The Bopp Library. 
 
 COLLECTED BY FRiNZ EOPP, 
 
 Frofessor of Comparative I*Jtiilology in tiie 
 University of Berlin. 
 
 Puviliased &i/j Cornell \ University, 1868, 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DS 425M951 
 v2 
 Original Sanskrit texte ,0? ,t|je ojlja n a," 
 
 3 1924 024 580 304 
 
^^^^^^/^ c.-^-^^^^' 
 
SANSKRIT TEXTS 
 
 OEIGIJSr AND HISTOET OE THE PEOPLE OP INDIA. 
 
Kat TOiovTOV aVTui'j eii} fie kclf vtto TraAaLOTi}T05 ra 7rpb>Ta twi^ ov6fuj.T<av avevpera ^ivat.' 
 Sta. yap to Trai/rax^ aTpifj)e(r9ai ra. ovojuiara ovfiei' dav/iaoTOi' a>/ etT} et -^ iroAata </>uta} 
 irpbs T7)v vuvl PapPapiKTJs fJi-rtSev Siaiftepoi. PlATO, CratyhcSf i, 421. 
 
 " "We might say that the words which we did not understand were derived from 
 the barbarians. Some of them might in reality be such ; and it might also be the 
 case that, owing to the lapse of time, the earliest forms were undiscoverable : for as 
 a result of the circulation of words in all parts of the world, it would not be at all 
 strange if the ancient language, as compared with the modem, was in no respect 
 different from the speech of the barbarians." 
 
ORIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXTS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ORIGIN AND HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, 
 
 THEIR RELIGION AND INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 COLLECTED, TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, 
 AND ILLUSTRATED BY REMARKS. 
 
 CHIEI'LY 
 
 FOR THE USE OF STUDENTS AND OTHERS IN INDIA. 
 
 BY 
 
 J^MUIE, ESQ., D.O.L. 
 
 LATE OP THE BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE. 
 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 THE TRANS-HIMALAYAN ORIGIN OF THE HINDUS, AND THEIR 
 AFFINITY WITH THE WESTERN BRANCHES OF THE ARIAN RACE. 
 
 ■WILLIAMS AND NOEGATE, 
 
 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON; 
 
 AND 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH. 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 JxLY primary object in this volume, as in its predecessor, 
 has been to produce a work which may assist the re- 
 searches of those Hindus who desire to investigate critically 
 the origin and history of their nation, and of their national 
 literature, rehgion, and institutions ; and may facilitate 
 the operations of those European teachers whose busi- 
 ness it is to communicate to the Hindus the results of 
 modern enquiry on the various subjects here examined.' 
 The book (as will at once be apparent to the Oriental 
 scholar) is, for the most part, either a compilation, or, 
 at least, founded on the labours of others ; but while my 
 principal aim has been to furnish the reader with a sum- 
 mary of the results of preceding enquiries, my plan has, at 
 the same time, rendered it necessary for me occasionally 
 to institute fresh researches in different directions for the 
 further elucidation of particular points which were touched 
 upon in the course of my argument. In this way I may 
 have succeeded in contributing a small proportion of ori- 
 
 ' This peculiarity in the object of the treatise will account to the Euro- 
 pean scholar for the introduction of many details which would otherwise 
 have been quite superfluous. 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 ginal matter to the discussion of some of the interesting 
 topics which have come imder review. 
 
 The obhgations under which I he to the different 
 authors, whose labours have furnished the chief materials 
 of this work, have been, in most instances, so fully ac- 
 knowledged in detail in the following pages, that it is 
 not necessary for me to allude to them here more parti- 
 cularly. I must, however, refer to the assistance which 
 I have derived from the French version of the Eig-veda 
 by M. Langlois, which, with his index, has directed my 
 attention to various important passages in the later books, 
 which I was then enabled to study in the oiigibal. 
 
 Though a small portion only of the present volume 
 consists of " Sanskrit; texts," which in some parts are 
 altogether wanting, and in others but thinly scattered, 
 {apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto,) I have not con- 
 sidered it necessary to abandon the old title, but it has 
 been shghtly modified. 
 
 Although some idea of the object and contents of the 
 volume may be gained from a perusal of the introductory 
 statement of its plan (in pp. 1 — 3), and from the table at the 
 close of this Preface, it may conduce to the convenience 
 of those readers, who before entering on a perusal of the 
 work desire to obtain a more precise conception of the 
 course of the discussion, and of the process by which I 
 have sought to estabhsh my conclusions, if I subjoin here 
 a brief concateftated summary of the principal topics in 
 order. 
 
 The general object of the present Part is to prove 
 tha| the Hindus were not indigenous in India, but have 
 
PEEFACB. Vll 
 
 immigrated into that country firom Central Asia, where 
 their ancestors at one time formed one community with 
 the progenitors of the Persians, Greeks, Komana, Germans, 
 &c. In order to estabHsh this result I have sought to 
 show th^t Sanskrit, the original language of the Hindus, 
 exhibits undeniable marks of close affinity to the ancient 
 languages of the other races just mentioned; and that 
 the earliest rehgion, and mythology also, of India are con- 
 nected with those of Persia by various points of contact 
 and resemblance. Having adduced evidence on both these 
 heads, and argued that these facts imply a common origin 
 in the nations in question, and their subsequent dispersion 
 from one common centre towards the different re^ons in 
 which they ultimately settled ; I endeavour to fortify the 
 conclusions to which we are thus conducted by demon- 
 strating that, in the earhest ages of their history, the an- 
 cestors of the Hindus appear to have occupied only the 
 north-western corner of Hindusthan ; and that, while they 
 were connected on the one hand by affinities of language 
 and rehgion with the nations of the west, they were on 
 the other hand distinguished, both by language and by 
 institutions, from certain other tribes with whom they 
 came into coUision as they advanced across the north of 
 India, and afterwards diffused themselves to the south of 
 the peninsula : for if we find that the Hindus originally 
 possessed only the Panjab, the presumption (derived from 
 other considerations) that they immigrated from the north- 
 west, becomes strengthened; and if, again, on their advance 
 to the south-east, they encountered tribes with a different 
 language and religion, already in occupation of those 
 
VIU PREFACE. 
 
 tracts, tlie probability that they did not grow up in India, 
 alongside of these ahen tribes, acquires additional force. 
 
 In order to obtain a basis for carrying out the philologi- 
 eal portion of this argument, viz., for comparing the ori- 
 ginal language of the Hindus with those of the Persians, 
 Greeks, and Latins, it became necessary for me to prove 
 that the Sanskrit, which is now a leamedlanguage only, 
 was at one time spoken by the ancestors of the Hindus. This 
 I have attempted to do in the First Chapter (pp. 4 — 223), 
 by showing in detail that the original Sanskrit idiom has 
 undergone a long series of gradual mutations, of which 
 we now see the ultimate result in the modern vernacular 
 dialects of the north of India. The method which I have 
 adopted to exhibit this, has been to begin (Section i., pp. 
 4 — 10) with the existing spoken dialects, Urdu, Hindi, 
 Mahratti, &c., and to show what the elements are of which 
 they are composed, viz., (1) pure Sanskrit, (2) modified 
 Sanskrit, (3) Desya or aborigiaal non-Sanskrit words, and 
 (4) words derived from Arabic and Persian. The fourth 
 element is the latest which they have acquired, and dates 
 only from the Mahomedan invasion ; while the second 
 and third (ia a more or less different form) are common 
 to them with the Prakrits, or older vernacular dialects, 
 out of which they grew. 
 
 In the succeeding sections (ii. — vii., pp. 11 — 137) an 
 account is given of these earher vernaculars, viz. (1) 
 the Prakrits, of which specimens are to be found in 
 the different Hindu dramas, and which seem to have 
 existed as spoken dialects, at least from the commence- 
 ment of the Christian era until they became merged in 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 the modern vernaculars; (2) the PaH, or sacred language 
 of the Buddliist books of Ceylon and Burmah, which 
 appears to represent one of the provincial dialects 
 of northern India existing at the time when Buddhism 
 began to be propagated in the 6th century B.C., and 
 exhibits to us the popular speech of that region at a 
 somewhat earher stage than the dramatic Prakrits ; (3) 
 the dialects (nearly contemporaneous with the Pah) which 
 are employed in the rock and pillar inscriptions of Asoka ; 
 and (4) the singular dialect or jargon employed in the 
 Gathas or metrical portions of the Buddhist chronicles of 
 northern India. In this portion of the work some com- 
 parative tables are introduced, which exhibit (1) the 
 relations, (i.e. the points of resemblance and of difference) 
 between the modern vernaculars, Hindi, and Mahratti, 
 and the dramatic Prakrits, and show how the two 
 former have been formed by a modification of aU the 
 various elements of the latter, just as they (the older 
 Prakrits) in their turn, have sprung up (if we except a 
 smaU non-Sanskritic residmim)from the gradual decomposi- 
 tion of the Sanskrit ; (2) the forms which are common to 
 the dramatic Prakrits, and the PaU, as weU as those points 
 in which they vary, and which demonstrate that the Pah 
 diverges considerably less from the Sanskrit than the 
 Prakrits do, and must consequently be more ancient than 
 they ; and (3) the relation in which the rock inscriptions 
 stand to the Pah. In Section viii. (pp. 138 — 153) the 
 conclusion is drawn that, as the vernaciilar speech of 
 India, as far back as we are able to trace it, has been 
 undergoing a continual series of mutations, and as the 
 
X PEEFACB. 
 
 older the form is in which we find it existing, the nearer 
 it approaches to the Sanskrit in its words and its gram- 
 matical inflections, — it must at some period a little further 
 back have entirely merged in Sanskrit and have been 
 identical with it. Thus Sanskrit having been once tke 
 same with the oldest spoken language of India, must at 
 that period have been a vernacular tongue. After some 
 speculations on the history of the Sanskrit language and its 
 mutations, some further arguments, — drawn partly from the 
 parallel case of Latin (which though once a spoken tongue, 
 was ultimately lost in its derivative dialects, Italian,, &c.), 
 and partly from certain phenomena in Indian literature, 
 or notices occurring in Indian authors, — are adduced in 
 Section ix. (pp. 153 — 168) in support of the position that 
 Sanskrit was once a vernacular language, and that the 
 Vedic hymns were composed in the same dialect which 
 their authors habitually spoke. I then go on to argue 
 further (Section x,, pp. 169. — 223) that as Sanskrit was 
 once a spoken tongue, it must in its earher stages have 
 been exposed to aU the mutations to which all spoken 
 languages are subject. That such has actually been the 
 case, is clear from a comparison of the oldest Sanskrit, that 
 of the Vedic hymns, with the form which it took in the 
 later hterature, and which (as it became exempt from 
 further modifications by ceasing to be popularly spoken) it 
 has continued ever after to retain. As, however, the distinc- 
 tion which is here drawn between the older and the more 
 recent hterature may be disputed by the Hindu student, 
 I have considered it necessary to adduce proof of the 
 assertion that the Vedic hymns are the oldest of all the 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 Indian writings ; and witli this view to ascend by gradual 
 steps from tke most recent commentaries on the Veda, 
 through the Mrukta, the Brahmanas, &c., to the hymn- 
 collections, pointing 'out that each of these classes of works 
 presupposes one of the others to have preceded it in 
 regular order, and tJiat such methods were employed by 
 the commentators for the interpretation of the hymns as 
 to prove that much of their language was already obsolete 
 or obscure, and that consequently their priority in time to 
 the very oldest of their expositors must have been very 
 considerable. To complete the survey of the subject, I 
 further show, that there is a difference in the ages of the 
 several Vedas (the Eik, Yajusk, Saman, &c.) themselves, 
 as well as between the different portions of each, as is dis- 
 tinctly evidenced by their contents. The superior antiquity 
 of the Vedas to the other Indian writings is next proved 
 by a statement of the differences discoverable between the 
 religious systems of these two classes of works, the nature- 
 worship of the Vedas supplying the original germ, out of 
 which the Puranic mythology was slowly developed with 
 innumerable modifications. The greater age of the Vedas 
 is then shown by comparing a number of their grammatical 
 forms with those of the later Sanskrit. Finally, I revert to 
 the conclusion before indicated, that the language in which 
 the Vedic hymns were composed can have been no other 
 thai 'the vernacular speech which was employed by the 
 rishis and their contemporaries, as it is quite inconceivable 
 that in that early 'age, when the refinements of grammar 
 were unknown, there could iiave existed any learned lan- 
 guage distinct from the ordinary dialect of the people. 
 
■ Xll PREFACE. 
 
 Having thus shown cause for believing that Sanskrit, the 
 original speech of the early Hindus (or Indo-Ariahs) was at 
 one time a spoken language, and consequently liable, like 
 all other spoken languages, to continual mutations in its 
 earliest ages, and having by this means paved the way for 
 proving that it is descended from one common mother 
 with the ancient languages of the other Indo-European 
 races, to which it exhibits the most striking family resem- 
 blance; — I proceed, in the Second Chapter (pp. 224 — 
 372) to produce the evidence which comparative philology 
 furnishes of this resemblance, and to argue from the affinity 
 of languages a community of origin between the different 
 nations by which they were spoken. I then go on to 
 bring forward the further grounds, suppHed by compara- 
 tive mythology and by other considerations, for supposing 
 that the ancestors of the Hindus belonged to the same great 
 family as the Persians, Greeks, Eomans, &c., which had its 
 original seats in Central Asia, and that, on the dispersion, in 
 various directions, of the different branches of that ancient 
 famUy, the Indo-Arians immigrated into Hindusthan from 
 the north-west. The following are some of the details of this 
 process of proof : In Section i. (pp. 226 — 232), a few simple 
 remarks on comparative philology are premised, in which 
 it is shown how, by a comparison of their roots and structure, 
 languages can be distributed iuto different families, of which 
 the several members have a more or less close affinity to 
 each other, while they have httle or no. resemblance to the 
 members of any other family. This is illustrated by a 
 comparative table, in which it is shovm that while Sanskrit 
 has in many of its words a strong similarity to Persian, it 
 
PREFACE. XIU 
 
 has scarcely any to Arabic ; and by some other particu- 
 lars. Section ii. (pp. 233—277) supplies detailed evidence 
 of the affinities of Sanskrit with the Zend, Greek, and 
 Latin, consisting, first, of comparative lists of vrords be- 
 longing to those languages which correspond with each 
 other both in sound and sense ; and secondly, of illus- 
 trations of the resemblances between those languages in 
 their modes of inflection, as weU as in the formation of 
 words. As, however, the mutual differences which these 
 languages also exhibit, might be urged as disproving the 
 inference of their derivation from a common source, it 
 is shown hpw, in the course of time, different branches 
 of the same original tongue have an inevitable tendency 
 to diverge more and more from the primitive type, 
 both by modifying their old elements, and by assimilating 
 new : and it is further pointed out that it is precisely 
 those parts of a language which are the most primitive 
 and essential in which the different Indo-European 
 tongues coincide, while those in which they differ are 
 such as would grow up after the nations which spoke 
 them had been separated, and had become exposed to the 
 action of diverse influences physical and moral. But 
 as, admitting the resemblances between these languages, 
 a Hindu might feel disposed to draw the conclusion that 
 Sanskrit is the source of all the other kindred tongues, 
 instead of being derived together with them from an older 
 language, the common parent of them aU, — to obviate 
 this erroneous inference, it is next shown that the whole 
 grammatical character of Greek and Latin is that of 
 independent languages ; that in this respect they differ 
 
XIV , PREFACE. 
 
 entirely from the Indian Prakrits (which have evidently 
 resulted from the decomposition of Sanskrit), and that 
 they even contain various forms which are older than those 
 of the Sanskrit; while the greater pa,rt of thefr vocabu- 
 lary is different. The same considerations apply, though 
 not so strongly, to Zend. In Section iii. (pp. 277—281), 
 the inference is drawn that affinity in language implies 
 affinity in race ; and that, therefore, the ancestors of 
 the Hindus must at one time have hved in the same 
 country, as a part of one and the same community, with 
 the forefathers of the Persians, Qreeks, and Eoma,ns. In 
 such a case as is here supposed, thqse branches of the 
 original nation which separated earliest from the others, 
 would in after times exliibit the fewest points of re- 
 semblance in language and institutions to the rest, while 
 those which remained longest together would show in all 
 respects the closest mutual affinities. In Section iv. (pp. 
 281 — 285) it is argued that there is no objection arising 
 from physiological considerations, i. e. from polour or 
 bodily structure, to classing the Hindus among the Indo- 
 European races. Section v. (pp. 285 — 298) exhibits the 
 grounds which exist for supposing that the ancestors of 
 the Indians and Iranians (or Persians) continued to form 
 one community after the other kindred tribes had separated 
 from them, and departed to distant regipjis, These grounds 
 are, first, the closer affinity which subsists between Zend, 
 the language of the ancient Persians, and Sanskrit (of 
 which some illustrations are furnished) ; secondly, the fact 
 that both nations ip former times applied to themselves the 
 appellation of Arya ; and, thirdly, the nearer and more 
 
PBEFACf!. XV 
 
 numerous coincidences which are discoverable between 
 the early mythologies of the two peoples, of which some 
 details are adduced. From this more intimate aflSnity 
 between the Lidians and Persians, independent as both 
 are of each other in their origin and development (see 
 also pp. 314 — 317), a strong confirmation is derived to 
 the general conclusion (deduced mainly from language) 
 of the common origin of all the nations called Indo- 
 European. In Section vi. (pp. 298 — 304) the theory of 
 Mr. Curzon, that India was the original country of the 
 Indo-European races, from which they issued to conquer, 
 occupy, and civilise the countries lying to the north-west, 
 is stated, together with some of the arguments by which 
 he supports it. The remarks of Mr. Elphmstone, who 
 leaves it undecided whether theHiadus were autochthonous 
 or immigrant, are also quoted. In Section vii. (pp. 304 — 
 322) I cite the opinions of Schlegel, Lassen, Benfey, 
 MiiUer, Weber, Spiegel, Eenan, and Pictet, who concur 
 in the conclusion that the cradle of the Indo-European 
 race must be sought, not in India, but, as Schlegel, Lassen, 
 and Pictet argue, ia some central tract, from which the 
 different branches of this great family could most easily 
 have diffused themselves towards the widely-separated 
 countries wMch they eventually occupied ; a condition 
 which would not be ftilfilled by supposing a remote and 
 soutlierly region, such as Hindusthan, to be the point of 
 departure. Some of these writers draw the same in- 
 ference from the relation in which the Lido-Arians stood 
 to the aboriginal tribes whom they encountered in India. 
 In opposition to Mr. Curzon, who represents the language 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 and religion of India as the sources from which those of all 
 the other kindred races issued, Professor Spiegel maintains 
 that the Iranian language and mythology, though owning a 
 common origin, are in their development perfectly inde- 
 pendent of those of the Indians. In the same section it is 
 further urged that as neither the languages nor the my- 
 thology of the Greeks and Eomans are derived from those 
 of the Indo-Arians, there is no ground for supposing that 
 the former nations emigrated from India at any period 
 whatever.^ Section viii. (pp. 323 — 339) contains the 
 few passages I have been able to discover in the Indian 
 authors which may be supposed to embody any reference 
 (in no case, it must be confessed, other than a very ob- 
 scure one) to the trans-Himalayan origin of their ancestors. 
 The chief of these are the interesting paragraph of the Sa- 
 tapatha-brahmana, which contains the legend of the deluge 
 in the oldest form in which it occurs in any Sanskrit work, 
 and some texts relating to the northerly region of Uttara 
 Kuru, the Ottorocorras of Ptolemy. In Section ix. (pp. 
 339 — 344) I have quoted, according to the versions of 
 Spiegel and Haug, the first chapter of the Vendidad, which 
 contains the oldest tradition of the Persians relative to 
 Airyana-vaejo, the supposed primeval abode of their fore- 
 fathers. Section x. (pp. 344 — 354) discusses the route 
 by which the Aryas immigrated into India. Benfey 
 thinks they may have crossed the passes of the Hima- 
 laya from Little . Thibet, and following partly the 
 various branches of the Ganges, have occupied first 
 of aU the tract between the Jumna and the Sarasvati. 
 
 ' Compare " Additions and Corrections," pp. 492, 493. 
 
PBEFACE, XVll 
 
 Schlegel and Lassen, on the other hand, are of opinion 
 that they must have penetrated into India from the west 
 by the route of Kabul and across the Indus. Eoth and 
 Weber also regard the Panjab as the earUest seat of the 
 Indo-Axians in Hindusthan. In Section xi. (pp. 354 — 
 372) I have endeavoured to show by quotations from the 
 Vedas, that at the period when the hymns were composed, 
 the Indians, though not unacquainted with the central 
 provinces of northern India, were most famihar with the 
 countries bordering on, or beyond the Indus, and the 
 north-western parts of Hindusthan generally. From this 
 fact, and from the testimony of later writers to their inter- 
 course with tribes, apparently Arian in descent and lan- 
 guage, residing in the Panjab and on the other side of 
 the Indus, I derive a confirmation of the view that the 
 Hindus entered India from the north-west. 
 
 In the Third Chapter (pp. 373 — 465) I have sought to 
 draw further arguments in support of the same conclusion, 
 (1) from the distinction drawn by the authors of the Vedic 
 hymns between their own kinsmen, the Aryas,and the tribes, 
 differing from them in complexion, customs, and rehgion^ 
 whom they designate as Dasyus ; (2) from the accounts 
 occurring in the Brahmanas and post-Vedic writings, 
 of the gradual advance of the Aryas from the north-west 
 of India to the east and south ; and (3) from the weU- 
 estabUshed fact that the south-Indian languages are fun- 
 damentally different from the Sanskrit, and imply a 
 non-Arian origin in the people by whom they were origi- 
 nally spoken. Section i. (pp. 374 — 384) contains a 
 selection of passages- from the Big-veda, in which the 
 
 a 
 
XVIU PKEPACE. 
 
 AijSLS and the Dasyus are distinguished from one another, 
 and reference is made to the enmity existing between the 
 two. In most of these passages, it appears, human enemies 
 and not demons must be intended under the appellation of 
 Dasyus, as I infer both from the tenor of the texts themselves, 
 and because in later writiags, the Aitareya-brahmana, the 
 Institutes of Manu, &c., this word is always apphed to 
 barbarous tribes. Section ii. (pp. 384 — 413) supphes a 
 further collection of Vedic texts, bearing upon the re- 
 lations of the Aryas and Dasyus, and the characteristics 
 of the latter as degraded, dark-complexioned, irrehgious, 
 neglecters of sacrifice, &c. There are indeed other texts 
 in which these Dasyus are regarded as demons, and this 
 creates a difficulty. An attempt is made at the close of 
 the section to explain, (1) from the original position 
 of the Aryas, as an invading tribe in a country 
 covered by forests, and from the savage character of the 
 aborigines, as well as (2) from the lengthened period 
 during which the hymns continued to be composed, — ^how 
 the same appellations and epithets might come to be 
 apphed to difierent classes of beings, human, etherial, and 
 demoniacal, indiscriminately. In Section iii. (pp. 414 — 
 423) I quote the weU-known passage from Manu's Insti- 
 tutes, which adverts to the superior sanctity of the country 
 on the banks of the Sarasvati, (which is" in consequence 
 presumed to have been for some time the seat of the most 
 distinguished Indian sages, and the locality where the 
 Hindu institutions were chiefly developed) and defines 
 the hmits of the several provinces of Brahmanical India, 
 as then recognized. I next adduce a highly interesting 
 
PREFACE. XIX 
 
 legend from the Satapatha-brahmana wliich narrates how 
 the sacred fire (typifying, of course, the sacrificial rites of 
 the Brahmans) travelled from the neighbourhood of the 
 Sarasvatreastward, across the Eiver Sadanira into Yideha, 
 or north-Behar. Section iv. (pp. 423 — 440) presents a 
 selection of passages from the great epic poem, the Eama- 
 yana, descriptive of the Eakshasas or gigantic demons 
 by whom the Brahman settlers in southern India were 
 oppressed and their rites obstructed, and whose monarch 
 Eavana was vanquished and slain by the Indian hero Eama, 
 with the aid of an army of monkeys. In these poetic and 
 hyperboHcal descriptions, it is supposed we can discern the 
 indistinct outhnes of a great movement of the Aryas 
 from the Doab southward across the Vindhya range, 
 and their conflicts with the aboriginal tribes of the Dekhan, 
 the enemies of the Brahmans and their institutions. The 
 epithets apphed to the Eakshasas in the Eamayana cor- 
 respond in many respects, it is observed, with those 
 employed in the Eig-veda to characterise the Dasyus, 
 Eakshasas, and Yatudhauas. Section v. (pp. 438 — 440) 
 contains some Hindu traditions regarding the tribes in the 
 south of the peninsula, which however, are not considered 
 to throw any Hght on their real origin. Section vi. (pp. 440 
 — 457) supplies a variety of details, derived from Mr. A. 
 D. Campbell's Telugu Grammar (including the important 
 note by Mr. F. W. EUis), and Dr. Caldwell's Comparative 
 Grammar of the Dravidian languages, by which it is 
 clearly shown that the Tamil, Telugu, Malay alim, and 
 Canarese tongues (which are spoken by thirty-one millions 
 of people), though, at different periods since the occupation 
 
 *a 2 
 
XX PREFACE. 
 
 of soutliern India by the Brahmans, they have received a 
 large infusion of Sanskrit words, are, nevertheless, origi- 
 nally and fundamentally quite distinct from, and indepen- 
 dent of, that language, and that Tamil composition in 
 particular, is regarded by the native authors as pure and 
 classical in proportion to its freedom from Sanskrit words. 
 In the vii*'', and concluding Section (pp. 457 — 465), the 
 results of the preceding sections are summed up. From 
 the fact (estabHshed both by philological considerations, 
 and by the testimony of the south-Indian grammarians) 
 that the Dravidian languages are essentially distinct from 
 Sanskrit, it is argued that the people by whom the former 
 class of languages were spoken origmaUy (i.e. before the 
 Brahmanical invasion of the Dekhan) must have belonged 
 to a race which had no afiinity to the Sanskrit-speaking 
 Aryas ; and could not, therefore, as Manu asserts, have 
 been degraded Kshattriyas. I then endeavour to show, 
 how the results obtained in this Chapter, viz., (1) that the 
 Aryas, when hvmg in the Panjab, came into conflict with 
 an alien race called Dasyus ; (2) that the Aryas can be 
 shown from their own books to have at first occupied only 
 the north-west of India and then to have advanced gra- 
 dually to the east and south, and last of aU to have crossed 
 the Vindliya range into the Dekhan ; and (3) that the ori- 
 ginal languages of the south of the peninsula are distinct 
 from Sanskrit, — ^how, I say, these results harmonize with, or 
 corroborate the theory that the Hindus, or Lado-Arians are 
 not aiitochthonous, but immigrated into Hindusthan from 
 the north-west. 
 
 Tlie Appendix (pp. 467—487), and the " Additions and 
 
PREFACE. XXI 
 
 Corrections" (pp. 488 — 495) contain some further illustra-- 
 tions of the subjects discussed in the body of the work, and 
 ia a few cases, supply some modifications of the text 
 which closer research has rendered necessary. 
 
 In the notes towards the close of the Volume, and in the 
 Appendices, the Sanskrit passages have been printed in the 
 Italic character. The system I have followed is nearly 
 that of Sir W. Jones. The distinctions between some 
 similar letters have not always been very carefully in- 
 dicated ; but the Safiskrit scholar will have no difficulty 
 in determining the words which are intended. 
 
 Nearly all the Sanskrit texts in this Volume, have been 
 taken from printed editions. The quotations from those 
 parts of the Eig-veda which have not yet appeared in 
 Professor MiiUer's edition, have been copied from the MS. 
 copy in my possession, alluded to in the Preface to the 
 Pirst Part. The quotations from Durgacharya, in pp. 
 175, 176, and pp. 183, 184, have been derived from a 
 MS. belonging to the East India House. That m p. 215 
 was, I beheve, extracted from a MS. in the Library of 
 the Asiatic Society in Calcutta. The two passages from 
 Bhaskara Acharyya, pp. 170 and 189, were obtained from 
 Pandit Bapu Deva of the JBenares College. 
 
 I owe it to the kindness of Professor Goldstiicker, that I 
 am able to adduce the extracts from the Nyaya mala 
 vistara, in pp. 66 and 190. 
 
 The work of M. Vivien de Saint-Martin, entitled : Etude 
 sur la Geographie et les Populations Primitives du Nord- 
 ouest de I'Inde d'apres les Hymnes Vediques (which 
 discusses many of the subjects handled in the present 
 
XXU PREFACE. 
 
 volume), has only now come into my hands, as the last 
 sheet, containing part of the Appendix and the "Addi- 
 tions and Corrections," is passing through the press. 
 
 The results at which this author has arrived in his 
 valuable and ingenious dissertation, in regard to the origin 
 of the Aryas, their immigration into India, and the direction 
 of their movements within that country, correspond pre- 
 cisely mth those which I myself had reached. His views 
 on some poiats of detail on which I had adopted a different 
 opinion, tell even more strongly than my own in favour of 
 the general conclusions in which we both coincide.^ 
 
 An Index to this, as well as the preceding Part is now 
 under preparation, and will be published separately. 
 
 ^ I allude to his conclusion that the Sarayu referred to in the Veda was 
 a river in the Panjab (in support of which he refers to Burnouf's Bhag. 
 Pur. ii. 455) ; and that the country of the Kikatas must, most probably, have 
 been in Ko^ala or Audh, and not in Magadha, or South Behar. 
 
 I am happy to learn from M. de Saint Martin's work that he intends 
 to prosecute further his researches into the ethnography of India. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 i. — XX. Pbepace. 
 
 1 — 3. Plan of the Pbesent Part. 
 
 4 — 223. Chapter I. The Languages op Nobthekn India: theie His- 
 tory AND KeI/ATIONS. 
 
 4 — 10. Sect. I. The north-Indian dialects, ancient and modern. 
 
 11 — 43. Sect. II. The Prakrit dialects employed in the dramas. 
 
 43 — 52. Sect. III. On the origin and vernacular use of the scenic dia* 
 
 lects. 
 53 — 65. Sect. IV. Views of the Indian grammarians on the relation of 
 
 the Prakrits to Sanskrit, and on the other elements in their 
 
 composition. 
 65 — 107. Sect. V. The Pali; and its relations to Sanskrit and Prakrit. 
 107 — 123. Sect. VI. The dialects of the rock and pillar inscriptions of 
 
 A^oka. 
 124 — 137. Sect. VII. The dialect of the Buddhist Gathas, and its relation 
 
 to the Pali : Summary of the results of this and the preceding 
 
 sections. 
 138 — 153, Sect. VIII. On the original use of Sanskrit as a vernacular 
 
 tongue ; on the manner in which the Prakrits arose out of it, 
 
 and on the period of their formation : views of Professors 
 
 Weber, Lassen, and Benfey. 
 153—168. Sect. IX. Reasons for supposing that the Sanskrit was originally 
 
 a spoken language. 
 
XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 FAGE8 
 
 169—223. Sect. X. Various ages of Sanskrit literature, and the different 
 forms in which they exhibit the Sanskrit language : the later 
 Vedic commentators : earlier expounders : the Nirukta : the 
 Brahmanas : the Vedic hjjmns : imperfect comprehension of 
 them in later times from changes in the language : the hymns 
 composed in the vernacular idiom of their age. 
 
 224 — 372. Chapter II. Affinities of the Indians with the Persians, 
 Greeks and Komans, and derivation of all these 
 nations from Central Asia. 
 
 226 — 232. Sect. I. Introductory remarks on comparative philology : affi- 
 nities of Sanskrit and Persian with each other. 
 
 233 — 277. Sect. 11. Detailed illustrations of the affinities of Sanskrit with 
 the Zend, Greek and Latin languages. 
 
 277 — 281. Sect. III. That affinity in language implies affinity in race: 
 modes in which a greater or less diversity of language and 
 institutions would arise in different branches of the same 
 stock : Central Asia the birth-place of the Aryas. 
 
 281- — 285. Sect. IV. That there is no objection arising from physiological 
 considerations, to classing the Indians among the Indo-Euro- 
 pean races. 
 
 285 — 298. Sect. V. Reasons for supposing the Indians and Persians in par- 
 ticular to have a common origin. 
 
 298 — 304. Sect. VI. Was India the primitive country of the Aryyas or 
 Indo-European race ? 
 
 304 — 322. Sect. VII. Central Asia the cradle of the Arians : opinions of 
 Schlegel, Lassen, Benfey, Miiller, Spiegel, Renan, and 
 Pictet. 
 
 323 — 339. Sect. VIII. On the national traditions of the Indians regarding 
 their own original country. 
 
 339 — 344. Sect. IX. Ancient Persian tradition of the earliest abodes of the 
 Arian race. 
 
 344—354. Sect. X. What iras the route by which the Aryas penetrated 
 into India ? 
 
CONTENTS. XXV 
 
 PAGES 
 
 354 — 372. Sect. XI. The immigration of the Indo-Arians from the north- 
 west rendered probable by the tenor of the Vedic hymns. 
 
 373 — 465. Chapter III. The Aeians in India: their Advance to the 
 East and Sooth. 
 
 374 — 384. Sect. I. Distinction drawn between the Aryas and Dasyus in the 
 Rig-veda. 
 
 384 — 413. Sect. II. Additional Vedic texts bearing on the relations of the 
 Aryas and Dasyus. 
 
 414 — 423. Sect. III. The Arians on the Sarasvati, and their diffusion east- 
 ward and southward from that point. 
 
 423 — 438. Sect. IV. Advance of the Arians from the Doab across the 
 Vindhya mountains : and their conflicts with the aboriginal 
 tribes of the Dekhan. 
 
 438 — 440. Sect. V. Indian traditions regarding the tribes in the south of 
 the peninsula. 
 
 440—457. Sect. VI. Languages of the south of India, and their funda- 
 mental difference from Sanskrit. 
 
 457—465. Sect. VII. Results deducible from the preceding sections. 
 
 467—487. Appendix. 
 
 488 — 495. Additions and Corrections. 
 
OEIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXTS 
 
 PAET SECOND 
 
ORIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXTS. 
 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 PLAN OF THE PRESENT PAET. 
 
 Hitherto I have merely sought to bring together the ac- 
 counts given in the Sanskrit authorities, especially the Itihasas 
 and PuranaSj relative to the origin of the caste system prevailing 
 among the people of India ; and to show that these accounts, 
 taken in their obvious sense, are inconsistent with each other ; 
 and that in consequence of this discrepancy, the theory, com- 
 monly received by the Hindus, of the original distinctness of the 
 four castes, in virtue of their derivation from different portions 
 of the Creator's body, is not established as the doctrine of Hin- 
 duism, even by a literal interpretation of these popular writings. 
 It will now be my endeavour to show by a series of proofs of 
 a different description, derived from comparative philology, and 
 from an examination of the earliest Hindu writings, the Vedas, 
 not merely that the people of India who belong to the principal 
 pm-e and mixed castes are of the same race with the neighbour- 
 ing nations- (which, as we have seen. Part I. pp. 175. ff. is the 
 doctrine of Manu) ; but that they were not originally divided 
 into castes, or indigenous in India, but in reality form a branch 
 of the great Indo-European family, of which the Persians, Grreeks, 
 Romans, and Grermanic tribes were, or are, also members ; and 
 that while other branches of this great family, (which seems to 
 have had its primeval abode in some distant country to the 
 Iiorth-west of India), separated themselves from the main stock 
 and migi'ated to the westward, the progenitors of the Hindus 
 
^ PLAN OF THE PEESENT PAET. 
 
 travelled towards Hindusthan, where their original religious sys- 
 tem was gradually modified, and the system of castes, and other 
 institutions and tenets of Brahmanism were slowly developed. 
 
 The process of reasoning by which I hope to establish these 
 conclusions is the following. First, I propose to show by an 
 examination of the languages and literature of India that the 
 Sanskrit is not, (as the Hindus appear to conceive), an immutable 
 form of speech of divine origin, but is very different now from 
 what it was when their ancestors first came into India. This will 
 be made apparent by a comparison of the diction of the Vedic 
 hymns with the language of the Itihasas and Puranas ; and that 
 this difference is the result of gradual development will be proved 
 by a reference to the natural laws of speech, and to the analogous 
 process which the tongues of other nations have undergone ; 
 by an indication of the earlier stage through which the Sanskrit 
 passed, viz., that shown in the Vedic hymns, before it attained 
 its more modern form ; by arguments drawn from the compo- 
 sition of such books as the Nighantu, and Nirukta, explana.- 
 tory of obsolete words and phrases in the hymns, and from the 
 existence of such liturgical commentaries as the Brahmanas, and 
 such speculative treatises as the Upanishads, which presuppose as 
 already antiquated, or, at least antecedent, the hymns which 
 they quote, and the sense of which they explain and develope. 
 The difference in age between the various Indian Sastras will be 
 further briefly adverted to', and established by pointing out the 
 great discrepancy between the religious ideas, forms of worship, 
 and state of manners which they severally represent ; the Vedic 
 hymns being shown by all these various lines of proof to be the 
 earliest of all the Indian books, and the others to follow from 
 them by a natural course of growth and expansion. While the 
 mutability and the actual mutations of the Sanskrit languao-e 
 are demonstrated by this historical outline of Sanskrit literature 
 the process of proof will be completed by some introductory 
 
 ' The detailed treatment of this portion of the subject will be deferred to 
 a later part of this work. 
 
