliged to give all 
 the Roman Procurators' names. Jos. Antt. xx deals with the events 
 of no less than 22 years, from Fadus the Procurator to Floras, 45-67 
 A.D., in 33 pages of Whiston's translation. Book xix dealt with 34 
 years in 46 pages (of which 30 are occupied with Caligula's death and 
 Claudius' succession). Book xvill with 32 years in 52 pages. Book 
 XVII with 14 years in 50 pages. I am unable to see by what standard 
 
330 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 Fadus, Tiberius Alexander, and Cumanus, and the 
 Emperor Claudius in Ant. XX v 1-2. The descrip- 
 tions of the events agree only enough to leave it 
 probable that Josephus and Luke refer to the same 
 fact. [I hope to show that they do not refer to 
 the same.] Josephus makes Theudas a juggler 
 who gave himself out as a Prophet, and led his 
 followers to the Jordan promising to transport them 
 over the river by a miracle, but he was taken 
 prisoner by a troop of horse, which partly slew and 
 partly captured his men : he was then beheaded 
 and his head was sent to Jerusalem. This shews 
 how much besides the name of Fadus is wanting 
 in Luke. The number of his followers, 400, cannot 
 have been taken by Luke from Josephus who 
 speaks of 'the very large crowd' of them, and the 
 words which the two accounts have in common are 
 only quite ordinary words." 
 
 Blass suggests that Josephus' text has here been 
 interpolated by Christians who were induced by the 
 neighbouring reference to the sons of Judas to think 
 
 we may judge that Josephus is ' extremely inadequate,' as Zahn asserts, 
 on that portion of his history. A similar complaint is made by Whiston 
 on Jos. Antt. XVIII ii : ^ After the death of Herod the Great Josephus is 
 very brief in his accounts of Judaea, till near his own time. I suppose 
 the reason is that after the large history of Nicolaus of Damascus, 
 including the life of Herod, and probably the succession and first 
 actions of his sons, he had but few good histories of those times before 
 him.' Zahn's complaint ought to be as extensive as Whiston's, but 
 then it would also be misplaced; for we should be poorly off without 
 Josephus' history from A.D. 4 to A.D. 66. 
 
SCHUERER, ZAHN, BLASS 331 
 
 that Josephus as well as Luke had previously dealt 
 with this Theudas. This solution is wholly unsatis- 
 factory ; and so is Blass's further remark in which he 
 says, as scores of writers have said before him, that 
 Josephus' account of the last days of Herod 
 Agrippa T., describing how an owl perched above 
 his head by way of an omen, is quietly 
 cited by Eusebius (4th century) at some length 
 with the alteration of an angel instead of the owl. 
 Now Eusebius does indeed omit mention of the 
 owl which Josephus had previously mentioned as the 
 subject of prophecy long ago made to Agrippa by his 
 German fellow-prisoner at Tiberius's court. When 
 then after many years Agrippa saw the owl, he 
 immediately understood that it was the messenger or 
 angel of evil tidings as it had once been the messenger 
 or angel of good tidings to him. So says Josephus 
 and here Eusebius, who also knew the earlier passage 
 of Josephus, simply copies him. But these are 
 only recent samples of countless explanations of 
 the difficulty of which I now venture to give my 
 own solution. Briefly it is this : Josephus' Athronges 
 is Luke's Theudas, and Josephus' Theudas is a differ- 
 ent person of a widely different date. 
 
 The name Theudas or Theodas is short for the 
 Greek name Theodatos or Theodotos, meaning ' God- 
 given ' or ' sent by God.' It is just the sort of name 
 which a fanatical usurper of power would be likely to 
 assume for the encouragement of his followers. So 
 
332 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 much will be readily admitted, nor is the statement 
 now made for the first time. 
 
 But there is no reason why ' Theudas ' should not 
 be the equivalent by translation of some Hebrew 
 name like Nathaniel or Jonathan, which has the same 
 meaning, 'Given by El,' 'sent by Jehovah.' 
 
 Josephus on Theudas and Athronges. 
 
 Now there are three separate passages of Josephus 
 which fall under consideration for the present pur- 
 pose. The first is in the Antiquities, XVII x 4 
 under date B.C. 4. Here he says : " Now at this time 
 there were ten thousand other disorders in Judaea, 
 which were like tumults ; because a great number put 
 themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes 
 ■of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. 
 In particular (i) 2000 of Herod's old soldiers, who 
 had been disbanded, got together in Judaea itself, and 
 fought against the king's troops. ... (2) There was 
 also Judas, son of Ezekias . . . about Sepphoris in 
 Galilee. ... (3) There was also Simon, who had 
 been a slave of Herod the king. . . . He burned 
 down the royal palace at Jericho . . . the royal 
 palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was 
 burned down by a party of men that were got 
 together, as were those belonging to Simon. . . . 
 (4) But because Athronges . . . that had been in 
 
ATHRONGES DANGEROUS 333 
 
 all respects a shepherd only, and was not known 
 by anybody ; yet because he was a tall man and 
 excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was 
 so bold as to set up for a king. . . ." 
 
 The second passage, which alone mentions any 
 Theudas, is also in the Antiqiiities, XX v, under date 
 45 A.D. : " Now it came to pass while Fadus was 
 procurator of Judaea, that a certain magician named 
 Theudas persuaded a great part of the people to take 
 their effects with them and follow him to the river 
 Jordan ; for he told them he was a prophet, and that 
 he would by his own command divide the rivers . . . 
 and many were deluded. Fadus sent a troop of 
 horse against them, who slew many and took many 
 alive. . . . They cut off Theudas's head and carried 
 it to Jerusalem." 
 
 The third passage is in the Jewish War, II iv. 
 under date B.C. 4 : ' At this time there were great 
 disturbances in the country in many places ; and the 
 opportunity induced a great many to set up for kings. 
 And (i) in Idumea 2000 of Herod's veteran soldiers, 
 etc. ... (2) In Sepphoris of Galilee one Judas, son 
 of Ezekias, etc. ... (3) In Peraea also Simon . . . 
 burnt the royal palace at Jericho. . . . The royal 
 palaces near Jordan at Betharamathus (i.e. Amathus 
 in the other passage) were also burnt down when 
 some other rebels came from Peraea. (4) At this time 
 it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set him- 
 self up for a king ; he was called Athrongaeus, etc' 
 
334 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 It thus appears that Josephus's first reference and 
 his third are practically one ; the third is his own 
 later abridgment of his first. But that Athrongaeus 
 is the name in the third for Athronges in the first, 
 there is no divergence in the later account. Whether 
 the followers of Athronges were even mainly Jews is 
 doubtful from the statements of Josephus : ' they thus 
 served both their own countrymen and foreigners . . . 
 killing both the Romans and those of the king's 
 party, nor did any Jew escape' them : and 'they did 
 their own nation also a great deal of mischief 
 
 On the other hand, Josephus's Theudas has no 
 connexion whatever with the events of B.C. 4. That 
 he was called Theudas at all merely shews that he 
 ■was a usurper with a sounding name like one of his 
 many predecessors, just as a'Mahdi' or a 'Khalifa' 
 assumes the name regardless of the failure which has 
 attended previous bearers of the same title. Gamaliel 
 would naturally use this Greek form of name — even 
 if the rebel's own followers did not — if it were more 
 commonly known to the authorities, especially when, 
 as in the case of Athronges, he had defied all forces 
 of order, whether Roman, Herodian, or Jewish. 
 
 Josephus's Theudas differs from Luke's Theudas, 
 first, in date : they are fifty years apart. Next in 
 following : Luke's had about 400 men, not persons, 
 but 7nen ; Josephus's Theudas ' persuaded a great part 
 of the people to take their effects with them and 
 follow him to the Jordan.' Thirdly in importance. 
 
TWO THEUDASES 335 
 
 Luke's Theudas was important enough (in his 
 opinion at least) for Gamaliel to mention him first 
 as an instance of a serious danger to the Jewish 
 Sanhedrim representing the ancient theocracy 
 which was always, but especially then, in the 
 absence of a clear successor to the strong-handed 
 Herod the Great, liable to peril from a powerful 
 usurper of kingly rank and power. Very different 
 was the state of Judaea under Fadus, of whom 
 Josephus says (xx i) : ' From that time Judaea was 
 cleared of robberies by the care and providence of 
 Fadus.' A camp-out after a magician or prophet by 
 the Jordan in the time of Fadus, which could be 
 dispersed by a single troop of horse, was no danger 
 at all. 
 
 It only remains for us to infer that while Josephus's 
 Theudas has nothing to do with our Theudas, 
 Josephus's Athronges is one and the same with 
 Luke's Theudas mentioned by Gamaliel. 
 
 Josephus tells us that Athronges had been ' in all 
 respects a shepherd only' — probably therefore as a 
 half-Arab a stranger to the right pronunciation of 
 Greek, using his own patois or dialectic name. This 
 uncouth name is not Aramaic, nor Hebrew, nor 
 Greek.^ It would be necessary for him to bear 
 
 ^ There is no necessity to invoke the science of philology to 
 prove a philological connexion between the names Theudas and 
 Athronges ; otherwise it would be easy to urge that initial A in proper 
 names is sometimes prothetic or prefixed without change of meaning in 
 Greek: and that the syllables Aa- and Tai-, both mean 'earth' in 
 
336 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 some more dignified and influential name when he 
 usurped Royal power. What name would be more 
 appropriate to his own pretensions and his adherents' 
 fanaticism than ' Theudas, sent by God ' ? 
 
 Josephus says that Athronges was neither of dis- 
 tinguished ancestry nor of great virtue or wealth, but 
 of gigantic stature. He had four tall brothers, each 
 of whom commanded a troop (Ao'xo?) under him. 
 Now these would exactly make Luke's 400 fighting 
 men, according to the usual reckoning of 100 men 
 to a ' troop.' ^ 
 
 Josephus says that Athronges assumed a diadem, 
 and set up a council-chamber, and retained his power 
 long. ' He was also called King.' This agrees with 
 Luke's expression, ' saying that he was some one.' 
 This last is a well-known classical expression for the 
 boastful usurpation of high authority. It is not the 
 sort of expression that Luke would have put into 
 Gamaliel's mouth to denote a mere magician or false 
 prophet, such as Josephus represents his Theudas to 
 have been. 
 
 Josephus does not describe how Athronges ended 
 his career, though he does describe the end of his four 
 brothers. Acts says that Theudas was killed, and ,8 
 
 ancient Greek. This would bring the two names as near together 
 as THEODAS and THRONDAS. But I think it is possible that 
 Tosephus had derived his information from some source vitiated by mis- 
 pronunciation. He does not mind reporting the name in two slightly 
 different forms, first as Athronges, later as Athrongaeus. 
 ^Xen. Anab. iii 4 4, iv 8 15. 
 
ATHRONGES END ,37 
 
 of Acts apparently says that he was destroyed by his 
 own hand. The end of Athronges was not for some 
 time after B.C. 4. But even if it was as late as A.D. 6, 
 he would naturally be named by Gamaliel before 
 Judas of Galilee, having begun his career so long 
 before him. 
 
 The rmiltiUide of instances of healing and of magic. 
 
 Another observation must be made upon the 
 parallelism of Acts. We have seen that it results 
 from selection based upon a principle, namely, that 
 of the fulfilment of the catalogue of wonders and 
 paradoxes contained in Psalms cxlvi. Assuming that 
 St Paul and St Peter journeyed among the cities of 
 Asia and Europe at all, we have to admit that vast 
 numbers of incidents of each out of several classes 
 occurred to them many times over. Imprisonment 
 or durance more or less severe could not have 
 occurred only once to each. Whoever, then, was 
 the first collector of materials of their histories must 
 have made a selection of the accounts of their 
 imprisonments. Again, magicians swarmed in every 
 city and town, as anyone conversant with the history 
 of 50 to 200 A.D. is aware. At a place like Antioch 
 they were numbered not by scores, but by hundreds. 
 Where every act and stage of human life passed 
 under a presiding deity, not merely the Lucina and 
 
338 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 Juno, but the Scribunda and the Statina and the 
 Epona, the Hygieia and the Peninus and the 
 Mephitis, it must have been so : the inferior deities 
 must have had their human satellites, as the Olympic 
 gods their priests and mediums.^ Consequently 
 everywhere their minions would confront the 
 Apostles, and the first biographer would have to 
 select the occurrences worth recording. Thirdly, 
 works of healing did, as the present writer believes, 
 attend the first preaching of the Gospel ; at least 
 the belief that they did so was universal, not only 
 
 Acivi6. among the Christians, but among the Jews and 
 among the heathens. The latter must have believed 
 that their own magicians could produce faith-healing: 
 otherwise how did these magicians thrive and mul- 
 tiply ? Science was then confined within very narrow 
 and select circles. The conception of the human 
 frame as subject to any physical law whatever, 
 except that of death, was barely existent ; and 
 whether death was indeed a law for all is a question 
 that was then doubtful. For instance, it is certain 
 that the belief that Nero had risen, or would rise 
 again, began to prevail immediately after his death.^ 
 Nero, of all people ! The belief, therefore, in 
 Christian miracles of healing in the first century 
 
 RomxviB. is not surprising. St Paul himself treats them 
 
 2 Cor xii 12, 
 
 1 Tert. de Anima, 39. See Friedlander, Civilisation, etc. (tr. Vogel), 
 livre xi. 
 
 ^See The Chnstian Prophets, p. 217. 
 
CONFUSION OF IDEAS 339 
 
 rather as a matter of course among the signs of 
 his Apostleship, which he names with the deepest 
 humility. 
 