FLAN OF THE PEBSENT PART. 6 
 
 sections, showing how the spoken Sanskrit became gradually 
 broken down and corrupted into the Pali, and Prakrits, of bye- 
 gone centuries, till it ultimately took the form of the modern 
 vernacular dialects of Northern India. 
 
 Having thus shown the mutations which the Sanskrit has 
 undergone since its introduction into India, I propose, secondly, 
 to prove by a comparison of that venerable language with the 
 Zend, Persian, Greek, Latin, and other western tongues, that 
 these forms of speech are all closely related to each other, both 
 in respect of roots, and forms of inilection ; and this in such a 
 manner as to show them to be sister-dialects, derived, by gradual 
 alteration, from some more ancient, and now extinct, parent- 
 language. From these facts, and others derived from Zend and 
 Greek mythology and literature, I shall proceed to argue the 
 common origin of the different nations, — generally called the 
 Arian, Indo-Germanic, or Indo-European nations, — by which 
 the above-mentioned languages have been spoken, and the equal 
 footing in respect of civilisation, on which, in their earliest stages, 
 they stood ; as well as to evince the strong probability that the 
 progenitors of the Hindus immigrated from the north or north- 
 west into India. 
 
 I shall then endeavour to fortify these conclusions by ex- 
 hibiting the collision of the Indo-Arians, after their arrival 
 in India, with certain barbarous tribes, speaking a different 
 language, and belonging to a different race, who occupied that 
 country before their immigration, and by sketching a history of 
 their advance to the south and east. These subjects will be illus- 
 trated from the data to be found in the Vedic hymns, the 
 most ancient monuments of Indian antiquity, as well as in the 
 other Bastras of later date. 
 
 When the preceding points shall have been all sufficiently 
 discussed, the several topics adverted to at the close of the intro- 
 duction to the first Part of this Work, (pp. 3 — 4.) will still remain 
 for consideration. These I shall hope to take up in one or 
 more succeeding volumes. 
 
 JJ.5 
 
HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA: THEIK HISTORY 
 AND RELATIONS. 
 
 Sect. I. — The North-Indian Dialects, Ancient and Modem. 
 
 A SUKTET of the languages of Northern India reveals to us the 
 following facts. "We find, first, a polished and complicated lan- 
 guage, the Sanskrit, popularly regarded as sacred, and in reality 
 of very high antiquity ; which is now, however, understood only 
 by a few learned men, and spoken in their schools as the vehicle 
 of discussions on grammar and philosophy, whUe it is totally 
 unintelligible to the mass of the people. We find, secondly, 
 a variety of provincial dialects which are employed both by the 
 learned and the unlearned, viz. Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, 
 Gruzarati, &c., all bearing a close resemblance to each other, 
 and all composed, in a great measure, of the same roots. 
 
 The words of which these vernacular dialects are formed may 
 be divided into four classes. First, such as are pure Sanskrit, 
 as for example paramedwara, devatd, swarga, stri, purusha, 
 jana; secondly, words which though modified from their 
 original form, are easily recognisable as Sanskrit, such as log 
 from loka, istri from stri, munh from mukha, bhdi from hhrdtri, 
 bhatija from hhrdtrija, bdhin from bhdgini, biydh from vivdha, 
 bhuin from bhumi, and innumerable others in Hindi ; thirdly, 
 words which have no resemblance to any known Sanskrit 
 vocables, and which we must therefore suppose to have an 
 origin independent of that language, such as in Hindi, bdp. 
 father, betd, son, per, a tree, chauki, a chair, chuk, a blunder 
 khirki, a window, jhdgrd, a dispute, bakherd, the same, dtd, 
 
,SECT. I.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 5 
 
 flour, chatdi, a mat, and a multitude of other instances. Fourthly, 
 words derived from Arabic, Persian, or some other foreign lan- 
 guage, as ddyni, a man, 'aurat, a woman, hakim, a ruler, hakim, 
 a physician, durusii, right, roz, day, dariyd, a river, msha/m, 
 light, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 Let us now see what is the history of these vernacular dia- 
 lects. It is clear, for many reasons, that they cannot have 
 existed for ever in their present form. When, therefore, and 
 how have they been created ? What do history and the books 
 of Indian gi-ammarians tell us on the subject ? , 
 
 If we begin with the Arabic and Persian words which the 
 North-Indian dialects, such as Bengali and Hindi contain, we 
 shall find it to be universally admitted that words of this kind 
 have only been introduced into those languages since the time 
 •when the Musulmans began to invade India. Now it is well 
 known that Mahmiid of Grhazni made his first inroad into Hin- 
 dusthan about 850 years ago. Before that time, and in fact till 
 long afterwards, when the Mahomedans had penetrated from 
 the north-west far into India, and taken possession of that 
 country, there could have been scarcely any intermixture of 
 Arabic or Persian words in the Indian dialects.' 
 
 ' We learn, indeed, from the works of the ancient astronomer Varaha 
 Mihira, that a few astronomical and astrological terms of Greek or Arabic 
 derivation had been borrowed from the Arabian astronomers, and introduced 
 into Sanskrit books. I allude to such words as hora, drikarm, lipta, anapha, 
 sunaphci, apoMima, rihpha, which are of Greek origin, and muharind, 
 muhavild, iasdi, tasli, &c., which are derived from the Arabic (Colebrooke's 
 Misc. Essays, II. 525. ff., and Weber's Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 227. 
 and Indische Studien, II., pp. 254, and 263.) The following verse of 
 Varaha Mihira proves clearly how much the Indian astronomers were 
 indebted to the Greeks : ^- 
 
 " For the Yavanas are Mlechhas ; yet amoilg them this science is thoroughly 
 cultivated ; and even they are revered like Bishis : how much more a Brahman 
 
 B 3 
 
6 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF :;ciiap. i. 
 
 In the preface to the popular Urdu book, the Bagh o Bahar, 
 we have the following account by the author, Mir Amman 
 of Dehli, (who states that his forefathers had served all the 
 kings of Hindusthan from Humayiin downwards), of the 
 origin of the Urdu language; which I copy in the Eoman 
 character: — 
 
 "Haqiqat Urdu M, zahmv Jd buznrgon he munh ee yun 
 suni hai Jdh DUB shahr Hinduon ke nazdik chaujugi hai. 
 Unhen Ice rdjd parjd qadim se rahte the, aur apni bhdkhd 
 boUe the. Hazdr ba/ras se Mu^ulmdnon kd 'amal hud. Sultdn 
 Mahmud Ohaznavi dyd. Phvr Ghori aur Lodi bddshdh hue. 
 Is dmad o raft ke b'ais kuchh zabdnon ne Hindu Musvlmdn 
 ki dmezish pdi. AkhirAmir Taimur ne . , . Hindustdn 
 ko liyd. Unke dne, aur tahne se Ioshkar kd bdzdr shahr men 
 ddkhil hud. Is wdste shahr kd bdzdr Urdu kahldyd. . . , 
 Jab Ahbar bddshdh takht par baithe, tab chdron taraf ke 
 fnulkon se sab qaum qadrddni aur faizrasdnius khdnddn Id- 
 sdni ki sunkar huzur men dkar ja/ma'a hue. Lekm har ek l<n, 
 goydi aur boli judi judi thi. Ikatthe hone se dptb^ men len den 
 saudd sulf suwdl jawdb kctrte ek zabdn Urdu ki mwuqarrar 
 
 hui Widdn zabdn Urdu ki Tnanjte 
 
 manjte aisi manji kih kisu shahr ki boli us se takkar nahin 
 khdti." 
 
 " I have heard from the lips of my ancestors the following 
 account of the Urdu language: — The City of Delhi in the 
 opinion of the Hindus has existed during the four Yugas. It 
 was inhabited of old by their kings with their subjects, who 
 spoke their own bhdkhd (dialect). A thousand years ago the 
 rule of the Musulmans began. Siiltan Mahmiid of Grhazni came. 
 Then the Grhori and Lodi dynasties held sway. In consequence of 
 this intercourse, a certain mixture of the languages of the Hindus 
 
 6killed in astrology ! " (Colebrooke's Essays, II. 410.) This trifling exception, 
 however, does not invalidate the assertion made in the text, that it was 
 only after the settlement of the Musulmans in India that Arabic and 
 Persian words came to be used in the dialects of India, 
 
SECT. I.]. THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 7 
 
 and Musulmans took place. At length Amir Taimur .... 
 conquered Hindustan. In consequence of his arrival and re- 
 sidence, the bazar of the army was introduced into the city, 
 and the bazix of the city came in consequence to be called 
 
 Urdii When king Akbar ascended the throne, 
 
 all races, learning the liberality of that unequalled family and 
 its patronage of merit, gathered round his court from all the 
 surrounding countries ; but the language of all these people was 
 different. From their being collected, however, trafficking 
 together, and talking with each other, a camp (Urdii) language 
 became established. ... At length, the Urdii language, 
 being gradually polished, attained such a degree of refinement, 
 that the speech of no city can vie with it." 
 
 But it is only in the Urdu dialect, which is used by the 
 Mahomedans and by those Hiudus in the north-western provinces 
 of India who have learnt the Persian language, that Persian and 
 Arabic words are extensively employed. The words derived from 
 those sources which exist in the Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, 
 Gruzarati, and other North-Indian dialects in the form in which 
 they are generally spoken hy the Hindus, are considerably fewer 
 in number. By far the larger portion of words in those tongues 
 are (as has been already said) either (1) pure Sanskrit, or (2) 
 corrupt Sanskrit, or (3) words which can be traced neither to 
 Sanskrit nor to Persian or Arabic, and which I shall therefore 
 style indigenous. 
 
 Several interesting questions arise here; as First, how far 
 back can we trace the existing vernacular dialects, Bengali, 
 Hindi, Mahratti, G-Uzarati, &c., in the form in which they are 
 now spoken ? Secondly, what has been the process of their 
 formation ? and, thirdly, from what source have they derived 
 those words, as well as forms of inflection, which do not come 
 from the Sanskrit ? 
 
 The question regarding the antiquity of the existing verna- 
 culars is one which I am not prepared to answer with any precision. 
 Professor Lassen (Institutiones Linguae Pracriticse, p. 60) thinks 
 
 B 4 
 
8 HISTOKY AND EELATIONS OP [chap. i. " 
 
 they have existed for at least 850 years. But it is sufficient for my 
 purpose to show that they are not of any very great antiquity, but 
 have been derived by a gradual process of change from other 
 provincial dialects which preceded them; and which in their 
 turn have sprung from the Sanskrit. 
 
 There is no difficulty in conceiving that the Indian verna- 
 cular dialects should have undergone great modifications in a 
 long course of ages. The mere fact above adverted to, which 
 every one recognizes, of their having at a particular assignable 
 date admitted into their vocabulary a large influx of Persian 
 and Arabic words is sufficient to render it probable that they 
 may have formerly experienced other mutations of various 
 kinds. 
 
 The circumstance, too, that the people who inhabit the 
 different provinces of northern India make use of different 
 provincial dialects, Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, &c., which are all 
 evidently derived from the same common source, is a proof of 
 the tecdency to change which is inherent in all spoken lan- 
 guage. For as the inhabitants of all these provinces profess the 
 same creed, receive the same religious books, and are divided 
 into the same or similar castes, and for these and other reasons 
 appear manifestly to be descended from one common stock ; it 
 is clear that their common ancestors must, at one time, have 
 employed one and the same language : and that that language 
 has in process of time undergone various provincial modifircations 
 out of which the several modern vernaculars have been gra- 
 dually formed. 
 
 We shaU also see, a little further on, that the differences between 
 the North-Indian dialects (the old Maharashtri, Sauraseni, &c.) 
 which preceded the modern vernacular tongues, were few and un- 
 important; whereas the modern vernacular tongues, Bengali, 
 Hindi, Mahratti, and Guzarati, differ very widely from each other 
 in their forms of inflection and conjugation. This greater diver- 
 gence between the modern than we find to have existed between 
 the earlier dialects, evinces clearly the tendency to continual alter- 
 
SECT. I.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHBKN INDIA. 9 
 
 ation, which I have remarked as a characteristic of language 
 in general. 
 
 I shall first of all state briefly the facts by which it is proved 
 that the modern vernaculars are not, comparatively speaking, 
 of any great antiquity, but have arisen out of earlier provincial 
 dialects: — and then proceed to establish these facts more in 
 detail. 
 
 First. In extant Buddhist histories, such as the Lalita Vistara 
 composed in Sanskrit, namerous verses, styled Gathas, ai'e inter- 
 spersed, the language of which differs from pure Sanskrit, by 
 the forms of inflection being altered or mutilated. This 
 mutilated Sanskrit, or something akin to it, appears to have 
 been at one time the spoken language of India ; or, at leastj 
 this Gratha dialect exhibits some specimens of that ancient 
 spoken language, and exemplifies the process by which the 
 Sanskrit, itself at one time a spoken language, became gradually 
 corrupted; 
 
 Second. It has been discovered that many inscriptions are 
 extant, engraven on rocks in different parts of India, bearing 
 date between two and three hundred years anterior to the Chris- 
 tian era, in which a language difi'ering both from Sanskrit, and 
 the modern vernaculars is used. 
 
 Third. There are extant in other countries such as Ceylon 
 and Burmah, very ancient Buddhist books written in a language 
 called Pali or Magadhi, which also is different from the modern 
 vernaculars, as well as from Sanskrit, while it closely resembles 
 the language of the rock inscriptions just alluded to. 
 
 Fourth. In ancient Indian dramas such as the Mrichhakati, 
 Sakuntala, &c., while kings and Brahmans are made to speak 
 Sanskrit, various forms of speech called Prakrit and Apabhransa 
 are employed for the inferior castes and for women, which in 
 like manner, differ both from Sanskrit and from the existing 
 vernacular tongues. 
 
 The four foregoing classes of language have a more or less 
 . close afiinity to each other ; and from the use made of the last 
 
10 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 three in particular, viz., that used in the rock inscriptions, that 
 found in the Pali Buddhistical -writings, and those employed in 
 the dramas, it is impossible to doubt that either they, or forms 
 of speech closely connected with them, were formerly current, 
 during a long course of centuries, as the actual vernaculars of 
 the periods when they were employed for literary, political, and 
 religious purposes. 
 
 But while we thus discover that Pali and different fornis of 
 Prakrit, such as have been described, were employed in former 
 times, we can find no traces of the modem vernacular dialects, 
 Hindi, Bengali, or Mahratti, &c., in their present shape, in the 
 ancient records of that same period; and we must therefore 
 of necessity conclude, that these modern vernaculars did not at 
 that time exist, but have been subsequently developed out of 
 the above-mentioned Prakrit languages and other pre-existent 
 forms of speech ; in other words that the former vernaculars (or 
 Prakrits) have been gradually altered until they have assumed 
 the form of the modern Hindi, Bengali, Mahratti, &c. 
 
 I shall now proceed to supply a more detailed account of those 
 forms of vernacular speech already alluded to, which appear to 
 have preceded the existing varieties, and which are now obsolete. 
 In carrying out this design, it will be advisable to begin with 
 those dialects which seem to be the most recently formed 
 and employed, of the four Indian classes of speech which 
 have been before alluded to, viz., first, that found in the 
 Buddhist Grathas ; secondly, that used in the rock inscriptions ; 
 thirdly, the Pali ; and fourthly, the dramatic Prakrits. The last 
 named class appearing to be the most recent, I shall first subject 
 it to examination, and then proceed to the others. 
 
^ECT. 11.] THE LANGUAGES OE NOETHEEN INDIA. 11 
 
 Sect. II. — The Prakrit Dialects employed in tJie Dramas. 
 
 With the view of ascertaining the relation in which the Prakrit 
 languages stand to the modern vernaculars of northern India, I 
 have gone cursorily over several of the dramas in which they 
 are employed, such as Mrichhakati, attributed to King Sudraka, 
 and the Vikramorvasi attributed to Kalidasa, (both of which, 
 though their precise age be disputed, appear to have been re- 
 spectively composed, at the latest, about sixteen and fourteen 
 hundred years ago'',) together with several others. I have also 
 referred to the examples given in the Prakrit Grammar of 
 Vararuchi, which is considered by Lassen to have been com- 
 posed about 1800 years ago', or rather in its commentary. An 
 examination of the Prakrits which are found in these several 
 works shows that the languages of India were then in a state of 
 transition, and formed an intermediate link between the Sanskrit, 
 and the modern vernacular dialects. The Prakrit forms of 
 inflection and declension approach more to the Sanskrit than 
 to the modern vernaculars; but yet exhibit a great breaking 
 down and modification of the former. I will give some in- 
 stances of this which will make my meaning clearer than any 
 
 ' Professor Wilson, reasoning from a variety of considerations, considers 
 the Mrichhakati to have been probably composed in the interval between 
 100 B.C. and the end of the second century, a.d. (Introduction to the play, 
 pp. 5 — 9.) The same writer thinks that the Vikramorvasi, which is regarded 
 as the work of Kalidasa, is more recent than the Mrichhakati, but does not 
 assign any probable date. (Introd. to drama, p. 185, 186.) Lassen holds 
 that the Mrichhakati was composed towards the end of the first century, 
 A.D., while the Vikramorvasi and the Sakuntala.( which last is also assigned to 
 Kalidasa) were composed in the second half of the second century, a.d. 
 (Ind. Alt. ii. p. 1160.) Weber, on the other hand, in his latest notice of 
 the subject in the Introduction to his Malavika and Agnimitra, pp. xxxiii. xl. 
 places the age of Kalidasa, the author of the Vikramorvasi and Sakuntala, at 
 the close of the third century, a.d. The Mrichhakati is held by the same 
 author to be not earlier than the second century, a.d. (Ind. Stud. ii. 148.) 
 
 3 Ind. Alterth., vol. ii. p. 1160. 
 
12 
 
 HISTOEY AND EELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 general statements, 
 here the different 
 further on. 
 
 I do not think it necessary to distinguish 
 kinds of Prakrit, which will be specified 
 
 SaDskrit. 
 
 Prakrit. 
 
 Hindi. 
 
 English. 
 
 Bhavami 
 
 Homi 
 
 Hun 
 
 I am. 
 
 Bhavasi 
 
 HosL 
 
 Hai 
 
 Thou art. 
 
 Bhavati 
 
 Hodi 
 
 Hai 
 
 He is. 
 
 Bhavanti 
 
 Honti 
 
 Hain 
 
 They are. 
 
 TJttishtba 
 
 Utthehi 
 
 Uth 
 
 Eise. 
 
 Prapnomi 
 
 Pavimi 
 
 Pata-hun 
 
 I obtain. 
 
 Srinomi 
 
 Sunami 
 
 Sunta-hun 
 
 I hear. 
 
 Srinu 
 
 Suttu, or Sunahi 
 
 Sun 
 
 Hear (imper.)< 
 
 Kathaya 
 
 Kahehi 
 
 Kah 
 
 Tell. 
 
 Dadami 
 
 Demi 
 
 Deta-hu5 
 
 I give. 
 
 Dadati 
 
 Dedi 
 
 Deta-hai 
 
 He gives. 
 
 Dattam 
 
 Dinnam 
 
 Diya, Din 
 
 Given 
 
 Nrityati 
 
 Nachchai 
 
 Naohta 
 
 He dances. 
 
 Baksbami 
 
 Rakkhami 
 
 Rakhta-huil 
 
 I keep. 
 
 Dhava 
 
 DhovehL 
 
 Dho 
 
 Wash. 
 
 Brumah 
 
 Bollamo 
 
 Bolte 
 
 We speak. 
 
 Patami 
 
 Paremi 
 
 Parta 
 
 I fall. 
 
 Nishkaaaya 
 
 K"ikkalehi 
 
 Nikal 
 
 Exclude. 
 
 Ghritam 
 
 Ghia 
 
 Ghi 
 
 Ghee. 
 
 Mukha 
 
 Muha 
 
 Munh 
 
 Mouth. 
 
 Karyyam 
 
 Kajjam 
 
 Kaj 
 
 Work. 
 
 Karma 
 
 Kamma 
 
 Kam 
 
 Work. 
 
 Kama 
 
 Kanna 
 
 Kan 
 
 Ear. 
 
 Twam 
 
 Tumam 
 
 Turn 
 
 Thou or you. 
 
 Tubhyam 
 
 Tujh 
 
 Tujh 
 
 To thee. 
 
 Yushmakam 
 
 Tumhanam 
 
 Tumbara 
 
 . Of you. 
 
 Asti 
 
 Atthi, or Achchhi 
 
 Achcbhe (Beng.) He is. 
 
 Santi 
 
 Achchhanti 
 
 Aohcbhen(ditto.) They are. 
 
 It is manifest that in these instances we see the inter- 
 mediate forms which the words took in Prakrit before they 
 assumed the shapes in which we now find them in Hindi or 
 Bengali, e.g., karma and kdryya became in Prakrit respectively 
 Icamma and kajja, and finally in Hindi kdm and kdj. The 
 Sanskrit form rakshdmi (I keep) re-appears in the Prakrit 
 rakkhami with the compound consonant ksh changed into kkh 
 
SECT. II. J . THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN U^DLA. 13 
 
 but with dmi the final affix of the first person singulai" 
 unchanged. In the modern vernacular the former change 
 remains, but the word has undergone a farther modification, the 
 peculiar affix of the first person singular ami having disappeared 
 in the Hindi rakhtd, which does not differ from the second 
 and third persons. A fuller exemplification of the points in 
 which the Prakrits coincide with, and diverge from, the Sanskrit, 
 on the one hand, and approximate to the modern vernaculars, on 
 the other, will be found in the tabular statement subjoined. 
 
 The books to which reference has been made in this statement 
 are the following : — Mr. Cowell's Prakrita Prakasa of Vararuchi ; 
 Lassen's Institutiones Linguae Pracriticse; Delius's Eadices 
 Pracriticse ; the Mrichhakati, Stenzler's edition ; the Sakuntala, 
 Bcehtlingk's edition; the Prabodha Chandrodaya, Brockhaus's 
 edition ; Malavika Agnimitra, TuUberg's edition ; and the Vikra- 
 morvasi, Calcutta edition. 
 
14 
 
 HISTOET AJSTD KELATIONS OF 
 
 [cHAr. I. 
 
 CS 
 
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 M 
 
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SECT. 11.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOBTHEKN INDIA. 
 
 15 
 
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16 
 
 HISTORY AND KBLATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
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SECT. II.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 
 
 17 
 
 
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SECT. 1I,J 
 
 THE LANGUAGES- OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 
 
 19 
 
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20 
 
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8ECT." n.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHEEN INDIA. 
 
 21 
 
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22 
 
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SECT. II.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEIf INDIA. 
 
 23 
 
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24 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 
 
 
 
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SECT, n.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEBN INDIA. 
 
 26 
 
 <0 
 
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26 
 
 HISTOEY AND EELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. 
 
 bo 
 
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SECT. Il.J 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF IfOETHEKN INDU. 
 
 27 
 
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 63 
 
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 134 
 
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28; 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
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SECT. 11.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES 'OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 
 
 29 
 
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30 
 
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SECT. It.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHBEN INDIA. 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
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 eo Tt< 
 
 00 
 
 CO 
 
 t— 1 
 
 00 
 
 ^ 
 
 ,a 
 
 
 .a 
 
 .a 
 
 ^j 
 
 «5 ^ 
 
 ,£1 
 
 M 
 
 j3 
 
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 CQ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 .rt 
 
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 Ti 
 
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 JS 
 
 .a 
 
 ^ 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 Var. 
 Mric 
 Delii 
 
 ■|- 
 
 _o 
 
 o 
 O 
 
 
 3- 
 
 o 
 t 
 
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32 
 
 HISTOKT AND EELATlONS OF 
 
 [CHAJ". I. 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 60 
 
 o o "3 
 
 PH O 
 
 IE? 
 
 if 
 
 p- tr IP p^ 
 
 C3 
 
 a> 
 
 r 
 a' 
 
 
 e3 
 SO 
 
 a 
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 9 
 IF 
 
 !: IF 
 
 r 
 
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 l«^ 
 
 IF 
 
 p^ IS' p; jij; 
 i^ «m^ % If <' 
 
 I— 
 
 19 
 
 P- 
 
 fa' 
 
 p- p- ^ IP p- 
 
 o 
 to 
 
 
 ^ I I g/| IN 
 
 •& Si ^ ,rt "^ IS- " 3- i- 3- c3 
 
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 i»~ CD Fh* OJ 
 
 ■a 
 g - 
 
 rcJ V< 
 
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 M 
 
 
 
 p' 
 
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 IM 
 
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 r/; 
 
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 ni^ 
 
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 v 
 
 
 
 
 
 bn 
 
 
 
 
 TS 
 
 fl- 
 
 
 
 
 
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 03 
 
 
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 ID 
 
 m 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 rt" 
 
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 g 
 
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 IF 
 
 5' 
 
 a 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
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 S! 
 
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 ^ 
 
 
 
 
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 Ph 
 
 
 
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 ^^O 
 
 o 
 
 
 -t-s 
 
 - 
 
 
 
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 IB- 
 
 r£l 
 
 ". 
 
 H 
 
 fr 
 
SECT. II.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOEMIEEN INDLA. 
 
 3S 
 
 
 > 
 o 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 9 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 en 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 CJ 
 
 ja 
 
 
 
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 I 
 
 
 ►- 5" 
 
 r 
 
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 r fe i& 
 
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 r^ m. 
 
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 s s 
 
 ■to .^' 
 to 
 
 
 (- o 
 
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 R 
 
 S 
 
 ^".= 2 • 
 
 Tt< 
 
 g. • 
 
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 ^H 
 
 I-H 
 
 
 
 
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 ja 
 
 
 iS o a ^ 
 
 
 CO a> 
 
 ja 
 
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 3 
 
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 > ~Q. 
 
 
 ■* . 
 
 
 
 s- 
 
 i^^M 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 s 
 
 n 
 
 S 
 
 § 
 
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 11 
 
 05-3. 
 
 00 
 
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 ■3" 
 
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 3 
 
 H 
 S 
 
 
 
 CU 
 
 -=i . J "^ .2 ;a 
 
 C3 
 
 > 
 
34 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OP 
 
 [chap. 
 
 H 
 
 13 
 
 
 It 
 
 S S a) « +S 
 
 bo « Q o ® 
 
 o o -^ o o 
 
 
 s 
 
 ^'^ 
 
 g' 
 
 z^- 
 
 i 
 
 w 
 
 fF f 
 
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 IT 
 
 o 
 M 
 
 ^ V 
 
 n ^ \^ w 
 
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 CO 
 
 S 
 
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 o 
 
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 Si 
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 P4 
 
 S3 
 
 S 
 
 lE^ 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 i 
 
 u 
 
 03 -2 
 
 •Si 
 .s § 
 
 •i -e 
 
 3 
 
 !3 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 a> 
 
 a 
 
 1 •- S 
 
 Sb ^ *■ 
 
 .^ o c 
 
 ^ ^ -S 
 
 2 .5 a 
 a 1^ o 
 
 S, § .-s 
 
 a> &^ 
 
 >■ ID <^ 
 
 c« f-. i< 
 
 M O (D 
 
 H o ^ 
 
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 g ° & 
 
 o) <u a 
 
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 M 
 
 ^- a 
 
 
 •« +a OS 
 log 
 
 «a 
 
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 a 
 
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 g 
 
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 O 
 
 So.-s a 
 
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 c6 
 
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 nd CS 
 
 03 -rJ 
 
 
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 a 
 
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 C3 
 
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 32 
 
 03 TJ 
 
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 43 
 
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 I 
 
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 ail 
 
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 rd -4^ 
 
 03 
 
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 Ph g 
 
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 bo 
 
 03 
 
 •- -S ^ .s 
 
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 .a .d 
 
 •'-' -^3 
 
 
SECT. II.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEBN INDIA. 35 
 
 But, while the great majority of Prakrit words can, by the 
 application of proper methods, be traced back to a Sanskrit 
 source, there are some others which refuse to yield to the action 
 of even the most powerful tests which criticism can employ, and 
 successfully assert their claim to a different origin. 
 
 Another fact then which is made clear by the examination of the' 
 dramatic poems and the Prakrit grammarians is, that the Prakrit 
 dialects contain a certain number of words which ajre not Sanskrit, 
 but which we also find in the modern vernaculars, such as the 
 roots duh, to sink, tharhar (in Hindi tharthar), to tremble, 
 dhahlc, to cover or shut, and the nouns gor, leg, bappa, father, 
 &c.^° The greater portion of the words of this class which I 
 have discovered, will be found in the subjoined table. 
 
 '"See the Rev. H. Ballantines paper " On the relation of the Mahratti to the 
 Sanskrit," in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. iii. p. 369 — 
 385. Some of the words considered by Mr. Ballantine to be Mahratti 
 are, however, Persian of Arabic, such as melch, baghal, manzila; others, as 
 khane, to eat, are Sanskrit. I add the following remarks from Dr. J; 
 Wilson's "Notes on the Constituent Elements,'' &c. of the Marathi language, 
 (prefixed to Molesworth's Marathi Dictionary, 2nd edition), p. xxii. 
 
 [The Marathi language] " has two distinct lingual elements, the Scythian 
 (or Turanian), and the Sanskrit." .... 
 
 " The Scythian element .... is obviously the more apcient of the two, 
 as far as its present locality is concerned. It is still a good deal in use, 
 especially among the lower orders of the people, and in the business of 
 common life. It claims almost all the words beginning with the cerebral 
 letters, which, as initials, were probably not originally m use in the San- 
 skrit; almost all the words beginning with the letter ^A; and a great 
 majority of the words formed from imitative particles, both simple and re- 
 duplicated, which are often very expressive, and are not now of an arbitrary 
 character, whatever they might have been before they got established in the 
 
 usus hquendi of the people, by whom they were originally formed." 
 
 "The Sanskrit, element is that which predominates in the Marathi, as the in- 
 spection of the Dictionary at- once shows." " Colebrooke expresses it 
 
 as his opinion that ' nine tenths of the Hindi dialect may be traced back to 
 the Sanskrit ; ' and perhaps a similar observation may be justly made as to 
 the proportion of Sanskrit words in the Marathi, when both primitive and 
 modified forms are taken into the account." 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 HISTORY AU'D RELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 ig 
 
 '^ -si 
 
 "e 
 
 ■e«s 
 
 53 
 
 
 s, 
 
 >. 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
 -1 
 
 w 
 
 u 
 
 s. 
 
 W 
 
 Sfj 
 
 ss 
 
 <u 
 
 S 
 
 ■s 
 
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 8 
 
 R 
 
 fe 
 
 13 
 
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 ►OS 
 
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 t 
 
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 60 
 
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 ria 
 
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SECT. U.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OP NOKTHEEN INDIA., 
 
 37 
 
 
 b 
 
 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 ■2 
 
 43 « 
 
 
 
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 S 
 
 ts ° 
 
 
 60 
 
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 IB-? 
 
 
 
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 ^ BT 
 
 
 f IT 
 
 
 18? /ftp p 
 If lie IP 
 
 v9 pr pr 
 
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 a I5k^ 
 
 m I? 
 
 o .3 
 
 ^ 
 
 est cc 
 
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 's a. 
 
 
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38 
 
 HISTORY AND EELATIGNS OP 
 
 [cH4?. I. 
 
 a 
 
 00 
 
 si C 
 
 a 
 bo 
 
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 bO 
 
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 ^ a 
 
 a -2 
 
 
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 cf a 
 
 
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 is 
 
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 fS 
 
 s" 
 
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 =3 ^ 
 
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 g -^ 
 S 00 
 
 ■" •« 
 
 2 OS 
 
 CS 03 
 
 d 
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 s 
 
 pq 
 125 
 
SECT. II.] THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHEEN INDIA. 39 
 
 It is true that, ia the dramas, these non-Sanskrit words are not 
 so numerous as might at first sight appear ; that many vocables, 
 very unlike the Sanskrit, which seem, on a hasty inspection, to 
 be of a different origin, are discovered, on a more careful 
 examination, to be derived from Sanskrit by successive steps 
 proceeding according to certain recognized rules of mutation ; 
 and that the indubitably non-Sanskrit words which remain do not 
 bear so large a proportion to those which are of Sanskrit origin, 
 as is the case in the modern vernaculars.^* This paucity of 
 indigenous words in the dramas is, perhaps, to be accounted for 
 by the fact that they are polished compositions containing many 
 poetical passages, and were written by Pandits, men familiar 
 with Sanskrit, who would be likely when they could, to avoid 
 vulgar words and phrases, and to employ vocables of Sanskrit 
 derivation, wherever it was found possible : just as we see the 
 pedantic Pandits of our own time are in the h^ibit of doing.^' 
 And there can be no doubt that in the provincial dialects, 
 as spoken by the lower classes and by unlearned persons in 
 general at the time when the dramas were composed, many 
 more non-Sanskrit words would be current than we meet with 
 in the dramas. In the same way we find in modern times several 
 modifications of language in use among different sections of the 
 
 ^^ Lassen, remarks, p. 286 : " The roots of the Prakrits must be looked 
 for in Sanskrit ; and the few words which appear to be of extraneous origin 
 can, for the most part, be traced to Sanskrit, if the investigation is pur- 
 sued on right principles. At the same time I would not entirely deny 
 that some vocables may have passed from the indigenous languages of India 
 into the Sanskrit, as well as the Prakrit ; but such words are certainly not 
 numerous." Lassen may not underrate here the number of purely indi- 
 genous words in the Prakrits, properly so called, as they are exhibited 
 in the dramas, but his remarks are not certainly correct if applied to the 
 modern vernaculars, in which words not derived from Sanskrit, and which 
 must have come down to them from the vernacular Prakrits, are very nu- 
 merous. 
 
 '^ Compare the case of English like that of Dr. Samuel Johnson, full of 
 Latin and Greek derivatives, with other compositiona in which Anglo-Saxon 
 predominates. 
 
 D4 
 
40 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 community in the same provinces of Hindusthan. The Hindu 
 Pandits, for instance, use a dialect which is full of Sanskrit 
 words; the villagers use fewer Sanskrit and more indigenous 
 words; the lower Mahomedans use a language approaching to 
 that of the Hindu villagers, but with more Persian and Arabic 
 words ; while educated Mahomedans introduce into their dis- 
 course a large number of Arabic and Persian phrases. But the 
 existence of even a small proportion of such non-Sanskrit words 
 in the dramas, when taken in conjunction with the corrupted 
 form, — akin to that of the modern vernaculars, — in which we 
 find Sanskrit words employed there, is quite sufficient to show that 
 the Prakrits, such as we see them in the dramas, were, with some 
 modifications, the spoken dialects of their day; and were con- 
 sequently the precursors of the modern vernacular tongues. As 
 we find in these latter a considerable proportion of words which 
 cannot be traced back to Sanskrit, we are driven to conclude 
 that these words must have existed in the older vernacular 
 dialects, and have been transmitted from them to the later. The 
 only alternative is that we suppose these non-Sanskrit words 
 to have been invented in modern times, a supposition which 
 is destitute of all probability.'*"' 
 
 The question now recurs. Whence came these words which are 
 not of Sanskrit origin in the Prakrit dialects ? To answer this 
 question I must anticipate an assertion which I hope further 
 on to prove more in detail, viz., that there are in India very 
 manifest traces of a variety of races of men differing widely in 
 their origin. 
 
 *° Even if I were to make the admission, (which, however, it is impossible 
 to do), that the Pali and the scenic dialects were never actually spoken 
 vernaculars, this would not neutralise my argument. For the latter must 
 havebeenused on the stage, and mi^st therefore, have been understood. They 
 could not, however, have been intelligible, if they had not approached closely 
 to some form of spoken language. And the existence of the Pali as well as 
 of the Prakrits shows both the general tendency of men to break down and 
 modify their languages, and the actual process by which they proceeded in 
 northern India. 
 