 If now we refer to the list of twelve parallelisms 
 between Peter and Paul given above, we shall find 
 that one refers to release from prison, five refer to 
 cases of healing, and one to magic. Let us not 
 suppose by any means that this clears away all 
 diflficulty from those cases. But while each several 
 account still requires to be considered on its merits, 
 it is perhaps fair to say that we are now in a 
 position to disarm the hasty conclusion that, because 
 an arrangement is artificial, therefore the narratives 
 arranged are untrustworthy. We may now return 
 to the thread of Acts by examining the conversion 
 of Peter in comparison with the conversion of Paul, 
 in order to see what light is thrown upon the latter 
 narrative by the former. 
 
 The Conversion of Peter. 
 
 The conversion of Peter is not a term of which 
 custom has sanctioned the use. Yet it is one which 
 possesses scriptural authority more than the customary 
 term 'the conversion of Saul.' For Christ's own 
 words are, as reported by Luke alone : ' And do thou, Lk xvii 32. 
 when once' {i.e. one day it shall come to pass so) 
 'thou hast converted' {kin(jrpe^a<s intransitive), 
 
340 
 
 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 'stablish thy brethren.' So persistently does our 
 
 current terminology run in its grooves, that we have 
 
 not the current term ' conversion ' as applied to Peter. 
 
 It is reasonable to suppose that Luke, when he 
 
 penned these words in his Gospel, was acquainted 
 
 with the history of Peter's conversion which he 
 
 was about to record in Acts. For if he obtained 
 
 from Peter the greater part of the material used in 
 
 Acts i-xii, it is certain that he would obtain from 
 
 him also the materials for most of his Gospel, at 
 
 least for the passages of it which concern Peter. 
 
 And the results of the examination conducted in 
 
 these pages hitherto tend to shew clearly that Luke 
 
 was in a position to draw his materials from Peter. 
 
 Now the account of Peter's conversion is the 
 
 Acx lo. account of an ecstasy beyond all doubt, and it follows 
 
 immediately on the account of Paul's conversion. 
 
 No sooner has Saul been conducted by the brethren 
 
 out of danger's reach from the Hellenists of Jerusalem 
 
 Ac in 30. (by night, as ^ records) to Caesarea and then by 
 
 sea to Tarsus, than the doings of Peter in the villages 
 
 and towns of the Shefelah come before us, and soon 
 
 Acxc). his particular vision at Joppa. Peter was fasting and 
 
 very hungry, while he had gone to prayer about 
 
 noon upon the housetop. Now the ecstatic state 
 
 was usually preceded, and partly produced, by fasting. 
 
 Prayer in the Temple preceded Saul's ecstasy and 
 
 Ac.vxiii?. vision, fasting being unmentioned. A fast of three 
 
 2 Cor xii I f, 
 
 cfxi27. days was meant to have preceded the important 
 
FASTIiVG AND VISIOiYS 341 
 
 revelation which, according to the Muratorian Canon, 
 actually occurred on the first night of the three and 
 led to the acceptance and publication ^ of the Fourth 
 Gospel. A fast preceded the revelation of the Holy 
 Spirit to the Prophets at Antioch, that Barnabas and Acxiiia. 
 Saul were called to a definite work. Another fast/* 3-. 
 
 Ac xiv 2^. 
 
 with prayer preceded their ordination. Fasting and 
 prayer accompanied the ordination of elders in 
 Pisidia. The hunger of Peter at his conversion is 
 not called a fast ; yet the ' ecstasy ' followed. The 
 recovery of Saul's sight was preceded by a three 
 days' fast. The vision of Cornelius is not called an 
 ecstasy. The vision of Ananias is not called an 
 ecstasy. But both Cornelius and Ananias were Ac x 1,22. 
 ' devout men,' ' God-fearing,' ' righteous,' very much Lk h 25 f. 
 like Simeon, who had received a revelation, and like 
 Anna, the Prophetess, who worshipped God te/zV/^ Lk u 37. 
 fastings and supplications night and day. Simeon 
 and Anna were acknowledged instances of the 
 prophetic gift. Blass rightly observes that the term 
 •righteous' implies the fulfilment of the precepts of 
 God in the Jewish sense, and we can hardly doubt 
 that fasting accompanied the almsgiving yvhich is 
 specified among the merits of Cornelius. 
 
 We may then arrange the data in the following 
 conspectus, which exhibits the parallelism between 
 the cases of St Peter, and other Prophets in Acts, 
 and St Paul. It seems to shew that Cornelius was 
 
 1 See The Christian Prophets, pp. 240-246. 
 
342 
 
 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 qualified to belong to the prophetic order in all 
 save actual admission, but it does not follow that 
 he was actually a Prophet : 
 
 Ac X lo ff, 
 xis. 
 
 Ac X 2, 22, 
 
 Fasting (Prayer). 
 Peter at Joppa 
 Cornelius 
 
 Ecstasy. 
 Peter at Joppa 
 
 3°, 35 ; xi (Ananias) 
 
 13. 
 
 Prophets at Antioch 
 
 Ac xiii 2 f. 
 Ac xiv 23. 
 Ac ix z8. 
 Ac xxii 17, 
 
 Prophets in Pisidia 
 Saul's recovery 
 (Saul in the Temple) 
 
 Vision and Hearing. 
 
 Peter at Joppa 
 
 Cornelius 
 
 Ananias 
 
 Prophets at Antioch 
 
 Saul's blindness 
 Saul in the Temple Saul in the Temple 
 
 The blank spaces in this conspectus mark the 
 absence of distinct statements by the historian. But 
 it is too much to expect that he should record the 
 statement ' ecstasy here ' on every occasion when it 
 was present. If he were a Prophet writing in the 
 days of Prophecy — and to this we shall refer later, 
 p. 362 — it would be left to the reader to understand 
 the cause of the phenomena narrated, without the 
 description in every case of the condition which 
 supervened upon fasting and issued in the revelation 
 by vision and hearing. Although only in one case 
 have we the three stages definitely recorded, yet we 
 seem to be left with the alternatives either to supply 
 the other stages uniformly in the absence of direct 
 statement, or to admit the presence of a very much 
 greater difficulty, that we are in the midst of a 
 chaos of coincidences unrelated to each other. If 
 the phenomena described are related to one another 
 
ECSTASY AMD FASTING 
 
 343 
 
 as proceeding from the same cause, then we have 
 the explanation recognised by St Paul himself in 
 the ordered arrangement prescribed by him in i Cor 
 xiv 24 ff., together with the customary circumstances 
 of homage done to the Prophet, as Cornelius did it to iCorxiv^; 
 St Peter, and as John the Elder did it to 'the angel Acx^sf. 
 who shewed him these things,' with the same cus- Ap xxii 8. 
 tomary reply in each case : ' See thou do it not : I 
 am thy fellow-servant,' or : ' Arise, I also am a man.' 
 Those who prefer the alternative of coincidences will 
 incur the peril of shutting their eyes to well-attested 
 tokens of a Divine law, which was in active operation 
 once, and may be so again. 
 
 It may, indeed, be admitted that, in the case 
 of Saul's blindness and recovery, the specific state- 
 ments in Acts, by themselves, hardly place it on the 
 same level with the other cases. Still, we are 
 confronted with the difficulty, on the one side, that 
 his recovery was preceded by a three days' fast, ac ix 9. 
 though it is not said to have been attended with 
 ecstasy and vision, while his blindness was accom- 
 panied with vision, though it is indeed not said to 
 have followed from ecstasy produced by fasting. 
 On the other side, we have a sense that both the 
 recovery and the blindness would be more easily 
 related to each other if both were related to a state of 
 ecstasy intervening. It needs but little imagination 
 to think that at the end of a journey of some days 
 under a Syrian sun at midday, the traveller wasAcxxvii3. 
 
344 PARALLELISM OF ACTS 
 
 likely to be fatigued and hungry, postponing food 
 and refreshment to the goal which was so near! 
 'You cross,' says Dr. Adam Smith.^ 'the plateau 
 of Sahra-ed-Dimas, six shadeless miles that stretch 
 themselves, with the elasticity of all Syrian plains 
 in haze, till you almost fancy you are upon some 
 enchanted ground rolling out with you as you travel. 
 But at last the road begins to sink, and you come 
 with it into a deep rut, into which all the heat and 
 glare of the broad miles behind seems to be com- 
 pressed. The air is still, the rocks blistered, the road 
 deep in dust . .' So there is nothing violent in 
 supposing that Saul was hungry, and that, if so, he 
 was predisposed to the state of Ecstasy, as Peter 
 was when he waited for his midday meal at Joppa. 
 If the hunger of the journey produced, humanly 
 speaking, an Ecstasy of unusual character and dura- 
 tion, resulting in a chronic injury to the eyesight, 
 such as St Paul seems to refer to in his Epistle to 
 the Galatians, and intensified by the three days' fast 
 preceding his recover}-, then we may say that Luke's 
 narrative of the occurrence is brought more within 
 the bounds of credibility than if it were left in its 
 naked independence of all phenomena which are in 
 kind similar to its own. 
 
 Lastly, the juxtaposition of the two conversions 
 of Peter and Paul in the consecutive narrative of 
 Acts invites us to infer, from the certain phenomena 
 
 1 The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, ch. xxx. 
 
ST PAUL'S VISIONS 345 
 
 of Ecstasy in the former, the presence of similar 
 results from causes not dissimilar in the latter. 
 Saul's outward sense of sight may have sustained 
 injury from the occurrence on the road to Damascus, 
 but his inner sense was henceforward quickened for 
 the ' seeing of visions,' such as were promised to the 
 young men of whom Joel prophesied. Not only in the ac xvi 9. 
 
 Ac xviii g. 
 
 Temple at Jerusalem, but at Troas, at Corinth, and Ac xxvii 23, 
 
 on board the Alexandrine vessel bound for Italy, 
 
 he was destined to receive by this faculty many a 
 
 premonition and encouragement from God, whose 
 
 he was and whom he served. And there were occa- ac xviii 21/3. 
 
 Ac xix 1 /3. 
 
 sions, such as that at Ephesus, in the course of the ^c xx 3 ^. 
 ' third missionary journey,' when his own definite 
 plan is known by the writer of the Acts to have 
 been overruled and his movements altered by words 
 ' said to him,' by the inner voice of the Spirit. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 SOME TRACES OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ACTS. 
 
 The Release of Peter from Prison. 
 
 We now come to an event in Acts xii which is beset 
 with some difficulty. The narrative as it stands is 
 dead. It is incapable of treatment for purposes of 
 teaching and preaching and understanding. Histori- 
 cally it is useless, ethically it is injurious. It is 
 useless, because it cannot be put in relation to 'the 
 services of angels and men ordained and constituted 
 in a wonderful order ' ; for the order in which the 
 angel in question here proceeds is an order of its 
 own kind, capable neither of being an object of faith 
 nor yet of knowledge, and wholly removed from the 
 angels' sphere with which we are acquainted. An 
 angel as the object of faith does not smite a man 
 upon the side, and instruct him by three separate 
 commands to rise quickly, and deliberately to gird 
 himself and put on his sandals and throw his cloak 
 around him. Angels only command our faith when 
 they, unlike a deus ex machina in a Greek play, have 
 
LEGENDARY OR REAL? 347 
 
 to do with higher concerns than the adjustment of 
 one's clothing. But the account is injurious because 
 it represents Peter's life as being saved only at the 
 expense of the lives of the guards, who, possibly to 
 the number of only two, but probably to the number 
 of sixteen, were ruthlessly put to death by Herod. 
 Thus the account is not one that can be regarded, as 
 it stands, with even equanimity by any thoughtful 
 disciple of Him who came to seek and to save that 
 which was lost, and to give His life a ransom for 
 many. 
 
 Now upon the theory that Acts was composed in 
 the second century, plenty of time is allowed for the 
 growth of legendary matter concerning his actions, 
 and the present narrative might be included as a 
 legend. Much that is historical would no doubt be 
 included along with it. But no such indulgence is 
 allowed to the view which is being propounded in 
 these pages. We are not dealing with a long vista 
 of St Peter's followers, which looked back to him 
 through a distance of time which lent enchantment to 
 their view. Nor does it seem necessary with Blass to Ac xH 12. 
 suppose that this is a narrative which Luke owed 
 to John Mark, to whose mother Mary's house Peter 
 repaired directly after his release. The present 
 writer ventures to think that Peter himself was the 
 authority for this, as for the other accounts in which 
 he is concerned in the first portion of Acts. If so, we 
 have a description from the lips of the chief actor in 
 
348 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 the scene, and yet it is not to be taken as it stands. 
 The situation appears to be difficult, but it is not so 
 difficult as the theory of the second-century artist 
 along with all its consequences and the inferences 
 from it, especially when it is confronted with the 
 results hitherto obtained. Nor is it so difficult as the 
 plan of leaving the account as it stands, if we may 
 judge from the habit, which authors reputed orthodox 
 appear to have, pf passing it by on the other side. 
 This is nothing else but a silent implication that it is 
 legendary and unhistorical. It is altogether fairer 
 to face the difficulty and see what light the history 
 throws upon the book as a whole. 
 
 Luke has written with his wonted candour, the 
 same candour which he shews in the discrepancies 
 of Stephen's speech with the O.T., and in the 
 three accounts of Paul's conversion. For he tells us 
 Ac xii 9. that Peter himself ' wist not that it was true which 
 was done by the angel, but thought he .saw a vision.' 
 This initial uncertainty on Peter's part need not 
 surprise us, although we know that he had seen a 
 Ac X 10, xi 5. remarkable vision before, and that ecstatic visions 
 Acxiie. were not uncommon occurrences with him, for the 
 simple reason that he had been asleep, and conse- 
 quently there were no less than four solutions of the 
 perplexity open to him : either what he saw was a 
 reality, or it was an angelic appearance, or it was a 
 dream, or it was seen in ecstasy. He eventually 
 rejected the first explanation and the two last, and 
 
NOT ECSTASY 345 
 
 espoused the second, but it appears at first sight as 
 if he still had some inclination in favour of the 
 fourth. A strange thing is that there is an expres- 
 sion used by Luke which would have exactly suited 
 with the said fourth solution, for he says, ' When Ac xii n. 
 Peter came to himself (ev eavrw yevofxevoi)' Now this 
 expression is very often used as the exact correlative 
 of Ecstasy {eKcrT>jvai, e^w eavTov yevea-Qai), yet of 
 course the condition which thus passed from him 
 was no Ecstasy, as the event proved, for Ecstasy 
 never transported the body from one place to 
 another. But Blass is quite right in saying that 
 this is only one more instance of Luke's good 
 classical scholarship,^ because he uses the term to 
 mean ' became his own master,' ' was free.' This is 
 the right meaning of the words here. The R.V. is 
 therefore not correct in translating 'came to himself,' 
 and the fourth explanation receives no support from 
 the narrative of Acts. But was Peter's eventual 
 interpretation correct .? We remember that the man Genx.xxii! 
 who wrestled with Jacob was also an angel. hos xii 4. 
 