SECT. II.] THE LANGUAGES OE NOETHEKIf INDIA. 41 
 
 It appears that the ancestors of the higher classes of northern 
 Hindus, who originally spoke Sanskrit and called themselves 
 Aryas, must have had their origin in countries to the north or west 
 of India, and immigrated into Hindusthan at an early period. 
 When they arrived there, they found the country already occu- 
 pied by a race of men called in the Veda, Dasyus, who spoke a 
 different language from themselves, and with whom they became 
 engaged in continual warfare. These Dasyus appear to have 
 been partly driven away by the Aryas to the east and south and 
 north, where they took refuge in the forests and mountains, and 
 partly to have been subdued and to have become incorporated 
 in the Arya communities as their slaves or dependants. Though 
 these earlier inhabitants of India also, had, in all probability, 
 immigrated into that country at some period anterior to the 
 invasion of the Aryas, I shall for the sake of ready distinction 
 style, them the aborigines. These aboriginal tribes may not have 
 been all of one race, and may have arrived in India at different 
 timies, but their history is very obscure and can only be con- 
 jectured. So much is clear, that their languages are not all 
 alike. In the south of India we find still existing a set of 
 spoken languages called Tamil, Telugu, Canarese, Malayalim, 
 &c., which differ very widely from the vernacular tongues of 
 Northern India, viz., the Mahratti, Hindi, Bengali, &c. Though 
 the southern languages have now a certain intermixture of 
 Sanskrit words, yet, it is clear that this intermixture is only of 
 comparatively recent date, as they differ entirely both in structure 
 and in the great bulk of the words of which they are composed 
 from the Sanskrit, and all its derivative languages. The dialects 
 of northern and central India, on the other hand, viz., the Mah- 
 ratti, Hindi, Bengali, &c., are, as we have already seen, mainly 
 derived from Sanskrit, though they contain a considerable propor- 
 tion of words which are evideniily of a different origin. These 
 words of non-Sanskrit origin, which we first discover, to a certain 
 extent, in the ancient Prakrits, and which descended from them to 
 the northern vernaculars, must have been derived from the 
 
42 HISTOET AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 language spoken by the aborigines, who bad occupied the north 
 of India before the Sanskrit-speaking race of the Aryas arrived. 
 After these northern aborigines had been reduced to dependance 
 by the Aryas, and both classes, Arya and non-Arya, had coalesced 
 in one community (of which the former composed the upper, and 
 the latter the lower ranks), the languages of both classes (which 
 had previously been different) would begin to become assimilated 
 and amalgamated; the Sanskrit-speaking Aryas would soon 
 adopt many words belonging to the speech of the aborigines, 
 while the aboriginal race would begin to borrow many words 
 from the Sanskrit, the language of their masters. This process 
 however, would naturally lead to a great corruption and altera- 
 tion of the Sanskrit. Many of the compound sounds in Sans- 
 krit words, such as stri, rakta, hsJiatriya, seem to have been 
 found such as the lower orders of people could not pronounce, 
 and these compounds became accordingly broken up or sim- 
 pliiied, or in some way modified. Thus stri became istri, rakta 
 became rahat, and Jcshatriya became khatriya or chhatriya. 
 In this manner both languages would become gradually changed, 
 according to processes which are seen in operation in all countries. 
 Caprice, alteration of physical circumstances, differences of educa- 
 tion, and those varieties in the organs of speech which are 
 peculiar to different races, — are all found to produce progres- 
 sive modifications in the languages of mankind. Various forms 
 of Prakrit would spring up by degrees in different provinces, in 
 which Sanskrit and aboriginal words and fojpns would be com- 
 bined, though the more cultivated element, the Sanskrit, has 
 remained predominant. At the same time the Sanskrit language- 
 gradually ceased to be spoken in its pure form, and becoming 
 the language of books, and of the learned class exclusively, was 
 more and more polished and settled by grammarians ; and being 
 exempted from the ordinary causes of alteration, continued thence- 
 forward unchanged : just as was the case with the Latin language. 
 It seems at the same time to be very probable that many words 
 of indigenous origin as well as words which, though of Sanskrit 
 
SECT. HI.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEKN INDIA. 43 
 
 origin, had been modified in the Prakrits, were incorporated in 
 the Sanskrit; and that in this way the modern vocabulary of that 
 language iacludes many words and roots which were tmknown 
 to it at an earlier period. ■" 
 
 Sect. III. — On the origin and vernacular use of the Scenic Dialects, 
 
 It has been doubted, howevei', whether the dramatic dialects 
 were ever spoken languages. This view is thrown out by 
 Prof. H. H. Wilson in the introduction to his " Select Specimens 
 of the Theatre of the Hindus," pp. Ixv., Ixvi. 
 
 " There is one question of some interest attaching to our 
 construction of the Prakrit, which merits a fuller inquiry than 
 has been yet given to it, and on which this is not the place to 
 dilate. Does it represent a dialect that was ever spoken, or is 
 it an artificial modification of the Sanskrit language, devised to 
 adapt the latter to peculiar branches of literature ? The latter 
 seems to be the most likely ; for there would be no difficxilty in 
 the present day in writing it, although it is no longer spoken, 
 and highly finished specimens are to be found in plays which 
 are modern productions. The Vidagdha Madhava, for instance, 
 consists more than half of high Prakrit, and it was written less 
 than three centuries ago. On the other hand, many of the mo- 
 difications are to be found in the spoken dialects of Hindusthan, 
 and the rules of Prakrit grammar account for changes which, 
 without such aid, it is difiicult to comprehend. The simplifica- 
 tion of the grammatical construction by the disuse of the dual 
 number, and the reduced number of verbal conjugations, looks 
 also like the spontaneous substitution of practical to theoretic 
 
 '^ Dr. Stevenson says, in the Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal As. 
 Society, for January, 1859 : " The Brahmans scattered through all the 
 different provinces of Hindusthan no doubt adopted many of the words 
 of the languages of the tribes among whom they resided, and introduced 
 them into the sacred tongue.'' Professor Benfey has drawn attention to the 
 introduction into Sanskrit of words which had become modified in the 
 Prakrits. See Lassen, Ind. Alt. ii. 1 149, note 2 ; and Benfey, article " Indien," 
 (in Ersch & Gruber's Encycl.), p. 248. 
 
44 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 perfection in actual speech, and may tempt us to think the 
 Prakrit was once a spoken tongue. The subject is interesting, 
 not only in a philological, but in a historical view ; for the 
 sacred dialects of the Bauddhas and the Jainas are nothing else 
 than Prakrit, and the period and circumstances of its transfer to 
 Ceylon and to Nepal are connected with the rise and progress of 
 that religion which is professed by the principal nations to the 
 north and east of Hindusthan." 
 
 If the Prakrits be merely artificial modifications of Sanskrit 
 for dramatic purposes, my reasoning in regard to the relation of 
 the modern vernaculars to the Prakrits would fall to the ground. 
 Though this view appears to me to be sufl&ciently refuted by the 
 proofs of the derivation of the modern vernaculars from the 
 older Prakrits supplied by the lists of words which I have given 
 above, I think it expedient to fortify my conclusions by the an- 
 nexed extracts from Professor Lassen's Institutiones Pracriticse, 
 pp. 39. ff., which wUl, at the same time, illustrate the process by 
 which the Prakrits were derived from Sanskrit. 
 
 " If the question regarding the origin of these dialects merely 
 refer to the source whence they are derived, it admits of a very 
 easy answer : for, as has been already stated, all the scenic 
 dialects are drawn entirely from the Sanskrit.'*'^ If, however, the 
 question means by what process these dialects have been drawn 
 from the Sanskrit, it will be more difficult to answer. The 
 difficulty does not consist in these languages containing any 
 forms or words of which the Sanskrit archetypes are undiscover- 
 able ; for, on the contrary, both forms and words are deduced 
 from that ancient source by im.dergoing certain mutations which 
 all languages follow as they become altered and corrupted in the 
 course of time ; as, for example, has been the case with all the 
 Grermanic and Romanic dialects which have sprung from the 
 Grothic and the Latin. 
 
 " The difficulty, however, consists in this, that these dramatic 
 
 *^ See, however, what has been said on this subject above, in pp. 39, ff. 
 
SECT. III.] THE UNGUAGBS OF NORTHERN INDIA. 45 
 
 dialects, sprung from the Sanskrit, and bearing the names of 
 different provinces, are different from the provincial languages 
 which have the same name and origin ; e. g, the principal 
 Prakrit (which appears to have been called Maharashtri) differs 
 from the modern Mahratti, and the Sauraseni from the 
 Brajbhakha. Hence a doubt has been suggested whether the 
 dramatic dialects were formerly the spoken tongues of the 
 people of the several provinces, who at present use a form of 
 speech which though cognate, is yet different ; or whether these 
 dramatic dialects ai-e nothing more than artificial adaptations, 
 either of Sanskrit, or of the provincial tongues to dramatic pur- 
 poses. The latter opinion has appeared to Wilson the most 
 probable, for this reason that the modern dialects of the Mahratta 
 country, of Mathura, and Behar, are different from those which 
 were employed on the stage under the same names. He assigns 
 another reason, viz. that these dramatic dialects can be com- 
 posed even now. But is not the case precisely the same with 
 the Sanskrit or the Latin ? both of which can in our day be 
 wiitten by men who are skilled in them, though they have long 
 ceased to be used in daily life, or to be spoken, except by a few 
 scholars. Wilson's first reason is equally inconclusive : for to use 
 what I may call an argumentwn ad hominem, the learned Profes- 
 sor would scarcely succeed in making himself understood, if he 
 were to address his countrymen in the Anglo-Saxon tongue. His 
 argument would, indeed, be sound, if it could be proved that in the 
 age when the dramatic dialects veie first brought upon the stage, 
 the Maharashtri or any other form of contemporaneous speech 
 was different from the dialect introduced into the dramas under 
 the same name. For it must be recollected that succeeding -dxa.- 
 matic poets, following the example of their predecessors, did not 
 change the dramatic varieties of speech, but retained them in their 
 original forms; whilst, on the other hand, the popular dialects con- 
 tinued to undergo great alterations, as is the fate of all languages 
 which are subjected to the wear and tear of constant use. These 
 scenic dialects can be taught even now by grammatical tuition, 
 
46 HISTORY AKD RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 just as the Sanskrit can, though neither the one nor the other can 
 be learned by the Indians from a nurse. All change in the scenic 
 dialects was guarded against (just as in the case of the Sanskrit) 
 from the period when their forms and laws had been fixed by 
 gi-ammarians ; and, consequently, the argument drawn from the 
 diversity of the dramatic and modern provincial dialects is of no 
 force, unless it can be shown that the provincial dialects also have 
 remained unchanged from the commencement to the present 
 day. This, however, can neither be shown, nor was it possible. 
 On the other hand, the existing condition of the provincial dia- 
 lects cannot be explained unless we suppose them to have had 
 another form, more ancient than the present, and more con- 
 formable to the Sanskrit. 
 
 " Since, then, it cannot be proved that the provincial dialects 
 were originally different from the scenic, I shall add some argu- 
 ments by which it will be made probable that the latter (the scenic) 
 were actually current in the provinces from which they derived 
 their names. And first, I shall make use of the names them- 
 selves as an argument : for the names Maharashtri, Sauraseni, 
 would be absurd if they were not referred to provincial dialects ; 
 seeing that the names cannot be deduced from any orders of 
 men so called, nor from any peculiarities in those dialects. 
 The same may be said of the Magadhi, for though I am aware 
 that the word Magadha denotes an order of bards, still the 
 Magadhi dialect is employed on the stage by other classes of men, 
 and the bards themselves derive their appellation from the pro- 
 vince which gave its name to the dialect. 
 
 " In the next place, I argue that the nature of dramatic poetry 
 renders it scarcely credible that dramas composed in a laoQguage 
 different from that of common life should have been exhibited 
 on the stage. This, however, is a different matter from the 
 supposition that the dramatic dialects have subsequently ceased 
 to be spoken, and have become obsolete, while yet they main- 
 tained their place on the stage. The same thing holds good 
 
SECT, in.] THE LANGUAGES OE NOETHEKN INDIA. 47 
 
 ■of the employment of Sanskrit itself in dramas written in a 
 comparatively modem period. 
 
 " If these considerations be duly weighed, it appears to follow 
 that the use of different dialects on the stage was the result of a 
 peculiar condition of Indian life, at the time when the laws of 
 dramatic art were first fixed by the Indian poets. 
 
 " To these arguments it must be added that there is so close an 
 aflSnity between the primary dramatic dialect and the Pali, as to 
 leave scarcely any doubt of their being originally identical. So 
 much is undoubted that the sacred language of the Jains is not 
 different from the primary Prakrit. This language would cer- 
 tainly not have been adopted by the adherents of a sect which is 
 strongly opposed to the Brahmans and their opinions, if the 
 dramatic dialect had had no other foundation than the fertile 
 and subtle genius of the Brahmans. The Jains could, however, 
 have no difficulty in appropriating it to their own uses, if it was 
 the language of daily life. How it happened that the Maha- 
 rashtri dialect in particular came to be selected both by the dra- 
 matic poets, and by the Jains, is a point to be explained from 
 the history of the Indian stage, and of the Buddhist religion, oiit 
 of which the sect of the Jains sprang. To attempt this here 
 would be out of place. 
 
 "The primary argument, however, is to be drawn from the 
 structure of the languages themselves. This structure is the 
 same, as regards principles and general rules, in all the provincial 
 languages of Sanskrit origin, while it is different (though very 
 similar), if the individual forms and the elements of these be 
 regarded. I shall therefore do sufficient justice to the plan I 
 have in view, if I examine more minutely some of iJiese lan- 
 guages, and show what their grammatical character is. In doing 
 so, however, I am prevented by the limits of my book from ex- 
 hibiting their entire grammar, nor would it better serve the 
 end I have in view if I were to do so. I propose, therefore, to 
 inquire into the scheme of declensions peculiar to these Ian- 
 
48 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF Fchap. i. 
 
 guages, which follows the same analogy as the laws of conjugation, 
 I pass over the permutations of sounds, which are too various 
 to be treated here ; nor, if I did treat them, would it conduce 
 to my object, which is so to . describe the structure of the 
 provincial dialects as to exhibit the differences between them 
 and the dramatic languages. For the changes in their elements 
 undergone by the Sanskrit words which have been received into 
 the modern dialects, follow two very different laws, which, if not 
 carefully distinguished, might be used to demonstrate contrary con- 
 clusions. One sort of mutation prevails in those words which had 
 been received into the provincial dialects which were anciently 
 formed, or rather corrupted, from the Sanskrit;, such as the 
 Brajbhakha pothi, a book, which in Prakrit is pothao, and in 
 Sanskrit pustaka, and numerous others ; which would lead us to 
 conclude that the same changes in the elements of words have 
 taken place in the modern vernaculars as in the dramatic dialects ; 
 and that the forms of words in the former are derived from, and 
 iind their explanation in, the latter. This I by no means deny. 
 But there is another kind of words to be found in the modern dia- 
 lects, which come nearer to the original Sanskrit words than do the 
 forms used in the dramatic Prakrits. The following are some 
 examples from the Brajbhakha, Panjabi, Mahratti, and Bengali : 
 
 Brajbhakba. Panjabi. Mahratti. Bengali. 
 
 Prakrit ^, ^ift 'T^TW ^"^TT, 3^#t ^\^, ^^ 
 Sanskrit Xf^, Xf^ TT^nr ^^T, Yf^T^T ^. ¥f^ft 
 
 " To these might be added numerous other instances. And if 
 such words alone were regarded, it would not be absurd to 
 conclude that the modern dialects retain a greater number of 
 Sanskrit words in their genuine form than the Prakrits do. But 
 
 ^ Put, HfTi *"" '^' liowever, also used in this dialect, as in the phrase bap 
 put, father and son. 
 
SECT. III.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 49 
 
 this would be an unsound conclusion; for the modern verna- 
 culars, especially when spoken by men who are learned in 
 Sanskrit, and as they are seen in books written by such 
 persons (from which the manuals, grammars, and lexicons 
 of such dialects which we use, have been derived), are con- 
 tinually recurring to their sacred and ancient source (the 
 Sanskrit), not only when they want words expressive of recon- 
 dite ideas, and required for elegance of diction, but also when 
 the vernacular form of the word is more corrupt than learned 
 men would wish to introduce into their writings. Hence it 
 happens that twofold forms of the same Sanskrit words are 
 found in the same provincial language, one more Sanskrit, the 
 other Prakrit; for the parent Sanskrit has never ceased to 
 exercise an influence on the vernacular dialects of India, just as 
 the Latin does on the Eomanic tongues; while on the other 
 hand the Sanskrit has exercised no influence on the forms of the 
 dramatic dialects from the period when the dramatic poets, and 
 the grammai'ians following their guidance, had assigned to these 
 dialects certain fixed forms. It has hence resulted that these 
 dramatic dialects have undergone no change whatever, and are 
 just the same in dramas composed within the last three centuries 
 as in the far more ancient M-richhakati. For the language of the 
 stage is continually borrowing Sanskrit words, but alters and 
 inflects them according to rules peculiar to itself; the ver- 
 nacular dialects, on the other hand, continue similarly to borrow 
 words from the Sanskrit, but leave them unaltered**, while those 
 words which they had long ago adopted had been altered ac- 
 cording to natural laws common to them with the Prakrits. In 
 this way the occurrence of pure Sanskrit words in the verna- 
 culars, such as e. g., tiJeshna, tvraskrita, in the Bengali, is to be 
 explained."— Pp. 39—45. 
 
 ** It is also to be observed, that many of the Sanskrit words which have 
 been borrowed and modified in the Pali and Pralsrit are, in the modern dia- 
 lects, replaced, as far as the common people are concerned, by words of 
 aboriginal origin ; such as beta instead of putra for son ; while words like the 
 latter are used chiefly by Brahmans, and other high-caste persons. 
 
50 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chal>. i. 
 
 Professor Lassen then proceeds to examine the forms of 
 declension employed in some of the modern vernaculars. He 
 then goes on to remark as follows : — 
 
 [In the modern vernaculars] " we find the structure of the 
 Sanskrit and Prakrit declension quite destroyed, the same inflec- 
 tions applied to the singular and the plural, and a new difference 
 introduced in certain declensions between the direct and the 
 oblique cases. This proves that the provincial declensions are of 
 a later date than those of the dialects used in the dramas, which 
 are derived from the Sanskrit by certain fixed rules, and involve 
 only a few innovations. In the provincial inflections there 
 remain, indeed, some traces, partly distinct, partly somewhat 
 obsciured, of Sanskrit and Prakrit declension ; but in other points 
 there are great innovations which reveal to us a total dissolution 
 of the old grammatical structure, and its reconstruction by means 
 of new instruments. 
 
 " As this state of things is perceptible in the whole grammar of 
 the provincial dialects which owe their origin to the Sanskrit, I 
 conclude that they are of later origin than the scenic dialects. 
 But between the Sanskrit language and its existing daughters 
 [the modern vernaculars], there is so great a diversity of gram- 
 matical structure as to make it certain that the pristine language 
 cannot have sunk by one fall, so to speak, into that condition in 
 which we find the provincial dialects. It follows of necessity 
 that there must have been an intermediate condition between 
 the pristine and the modern speech. This intermediate condi- 
 tion was no doubt very various, and approached at first more 
 nearly to the Sanskrit, and subsequently to the provincial 
 tongues. 
 
 "If we except the Pali, the earliest form of the Sanskrit after it 
 began to degenerate and to alter its character is that which we find 
 in the dramas ; from which dramatic dialect, therefore, we are to 
 suppose that the first mutation of the Sanskrit, which eventually 
 gave rise to the modern vernaculars, was not very different. I 
 contend that, though not identical, this earliest corruption of 
 
?£CT. III.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 51 
 
 Sanskrit was very similar to that which we find in the dramas. If 
 this opinion be correct, there is nothing to prevent our believing 
 that the scenic dialects were formerly the current speech of the 
 different provinces. The names which these scenic dialects 
 have received from the grammarians, and the conditions of 
 dramatic poetry, lead us to the same conclusion. 
 
 " Here, however, I conceive I must stop, for I could not adduce 
 detailed arguments to prove this opinion without examining the 
 whole field both of the scenic and the provincial dialects. I 
 think, however, that I ought distinctly to add that I should not 
 be disposed to dissent from any one who should assert that the 
 scenic dialects were not exactly the pure forms of speech which 
 were contemporaneously current in the different provinces, but 
 were a little modified so as better to harmoriise with the cha- 
 racter of the persons who were to employ them. The principal 
 argument for this conclusion is that two forms are sometimes 
 found to occur in the dramatic dialects, one having a closer 
 resemblance to the provincial language, and another which is 
 softer and, so to speak, more feminine. 
 
 " To bring this disquisition to a close : there are two families of 
 degenerate Sanskrit extant; the first more ancient, and not 
 much corrupted, to which class the Pali and the scenic dialects 
 belong ; the second of more recent origin, and dispersed at the 
 present day over the [northern] provinces of India, which is 
 more diverse from the parent language. The members of the 
 former family are daughters of the Sanskrit ; those of the latter 
 are its granddaughters, though it is in some degree doubtful 
 whether they are daughters of the first family or granddaughters 
 descended from sisters. As regards the age of these two classes, 
 it is proved by the history of the Buddhist religion and of the 
 Indian stage that the former arose prior to the commencement 
 of the Christian era; while it can be made out with considei'- 
 able probability that the latter (i. e. the modern provincial 
 vernaculars) were formed before the year 1000 of the Christian 
 era."— Pp. 57—60. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OP [chap. i. 
 
 I subjoin some further remarks on the distinction between 
 the older Prakrits, and the modern vernaculars, from the Indische 
 Alterthumskunde of the same author. Vol. ii. pp. 1149, 1150. 
 
 "We must draw a distinct line of demarcation between the 
 Indian languages of the middle age, (under which denomination 
 we may fittingly class the Pali, the languages of the dramas, 
 and those employed in the oldest inscriptions), and the new 
 Indian, or existing vernacular dialects. The former had not, so 
 to speak, crossed the Eubicon, nor entirely renounced obedience 
 to the laws of their mother-language. They conform, it is true, 
 but little to the ancient phonetic laws, and are regulated for the 
 most part by such as are of a later date ; but their grammatical 
 forms, though corrupted and stunted, are inherited immediately 
 from their parent. The modern dialects of India, on the other 
 hand, have almost entirely ceased to obey the phonetic rules of 
 the Sanskrit. They conform in part to the phonetic laws of the 
 Prakrit dialects, but in addition to these the modern dialects 
 have peculiar phonetic laws of their own, and their words, when 
 not borrowed immediately from the Sanskrit to enlarge their 
 vocabulary, often manifest more extreme contractions, and 
 greater deviations from the original words, than do the cor- 
 responding words in the Prakrit. The grammatical forms of 
 the modern dialects are with rare exceptions, newly constructed ; 
 for the case-terminations are chiefly indicated by post-positions, 
 the old personal terminations have for the most part entirely 
 disappeared, and the tenses are marked in quite a different 
 manner than in the Prakrit dialects, the past tenses being com- 
 m.only shown by participles, with the three personal pronouns in 
 the instrumental case. Even the lowest of the dramatic 
 Prakrits, the Apabhransa, has not transgressed this line of 
 demarcation and stands much nearer to the Sanskrit than the 
 modern vernaculars do." 
 
SECT. IV.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHEEN INDIA. 53 
 
 Sect. IV. — Views of the Indian Grammarians on the relatipn of the Prakrits 
 to Sanskrit, and on the other elements in their composition. 
 
 Vai'aruchi^^, the oldest extant grammarian who treats of the 
 Prakrit forms of speech, and his commentator Bhamaha (in 
 his Manorama), distinctly recognise their derivation, mediate 
 or immediate, from Sanskrit: The former describes in his 
 " Prakrita Prakasa" four idialects of this description, viz. : 1st, 
 Maharashtri, or Prakrit generally so called ; 2nd, Paisachi ; 3rdly, 
 Magadhi ; and 4thly, Sauraseni. After having in the first nine 
 chapters laid down the rules for the formation of the Prakrit, 
 properly so called, from Sanskrit, he proceeds to the others; 
 and at the commencement of Chapter X. he lays it down that 
 "the root of the Paisachi is the Sauraseni." qa^lTftl Tf^if^t 
 '^^^•ft II On which the commentator Bhamaha remarks that 
 Paisachi is the language of the Pisachas.^^ The Mag^hi also 
 is declared by Vararuchi in Chapter XI. " to be derived from the 
 same Saui-aseni." TTPT^I IfUf^: "^^^11" TheSauraseni 
 dialect itself is spoken of at the commencement of Chapter XII. 
 as derived immediately from the Sanskrit, '^^^^^•f^ I IJ^f^t 
 5^^ffTW 11^' At the end of the chapter on the fSauraseni, it is 
 stated that " in other points " (which have not been specifically 
 touched upon) " it is like the Maharashtri dialect." '^pf TT^T^T" 
 ■^^fT 11^' From this and from some other quotations which will 
 
 ^ See on his age, Lassen, Instit. Pracr. 4. 5 ; Addenda, p. 65 ; and Indische 
 Altertliumskunde, ii. p. 1160, where he is declared to have flourished about 
 the middle of the first century, a.d. 
 
 'S^'^^'ft II Cowell, p. 86, and Lassen Inst. Pracr. 7. 439. 
 " Cowell, p. 89, and Lassen, pp. 8. 391. 
 ■•^ Cowell, p. 93, and Lassen, pp. 8 ; and 49. of Appendix. 
 <9 Cowell, p. 96, and Lassen, pp. 8 ; and 50. of Appendix. 
 
 E 3 
 
S4 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 be found below, it is clear that the ancient Maharashtri, and the 
 dialect called by way of eminence "the Prakrit," are the same/" 
 In another work called the " Shadbhasha Chandrika," by Lakshmi- 
 dhara, it is distinctly stated that the "Prakrita dialect had its origin 
 in Maharashtra." IfTliTt TUTrTT^^^ II" As theiSauraseni 
 is said to be derived from 'the Sanskrit, the same must be true 
 of the Maharashtri, or principal Prakrit, to which the Sauraseni 
 in most points conforms. And, in ^ct, at the close of Vara- 
 ruchi's ninth section on the former, dialect we have it thus 
 stated iu the following Sutra, the 18th: "The rest is [to be 
 learned] from the Sanskrit;" "3^^: ^^rlirf^ll" On which the 
 commentator remarks, " The rest means all that has not been 
 already referred to. The remaining rules for affixes, compounds, 
 taddhitas, genders, letters, &c., must be learned from the 
 Sanskrit." ^^^^: ^W: I TTtZf^W^'^fff^fTf^^W^- 
 
 f^t%f^: ^W: '^WfTTT^TWI^fMI The derivation of Prakrit 
 from Sanskrit is here distinctly implied, and, in fact, the same 
 thing results from the whole series of rules for forming Prakrit 
 words, which are nothing but explanations of the manner in 
 which the Sanskrit forms are modified in Prakrit. The same 
 origin is ascribed to Prakrit by Hemachandra, who says 
 
 3Tlif^: ^fT^^I rT^*r^ rrrf '^IT^rt ^T TfTlifT^JI'' "It has 
 
 its origin in Sanskrit. Prakrit is that which springs, or comes, 
 from Sanskrit." Of the Prakrits handled by Vararuchi we 
 thus see that three derive their names from three provinces of 
 India, viz., Maharashtra, Magadha, and the country of the 
 Surasenas, the region round Mathura. This, as we have already 
 
 *" That the Maharashtjrl of that period was not the same as the modem 
 Mahratti, appears, (I need scarcely say), from the character of the former, 
 as shown in the dramatic works in which the Prakrits are employed. 
 
 ''^ Lassen, p. 12. 
 
 *» Cowell, pp. 85. and 176. 
 
 ^' Cowell, p. xvii. Lassen, p. 26. 
 
■SECT, iv'.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERK INDIA. 55 
 
 Seen above, p. 46. is considered by Lassen, and justly so, as a 
 strong proof that they were spoken dialects. 
 
 Four kinds of Prakrit only, as we have thus seen, are men- 
 tioned by Vararuchi, the oldest authority on Prakrit Grrammar, 
 viz., Maharashtri (or the principal Prakrit), Sauraseni, Magadhi, 
 and Paisachi. Though many other dialectic varieties are referred 
 to by later grammarians, it is not necessary for my purpose to 
 give a detailed account of any of these. 
 
 Vararuchi devotes nine chapters, containing in all 424 aphor- 
 isms, to the Maharashtri ; one chapter containing 32 aphorisms 
 to the peculiarities of the Sauraseni ; another chapter contain- 
 ing 17 aphorisms to the Magadhi; and a third chapter con- 
 taining 14 aphorisms to the Paisachi. At the end of the 
 separate chapter on the Sauraseni, it is said that it agrees with 
 the Maharashtri in all other points, except those which have 
 been specially noted as peculiar to itself; and the same thing 
 may be presumed in regard to the other two dialects. 
 
 It is clear from this mode of treatment alone, that the 
 points in which these four dialects, and especially the Maha- 
 rashtri and the Sauraseni, agree with each other, must be much 
 more numerous than those in which they differ ; and this con- 
 clusion is confirmed by a comparison of the specimens of the 
 several dialects which a^e extant in the dramas. Accordingly, 
 Professor Lassen remarks, (Instit. Prac. p. 377) that '"the 
 principal dialect, and the {Sauraseni, coincide in most respects." 
 The technical distinction made between these two dialects by 
 the grammarians is, that the one (the Sauraseni) is the language 
 used in prose, while the Maharashtri is appropriated to verse 
 (Lassen, p. 384.) The same author remarks of the Magadhi, 
 that it does not depart much further from the Sanskrit than the 
 principal Prakrit does (p. 387) ; and that the Indian gram- 
 marians are wrong in deriving the Magadhi from the Sauraseni, 
 as the former is as directly descended from the Sanskrit as the 
 latter; and that the two derivatives coincide with each other in 
 most respects (p. 437.) The Paisachi, (a dialect employed by 
 
 E 4 
 
56 HISTOET AND BELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 barbarous hill tribes) Lassen supposes, in like manner, to have 
 been derived directly from the Sanskrit, but by a process peculiar 
 to itself (p. 447.) 
 
 In regard to these Prakrit dialects generally, Lassen remarks 
 (p. 386) as follows : " that the Sanskritic languages of Hindus- 
 than proper were formerly less different from each other than 
 they now ai-e, is to be inferred from the fact that, at that 
 earlier period they had not departed so far from their common 
 fountain." 
 
 The following passage, quoted by Lassen, Instit. Pracrit., 
 p. 17., from a work called Prakritadipika, by Chandideva, 
 seems also to show that Prakrit was a language in current use, 
 as well as employed in the dramas : — "^rf^^ ^<*l«i*Sl<^|<^ 
 
 3?li^*rr^WTT^I rim ^ ^T^l ^T?TTT?r3r^ »TT^t 1T?}-g- 
 
 ^TUrT f^^Rf^ll "This Prakrit of the Maharashtra country, 
 so called from its conformity to popular usage, and from its 
 being employed by poets in dramas and other poems, is the 
 most excellent form of speech. Thus Dandi says ' The Prakrit 
 which prevails in Maharashtra is considered the best.' " In the 
 same way Eama Tarkavagisa, in his Prakritakalpataru, declares 
 " the Maharashtri dialect to be the root of the others;" 
 
 f^^^rf^Tfrr (sic. f%^t?f^wrfTi ?) ^raY^T^ ^TT^i- 
 
 '5X''tT5'^t%'Tt ■JI^r^lTt^ll''' and that "the Sauraseni is derived 
 
 from it." f^x;^^ ^TTff^ Tf^^ ^ HT^ 3{Sif^: 
 
 f^^TRrr: ll '' "The Magadhi is said to be derived from these 
 two." Wf »TPT'«f^^ - - - -^iWl TfRJ^^l^^- 
 
 '* Prakritakalpataru, quoted by Lassen, p. 20. 
 " Ibid. 2nd Sakha, 1st Stavaka. 
 
SECT. IV.] THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHERN INDIA. 57 
 
 ^f^m^ T?^tw: ^riifft f^^ll*'' These languages, together 
 with the Ardhamagadhi and the Dakshinatya, are called 
 bhdshas. The author then refers to the second class, called 
 vibhdshas, the dialects called Sakari or Chandalika, Sabari, 
 Abhirika, Dravida, and TJtkali, which, he says, " though charac- 
 terised by rusticity (apabhransata), are yet not to be ranked in 
 the class of apabhransas if they are employed in dramas." 
 
 TT^^T^ ^f^ t^TTT'RV^ ^cTT^iT^^^XrRT rT^: II " On 
 
 the other hand, the forms of those vibhdshas which are not 
 used in the dramas are reckoned by the author among the apar 
 bhransa dialects, under which name he understands the pro- 
 vincial languages, such as the Bengali, Gruzarati, &c. A third 
 class of languages is called by this author the Paisachi. 
 
 The Kavyachandrika, a work on poetry, has the following 
 remarks on language : — 
 
 rr^W WriiT^ fW^TrJ, W^T ^T^TT TT^TI ^TW^fW f^'W 
 
 " In regard to language, let it be understood that there are 
 four kinds, yiz., Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhransa, and mixed. The 
 Munis call Sanskrit the language of the gods; and consider that 
 there are several kinds of Prakrit, viz. {Tadbhava), that which 
 is derived from, and (Tatsama) that which corresponds with, 
 Sanskrit, and (Desi) the provincial.""' On this passage the 
 scholiast remarks : 
 
 «8 Ibid., 2nd Stavaka. 
 
 ^' Ibid., 3rd Stavaka, (Lassen, p. 21.). 
 
 ^^ KavyachaBdrika, quoted by Lassen, p. 32. ' 
 
58 - HISTORY AND KELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 " The word tadbhava means derived from Sanskrit, like the 
 word khagga, &c., for khadga.. Tatsama means the words which 
 are alike in Sanskrit and Prakrit, like hindi, rahanda, &c. 
 DeSi means the Maharashtri, &c. ApabhranSa is the speech 
 of the Abhiras, &c. The mixed dialect is that of the dramas, 
 &c."*^ On this I would remark that though the Maharashtri is 
 generally recognised as the principal Prakrit, a Desi element 
 is here recognised as existing in it, or contemporaneously with 
 it. Must not this be an indigenous, non-Sanskrit, element ? 
 To the same effect is the following passage from the Kavya- 
 darsa of Dandi : — 
 
 7^^^ ^T^ir^ ^^: wH T^m^ rrmi ^iT^^r^ f^ 
 TT?T^^ TTwt Ti^t "JTra^T f^^: I ¥nrT* ^ft5T^5T^t 
 
 "Writers of authority say that there are four kinds of lan- 
 guage : Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhransa, and mixed. Great Eishis 
 denominate Sanskrit the language of the gods. There are several 
 orders of Prakrit, viz., (tadbhava) that which is derived from, 
 and (tatsama) that which corresponds with, Sanskrit, and the 
 provincial (desi). The language of Maharashtra is called the prin- 
 cipal Prakrit, and it is an ocean of pearls and gems produced in 
 the Setubandha, &c. [This line is corrupt ; and the above sense is 
 assigned as a conjecture. The allusion appears to be a double 
 
 *" Scholiast on the same passage, ibid. 
 *° Marginal gloss quoted by Lassen. 
 
SECT. 1V.2 THE LA]!fGUAGES OF NOETHEKN INDIA. 59 
 
 one : first to the ancient Prakrit poem called ' Setubandha *' ;' 
 and secondly to the reef of Setubandha, a line of rocks between 
 India and Ceylon, in the vicinity of the Ceylonese pearl 
 fisheries.] [In dramatic poetry] the Sauraseni, the Nati, the 
 Graudi, and such like dialects, follow the law of the Prakrit 
 according to their several provincial usages. The speech of the 
 Abhiras, and other such tribes, when occurring in poems, is 
 called Apahhravsa. In books on grammar, whatever differs 
 from Sanskrit is called Apabhr ansa." ^^ 
 
 In his note to the introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar, 
 p. 15., Mr. F. W. Ellis remarks as follows on the Shadbhasha • 
 Chandrika of Lakshmidhara, above referred to (p. 54 :) " The 
 work here noticed is confined to these dialects [the Maharashtri, 
 Sauraseni, Magadhi, Paisachi, Chulika-paisachi, and Apa- 
 bhransa], as they now exist in the Natakas [dramas], and treats 
 therefore only of Tatsamam and Tadbhavam terms of Sanskrit 
 origin ; it is expressly stated, however, that each possessed its 
 proper Desyam, or native, terms; and it is probable, as many of 
 these dialects prevailed in countries far distant from each other, 
 that each was connected with Desyam words of various deriva- 
 tions, in conjunction with which they produced spoken languages, 
 differing considerably from each other. This in fact is declared 
 to be the case with respect to Paisachi in the following passage," 
 [which I give in the Devanagari character] : f^TTT'^^'aif^^rT 
 
 wi "^^ ^utt^^^t: ^^'s^^'^ttT 'T^ [*• «• Two 
 
 kinds of Paisachi are recognised, which depend on the different 
 Pisacha countries. These are declared by the ancients to be the 
 following, Pandya, Kekaya, Vahlika, Sahya, Nepala, Kuntala, 
 Sudhesha [?], Bhota, Gandhara, Haiva [?], and Kanojana [?]. 
 
 6' See note, p. x. and note 2. p. 26 in Cowell's Prakrita-praka^a. 
 ■ "^ From the Kavyadar^a of Dandl, as quoted by Lassen, pp. 32 — 33, 
 
60 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 These are the Pai^acha countries; and the native of each 
 country has his own particular qualities.] " The two Paisachi 
 dialects are said to prevail in all the countries here mentioned, 
 commencing with Pandyam at the southern extremity of 
 India, and extending to Canoj (Canojaha) in the north, .... 
 and it is added, These are the Paisachi countries, and 
 the Desyam terms of each have their own ^particular quality" 
 The concluding phrase is more vague in the original than 
 Mr. Ellis has rendered it; hut as language is the subject which 
 the author is treating, it is to be presumed that he here alludes 
 to the peculiar character of the different provinces in respect of 
 their varieties of speech. 
 
 It is irrelevant to our present purpose to inquire particularly 
 whether the various distinctions adopted by Vararuchi and his suc- 
 cessors, of the mediate or immediate derivation of the Prakrits 
 from Sanskrit, and their classifications of Prakrit, into that which 
 is properly so-called, and Apabhransa, and Paisachi, are merely 
 arbitrary and factitious, or are founded on any rational principles. 
 It is enough that I find the following facts, which are important 
 to the conclusions I am seeking to establish, admitted by the 
 native authorities I have just cited ; viz., first, that the Prakrits 
 are derived from Sanskrit as their source ; secondly, that they 
 are composed of a threefold element : Tatsamam, pure Sanskrit ; 
 Tadhhavam, derived from Sanskrit; and Desi local. As this 
 third element, Desi, is distinguished both from pure Sanskrit 
 and from words derived from Sanski'it but altered, it must 
 . follow, thirdly, that it denotes words which were regarded as 
 having an origin different from Sanskrit. Such, at least, is 
 indubitably the sense in which the word Desi is used by Telugu 
 writers."' This confirms, by the authority of the Indian gram- 
 
 ^^ See Campbell's Telugu Grammar (3d edit., Madras, 1849.) p. 37, 
 
 where it is said : — " The words of the Teloogoo language are 
 
 classed by Sanskrit grammarians under four distinct heads. 1st. Deshyumoo, 
 or, as it is more emphatically termed, Utsu Deshyumoo, the pure language of 
 the land ; 2n(l. Tiitsumumoo, Sanskrit words assuming Teloogoo termina- 
 
SECT. IV.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEEN INDIA. 61 
 
 marians, what I have already asserted above, (p. 41.) to be 
 established on other grounds, viz., that languages exist in India 
 which have an origin independent of Sanskrit. 
 
 To give a complete idea of the artificial manner in which the 
 Indian critics classify the different Prakrit dialects, and of the 
 different classes of people to whom they conceive the dramatic 
 writers ought to assign them, I quote a long passage from the 
 Sahitya Darpana: — 
 
 m^T f% ft^miTi;^! -ar^TTTOt ir^i^Wf •siT^Tff 
 
 ^PftT^ rT^TS^ftft ^PB^T^ J^^Tf^l ^T^ftft 'STT^ 
 
 TTWf t^ ^fTr(^ ^Wt lif^l ^^"^W TTTfTT'^ ^f^- 
 
 tions ; 3rd. Tudbhavumoo, Teloogoo corruptions of Sanskrit words, formed 
 by the substitution, the elision, or addition^ of lettei'S ; 4th. Ordmyumoo, 
 provincial terms, or words peculiar to the vulgar. To these we may also add 
 Unyu DSshyumoo, or words from other countries, sometimes given as a sub- 
 division of the first class, and comprising;, according to the definition of 
 ancient writers, words adopted from the dialects current in the Canarese, 
 Mahratta, Guzerat, and Dravida provinces only, but now also including 
 several of Persian, Hindoostanee, and English origin." 
 
6E HISTORY AND KBLATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 "Let men of respectable rank and cultivated minds speak 
 Sanskrit'; and let women of the same description use Sauraseni, 
 except in the metrical parts, where they should talk Mahdrdshtri. 
 Persons living in kings' palaces should employ Mdgadhi, and 
 servants, kings' sons, and magistrates Ardharndgadhi. The 
 eastern dialect (which the scholiast says is Graudi, or Bengali) 
 should be spoken by buffoons ; and the Avanti by crafty persons. " 
 Let Ddkshinatyd (the language of Vidarbha, according to the 
 scholiast) be employed by soldiers and citizens ; and Sdkdri by 
 Sakaras, Sakas, and others. The Bahlika dialect is the one 
 proper for celestial (?) personages, Drdvidi for Dravidas, &c., 
 Abhiri for Abhiras, Chdnddli for Pukkasas, &c., the Abhiri 
 and Sdvari for those who live by cutting wood and gathering 
 leaves, and Paisdchi, the speech of Pisachas, for charcoal burners. 
 Sauraseni may be used also for female-servants, and women [?] of 
 the better sort, for children, eunuchs, and low astrologers ; the 
 same, and occasionally Sanskrit, for madmen and sick persons. 
 Prakrit should be employed by those who are intoxicated 
 by authority or affected by poverty, by mendicants and pri- 
 soners, &c. Sanskrit should be assigned to the better sort of 
 female mendicants, and also, as some say, to queens, ministers' 
 daughters, and harlots. A dialect belonging to the country 
 from which each character of low origin comes should be 
 assigned to him ; and the language employed even by the 
 superior personages should vary according to their fimction. 
 Sanskrit, varied by other dialects, [?] should be assigned with a 
 
SECT. IV.] THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHEEN INDIA. 63 
 
 view to politeness to women, female friends, children, harlots, 
 gamblers, and celestial nymphs."^'* 
 
 I shall conclude this section by adding the substance of what 
 Professor Lassen s&,ys about the Prakrit dialects in the earlier 
 portion of his work (pp. 22. 25 — 29.) 
 
 " The word prdkrit comes from prakriti (procreatrix), nature, 
 and means 'derived;^ the several Prakrit dialects being re- 
 garded as derivatives of Sanskrit either directly or mediately. 
 The original language from which any other springs is called 
 its prakriti, or source. Thus Hemachandra says, ' Prakrit has 
 its origin in Sanskrit ; that which is derived, or comes from the 
 latter, is called prdkrita.''^^ The expressions Sanskrit and 
 Prakrit are opposed to each other in another sense, when 
 the former word denotes men of cultivated minds, and the 
 latter those who are uncultivated. The term Prakrit is therefore 
 also applied to vulgar and provincial forms of speech, 
 
 " The grammarians concur in considering Maharashtri as in 
 the strictest sense of the word Prdkrit, the principal form or 
 type of Prakrit. The Sauraseni and the Magadhi approach 
 most nearly to the Maharashtri, and both derive their appella- 
 tions from the names of provinces. By these three provincial 
 designations, Maharashtri, Sauraseni, and Magadhi, the Indian 
 grammarians appear to have understood the local varieties of 
 language employed in those three several provinces, as well as 
 the dramatic dialects severally so called. Vararuchi specifies 
 only one inferior dialect, the Paisachi, and understands by 
 it the form of speech employed by the lowest classes of 
 men. This is to be distinguished from the speech of Pisachas 
 (goblins), which, when introduced on the stage, are said 
 to use a gibberish totally ungrammatical. The word is to 
 be understood as figuratively used to denote the contempt in 
 which the lowest classes were held. Hemachandi'a mentions a 
 
 ^* Sahitya Darpana in Bibliotheca Indica, Xo. 53. pp. 172. 173. (See also 
 Lassen, Inst. Pracr. pp. 35, 36.) 
 *= Hemachandra, viii. 1., Lassen, p. 26; quoted atiove, p. 54. 
 
64 HISTOEY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 variety of this dialect; the Chulika-paisachi, which denotes a 
 form of speech lower than even the former. In fact, two 
 varieties of Paisachi appear to- be distinguished by the gram- 
 marians^^, both of them spoken by barbarous tribes, of which the 
 one seems to belong to northern, the other to southern, India. 
 Eama-Tarkavagisa also mentions two sorts of Paisachi, signi- 
 fying by this name a rude mixture of language drawn from 
 different idioms. 
 
 " The term apabhransa is applied by the grammarians to those 
 dialects which are the furthest removed from the pure Sanskrit 
 original, and have undergone the greatest corruption. Hema- 
 chandra specifies two kinds, of which one has most afiSnity with 
 the principal Prakrit, and the other with the Sauraseni. The 
 older writers assign this dialect to the people who dwell on the 
 shores of the western ocean, especially the Abhiras. Eama 
 Tarkavagisa, departing from the view of the earlier wiiters, 
 ascribes the varieties of the local and provincial dialects to the 
 apabhransa, as their source. The same author seems also (when 
 he uses (iii. l.)the words ndgadihramM, "according to the manner 
 of those who speak like Ndgas, or serpents, &c."), to assign a 
 mjrthological name to the provincial dialects in the same way as 
 the older writers talk of certain barbarous tribes as Pisachas. 
 This designation appears to have proceeded from the writers on 
 rhetoric, who assign Sanskrit to the gods : Prakrit is then left 
 for men ; while those whom the Brahmans consider to be 
 scarcely deserving of the name of men, Chandalas, Abhiras, 
 and such like, are only fit to utter the speech of goblins, or 
 serpents. 
 
 "The Prakrit dialects employed in the dramas are rightly, 
 asserted by the grammarians to be of Sanskrit origin ; for both 
 the grammatical forms and the words, with very few exceptions, 
 as well as the entire structure of the Prakrits, and the character 
 of their syntax, are derived from the Sanskrit. When, however, 
 
 *° See the passage quoted in p. 59. 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 65 
 
 the more recent grammarians assert the same of the Canarese 
 and other South-Indian dialects, they are in error, as, although 
 these languages contain words formed from Sanskrit according 
 to certain rules, their grammatical forms and primary words 
 cannot by any possibility have been drawn from that source." 
 
 The later native authority to whom Professor Lassen here 
 refers appears to be Eama Tarkavagisa, (p. 23.) I will hereafter 
 show (when I come to refer more particularly to the South- 
 Indian languages) that the Indian grammarians of the south 
 claim for the Telugu, and no doubt for the Tamul, Canarese, 
 and Malayalim, also, an origin quite independent of the 
 Sanskrit.^' 
 
 Sect. V. — The Pali; and its relations to Sanskrit and Prakrit. 
 
 The above tabular comparison of the Prakrits with the mo- 
 dern vernaculars, will have abundantly shown, that the latter 
 are derived from the former, and that both are derived in great 
 part from the Sanskrit, the one mediately, the other more 
 immediately. Though, however, it be sufficiently clear, both 
 from the authority of the native grammarians and by a com- 
 parison of the Sanskrit and the Prakrits, that the latter are 
 derived from the former, yet the Prakrits do not represent the 
 derivative form of speech which stands nearest to the Sanskrit ; 
 and we are in a position to point out a dialect which ap- 
 proaches yet more closely to the latter than the Prakrits do. I 
 mean the Pali, or sacred language of the Buddhists ; a language 
 which is extinct in India, but in which numerous canonical books 
 of the Bauddha religion, still extant in Burmah and Ceylon, are 
 written.** 
 
 *' See Dr. Caldwell's Comp. Grammar of the Dravidiati languages, pp. 
 30, 31. ; the Introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar, 3d ed., Madras, 
 1849, pp. XV. ff. ; and the Note, in the same work, by Mr. Ellis, to Mr. 
 Campbell's Introduction, pp. 11 — 22. 
 
 ^^ If any Brahmanical reader should think of studying these pages, I hope 
 that the connection of the Pali language with the Buddhist religion will not 
 deprive it of all interest in his eyes, much less induce him, with the author 
 
 F 
 
66 HISTORY AND EELATIOXS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Though, however, this language has had the singular fate of 
 having now disappeared from its native soil, to become a sacred 
 language in foreign countries, it is yet nothing more than 
 one of the ancient vernacular dialects of Northern India. 
 Magadhi is the appellation which the Buddhists of Ceylon 
 themselves give to it. It is, indeed, true, as we are informed 
 by Mr. Tumour, that the "Buddhists are impressed with 
 the conviction that their sacred and classical language, the 
 Magadhi or Pali, is of greater antiquity than the Sanskrit; 
 and that it had attained also a higher state of refinement than 
 its rival tongue had acquired. In support of this belief they 
 adduce various arguments, which in their judgment are quite 
 conclusive. They observe that the very word ' Pali ' signifies, 
 original, text, regularity ; and there is scarcely a Buddhist Pali 
 scholar in Ceylon, who, in the discussion of this question, will 
 not quote, with an air of triumph, their favourite verse 
 
 WTTinrf^ ^w*rr¥T^RT ^^rfr^fw^Ti wnT^^^^rTT- 
 
 Wrrr W*^^T '^if^ TT'?^ II ' There is a language which is 
 the root (of all languages) ; men and Brahmans at the commence- 
 ment of the creation, who had never before heard or uttered a 
 human accent, and even the supreme Buddhos, spoke it : it is 
 Magadhi.'^' This verse ^'' is a quotation from Kachchayano's 
 
 of the 'Nya.ya, mala vistara, I. 3. 4, to regard it, though of pure Sanskrit 
 original, as polluted, like cow's milk in a dog's skin, («ff% TTrf ^T^ 
 ^TT^;(^ ^'^^ 'S'rfTr I ) by the unholy contact of these heretics. 
 
 ^^ The idea entertained by the Buddhists of the superiority of the Pali to 
 Sanskrit may also be learnt from the following passage of the commentary 
 on the Grammar called Rupasiddhi, describing the result of the composition 
 of Kachchayano's Grammar : -Q;^ ^f^ ^TfT^'^'TT^T'^lRfrTt^^- 
 
 " This being done, men, overcoming the confusion and incorrectness of 
 diction, arising from the mixture of Sanskrit and other dialects of various 
 
 countries will easily acquire the doctrine of Buddho." Mahavanso 
 
 Introd. pp. xxvi. xxvii. 
 ™ Preserved in the grammar called Payogasiddhi. Tumour, p. xxvii. 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OE NOETHERN INDIA. 67 
 
 Grrammar, the oldest referred to in the Pali literature of Ceylon. 
 The original is not extant in this island." Mr. Turnour, however, 
 is inclined to " entertain an opinion adverse to the claims of the 
 Buddhists on this particular point [the priority of Pali to Sans- 
 krit]. The general results of the researches hitherto made by 
 Europeans, both historical and philosophical, unquestionably con- 
 verge," he thinks, " to prove the greater antiquity of the Sanskrit. 
 Even in this island," he proceeds, " all works on astronomy, medi- 
 cine, and (such as they are) on chemistry and mathematics, are 
 exclusively written in Sanskrit : while the works on Buddhism, 
 the histories subsequent to the advent of Grotamo Buddho, and 
 certain philological works alone, are composed in the Pali 
 language." (Mahawanso, Introd. pp. xxii. xxiii.) There is no 
 question that Mr. Turnour is right, and that the priests of 
 Ceylon, who are no philologists, are wrong. The Pali bears as 
 distinct traces of derivation from Sanskrit as any of the other 
 northern dialects. Before, however, adducing the proofs of 
 this, I must give some account of the manner in which the 
 Pali was introduced into Ceylon. 
 
 The appearance of Buddha as a reUgious reformer in Northern 
 Hindusthan seems to have taken place in the earlier part of the 
 sixth century before Christ. He is said to have entered on his 
 mission in the year 588, and to have died in 543, B.C. (Turnour, 
 Introd. to Mahaw., p. xxix.)" In strong contrast to the Brahmans, 
 
 '' The grounds for preferring the Cingalese date of Buddha's death, 543 
 or 544 B.C., to that of the Northern Buddhists, are set forth by Lassen, Ind. 
 Alt. vol. ii. pp. 51 — 61. See especially pp. 60, 61. The historical value of 
 the Buddhist records is, according to ISIi-. Turnour (Introd. p. xxviii.), 
 assured in the following way : — " The age in which we now live is the 
 Buddhotpado of Gotamo [the interval between the manifestation of one 
 Buddho and the epoch when his religion becomes extinct.] His religion 
 was destined to endure 5,000 years ; of which 2,380 have now passed away 
 
 (a. D., 1837) since his death, and 2,620 are yet to come By 
 
 this fortunate fiction, a limitation has been prescribed to the mystification in 
 which the .Buddhistical creed has involved all the historical data contained 
 in its literature anterior to the advent of Gotama. . . . The mystifica- 
 
 F 2 
 
68 HISTOET AND RELATIONS OF [cHAr. I. 
 
 he and his followers strove to disseminate their new doctrines 
 in a popular shape among all classes of society, and for this 
 purpose employed, where necessary, the current vernacular 
 dialects of their age and country, though, at the same time, 
 they may have used both Sanskrit and Magadhi in the compo- 
 sition of their sacred works. (Lassen, Ind. Alt. ii. 492, 3 ; 
 1147, 8: Burnouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 862.)" Three 
 Buddhist synods were held at different periods within 300 
 years after Buddha's death, for the collection and arrangement 
 of the sacred works which expounded the doctrines and discipline 
 of his religion; for the correction of errors and abuses; and 
 for the purpose of propagating the new faith in foreign coun- 
 tries. The revelations of Buddha are stated by his followers 
 " to have been orally pronounced in Pali, and orally per- 
 petuated for upwards of four centuries, till the close of the 
 Buddhistical age of inspiration." They consist of the Pita- 
 kattaya [in Sanskrit Pitakatraya], or the three pitakas, which 
 now form the Buddhistical Scriptures, divided into the Vinaya, 
 Abhidharma, and Siitra pitakas. A schism having arisen after 
 Buddha's death, the first Buddhist council was held in 543, 
 when the authenticity of this Pali collection was established, 
 and commentaries upon it, called Atthakatha, were promulgated. 
 At the second council, in 443, B.C., the authority of the 
 Pitakattaya was again vindicated, and the Atthakatha delivered 
 on that occasion completed the history of Buddhism for the 
 interval subsequent to the previous council. In the year 309 
 B. c, the third council was held in the reign of King Asoka, who 
 
 tion of the Buddhistical data ceased a century at least prior to n. c. 588, 
 when Prince Siddhattho attained Buddbohood, in the character of Gotamo 
 Buddho." 
 
 '^ Benfey is of a diflferent opinion. He says (Indien, p. 194), the 
 Buddhist books of Nepal composed in Sanskrit are, " as we shall hereafter 
 show to be probable, merely translations from the Buddhist sources, which 
 were originally composed in Pali." 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 69 
 
 was a zealous promoter of Buddhism [Tumour, p. xxix. J. Various 
 missions were consequently undertaken.''* Mahendra, the son of 
 King Asoka, was sent on a mission to Ceylon, for the conversion 
 of that island. 
 
 The following account of his proceedings is given by the 
 native authorities, as abstracted by Professor Lassen (Ind. Alt. ii. 
 pp. 247 — 253): — Mahendra arrived in Ceylon in the year 
 245 B.C., was hospitably received by the king of the island, and 
 began by his preaching to convert the inhabitants to the religion 
 of Buddha. The king himself embraced the new doctrine. Be- 
 lies of Buddha were transported to the island from Northern 
 India, and the Bodhi tree, under which Buddha had attained 
 the most perfect knowledge, was transplanted thither from 
 Behar, and according to the belief of the Buddhists, continues 
 to flourish to the present time. Many miracles attended these 
 transactions. The conversions to Buddhism continued ; and many 
 male and female devotees were consecrated to the Buddhist 
 priesthood. Buddhism, thus introduced, has ever since remained 
 the creed of Ceylon; and that island, the head-quarters of 
 Southern Buddhism, and the seed-plot from which it was pro- 
 pagated into Burmah and other parts of Transgangetic India, is 
 regarded in those countries as a holy land. In Ceylon there 
 exists, as has been already mentioned, an extensive Buddhistic 
 literature, which fills up an important blank in that of the 
 Brahmans. This literature is, as I have stated, in Pali. 
 At first, however, the principal sacred records of the 
 Buddhists are said to have been handed down by oral tradi- 
 tion. Mr. Turnour (p. xxix.), gives the following statement on 
 this subject from the native authorities : The Pitakattaya, to- 
 gether with the Atthakatha, completed to the era of the third 
 Council, were orally promulgated in Ceylon by Mahendi-a, 
 the Pitakattaya in Pali, and the Atthakatha in Cingalese, 
 with a further Atthakatha of his own. These works were, it 
 
 " See Lassen, Ind. Alt. ii. pp. 79. 86. 229. ff., and 234—240. 
 F 3 
 
70 HISTOKY AND RELATIONS OP [chap. i. 
 
 is said, propouaded orally by his inspired disciples and suc- 
 cessors till the close of the period of inspiration, which occurred 
 in Ceylon between 104 and 76 B.C. They were then com- 
 mitted to writing, the text (Pitakattaya) in Pali, (in which it 
 had before been handed down orally), and its commentaries 
 in Cingalese. This event is thus celebrated in the Mahawanso, 
 chap. 33, p. 207. f^rRrTRXflfw^ rf^T '^^^Tl" ff I 
 
 f%?ofrtf^ II " The wise Bhikkhus of earlier times had handed 
 down orally both the text (Pali) of the three pitakas, and their 
 atthakatha. But at that period, perceiving the injury which 
 would otherwise be sustained by the people, the Bhikkhus as- 
 sembled and caused them to be written down in books for the 
 more lasting stability of the faith." About 500 years later, in 
 the period between 410 and 432 a.d., Buddhaghosa transferred 
 the Cingalese Atthakatha into Pali, as related in the 37th 
 Chapter of the Mahawanso. These Pali versions of the Buddhist 
 scriptures and their commentaries are those now extant in 
 Ceylon, and they are identically the same with the Siamese and 
 Burmese versions. 
 
 Such are the Buddhist traditions regarding the oral trans- 
 mission of their sacred books, viz., the Bcrvptures themselves 
 in Pali, and the cow/mentaries, &c., in Cingalese, and their 
 subsequent consignment to writing. It will be seen, however, 
 that so much of this narrative as records the oral transmission 
 of these works, is distinctly rejected by Mr. Turnour, who says, 
 p. Ivii. " although there can be no doubt as to the belief en- 
 tertained by Buddhists here, that these scriptures were per- 
 petuated orally for 453 years before they were reduced to writing, 
 being founded on superstitious imposture, originating perhaps 
 in the priesthood denying to all but their own order, access to 
 their scriptures ; yet there is no reasonable ground for question- 
 
SECT. V.J THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHEEN INDIA. 71 
 
 ing the authority of the history thus obtained of the origin, 
 recognition, and revisions of these Pali scriptures." 
 
 Eegarding the introduction of Pali into Ceylon, different views 
 have been taken. In his " Institutiones Linguas Pracriticse," 
 Professor Lassen remarks as follows, (pp. 60, 61): — 
 
 "It is clear that the Pali is the sacred language of the 
 Southern Buddhists, i. e. of those who departing, for the most 
 part, from the shores of Kalinga^ towards the south, carried with 
 them, first of all, the doctrines of Buddhism into Ceylon, and 
 eventually propagated them in India beyond the Granges." 
 
 And again : — 
 
 " While the Pali is connected with the emigration of Bud- 
 dhism to the south, it was itself, without doubt, produced in 
 India. It is by no means clear whether the Buddhists, when 
 they travelled southwards, made use of the Pali language from 
 the first or not; but indeed, as the commencement of the 
 emigration to Ceylon can scarcely be placed earlier than from 
 628 — 543 before Christ, the application of the Pali dialect as 
 a vehicle for communicating the Buddhist doctrines can scarcely 
 have taken place earlier than that period. How much more 
 recent it may be, I leave to those who may be endeavouring 
 to trace the history of this sect, to discover." 
 
 In his later work, however, the " Indian Antiquities," (vol. ii. 
 pp. 488 — 490), Lassen proposes the following theory on the 
 subject, which I translate,, with slight abridgements: — ■ 
 
 "The Pali language is called by the Buddhists of Ceylon 
 Magadhi, and it ought consequently to have had its birthplace 
 in Magadha. This, however, cannot have been the case, as, like 
 the majority of the dramatic dialects, it does not possess the 
 peculiarities of the Magadhi. The Buddhists are also wrong when 
 they declare the Pali to be the root of the Sanskrit, and assert 
 that Katyayana restored it to its original perfection by purifying 
 it from all intermiKture of Sansl^rit and the provincial dialects. 
 We shall therefore have to seek for the birthplace of the Pali 
 elsewhere than in Magadha. We must necessarily assume 
 
 r 4 
 
72 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OB'' [chap. i. 
 
 it to have been once a vernacular dialect, as it is otherwise 
 impossible to perceive why it should have been selected as the 
 language of the sacred writings. There is, besides, nothing in 
 its character which is opposed to the supposition that it was 
 once a spoken tongue. If we compare it with the language 
 of the Western inscriptions, we find that, generally speaking, 
 they stand both equally removed from the Sanskrit ; for if the 
 one presents some forms whiclj, are older, the other again has 
 other forms which are more ancient.'^ The western inscriptions 
 have, in addition to other differences, also the peculiar phonetic 
 rule of changing tvd into ptd, (e. g. dasayitvd [Sanskrit darsa- 
 yitva] into dasayiptd), which is unknown to the Pali, as well as 
 to the dramatic dialects. These discrepancies render it impossible 
 to identify the Pali with the language of the western inscriptions. 
 It is besides to be observed, that Buddhism had not its prin- 
 cipal seat on the western coast, where the dialect in question 
 was vernacular." 
 
 Thus, according to Lassen, the Pali is neither identifiable with 
 the Magadhi, the language of Eastern Hindusthan, nor with 
 the dialects of Western India, as made known by the western 
 inscriptions. 
 
 " In the absence of any other circumstance to indicate the 
 birthplace of the Pali, (Professor Lassen proceeds,) I pro- 
 pose the following conjecture on the subject. I assume that 
 Katyayana selected the speech of the country in which he 
 was engaged in propagating Buddhism, i. e. of Malwa. Of 
 the Prakrits employed in the dramas, the Sauraseni is the 
 
 '* Thus the language of the inscriptions preserves the s before i and th, 
 as in asH, in sesthe, and in usthana ; and the r in sarvva, where the Pali has 
 tth, tth, and vv. The inscriptions, too, preserve the Sanskrit dative, for which 
 the genitive is used in Pali, though the gi-ammarians recognise the existence 
 of the dative. In Pali the ablative in sma, as well as mho, and the locative 
 in smin as well as mhi, are found, though they are rarely used in composition. 
 In the inscriptions, on the other hand, the locative has the form mhi, while 
 the ablative of words in a is a, so that the pronominal declination of this case 
 has not yet been transferred to the noun. 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHEEN INDIA. 73 
 
 one most frequently employed, and is the variety used in the 
 prose passages. Vararuchi derives it immediately from the 
 Sanskrit, and from it the other dramatic dialects. He must 
 therefore have considered it as the oldest, though he (as well as 
 his successors), regards the dialect called Maharashtri as the 
 principal. These two dialects stand the nearest to the Pali, 
 though it is decidedly older than they are. I conjecture, there- 
 fore, that we may regard it as the oldest form which has been 
 preserved of the vernacular language of "Western India between 
 the Jumna river and the Vindhya range, a tract which includes 
 Malwa. The Saviraseni would consequently present a later form 
 of this language. From Ujjayani a knowledge of Katyayana's work 
 was probably diffused over the Dekhan ; and the Cingalese derived 
 their acquaintance with the dialect of which it treated from the 
 country of the Damilas, i. e. the Tamilians, or the Cholas. In 
 that country, Dipankara, surnamed Buddhapriya, composed his 
 new arrangement of that work, the oldest Pali grammar now 
 extant.^^ As the canonical writings in Ceylon were not translated 
 
 " "The oldest version of the compilation from Kachchayano's Grammar," 
 says Mr. Tumour, (Introd. to Mahaw. p. xxv.), "is acknowledged to be the 
 Riipasiddhi. I quote three passages .... The first of these extracts 
 [from the conclusion of the Kupasiddhi] .... proves the work to be of 
 very considerable antiquity, from its having been composed in the Daksina, 
 while Buddhism prevailed there as the religion of the state.'' This quotation 
 
 is as follows : — f^efv^fTrfTT'^^'^^^^'C^^'t fT'W?f%^«IT«T 
 
 the aid of Mr. Tumour's version, I translate as follows : — " The cele- 
 brated teacher Anando, who was a rallying point like a standard to 
 Tambapanni (Ceylon), had a disciple called Dipankaro. The latter, who 
 had obtained renown in the land of Damila, and was the superintendent of 
 two religious houses, called Baladichcha, &c., illustrated the religion of 
 Buddha. He was the devotee who bore the appellation of Buddhapiyo, and 
 composed this perfect Kupasiddhi." 
 
74 
 
 HISTOKY AND RELATIONS OF [c 
 
 into this sacred dialect till the beginning of the fifth century, 
 A.D.'^, the knowledge of it appears to have been only very 
 slowly diffused towards the south. The grammar just referred 
 to appears to be more ancient than that translation. A 
 more accm-ate conclusion regarding this portion of the his- 
 tory of the languages of India, will perhaps result from a 
 complete investigation of the writings of the Southern Bud- 
 dhists." 
 
 These remarks of Lassen scarcely afford sufficient grounds for 
 denying that the Pali was introduced into Ceylon from Magadha. 
 The peculiarities which are enumerated by Vararuchi as the 
 characteristics of the Magadhi, as it existed in his day, such as 
 the substitution of s ('SX) for sh {^), and s (W), y (^) for j (^), 
 sk (^) for hsh (^), I for r, are, after all, of no great conse- 
 quence, and would perhaps be regarded by learned persons 
 even in Magadha itself, rather as vulgar provincialisms, than 
 essential characteristics of their language. If so, such varieties 
 would naturally be discarded by educated men acquainted with 
 Sanskrit, when they came to form for themselves a literary 
 language. 
 
 The early Buddhist teachers appear to have been in the 
 habit of travelling over the whole of the central parts of 
 Northern India, and must have been acquainted with the lan- 
 guages of its different provinces. When, therefore, they set them- 
 selves to compose works which were intended for circulation in 
 all these different regions, they would naturally adopt the most 
 correct and approved forms of speech which were current any- 
 where within those limits. The case is quite different in regard 
 to the dramatic compositions of India, which would preserve 
 the most salient points of every provincial patois, as works of this 
 
 '^ This statement of Lassen disagrees with tte account given by Mr. 
 Tumour, on native authority (quoted above, pp. 69, 70.) that the Pitakattaya 
 had been handed down in Pali from the first. See also the Journal of the 
 Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1837, pp. 503. fi". 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 75 
 
 class derive a considerable part of their attraction from de- 
 picting, or even exaggerating local peculiarities. 
 
 I find it also difficult to concur in Lassen's opinion as to the 
 period at which the Pali, or Magadhi, was introduced into Ceylon. 
 Mahendra and his followers, who were no doubt numerous, must 
 necessarily have carried with them the language of their native 
 country ; and not only so, but must have been the bearers of 
 numerous works written in that language. For it is not easy to 
 receive literally the account given by the Ceylonese writers 
 (which, as we have seen, p. 69, Mr. Turnour also rejects,) of 
 the time at which their religious works were first committed to 
 writing, or to suppose that the foreign propagators of Buddhism, 
 who would at first be ignorant of Cingalese, should, at the period 
 of their arrival, have had no records in their own language of 
 the new religion which they were introducing, or that these 
 records should not have been safely handed down to their suc- 
 cessors. 
 
 M. Eugene Burnouf, in the course of a comparison which he is 
 instituting between a paragraph extracted from a Pali book, the 
 Digha Nikaya, and a parallel passage from a Nepalese Sanskrit 
 work, makes the following observation on the language in which 
 the former is composed, from which it will be observed, that he 
 does not controvert the derivation of the Pali language from the 
 dialect of Magadha : — 
 
 " It is quite possible that these two versions may have been 
 nearly contemporaneous in India, and have been current there 
 from the earliest period of Buddhism, before the events occurred 
 which transported them to Ceylon. The Pali version would be 
 popular among the inferior castes and the bulk of the people of 
 Magadha and Oude, while the Sanskrit version was used by the 
 Brahmans. Still, we should not be justified in supposing that 
 we possessed in the Pali text the authentic version of this pas- 
 sage in its true Magadhi form, since a comparison of the 
 Indian inscriptions of Asoka, and of the Pali of Ceylon, reveals 
 to us certain differences between the forms of these two dialects. 
 
76 HISTORY AND KELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Still, while we allow for the degree of artificial regularity which 
 the cultivation of the Pali in Ceylon may have introduced, we 
 must hold that the Pali version of this passage approaches very 
 closely to the form which it must have had in Magadhi." — {Lotus 
 de la Bonne Loi. App. p. 862.). 
 
 Professor Weber, (in the course of a detailed notice of the 
 Lotus de la Bonne Loi in his Indische Studien, iii. 176, £f.) re- 
 marks as follows on this passage : — " This last explanation 
 [that the Pali was elaborated in Ceylon] does not appear to me 
 satisfactory, because a language carried by a few persons along 
 with them into a foreign country ordinarily retains its ancient 
 character unchanged. It is further very questionable whether 
 the cultivation (?', e. the grammatical culture?) of the Pali 
 commenced in Ceylon, and probability speaks rather in favour 
 of the supposition that the grammar of the language was 
 fixed in the country which was its home." Weber proceeds 
 to observe, that the Cingalese tradition ascribes the origin 
 of their grammar to India; and thinks it may be doubtful 
 whether Pali was used at all in Ceylon before the arrival 
 there of Buddhaghosa in 420 A.d. For though a translation of 
 the Siitras is said to have been made into the Cingalese sixty 
 years earlier, (which seems to prove that the Pali was understood 
 all along), yet it is improbable, he conceives, that, if it had been 
 earnestly studied before Buddhaghosa, the translation of the 
 work called Atthakatha would have been so long deferred. 
 At any rate, he thinks the arrival of this teacher appears to have 
 given a new impulse to the study of Pali, as is attested by the 
 composition of the Mahavansa in that language, fifty years 
 later. It is clear, however, that Weber maintains the essential 
 identity of Pali with the vernacular dialect of Magadha, in the 
 sixth century b. c, as he explains the more archaic character of 
 the language of the Pali books, the Atthakatha and Tripitaka, as 
 compared with the language of the Indian inscriptions of Asoka, 
 by supposing that (while the popular dialect had undergone 
 great alterations in the 300 years which intervened between 
 
SECT, v.] THK LA]!^GUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 77 
 
 Buddha's death and the date of the inscriptions) the followers of 
 Buddha may have made it a rule to retain, as far as possible, 
 the dialect in which Buddha himself spoke, as the language of 
 all the discourses which actually emanated from him, or were 
 ascribed to him, as well as of all the narratives of which he 
 formed the subject. 
 
 I quote two other authorities on the subject of the early in- 
 troduction of Pali into Ceylon. The first is Professor Spiegel, 
 who remarks as follows, in the Preface to the Kammavakya (a 
 short Buddhist work edited by him, and translated into Latin) : 
 — "It appears reasonable to believe that the Pali was introduced 
 by the Buddhists into Ceylon, and carried thence into Trans- 
 gangetic India. An extensive intercourse existed between the 
 continent of India and Ceylon from the earliest period, and the 
 mention of this island in the Eamayana is well known. Six 
 Brahmanical kings are enumerated in the Mahavansa, who, as 
 they lived before the age of Asoka, must no doubt have employed 
 another language. That this was the case is proved by the mul- 
 titude of words which have been transferred from, Sanskrit, not 
 from Pali, into the Cingalese language, and which appear to 
 have been introduced in consequence of that previous inter- 
 course to which reference has been made. Thus we find in 
 Cingalese, harna, not kanna, ear, vaira, not vera, enmity, the 
 use of the visarga, which has nearly disappeared from Pali, as 
 well as the vowels ri, ri, Iri, IrV Spiegel proceeds: — "We 
 find, from the Cingalese books, that the Buddhists arrived in 
 Ceylon, bringing with them the Pali language, in the time of 
 Devanampiyatissa, the contemporary of Asoka, who reigned 
 from 260 — 219 B.C. It is probable that the Pali was called 
 Magadhi in consequence of the mission of Asoka's son Mahendra 
 to introduce Buddhism into Ceylon. In fact, a comparison of 
 the Pali with the language of the inscriptions which have de- 
 scended to our own time, leaves no doubt that the two forms 
 of speech are most closety connected. Both are but comparatively 
 little removed from the Sanskrit, since in neither of them is 
 
78 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 elision of letters practised, nor, with few exceptions, are aspirated 
 letters commuted into h, as in the Prakrit." 
 
 The other authority I shall quote, is Professor Benfey, who 
 thus writes in his article on India, (in Ersch and Grruber's Grer- 
 man Encyclopcedia, p. 194.) 
 
 " The place exterior to India, where Buddhism became first 
 established as a state religion (about 240 years before Christ) 
 under the especial auspices of Asoka, Emperor of India, was 
 Ceylon. It is therefore to he asswmed that at that penod all 
 which was of tTuportance on the subject of Buddhism, was 
 brought to Ceylon in the form in which it then existed. 
 Besides, so close a connection existed between Ceylon and the 
 head quarters of the Indian empii'e, viz., the regions lying on 
 the Bay of Bengal (Bengal itself and the adjoining provinces), 
 that the Ceylonese took at least a passive share in the develop- 
 ments of Buddhism. Hence their books appear to me to be 
 authorities of the greatest consequence. It is further to be 
 observed that these works are composed in Pali, which is the 
 sacred language of the Buddhists in Ceylon, and in the countries 
 converted to Buddhism by the Ceylonese, and which was the 
 predominating popular dialect in central India." 
 
 I quote another passage, to a similar effect, from p. 250 of 
 the same work ; and although there, at the close, the author 
 speaks doubtfully of the derivation of Pali from the province 
 of Magadha, and of the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon 
 from the shores of the Bay of Bengal, he is not to be under- 
 stood as throwing any uncertainty on the connection of Pali or 
 of Buddhism with Northern India in general. 
 
 He characterises the Pali as "the sacred language of the 
 Buddhist writings found in Ceylon and Transgangetic India, 
 .... which is shown both by internal and external indi- 
 cations to have been the vernacular dialect of central India, 
 and which was diffused along with the Buddhist religion in the 
 countries above named, where it soon acquired the same sacred- 
 ness in the eyes of the Buddhists, which Sanskrit possessed, and 
 
SECT, v.] THE LAlfGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 79 
 
 still possesses, for the Brahmans. This language," he continues, 
 " (though distinct proof cannot yet be adduced of the assertion), 
 is one of the very oldest of the Indian vernaculars, and was 
 already in popular use at the period of the rise of Buddhism. It 
 ■was probably the dialect of a considerable, I mean the western, 
 portion of Bengal. It was from this point, from Banga or 
 Kalinga, that according to the Ceylonese account, Buddhism was 
 introduced into Ceylon: and yet again this conjecture becomes 
 uncertain, owing to the fact that the language of Magadha, 
 which was spoken only a little to the north of the Bay of 
 Bengal, and which (as Asoka's inscription in Cuttack seems to 
 have been composed in it) appears also to have extended 
 towards the south, varies essentially from the Pali in several 
 particulars." Again in p. 246, Benfey speaks of "the Pali, as 
 varying in many particulars from the language of Magadha, 
 and approximating to the principal Prakrit or Maharashtri, 
 dialect." 
 