 More Light from the Western Recension. 
 
 The details of the story are very precise and 
 graphic, and the Western Recension {fi) provides us 
 with many that are not found in R.V. Thus in verse 
 3 we are told what it was on the part of Herod 
 
 'See pp. 279 n, 367, and The Christian Prophets, p. 158. 
 
3 so ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 which 'pleased the Jews': it was ^ his attack upon 
 the faithful! In verse 5 we have a most important 
 fact — I cannot think it anything but a fact — Peter 
 was kept in the prison ' by the king's guard, and 
 much prayer was being made in earnestness for him 
 from the Church to God.' In verse 7 the angel 
 instead of smiting Peter nudged him on the side. 
 In verse 10 they went out and stepped down the seven 
 steps and went on through one street. This reference 
 to the seven steps is one that it is difficult to believe 
 that a mere transcriber invented, as Dr. Rendel 
 Harris^ remarks, and he adds: 'The detail which 
 is given (in /3) in the visit of Peter to Cornelius, that 
 when they came near to Caesarea one of the slaves 
 ran forward to announce Peter's approach, and that 
 Cornelius sprang forward to greet him, is as lifelike 
 as anything we could wish, and agrees with the 
 statement that Cornelius had sent two slaves along 
 with a devout soldier.' May we not also say that it 
 is difficult to believe that the statement is anything 
 else but that of an eye-witness, Peter, as well as that 
 of the author, Luke.? The detail which Luke, in 
 making his own revision, — such at least is Blass's 
 view, which the present writer is more inclined to 
 follow — thought too trivial to be worth perpetuating, 
 is to us of great value as bearing the stamp of simple 
 and lifelike truth. 
 
 ^ Four Lectures on the Western Text, 1894, p. 63. 
 
HEROD'S MEN OF WAR 351 
 
 The Soldiers of Palestine. 
 
 Nor is the remark that Peter was watched by 
 the kings guard of less value. What can we dis- 
 cover about the ' men of war ' of Agrippa I ? 
 Schurer, in dealing generally with the military 
 arrangements of the Herodian times, concludes 
 that " in Judea, down to the time of Vespasian, 
 there were no legionaries at all, but only auxiliary 
 troops and, indeed, mostly such as had been 
 raised in the country itself The honour and 
 burden of this levy lay only on the non-Jewish 
 inhabitants of Palestine. The Jews were exempted 
 from military service . . . For the period A.D. 6-41 
 we are without any direct information about the 
 troops stationed in Judea. But it is highly probable 
 that the Sebastians, i.e. the soldiers drafted in 
 the region of Sebaste or Samaria, whom we meet 
 with subsequently, constituted even then a con- 
 siderable portion of the garrison. In the struggles 
 which followed the death of Herod in B.C. 4, the 
 best equipped part of the troops of Herod fought 
 on the side of the Romans, namely the three 
 thousand men of Sebaste. . . . The troops thus 
 proved would be undoubtedly retained by Archelaus, 
 and it is highly probable that, after his deposition 
 in A.D. 6, they would be taken over by the Romans, 
 then [Schurer means their successors as a half- 
 
352 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 legion, if any, a long generation afterwards] from 
 41 to 44 by Agrippa, and after his death again by 
 the Romans. The following also speaks in favour 
 of this supposition. At the death of Agrippa in 
 44, the troops of the king stationed in Caesarea, 
 which were men of Caesarea and Sebaste (Samaria), 
 gave expression in a very unseemly manner to 
 their joy at the death of the ruler that had shown 
 himself friendly to the Jews." ^ 
 
 'Schlirer adds : " It is remarkable that in Caesarea about A.D. 40 an 
 'Italian band' (cohort, say 500 men) should have been stationed 
 (Acts xi), by which probably a cohort of Roman citizens of Italy is to 
 be understood. Such a band would naturally not have served in 
 Caesarea A.D. 41-44 under the Jewish king Agrippa. [Why not? 
 Agrippa was to all intents and purposes a Roman, the intimate friend 
 of Caesar and his household. ] But even in reference to a later period, 
 it is not probable, after ihe above-made investigations. The story of 
 Cornelius lies therefore in this respect under suspicion, the circum- 
 stances of a later period having bfeen transferred back to an earlier 
 period.'' It should however be added that a possible inaccurracy of 
 Luke as to the name of Cornelius's cohort does not vitiate the entire 
 story in which the false name occurs. But Schtirer's admission above, 
 as to the want of direct information about the troops stationed in Judaea 
 between a.d. 6 and 41 (which includes the time of Cornelius being at 
 Caesarea), is quite enough to give us pause in concluding that Luke was 
 there inaccurate. "The provinces," says Schurer elsewhere (p. 51) 
 "were treated in very diverse ways and varying measure in the matter 
 of military service." I do not follow Schurer in the above remarks 
 about Cornelius. Agrippa I.'s long-standing intimacy with the Caesars' 
 court— where it was rightly surmised that every leading Herod was to 
 the C.iesars a key to the safety of all the East — is enough to explain his 
 position in Palestine. Any reader of Joseplms will see how natural it 
 was for him to be attended by an Italian cohort as a sort of body-guard, 
 on whose loyalty he could count and who would set the tone to the doubt- 
 ful and miscellaneous character of his other troops. And yet there is 
 no reason why Cornelius, a centurion of this cohort, should not also 
 
NEED OF A COHORT 353 
 
 We have then this situation : Herod Agrippa I. 
 and 'the Jews' on the one side playing into each 
 other's hands, and the troops, provincials of Samaria 
 and Caesarea, not Jews, disliking Herod and the 
 Jews, on the other; therefore these latter were 
 likely to be cold, as Thucydides would say, in 
 proceeding to a work of hot blood. Agrippa I. is 
 evidently a favourite of Josephus, who however 
 admits that he was detested by his soldiers. He 
 says : 1 ' When it was known that Agrippa was 
 departed this life (a.d. 44), the inhabitants of 
 Caesarea and Sebaste forgot the kindness which 
 he had bestowed on them, and acted the part of 
 the bitterest enemies ; for they cast reproaches upon 
 the deceased that are not fit to be spoken of — and 
 so many of them as were then soldiers, which were 
 a great number, went to his house and . . did 
 things too indecent to be related. . . . These were 
 the very men that became the source of very great 
 
 have been a proselyte, very probably since his years spent at Rome, and 
 now 'attested by the whole nation of the Jews.' This cohort was 
 stationed at Caesarea from 38-39 A.D., being 'the second year of Caius 
 Caesar ' when ' Agrippa by the emperor's permission came into his own 
 country, and appeared to them unexpectedly as a king . . . marching 
 among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority.' This 
 pomp aroused Herodias' jealousy, which made Caius angry, and he 
 banished Antipas with her, and gave his country to Agrippa. (Jos. 
 Antt. XVIII vi end and vii). We may thus fix the date of Peter's 
 'Conversion' Acts x as 39-40 A.D. Caesarea, Sebaste, Joppa, and 
 Jerusalem had paid tribute to Archelaus and were thus the head- 
 quarters of the Herodian power (Jos. Antt. XVII xi 4). 
 
 ' Antt. XIX ix. 
 
 Z 
 
354 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 calamities to the Jews in after times, and sowed the 
 seeds of the war that began under Florus ' (A.D. 66). 
 That some of these troops would be slack in 
 watching their prisoners is all the more likely if 
 they knew that the latter were hated by the 
 Jewish authorities, for these and not the common 
 
 Ac V 13. people were afraid of the Apostles : ' the people 
 magnified them.' In fact so popular before this 
 time had the Apostles become, that some kind 
 friend had speedily ensured their release when 
 
 Ac V 18. the Sadducees had put them in ward. Though 
 a pretty story could be made by supposing that 
 
 Ac X 7. one of Cornelius's ' devout soldiers ' had access 
 or belonged to the four quaternions who guarded 
 Peter, the supposition is unnecessary. Slackness- 
 casual on the part of some, but intentional on 
 the part of others — would account for the soldiers 
 allowing between them some favoured individual, 
 perhaps a centurion, to enter the prison and set 
 Peter free. The further statement that he lost 
 little time after his release in ' departing unto 
 another place,' while the unhappy guards paid 
 forfeit with their heads, is only too closely similar 
 to the legendary occasion of the Quo vadis, Domine t 
 ' Lord, whither goest thou ? ' on which the Saviour 
 addressed him outside the walls of Rome with the 
 answer, 'I go to Rome to be crucified for thee,' and 
 by His self-denying offer brought the timid Apostle 
 to a due sense of his conduct and his duty. 
 
FULFILMENT AGAIN 355 
 
 The above explanation of the incident is one that 
 saves the candour of St Luke at the expense of the 
 courage of St Peter, but it must be allowed that 
 the latter had failed on more than one occasion 
 before, and if the Quo Vadis legend has any basis 
 at all — and it may have some — it was destined to 
 be afterwards on the point of failing him again. 
 His greatest admirers cannot pretend that courage 
 was his strong point. The expense, therefore, in 
 the present case is not so very great. Peter being 
 deficient in courage was somewhat too eager to 
 accept his human deliverer and friend as an angel 
 of God. The word angel means simply messenger, 
 and never did any angel utter more entirely human 
 instructions. When Peter reported the story to 
 Luke, the latter recorded it as an instance of fulfil- 
 ment of Ps cxlvi, ' The Lord looseth men out of 
 prison,' but in doing so he is not careful to shew 
 the interpretation which he placed upon the occur- 
 rences himself, and he has been entirely impressed 
 with the imaginary complexion put by Peter on 
 his own drowsy experiences.^ The incident I take 
 as a whole to be real and historical, not angelic 
 
 1 1 can see but one expression which has even the appearance of con- 
 flicting with the above explanation. ' The iron gate opened to them 
 (automatically) of its own accord.' I imagine that nothing more is 
 meant by this than ' without effort.' Plutarch mentions an Automatia, 
 the goddess of chance. See Liddell and Scott. The iron gate had 
 been left open by the messenger of deliverance when he entered the 
 prison. 
 
356 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 and legendary, in spite of the Petrine complexion 
 of some of the details, which must needs have been 
 seen in the light of the words : ' He brought them 
 
 Ps cvii 14. out of darkness and the shadow of death, and brake 
 their bonds in sunder.' And, finally, if we test the 
 historian's part in the narrative by his own words 
 in the preface to the Gospel, where he says that 
 
 Lkis- he has 'followed along with all things accurately,' 
 and writes ' in order,' we shall not, I think, consider 
 that he falls short of his own standard. This 
 matter was one of those ' which had been fulfilled 
 among them, even as one of the eye-witnesses 
 delivered it unto them.' Luke now followed along 
 with it, but it would be unreasonable to argue that 
 this somewhat general term of his implied his 
 intention to criticise, while he reported, the fulfil- 
 ment. 
 
 Traces of the whereabouts of the writer of Acts 
 at Antioch. 
 
 A comparison of the readings of /3 with those of 
 the accepted version of Acts shews that in most 
 cases the author has merely revised his first draft 
 and pruned away unnecessary words. Such, at 
 least, is the impression produced upon the reader 
 of to-day. It would be safe to say that this is true 
 of four-fifths of the matter in question. The chief 
 
REJOICING OF THE PROPHETS 357 
 
 interest, of course, after this result has been ascer- 
 tained, gathers round the remaining fifth, of which 
 some portions only can be considered in the present 
 work. One of the most important variations is that 
 which occurs in the description of the church at 
 Antioch. ' And in those days there came down Ac xi 27. 
 Prophets from Jerusalem to Antioch : and there was 
 much rejoicing. And when we were gathered together 
 one of them named Agabus said, signifying by the 
 spirit . . .' Here we have an addition to the We- 
 document, so-called. But it is far away from the 
 other parts of the We-document, which is commonly 
 said to commence at xvi 10, in connexion with the 
 first visit to Philippi, where it breaks off soon after 
 it has commenced, only to begin again at Philippi 
 towards the end of 'the third journey,' continuing 
 to xxi 18, and resuming again with the voyage to 
 Rome. The questionable case of xiv 22 has been 
 discussed above. 
 
 The presence of this We-passage appears to upset Ac xi 27. 
 the theory of a We-document altogether — that is to 
 say, it requires that instead of one we must suppose 
 at least two We-documents, unless this passage can 
 be shewn to be connected with the other and larger 
 document. But what has it in common with it .? 
 Leaving aside the questionable case of the We 
 where Barnabas and Paul are together in Pisidia, 
 which has been already considered, we find that 
 the We-document extends to narratives connected 
 
358 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 with the journeys from Troas to Philippi, from 
 Philippi past Asia Minor to Jerusalem, from 
 Caesarea to Rome. Antioch has had no part in it. 
 Ramsay has said ^ that as the Travel-document it 
 interprets itself '' as a simple, straightforward, his- 
 torical testimony . . . with perfect ease, and that it 
 confirms and completes our knowledge of the 
 country acquired from other sources in a way 
 which proves its ultimate origin from a person 
 acquainted with the actual circumstances." Harnack^ 
 says it is ' the most trustworthy portion of the 
 history ' of the Acts. But here is another We- 
 document or an extract from it. And what an 
 extract! 'When we were gathered together.' Blass 
 is right when he observes : ' A most valuable testi- 
 mony, by which the author shews that he was a 
 man of Antioch ' : or rather let us say, ' by which 
 he shews that he was then at Antioch, and 
 identified himself with the Church there, in con- 
 trast with the Prophets that came down with 
 Agabus from Jerusalem whom he mentions as 
 them' There is no sign at present of other 
 Antiochene We-documents, but more traces of the 
 Western Recension (^8) have yet to be discovered, 
 as we hope. And if these should include more 
 first persons plural in the narrative, the more will 
 this We-document grow and multiply upon us. 
 