 But it matters little in what particular province we suppose 
 the Pali to have originated, whether in Magadha, or in some 
 country further to the westward : as the fact remains in any case 
 indubitable that it represents one of the oldest Prakritic dialects 
 of northern India. 
 
 The Buddhist writers assert, as we have already seen, that the 
 Pali is not derived from the Sanskrit ; but that on the contrary 
 it is the primitive language from which all others are descended. 
 These Buddhist grammarians were no doubt led away by their 
 prejudice in favour of the dialect which they or their prede- 
 cessors had adopted as the depositary of their sacred literature ; 
 and by a prejudice against the Sanskrit, which was venerated by 
 their rivals, the Brahmans. Even Mr. Clough says, (Pali Gram- 
 mar, Advertisement, p. iii.) without determining the question, "it 
 has long been a contested point whether the Pali or Sanskrit be 
 the more ancient language of India ; " and contents himself with 
 the remark that, " it is certain that Pali was the popular dialect 
 of the native country of Buddho, namely, Magadha, before the 
 
80 HISTOEr AND EELATIONS OF [chap, i, 
 
 po-werful sect, founded by him, was expelled from the continent 
 of India, an event prior to the Christian era." 
 
 The real relations of the two languages, the Pali and the 
 Sanskrit, could not, however, escape the notice of any person 
 who had mastered the true principles of philology; and are 
 accordingly enunciated with distinctness, and in a masterly way, 
 in the following passage, by MM. Burnouf and Lassen (Essai 
 sur le Pali, pp. 138. £f.) 
 
 " The Pali is derived from the Sanskrit, according to certain 
 rules, for the most part euphonic, which- do not allow the deri- 
 vative language to admit certain sounds and combinations of 
 consonants, common in the parent tongue. These modifications 
 apply equally to the substantive portions of the words and to 
 their terminations and inflections. It hence results that there is 
 no grammatical form to be found in Pali of which the origin 
 may not be discovered in Sanskrit ; and that there is no occasion 
 to call in the influence of any foreign idiom to explain the 
 modifications to which the Pali has subjected the Sanskrit. 
 
 " When the Pali, as a derivative from Sanskrit, is compared 
 with other dialects having the same origin, it is found to approach 
 far more closely than any of those others to that common source. 
 It stands, so to speak, on the first step of the ladder of departure 
 from Sanskrit, and is the first of the series of dialects which 
 break up that rich and fertile language. But it appears that the 
 Pali, which contained in itself the germs of alteration akeady 
 greatly developed, was arrested in its progress all at once, and 
 fixed in the condition in which we now find it, i. e. in a state of 
 almost immediate connection with the language from which it 
 proceeded. In fact, the greater part of the words which form 
 the basis of the one, are found without modification in the 
 other; those which are modified can all be traced to their 
 Sanskrit root ; in short, no words of foreign origin are to be 
 found in Pali." 
 
 Again : — 
 
 " We shall not enter into new details regarding the manner in 
 
SSCT. V.J THE liANGUAGBS OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 81 
 
 which the l*ali has been derived from the Sanskrit. The laws 
 which have guided the formation of that language are the same 
 which we find at work in other idioms in different ages and 
 countries; these laws are general, because they are necessary. 
 Whether we compare the languages which are derived from Latin 
 with the Latin itself, or the later Teutonic dialects with the 
 ancient languages of the same stock, or the modern with the 
 ancient Greek, or the numerous popular dialects of India with 
 the Sanskrit, we shall see the same principles developed, the 
 same laws applied. The organic inflections of the parent 
 languages are seen to exist in part, but in a state of evident 
 alteration. More commonly they will be found to have dis- 
 appeared, and to have been replaced, the case-terminations 
 by particles, and the tenses by auxiliary verbs. The processes 
 vary in different languages, but the principle is the same ; it is 
 always analytic, whether t^e reason of this be that a synthetic 
 language happens all at once to become the speech of barbarians 
 who do not understand its structure, and therefore suppress its 
 inflections, and replace them by other signs ; or whether it be 
 that when abandoned to its natural course, and as a necessity of 
 its cultivation, it tends to decompose and to subdivide the 
 representative signs of ideas and relations, just as it unceasingly 
 decomposes and subdivides the ideas and the relations them- 
 selves. The Pali appears to have undergone this last sort of 
 alteration ; it is Sanskrit, not such as it wotdd be spoken by a 
 strange population, to whom it would be new ; but pure Sanskrit, 
 becoming altered and modified in proportion as it becomes 
 popular. In this manner it still preserves its declension, instead 
 of replacing it by particles, as the modern dialects of India do. 
 One form only, the ablative in to might pass for the commence- 
 ment of the analytic declension ; but it is already found in the 
 parent language. A great number of Pali forms might be cited 
 to prove that the modifications, which it has made in the Sans- 
 krit, are of the same kind as those which the Italian, among 
 
 Q 
 
82 HISTORY AND BELATIONS OF [chap. t. 
 
 other tongues, has made in the Latin. Thus the assimilation of 
 consonants, which in Italian makes letto from leotus, and seHMo 
 for scri'ptus, is one of the principles of Pali." 
 
 The Pali, in the precise form in which we find it in the 
 Ceylonese books, cannot have been a vernacular language. It 
 exhibits a variety of refinements which could not have been 
 employed in common speech ; but must have been confined to 
 the language of composition, or introduced after the Pali had 
 ceased to be the spoken tongue of the followers of Buddha, and 
 had become Consecrated to the service of religion and literature : 
 just as the grammar of the Sanskrit itself became regulated by 
 more fixed and rigid rules, after it had been removed from 
 the deteriorating influences of vernacular use. Such pecu^ 
 liarities are the use of interpolated letters to obviate the 
 inharmonious sounds which would arise from the collision of 
 vowels. No less than nine letters, y, v, m, d, n, t, r, 1, and g, 
 are employed for this purpose, as is shown in the following 
 examples, viz : — 
 
 1. 
 
 y '- 
 
 - na + imassa b 
 
 ecomea 
 
 najimassa. 
 
 2. 
 
 V - 
 
 - ti + angikam 
 
 » 
 
 tbangikam. 
 
 3. 
 
 m- 
 
 - lahu + essati 
 
 « 
 
 lahumessati. 
 
 4. 
 
 d- 
 
 - atta + attham 
 
 )) 
 
 attadattham. 
 
 5. 
 
 n - 
 
 - ito + ayati 
 
 11 
 
 ito7tayati. 
 
 6. 
 
 t - 
 
 - tasma + iha 
 
 )j 
 
 tasma^ifaa. 
 
 7. 
 
 r - 
 
 - sabbM+ eva 
 
 »» 
 
 sabbhireva. 
 
 8. 
 
 I - 
 
 - cha + abhinna 
 
 )7 
 
 chafabhinna. 
 
 9. 
 
 s- 
 
 - puttha+eva 
 
 » 
 
 putthag-eva.' 
 
 This peculiarity of attention to euphony is common to the 
 Pali with the Sanskrit ; and though the means they use are 
 for the most part different, yet in neither case could the refine- 
 ments employed in writing have been practised in the language 
 of ordinary life. The Pali has other characteristics (borrowed 
 from the Sanski-it) which could scarcely have been common in 
 the vernacular dialects of Northern India, supposed to have been 
 
 " Clough's Pali Grammar, p. 11. 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHBEN INDIA. 83 
 
 contemporary with it; such as the use of desiderative, and 
 nominal verbs ; like jighdchchhati, he wishes to eat ; pabbatdyati, 
 he resembles a mountain ; pvMvyati, he treats like a son.'' 
 
 Fansboll observes in his introduction to the Dhammapada 
 (p. vi.) that the antiquity of that work is proved by the character 
 of its language, which approaches closely to the Sanskrit, even 
 in some of its oldest forms, and differs widely from the diction 
 of the prose Sutras, and of the commentary of Buddhoghosa. 
 Thus we find in the Dhammapada such forms as these, viz., the 
 nominative of the present participle in am, as ganaya/m, rodam 
 (instead of ganayanto, &c.) ; the third person plural of the 
 present middle in are as sochare, upapajjare; and the dative 
 form of the infinitive, as netave, pahdtave, which is usually 
 found only in the Vedas, &c. It is clear from this that the 
 Pali appears in various phases of greater or less antiquity. 
 
 Notwithstanding the introduction of various refinements into 
 the Pali, after it became the sacred language of the Buddhist 
 religion, there can be no doubt, as Burnouf remarks, (Lotus, 
 App. 862.) that it substantially represents to us the language 
 which was in vernacular use in Behar, and in all the central 
 parts of Northern India, at the era when Buddhism was first 
 introduced, i. e. in the third, fourth, and fifth centuries B.C. 
 Such being the case, we should naturally expect to find that it 
 bears a strong resemblance to the Prakrit dialects ; which, as we 
 have already seen (in the preceding section) were spoken in 
 the same provinces in the first centuries of the Christian era. 
 That such was actually the case, is put beyond a doubt by a 
 comparison of these dialects with the Pali. I shall .proceed to 
 
 '^ Some desiderative verbs and nouns must, however, have been in ordi- 
 nary use in the Prakits ; as we find in the modern vernaculars some words 
 which have their origin in desideratives. Thus the Hindi bhukh, hunger, must 
 come from bubhvJtkhd, a Prakrit corruption o{ buhhuhsha. The Tlinii piyds, 
 thirst, too, is probably derived from pipasd, though it may also have been 
 compounded of pi + d^d, a desire to drink. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 HISTORY AKD RELATIONS OP Ichap, i. 
 
 prove, by some comparative lists of nouns, pronouns and verbs, 
 first, that an extensive class of Sanskrit words imdergoes pre- 
 cisely the same modifications in the Pali as in the Prakrit ; and 
 secondly, that in some respects the modification of Sanskrit 
 words and forms of inflection had not proceeded so far in Pali 
 as it afterwards did in Prakrit. From this comparison it will 
 result that the Pali stands nearer to the Sanskrit, and represents 
 a more ancient phase of the vernacular speech of Northern India 
 than is exhibited in the Prakrit. 
 
SECT, v.] 
 
 THE LAJS-GUAGES OP NOKTHERN INDIA. 
 
 85 
 
 ^2; 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 3 to 
 Ph .2 
 
 ?3 
 
 o 
 
 's^ 
 
 c3 
 
 !3 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 -a 
 
 a> ^ "^ &i 
 
 .a ^ 
 
 -a 
 
 3 
 O 
 
 1 '^ 
 f d 
 
 3 'a H^ 
 
 pq 
 
 a f^ 
 
 _fl DO 
 
 §•2 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . s 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'O 
 
 ^' 
 
 i' 
 
 
 
 
 .S' 
 
 
 "S &>■ 
 
 
 (8 . 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .a 
 
 i- 
 
 ^ 
 
 si'? 
 
 « ^ 5 
 
 .^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 & 
 
 1 
 
 |- 
 
 1^ 
 
 ;6? 
 
 
 I 
 
 1,11 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 W 
 nf 
 
 
 '5: 
 
 
 1,1^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 l»0 
 
 
 » 
 
 ^ 
 
 r 
 
 "Itr 
 
 r^% ^ 
 
 
 
 o- 
 
 , 
 
 
 ,. 
 
 
 
 
 CO o 
 
 t— 1 
 
 • 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 '*''S-S 
 
 "^. 
 
 ,- 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 . .a • 
 
 
 
 
 3- 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 13 
 
 
 to 
 
 t~ 
 
 
 M 
 
 a .2 J 
 
 e 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 -*< 
 
 Tfi 
 
 a a" a'^ 
 
 
 5o4J 
 
 o - 
 
 
 03 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 C3 d OS t». 
 
 
 ft 
 
 d f 
 
 5 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 O 
 
 O, Q Q 
 
 o 3 
 
86 
 
 HISTOET AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 04: 
 
 W 
 
 Q 
 O 
 
 ■a 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 <D 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 Oi 
 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 fl 
 
 &- IT 
 t5? ^-Jj? 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 tit 
 
 
 
 00 
 
 bo 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 cs 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 ' 
 
 * 
 
 p 
 
 
 
 r« 
 
 , 
 
 , 
 
 ■D 
 
 . 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 
 fi 
 
 
 
 
 (M 
 
 eo 
 
 
 CO 
 
 » 
 
 IX) 
 
 w 
 
 
 'I' 
 
 ^ 
 
 f1 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 cS 
 
 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 ,jq 
 
 •a. 
 
 .4 
 
 3 
 
 ja 
 
 j3 
 
 fi 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 pq 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 a 
 
 P 
 
 CO 
 
 i 
 
 P 
 
 P 
 
 to 
 to 
 
 g 
 
 to 
 
 a 
 
 P 
 
 to 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 P P 
 
SECT, v.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEKN INDIA. 
 
 87 
 
 Sk 
 
 bo 
 
 n 
 
 .S Si 
 
 d 
 
 a 
 
 Q. 
 O 
 
 B 
 
 <0 
 O 
 
 
 -s ^ 
 
 ^ o a 
 
 5+-I .rt I— I ^ 
 3 P- Oh P 
 
 
 
 .o 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 OS 
 
 
 
 f-* 
 
 
 
 p. 
 
 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 
 p] 
 
 M 
 
 ^ 
 
 C8 
 
 
 a 
 
 03 
 
 C3 
 
 
 
 <o 
 
 Q> 
 
 u 
 
 .a 
 
 cc 
 
 <'F > T <'E 
 
 ^ 
 ^ 
 
 III 
 
 o 
 
 h9 (E 
 
 QlQ 
 
 , -^ 0) 
 
 ■s 
 
 \ 
 
 Ph 
 
 g 
 
 a 
 
 • .....••■■.••.fcS 
 
 a> 
 
 a s a a a s a a a ^ a a a a i ^ 
 
 ojcataeacscacscsg^gsggg!^ 
 
 O 4 
 
38 
 
 HISTQET AKJ) EELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. j~ 
 
 I 
 
 60 
 
 » 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 
 3 
 
 A 
 
 s 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 i 
 
 8 
 
 C3 
 
 3 
 
 IS 
 
 o 
 
 A( 
 
 17 
 
 IF 
 
 &■ ^ BF 
 
 p 
 
 ^ 
 
 'fsr.rrll'^t 
 
 
 
 
 "Sb 
 
 '?lVr€|lfftff|ff&^(gg' 
 fip F (*' fF^* ^ <& \v iU \r> b- It F Br 
 
 
 «. 
 
 
 03 
 
 c6 CO 
 
 a 
 
 .a 
 P 
 
 J3 
 P 
 
 <M <M 
 
 ^- 
 
 i 
 P 
 
 ;> > 
 
 <0 r- (M ■* 
 «3 (?) >0 IM 
 
 i i 
 
 (M 
 
 O ^ 
 
 P P M 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 g a § 
 
 ja J3 .4 
 P P P 
 
SECT. V.} 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 
 
 89 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 
 i'' 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 O 
 
 1 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 Iigntmng. 
 a knot. 
 
 :2 . 
 
 o 
 
 •a 
 
 1 
 
 1 k 
 
 § 
 
 
 •^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 F 
 
 • 
 
 K5 
 
 Iff 
 
 Iff 
 
 1— 
 c 
 
 r 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 15? ( 
 
 
 1 
 
 (t 
 F9 
 
 3 
 
 
 i<0 
 
 1 
 
 
 * 
 
 ST 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 
 T 
 
 F 
 
 %■ 
 V 
 
 k 
 
 p 
 
 1 
 
 
 r 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 i<i 
 
 g 
 1 
 
 
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 1 
 
 o 
 
 eS 
 
 ^ 
 
 -« 
 
 -s 
 
 a 
 
 
 tin 
 
 
 
 c6 
 
 -« 
 ^ 
 
 M 
 
 a 
 
 
 (V) 
 
 
 U 
 
SECT, v.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHERN INDIA. 
 
 105 
 
 The following is a comparative scheme of the declension 
 corresponding to the Sanskrit one in d, in which it will be seen 
 that the Pali is somewhat nearer than the Prakrit to the Sanskrit 
 forms. (Clough, p. 19.; Cowell, p. xxiv.) 
 
 1. 
 
 Singular. 
 Pali. Prakrit. 
 
 Buddho. Buddho. 
 
 1. 
 
 Plural. 
 Pali. - Prakrit. 
 
 Buddha. Buddha. 
 
 2. 
 
 Buddham. 
 
 Buddham. 
 
 2. 
 
 Buddhe. 
 
 Buddhe. 
 Buddha. 
 
 3. 
 
 Buddhena. 
 
 Buddhena. 
 
 3. 
 
 Buddhehi. 
 Buddhebhi. 
 
 Buddhehi. 
 
 4. 
 
 Buddhaya. 
 
 Same as 6th 
 
 4. 
 
 Buddhanam. 
 
 Same as 6th 
 
 
 Buddhassa. 
 
 case. 
 
 
 
 case. 
 
 5. 
 
 Buddhasma. 
 
 Buddhado. 
 
 5. 
 
 Buddhehi. 
 
 Buddhahinto. 
 
 
 Buddha. 
 
 Buddha. 
 
 
 Buddhebhi. 
 
 Buddhasunto. 
 
 
 Buddhamha. 
 
 Buddhahi. 
 
 
 
 
 6. 
 
 Buddhassa. 
 
 Buddhassa. 
 
 6. 
 
 Buddhanam. 
 
 Buddhanam. 
 
 7. 
 
 Buddhasmin. 
 
 Buddhe. 
 
 Buddhamhi. 
 
 Buddhe. 
 Buddhammi. 
 
 7. 
 
 Buddhesu. 
 
 Buddhesu. 
 
 The iSirst personal pronoun in the two languages is as follows : 
 (Cloughj p. 61.; Cowell, p. xxviii.) In most cases the Pali is 
 nearest to the Sanskrit : 
 
 
 Singula 
 
 r. 
 
 
 Plural 
 
 
 
 Pali. 
 
 Prakrit. 
 
 
 psa 
 
 Prakrit. 
 
 1. 
 
 aham. 
 
 aham. 
 
 1. 
 
 mayam. 
 amhe. 
 
 vaam. 
 amhe. 
 
 2. 
 
 mam. 
 
 mam. 
 
 2. 
 
 amhakam. 
 
 no. 
 
 
 mamam. 
 
 mamam. 
 
 
 amhe. 
 
 amhe. 
 
 3. 
 
 maya. 
 
 me, 
 mae. 
 
 3. 
 
 amhebhi. 
 amhehi. 
 
 amhehin. 
 
 4. 
 & 
 6. 
 
 mama, 
 mayham. 
 
 amham. 
 mamam. 
 
 me. 
 mama, 
 majjh. 
 maha. 
 
 4.' 
 & 
 6v 
 
 S amhakam. 
 
 amhanam. 
 
 5. 
 
 maya. 
 
 matto. 
 
 5. 
 
 amhebhi. 
 amhehi. 
 
 amhahinto. 
 amhasunto. 
 
 7. 
 
 mayi. 
 
 mayi. 
 mamammi. 
 
 7. 
 
 amhesu. 
 
 amhesu. 
 
106 
 
 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. 
 
 In the second personal pronoun, the Prakrit has the forms 
 tujjhe, tujjhehin, tujjhanam, tujjhesu, as well as tumhe, tumhe- 
 hin, &c. The first named forms are not given in Clough's 
 grammar, as employed in Pali. 
 
 The Pali verb seems to be far more complete than the Prakrit. 
 The following are some of its principal tenses, as compared with 
 those of the latter: (Clough, p. 100. £f. ; Cowell, p. xxix.) 
 
 PSU. 
 
 Prakrit. 
 
 Pali. 
 
 Prakrit. 
 
 Parasniai-'pada, 
 
 or active mood. 
 
 Atmane-pada, 
 
 or middle mood. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 1. pachami. 
 
 1. pachami. 
 pachami. 
 
 1. pache. 
 
 (wanting.) 
 
 2. pachasi. 
 
 2. pachasi. 
 
 2. pachase. 
 
 2. pachase. 
 
 3. pachati. 
 
 3. pachadi. 
 pachai. 
 
 3. pachate. 
 
 3. pachade, pachae. 
 
 Plw. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Plur. "r:? 
 
 1. pachama. 
 
 1. pachamo. 
 pachimo, &c. 
 
 1. pachamhe. 
 
 (wanting.) 
 
 2. pachattha. 
 
 2. pachaha. 
 pachittha. 
 
 2. pachavhe. 
 
 do. 
 
 3. pachanti. 
 
 3. pachanti. 
 
 3. pachante. 
 
 do. 
 
 The Pali has also, like the Sanskrit, a potential mood, and 
 three past tenses, which in the parasmai-pada or active mood, are 
 as follows : — 
 
 PUr. 
 
 1. pacheyyama. 
 
 2. pacheyyattha. 
 
 3. paeheyum. 
 
 I. Potential. 
 Sing. 
 \. pacheyyami 
 
 2. pacheyyasi. 
 
 3. pache. 
 pacheyya. 
 
 III. Imperfect. 
 Sing. 
 
 1. apacha. 1 
 
 2. apacho. 2. apachattha. 
 
 3. apacha. 3. apachu. 
 
 II. Reduplicated perfect. 
 Sing. Plur. 
 
 1. papacha. 1. papachimha. 
 
 2. papache. 2. papachittha. 
 
 3. papacha. 3. papachu. 
 
 IV. Third preterite. 
 Sing. Plur. 
 
 1. apachim. 1. apachimha. 
 
 2. apacho. 2. apachittha. 
 
 3. apachi. 3. apachum. 
 
 apachinsu. 
 
 In Prakrit, on the other hand, few traces appear to remain of 
 any past tenses at all. Mr. Cowell says, p. xxix., " The only 
 tenses of the active voice which remain, seem to be the present, 
 the second future, and the imperative." In the 23rd, 24th, and 
 
SECT. VI.] THE LANGUAGES OP NORTHEKN INDIA. 107 
 
 25th aphorisms of the Vllth Chapter, and in the 19th aphorism 
 of the Vlllth Chapter of Vararuchi, however, (Cowell, pp. 162, 
 163) mention is made of a past tense, of which the instances, 
 huvia, hohia, dsi, 'he was,' hasia, 'he laughed,' hahia, 'he did,' are 
 given. Few instances of the past tense in Prakrit, however, seem 
 to occur in the dramas; but it is inconceivable that in the 
 Prakrit dialects which were currently spoken in the long interval 
 between the disuse of the Pali and the rise of the modern verna- 
 ctdars (in both of which we find past tenses), there should have 
 been no grammatical forms in daily use for expressing past time. 
 It is not, however, necessary to pm:sue this subject further : as 
 the details and explanations which I have already furnished, are 
 amply sufficient to show the place which the Pali and the 
 Prakrit dialects respectively occupied in the history of North- 
 Indian speech. 
 
 [Professor Miiller considers the data— derived from Buddhist sources — 
 on which the death of Buddha is placed in 543 b.c, and on which the occur- 
 rence of any Buddhist synods before the one in Anoka's time, is asserted, to 
 be fictitious and unsatisfactory. Though he does not try to bring down 
 Buddha's death below 477 b.c, he regards all the Buddhist dates before 
 Chandragupta as merely hypothetical. See his " Ancient Sanskrit Litera- 
 ture," received while this Section was in the press, pp. 260 — 300.] 
 
 Sect. VI. — The Dialects of the Rock and Pillar Inscriptions of ASoha. 
 
 Our knowledge of the vernacular languages of India in the 
 centuries immediately preceding the Christian era is not, how- 
 ever, exclusively derived from the PaU books of Ceylon, Certain 
 inscriptions, dating from the third century B.C., containing edicts 
 of king Priyadarsi or Asoka'^, (whose name has been already 
 
 ^ Professor Wilson thinks it extremely uncertain whether Piyadasi can be 
 identified with A^oka, and inclines to the conclusion that the date of the 
 inscriptions is some period subsequent to 205 b.c. (Journ. Roy. As. Soc, 
 vol. xii. pp. 243 — 251; vol. xvi. p. 357). Professor Miiller, in his "Ancient 
 Sanskrit Literature," p. 520, speaks incidentally, but without any hesitation, 
 of the inscriptions as being those of Afeka, and as dating from the 3rd 
 
108 HISTORY AJSTD RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 mentioned above, p. 68.), and written in a corrupt Sanskrit, 
 apparently the vernacular speech of that period, are still extant 
 engraved on pillars and rocks in different parts of India. 
 
 I borrow the following particulars regarding them from the 
 summary given by Lassen (Ind. Alt. ii. 215. ff.).^* The inscrip- 
 tions are engraved partly upon pillars, partly on rocks. The pillars 
 are at Delhi, Allahabad, Mathiah, and Eadhia. The- inscrip- 
 tions on these four pillars are partly uniform, while those of 
 Delhi and Allahabad have additions peculiar to themselves. 
 The rock inscriptions are, Istly, those at Grirnar in Gruzerat, 
 divided into fourteen compartments; 2ndly, those at Dhauli, 
 in Orissa, which for the most part agree in purport with those 
 at Grirnar, though the dialect is different; and 3rdly, those at 
 Kapur di Griri, near Peshawar, which coincide in purport, though 
 they often differ in expression, and in their greater or less diffuse- 
 ness, from the Grirnar inscriptions. Besides these, Asoka appears to 
 have caused other similar edicts to be promulgated in the same 
 way. Accordingly another inscription has been discovered at 
 Bhabra, not far from Jeypur, which contains a fragment of an 
 address to the Buddhist synod in Magadha. 
 
 These inscriptions were mostly discovered about twenty years 
 ago, and the gi-eat merit of having first (in 1837 and 1838) 
 decyphered and translated by far the larger portion of them 
 belongs to the late Mr. James Prinsep. His translations were 
 subsequently revised by Prof. H. H. Wilson, in an article in the 
 Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society for 1849 (vol. xii. part i. 
 pp. 153 — 251): and a portion of them were a third time 
 examined by M. Burnouf in the Appendix to his translation of 
 the Lotus de la Bonne Loi, pp. 652— 781.8« Prof. Wilson has 
 
 century b. c. See also the other authorities cited in the text, a little 
 further on. 
 
 *' See also Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, by E. Thomas, i. 233, ii. 14. 
 
 88 In an obituary notice (probably contributed by Professor Wilson) on 
 M. Burnouf, in the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1853 
 p. xiii. (published in Part I. vol. xv. of the Society's Journal), the following 
 remarks are made on this dissertation : — " Bringing to the inquiry a know- 
 
SECT, vr.j THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA, 109 
 
 concluded his notice of the subject in a further paper on the 
 Bhabra inscription, in the Journ. Eoyal As. See, vol. xvi., part 
 ii. pp. 357 — 367. The importance of these inscriptions, as 
 throwing light on the languages of India in the third century 
 B. c, is also expressly recognised by Prof. Lassen (Ind. Alter- 
 thumsk., vol. ii;), in passages which will be quoted below ; by 
 Weber in his review of the Lotus de la Bonne Loi (Ind. Stud, 
 iii. 166 — 173.), in the Preface to his Malavika and Agnimi- 
 tra, p. xxxii., and in his Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 170 ; 
 and by Benfey, in his Article Indien, in Ersch and Gruber's En- 
 cyclopaedia, pp. 194 and 250. 
 
 To give the reader an idea of the nature of these edicts as well 
 as of the language in which they are composed, I shall quote 
 the eleventh, which is short and tolerably clear, according to the 
 Grirnar version, together with the translation of M. Burnouf. 
 (Lotus, App. X. p. 736., Wilson, p. 212.) : 
 
 V^^^ ^1 flfT TT '^t^ TT^^TrT^rfr^ ^^i^f^fft 
 
 TSTT'i '^T^ ^T^ mwr^ ^inT^rV ^m T?7t ^c^c^ fqcn 
 
 TT ^^ ^ ^^T^l ^ fTT^T ^^ TE'f] ^V^ '^ 
 
 ledge of Pali and of Buddhism, the superiority of which his predecessors 
 would be the first to acknowledge, and having the advantage of their previous 
 speculations, the value of which M. Burnouf, with his never-failing candour, 
 recognises, we may look upon his researches as conclusive, and feel satisfied 
 that they have eliminated from these remains of antiquity all the information 
 they are capable of afibrding." Prof. Weber also in his review of the Lotus 
 de lalBonne Loi, (in the Ind. Stud.) speaks in highly laudatory terras of the 
 same dissertation. 
 
110 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 " Piyadasi, king belonged by the gods, speaks thus : There is 
 no gift equal to the gift of the law, or to the praise of the law, 
 or to the distribution of the law, or to union in the law. This 
 gift is thus exhibited : Grood will to slaves and hired servants, 
 and obedience to one's father and mother are good things: 
 liberality to friends, acquaintances, and relations, Brahmans and 
 Samanas, is a good thing : respect for the life of creatures is a 
 good thing : this is what ought to be said by a father, by a son, 
 by a brother, by a friend, by an acquaintance, by a relation, and 
 even by simple neighbours : this is good ; this is to be done. 
 He who acts thus is honoured in this world ; and for the world 
 to come an infinite m.erit results from the gift of the law." 
 
 From the age to which these inscriptions appear to belong, we 
 might expect that their language, as it is not pure Sanskrit, 
 would coincide in a great degree with the Pali, which, as we have 
 already seen, represents what we may suppose to have been the 
 spoken language of northern India about the same period. And 
 such proves on comparison to be to a considerable degree the 
 case. In proof of this point I shall first proceed to quote the 
 general observations made by Professors Wilson, Lassen, and 
 others, on the subject of the languages in which the inscriptions 
 are composed ; and then supply a comparative table, by which 
 an opinion may be formed of the degree in which they coincide 
 with and diverge from, the Pali.^' 
 
 The following are the remarks made by Professor Wilson 
 (Journal Eoyal Asiatic Society, vol. xii. pp. 236. ff.) on the lan- 
 guage of the edicts : 
 
 " The language itself is a kind of Pah, offering, for the greatest 
 portion of the words, forms analogous to those which are modelled 
 
 8' I might have been in a position to treat this subject in a more satisfac- 
 tory manner than I can now hope to do from my own cursory investigations, 
 had I been able to consult the Pall Grammar, with appendices on the dialects 
 of Dhauli and Girnar, formerly advertised for publication, but never pub- 
 lished, by Professor Spiegel. (See the cover of his Anecdota Palica, pub- 
 lished at Leipzig, in 1845.) 
 
SECT. VI.J THE LAJSTGUAGES OF NOKTHBIOT INDIA. Ill 
 
 by the rules of the Pali gi'anmiar still in use. There are, how- 
 ever, many differences, some of which arise from a closer adher- 
 ence to Sanskrit, others from possible local peculiarities, indi- 
 cating a yet unsettled state of the language. It is observed by 
 Mr. Prinsep, when speaking of the Lat inscriptions, ' The lan- 
 guage differs from every existing written idiom, and is as it were 
 intermediate between the Sanskrit and the Pali.' The nouns and 
 particles in general follow the Pali structure ; the verbs are more 
 frequently nearer to the Sanskrit forms; but in neither, any 
 more than in grammatical Pah, is there any great dissimilarity 
 from Sanskrit. It is curious that the Kapur di Griri inscription 
 departs less from the Sanskrit than the others, retaining some 
 compound consonants, aspr inpriya, instead of piya ; and having 
 the representatives of the three sibilants of the Devanagari al- 
 phabet, while the others, as in Pali, have but one sibilant ^^ : on 
 the other hand, the Kapur di Griri inscription omits the vowels 
 to a much greater extent, and rarely distinguishes between the 
 long and short vowels, peculiarities perhaps not imconnected 
 with the Semitic character of its alphabet. 
 
 " The exact determination of the differences and agreements 
 of the inscriptions with Pali on the one hand, and Sanskrit on 
 the other, would require a laborious analysis of the whole, and 
 would be scarcely worth the pains, as the differences from either 
 would, no doubt, prove to be comparatively few and unimportant, 
 and we may be content to consider the language as Pali, not yet 
 perfected in its grammatical structure, and deviating in no im- 
 portant respect from Sanskrit. 
 
 " Pali is the language of the writings of the Buddhists of Ava, 
 
 88 Weber also remarks (Ind. Stud., iii., 180) : " The greater purity of 
 pronunciation maintained in the popular dialect of the north-west in com- 
 parison with the east, is shown by the inscription of Kapur di Giri, in which, 
 according to Wilson's remark (The Kock Inscriptions of Kapur di Giri, &c.), 
 not only the three sibilants of the Sanskrit, but also a number of compound 
 consonants, containing an r (such as priya, tatra, prati, yatra, putra, savatra, 
 krama, iu&iisha, sramana, bramana, bhratu), and some others, such as st, 
 str, have been preserved." 
 
112 HISTORY AND KELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Siam and Ceylon ; therefore it is concluded it was the language 
 of the Buddhists of Upper India, when the inscriptions were 
 engraved, and consequently they are of Buddhist origin. This, 
 however, admits of question ; for although the Buddhist autho- 
 rities assert that Sakya Sinha and his successors taught in Pali, 
 and that a Pali grammar was compiled in his day ; yet, on the 
 other hand, they affirm, that the doctrines of Buddha were 
 long taught orally only, and were not committed to writing till 
 four centuries after his death, or until b. C. 153, a daite, no doubt, 
 subsequent to that of the inscriptions."'' .... 
 
 " It is by no means established, therefore, that Pali was the 
 sacred language of the Buddhists at the period of the inscriptions, 
 and its use constitutes no conclusive proof of their Buddhist 
 origin.^" It seems more likely that it was adopted as being the 
 spoken language of that part of India where Piyadasi resided, 
 and was selected for his edicts that they might be intelligible to 
 the people." 
 
 " We may, therefore, recognise it as an actually existing form 
 of speech in some part of India, and might admit the testimony 
 of its origin given by the Buddhists themselves, by whom it is 
 always identified with the language of Magadha or Behar, the 
 scene of Sakya Sinha's first teaching ; but that there are several 
 differences between it and the Magadhi, as laid down in Prakrit 
 grammars, and as it occurs in Jain writings. It is, as Messrs. 
 Burnouf and Lassen remark, still nearer to Sanskrit, and may 
 have prevailed more to the north than Behar, or in the upper 
 part of the Doab, and in the Punjab, being more analogous to 
 the Sauraseni dialect, the language of Mathura and Delhi 
 although not differing from the dialect of Behar to such an ex- 
 tent as not to be intelligible to those to whom Sakya and his 
 
 8' See, however, the remarks in the preceding section, p. 70. 
 
 *!» Professor Wilson has since, however, from an examination of the Bhabra 
 inscription, arrived at the conviction, that there is in it " enough sufficiently 
 indisputable to establish the fact that Priyadarsi, whoever he may have been 
 was a follower of Buddha." (Journ. R. A. S., Vol. xv., p. 357.) 
 
SECT. VI. J THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 113 
 
 successors addressed themselves. The language of the inscrip- 
 tionSj then, although necessarily that of their date, and probably 
 that in which the first propagators of Buddhism expounded 
 their doctrines, seems to have been rather the spoken language 
 of the people in Upper India, than a form of speech peculiar to 
 a class of religionists, or a sacred language, and its use in the 
 edicts of Piyadasi, although not incompatible with th^ir Bud- 
 dhist origin, cannot be accepted as a conclusive proof that they 
 originated from any peculiar forni of religious belief." 
 
 Some observations of Professor Lassen regai-ding these dialects, 
 and their relative antiquity as compared with the Pali, have been 
 already quoted in the last section (p. 72.) He remarks in another 
 place (Ind. Alt. ii. 221, 222): "These inscriptions are of the 
 greatest value for the history of the Indian languages, because 
 they exhibit to us in an authentic shape the most ancient forms 
 assumed by the popular dialects, and furnish us with a secure 
 basis for the comparative grammar of the great Sanskritic family 
 of languages, which became so variously developed." . 
 
 " In these inscriptions we possess specimens of three verna- 
 cular dialects, one from the border country to the north-west, a 
 second from western, and a third from eastern Hindusthan. The 
 inscriptions on the pillars of Delhi, Allahabad, &c., differ only in 
 particular forms from the DhauU (Cuttak) inscription, while they 
 possess in the main the same character, and may be classed with 
 the Magadhi of the grammarians. As this dialect is used even 
 on the Delhi column, which is situated beyond the bounds of 
 Magadha, Asoka appears to have had a partiality for the verna- 
 cular language of his principal province ; and from the pre- 
 dominating employment of this particular derivative of the 
 Sanskrit, we may perhaps explain the fact that, among the 
 Cingalese, who received the Buddhist religion from that 
 country, their sacred language should have obtained this ap- 
 pellation." 
 
 At p, 486, again, Lassen says : "It is only the rock inscriptions 
 which can be admitted as authentic evidence of the local 
 
114 HISTOEY AND EELATIONS OP [chap. i. 
 
 dialects, while the columnar inscriptions everywhere exhibit the 
 same dialect, which consequently cannot have been spoken in 
 every quarter where such pillars have been discovered. This 
 remark is especially true of the Delhi column. When we con- 
 sider that, between Cabul, Gruzerat and Magadha (which latter 
 province was the native country of the dialect employed in the 
 pillar inscriptions) a wide region intervenes, inhabited by different 
 branches of the Sanskrit-speaking race, we are driven to the 
 conclusion that many other dialects must have been current 
 there, of which we find no specimens in any of the inscrip- 
 tions." 
 