 ^ The Church in the Roman Empire, p 3 (1893). 
 
 ^ Chron. 669. See The Christian Prophets, p 248 n. 
 
THY TABLETS, MEMORY/ 35c, 
 
 But it is indeed hard to believe that the Author 
 here resorted to a We-document at all. 'Travel- 
 document/ as Ramsay calls it, is not a term that 
 applies in this passage, for the travels of St Paul 1 
 have not begun, and his mission with Barnabas to 
 Jerusalem, consequent on Agabus' present visit to 
 Antioch, can hardly be called a Missionary journey. 
 If we have a document here at all, it must be rather 
 an archive of the Church at Antioch. But would an 
 archive or chronicle or record of conference contain 
 such a graphic description of the feeling of the 
 moment as ' There was great rejoicing : and when we 
 were gathered together one of them named Agabus 
 said, signifying it by the Spirit'.? Assuredly not. • 
 The description bears the stamp of an eye-witness 
 relating in his own language what he remembered of 
 a certain red-letter day of long ago. 
 
 But further, it seems that the Author was not 
 careful to preserve the reference to We, any more 
 than the reference to the rejoicing. He might well 
 have omitted the latter and yet allowed the We to 
 stand : or he might have done the reverse. But for 
 the sake of brevity if for no other reason he has 
 removed from this verse about one line. If he used 
 
 ' Ramsay, The Church in R.E., p. 8, 1893, says ' The original 
 document was composed under St Paul's own influence, for only he was 
 present on all the occasions which are described with conspicuous 
 vividness.' Of the present scene at Antioch, the description though 
 brief is extremely vivid. The We-author was there, whether Saul was 
 or not, on that day. 
 
36o ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 a document, was it worth his while to consult and 
 use it, only to expunge again what he had taken 
 from it ? I cannot think so. 
 
 At any rate it is clear that this is a specially 
 interesting passage because it presents us with a 
 combination of the use of We with a variation 
 between the two recensions. Can this combination 
 be purely accidental ? Is it not part of the nature 
 of the Acts ? Is it not a clue to the understanding 
 of the origin and textual phenomena of the book.' 
 I am convinced that it is, and that no explanation 
 of the one element can be satisfactory which does 
 not throw light upon the other. We have not 
 indeed succeeded hitherto in interpreting the true 
 bearings of the /3 recension ; but we must continue 
 to test any and every theory of it by the application 
 of its representative readings. The following theories, 
 which are not all mutually exclusive, appear to be 
 held at present : 
 
 (i) The /3 variations are mere interpolations by 
 Montanists in the second century. (Harris, 
 1891). 
 
 {2) The /3 variations are translations from a Latin 
 version of Acts. 
 
 (3) The /3 variations are translations from a 
 
 Syriac version of Acts. 
 
 (4) The j8 variations belong to a draft dating 
 
 earlier than 70 A.D., while the a text dates 
 from later than 70. 
 
A FURTHER THEORY 361 
 
 (5) The fi variations belong to a recension for 
 
 Jews, a being for Romans and Gentiles. 
 
 (6) The 8 draft is earlier and more diffuse, while 
 
 a is a later abridgment by the author 
 (Blass). To these I now venture to add a 
 theory which carries (6) further. 
 
 (7) The ^ draft is more prophetic as well as 
 
 earlier, and was afterwards modified — by 
 
 Luke, I think — into a. 
 I hold that Luke was still a Prophet as much as 
 ever, when he wrote a, but he saw that besides a 
 redundancy of language which appears in /3 — though 
 some of this may be only apparent — it admitted 
 the reader to the esoteric nature of the Apostles' 
 movements rather more than was necessary, or 
 than was desirable for a reader who was not a 
 Prophet himself As the congregations grew and 
 multiplied, he saw that it was not necessary for 
 every orally-instructed Christian to enter into the 
 multifarious details of waves of sentiment ('much 
 rejoicing') and changes of plan and resolution, and 
 even some particulars of prophetic fulfilment, which, 
 however intensely convincing at the time of their 
 discovery, were not of equal permanent importance 
 for all readers or hearers of Acts. The main out- 
 lines of the work were not modified. The grand 
 facts were untouched. No new principle was 
 introduced. The second draft continues the same 
 mental operations which acted in the production of 
 
362 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 the first, namely, a selection and compression and 
 proportioned description {Si-oyria-i?) of the matters 
 treated by Luke under the guidance of the prophetic 
 Spirit. Still I must avow some amount of doubt as 
 to whether the hand which corrected ,8 into a is not 
 the same hand which suppressed Part III. of Acts, 
 and which is another than Luke's (p. 374). 
 
 If it appear to some to be unwarranted to pro- 
 pound this theory without supporting it by the 
 detailed evidence of /3, I can but reply that after 
 so much has been written in recent times on this 
 subject by Dr. Rendel Harris and others, the 
 student can apply the materials already at his 
 disposal, e.g. in Dr. Harris's Study of Codex Bezae 
 mentioned above, in order to test the present theory. 
 It may even be called a modification of his, in so 
 far as the Montanists, as I have tried to shew in 
 The Christian Prophets, were themselves but a 
 modification, not indeed in a healthy direction, of 
 the Christian Prophets of St. Luke's time, and hence 
 it results that many supposed traces of Montanism 
 are simply traces of Christian prophecy. But in 
 no sense do I consider that ^ readings are inter- 
 polations by any one, not even by the author himself. 
 However, to return to Acts xi. 27/3. If, as 
 seems to the present writer, it disposes of the idea 
 of a Travel-document or We-document, and brings 
 us to the writer's own self again, proving that the 
 author of We is the author of Acts himself, and 
 
FEELINGS OF SILAS 363 
 
 that instead of consulting a document, he only con- 
 sulted the tablets of his own memory, we are at 
 any rate brought back to the companion of St 
 Paul. And further, if this companion knows as 
 much about Silas as he does about St Paul, we 
 have so much confirmation of the view that Silas 
 is the author. 
 
 Another trace of the writer at Antioch. 
 
 Now we find that he has very intimate knowledge 
 of Silas. There is a remarkable variation in xv 34, 
 ' But it seemed good to Silas to remain there.' 
 Westcott and Hort followed by R.V. omit the 
 verse. But R.V. margin says ' Some a.ncient 
 authorities insert it with variations.' What had 
 occurred is this : the decree of the Council of 
 Jerusalem had been transmitted by the hands of 
 Paul and Barnabas, and Jude and Silas, to the 
 Gentile Christians of Antioch and Syria and Cilicia. 
 After being dismissed solemnly they came down to 
 Antioch, summoned the body of the Church and 
 delivered the Epistle. The churchmen of Antioch 
 read it aloud and rejoiced at the gentle exhortation 
 which presented a contrast to the stern command 
 that it might have been. Judas too and Silas 
 themselves, being Prophets, exhorted the brethren 
 at length and confirmed them. 
 
364 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 Christian Prophets full of the Holy Spirit 
 
 Here there is a pause, and we may take this 
 opportunity to remark that a very important addition 
 is made by /3 to the description of Judas and Silas, 
 that they were 'full of the Holy Spirit' Now just 
 before, at the end of the conciliar decree, ^ adds 
 the words 'borne by (ei/) the Holy Spirit.' It will 
 be said perhaps that here is proof that Silas was 
 not Luke, for he could never have written this 
 about himself: he was too modest! But the 
 
 2 Pet 121. answer is simple enough. As in 2 Peter, where he 
 is speaking of the O.T. Prophets, he has used this 
 very expression, insisting that ancient prophecy 
 was uftered direct from God by men borne by {liro) 
 the Holy Spirit, so in his later days he likewise 
 maintained that the interpretation of prophecy 
 should rest with the Christian Prophets only. This 
 Petrine passage could not possibly have been written 
 late in the second century when the Christian 
 Prophets had ceased to exist, and the present writer 
 has shewn elsewhere that the verse was exactly one 
 which by reason of its apparent danger to Church 
 order would tend, and in fact it led, to the sup- 
 pression of the whole Epistle completely in the 
 Eastern half of the Church, though happily it was 
 somehow preserved in the West. The Montanists 
 
 = Pet i fzi. would naturally seize upon the text as justifying 
 
LUKE NO MONTANIST 365 
 
 their laxer usage of uttering Prophecy during the 
 Ecstasy itself ; whereas Luke wrote the words some- 
 what generally perhaps, but only because it never, 
 of course, occurred to him that such a trouble as 
 Montanism would arise in the future. Here then 
 the N.T. Prophets, Judas and Silas, are described 
 in almost identical language with that which is 
 used of O.T. Prophets in 2 Peter ; for no one will 
 say that there is any essential difference between 
 the two prepositions applied to the substantive, or 
 that there is much difference between 'full of and 
 'borne by' which immediately precedes it. 
 
 It is likely enough that the expression in Acts 
 would be as objectionable to the orthodox in Asia 
 120-160 A.D. as it was in 2 Peter, and accordingly we 
 find that ' borne by the Holy Spirit ' is vouched for 
 by Tertullian, a Montanist, by Irenaeus, who was 
 a moderating influence between the Montanists and 
 the orthodox, and by the Bezan MS. D, while D 
 alone vouches for the expression applied to Judas 
 and Silas, 'full of the Holy Spirit.' It was no more 
 inconsistent with Luke's modesty to say that he was 
 a Prophet full of the Holy Spirit than for St Paul 
 to write to the Corinthians that the signs of an2Corxiii2. 
 Apostle had been wrought among them through him, 
 though he himself was nothing. It had been ordered 
 by the Twelve on a previous occasion that the church 
 at Jerusalem should select 'seven men of their ac vis. 
 number who were testified to be full of the Holy 
 
366 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 Ghost and wisdom.' But in like manner Jude and 
 A"" 33. Silas had just been selected for the office of Apostle 
 — at least as great an ofSce as that of the seven — one 
 in which the presence of the Holy Ghost was neces- 
 sary, and now it was a fact that this presence had 
 been vouchsafed. Still the words were, perhaps, 
 unnecessary for the narrative, and so Luke omitted 
 them on revision. The absence of the words could 
 not alter the importance of the past fact, and, where 
 it was a question of more words or fewer, he would 
 allow more consideration to what critical readers 
 might fancy than to the description which he might 
 himself prefer to have given at length. 
 
 Intimate knowledge of Silas on the part of the 
 writer of the Acts. 
 
 Ac XV 33. Returning now to the situation of Antioch, we 
 find that Jude and Silas spent some time there, 
 and then were duly dismissed with a blessing of 
 peace by the brethren to return to those who had 
 sent them as Apostles forth from Jerusalem. Now 
 comes the difficult verse. 'Now it seemed good' 
 (the (5e may be equally well translated 'now' or 
 ' but ' or ' and ' ) ' to Silas to remain there,' to which 
 ,8 adds, ' and Jude journeyed alone.' This would be 
 still clearer if we did more justice to the aorist 
 (eSoiev) and translated 'Now Silas decided to stay 
 
LUKE KNOWS SILAS' THOUGHTS 367 
 
 where he was' {avrov in its natural and classical 
 meaning, for we have never been told that 
 they started, though they had been solemnly dis- 
 missed with prayer and blessing), 'and Jude 
 went his journey alone' {^ovo^s Se 'lovSa? eTropeiQr,). 
 'And Paul and Barnabas were staying in Antioch.' 
 . . . Consequently when, five verses later, Paul 
 selects Silas as his companion, he is not obliged to 
 send for him to Jerusalem, as many critics suppose 
 that he was,i and as he might have done for all that 
 the Acts says to the contrary. So far the difficult 
 verse is quite easy. This is because we have so far 
 considered only the first draft of Luke, represented in 
 the Western Recension. Luke has put in a short 
 remark about himself as Silas. He has not said 
 why he decided to stay behind at Antioch. But 
 the two companions, Jude and he, who were accus- 
 tomed to their ' yoke-fellowship ' as Prophets, were 
 now, for some strong reason, at the eleventh hour, 
 compelled to part company by Silas' decision. This 
 may have been due to a presentiment or to some- 
 thing of higher sense. The brethren may have been 
 surprised, or may have seen nothing in it ; while yet 
 it would seem particularly important to Silas himself 
 Hence we find he inserted the account. It is just 
 one of those touches which a writer would at first 
 put in as part of his own experience, because he 
 saw how the sudden decision was overruled for good 
 1 E.g. Alford and Julicher quoted below. 
 
368 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 when Paul afterwards chose him as his companion. 
 On second thoughts, however, we can well perceive 
 how he would again omit the reference to his own 
 movements, and his own feelings, to be inferred on 
 his parting with his close friend Jude, although, 
 indeed, this parting was about to find a parallel 
 in the separation between Paul and Barnabas under 
 more painful conditions. 
 
 But the difficulty arises when we come to the 
 evidence of the greater MSS., which omit the whole 
 verse. Blass suggests that they omit it because the 
 eye of a copyist had wandered from the last word 
 of verse 33 avrov's to the last word avTov of verse 
 34. This seems very probable indeed. And it is 
 confirmed by the fact that D has a correction of 
 its own reading by the addition of Trpo? aOroi;?, which 
 makes imperfect sense by itself, and, if the remark 
 about Jude is added, no sense at all. Blass prints in 
 his text what the R.V. only prints in the margin, that 
 Silas decided to remain at Antioch. And he gives 
 the remark about Jude as part of the earlier text. 
 As such, it is really the better attested of the two 
 by textual evidence. If then we suppose that the 
 decision of Silas was left by Luke to stand in his 
 second draft of Acts, we may put the statement 
 alongside of that of the Western Recension con- 
 sidered above, that this was not his first visit 
 to Antioch, and that, remembering the day of re- 
 joicing long ago, he now stayed behind, a friend 
 
FAMILIARISING THE EAR 369 
 
 among friends, a Prophet amongst Prophets, a Jew 
 amongst Jews, but as eager as Paul and Barnabas 
 themselves to preach the Gospel of Jesus Messiah 
 in a larger sphere to the dispersed among the 
 Gentiles, and as well qualified by the gift of the 
 Holy Ghost for the work whereunto he was chosen. 
 
 At Corinth . the writer knows well St Paul's 
 method of preaching. 
 
 There is one statement in ^ which throws such 
 a light upon St Paul's method of preaching in the 
 Jewish synagogue, and which is so simply natural 
 in itself, that it must here be selected for mention. 
 It occurs in the account of his first visit to Corinth, 
 where he ' was discoursing in the synagogue every ac xviii ^ 
 sabbath-day and persuading both Jews and Greeks,' 
 when Silas and Timotheus came down from Mace- 
 donia to join him at last. Silas then was in a 
 position to know exactly what Paul was doing and 
 how he was trying to win these captious and quib- 
 bling Corinthians to the belief that Jesus was the 
 Messiah. And what says Luke in his first draft of 
 Acts on this verse .'' It runs thus : ' He was dis- 
 coursing and inserting the name of the Lord fesus, 
 and persuading not only Jews, but also Greeks. 
 5. And when both Silas and Timotheus ' — the both 
 
 is used because Timothy had gone back as far as 
 
 2 A 
 
370 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 Thessalonica/ while Silas had remained at Beroea, — 
 ' came down from Macedonia, Paul was pressing 
 them with the word,2 testifying to the Jews that 
 Jesus was the Messiah. 6. And when much talk was 
 taking place and scripture (i.e. LXX) texts were being 
 discussed in interpretation, some Jews began to oppose 
 and blaspheme.' Nothing could be more graphic 
 or explicit than this statement. It is natural that 
 it should be so, for the author of Acts was there — 
 at Corinth, He was not left behind at Philippi. 
 He shows us that St Paul's object was to persuade 
 the Jews that the Messiah had come, and to per- 
 suade any Greeks who attended the synagogue of 
 the same all-important truth. This object involved 
 much discussion of scripture-texts and of the fulfil- 
 ment of prophecy. The acceptance of prophecy 
 fulfilled was the main pivot upon which the belief 
 of his audience turned. He made use of his oppor- 
 tunity every Sabbath, as did the Lord Himself on 
 a memorable occasion at Nazareth, to show that 
 'to-day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears.' He 
 refers to this very teaching in his own Second Epistle 
 to the Corinthians, in a tone of regret as if for the 
 . Coriiii4 failures seen in his own ministration: 'But their 
 minds were hardened : for until this very day at the 
 
 ' See above, chap, iii p. 89. 
 
 ° This is Blass's conjectural rendering, and he reads ffucetxe tiJ Xlr/if 
 comparing Luke viii 45, xix 43 where the word occurs. He takes it to 
 mean that Paul was encouraged by the good news brought by Silas 
 and Timothy from Macedonia, i Th. iii 6 ff. 
 
P/iESSUJ^£ BY THE WORD 371 
 
 reading of the old covenant the same veil remaineth 
 unlifted ; which veil is done away in Messiah. But 
 unto this day, whensoever Moses is read, a veil 
 lieth upon their heart' Yet we have only to con- 
 trast the almost entire failure of his preaching at 
 Athens, where he was not addressing the members 
 of a Jewish synagogue, but Gentiles who were not 
 proselytes, in order to see how different was his 
 success when the fulfilment of prophecy was avail- 
 able for him as a main argument. The heathen 
 Athenians were not approachable through Jewish 
 prophecy : the heathens at Corinth who frequented 
 the synagogue were approached. St Paul carefully 
 adapted his discourses so as to familiarise the ear 
 of his audience with the sound of 'the Lord Jesus' 
 as 'Messiah,' in connexion with the more salient 
 prophecies of O.T. After his failure at Athens heiCorii4. 
 had come to Corinth ' in weakness and in fear and 
 in much trembling.' Slowly and gradually he ven- 
 tured to apply the pressure, by the word, which he 
 found in the conclusive fulfilment of scripture. On 
 the other hand, if the R.V. is right in giving in 
 Acts xviii 5; 'he was constrained by the word,' we 
 must understand either that he was wholly occupied 
 in delivering the message, or that he was hampered 
 and hindered on account of the Jews ; this latter is, 
 however, an objectionable rendering, first, because it 
 anticipates the antithetic remark ((5e) in the following 
 verse that the progress of the gospel provoked the 
 
372 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 active opposition of the Jews, and especially because 
 it was St Paul's regular opportunity and advantage 
 to deal with the Jews first ; it was his help and 
 not his hindrance. 
 
 Date of the Acts. 
 
 It remains for us in conclusion to consider how far 
 we can go in fixing a date for the composition of the 
 Acts. And here we welcome some very important 
 remarks by Harnack.^ He points out that Acts 
 xxviii 28 is a conclusion of the book which is not 
 wholly satisfactory to the author. He wanted to 
 exhibit the power of the Holy Ghost in the Apostles 
 as the witnesses of Christ, and to shew how this 
 power had brought the Gospel from Jerusalem to 
 Rome and made an entrance for it into the heathen 
 world, while the Jews involved themselves deeper 
 and deeper in rejection. To this idea the words of 
 xxviii 26-28 correspond, as a solemn conclusion of 
 the work. But the reader has become so much 
 interested in St Paul's life, especially in the wonder- 
 ful way in which his journey to Rome has been 
 brought about, that, though not strictly a part of 
 the intention of the book, he adds the information, 
 in 30-31, by way of appendix, that the prisoner, 
 
 ' Chronologie, i (1897), pp. 246-250. 
 
HARNACK AND OTHERS 373 
 
 transported at length to Rome, has there been allowed 
 to teach for two years without hindrance. 
 
 Harnack remarks that Luke had covered almost 
 exactly the same space in writing the Acts as he had 
 in writing the Gospel, and Matthew covers, again, 
 just about the same space. The portion of the task 
 which he had set himself was exhausted. Therefore 
 he has nothing more to say about St Paul's preaching 
 at Rome, except verses 30 and 31 ; just as he con- 
 cluded the Gospel with the briefest reference to the 
 Ascension. "Whether he intended to write a third 
 treatise is of course uncertain, for the subject which 
 he had set himself was really exhausted in the main, 
 and it is not easy to think of a point of view under 
 which a third part, of equal value to the first and 
 second parts, could have been added." 
 
 The last sentence does not seem to do justice either 
 to average powers of imagination or to the statement 
 of the Muratorian Canon referred to above (p. 105), 
 which so remarkably supports the view propounded 
 by Ramsay apparently on grounds independent of it. 
 It may be granted that the expression in Acts i i, 
 ' The first treatise,' need not be taken by itself as 
 conclusive proof that when it was written the author 
 had a third treatise ready on his pen: for it is possible 
 that Luke may have said ' first,' meaning only ' former.' 
 Still his Greek is so good that he is much more likely 
 to have used not irpwro^ but irporepos if he had meant 
 ' former ' as implying only two treatises. And the 
 
374 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 onus of proof that ' first ' is used here of two only lies 
 rather with the opponents of the view here maintained 
 that Luke wrote three historical treatises of which the 
 third is lost, though its contents were known to the 
 Muratorian writer. Everything falls into its proper 
 place if we assume that our Acts xxviii 31 is only the 
 conclusion of Part II of the historian's work. He did 
 not describe St Paul's trials at Rome in Part II 
 because he was going to describe them in Part III, 
 having already given us quite a plenty of Caesarean 
 trial reports in Acts. He did not describe St Paul's 
 journey to Spain for the same reason : he reserved 
 them for Part III. He did not refer to St Peter after 
 chapter xv for the same reason. He ended Part II 
 as he has done knowing that Part III was to follow 
 its close. 
 
 It is not easy for us — and this reply may fairly be 
 made to Harnack — to say what priceless information 
 might not have been afforded by Luke in Part III, 
 nor why it should not have contained twenty chapters 
 similar to the narrative of travels and trials in 
 xiii-xxviii. Had we possessed it, whole libraries of 
 books which theologians have written would have 
 been written in a very different sense. But when we 
 find that 2 Peter was suppressed, only not quite 
 absolutely and effectively, and when we have cause 
 to hold that its suppression 1 was due to fear on 
 the part of the orthodox majority that it might 
 
 ^ See The Christian Prophets, pp. 150 ff. 
 
PART HI TO FOLLOW 375 
 
 countenance the errors of Montanism, we may keep at 
 any rate an open mind on the question whether the 
 same influence had not been active in causing the 
 suppression of Luke's third treatise. It was not 
 believed in those days, even after the destruction 
 of Jerusalem, that the world was to last long; it 
 was not supposed that unnumbered generations of 
 Christians would desire to know the history of their 
 origin as a Church. Nor can we say that the sup- 
 pression, however practised, was intended to be a 
 final and absolute destruction. It did not seem to the 
 suppressors, if any, to be so heinous or so reckless a 
 suppression as it does to us. 
 
 To return to Harnack's view of the more exact 
 determination of the date. Having set aside, too 
 hastily as it seems to me, the idea of the existence 
 of Part III, he decides that Acts was not written 
 in 70 and the next following years, for had it been 
 written then, the author must have employed the 
 destruction of Jerusalem for his purpose. [But did 
 he not do this in Part III .'] He holds, with 
 'almost all investigators,' that the Gospel of Luke 
 is written after 70 : much more, therefore, is Acts 
 written after 70. But for this pressure by the 
 Gospel towards a later date, he would be tempted 
 to go back again to before 70; but now we must 
 go on to about 80 for Acts.' On the other hand, 
 
 ' This reasoning, as if the Acts could not have been completed within 
 5 or 10 years of its preceding, volume Luke, seems to be far from con- 
 
376 ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 two powerful considerations forbid us to go later 
 than about 93, the later part of Domitian's reign. 
 (i) The writer of Acts never uses the Epistles of 
 Paul as sources of his history nor as a reserve of 
 doctrine.! "This fact is most striking — inconceiv- 
 able, I think,'' says Harnack, "if the author wrote 
 in Asia Minor, Greece, Macedonia, or Rome — and 
 it goes strongly against a later date than 100. How 
 accurately known, how familiarly used, by Clement, 
 Barnabas, Ignatius, and Polycarp are the Pauline 
 Epistles ! The difficulty cannot be solved by saying 
 that the author of Acts was unwilling to use them 
 Ac xiii 38 f. for reasons of tendency, either as concerns the 
 doctrine or as concerns the history." (2) When 
 Acts was written, " the relations between the 
 Church and the Roman state were, so to speak, of 
 a naif character. Thus alone can we explain the 
 freedom of the narrative from prepossession : some- 
 times it represents the Government as friendly, 
 sometimes as hostile, sometimes as indifferent. 
 Even the heathen multitudes feel, as yet, no per- 
 
 vincing. The materials for Acts had been collected long before 7S> 
 upon the reasonable hypothesis that St Peter and St Paul and 
 St Philip or his daughters were the sources of all beside the 
 We-portion. There seems to be no reason why it should not have 
 appeared within two years or less of the appearance of the third 
 Gospel. 
 
 ' Sabatier, Biblioth. de VEcole des hautes etudes. Reville, Etudes de 
 critique et d'histoire. Salmon, Int. to N.T., 1885, p. 398 ; quoted by 
 Harnack. Zahn, Ei>tl. ii p. 408. 
 
PAUL AND ROME 377 
 
 manent irritation against the Christians and the 
 monstrous 'flagitia nomini cohaerentia,' outrages 
 sticking to the Name, lie still outside the purview 
 of the book. This points to the time," Harnack 
 thinks, "before the Domitianic persecution, that is 
 before the last years of Domitian's reign, and there- 
 fore nearly coincides with the limits of time which 
 have been drawn above from the non-use of the 
 Pauline Epistles." Attempts have been made to 
 explain this attitude of the work as being political. 
 Julicheri has gone so far as to say that Paul is 
 represented in Acts as a Roman citizen when he 
 was not, in order that the great Apostles might 
 seem in 160 A.D. to have enjoyed the friendly 
 esteem of Rome in 60 A.D. Even the silence about 
 St Paul's martyrdom has been thus explained. 
 " But such Tendency-criticism is not to be allowed 
 wherever we can explain a phenomenon on natural 
 grounds. There is nothing here to forbid us to 
 take the simple datum simply. Before 93 it was 
 possible for a historian to describe the relation of 
 Church and State as uncertain, in fact, as much 
 without a basis of principle as the author of Acts 
 describes it." 
 
 The date, therefore, 80-93 A.D. for the composi- 
 tion of Acts must be considered very probable. 
 Harnack sees nothing in the book to conflict with 
 this estimate or do violence to it. It would be 
 
 ^Jahrb. fur Protest. Theol, Leipzig, 1882, p. 543. 
 
378 TRACES OF THE ORIGIN OF ACTS 
 
 subject to objection if it were proved i that use 
 has been made of Josephus in Acts ; but the proof 
 is not conclusive. Moreover, the period is far 
 enough removed from the lifetime of Paul to 
 explain all the actual displacements of interests 
 and ideas which divide the book " from the author- 
 ship of Paul and from the Christian interests and 
 struggles of 40-50 A.D." 
 