 The following list of words, from the Delhi and Allahabad 
 columns, and the Bhabra stone, borrowed from M. Burnouf's 
 Lotus de la Bonne Loi (App. x., pp. 665, 724, and 741), will 
 show the correctness of Lassen's remark, that the dialect of the 
 pillar inscriptions resembles the Magadhi of Dhauli, as exhibited 
 in the comparative list which I shall immediately adduce. Thus 
 on these^ columns we have dhamme, ddne, sache, anugahe, 
 kate, piye, kaydne and pdpe, for dhammo, ddnam, sacham, 
 anugaho, kato, piyo, kaydnam and pdpam ; Idjd, vdlichalesu, 
 vihdlata/m, chila, Ally a, pulisa and abhihdle, for 7'djd, vdri- 
 charesu, vihdratam, chira, Ariya, purisa and abMhdro ; 
 Budhasi, dhamnrnasi and sanghasi, for BudhawM, dhaTn- 
 mamhi and sanghamhi. 
 
 The list of words, which I shall immediately adduce, bor- 
 rowed from the article of Prof. H. H. Wilson, above alluded 
 to, in the Xllth Vol. of the Journ. Eoy. As. Soc, and from 
 the Appendix, No. X., to M. Burnouf s Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 
 when compared with the Pali equivalents which I have added, 
 will suffice to show the points in which the languages of the 
 inscriptions agree with the last-named dialect, as well as the 
 respects in which they differ from one another. I must, how- 
 ever, frankly state that I do not pretend to have made these 
 inscriptions, or the character in which they ai-e written, the 
 object of particular study ; and I, therefore, take it for granted 
 
SECT. VI.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 115 
 
 that the words Tiave been correctly decypTiered by the eminent 
 scholars from whom I quote. 
 
 In comparing the dialect of the inscriptions with other kindred 
 forms of language, presumed to be of about equal antiquity with 
 them, which have come down to us in books, we should recollect that 
 the latter may have been retouched from time to time, to render 
 them more intelligible to the readers by whom |;hey were studied 
 in successive generations, whereas the inscriptions have descended 
 to us T^naltered, except by the defacing action .which ages have 
 exercised on the rocks on which they are en|graved. On this 
 subject I quote the following judicious observations of Mr. 
 Turnoui-, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 
 Dec, 1837, p. 1049:— | 
 
 " When we consider that these inscriptions were recorded up- 
 wards of two thousand years ago, and that the several columns 
 on which they are engraven have been exposed to atmospheric 
 influences for the whole of that period, a|)parently wholly 
 neglected ; when we consider, also, that almost all the inflfections 
 of the language in which these inscriptions are composed^ occur 
 in the ultimate and penultimate syllables, and that these inflec- 
 tions are chiefly formed by minute vowel symbols, or a small 
 anvMwara dot ; and when we fui'ther find that the Pali ortho- 
 graphy of that period, as shown by these inscriptions, was very 
 imperfectly defined — using single for double, and promiscuously, 
 aspirated and unaspii-ated consonants ; and also, without discri- 
 mination as to the class each belonged, the four descriptions of 
 n, — the surprise which every reasonable investigator of this sub- 
 ject must feel will be occasioned rather by the extent of the 
 agreement than of the disagreement between our respective 
 readings of these ancient records." 
 
 The following is the comparative list I proposed to adduce: — 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 [cHAr. I. 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
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 J' 
 
 8 
 
 
 
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 13 
 
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 O 
 
 a a 
 
 O <B 
 
 B ^ 
 
 .S -S 
 
 60 
 
 £ 
 
 S 
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 c 
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 r dE p 
 
 ii li ^ 
 
 Br 
 
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 >0 U3 to CD O O 
 to to «3 «5 O: 1> 
 
 S S a 
 o o o 
 
 CO en ^ 
 
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 B B 
 
 O O 
 
 ^ ^- ^-« ^ ^ I i I I 
 
SECT. VI.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 
 
 117 
 
 
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 j; 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
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 icH 
 
 5 
 
 V 
 
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 9 
 
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 C3 
 
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 r 
 
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 ^ 
 
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118 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OP 
 
 [chap. !• 
 
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 f. 
 
 o 
 
 w 
 
 o 
 
 OQ 
 
 g 
 
 ^ 
 
 r 
 
 
 ^ '^^ 
 
 1^ 
 
 F? ^ .S'' 
 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 IN 
 
 
 to 
 
 ^ 
 
 CD 
 
 <M 
 
 <N 
 
 CO 
 
 :^ 
 
 -* 
 
 ■* 
 
 ■* 
 
 ■* 
 
 s 
 
 1> 
 
 Ir^ 
 
 t- 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 V 
 
 i-H 
 
 t— 1 
 
 ■— 1 
 
 l-H 
 
 r-t 
 
 rH 
 
 1— f 
 
 1— ( 
 
 r-< 
 
 1— ( 
 
 t— t 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •2? 
 
 R 
 
 fl 
 
 P 
 
 a 
 
 n 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 iS 
 
 O 
 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 0^ 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 OD 
 
 (U 
 
 
 .iS 
 
 ^ 
 
 .3 
 
 .a 
 
 M 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
SECT. VI.] 
 
 THE LAJSTGUAGES OF KOKTHBEN INDIA. 
 
 119 
 
 % 
 
 if I 
 
 Www 
 
 
 <ir 
 
 g' 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 
 B' 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 &" 
 
 w 
 
 If 
 
 1 
 
 
 P- 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 
 
 
 3- 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 
 «3 
 
 l-H 
 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 o 
 
 ■^ 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 CO pj 
 
 (N 
 
 <N § 
 
 (N 
 
 w 
 
 
 2 
 
 o> 
 
 00 
 
 05 
 
 fD 
 
 m 
 
 O 05 
 
 Oi 
 
 o* ^ — 
 
 05 
 
 
 
 Oi 
 
 r-H 
 
 rH 
 
 ^H 
 
 1— ( 
 
 i-H 
 
 oq X< 
 
 rH 
 
 '"' o 
 
 r-( 
 
 '"' 
 
 
 1—1 
 
 cf 
 
 d* 
 
 a 
 
 P 
 
 P 
 
 a a 
 
 d^ 
 
 fl aS 
 
 a- 
 
 9 
 
 ir- 
 
 P- 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 o o 
 
 o 
 
 o o . 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ? 
 
 1 
 
 
 ? 1 
 
 e£ 
 
 
 ¥ 
 
 i 
 
 pq 
 
 % 
 
 I 4 
 
120 
 
 HISTOBT AND BELATIONS OF 
 
 fcHAP. 
 
 ^ 
 
 O <M 
 
 gg 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 to 
 
 .2 s 
 
 o Cu 
 13 
 
 O c O S C3 
 
 > ^ a 
 
 
 e 
 
 P il^ 
 
 P 
 
 O 
 
 \A 
 
 
 c I iE F 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 IT 
 
 P3 
 
 00 
 
 S 00 
 00 „a) 00 
 
 2 »o"^ 2 
 
 >o 
 
 
 % Sl^ 
 
 05 
 
 CI 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 <a 
 
 p TTh _59 _5S m ai CO 
 
 St^ ;3 -3 -ra ra s 
 
 o -^ 
 
 c^ o 
 
 (M (M 
 
 o 
 
 «} CO 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 d8 . 
 ™ to 
 
 O c-" 
 
 :« 
 
 I— I 
 
 =a; 
 
 <N (M ;D 
 
 n a ^ 
 o o g 
 
 pq 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
SECT. VI.] 
 
 THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 
 
 121 
 
 ■ 60 
 
 a 
 
 S M 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 
 'So 
 
 OJ o 
 
 o 
 
 17 
 
 
 f 
 
 I i 
 
 <g 5 
 
 'lip A 
 
 dE 1= !P g 
 
 liij 
 
 t rp ''IF i 
 'r He^ Iff Iff 
 
 60 
 
 e 
 
 'S 
 
 o 
 
 (E -I? 
 
 <^ In 
 
 J3 
 
 
 3 
 
 pq 
 
 IM 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 CO 
 (M 
 
 00 
 
 d 
 
 O 
 
 ^ 
 
 lO --I 
 00 
 
 o . 
 
 CD ,-H 
 
 CO 
 CD 
 
 n 
 o 
 
 • o 
 
 w5 £: . 
 
 o '-' 
 
 o o » 
 m m (M 
 
 — ~ 00 
 
 • CO 
 
 CO i: 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 05 
 
 IM 
 
 00 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^- ^ ^-- ^ 
 
 CO 
 o 
 
 (M 
 
 00 
 
 o 
 
 a ?3 01 ?a ^ F3 
 
 ^ 
 
122 
 
 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OV 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 bo 
 
 
 O 
 
 rs 
 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 P^ 
 
 t> 
 J3 
 
 o 
 
 3 
 
 M •- 
 
 S M 
 
 So 
 a is 
 
 O (J 
 
 2 cs » 
 ■i "^ Si 
 
 ■a 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 Iff 
 
 .^ll 
 
 cs 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 ■a 
 O 
 
 !<! iff 
 
 I— I 
 
 o o. 
 
 .a 
 
 ^ 
 
 M E £ fi^ h., 
 
 ■r I I I 1 1 -K 
 Iff e le 5- Br (!E r 
 
 Iff 
 
 (B 
 
 IF 
 
 « 
 
 o 
 
 OS 
 
 00 
 
 
 IM 
 
 OS 
 
 o 
 
 (M 
 
 
 05 CO to 
 O^ I— I rH 
 
 r-i cq (M 
 
 ^^>F^^^^^^ 
 
 CD 
 
 to 
 
 to 
 to 
 to 
 
 3 
 
 pq 
 
 IM _ 
 
 « 3 
 
 k fS 
 
SECT.. Vl:]. 
 
 THE liANGUAGBS OF NOETHEEN IND]^. 
 
 123 
 
 o 
 
 -a 
 
 CO 
 
 60 
 
 a 
 1 
 
 c 
 
 to rM 
 
 
 >1 
 
 bo 
 
 ,S 
 
 is: (E 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 p 
 
 
 
 (E 
 
 00 
 
 l-l t-H J>I 
 
 CO CO »o 
 J> *~ t~ 
 
 05' oj '9 fi 
 
 "3 lo O 
 
 w 
 
 M 1 
 
 n a a 
 
 fH h t< 
 
 s a a 
 
 W W pq 
 
 q g Sw 
 pq W'^"' 
 
 Ph 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 S3 
 
 ■a 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 O 
 
 Ph 
 
 
 :S 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 <I1 
 
 M 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 f 
 
 (D 
 
 rid 
 
 CD 
 
 
 i! 
 
 o 
 
 rd 
 
 d 
 
 ID 
 
 bo 
 
 I 
 
 rd 
 
 •a 2 
 
 Ph 
 
 d 
 o 
 
 Rh 
 
 CD 
 
 o 
 
 d 
 
 & 
 
 rd 
 
 
 rd 
 
 rd 
 4J 
 
 
 CD 
 
 rd 
 
 9 
 
 Ph 
 
 rd 
 
 I ^ 
 
 S J:! 
 
 d 
 
 o 
 d 
 
 rd 
 
 o 
 ^1 
 
 r&^ 
 
 cS 
 D 
 
 r^ 
 
 d 
 o 
 
 rd 
 fi 
 
 rd 
 
 i 
 
 .2 
 
 d 
 o 
 d 
 td 
 
 1^ 
 
 % 
 
 •g •- 
 
 .a 
 
 03 
 
 rd 
 
 03 
 
 d 
 o 
 
 03 
 
 ■B 
 
 eg 
 
 r 
 
 §3 
 
 5H 
 
 r-I ^ 
 
 :3 ^ 
 
 .<|H| 
 
 re<'r s 
 
124 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chav. i. 
 
 Sect. VII. — The Dialect of the Buddhist Oathas, arid its relation to the Pali : 
 Summary of the results of this and the preceding Section. 
 
 I now come to the last of the varieties of corrupted Sanskrit to 
 which I referred in p. 9, viz. the language which we find in the 
 Grathas, or metrical portions occurriag in such works as the La- 
 lita Vistara, descriptive of the life and discourses of Grotama 
 Buddha. An account of the peculiarities of this dialect, as it 
 is convenient to call it, has been given by Babu Eajendralal 
 Mitra, ia the 6th No. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
 Bengal for 1854. Of the Lalita Vistara, from which the speci- 
 mens given by this writer, and those which will be adduced by 
 myself are drawn. Professor Miiller remarks, that though " on 
 account of its style and language" it "had been referred by 
 Oriental scholars to a much more modern period of Indian 
 literature," it " can now safely be ascribed to an ante-Christian 
 era, for it was translated from Sanskrit into Chinese, as one of 
 the canonical books of Buddhism, as early as the year 76 A.D."^^ 
 
 I proceed to give the substance of Babu. Eajendralal's dis- 
 sertation in his own words, omitting only those portions which 
 appear to be of the least importance; making occasional 
 abridgments ; and adding, in some places, to the number of the 
 specimens he has given of the Gratha forms. 
 
 " Of the dialects which have proceeded from the Sanskrit, the 
 Pali and the Magadhi have hitherto been supposed to bear the 
 closest resemblance to their parent, but the discovery of the 
 Sanskrit Buddhist literature of Nepal has brought to our know- 
 ledge a new dialect bearing a still closer affinity to the classic 
 language of the East, than either of the former. Nepalese 
 chroniclers have named it Gratha (ballad)'*, probably, from its 
 
 ^^ Buddhism and Buddhist Pilgrims, p. 24. 
 
 ** [The antiquity of certain compositions, called GdthSs, is proved by the 
 fact that the expression munigathd, the gathas or verses of the Muni, or 
 Munis, occurs in the ancient inscription of Piyadasi at Bhabra. Burnouf 
 App. X. to Lotus, pp. 724, 725, 729 ; Wilson, Jour. K. A. S., "Vol. xvi., 
 pp. 359, 363, 367. Babu Eajendralal also refers to the Mabawanso, p. 252, 
 where gathas are mentioned.— J. M.] 
 
SECT. vn.J THE LATfGUAGBS OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 125 
 
 having been principally used by the scalds and bards of me- 
 diseval India. For nearly a similar reason the Balenese style 
 the language of their poets, the Kdwi or poetical, and the lan- 
 guage of the Vedas is called Ghhandas (metrical), whence by a 
 well-known euphonic law, we have the Zend of the old Persians. 
 
 " M. Burnouf, the only European scholar who has noticed the 
 existence of this dialect, describes it to be 'a barbarous Sans- 
 krit, in which the forms of all ages, Sanskrit, Pali, and Pra- 
 krit appear to be confounded.''^ It differs from the Sanskrit 
 more in its neglect of the grammatical rules of the latter than 
 from any inherent peculiarity of its own. The niceties of the 
 Sanskrit forms of declension and conjugation find but a very 
 indifferent attention from the Gratha versifier ; he uses or rejects 
 the usual case-afl&xes according to the exigencies of his metre 
 with as much veneration for the rules of Panini as the West 
 Indian Negro has for those of Lindley Murray ; indeed, the best 
 illustration that can be given of the relation which exists be- 
 tween the Sanskrit, the Gratha and the Pali, would be extracts 
 from the literature of the Negroes. 
 
 " The Gratha exists only in a versified form, and is to be met 
 with in that class of Buddhist writings called the Mahdvaipulya 
 or the 'highly developed' siitras. It occurs generally at the 
 end and often in the middle, but never at the commencement of 
 a chapter, and contains a poetical abstract of the subject de- 
 scribed in the prose portion of the works. The latter is written 
 in pure Sanskrit, and comprises a highly amplified version of 
 the subject-matter, and often adverts to circumstances unnoticed 
 in the former. 
 
 " The Gratha is written in a variety of metres, from the facile 
 octosyllabic anushtup, to the most complicated SdrdulamJoridita. 
 Its peculiarities are those of a language in a state of transition ; 
 it professes to be Sanskrit, and yet does not conform to its 
 rules. In it we find the old forms of the Sanskrit grammar gra • 
 dually losing their expressive power, and prepositions and peri- 
 ^5 I'Histoire du Buddhisme, p. 104. 
 
126 HISTORY AND KELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 phrastic expressions supplying their places, and time-halloweqi 
 verbs and conjugations juxtaposed to vulgar slangs and uncouth 
 provincialisms. At one place, orthography is sacrificed for the 
 sake of prosody and a word of a single short syllable is inflated 
 into one of three syllables, while at another the latter yields 
 to the former and a molossus supplies the place of a pyrrhic 
 or a tribrach. A spirit of economy pervades the whole, and 
 syllables and words are retrenched and modified with an un- 
 sparing hand. In the Lalita Vistara instances of these pecu- 
 liarities occur in great profusion, and they may be generally 
 referred to (A) exigencies of metre, (B) provincialisms, and (C) 
 errors of syntax and prosody. 
 
 " A. Of the changes which may be attributed to the exi- 
 gencies of metre, prolongation, contraction and elision of vowels, 
 elision of consonants, and the segi'egation of compound con- 
 sonants and long vowels into their simple elements, appear to 
 be the most frequent. We shall quote a few instances : 
 
 1st. " Of the prolongation of vowels the following may be 
 taken as examples.'^ 
 STT ^ for ^ •^; ^ ^ for ^ ^; TT^ffr for Tn^TTfT: ; TfTTTT 
 
 for ;^^5I. 
 
 2nd. "Of contractions of vowels, instances occur almost in 
 every sloka. They are generally effected by the iise of short 
 for long vowels, and the substitution of i and u for e, ai, o, and 
 au : for example, 
 
 ^nffT for ZTT^ ; ^il^f% for VT?^?f^; "^T^ for ^^I^^: ; 
 in^ for ^-RTT; -Efi!?- for ^1!^T; XT^t^rTt for trsn^rft; ^T^T 
 
 for ^^T ; rftf for riHT ; ^^ for W^- 
 
 3rd. " Elisions of vowels and consonants are also very fre- 
 quent ; they are effected principally with a view to economiy and 
 euphony. Final ses are invariably elided. Take for instance : 
 
 ^'^ Quoted from the edition of the Lalita Vistara in the Bibliotheca 
 Indica. 
 
SECT. VII.] THE LAJTGUAGES OF JfORTHERN INDIA. 127 
 
 ?TJ^ for 5rHf%; ^^TT: for '?r^^^: ; ^Tfg^f^ for ^- 
 TTH!^ ^^ ; X^ TS ^(mJ for Xfjf J^T '^T^^t; f^^ft 
 for f%^^T^; Hf^l^f^ for lTfW"«IT^f%; Tf^TT for TJ^^'. ; 
 TTST for T?^?T. 
 
 4th. " Of the division of long vowels and compound con- 
 sonants into their short and simple elements, the following are 
 instances of constant occurrence : 
 
 TIjfrT^ for ^T'P^: or ^J^T^^; fjf^^f^ for rj^^: ; f?r- 
 ^T^ for I^TRV; Tf% for -^ ; ^f^ for jg;^ ; 'iJif^^TSffcir 
 for '^TfiT^^ ; t%^^ for ^If ; f%R for ^ ; fijtt for ^ ; 
 fs^f^ for ^SC^T ; f7[ft^ for f%^ ; ^f%^ for ^^T ; ^^FTW 
 for ^T'f ; ^%Wf^ for qUlf^; ^TT^^ for ^T^^%; 
 
 ^fqsT for W^f^- 
 
 " This tendency to segregation of aspirated consonants, forms 
 a principal characteristic of mediaeval and modern Indian pho- 
 nology. The Pali and the Prakrit owe their origin entirely to 
 this cause. The Hindi and the Marhatti indulge in it to a large 
 extent, and the Bengali is not exempt from its influence. 
 
 " B. The provincialisms of the Gratha include neglect of 
 gender, number, and case, abbreviations and omissions of de- 
 clensions, corruption of pronouns, and new forms of conjuga- 
 tion. 
 
 (1.) "Of the neglect of gender, number, and case, the follow- 
 ing may be taken as examples : 
 
 f%3q.l"f%^ for f^I5^f^^^T5l^ (singular for plural); ^:^- 
 %-^ for W^%^TfW (singular for plural) ; '^wf^^fT for '^T^- 
 •TTfi (instrumental for ablative) ; wtftf^^^" for TTtV^eRrT*^ 
 (objective for ablative) ; ^:^ ^^T for ^f^ ^Wt (plural for 
 dual); ^frJ^ehUT^ for %f^^<*Mr4'*I (locative for instru- 
 
128 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OP [chap. .. 
 
 mental) ; f%^V^ for f%^^ (neuter for feminine) ; qi|<«!lt 
 for ^17^x1% (singulax feminine for plural neuter); «r^^TI 
 for «T^"^TfW (masculine for neuter); Y^ for "g^efl ; T.fJ ^"^ 
 
 for n^^rf^ ^^rfw- 
 
 (2.) " Under the head of abbreviations and omissions of de- 
 clension, the most remarkable peculiarity appears to be the use 
 of ^ in the room of all flectional affixes," as ^rTT for '^l^T'l ? 
 
 '^^ for '^'^Tr I ^5 is also merely but for the inherent "%,, 
 
 as in two of the following cases ; ^^^^fi for '^ij^^d ; 
 
 f^"^!^ for t^^iT'rl ; trf^:^TfTf5 fo^^ '^R'Wlfx;?!:. The next 
 are instances in which the case terminations are omitted; 
 ^f%2fr for ^f%^: ; f^^ for f^-=^^^TW: ; and such 
 instances are of continual occurrence. 
 
 (3.) " The following are the corruptions of pronouns that are 
 frequently met with in the Lalita Vistara. They apparently 
 lead the way to the formation of pronouns in the modern ver- 
 naculars. 
 f\^ for ■Jf^ and TTtT: ; (J'WJ for «^, (sic.)^t, and rf^; ^ 
 
 for JlW.l <T for TTT ; 2|rf^ for ^"^ and $?T- 
 
 (4.) " The ne-gr forms of conjugation observable in the Gratha 
 are attributable exclusively to corrupt pronunciation ; they fol- 
 low no fixed rule, and are the result of that natural tendency to 
 abbreviation^' which in the English originates "wont" from 
 "will not," and "shant" from "shall not." The following are 
 a few examples : 
 JJ^ and ^fTI for ^^f% ; ^Ttfw for ^^ ; ^f^ for ^^f?{i 
 
 »?rf^ for ^^f^ ; ^^f% for "^^ ; ^[\U for ^!rd^«\ 
 
 '?f^T5t or ^I§t foi- '^TrC,; ^3fc8r for ^itT^ ; ^ for ^-^^ 
 
 ^' [I do not think that the causes here alleged afford a sufficient, or even 
 a suitable explanation of all the changes under consideration. J. M.l 
 
SECT. VII.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEEN INDIA. 129 
 
 I^T^Vf^ and i^nr for g^W ; ^"WfT for ^W^ ; ^f^ for *rf%- 
 
 ^rrfri-^-Tr-ffT-TT: '5f^-f% ^:-'3i; ^w^ for Tjf^gr^ra; 
 
 ^S(^ for f%^: ; ^^^fft for i^wf^fl; l^fw*^, ^fw^. 
 l^f^W. and ^(Jf for ^7^ ; g^fw^lfTT for ^^f^ ; -Ji;^ for 
 ^T^T\ ; '^^f^*^ for ^I^^IT ; T5Rf^ for T^PT^T^rg: ; 
 ^f%»5rr for f%«qT ; ^f^Fl for ^^T- 
 
 " It may be remarked that the corruptions above quoted are, 
 in many instances^ the precursors of forms adopted in other affi- 
 liated dialects. In Sanskrit the third person singular of the 
 verb to be is bhavati, which in the Gratha changes to bhoti by 
 the conversion of the v into o and the elision of the a before 
 and after it, (bhonti in the plural and bhosi in the second per- 
 son singular), and thence we have hoti, hxisi, and honti in the 
 Magadhi. Sunitvd for srutvd is the first step to the formation 
 of sunid in Bengali, while sunohi passes into suno with nothing 
 but the elision of an inflexion, 
 
 " C. In the collocation of words and phrases the Gratha strictly 
 follows the rules of Sanskrit syntax, but in the formation of 
 compound terms it admits of many licences highly offensive to 
 the canons of Panini and Vopadeva. They seem, however, to 
 be the consequence of haste and inattention, and are not re- 
 ferrible to any dialectic peculiarity." 
 
 There are, however, some other forms discoverable in the 
 G-atha dialect, which have been either passed over, or but cursorily 
 noticed by Babu Eajendralal, and which yet present some points 
 of remarkable interest. Thus the plural instrumental in ebhih, 
 which is so general in the Vedas, is in use in the Grathas also, as 
 in the instances sdkiy ebhih, sattvebhih, gunebhih, sinhdsanebhih, 
 ddrakebhih, chetakebhih, employed instead of the form, sdkyaih, 
 sattvaih, &c., which is alone current in modern Sanskrit. It is 
 from this older form in ebhih, that the Pali form of the same 
 case in ehhi, or ehi, is derived, as in the word buddhebhi, or bud- 
 
 K 
 
130 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 dhehi. (Clough, Pali Grram. p. 19.) Again, we find in the Gathas 
 the case-terminations of the declension in a substituted, in the 
 case of words ending in consonants, for those proper to the latter 
 form of declension. Thus, for jagatah, and jagati (the gen. 
 and loo. oijagaf), we have jagasya and jage; for ndmnd (instr. 
 of no/man), we have natnema ; for mMhatmanarn, we have ma- 
 hatmam; for anantayaJasam we have a/naniayaiam ; for 
 karmandh (gen. of harman) we have harmasya; and for 
 duMtarmn, accusative of the word duhitri (ending in ri), we 
 have duhitdm, the accusative of feminine nouns ending in d. 
 This change is one to which the Pali inclines (as in the form 
 Brahmassa, as one of the genitives of Brahman), and to which 
 a still more decided tendency is observable in the Prakrit. (See 
 Cowell's Prakrit Gram. Introd. p. xxiii. xxiv.) On the other 
 hand, we find also in the Grathas instances of the quite different 
 change of e into i in the locative, as lohi, gehi, udari, for the 
 proper form loke, gehe, udare. The particle api (also) is con- 
 tracted to pi, as in Prakrit ; thus we have ahampi for aham- 
 dpi. Again, we have the peculiar forms jihmi, jihma, for 
 yathd; yathariva for yathaiva (precisely as in Pali, Clough's 
 Grram. p. 11); siti for sTnriti ; pathe for patheshu, and ishtikdn 
 for yashtidhdrakdn. 
 
 Many of the changes in the Gratha verbs are in part the same 
 which we find in Pali. Thus, for the correct Sanskrit forms 
 chodayanti, tarpayishyanti, nivarttayati and dhdrayanti, we 
 have chodenti, tarpeshyati, nivartteti, and dharenti, which, in 
 Pali, would be chodenti, tappessati, nivatteti, and dharenti. 
 Again, for avalambate we have olamhate, which would take the 
 same form in Pali. The modifications avachi for avochat, 
 munchi for amunchat, gachchhi for agaohchhat, dhydyi for 
 adhydyat, correspond in some measure to such Pali forms as 
 akdsi for akdrshit, ahdsi for ahdrshit, addsi for addt, ahqsi for 
 ahhut, atthdsi for asthdt, ahadhi for ahadhit, &c. : and snapin- 
 sun for sndpaydmasuh or asisnapan, is nearly the same as the 
 Pali form apachirisu, the third person plural of the third prete- 
 
SECT, vn.] THE LANGUAGES OE NORTHEEN INDIA. 131 
 
 rite. The Gratha forms darSishyasi for d/rahshyasi, and sunish- 
 yati for ^roshyati, are closely similar to the Pali form vedissmni 
 for vetsydmi, bhunjissdTni for bhokshydmi, and dessissa/mi for 
 dehshydmi. The Gatha past indeclinable particles also, such 
 as bhavitwd, ramitwd, hanitwd, labhitwd, stuvitwd, manitwd, 
 vijihitwd, iimitwd, for bhutwd, mantwd, hatwd, labdhwd, stu- 
 twd, matwd, vi + hitwd, irutwd, are formed on the same prin- 
 ciple as the similar Pali ones, pavisitwd, jdnitwd, bhunjitwd, 
 {iorpra + vesMwd, jndtwd, and bhuktwd). Of the forms karitya, 
 and kariydna (for Jcritwd) the latter coincides in its termina- 
 tion with such Pali forms as sutwdna and diawdna (for irutwd 
 and drishtwd). Again, we have the form kam/paycmtd (for 
 ham/payan), which coincides with the Pali and Prakrit. For 
 tyaktwd I find the word chhorayitwd, which does not seem to 
 be much used in Sanskrit, though Wilson, in his Dictionary, 
 gives chhorana in the sense of " leaving." I quote the following 
 additional anomalous forms, viz. pithitd for pishtd, visnapi for 
 vyasndpdyan, snapit for sndpayitwd, kshipinsu for kshipanti, 
 bhaviya for bhavet, pratishthihitwd for pratishthdya, ddsmi 
 for ddsyami, d/iyatu for diyatdm, darthi for dadatah, kurumi 
 for karomi, janami for jdTidmi, bhdsi for bhdshate, vinenti for 
 vineshyati, janeshi or janaisM for janayishyati, adrisuJi for 
 adrdkshuh, pasyeta for driSyate, adhyeshtu for adhyetum, 
 chintayd for chintayitwd, smari for sm/ritam, atikrametwm, for 
 atikramitUTn. (In all these cases, I should observe, the Sanskrit 
 equivalents are given according to the notes in the published 
 edition of the Lalita Vistara). 
 
 I proceed with the quotations from Babu Eajendralal's Essay. 
 
 " Of the origin of the Gratha, nothing appears to be known 
 for certain. M. Burnouf is inclined to attribute it to ignorance ; 
 he says : — 
 
 ' This fact (the difference of language of the different parts 
 of the Vaipulya Sutras) indicates in the clearest manner that 
 there was another digest (of the Buddhist literature prepared, 
 besides those of the three convocations), and it agrees with the 
 
 K 2 
 
132 HISTORY AOT) RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 development of the poetical pieces in which these impurities 
 occur, in showing that those pieces do not proceed from the same 
 hand to which the simple Sutras owe their origin. There is 
 nothing in the books characterised by this difference of language, 
 which throws the smallest light on its origin. Are we to look on 
 this as the use of a popular style which may have developed 
 itself subsequent to the preaching of Sakya, and which would 
 thus be intermediate between the regular Sanskrit and the Pali, 
 — a dialect entirely derived, and manifestly posterior to the 
 Sanskrit ? or should we rather regard it as the crude composition 
 of writers to whom the Sanskrit was no longer familiar, and who 
 endeavoured to write in the learned language, which they ill 
 understood, with the freedom, which is imparted by the habitual 
 use of a popular but imperfectly determined dialect ? It will 
 be for history to decide which of these two solutions is correct ; 
 to my mind the second appears to be the more probable one, but 
 direct evidence being wanting, we are reduced to the inductions 
 furnished by the very few facts as yet known. Now, these facts 
 are not all to be found in the Nepalese collection ; it is indis- 
 pensably necessary in order to understand the question in all its 
 bearings to consult for an instant the Singalese collection and 
 the traditions of the Buddhists of the South. What we thence 
 learn is, that the sacred texts are there written in Pali ; that is 
 to say in a dialect derived immediately from the learned idiom 
 of the -Brahmans, and which differs very little from the dialect 
 which is found on the taost ancient Buddhist monuments in 
 India. Is it in this dialect that the poetical portions of the 
 great Sutras are composed ? By no means ; the style of these 
 portions is an indescribable melange, in which incorrect Sanskrit 
 bristles with forms of which some are entirely Pali, and others 
 popular in the most general sense of the term. There is no 
 geographical name to bestow upon a language of this kind ; but 
 it is at the same time intelligible how such a jargon may have 
 been produced in places where the Sanskrit was not studied 
 systematically, and in the midst of populations which had never 
 
SECT, vn.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 133 
 
 spoken it, or had known only the dialects derived more or less 
 remotely from the primitive source. I incline then to the belief 
 that this part of the great Sutras must have been written out of 
 India^ or, to express myself more precisely, in countries situated 
 on the western side of the Indus, or in Cashmir, for example ; 
 countries where the learned language of Brahmanism and Bud- 
 dhism would be cultivated with less success than in Central 
 India. It appears to me almost impossible that "the jargon of 
 these poems could have been produced in an epoch when Bud- 
 dhism flourished in Hindusthan. Then, in fact, the priests had 
 no other choice but between these two idioms ; either the Sans- 
 krit, i. e. the language which prevails in the compositions col- 
 lected ia Nepal, or the Pali, that is, the dialect which is found 
 on the ancient Buddhist inscriptions of India, and which has 
 been adopted by the Buddhists of Ceylon.'^* 
 
 " This opinion," (continues Babu Eajendralal) " we venture 
 to think, is founded on a mistaken estimate of Sanskrit style. 
 The poetry of the Gratha has much artistic elegance which 
 at once indicates that it is not the composition of men who 
 were ignorant of the first principles of grammar. Its authors 
 display a great deal of learning, and discuss the subtlest ques- 
 tions of logic and metaphysics with much tact and ability, 
 and it is difficult to conceive that men who were perfectly 
 familiar with the most intricate forms of Sanskrit logic, who 
 have expressed the most abstruse metaphysical ideas in pre- 
 
 *^ I'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, p. 105. [I have introduced a very few 
 verbal alterations into this translation from Burnouf. Lassen, Ind. Alt. ii., 
 p. 9, concurs in these views of Burnouf: — " The Mahayana Sutras (of the 
 Buddhists) are composed in a prose made up of a mixture of irregular 
 Sanskrit, of Pali, and of forms borrowed from the vulgar dialects ; and the 
 narrative is repeated in verse. Such a medley of forms could only, as it 
 appears, have arisen in a country where the learned language was no longer 
 maintained in its purity ; and, consequently, the writings in question were 
 probably composed in the countries bordering on the Indus, and most likely 
 in Kashmir, which plays an important part in the later history of Buddhism." 
 (See also pp. 491, 492, and p. 1153 of the same volume.)— J. M.] 
 
 K 3 
 
134 HISTOBY AND EELATIOKS OF [chap. i. 
 
 cise and often in beautiful language, who composed with ease 
 and elegance in Arya, Totaka, and other difficult measures, 
 were unacquainted with the rudiments of the language in which 
 they wrote, and even unable to conjugate the verb to he, in all 
 its forms. This difficulty is greatly enhanced, when we bear in 
 mind that the prose portion of the Vaipulya Siitras is written in 
 perfectly pure Sanskrit, and has no trace whatever of the pro- 
 vincialisms and popular forms so abundant in the poetry. If 
 these Siitras be the productions of men beyond the Indus im- 
 perfectly acquainted with the Sanskrit, how happens one portion 
 of them to be so perfect in every respect, while the other is so 
 impure ? What could have been the object of writing the same 
 subject twice over in the same work, once in pure prose and then 
 in incorrect poetry ? 
 
 " It might be supposed — what is most likely the case — that 
 the prose and the poetry are the productions of two different 
 ages ; but the question would then arise, how came they to be 
 associated together ? What could have induced the authors of 
 the prose portions to insert in their works, the incorrect produc- 
 tions of Trans-Indus origin ? Nothing but a sense of the truth- 
 fulness and authenticity of those narratives, could have led to 
 their adoption. But how is it likely to be supposed that the 
 most authentic accoimt of Sakya within three hundred years 
 after his death, was to be had only in countries hundreds of 
 miles away from the place of his birth, and the field of his 
 preachings ? The great Siitras are supposed to have been com- 
 piled about the time of the third convocation (309 b. c), when 
 it is not at all likely that the sages of central India would have 
 gone to Cashmere in search of data, which could be best 
 gathered at their own threshold. 
 
 "The more reasonable conjecture appears to be that the 
 Gratha is the production of bards, who were contemporaries or 
 immediate successors of Sakya, who recounted to the devout 
 congregations of the prophet of Magadha, the sayings and 
 doings of their great teacher, in popular and easy flowing verses. 
 
SECT. vii.J THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHBRN INDU. 135 
 
 which in course of time came to be regarded as the most au- 
 thentic source of all information connected with the founder of 
 Buddhism. The high estimation in which the ballads and im- 
 provisations of bards are held in India and particularly in the 
 Buddhist writings, favom-s this supposition; and the circum- 
 stance that the poetical portions are generally introduced in cor- 
 roboration of the narrative of the prose, with the words : Tatre- 
 damuchyate, 'Thereof this may be said,' affords a strong 
 presumptive evidence." 
 