 If Acts proceeded from this period — Dr. Sanday^ 
 would prefer to stick closer to 80 A.D., and I agree 
 with him — then 93 would be also the terminus ad 
 quem of the Gospel of St Luke, and we could date 
 it with probability 78-93. Such is Harnack's con- 
 clusion, which, I cannot but think, requires to be 
 modified by a computation of the probable age 
 of Silas in accordance with the observations of the 
 present volume upon his identity with the author 
 of Acts. 
 
 ^In spite of V.xexik^, Josephus und Lucas (1894). Belser, Tiibinger 
 Theol. Quartalschr. , 1895, p. 634 ff. The reference is Harnack's. 
 'Inspiration (1893), p. 449. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS. 
 
 Aceldama 286 
 Acts, contents of 13 : 
 unfinished 35, 80, 86 : 
 in 3 parts 41, 80, 374 f: 
 prophetic in character 76 : 
 unique in value 266 : 
 date 15, 372 f: 
 general effect 266 : 
 little known in early Church 
 
 267 : 
 genuine 272 f, 313 f, 268 : 
 conciliation of Peter and 
 
 Paul in 272, 319 : 
 not romance 272, 313 fif : 
 a selection 273, 326, 337 : 
 Hebraic and classical 274 : 
 parallelism of 275, 319 ff, 
 
 326 f: 
 Bk of Enoch in 276 f, 281 : 
 not meant to deceive 282, 
 
 365: 
 parenthesis in 293, 313 
 
 Adam 297 
 Agrippa I 351-353 
 Alford 169, 367 n 
 Ananias 312, 341 f 
 Andronicus iB 
 Angels 309 f, 325, 346 ff 
 
 Angels looking into future 
 122, 128 
 fallen 140, 178, 233 
 of punishment 1 40 
 = messengers, 349, 33 1 
 
 Anna 22 
 
 Antichrist 67 ff 
 
 Antioch, Church at 13, 15, 40, 
 84, 163, 176, 356 f, 358, 
 363- 366-369 
 
 Antitype 297, see Restitution 
 
 Antonia 273, 350 
 
 Apocalypse 36, 119, anti- 
 Roman 68 : see Revelation 
 
 Apocryphal books 130 
 
 Apostasy 70 ff 
 
 Apostles 20: numerous 21, 
 27, 83 : duties 125, 248 : 
 how received 2 7 : are Pro - 
 phets on circuit 2 7 ff, 40 f, 
 82, 202, 248 : name in 
 O.T. 29, 246 : Jesus is 
 one 30 : end of their age 
 242 n : false 263 
 
 Apostolic succession 32 
 
 Aquila 169, 284, r8: name z 
 
 Aquila version of 74, 287 n 
 
 Archelaus 353 n 
 
 379 
 
38o INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Aristarchus a Jew 38, 97, 106, 
 
 225 
 Aristides 14 
 Aristion 2 
 Aristobulus 18 
 Ark, see Deluge 
 'As' in Luke 157, 301, 311 
 Athronges 331-337 
 
 Babel 276, 297, 300 
 Babylon 77, 177 
 Balaam 233 f, 254 f, 262, 309 
 Baptism 150, 207, 243 n: of 
 
 Jesus 301, 304, 325 
 Barbarians 80 f 
 Barjonas 2 
 Barnabas 6, 13 f, 16, 39, 65, 
 
 83,89 
 Bartholomew 2 
 Baur, F. C. 219 
 'Beast' 232 n 
 Bebb, Mr L. 152 
 Benjamin 19, 48, 50, 54 f 
 Beroea 55, 86, 88 ff, 97 
 Bezan MS 99, loi, and see 
 
 Western Recension 
 Bible, ignorance of 267 
 Bishops 32 
 ' Bishop' 293, 302 
 Blass, Dr Fr. 46, 51, 65, 69, 
 
 82, 98 ff, 102, 268, 283, 
 
 286 n, 293, 297, 309 f, 
 
 3i2>33o> 34t, 349 f> 3S8, 
 
 361, 370 n 
 'Blind' in 2 Pet 150, 174 
 'Bond' 168 
 
 Caesarea 65, 74, 100, 252, 
 
 3°9> 352 f 
 Cam 333, 23s, 262 
 
 Candler, Mr H. 319 
 Captain of Host 45 
 Cenchraea 71 
 Charles, Dr 69, 134, 276 f 
 Chase, Dr 115, 146 
 'Christians' 14, 216 f 
 Chrysostom 267 f 
 Churchwardens 96 ff 
 Circular epistle 17, 212 ff, 227 
 Circumcision 38, 60 f, 65, 225 
 Claudius Apollinaris 306 
 Claudius Lysias 74 
 Clement Alex. 242 n 
 Clement Rom. 49, 126 
 Clermont-Ganneau, M. 9 n 
 'Colossians' 103 ff, 212, 227 f 
 Communion Holy 26, 60, 236, 
 
 2SS> 263 
 Continuity of the Church 1 5 
 Corinth 69, 8q, 94 f, 259, 
 
 369 ff 
 'Corinthians' 92, 95, 256, 
 
 259 ff> 370 
 Cornelius 323, 349-354 
 'Corner-stone' 188 ff, 149, 
 
 166, 171, 291, 321 
 'Corruption' 304, 260 
 Cyprus 65 
 Cyrene 19 
 
 Damascus 273, 344 
 
 Daniel, Book of 20, 67 ff, 23, 
 
 71 ff> 145 
 Date of Acts 15, 372 ff 
 of Peter's conversion 353 
 of Jude's Epistle24i,252 
 Davidson, Dr S. 8, 82, 156 
 Decrees of Jerusalem 62, 363 
 Deluge 131, 137 fif, 207, 297 ff, 
 302 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 381 
 
 Demas 106 
 Denial 134, 242 
 Derbe 97 
 
 Descent to Hades, 167, 205 ff 
 ' Description,' see Report. 
 Dialect 285 ff 
 
 Diary in Acts 34-36, 40, 79, 
 81, lOI f 
 
 ' Dispersion ' of Jews 1 7 8, 1 86, 
 
 284 n, 369 
 Dium 89 
 Doberus 98 
 ' Door of faith' 19, 65 
 Dreams 237 
 Driver, Dr 303 ff 
 
 Ecclesiasticus 21, 23, 232, 
 246, 256 
 
 Ecstasy 307-313, 25, 36, ii8, 
 348 f, 364 : phrases for 
 349 : not physical removal 
 
 349- 
 Eden 297 
 
 Egnatian Road 53-55 
 Eighth Week 141, 145, 148 
 Elamites 298 
 Elders 32, 62 f, 172, 237, see 
 
 Prophets 
 Elijah 278, 300 
 Elimination from Acts 79, 86 
 Emendations 105, 135, 144, 
 
 280 n 
 Emperor-worship 68 
 Enoch, Book of 76, 123,128 ff, 
 
 134 ff) 139 ff. 14S. 174, 
 232, 241 n, 244 n, 250, 
 276 ff, 297 ff 
 
 Epaenetus 18 
 
 Epaphras 4, 38, 106 
 
 Epaphroditus 31, 108 
 
 'Ephesians' 17, 103, 107, 
 176, 179,183-229: quotes 
 Enoch 281 : not 2nd cen- 
 tury 204, 219 ff: just 
 after i Pet 206, 227 : 
 title and address 213 f, 
 218: genuine 219-223: 
 needed 227 
 
 Ephesus 64, 69 ff, 97 f, 214, 
 223, 273 
 
 Erastus 31 
 
 Eucharist 26, 60 
 
 Europe = Promised Land 43, 
 45> 48, 84 
 
 Eutychus 59 
 
 EvangeHsts 202 n 
 
 Eyewitness 87, 350 
 
 Ezekiel 121 
 
 Fadus 329, 333, 335 
 Faith 243 
 Farrar, Dean 156 
 'Fast' 37, 168, 340 ff 
 Fire of earth 133 ff 
 
 on Sinai 290 
 
 at Pentecost 290, 301 f 
 Florinus Ep. to 63 
 Forgiveness 28 
 Fourth Gospel 341 
 ' Fulfilment ' 36, 42, 48-64, 124 
 ff, 165, 29s ff, 299, 306, 
 321 ff. 3SS. 370 etc. 
 
 Gaius 97 ff 
 Galatia 97 f 
 'Galatians' 163, 169, 171, 
 
 173. '75 
 Galgala = Gangas 53 
 
 Gamaliel 327, 329 n, 335 
 Gentile Christians 19, 62, 77 
 
382 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Gentiles, their offerings 72, 96 
 formerly proselytes 186, 221 
 Gibeonites 44 
 Gilgal 44, 52, S3 
 Gwynn, Dr 71 
 
 ' Habitation ' 293 
 
 Haggai 291, 321 
 
 Hallel 288-292 
 
 Harnack, Dr3i7, 348, 364 ff, 
 
 ?7> 34 
 
 Harris, Dr Rendel 268, 350, 
 362 
 
 'Healer' 104 
 
 Healing 337 
 
 Heathens 74, 81, 219 ff, 186 
 
 Hegesippus 273 
 
 Herod 322, 330 n, 331, 
 349-353: important to 
 Rome 352 n 
 
 Herodion 18 
 
 ' Hidden suggestions '126 
 
 Hill-country 22 
 
 Holtzmann 220 
 
 Hort, Dr 14, 18, 46, 57, 119 
 ff, 127, 135, 143, 179, 
 180, 193, 212, 213, 214, 
 216, 218, 226, 293 
 
 " House of the Great King ' 
 128, 141 ff, 187, 198, 
 206, 218, 234 f, 250 n, 
 279, 290, 299, 321 
 
 Husbandmen 196 
 
 Ignatius 168, 250 n 
 'In' 157 
 Inspiration 231 
 Intention to write 130, 173 
 Irenaeus 63, 274, 309, 365 
 'Is' 13-16, 174, 215 
 
 Isaiah quoted 188-192, 211, 
 
 301 
 Italian band 11, 352 n 
 
 James, St 15, 65 f 
 Jason 18, 58, 97 
 Jericho 45, 48 f, 53 
 Jerusalem 273, 284, 292 : fall 
 
 of 231, 238, 316, 375 
 Jesus, name 2 : in inscr. God 
 
 69 
 Jesus, an Apostle (Prophet) 
 
 30 : Lord 215 f: (Joshua) 
 
 42, 52, 60-63, 79, 167 
 Jews hostile 69, 370 ; with 
 
 Christians 76 ff, 171, 
 
 220-227, 231, 260. See 
 
 Dispersion 
 Joel 167, 237, 296 
 John of Ephesus 68, 77, 79, 
 
 154 : Epistles of 68 
 John Baptist 83, 145, 243 n 
 John Mark 83 f, 106, 166, 
 
 347 
 Jordan 45> 5^ 
 Joseph 2 : of Arimathea 22 
 Josephus 239, 327-337, 352 f, 
 
 378 
 Judas Iscariot 287, 293 f 
 Judas of Galilee 328 ff 
 Judas = Jude 17, 83, 112, 
 
 252 f, 258 f 
 Jude Epistle of 26, 230-265 
 date of 230, 241 f, 252 : 
 analysis 231 ff: related 
 to 2 Peter 130 : does not 
 copy it 245 : preserved 
 
 259 
 Judgment 141, 157 
 Jiilicher, Dr 79, 367 n, 377 
 
IMDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Justin Martyr 21, 274, 308 f, 
 
 327 
 Juvenal 282 
 
 'Kinsmen' St Paul's 184 
 
 Kitto Dr 75 
 
 Korah 233, 235, 254, 262 
 
 Language of the world one 
 282 : Greek 283 : or 
 dialect 286 
 Law on Sinai 290 
 Lewin, Mr T. 53, 57, 91 f 
 Lightfoot, Bp4, 5, 21, 32, 53, 
 81, 87, 107 ff, 175, 212, 
 228 
 Lightfoot, Dr John 289, 294 
 ' Lion' 158 
 Lord's Day 26 
 Lord's Supper 26, 60, 255, 
 
 263 
 Lot 58, 255 
 Lottery 47 f, 71, 56 
 Love-feasts 255, 263 
 Lucanus 1 i f 
 Lucius 13, 17-19 
 Luke, with Paul 13, 84, 89, 
 91, 99, no, 164, 224: 
 at Corinth 261, 369 fif: 
 at Philippi 87 ff, 104, 109, 
 
 361: 
 at Antioch 356-369 : 17 f 
 with Peter 340, 258 f: 
 with Demas 38 : 
 a Jew 37 f, 81, 78, 102, 164: 
 not a Greek 78 : 
 not a lawyer 105 : 
 ? physician 103 ff, 150 : 
 a prophet 293, 301, 357, 
 361 etc 
 
 383 
 
 Luke, not the Macedonian 
 44, 84 : 
 a Roman citizen 78, 81 : 
 is Silas 75 etc : 
 a mediator 275, 324: 
 wrote 2 Peter 75, m, ii6, 
 
 15s. 195-197: 
 wrote I Peter 14 n, 160 f, 
 
 .113-150: 
 did not write Eph 183 : 
 wrote ji of Acts 361, 367 : 
 wrote a of Acts 361 : 
 style IIS, 153. 156, 160, 
 
 365. 373: 
 parallelism, see Parallelism 
 modesty 364-366 : 
 accuracy 352, 327-336: 
 candour 348, 282, 302, 348, 
 
 356: 
 knows Silas intimately 366, 
 
 37o> 361 : 
 explains Psalms 293, 320, 
 
 324, 338, 355 : 
 parenthesis in speeches 293, 
 
 313 : 
 ignorant of Montanism 365 : 
 Gospel of 36, 82, 173, 249 
 
 ff- 325> 356, 373. 378: 
 classical 279 n, 349, 367, 
 
 .373 
 Lydia 48 ff 
 Lystra 98 
 
 Macedonia 46, 48, 53-57, 63, 
 
 86, 95, 97, 224, 370 
 Maclear, Dr 232 n 
 Magic 338 f 
 Man of Sin 68 
 Manaen 17 
 Maranatha 26 
 