 In a review of " Burnouf 's Lotus de la Bonne Loi," Pro- 
 fessor Weber (in the Indische Studien, iii. pp. 139, 140), renjiarks 
 as follows on the views expressed by Burnouf in the preceding 
 passage in regard to the language of the Gathas : — 
 
 " The last reason (viz. that Sanskrit was cultivated with less 
 success in Kashmir than in central India), is an incorrect one ; 
 since, on the contrary, it is precisely in the north-west of India 
 that the proper seat of Indian grammatical learning appears to 
 have existed. As regards the fact itself, Burnouf may be right, 
 and the jargon of those poetical portions may have actually been 
 at one time the local dialect of -Kashmir, which would preserve 
 a far more exact resemblance to the ancient form of speech, than 
 did the Pali and Prakrit dialects which were developed in India 
 proper under the influence of the aborigines, who spoke differ- 
 ently. But as Burnouf urges elsewhere, that the more recent 
 a Buddhistic work is, the purer and more correct is its language, 
 it appears to me more natural to assume that these poetical por- 
 tions are fragments of older traditions; because, if they were 
 more recent than the rest of the text, there is no good ground 
 on which to account for their deviating from them in point of 
 language ; or if there were a difference, one would expect that 
 the poetical parts would be more correct than the prose. This is 
 in fact the view taken in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
 Bengal for 1851, p. 283, where the Lalita Vistara is said to have 
 been ' compiled in Sanskrit about the end of the sixth century 
 
 K 4 
 
136 HISTOET AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 from ballads in an obsolete patois of that language, composed 
 evidently by bards at a much earlier period.' " 
 
 In regard to the point on which Babu Eajendralal is at issue 
 with the views of M. Bumouf, I will not venture to express any 
 opinion. The peculiarities of the Gatha dialect are so anomalous 
 that it is very difficult to explain them. In any case, it is clear 
 that, if not a spoken language, it was at least a written language 
 in a remote age : and it, therefore, exemplifies to us some portion 
 of the process by which the Sanskrit was broken down and cor- 
 rupted into the derivative dialects, which sprang out of it. 
 
 I subjoin the concluding passage of Babu Eajendralal's dis- 
 sertation, in which he states his opinion in regard to the periods 
 at which the successive modifications of Sanskrit were spoken in 
 India. 
 
 " The language of the Gratha is believed, by M. Burnouf, to 
 be intermediate between the Pali and the pure Sanskrit. Now, 
 as the Pali was the vernacular language of India from Cuttack 
 to Kapurdagiri within three hundred years after the death of 
 Sakya, it would not be unreasonable to suppose that the Gatha 
 which preceded it was the dialect of the million at the time of 
 Sakya's advent. If oiu' conjecture in this respect be right it 
 would follow that the Sanskrit passed into the Gatha six hundred, 
 years before the Christian era ; that three hundred years subse- 
 quently it changed into the Pali ; and that thence, in two hundred 
 years more, preceded the Prakrit and its, sister dialects the Sau- 
 raseni, the Dravidi^' and the Panchali, which in their turn formed 
 the present vernacular dialects of India." 
 
 I have thus (as I originally proposed in Section I.) passed in 
 review the various phases through which the vernacular speech 
 of Northern India has gone since it began to deviate from the 
 forms of its parent Sanskrit. Commencing with the provincial 
 
 °^ [If by the Dravidi is meant the Telugu, or any of its cognate languages 
 it is a mistake to class it with the northern Prakrits. — J. M,] 
 
SECT, vii.j THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 137 
 
 dialects of our own day, the Hindi, Mahratti, Bengali, &c., 
 which diverge the most widely from the original tongue, I have 
 attempted to ascend, successively, from the more recent to the 
 more ancient mediaeval vernaculars, and to trace backwards their 
 gradual approach in form and structmre to the language of the 
 Vedas. In Section I. the modern vernaculars are considered. 
 In Sections II. — IV. the dialects entitled Prakrit are described ; 
 and it has there been proved that they were the spoken tongues 
 of India before the modem vernaculars came into existence, and 
 shown, by a variety of illustrations, that the former approach 
 much more closely to the Sanskrit than the latter. In Section V. 
 an account has been given of the Pali ; and it has been demon- 
 strated at length that it, in its turn, is more ancient in its gram- 
 matical forms than the Prakrits are, and departs less widely than 
 tfcey do from the Sanskrit. In Section VI. I have supplied some 
 description of the language employed in the rock inscriptions of 
 Piyadasi ; by which it is put beyond a doubt that different dialects 
 resembling the Pali were in vernacular use in Northern India in 
 the third century B.C. And, finally, in Section VII., I have de- 
 scribed a form of corrupt Sanskrit occurring in the Gathas or 
 narrative poems in which the actions of Buddha were recounted 
 at a period apparently preceding the Christian era. 
 
 It is not- necessary that I should be able to point out the 
 exact relative antiquity of the Pali, of the language of the inscrip- 
 tions, and of the language of the Gathas. We have seen (p. 72)' 
 that the Pali has some grammatical forms which are older than 
 those of the inscriptions; and vice versa. It is sufficient to say 
 that all these three different dialects exhibit a form of Indian 
 speech which is of greater antiquity than the Prakrits of the 
 dramatic poems ; and that they illustrate to us some of the 
 eai-liest stages of the process by which the original spoken lan- 
 guage of India, i. e. the early Sanskrit, was disintegrated and 
 corrupted. 
 
138 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Sect. VIII.— On the original use of Sanskrit as a vernacular tongue; on the 
 manner in which the Prakrits drose out of it, and on the period of their 
 formation : views of Professors Weber, Lassen, and Benfey. 
 
 From the above review of the spoken dialects of India, com- 
 mencing -with the modern vernaculars, and going back to the 
 Prakrits and the Pali, we discover that the older these dialects 
 are, the more closely do they resemble the Sanskrit, in the sub- 
 stance of the words themselves, as well as in the forms by which 
 they are declined and conjugated. Judging by the great dif- 
 ferences which we find between the modern Indian languages 
 and the oldest forms of the vernacular dialects, and by the 
 gradual changes through which the latter have at length passed 
 into the former, we can have no difficulty at all in concluding 
 that the very oldest known forms of the Prakrits also had, in 
 earlier ages, undergone similar mutations, and had at one time 
 been different in some respects from the languages which have 
 been handed down to us; and that the further back these 
 dialects went, the fewer and smaller were their deviations from 
 the Sanskrit, till they at length merged altogether in that parent 
 language, and were, in fact, identical with it. And as there is 
 no doubt that these Prakrit dialects, in the oldest forms in which 
 we can trace them, were spoken languages, so we are further 
 entitled to conclude that the Sanskrit itself was at one time, i. e. 
 at the period before the Prakrits broke off from it, a vernacu- 
 larly spoken language. 
 
 Before, however, proceeding to the particular proof of this, I 
 shall first of all present some general speculations of Professors 
 Weber, Lassen, and Benfey, on the anterior elements out of 
 which the Prakrits (under which term I include all the old ver- 
 nacular languages derived from Sanskrit) were developed, and 
 the process by which their formation was effected. 
 
 The following is Professor Weber's account of the way in 
 which he conceives the Prakrits to have arisen ""' : — 
 
 ""' Indisehe Studien, ii. p. 87, note. 
 
SECT, VIII.] THE LANGUAGES OF JSTOETHERN mDU. 139 
 
 " I take this opportunity of declaring myself distinctly against 
 a commonly received error. It has been concluded ■ from the 
 existence (in inscriptions) of Prakrit dialects in the centuries im- 
 mediately preceding our era, that the Sanskrit language had died 
 out before these dialects were formed ; whereas we must, on the 
 contrary, regard the development of both the Sanskrit and the 
 Prakrit dialects from one common source, viz. the Indo-Arian 
 speech, as entirely contemporaneous For a fuller state- 
 ment of this view I refer to my 'Vajasaneyi SanhitaB speci- 
 men,' ii. 204 — 6 ; and, in proof of what I have urged there, I 
 adduce here the fact that the principal laws of Prakrit speech, 
 viz. assimilation, hiatus, and a fondness for cerebrals and as- 
 pirates are prominent in the Vedas, of which the following are 
 examples: kuta = krita, E. V. i. 46. 4. ; kata = karta, (above, 
 p. 30) ; geha = griha, (above, p. 40) ; guggulu = gungulu, 
 Katyay., 5, 4, 17; vivittyai=vivishtyai, Taitt. Arany. x. 58; 
 krikalasa, Vrih. Ar. Ma. i. 3. 22. =krikadasu, Eik. i. 29. 7; 
 purodasa=purolasa (comp. da^ru = lacryma); padbhih = pad- 
 bhih; kshullaka = kshudraka; bhallaksha=bhadraksha, Chhan- 
 dogya, 6. 1. (gloss); vikirida=vikiridra (above, p. 31); gabhasti 
 = grabhasti, or garbhasti ; nighantu = nigranthu ; ghas = gras ; 
 bhanj = bhranj = bhuj = bhruj ; bhas = bras Compa- 
 rative philology exhibits similar phonetic prakritizings with- 
 in the circle of the Indo-germanic languages as compared 
 the one with the other." The same writer says in his Vajas. 
 Sanh. specimen ii. 203. ff. : "" "I incline to the opinion of 
 those who deny that the Sanskrit Bhasha, properly so called, 
 was ever the common spoken language of the whole Arian 
 people, and assign it to the learned alone. Just as our modern 
 high Grerman, arising out of the ancient dialects of the Germans, 
 reduced what was common to all to universal rules and laws, 
 and by the power of analogy obliterated all recollection of va- 
 rieties ; and just as, on the other hand these dialects, while they 
 
 ^°^ Reprinted in Indische Studien, ii. pp. 110, 111. 
 
140 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 gradually degenerated, often preserved at the same time fuller and 
 more ancient forms; so also tte Vedic dialects, became partly com- 
 bined in one stream, in which their individual existence was 
 lost, and so formed the regular Sanskrit Bhasha, and partly 
 flowed on individually in their own original (Prakrita) irre- 
 gular force, and continued to be the idioms of different pro- 
 vinces, in the corruption of which they participated. The 
 Sanskrit language and the Prakrit dialects had, therefore, a 
 common and a simultaneous origin: the latter did not spring 
 out of the former, but rather, being connected by a natural bond 
 with the ancient language, have often a more antique fashion 
 than the Sanskrit, which, being shaped and circumscribed by the 
 rules of grammarians, has sacrificed the truth of analogy for the 
 sake of regularity. The Prakrit tongues are nothing else than 
 ancient Vedic dialects in a state of degeneracy; while the 
 Sanskrit (or Epic) bhdshd is the sum of the Vedic dialects con- 
 structed by the labour and zeal of grammaiians, and polished by 
 the skill of learned men. In this way we obtain an explanation 
 of two facts : 1st, That the very same exceptions which are con- 
 ceded by grammarians to the Vedic language (chhandas) are 
 often found in the Prakrit dialects, being in fact nothing but 
 original forms ; and 2nd, That in the Vedic writings, forms and 
 words occur which are more irregular than any Sanskrit word 
 could ever be ; for as yet no fixed rules of euphony, orthography, 
 or formation existed, — rules which were eventually deduced in 
 part from those very irregularities. All the irregular forms 
 which prevail in the Prakrit tongues are to be found throughout 
 the Vedas. In the latter, the faculty which creates language 
 is seen exuberant in its early power, while in the former 
 (the Prakrits) it is seen in the degeneracy of full blown licence, 
 luxuriating wantonness, and at last of senile weakriess. Assimi- 
 lation, the hiatus, and a fondness for cerebrals and aspirates, 
 play an important part in the Vedas, not so much in those por- 
 tions which are peculiar to the Yajur-veda (which, as forming a 
 transition from the Vedic to the Epic period, or rather itself 
 
SECT. VIII.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 141 
 
 initiating the Epic period, has also a style of language of a more 
 modern cast, and adapted to grammatical rules), as in the older 
 forms and words of the Eig-veda, many of which were diflScult 
 to understand in the age of the Aitareya and Satapatha Brah- 
 manas (paroocavrittayah: comp. Eoth. p. li. Mghantavah.) There 
 occur moreover in the Epic poems many words which, however 
 corrupted, have been received into the Sanskrit sometimes with 
 no change, sometimes with very little, from the Prakrit lan- 
 guages in use among the greater part of the people. Of this the 
 word govi/nda is a clear example, which, according to the in- 
 genious conjecture of Grildemeister is nothing but gobinda 
 derived from gojpend/ra." 
 
 This theory of Professor Weber, even if it were correct, would 
 not invalidate the conclusion which I hope ultimately to estab- 
 lish, viz., that the language out of which the Prakrits grew had 
 itself been subject to mutation prior to their evolution out of^ 
 it. It would only prove that no one such language as Sanskrit 
 existed during the Vedic era, but was then represented by a 
 number of what (to distinguish them from the Prakrits) I may 
 call Sanskritic dialects, which, by the continued action of a 
 modifying analytic process all along at work in them, were, on 
 the one hand, gradually broken down into the dialects which 
 received the name of Prakrit, while, on the other hand, by a 
 reverse process of synthetic and more formal construction, 
 another language of a different character, and previously non- 
 existent, became developed out of them, under the appellation 
 of Sanskrit. 
 
 Weber's theory, however, taken in its full extent, appears to 
 me to be disproved by the fact that, in its forms, the Vedic Sans- 
 krit is (excepting a few archaisms) nearly identical with the Epic, 
 while it is very different from even the oldest type of Prakrit. It 
 is no answer to this that some old Vedic forms, such as the instru- 
 mental in ehhis, reappear in the Prakrits ; for no one asserts 
 that, at the earliest period when the Prakrits began to be formed, 
 the Sanskrit did not still retain many of its Vedic forms. 
 
142 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 I will now adduce two quotations of considerable length, from 
 Lassen's Indian Antiquities, -vol. ii. pp. 1147—1149, and 1151 
 —1153, on the history of the languages of Northern India, in 
 the course of which he replies to the preceding observations of 
 Weber. 
 
 " The inscription of the Sinha Prince Eudradaman, which 
 dates from the year 85 B.C., is written in Sanskrit prose, of an 
 artificial character, with long compound words. From this fact 
 we may infer that Sanskrit was no longer spoken by the common 
 people, but only by the Brahmans and other persons, in the 
 higher classes." 
 
 "It has been already shown (p. 486) that in Asoka's time the 
 common people spoke dialects derived from the sacred language, 
 and that, at that time, there were at least three such dialects ; of 
 which one prevailed in Eastern India, the second in Gruzerat, 
 and the third in Eastern Cabul. The existence of a fourth, of 
 which the seat was perhaps in Upper Eajasthan, is attested by 
 the inscription of Meghavahana. It is highly probable that the 
 popular Indian dialects existed at a still earlier period than this, 
 [the age of Asoka was 263 — 226 B.C., and that of Meghavahana 
 IIOa.d.'"^] ;for the accounts of Buddha's sayings and doings appear 
 to have existed in a double form, i. e. both in the vernacular 
 tongues and in Sanskrit. I do not venture to assume that the 
 vernacular tongues originated much earlier. It is indeed true 
 that we find in the Vedic hymns some individual traces of those 
 corruptions which in Prakrit have become the rule and character- 
 istic feature of the language. But we must assume a long 
 period to have intervened between these isolated appearances 
 and their full blown development, as exhibited in particular 
 local dialects. I do not, therefore, believe in a contemporaneous 
 development, side by side, of the Sanskrit and the Prakrit 
 tongues out of the one common source of the Indo-Arian 
 language ; but I assume that it was not till long after the immi- 
 
 ""* Lassen, App. pp. x. xxiii. 
 
SECT, vni.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHBRN INDIA. 143 
 
 gration of the Indo-Arians that the Prakrits were formed in the 
 several proviaces of India. I further regard it as improbable 
 that the Prakrits arose out of one particular dialect of the 
 Sanskrit ; for no dialects of the Sanskrit have yet been pointed 
 out. An accouat is to be found, it is true, in an ancient record, 
 according to which the Sanskrit had been preserved in greater 
 purity in the northern countries than elsewhere, and Kashmir 
 and Badari, at the sources of the Granges, are specified by the 
 commentator as such regions. This, however, is not sufficient 
 to prove that in the different provinces of India there were then 
 fundamental differences in the sacred language. 
 
 " No conclusion in regard to the existence of dialectic varieties 
 in the Sanskrit can be drawn from the fact that the Prakrit 
 dialects have all preserved the form of the instrumental plural 
 in hi (derived from hhis), in words ending in a, while the modern 
 Sanskrit has lost this form ; for the ancient form in ehhis is not 
 peculiar to any particular Vedic writings. The preservation of 
 this form only proves that the Prakrit dialects began to be 
 formed at an early period, when the termination m question was 
 in frequent use. The early adoption, too, into Sanskrit of words 
 which had become modified according to the laws of the Prakrit 
 dialects, testifies, not so much to the early creation of popular 
 dialects widely different from each other, as to the mere begin- 
 nings of such. We have to regard the causes of the varieties in 
 the Indian dialects as twofold. The first is that general one, 
 which has operated also in other languages, and which is indeed 
 the principal, viz., those peculiarities connected with the abodes 
 and the character of the tribes into which a people becomes 
 divided. The reason why they have so operated, as they actually 
 have, is in individual instances often difficult, nay, impossible to 
 assign. In this way, five principal modern languages, the 
 Provencal, French, Portuguese, Spanish and Italian, have arisen 
 out of the Latin. Of these languages, the second, the fourth, 
 and the fifth are rich in dialects. The second cause is (as has 
 been already noticed) a special one, — I mean the influence 
 
144 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 exercised on the Prakrit dialects by the languages of the abori- 
 ginal tribes adopted into the Indian political system, who discarded 
 their own form of speech and adopted the Indo-Arian language 
 of the province in which they dwelt. These aboriginal tribes 
 contributed, in some instances, to introduce peculiar varieties 
 into the Prakrit dialects. When these aborigines were par- 
 ticularly savage and uncultivated, it could scarcely fail to happen 
 that they occasioned very great corruptions of sound and form 
 in the Indo-Arian languages." 
 
 The second passage is as follows : — 
 
 " It is in the period with which we are now occupied (i. e. 
 that between Vikramaditya and the later Grupta kings) that the 
 appellations Sanskrit for the classical language, and Prakrit 
 for the forms of speech springing from it, must have arisen; 
 because it was now that the distinction between the classical 
 language (which was no longer employed as a spoken tongue 
 except by the Brahmans and highest classes) and the popular 
 dialects became decidedly marked. It has been maintained that 
 Sanskrit was never the common popular dialect of the Arian 
 Indians, but owed its origin only to the learned ; and that the 
 Vedic dialects coalesced, on the one hand, in a single language, 
 and so created the regular Sanskrit, in which they were lost ; 
 and on the other hand, in virtue of their inherent character, 
 became corrupted and irregular, and in this corrupt form con- 
 tinued to exist as the vernacular dialects of particular provinces. 
 I must dissent from this view on the following grounds : First, 
 it has not yet been proved (as I have already, p. 1148, observed) 
 that there were any different dialects in the Vedic language. To 
 prove that there were, it must be shown that in contempora- 
 neous Vedic writings there are found variations of such an 
 essential character as to justify us in assuming a variety of 
 dialects : varieties observable in writings belonging to different 
 ages only show that there was a progressive departure from an 
 earlier condition of the language. Secondly, it is necessary 
 that we be agreed as to what we mean by language. If 
 
SECT, viii.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 145 
 
 thereby we mean the style of expression, then it may be 
 asserted of many languages which have attained a higher degree 
 of perfection by being einployed in literature or in public as- 
 semblies, that they were not popular languages. The Athenians 
 and Eomans certainly did not, in their ordinary life, express 
 themselves in the same style in which their orators spoke ; and 
 we Grermans permit ourselves to make use of many turns of ex- 
 pression which we deny ourselves in books. So too we may 
 suppose that the Indians of the earliest age did not ordinarily 
 speak the same language which their poets employed. If on 
 the other hand, by language we mean grammatical forms, I 
 cannot see why the Indians should not in the earliest ages have 
 made use of the same as the contemporary poets employed. This 
 certainly was the case also in the succeeding periods. To this it 
 must be added that Panini, the oldest of the three gi-ammarians 
 who are styled saints, uses the word bhdshd (speech) to designate 
 the ordinary language in contradistinction to the Vedic, and em- 
 ploys as synonymous with bhdshdydm the word loke, i. e. in the 
 world. The language which the Sanskrit-speaking Indians then 
 spoke cannot, therefore, have been different from this bhdshd, 
 or current form of speech. Its fate in contrast to that of its 
 daughters has been a peculiar one. Whilst among the Greeks 
 the Attic dialect became the general language of prose composi- 
 tion, . . . and the other dialects became less and less prominent, 
 . . . and whilst in Germany the new high-German, from its 
 use in literature and education, has more and more superseded 
 the popular djalects, the sacred speech of the Brahmans, on the 
 contrary, continued to lose ground, not so much in local exten- 
 sion, as in its employment by the different classes of the population 
 in the same countries. It may be assumed that in the time of 
 Asoka the greater part of the people in the countries inhabited 
 by Arian Indians spoke the local dialects, and that only the 
 Brahmans and the principal persons spoke Sanskrit. On this 
 circumstance the distribution of the dialects in the dramas rests. 
 As the kings who were inclined to the Buddhist religion permitted 
 
14& HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 only the popular dialects to be used in their inscriptions and 
 coins, it becomes probable that they did the same thing in their 
 decrees, and for other purposes." 
 
 The following remarks relating to the early extension and 
 vernacular employment of Sanskrit, to its subsequent disuse as a 
 spoken language, and to its ultimate resuscitation in a somewhat 
 modified form, as a refined and sacred dialect, are translated, 
 with occasional abridgment, from Prof. Benfey's article on India 
 (above referred to), pp. 245, ff. : — " The language which we now 
 call Sanskrit was once, as both the ancient and modern dialects 
 which have issued from it distinctly show, the prevalent popular 
 speech in the greatest part of India. Alongside of it there ex- 
 isted in the remotest times several dialects of one or more lan- 
 guages, not related to it, of the aborigines of India; which 
 languages had at first a wider and in later times a continually 
 decreasing, extension. The period when Sanskrit began to 
 spread itself over India cannot be determined any more than the 
 era of the immigration of the people who spoke it. We can 
 only determine the following points : First, in regard to exten- 
 sion ; (1) the Sanskrit once prevailed over a considerable tract 
 west of the Indus, as is shown both by many geographical 
 names in those regions, by the accounts of Chinese travellers, 
 and by the languages which are now found existing there: 
 (2) to the north, the Sanskrit or its dialects prevailed as 
 far as the Himalaya and the Indian Caucasus ; (3) to the east, 
 in the time of Asoka, as far as the region of the Brahmaputra, 
 though this region was not entirely Sanskritized : (4) to the 
 south, Sanskrit exercised nearly its full sway as far as the south- 
 ern frontiers of Maharashtra : this is proved by the fact that 
 one of the dialects which ai-e most decidedly of Sanskrit origin, 
 namely, the Prakrit pre-eminently so named, is also called the 
 language of Maharashtra, and is manifestly the parent of the 
 modem Mahratti. (5) Sanskrit penetrated still further to the 
 south, where it formed the language of educated people : but 
 this occurred at a time when the Sanskrit-speaking race had not 
 
SECT. vm.J THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 147 
 
 sufficient power entirely to expel the indigenous language, as 
 they were able to do in Northern India with a few very isolated 
 exceptions, 
 
 "Second^ as to the time when Sanskrit was the language 
 of the people we can determine as follows : We find in Asoka's 
 time two vernacular dialects, one in Guzerat, and the other 
 in Magadha, which, as their entire structure shows, could 
 not have existed alongside of, i. e. contemporaneously with, the 
 Sanskrit, but must have become further developed in those pro- 
 vinces after the Sanskrit had previously prevailed there : conse- 
 quently the Sanskrit must have died out before Asoka, who lived 
 in the third century B.C., and therefore about three cerituries after 
 the period to which the rise of Buddhism may with great pro- 
 bability be assigned. Now it is related to us o*f the first 
 Buddhists, that they composed their books not in Sanskrit, but 
 in the vernacular dialects. The sacred language of Buddhism is 
 the Pali, which, though varying in many particulars from the 
 language of Magadha, and approximating to the principal 
 Prakrit (the Mahaxashtri), stands yet in a similar relation to 
 the Sanskrit as the latter, and the two dialects of Asoka's in- 
 scriptions. It becomes, therefore, highly probable that at the 
 period when Buddhism arose, i. e. about the sixth century B. c, 
 Sanskrit was no longer the speech of the people. The entire 
 character of Sanskrit shows that, at the time of its acme, it was 
 fixed by means of something resembling a literature, and it is 
 only on this supposition that we can comprehend how it appears 
 in regions so far apart as the north and north-west of India and 
 the Mahratta country, as a perfectly uniform basis of the dialects 
 which sprang out of it. But a speech which becomes fixed in 
 such a manner does not soon die out. If we assume about three 
 centuries for the time of its gi-adual extinction, the period when 
 Sanskrit was the ordinary language of the people is thrown back 
 to about the ninth century before Christ. During this and 
 the immediately preceding period there existed, as we have 
 already conjectured, a political union which embraced the entire 
 
 1. 2 
 
148 HISTOBY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Indian empire ; and as we now know that Sanskrit must have 
 been the actual speech of the people in the Mahratta country 
 also at this period, we may conceive this political union to have 
 extended from the Himalaya to the south of the Mahratta 
 country. After this political raiity had become severed (till the 
 period of its restoration under Chandragupta), the various ele- 
 ments of Indian life became separately developed in the different 
 provinces ; and this was the case with the Sanskrit, too, which 
 up to that time had been common to all. Out of this va,riety 
 of local developments which the Sanskrit underwent, its different 
 derivative languages arose, the earliest forms of which bore about 
 the same relation to Sanskrit as the Eomanic dialects to Latin. 
 
 " But while the Sanskrit was being thus developed and modified 
 by popular use into new vernacular dialects, the literature which 
 had been created in Sanskrit while it was yet a living tongue, 
 was still preserved in the schools'"' of the Brahmans, and along 
 with it the Sanskrit itself as the sacred language of culture and 
 science. When aroused to new energy by the attack made upon 
 their system by the Buddhists, the Brahmans came forward with 
 certain writings composed in this sacred language, and declared 
 to be qf primeval antiquity : one of the earliest of these was the 
 Institutes of Manu ; and then followed the Eamayana. But ex- 
 ternal grounds, as well as the mention which they make of the 
 Yavanas (Greeks), prove these works to have been composed at 
 a much later period than that to which they are alleged to be- 
 long. In like manner the treatment of the language in these 
 books, and still more in the Sanskrit literature which follows, 
 and is connected with them, demonstrates that they cannot pos- 
 sibly have proceeded from a popular dialect, but, on the con- 
 trary, are the products of a learned, or rather a sacred language, 
 which, having died out among the mass of the people, had been 
 
 103 11 Though we have no distinct external evidence that there were any 
 such schools at this early period, we may yet appeal to the whole intellectual 
 development of Indian life, in the form which it must have taken even before, 
 the rise of Buddhism, as evidence of their existence." 
 
SECT, vin.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 149 
 
 preserved in the circle of the educated priesthood as the me- 
 dium of intercourse with the gods, and of communicating the 
 sacred sciences, and was cultivated with the liveliest zeal and 
 devotion. Out of this circle again Sanskrit passed over to 
 those persons who stood in connection with the priests as mem- 
 bers of the same administrative caste. When the Brahmans 
 recovered their predominance, Sanskrit became for a time the 
 language of the educated classes, of the court, and the admini- 
 stration""'* generally : and even the Buddhists could not abstain 
 from employing so valuable an instrument of cultivation. We 
 have only to recollect the manner in which the Latin, though 
 long a dead language, remained in use throughout the middle 
 ages, and even in our own time, in order to perceive clearly how 
 the Sanskrit also, though it had died out as a vernacular 
 tongue between the ninth and sixth centuries b. C, should yet 
 have held its groimd in the highest circles, and continued in use 
 there to such an extent that it can even now be employed as an 
 instrument for the expression of thought on the highest subjects. 
 The Sanskrit had, however, here an important advantage over 
 the Latin in this respect that, wherever Brahmanism prevailed, 
 it was regarded as a sacred language, as all the most sacred 
 books of that religion were composed in it. In consequence of 
 this opinion, it was considered a religious merit to be even 
 acquainted with it; and a Sanskrit grammar, or other work 
 which contributed to a knowledge of this language, was and is 
 looked upon as a sacred book. In the same way a knowledge 
 of Hebrew was long preserved among the Jews ; and even so late 
 as, perhaps, sixty years ago, no one among them could lay 
 claim to the character of a learned man unless he had learnt 
 the ' sacred language.' " 
 
 104 ^yjTe have another instance of a language not vernacular in India being 
 used as the language of administration, in the Persian, which, though unin- 
 telligible to the mass of the people, was used by the Mahomedans, and 
 after them, for many years (until about twenty years ago), by the English, 
 as the language of the law courts and the revenue offices. — J. M.] 
 
 I. 3 
 
150 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap, i 
 
 " At the period when the dramatic literature assumed its fixed 
 form (a period which cannot yet be determined, but which may 
 be conjectm-ally placed in the sixth or seventh century A.D.), the 
 knowledge of Sanskrit must have extended, on the one hand, to 
 all who laid claim to the character of educated men, for other- 
 wise the dramatic poets could not have composed in Sanskrit 
 the leading parts in plays designed for representation before the 
 entire public ; and on the other hand it must have been con- 
 stantly used as the language of public documents, of religion, 
 and of learned men, for otherwise it could scarcely have been 
 put into the mouth of gods, kings, and priests. Whether 
 Sanskrit was at that time the proper court-language, I cannot 
 determine; but I scarcely think it was, as the officers of the 
 state, if not Brahmans, do not use it." 
 
 Professor Benfey then proceeds to specify the differences be- 
 tween the ancient form of the Sanskrit when it was still a verna- 
 cular language, and the later form which it took after its regene- 
 ration as a sacred and learned form of speech, so far as he con- 
 sidered himself in a position to do so at a period (1840) when he 
 had before him but a small portion of the Vedas, which furnish 
 us with almost the only means we can have of judging what the 
 earlier language was.*°* He remarks : " The late Sanskrit is distin- 
 guished from the Vedic by the use of extravagantly long compounds. 
 Even if the specimens of the Vedas, and the Upanishads whidi 
 are known to me, had not shown that in this respect there is an 
 essential difference in the use of the Sanskrit at the two periods 
 to which I refer, it might have been concluded with certainty, 
 from the character and length of these compounds, that such 
 monstrosities could not have been created at a time when the 
 language was in vernacular use. Such compounds might occa- 
 sionally have been used with effect ; but a living language would 
 have energetically rejected such an abuse of these forms as we 
 
 "' Had these observations been written novf, Professor Benfey would pro- 
 bably have seen no cause to modify his main conclusions, though he would have 
 been in a position to express himself with greater confidence and precision. 
 
SECT, viii.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 151 
 
 find in the late Sanskrit writings, which renders all easy compre- 
 hension impossible. On the other hand, the effort to employ 
 such compounds was quite suitable to a learned language, 
 and to a learned poetry, which was far removed from the real 
 life of the people. In like manner the laws of Sandhi, as prac- 
 tised in its widest extent in later Sanskrit, must have been 
 equally foreign to the ancient vernacular Sanskrit. In late 
 Sanskrit all the words of a sentence are combined in one im- 
 mense whole by the assimilation, or other connection, of their 
 final and initial letters. This rule does not, in general, prevail in 
 the Vedas ; and although it is well known that in actual discourse 
 the final and initial letters of words exercise a certain modifying 
 influence upon each other, every one who has considered the 
 limited extent to which a vernacular dialect, and even a literary 
 work composed in such a dialect, can obey this law, and who, at 
 the same time, knows to what extremes the modern Sanskrit 
 pushes the application of this rule, will be convinced that the 
 excessive employment of Sandhi cannot have sprung out of any 
 popular use, but must have resulted from carrying out to an 
 absurd extent a grammatical canon which is correct in itself. 
 
 " Further, when the later Sanskrit is accurately examined, it is 
 found to be affected in a most important degree by the influence 
 of the popular dialects derived from the more ancient Sanskrit, 
 The Indians, with their genius for grammar, or philology gene- 
 rally, were in general well aware of the modifications which 
 the ancient language had received from the dialects which had 
 been developed out of it : they had investigated the phonetic 
 laws by which these dialects had been derived from their 
 pai'ent, and could, as it were, transport the latter back to the 
 former. This facility threw them off their guard ; and it conse- 
 quently becomes possible for us to demonstrate that the Sanskrit 
 of the whole Indian Hterature subsequent to Manu's Institutes, 
 cannot be in all respects the ancient language of the people, with 
 a degree of distinctness which none of the Sanskrit authors, 
 convinced as they were that they were writing correct ancient 
 
 E 4 
 
152 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OP [chap. i. 
 
 Sanskrit, could have imagined. I must confine .myself here to 
 exhibiting the principal elements of this proof. It is divisible 
 into two parts; as we must (1.) maintain that the new Sanskrit 
 has lost'"^ much which the older Sanskrit had, and which it could 
 only lose from the circumstance that it had died out in the inter- 
 mediate period, and had now to be revived in a form which might 
 be as intelligible as possible. To this head belong a number of 
 roots and inflected forms which the grammarians recognise and 
 adduce paxtly as current, and partly as obsolete, but of which the 
 later Sanskrit makes next to no use. The reason of this is that 
 these roots, as well as these inflected forms, were either entirely 
 lost in the vernacular dialects wMch existed at the time when 
 the new Sanskrit was created, or had become so disfigured 
 that their Sanskrit form could not have been easily dis- 
 covered or understood. (2.) The new Sanskrit contains in it 
 much that the old Sanskrit could not have had. To this head 
 belong a number of forms of roots which had become modified 
 according to the laws of some one vernacular dialect, and which 
 have been employed in the new Sanskrit in this modified shape, 
 which the grammarians either hesitated to refer to its proper 
 Sanskrit form, or did not comprehend. Every single example 
 of this which might be adduced would, however, require detailed 
 development and proof, which would demand too much space to 
 be here attempted. 
 
 " I will, therefore, content myself with repeating the main 
 
 106 « ■j'jjg Sanskrit has lost a great many verbal roots, and has frequently 
 modified the original meaning of those still in existence." — ^Aufrecht, Unadi- 
 sutras, pref. p. viii. " In the course of time some branches of literature 
 disappeared, a number of words became antiquated, and the tradition as to 
 their meaning was either entirely lost or corrupted. When commentators 
 arose to explain the Unadisiitras," — supposed by Dr. Aufrecht (p. ix.) to 
 be considerably older than Panini, — " they found the greater part of the 
 words contained in them still employed in the literature of their age, or re- 
 corded in older dictionaries. But an unknown residuum remained, and to 
 these, whenever tradition failed them, they were bold enough to assign quite 
 arbitrary significations." — Ibid. pp. xi. xii. 
 
SECT. IX.] THE LA]!fGUAGES OP NOKTHEEN INDJA. 153 
 
 results of the investigations wMch have been here merely in- 
 dicated, and in great part yet remain to be carried out. These 
 results are : That fr<ym the period when the Sanskrit-speaJdng 
 race immigrated into India down to perhaps the 9th century 
 B.C., Sa/nshrit became diffused as the prevailing v&rnacuiar 
 dialect over the whole of Hindusthan, as far as the southern 
 borders of the Mahratta country. It penetrated no further 
 south as a vernacular tongue, but only as the language of educa- 
 tion, and apparently at a later period. From the 9th century 
 B.C. the Sanskrit began to die out : derivative dialects beca/me 
 developed from it ; and in the 6th century B.C., it had become 
 extinct as a vernacular language. On the other hand, it main- 
 tained its ground in the schools of the Brahmans. About the 
 third century B.C., in consequence of the regeneration of Brah- 
 manism in Kanouj, it was brought back into public life as a 
 sacred language, and gained a gradually increasing importance 
 as the organ of all the higher intellectual development. About 
 the fifth century A.d., it had become diffused in this character 
 over the whole of India. So long as the empire of the Hindus 
 lasted, it continued to increase in estimation ; and even long 
 after the Mahomedans had settled in India, it was the sole in- 
 strument for the expression of the highest intellectual efforts." 
 
 Sect. IX. — Seasons for supposing that the Sanskrit was originally a spoken 
 
 language. 
 
 It appears from the passages cited from the works of Professors 
 Lassen andBenfey, that these distinguished scholars assume that 
 the Sanskrit was once a spoken language, regarding this as a 
 fact which admits of no question, and requires no argument to 
 prove its truth: and Professor Weber is of opinion that the 
 only Indo-Arian speech which existed at the early period to 
 which I refer had not yet been developed into Sanskrit, but was 
 still a vernacular tongue.'"^ As, however, what seems so clear to 
 '°' Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 1. 
 
154 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 the European scholar may not be so plain to the Indian reader, 
 it becomes necessary for me to adduce the most distinct evidence 
 of the fact which I am able to discover. 
 
 First: — Even though we assume, as we must do, that there were, 
 from the earliest times, other forms of spoken language current 
 in India besides the Sanskrit ; yet these would be the dialects 
 of the Dasyus, or non-Arian tribes ; while the upper classes of 
 the population of the Arian race, the same order of persons who 
 in after times spoke the most refined Prakrit, must have been in 
 the habit of speaking Sanskrit a few ages previously ; for, in fact, 
 no other Arian language then existed in India which they could 
 have used. If languages with such a complicated structure as the 
 Pali and the Prakrits were employed in common conversation, 
 there is no difficulty in supposing that Sanskrit too, which was not 
 much more complex, should have been spoken by ordinary persons. 
 We must not, of course (as Professor Benfey has well remarked 
 above, p. 151), imagine that all the refined rules for the permuta- 
 tion of letters which were used in later Sanskrit composition were 
 then employed in daily discourse, though some few of them might 
 have been ; for the use of these rules is by no means essential to 
 the intelligible or grammatical employment of the language; and 
 at the time to which I refer, they had not been developed or 
 systematized. Many, too, of the more complicated inflections of 
 Sanskrit verbs would be then little used in conversation ; as, in 
 fact, they are now comparatively little used in most literary 
 compositions. 
 