384 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Maria 2, 18 
 
 Mark, Gospel of 251, 325 n, 
 
 194, 196 
 Martineau, Dr 216, 285 n, 
 
 313-320 
 Matthew, Gospel of 286 n, 
 
 294, 196 
 Medes 298 
 Melita 273, 79, 81 
 Menander 308 
 Messiah 21 f, 44, 67, 76, 119, 
 
 125, 370 
 Michael 233, 255 
 Military forces 352 ff, 74 
 Miriam 2, 18 
 Mnason 65 
 ' Mockers ' 244 
 Montanists 375, 294, 306, 
 
 360, 362, 364 f 
 ' Montanist interpolations ' 
 
 100, 362 
 Moses 278, 322 : the first 
 
 Prophet 30, 61, 166 
 Muratorian fragment 80, 341, 
 
 374 : emended 105 
 Mure, Col. 326 
 
 Names of Jews i ff 
 Nathaniel 2 
 Nazirite vow 66 
 Nero 68, 338 
 Ninth week 141 
 Noah 178, 278 
 Norman, H. 285 n 
 
 Origen 56, 216 
 
 Papias 293 
 
 Parables 194 ff, 253, 260, 
 279 n 
 
 Parallelism 320-325 
 Parthians 298 
 Pastoral Epistles 77 
 Paul, St, a Prophet 42, 50, 52, 
 60, 89, 99, 148, 202 : 
 
 at Athens 77, 89, 371 : 
 
 at Miletus 64 : 
 
 at Antioch 367 : 
 
 at Rome 107, 211 f, 224, 
 372: 
 
 in Spain 80 : 
 
 at Corinth 345, 369 ; 
 
 in peril 72 ff, 96 : 
 
 his humility 66 : 
 
 ' weakness ' 7 1, 89, 265 : 
 
 modesty 365 : 
 
 sphere of work 223 ff: 
 
 Roman leanings 77, 261, 
 
 377: 
 use of O.T. 119, 188 ff, 370: 
 quotes LXX 191, 370 : 
 did not use the Gospels 193, 
 
 215; 
 modifies his language 210 : 
 relations with Peter 161, 
 
 223 ff : 
 'conversion' 311 ff, 322 ; 
 bhndness 311, 342 : 
 ? saw Jesus 311; 
 visions etc 345 : 
 identified with Antichrist 
 
 67 ff: 
 observes the law 66, 72 : 
 his Epp. quoted by Fathers 
 
 376 
 Pentecost 145 n, 283-292 ; 
 
 fire at 290, 301 f: wind 
 
 at 301 f 
 Peter, name 3 : 
 prophet 166 ff: 
 
INDEX OF iXAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 385 
 
 Peter, martyr 80, 374 : 
 
 in error 349 : 
 
 in prison 323, 346-349, 354- 
 .356: 
 
 his vision 346 : 
 
 ' conversion ' dated 353 : 
 
 at Rome 1 1 1, 162, 212, 248, 
 354: 
 
 not a Greek scholar 112, 
 170, 181, 184: 
 
 character 161, 355 : 
 
 career 175, 258: 
 
 lines of his teaching 166 : 
 
 eyewitness 341 
 'i Peter' 42, 105 etc: by 
 Luke for Peter, 14, in, 
 117, 146, 160, 169: 
 quotes O.T. 117: Chris- 
 tian Prophets in 1 1 8, 1 2 9 : 
 parallel with 2 P. 129 f; 
 style 156 ff: contrasted 
 with Paul's 177 : does 
 not copy Rom 193 ff, nor 
 Eph 180, 206 : related to 
 Eph 179-210 
 ' 2 Peter ' by Luke for Peter 
 
 111, 117, 160, 173 f, 257, 
 365 : dangerous 100, 105, 
 364: related to 'Jude' 
 
 112, 231, 244 f, 253 ff: 
 quotes O.T. 117 : Zahn's 
 date for 231 ; parallel 
 with I P. 129 f: style 
 146, 156 ff, 247 : genuine 
 156, 174, 181 : to whom 
 addressed 231 : uses 
 Enoch 279 ff: suppressed 
 
 364, 374 
 Philemon 106 
 Philip 65, 166, 309 
 
 Philippi 42, 46-53, 87 f, 90, 
 98, 102, 108 f 
 
 ' Philippians ' 106 ff, 211 
 
 Philo 14 
 
 Pierian 46 
 
 'Pit' 304 
 
 'Place of Prayer' 42, 51, 53 
 
 Plummer, Dr 38, 115 
 
 Plutarch 50, 355 
 
 Pontus 169 
 
 ' Poor in spirit ' 2 2 
 
 'Portion' 42, 46 ff, 53, 89, 
 224 
 
 ' Potter's field ' 286 n 
 
 ' Power ' = spirit 155 
 
 'Praises, Great' 288 
 
 Prayerbook, obsolete 295 
 
 Prisca, Priscilla, 3, 18, 169 
 
 Prison, Spirits in 139 : apostles 
 in 354: Peter in 323, 
 346 ff 
 
 Pronunciation 287 
 
 Prophecy disappearing men- 
 tion of it in a loi, 271, 
 359 : oral 7, 244 f, 248 : 
 written 124, 241 : false 
 
 237> 294 
 Prophets 15, 17, 19 ff, 65 etc : 
 their functions 21, 28, 36, 
 
 43. 125, 129, 201, 248: 
 themes 39, 166 f, 171, 2 1 ff : 
 continuity 24, 29, 118, 125, 
 
 129, 199 f: 
 Hmitations 122, 125, 130: 
 rules in session 24 f, 125, 
 
 258, 340: 
 on circuit 25, 27 : = Apostles 
 27 ff, 40 f, 82, 202, 248 : 
 fasting 340 : reports 35 
 259 : two and two 82 f : 
 
 21! 
 
386 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Prophets, name ' servants ' 24, 
 
 . 3ij 109' 322: 
 Moses the first 31 : 
 how received 27, 168: 
 guided 53 : 
 in O.T. 29, 119 f : 
 numerous 27 : 
 Jesus one 30 : 
 St Paul one 42, 64, 89 ; 
 Rahab one 49 : 
 prostration to 168, 342 : 
 use of O.T. 188-193, 198 
 Proselytes 77, 186, 225-227, 
 
 260, 284, 352 n, 371 
 Psalms xvi 304 : cvii 356 : 
 cxlvi 291, 321, 355 : 
 cxviii see Cornerstone 
 Davidic 304 : on future 
 life 305 ; used by Jews 
 288-292, 321 
 Pyrrhus 97 
 Pythoness 50 
 
 'Quo vadis?' 354 
 Quotation of O.T. 116 ff, 157 
 etc 
 of other works 131 
 
 Rabbis 290 
 Rahab 48 f 
 
 Ramsay, Prof. 14, 17, 34) 42' 
 44, 47, 78, 82, 85, 107 
 
 269, 358, 359 n 
 'Refraction of history' 317 
 Renan, E. 328 
 ' Reports,' ' narratives ' 35, 40 
 
 259, 362 
 ' Restitution ' = antitype 297 
 
 300, 316 
 Resurrection 306 
 
 Revelation 119, 129, 157, 
 199-202 
 
 R.V. 65, 80, 107, 119, 199, 
 200, 203, 234, 241, 249, 
 258, 264 f, 286 n, 302, 
 3°6, 3o7j 3°9. 349. 363. 
 36S> 368, 371 
 
 ' Right hand ' 304 
 
 Robinson, Dr Armitage 181 
 
 Rome, in prophecy 68, 77, 
 177: 
 Church at 18, 38 n, 211, 225 
 
 'Romans' 188, 210, 223, 226 
 
 Samaria 252 f, 306 
 
 Sanday, Dr 22, 184, 242, 378 
 
 Saul name 2 : Prophet 17 
 
 Scales 301 
 
 Scarlet thread 49 
 
 Schleiermacher 85 
 
 Schmiedel, Dr 41, 66 
 
 Schurer, Dr 284, 328-334,351 f 
 
 Searching the O.T. 1 18 fif 
 
 Sebaste 251 
 
 Second century 273 
 
 Secundus 97 
 
 Self-contradictions of author 
 326 
 
 Selo = Shiloh 48, 56 
 
 Seufert, Dr 180 
 
 Seven gifts, spirits 149 f, 154 
 
 Seven steps 350 
 
 Seventy disciples 31 
 
 Silanus 9 
 
 Silas name 3, 6, 9 ; not short 
 for Silvanus 5, 170 : ' sent' 
 6 : ' third ' 7, 10, 94 : 
 ' captain ' 7 f: Salvas 104 : 
 a Prophet 31, 35, 166, 
 295-298, 365 ff: 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 387 
 
 Silas an Apostle 83 
 
 a Roman citizen 46, 80 f 
 a classical scholar 12, see 
 
 I Peter etc 
 not a carrier in, 160 
 not Lucius 17 
 'the brother whose praise 
 
 etc ' 92 
 disappears 90 f 
 at Troas 43, 58, 87 : 
 at Philippi 86, 109, 370 
 at Beroea 88 ff, 95, 370 
 at Antioch 357, 366 ff 
 with Jude 364 ff, see Luke 
 with St Paul 84-88, 148, 
 
 170, 366 
 in Epistles 91 ff 
 modesty 8, 17, 91, 102, 
 
 107, 161, 165, 364 
 wrote Acts 85 f, 362 etc 
 
 Siloaro 8 
 
 Silvanus name 3, 5, 9, 90- 
 95, 160 : god 12 : hand 
 of 169 f — see Silas 
 
 Simon Magus 307 ff 
 
 Smith, Dr Adam 344 
 
 Sodom 58, 233, 255, 261 
 
 Solomon 279, 300 
 
 Sopater, Sosipater 97, 102, 18 
 
 Spain, journey to 80, 374 
 
 Spies 45, 84 
 
 Spirit Holy 149, 154, 364 ff: 
 of God 143 : prophetic 
 28, 99 f, 118 f, 154 
 
 ' Spirit of Jesus ' 42, 44, 100 : 
 'of Christ' 43, 125, 256 
 
 'Spirits in prison' 139 
 
 Stars 139 
 
 Statesman, St Paul a 42, 47 
 
 Stephen, St 316, 325 
 
 Stone of stumbling 150, 188- 
 
 199 
 Strangers and sojourners 178, 
 
 186, 205 
 Style 114, 156, see Luke, i 
 
 and 2 Peter 
 'Superstructure' 276, 290, 
 
 299 
 Symeon 22, 341 : Niger 13 
 Synagogue 57, 62, 86 
 
 Tabernacle 250 
 
 Teaching of XII App. 25 ff 
 
 Temple 300 : St Paul in 340 ff 
 
 Tennyson 124, 128, 318 
 
 Tertius 7, 94 
 
 Tertullian 274, 365 
 
 Text criticism 271 
 
 Theodorus 2, 7, 331 
 
 Thessalonica 42, 48, 56 ff, 69, 
 88 f, 97, 102, 273, 370 
 
 ' I Thessalonians ' 78, 89, 91 
 
 ' 2 Thessalonians ' 68, 70 
 
 Theudas 327-337 
 
 'Times' 77, 119, 145 
 
 Timothy 18, 31, 47, circum- 
 cised 60, 84 f, 89, 91, 93, 
 97 f, 102, 106, no, 369 
 
 Titus 61, 92, no 
 
 Tobit 302, 312 
 
 Tongue-speaking 203, 281- 
 289, 295, 300 
 
 Tradition 25, n4, 214 
 
 Troas 43 f, 58 
 
 'Troop' 336 
 
 Trophimus 93, 97 f, 102, no 
 
 Tychicus 31, 97 f, 102, no, 
 
 213 
 Types 42-59. 232, 264, 300 ff, 
 etc. 
 
388 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Uncircumcision 187 — see 
 
 Proselytes, Heathens 
 Understanding 163 
 Unity of Church 204 
 'Unsearchable' 203 
 
 Virgil 12 
 Visions 340 f, 345 
 
 VVe-document 33 ff, 86, 96, loi 
 not a foreign work 34 
 is only memory 85, 357 f 
 by a Jew 37 : by a Prophet 
 
 39 f 
 
 by Silas 41, 84, 88, 90, 363 
 ? is one by Barnabas 39 
 runs into context 40, 82, 85, 
 
 90 
 same style with Acts 41,81 
 are there two? 85, 357 
 disappearing 359 
 absence of We xoi 
 is it a Travel-document? 
 
 359 
 is it of Antioch? 359 
 
 more may be found 358 
 combined with ^ reading 
 360 
 'Week,' prophetic 76, 145 n, 
 
 278 f 
 Weiss, Dr B. 226 
 
 Westcott, Bp 105, 273, see 
 Hort 
 
 Western recension (/S) of Acts 
 51, 82, 65, 79, 86, 99- 
 loi, 310, 312, 340, 349, 
 
 3S6> 358. 362 
 by Luke 268 ff 
 is first draft 269, 310, 350, 
 
 356-36°. 368 
 its character 270 f, 361 
 proves Acts genuine 270 
 combined with We 360 
 theories about 360 
 supplies facts 349 etc, 366 
 Witch of Endor 50 
 Wordsworth, Bp. Chr. 37 
 Works, St Paul on 210 
 'Written down' 135, 141 
 'Wrongdoer' 171 
 
 'Yoke-fellow' 88, 107 -f, 112, 
 367 
 
 Zahn, Dr T. 89, 127, 183, 
 188, 194, 202, 213, 219- 
 221, 223, 226, 228, 230, 
 238 f, 244 f, 250 f, 255, 
 257. 261 n, 317, 328 f 
 
 Zarephath 59 
 
 Zechariah 246, 286 n, 290, 
 321 
 
 Zimmer, Dr 9 
 
 GLASGOW ; I-RINTED AT THE UNIVEKSITV I'KESS BV ROBERT MACLEHOSB ANOrCO. 
 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 The Christian Prophets and 
 the Prophetic Apocalypse. 
 
 pp. 263 + XV. and indices. Price 6s. Macmillan, 1900. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 London Quarterly Review. — We may call attention to the vigour 
 of style, the fair-minded treatment of opposing views, the adequate scholar- 
 ship, the close grasp of the literature of the subject as features which 
 render the book worthy of serious study. Whether convinced by its 
 reasoning or not, the student of the Apocalypse and its problems will 
 admit it to be a stimulating and valuable piece of work. 
 
 Church Quarterly Review, — It would be difficult to read Dr. 
 Selwyn's book without admiring the scholarly industry and care which he 
 has bestowed upon the details and various bearings of his subject. . . . 
 Dr. Selw7n has some passages on ' leading ideas ' of the Apocalypse which 
 deserve attention, and he has carefully studied some of its most interesting 
 problems. 
 
 S.iTURDAV Review. — Dr. Selwyn has marshalled the ai'guments from 
 language, style, and theology very sti'ongly against the unity of authorship. 
 
 Scottish Guardian. — Whatever we may think of Dr. Selwyn's con- 
 clusions, there is much that is very suggestive in this book. 
 
 Guardian. — Dr. Selwyn's book is interesting and helpful to the student 
 of the Apocalypse. We hope all such will procure it. They will learn much 
 from it. 
 
 St. James's Gazette. — Dr. Selwyn has made one of the recent additions 
 to the literature (of the Apocalypse) of real value, a book which every 
 student of this difficult problem should read. 
 
 Scotsman. Dr. Selwyn writes in a calm and clear and restrained 
 
 manner, and commends himself to the reader not less by the sobriety of his 
 judgments than the abundance of his research. That the treatise will 
 commend universal acceptance is not to be expected, but those who are 
 interested in the important subject discussed will find in it much that is 
 both informative and suggestive. 
 
 Glasgow Herald.— An interesting and somewhat novel theory is pro- 
 pounded in this learned essay. It is a piece of scholarly work, and will 
 doubtless afford food for much discussion among Biblical critics. 
 
Christian World. — The Head Master of Uppingham deserves the 
 thanks of New Testament students for this piece of acute, scholarly 
 criticism. Some of his conclusions may seem startling and his differences 
 with Westcott, Lightfoot, Zahn, and Harnack rather audacious. But the 
 author is one of those who think one of the worst misfortunes that can 
 befal theology, or any other study, is that a writer, however accurate or 
 powerful, should be supposed to be above criticism. . . . All these posi- 
 tions . . . are maintained with a wealth of learning, wit, and caution that 
 carry conviction. , . . We hope Dr. Selwyn will write a larger book on 
 the subject, which he knows as few do. 
 
 Expository Times.— Dr. Selwyn has mastered his subject. . . It is 
 a study in early Church History of the most interesting kind. 
 
 Churchwoman.— The questions he raises bristle with both difficulty 
 and interest, and our more scholarly readers will enjoy breaking a lance 
 with this liberal but careful student. 
 
 Outlook. — Dr. Selwyn has dared to be independent. 
 
 Critical Review. — With some reason the author speaks of his subject 
 as one that relates to "the most important body of teachers and the most 
 characteristic kind of teaching which have ever escaped notice, in their 
 specific features, by theologians ancient and modern." It is strange that 
 this important field of study should have been so persistently overlooked, 
 and that the Prophets of the N.T. should have been so little regarded. . 
 Dr. Selwyn does something to remove the reproach. . . . There is a 
 good deal in this book that is fresh and interesting and provocative of 
 thought. . . It has the great merit of being interesting and suggestive 
 all through. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE. 
 
 The gift of Prophecy was continuous from Jewish to Christian times. 
 The Apocalypse is the fullest and ripest fruit of Christian Prophecy. . 
 The Prophet and Elder and Seer who wrote the Apocalypse, so fiir from 
 being the Evangelist, differs from him toio caelo. The Prophetic order 
 became enfeebled in the first half of the second century by the growth of 
 the irregular and dangerous vagaries of the Montanists ; while the accep- 
 tance of the Fourth Gospel coincides with what to the Prophets was the rival 
 growtli of church order and episcopal organisation. The Churches were 
 compelled by the divine law of their being to decide between Prophecy and 
 Order. The chief theatre of the conflict was Asia Minor. . . One 
 definite conclusion to which the present enquiry has led me is that the Seer 
 (of the Apocalypse) had been a Jewish Elder, in fact a member of the 
 Judicial Committee of the Sanhedrim. 
 
A Catalogue 
 
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CONTENTS 
 
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 The Fathers 19 
 
 hvmnology ........ 20 
 
 Religious Teaching 20 
 
 Sermons, Lectures, Addresses, and Theological 
 
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 A SHILLING BOOK OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. By 
 
 the same. Pott 8vo. is. 
 A SHILLING BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY. By 
 
 the same. Pott 8vo. Is. 
 THE BIBLE FOR HOME READING. Edited, with Comments and 
 Reflections for the use of Jewish Parents and Children, by C. G. 
 MoNTEFiORE. Part I. To THE Second Visit of Nehemiah to 
 Jerusalem. 2nd Edition. Extra Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. net. 
 Part II. Containing Selections from the Wisdom Literature, the 
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 JEWISH CHRONICLE.—" By this remarkable work Mr. Claude Montefiore has 
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 instructive, and almost spiritual treatise, which will long leave its ennobljng^mark on 
 Jewish religious thought in England. . . . Though the term ' epoch-making \ is often 
 misapplied, we do not hesitate to apply it on this occasion. _ We cannot but believe that 
 a new era may dawn in the interest shown by Jews in the Bible." 
 
 THE OLD TESTAMENT 
 
 SCRIPTURE READINGS FOR SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES. 
 By C. M. Yonge. Globe 8vo. is. 6d. each ; also with comments, 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 5 
 
 The Old Testament — continued. 
 
 3s. 6d. each. — First Series: Genesis to Deuteronomy. — Second 
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 THE DIVINE LIBRARY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Its 
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 TIMES. — " An eloquent and temperate plea for the critical study of the Scriptures." 
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 occupied with such studies." 
 
 GLASGO^V HERALD.—" Professor Kirkpatrick's book will be found of great value 
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 BOOKMAN. — "As a summary of the main results of recent investigation, and as a 
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 message, it is worth the attention of all Bible students." 
 
 THE PATRIARCHS AND LAWGIVERS OF THE OLD 
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 THE PROPHETS AND KINGS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 By the same. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. 
 THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. An Essay on the 
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 This edition has been carefully revised throughout, but only two sub- 
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 EXPOSITOR.—" Scholars are indebted to Professor Ryle for having given them for 
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 EXPOSITORY TIMES. — "He rightly claims that his book possesses that most 
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 THE MYTHS OF ISRAEL. THE ANCIENT BOOK OF GENESIS. 
 WITH ANALYSIS AND EXPLANATION OF ITS COM- 
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 THE EARLY NARRATIVES OF GENESIS. By The Right Rev. 
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 B 
 
6 MACMIIXAN AND CO.'S 
 
 The Old Testament — continued. 
 
 PHILO AND HOLY SCRIPTURE, OR THE QUOTATIONS OF 
 
 PHILO FROM THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 
 
 With Introd. and Notes by Bishop H. E. Ryle. Cr. 8vo. los. net. 
 In the present work the attempt has been made to collect, arrange in 
 order, and for the first time print in full all the actual quotations from the 
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 he has endeavoured to explain Philo's attitude towards Holy Scripture, 
 and the character of the variations of his text firom that of the Septuagint. 
 
 TIMES. — " This book will be found by students to be a very useful supplement and 
 companion to the learned Dr. Drummond's important work, Philo Judtzus." 
 
 The Pentateuch — 
 
 AN HISTORICO-CRITICAL INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGIN 
 AND COMPOSITION OF THE HEXATEUCH (PENTA- 
 TEUCH AND BOOK OF JOSHUA). By Prof. A. Kuenen. 
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 The Psalms — 
 
 THE PSALMS CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED. An 
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 light to the divine subject of every ejaculation of praise and every invocation of want. 
 We have given but imperfect illustrations of the new beauty and li^ht which the trans- 
 lators pour upon the most perfect devotional poetry of any day or nation, and which they 
 pour on it in almost every page, by the scholarship and perfect taste with which they have 
 executed their work. We can only say that their version deserves to live long and to 
 pass through many editions." 
 
 GOLDEN TREASURY PSALTER. The Student's Edition. 
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 THE PSALMS. With Introductions and Critical Notes. By A. C. 
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 Isaiah — 
 
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 ARIAII, Hebrew and LXX. By W. H. Lowe, M.A. 8vo. ids. 6d, 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 7 
 
 THE NEW TESTAMENT 
 
 THE AKHMIM FRAGMENT OF THE APOCRYPHAT 
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» MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
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 The sequel of an essay by Dr. Chase on the old Syriac element in the 
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 TIMES. — " An important and scholarly contribution to New Testament criticism." 
 
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 SYNOPTICON : An Exposition of the Common Matter of the Synop- 
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 CAMBRIDGE REVIEW.—" The wonderful force and freshness which we find on 
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 years of reverent thought, now brought to light in the, clearest, most telling way. . . . 
 The book will hardly go unchallenged by the different schools of thought, but all will 
 agree in gratitude at least for its vigour and reality." 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 9 
 
 The Gospels — coniinued. 
 
 THE LEADING IDEAS OF THE GOSPELS. By W. Alex- 
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 several gospels. It is delightful reading. . . . Religious literature does not often 
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 TWO LECTURES ON THE GOSPELS. By F. Crawford 
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 Gospel of St. Matthew — 
 
 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MATTHEW. Greek Text 
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 duction and Notes by Rev. A. Sloman, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
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 Gospel of St. Mark— 
 
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 By Rev. H. B. SwETE, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity 
 in the University of Cambridge. 8vo. 1 5s. 
 TIMES. — "A learned and scholarly performance, up to date with the most recent 
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 THE EARLIEST GOSPEL. A Plistorico-Critical Commentary on 
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 Criticism, St. Mary's College, St. Andrews. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. 
 
 SCHOOL READINGS IN THE GREEK TESTAMENT. 
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 and Vocabulary, by Rev. A. Calvert, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Gospel of St. Luke — 
 
 THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE. The Greek Text 
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 ST LUKE THE PROPHET. By Edward Carus Selwyn, D.D. 
 Gospel Of St. John- Vmtke Press 
 
 THE CENTRAL TEACHING OF CHRIST. Bemg a Study and 
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10 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 Gospel of St. John — continued. 
 
 EXPOSITOR Y TIMES. — " Quite recently we have had an exposition by him whom 
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 will help the preacher most." 
 
 THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. By F.D.Maurice. Cr.Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 
 
 ADDRESSES ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. By 
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 THE CREDIBILITY OF THE BOOK OF THE ACTS OF 
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 THE OLD SYRIAC ELEMENT IN THE TEXT OF THE 
 
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 SATURDAY REVIEW.— "Hit. Rendall has given us a very useful as well as a 
 
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 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. The Authorised Version, with Intro- 
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 THE EPISTLES of St. Paul— 
 
 ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. The Greek Text, 
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 PILOT. — "Small as the volume is, it has very much to say, not only to professed 
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 plexing Epistle ' was once a plain letter concerned with a theme which plain men might 
 
 ""''^PROLEGOMENA TO ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE 
 
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 Dr. Marcus Dods in the Bookman.—" Anything from the pen of Dr. Hort is sure to 
 
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 the explanations offered appeal to our sense of what is reasonable." 
 
THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE ii 
 
 The Epistles of St. Vsxl— continued. 
 
 TIMES.— "WiW be welcomed by all theologians as ' an invaluable contribution to the 
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 ,^^{^^ CHRONICLE.— "The: lectures are an important contribution to the study 
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12 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
 The Epistle of St. James— 
 
 THE EPISTLE OF ST. JAMES. The Greek Text, with Intro- 
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 EXPOSITORY TnfES.—''T\vfi. most complete edition of St. James in the English 
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 BOOKMA N, — " Professor Mayor's volume in every part of it gives proof that no time 
 or labour has been grudged in mastering this mass of literature, and that in appraising it 
 he has exercised the sound judgment of a thoroughly trained scholar and critic. . . . 
 The notes are uniformly characterised by thorough scholarship and unfailing sense. The 
 notes resemble rather those of Lightfoot than those of Ellicott. ... It is a pleasure to 
 welcome a book which does credit to English learning, and which will take, and keep, a 
 foremost place in Biblical literature." 
 
 SCOTSMAN. — " It is a work which sums up many others, and to any one who wishes 
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 EXPOSITOR (^x. MarcusDods).— "Will longremain the commentary on St. James, 
 a storehouse to which all subsequent students of the epistle must be indebted." 
 
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 THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. By F. D. Maurice. Crown 
 
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 THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. The Greek Text, with Notes. 
 
 By Right Rev. Bishop Westcott, 3rd Edition. Svo. 12s. 6d. 
 
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 and helps ; very copious footnotes on the text ; and after each of the chapters, 
 longer and more elaborate notes in treatment of leading or difficult questions, whether in 
 respect of reading or theology. . . . Dr. Westcott has accumulated round them so much 
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 The Epistle to the Hebrews — 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 13 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 15 
 
 History of — 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 17 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 21 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 23 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 25 
 
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26 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 27 
 
 English Theological Library — continued. 
 
 V. THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN WILLIAM LAUD AND 
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28 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 29 
 
 Hort (F. J. A.) — continued. 
 
 SERMONS ON THE BOOKS OF THE BIBLE (selected from 
 
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30 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 3, 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 33 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 37 
 
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THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 39 
 
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