 It is true that we cannot point out the exact forms of all the 
 Sanskrit words in use at the latest period, when it was so em- 
 ployed as a spoken tongue; for the language of conversation 
 always differs to some extent from the language of formal 
 composition or of books, and the vernacular Sanskrit was no doubt 
 undergoing a perpetual alteration till it merged into Prakrit. 
 
 Second: — The case which I have supposed here of Sanskrit 
 having been once a spoken language, and having at length ceased 
 to be employed in ordinary discourse, while the provincial dialects 
 
SECT, IX.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 155 
 
 which sprang out of it, and gradually diverged more and more 
 from it and from each other, have taken its place as the popular 
 vehicles of conversation, — is by no means a singular occurrence, 
 unprecedented in the history of language ; on the contrary, the 
 manner in which the Italian, French, and Spanish languages (to 
 which Professor Lassen refers in a passage cited above, p. 143) 
 have been formed out of Latin, presents a very close parallel to 
 the mode in which the various mediaeval Indian Prakrit 
 bhashas (which in their turn have given birth to the modern 
 Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, &c.) grew out of Sanskrit. During 
 the existence of the Eoman empire, Latin, as is quite well known, 
 was the spoken language of Italy, and other western portions of 
 Europe. It is now iu all those countries a dead language, and 
 is only known to the learned who study the works of the Latin 
 philosophers, historians, and poets; just as it is only the Pandits 
 of India and other scholars who can understand the Sanskrit 
 Sastras. But while Latin has itself ceased to be a spoken lan- 
 guage for eight hundred or a thousand years, various vernacular 
 dialects have (as I have said) sprung out of it, sucih as Italian 
 and the other modern tongues already specified ; the Latin 
 words which compose almost the whole of their vocabulary being 
 variously modified, and the ancient Latin inflections being either 
 corrupted, or dropped, and replaced by particles and auxiliary verbs. 
 Of these derivative dialects, the Italian, which is spoken in Italy, 
 has retained the closest resemblance to its mother language. 
 Many of the changes which Latin words have undergone in Italian, 
 resemble very closely the modifications which Sanskrit words 
 have undergone in Pali and Prakrit, as has been already re- 
 marked in the passage quoted, in p. 81, from Burnouf and 
 Lassen's Essay on the Pali. 
 
 To exhibit the wonderful similarity (amounting in some cases 
 to identity) of the processes by which these two ancient lan- 
 guages, the Sanskrit and the Latin, are modified in their 
 modern derivatives, I shall place in juxtaposition a few of the 
 most remarkable instances of it which occur to me. 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. 
 
 I. Phonetic Changes. 
 
 (1.) Words in which the c or * is dropped from a compound letter ct, net, or 
 kt, while the t is doubled. 
 
 Latin forms, as modified in Italian. 
 Latin. Italian, 
 
 perfectus becomes perfetto. 
 
 Sanskrit forms, modified in Pali and Prakrit. 
 Sanskrit. Pali and Prakrit, 
 
 muktas becomes mutto. 
 
 dictus 
 
 
 detto. 
 
 yuktas 
 
 » 
 
 jutto. 
 
 junctus"" 
 
 
 giunto.'"^ 
 
 bhaktas 
 
 )» 
 
 bhatto. 
 
 fructus 
 
 
 frutto. 
 
 sikthaka 
 
 »» 
 
 sitthao. 
 
 pactum 
 
 
 patto. 
 
 parityaktas „ 
 
 parichchatto 
 
 tractus 
 
 
 tratto. 
 
 bhuktas 
 
 >T 
 
 bhutto. 
 
 tactus 
 
 
 tatto. 
 
 saktas 
 
 » 
 
 satto. 
 
 factus 
 
 
 fatto. 
 
 
 
 
 actus 
 
 
 atto. 
 
 
 
 
 octo 
 
 »» 
 
 otte. 
 
 
 
 
 doctus 
 
 » 
 
 dotto. 
 
 
 
 
 (2.) Words in 
 
 which the p of pt is 
 
 dropped, and the t doubled. 
 
 ruptus becomes 
 
 rotto. 
 
 uptas becomes 
 
 utto. 
 
 aptus 
 
 
 atto. 
 
 suptas 
 
 ») 
 
 sutto. 
 
 inceptus 
 
 
 incetto. 
 
 guptas 
 
 « 
 
 gutto. 
 
 septem 
 
 
 sette. 
 
 luptas 
 
 11 
 
 lutto. 
 
 captivus 
 
 
 cattivo. 
 
 triptis 
 
 »» 
 
 titti. 
 
 assumptus 
 
 
 assunto. 
 
 taptas 
 
 1» 
 
 tatto. 
 
 subtus 
 
 « 
 
 sotto. 
 
 saptamas 
 
 11 
 
 sattamo. 
 
 (With 
 
 many 
 
 others.) 
 
 napta 
 
 )I 
 
 natta. 
 
 
 
 
 praptus 
 
 » 
 
 patto. 
 
 
 
 
 paryaptas 
 
 « 
 
 pajjatto. 
 
 
 
 
 kshiptas 
 
 )) 
 
 khitto 
 
 
 
 
 liptas 
 
 » 
 
 litto. 
 
 
 
 
 diptas 
 
 )) 
 
 ditto. 
 
 (3.) Words in which the Z of a compound letter, pi or kl, is dropped.''" 
 
 planctus becomes pianto. viklavas becomes vikkavo. 
 
 planus „ piano. 
 
 108 xhe Latin c is sounded as k in Sanskrit. 
 
 '"' giu, in Italian, is sounded as^u («f) in Sanskrit. 
 
 s» 
 "" In Prakrit, however, a compound letter, of which I is the final por- 
 tion, is generally dissolved into two syllables, as gldna becomes gildna. 
 
SECT, IX.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEKW INDIA. 
 
 157 
 
 (4.) Words in which the b of the compound letter hj is dropped, 
 subjectus becomes soggetto. kubjas becomes khujjo.'" 
 
 objectus „ oggetto."* abjaa „ ajjo. 
 
 (5.) Words in which the letters rejected are not the same in the Italian and 
 Prakrit, but in which both languages show the same tendency to 
 simplification. 
 
 absorptus becomes assorto. 
 absurdus ,, assurdo. 
 
 utpalam becomes uppalam. 
 skandhas ,, kandho. 
 
 externus 
 
 11 
 
 esterno. 
 
 dharmas 
 
 »> 
 
 dhammo. 
 
 mixtus 
 
 J) 
 
 misto. 
 
 dushkaras 
 
 » 
 
 dukkaro. 
 
 sextus 
 
 » 
 
 sesto. 
 
 kshama 
 
 » 
 
 khama. 
 
 textus 
 
 >» 
 
 testo. 
 
 mugdhas 
 
 )» 
 
 muddho. 
 
 saxum 
 
 » 
 
 sasso. 
 
 mudgas 
 
 )» 
 
 muggo. 
 
 somnus 
 
 » 
 
 sonno. 
 
 labdhas 
 
 »» 
 
 laddbo. 
 
 damnum 
 
 » 
 
 danno. 
 
 ^abdas 
 
 T» 
 
 saddo. 
 
 autumnus 
 
 H 
 
 autunno. 
 
 nimnas 
 
 >• 
 
 nimmo.'^^ 
 
 domina 
 
 n 
 
 donna. 
 
 amnayas 
 
 ?) 
 
 ammayo. 
 
 
 
 
 pradyumnas 
 
 » 
 
 pajjummo, 
 
 
 
 
 janman 
 
 »7 
 
 jammo. 
 
 
 
 
 rajna 
 
 »1 
 
 raiifla. 
 
 A large portion of the simplifications in Pali and Prakrit arise 
 from the rejection of r before or after another consonant, as in 
 the words kanna for harna, savva for sarvva, mitta for mitra, 
 putta for putra, &c. This elision of r is not usual in Italian. 
 
 II. I give an instance or two to show the manner in which 
 the Latin case-terminations have been dropped in Italian. In 
 Latin the word annus, a year, is thus declined. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 Nom annus. 
 
 Gen. ..... anni. 
 
 Dat. and Abl. . . anno. 
 
 Accus annum. 
 
 Plural. 
 
 Nom anni. 
 
 Gen annorum. 
 
 Dat. and Abl. . . annis. 
 
 Accus annos. 
 
 "' Var. II. 34. 
 
 "" Pronounced as if written in English, sojjetto, ojjetto. 
 
 "' lean only infer, from the rule in Vararuchi, III. 2, that the n is thrown 
 out and the m doubled in this and the two following words, as I have not met 
 them anywhere. 
 
158 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 In Italian, on the contrary, there is only one form in the 
 singular, anno ; and one in the plural, anni ; the case-termina- 
 tions being supplied by prepositions with or without the article, 
 as follows : — 
 
 Singular. 
 
 Nom. and Accus. . 1' anno. 
 
 Gen deir anno. 
 
 Dat air anno. 
 
 Abl dair anno. 
 
 Plural. 
 
 Nom. and Accus. . gli anni. 
 
 Gen degli anni. 
 
 Dat agli anni. 
 
 Abl dagli anni. 
 
 III. In Italian verbs, the Latin forms of the active voice are pre- 
 served in a modified shape, as the following example wiU show : 
 
 1. 
 
 Present tense. 
 Latin. Italian, 
 vendo. 1. veudo. 
 
 1. 
 
 Imperfect tense. 
 
 Latin. Italian. 
 
 vendebam. 1. vendeva. 
 
 2. 
 
 vendis. 
 
 2. vendi. 
 
 2. 
 
 vendebaa. 2. 
 
 vendevi. 
 
 3. 
 
 vendit. 
 
 3. vende. 
 
 3. 
 
 vendebat. 3. 
 
 vendeva. 
 
 4. 
 
 vendiraus. 
 
 4. vendiamo. 
 
 4. 
 
 vendebamus. 4 
 
 vendevamo. 
 
 5. 
 
 venditis. 
 
 5. vendete. 
 
 5. 
 
 vendebatis. 5. 
 
 vendevate. 
 
 6. 
 
 vendunt. 
 
 6. vendono. 
 
 6. 
 
 vendebant. 6 
 
 vendevano. 
 
 1. 
 
 Perfect tense. 
 vendidi. 1. vendei. 
 
 1. 
 
 Pluperfect 
 vendidissem. 
 
 tense. 
 1. vendessi. 
 
 2. 
 
 vendidisti. 
 
 2. vendesti. 
 
 2. 
 
 veudidisses. 
 
 2. vendessi. 
 
 3. 
 
 vendidit. 
 
 3. vende. 
 
 3. 
 
 vendidisset. 
 
 3. vendesse. 
 
 4. 
 
 vendidimug. 
 
 4. vendemmo. 
 
 4. 
 
 vendidissemus. 
 
 4. vendessimo, 
 
 5. 
 
 vendiditis. 
 
 5. vendeste. 
 
 5. 
 
 vendidissetig. 
 
 5. vendeste. 
 
 6. 
 
 vendiderunt 
 
 . 6. venderono. 
 
 6. 
 
 vendidissent. 
 
 6. vendessero. 
 
 But (IV.) in the passive voice the Italian language has entirely 
 lost the Latin forms of conjugation. Thus instead of the Latin 
 forms ego laudor, ' I am praised ; ' ego laudabar, ' I was 
 praised;' ego laudarer, 'I should be praised,' &c., the Italians 
 employ in all tenses (as the Latin had already done in a few), 
 the substantive verb with th§ past participle, and say lo sono 
 lodato, lo era lodato, lo sarei lodato, 'lam,' 'I was,' 'I should 
 be, praised.' 
 
 These few instances will suflSce to show the Indian reader how 
 the Latin words and inflections are modified in Italian. 
 
 It is thus manifest from the history of Italy in ancient and 
 
SECT. IX.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 159 
 
 modern times that the people of that country once spoke Latin, 
 and now speak Italian, a vernacular dialect derived from 
 Latin, and differing from it ia many respects, as the Indian 
 Prakrits do from Sanskrit, while Latin equally with Sanskrit is 
 a dead language, known only from ancient books, or from its 
 u^e in the public worship of the Koman Catholic Church, or 
 from its occasional employment by modern scholars in their 
 writings, or in scholastic discussions, in that and other countries. 
 But if it be true that a language like Latin, wi|;h its numerous 
 and varied inflections, was once the common speech of the 
 whole Eoman people, there can be no difiiculty in supposing 
 that while the modern Hindus (excepting a few Pandits) can 
 only speak Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, &c., and while their 
 ancestors spoke different Prakrit dialects, which are the vmme- 
 diate parents of the modern vernaculars, the Hindus of a still 
 earlier period should have spoken Sanskrit itself, from which there 
 is no doubt that the older forms of Prakrit were immediately 
 derived. If even in our own day Pandits can talk Sanskrit, why 
 should not the vernacular use of it, though in a far more simple 
 and natural style, have, in former ages, been common among 
 Brahmans, and even among other persons in all the different 
 classes of society ? 
 
 Third : — The fact that the dramatic authors put Sanskrit into 
 the mouth of Brahmans and other persons of the higher ranks, 
 affords an argument of considerable force that Sanskrit was once 
 spoken by the whole community, and by the upper classes down 
 to a much later period : and even the common employment of the 
 same language by learned Indians in their schools and disputa^ 
 tions down to the present day, may go some way to prove its more 
 general currency as a vernacular at an earlier date. For if 
 Brahmans did not at one time epiploy it in their ordinary dis- 
 course, how did they ever get into the habit of speaking it with 
 so much ease and fluency? But if Sanskrit was at one time 
 ordinarily spoken by Brahmans, the use of it would easily be 
 propagated from one generation of learned men to another. 
 
160 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 FoTirtli : — Mami speaks of a difference of speech in ancient 
 India among the Dasyus, or non-Aiian tribes, some classes of them 
 speaking the language of the Aryas, and others the language of 
 the Mlechhas."* The language of the Aryas to which he alludes 
 must have been derived from Sanskrit, if not Sanskrit itself: 
 whether it was the one or the other must depend on the age in 
 which we suppose this particular text of Manu's Institutes to have 
 been composed. This passage, at any rate, leaves the impression 
 that there was a broad distinction between the Arian language 
 and the indigenous dialects with which it was contrasted ; and 
 that the varieties, if any, recognised as existing in the former, 
 were regarded as comparatively insignificant. 
 
 Fifth : — In some of the oldest Indian granimarians, such as 
 Yaska and Panini, we find the obsolete language of the Vedas 
 distinguished from the ordinary Sanskrit of the day. The former 
 is alluded to or designated by the terms anvadhydywm (in the 
 Veda), chhandas (metre), or drsha (the speech of the rishis), 
 &c. ; while the contemporary Sanskrit is referred to as bhdshd 
 (the spoken language). Thus Yaska, the ancient author of the 
 Nirukta, in the introductory part of his work, I. 4, speaking of 
 particles {nipdtdh), says: 7TWTTT<T '^WT'C '^'?'TT% T^^ifftf^l 
 
 T^ Tf^ iTTWT^'g '?i^-«fT^i^ '?rftrf^^ T^l T 
 
 ^^fTO^f^ Tff^^T^f^: ?jSn1^ II " Of them these four 
 are particles of comparison. ' Iva^ has this sense both in the 
 common language (bhdshd) and in the Veda (anvadhydyam) : 
 thus Agnir iva, Indra iva, ' like Agni,' 'like Indra.' 'Na' has 
 in the bhdshd a negative sense. In the Veda, it has the sense 
 both of a negative and also of a comparative particle. Thus in 
 the text na Indram devam amaTisata, ' they did not regard Indra 
 as a god,' it has a negative sense," &c. Again, in the next 
 
 "* Manu. X. 45. See the verse quoted and translated in Part I. of this 
 work, p. 178, and note. 
 
SECT. IX,] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 161 
 
 section (I. 5.), he says similarly: «l«(f^lf^ f%t^t%^T^^ 
 
 particle 'nv/nam' is used in the bhdshd to signify imcertainty ; 
 in the Veda, too, it has that signification, and is also a mere ex- 
 pletive." Again, Yaska says, Nir. IT. 2: ^Sf^f^ ^frfw^"*^ 
 
 %^^^ wfwr ^^ '^rrfrit^i '^srarfq ■sriSfT^ ij^i^ 
 
 3T|-^'^ ^"^T^T^'5 II " There are Vedic (naigama) nouns 
 (as dam/wndh and kshetrasddhdh) which are derivfed from roots 
 found in the bhdshd ; and also formations in the bhdshd, such as 
 ushnam, ghritam, which come from Vedic roots. Further, the 
 roots only are employed in the speech of some; the derived 
 forms [or nouns] in that of others. Savati, as a verb for going, 
 is used in the language of the Kambojas only : its derivative, 
 sava (a corpse), is in use in the language of the Aryas. The 
 verb ddti is employed in the sense of cutting by the people of 
 the East : while the noun ddtram (a sickle) only is known to 
 those of the North." Here it will be observed that pure 
 Sanskrit words are referred to as being used in the speech not 
 only of the Aryas, but also of the Kambojas, a people living 
 to the north-west, who are distinguished from the Aryas. 
 
 In the Sutras of Panini the Vedic dialect is referred to as 
 follows: 1.2.36, f^TWT lf^f% "in the chhandas (Veda) there 
 
 isanoption:"1.4. 20,^^^?TT^'^f^ W^f% "In the chhandas 
 we have the forms ayosmaya [instead of ayomaya], &c." ; and so 
 in numerous other aphorisms. The word mantra is put for Veda 
 in the following Sutras, 2. 4, 80 ; 6. 1. 151 ; 6. 1. 210 ; 6. 3. 131 ; 
 6.4, 53; 6. 4,141. The word m^'ama is similarly used in 6, 3.113; 
 6. 4. 9 ; 7. 2. 64 ; 7. 4. 74 :— and the expressions rishau ('in a 
 
 M 
 
162 HISTOBY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 rishi '), and richi {' in a Vedic verse '), are employed in the sajne 
 way, 4. 4. 96; 6. 3. 130; and 6. 3. 133. In contradistinction 
 to the Vedic dialect, on the^other hand, the current Sanskrit is 
 designated by Panini as bhdshd in the following Sutras, 3. 2. 108 : 
 ^TWrat ^<^"o|*jJ4I^t I " in the current language the roots 
 sad, vas, and Sru, take hvasuf 6. 3. 20: '^ '^ W^l4<l*i^l 
 " and in the case of siha in the current language." The same 
 use of the word will be found in Sutras, 6. 1. 181 ; 7. 2. 88 ; 
 8. 2. 98.»« 
 
 Yaska is supposed by Professor Miiller to have lived in the 
 fourth century b,c."^ If this view be correct, and if we adopt (as 
 there appears good reason for doing) the opinion expressed by 
 Professors Lassen and Benfey (see last section, pp. 142. 147.) that 
 Sanskrit had ceased to be vernacular in the time of Buddha, 
 i. e. in the sixth century B.C., that language must have died out 
 some centuries before the age of Yaska ; and a still longer 
 period before the time of Panini, who, from the more deve- 
 loped state of his gi-ammatical terminology is considered to have 
 been later than Yaska. In this case, these authors could 
 scarcely employ the word bhdshd, when referred to Sanskrit, in 
 the sense of an universally spoken language ; for the language 
 then actually in general use must have been a species of corrupt 
 Sanskrit, though it may not yet have received the appellation of 
 Prakrit. But still the spoken language of that day had not 
 departed so far from the Sanskrit but that its close relation to 
 the latter as its parent, or rather as its standard, would be evident 
 to every scholar; and thus Sanskrit would still be called the 
 bhdshd, or language par excellence. We have consequently, 
 in the continued use of this word, an argument of considerable 
 force to show that the Sanskrit had at one time been a spoken 
 tongue. 
 
 '" See Weber's Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 167, note 2, where further 
 instances of the same kind in other ancient authors are referred to. 
 
 "« " Last Results of Sanskrit Researches," in Bunsen's Outlines of the 
 Phil, of Un. Hist., i. p. 137. 
 
SECT. IX,] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 163 
 
 Again, in the Mahabbashya (pp. 22 and 63 of Dr. Ballantyne's 
 edition) we find tbe following passage : — 
 
 " Incorrect words are tbe most numerous, and [correct] words 
 are tbe fewest; for of eacb word there are many corruptions 
 (a/pahhransdh). Thus there are tbe following numerous cor- 
 ruptions of tbe word gauh (cow) ; vi^., gdvi, goni, gotd, gopo- 
 talikd, &c," This reference to incorrect forms, such as those 
 of the word gau, which- seem to be Prakrit' '', appears to indi- 
 cate that Sanskrit was still spoken by a considerable class of 
 persons, or was at least regarded as the standard of all spoken 
 language ; and that all deviations from it were looked upon as 
 mere vulgarisms : for there would have been no ground for such 
 a mode of comparison between words which were regarded as 
 belonging to different languages ; nor would tbe Prakrit syno- 
 nyms of gau have been wrong because of their variety of form. 
 
 Sixth: — In tbe 164th hymn of tbe 1st book of the Rig-veda, 
 tbe following verse (the 45th) occurs : '^c^lf^ ^T«f» ''^frt'IfTT 
 
 ^W^rf^ ?5<1^ ^"^ T^^IT ^f^ll "There are four 
 measured grades of language : with these intelligent Brahmans 
 are acquainted. Three hidden in secret make no sign. Tbe 
 fourth grade of speech is uttered by men." I quote part of tbe 
 comment on this verse, which is given in tbe Parisishta, or 
 Supplement to the Nirukta, I. 9. 
 
 ^TTITTf^ rTTf'r "^^l^ T?^Tt%l '^^ifl' 'IfT^lrT^T^ 
 
 "' In the Mrlchhakati, pp. 98, 99, the word gona occurs in the sense of 
 oxen. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 ^T5r%3 ^'t^T^fsT ^aiT(?TTT^T^T:i '^raif^ sITWW ^^\ 
 ^ % ^^ ^¥T ^(5^ ^m^ Xr^^ ^t^l ^"tfw '^^iJl 
 
 fi<H I ^ ¥f^^t 'ffT -^ft m <^«-d< I ^ ^•■fiR^ 
 ^w^g?^: I rP^fT^ mifWT ^H^ ^rrg g^rr ^ 'g 
 
 \^T^t ^ 'g 'T^^TWTfTlf^ II 
 
 " What are these four grades ? The explanation of the rishis 
 is, that ' they are the four mystic words, om, bhuh, bhuvah, and 
 sivar.' The grammarians'" say 'they are the four kinds of 
 words, nouns, verbs, prepositions and particles.' The ceremo- 
 nialists declare them to be ' (1st) the mantras ; (2nd) the kalpas, 
 (liturgical precepts) ; (3rd) the brahmanas ; and (4th) the cur- 
 rent language.' The commentators (navruktdh) explain them 
 as being '(1st) the rich; (2nd) the yajush; (3rd) the saman 
 texts ; and (4th) the current language.' Others think they de- 
 note the speech ' (1st) of serpents ; (2nd) of singing-birds (?) ; 
 (3rd) of small reptiles ; and (4th) the current language.' The 
 philosophical school explains the four grades as having reference 
 to ' beasts, ..... ."^, wild animals, and soul.' On this point 
 
 we have also the following text in a Brahmana : ' Speech, when 
 created, became divided into four parts, of which three abide in 
 these three worlds (earth, the atmosphere, and the sky), and the 
 fourth among the beasts. Terrestrial speech abides in fire and 
 in the Eathantara texts -, atmospheric speech abides in the wind, 
 
 "8 See the MaUabhashya, pp. 28, 29. 
 
 >"• I am unable to discover the meaning, of tunaveshu, the word left here 
 unexplained. 
 
SECT. XX.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHER]!f INDIA. 165 
 
 and in the Vamadevya prayers ; celestial' speech abides in the 
 sun, in the Brihat metre, and in thunder. The [fourth portion 
 of, speech was] in the beasts. The speech which remained in 
 excess [?] was placed in the Brahmanas : hence the Brahmans 
 speak two sorts of language ; both that of gods and that of 
 men.' " 
 
 The Parisishta appended to the Nirukta is more modern than 
 the time of Yaska, though it is regarded as a part of his work 
 by Durga, the commentator, who refers to the Nirukta as con- 
 sisting of 14 parts. (See his comment on Nir., i. 20, which is 
 quoted below, pp. 175, ff.) But though itself subsequent in date 
 to the' Nirukta, the preceding passage refers to the opinions of 
 various ancient writers, and may, therefore, be held to carry us 
 back to a remote period. Three of the ancient schools which 
 are quoted, assert the current language {vydvahdrihi vale) to be 
 the fourth kind of speech alluded to in the Vedic text as being 
 spoken by men. By this we can only understand Sanskrit. It 
 is true that in the Brahmana which the author of the Parisishta 
 cites, a remark is made (connected with what precedes) that the 
 Brahmans speak two languages, that of the gods and that of 
 inen, and this might seem to prove that, as in later times, a 
 distinction was drawn at the time when the Brahmana was com- 
 posed, between Sanskrit, the language of the gods, and Prakrit, 
 the language of men. But the reference may be to the Vedic 
 and the ordinary Sanskrit; or to some unknown piece of 
 mysticism. And, in any case, as we are ignorant of the date of 
 the Brahmana from which the citation is made, no conclusion 
 can be drawn from the passage adverse to the vernacular use of 
 Sanskrit in the Vedic age. 
 
 Seventh : — In the Eamayana several passages occur in which 
 the colloquial use of Sanskrit is mentioned. These are the 
 following ^^° : — 
 
 120 ■pgj. tjjg references to most of the texts here quoted I am indebted to 
 Weber, Zeitschr. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellachaft, for 1854, p. 851, 
 note. 
 
 M 3 
 
166 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Hanuman, the monkey general, is represented as having found 
 his way into the palace of Eavana, the Eakshasa king, and as 
 reflecting how he is to address Sita, who is there confined. 
 He says (Sundara Kanda, xxix. 16, 17) : '?I^«TT^T^f^[^Tf'T 
 
 ^ ^ ^f^-^irf^ f^^TfTrfrw ^rri^i ^^m^r^ 
 
 "I shall console her, whose senses are overwhelmed with this 
 grief. But I am both unknown, and above all a monkey. If I 
 were to speak in polished (sanslcritdrri) language, like a twice- 
 born man, Janaki (Sita) perceiving my appearance, and [hearing] 
 my words, would think that I was Havana, and would again 
 become terrified; and would scream in consequence of her 
 fright." Considering that this would lead to a discovery, he 
 concludes as follows (verses 33 and 34 of the same section) : 
 
 «f^TI II "Announcing [imitating?] by signs the undaunted 
 Kama, I shall address to her such polished {sanskritdm) 
 language as an [ordinary?] man would. [Thus] I shall not 
 occasion her any alarm, as her mind is fixed on the thoughts 
 of her husband." 
 
 As the reason assigned in these passages for not addressing Sita 
 in Sanskrit such as a Brahman would use, is not that she would 
 not understand it, but that it would alarm her, and be unsuitable 
 to the speaker, we must take them as indicating that Sanskrit, 
 if not spoken by women of the upper classes at the time when 
 the Ramayana was written (whenever that may have been'^'), was 
 at least understood by them'^^, and was commonly spoken by men 
 
 '^' Lassen, Ind. Alt,, vol. i., pp. 484, fF., does not determine its date. 
 
 '-^ In the Mriohhakati, however, written probably not much later, a 
 
SECT, ix.j THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHEKN INDIA. 167 
 
 of the priestly class, and other educated persons. By the 
 Sanskrit proper to an [ordinary] man, alluded to in the second 
 passage, may perhaps be understood not a language in which 
 ■words different from Sanskrit were used, but the employment 
 of formal and elaborate diction. 
 
 On the other hand, an expression occurs in the Aranya Kanda, 
 xvi. 14, from which it would rather seeiii as if the use of Sanskrit 
 was a characteristic of Brahmans ; and no doubt they were the 
 persons who chiefly spoke it : ^fR^^'^ sfTUW ^^^f^I^W: 
 
 " Assuming the form of a Brahman, and speaking Sanskrit, the 
 ruthless Eakshasa Ilvala invited Brahmans to a funeral cere- 
 mony." 
 
 In the Sundara Kanda, the discourse of Prahasta, one of the Ea- 
 kshasas, is characterised as ^^rf ^(S^^M^^^^^I^ ^^?R^T*[^II 
 " polished (sarishritam), supported by reasons, and judicious in 
 its purport"; and in the Yuddha Kanda, the god Brahma is said 
 to have addressed to Eama a discourse which was ^^ft T^'^ 
 ^^UI7T\i]e(<^ '6r*T^f%rf7r II " polished, sweet, gentle, profitable, 
 and consonant with virtue." But in neither of these two pas- 
 sages does there appear to be any reference to the special 
 meaning of the word Sanskrita. 
 
 In the subjoined lines (Sundara Kanda, xviii. 19), the word 
 
 woman's pronunciation of Sanskrit is spoken of as something laughable 
 (p.44, Stenzler's ed.):— ^IT ^^ ^'rf^ '^'^ ^^ ^F^rf^ 
 
 »w^fY^|2"|| which is thus translated by Professor Wilson (Theatre of 
 
 the Hindus, i. 60) : — "Now, to me, there are two things at which I cannot 
 choose but laugh, a woman reading Sanskrit, and a man singing a song ; 
 the woman snuffles like a young cow, when the rope is first passed through 
 her nostrils." 
 
 M 4 
 
168 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap, i, 
 
 sanskdra is employed, if not in a technical signification, as 
 equivalent to sanskrita, at all events in a manner whicli enables 
 us (as Weber observes) to perceive how that technical sense of 
 the word arose:— ^:^»f ^^^ ^.rf t^^W? T^fTTWW: I 
 
 ^nn"Tt ^^TRT ^^^rer II " Hanuman, Son of the Wind, 
 recognised Sita with difficulty, standing, as she was, unadorned, 
 radiant only with her own brilliancy: just as a word is not 
 readily understood, when its sense is changed by the want of its 
 correct grammatical forTn." 
 
 Eighth :— From the researches of MM. Kuhn^^s ^nd Benfey^^* 
 it appears that many words, which in modern Sanskrit are 
 only of one, two, or three, &c., syllables, have, in the Veda, 
 to be read as of two, three, or four, &c., syllables, i.e. as of one 
 syllable longer, in order to make up the full length of the lines 
 required by the metre employed by the Vedic poets. Thus twa/m 
 has to be read as tuam; vynshtau as viushtau; turyam as 
 turiyam; Tnartyaya as martidya; varenyam as vareniam; 
 amdtyam, as amdtiam; awadhvaram as suadhvaram, ; and 
 svastibhih as suastibhih. Now as this mode of lengthening 
 words is common in Prakrit, it would appear that the Prakrit 
 pronunciation agrees in this respect with that of the old Sanskrit 
 in contradistinction to the more recent. But as th« Prakrit pro- 
 nunciation must have been borrowed from a previously existing 
 popular pronunciation, which was at the same time that em- 
 ployed by the Vedic poets, we find here another reason for con- 
 cluding that the old spoken language of India, and the Sanskrit 
 of the Vedas were at one time identical.'^' 
 
 ^'^ Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, iii. 80. 
 
 ^''^ Sama-veda, Introduction, p. liii., ff. 
 
 '^= I quotesome remarks of Benfey, Sama-V. Introd. p. liii. : — " The neces- 
 sity for frequently changing the liquids y and v into the correspondent vowels 
 i and u, had been remarked by the Indian writers on prosody, who teach that, 
 wherever the metre requires it, iy and uv should be read instead of y and v. In 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEKN INDU. 169 
 
 Sect. X. — Various stages of Sanskrit literature, and the different forms in 
 which they exhibit the Sanskrit language : the later Vedic commentators : 
 earlier expounders : the Nirvhta : the Brdhmanas : the Vedic hymns : 
 imperfect comprehension of them in later times from changes in the 
 langvxige : the hymns composed in the vernacular idiom of their age}^^ 
 
 As I. have shown in the preceding section that Sanskrit was 
 once a spoken language, it must, in that its earlier stage, have 
 been exposed to the mutations to which all spoken languages 
 are subject from their very nature. Sanskrit must, in the course 
 of ages, have become very different from what it originally was.'^'' 
 
 many words the former mode of writing appears to have prevailed; as is 
 rendered probable by the differences of reading between the Sama-veda and 
 the Rig-veda, the former, for instance, reading tugriya, subhuvah, sudruoam, 
 where the latter reads tvgrya, subhvah, sudrvam ; and the latter, on the con- 
 trary, reading samudriya, where the former reads samudrya. . . . But 
 the necessity of making the change in order to obtain a reading conformable 
 to the metre, is of such ordinary occurrence that we are soon led to conclude 
 that, at the time when the Vedas were composed, the liquids (1/ and »), which 
 appear in the Sanhitas as we now have them, had not yet, for the most part, 
 begun to be pronounced, but that, in their stead, the corresponding vowels, 
 i and u were employed." On the other hand, y and v must sometimes be 
 read instead of iy and uv (p. Ivi.) The fifteen verses of the Purusha Siilcta, 
 (cited in the First Part of this Work, pp. 6, ff.), which are composed in the 
 Anushtup metre, will be generally found to have the proper number of feet, 
 if not in other respects to scan correctly, — if the preceding remarks be 
 attended to. Thus in the first verse, line second, the words vritwa and 
 atyatishthat must be read apart, and not united by sandhi. Shdvyam (in the 
 first line of the second verse) must be lengthened to bhSviyam ; vydkramat 
 (second line, fourth verse), to viakrdmat; sddhyd (second line, seventh verse), 
 to sddhiyd; ajyam (first line, eighth verse, though not in second line, sixth 
 verse) to djiam ; grdmydicha (second line, eighth verse) to grdmidscha ; 
 vyadadhuh and vyakalpayan (first line, eleventh verse) to viadadhuh and 
 viakalpayan ; and rdjanyah (first line, twelfth verse) to rdjaniah. 
 
 '28 In revising this section (composed originally in 1858,) for the press, I 
 have had the assistance of Professor Muller's work on the Veda, which 
 has enabled me to make a few additions, and to modify some of my previous 
 statements. 
 
 '" Ifear that the text of Patanjali (Mababhashya, p. 104) may be cited against 
 
170 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 And in fact we find from the records of Indian literatiire, that the 
 Sanskrit, as it is brought before us in the different Sastras, has 
 gone through different phases. The most modern is that in which 
 we find it in the Puranas, Itihasas, and Smritis. The Itihasas and 
 Puranas are undoubtedly not to be ranked with the oldest Sanskrit 
 writings, for they all imply that there were many older records 
 of Hindu antiquity existing when they were compiled, and often 
 quote various ancient verses.'^^ The Mahabharata frequently 
 
 mehere:— f%(iTT'g TfS^'A tWg '^ '31^ ■^■#^- 
 
 ^%fM^ ^IfWrT^TT^ '^TT^lT^T^^'lfWrfct'T: II "Words are 
 eternal ; and in the case of eternal words we must have immutable and 
 immoveable letters, free from diminution, or increase, or alteration." But 
 the words which Bhaskara Acharyya applied to astronomy are equally appli- 
 cable to grammar : — '^r^ Tfwfi^jpv ^?'?i?fTrw%«rR'? : 
 
 fTTWT II " 1° ^l"'^ astronomical department scripture is only authori- 
 tative when it is supported by demonstration." This is true, also, of all other 
 matters which, like Grammar, come within the sphere of science. 
 
 ^^^ That they are not all of one age is shown by an enlightened Indian 
 Pandit, Iswara Chandra Vidyasagar, in the Bengali preface to his Bijupatha, 
 or Sanskrit selections, as follows : — 
 
 ^?T«i c^w^rf^^^ ^f^nn ^srf^rfw ^srtc^i fw *r?t'^ >i<t(:ci<i w^ 
 
 , " All the Puranas are commonly said to be the composition of Veda- 
 vyasa. But the style of the different Puranas is so various that they cannot 
 be conceived to be the work of one person. After reading a portion of the 
 Vishnu-purana, another of the Bhagavata, and a third of the Brahmavaivartta- 
 puriina, it is difficult to believe them all to have proceeded from one pen. 
 . . . . . So, too, there is such a discrepancy between the style of the 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 171 
 
 introduces old legends with the following formula : ^'^T^^X^- 
 T'^Tfrif^'Wre t|-^Trr»I^^ II " Here they adduce this ancient 
 narrative." (See Part T. p. 33.) In all these different classes 
 of works, which, in their present form, are comparatively recent 
 parts of Indian literature, the Sanskrit language is substantially 
 the same. At the time when even the oldest of these works 
 were reduced into their present form, we must suppose that 
 the Sanskrit had nearly ceased to be a spoken tongue, and 
 had become gradually stereotyped as a polished and learned 
 language, by the precepts of those grammarians who preceded 
 Panini, as well as of that scholar himself and his successors. 
 As the language which had thus been polished, improved, 
 and fixed by precise grammatical rules, ceased to be popularly 
 spoken, it was preserved from any future changes. In this way 
 the Sanskrit language has remained unaltered for two thousand 
 years, till it has acquired the appearance of immutability ; while 
 its antiquity, and the perfection of form which it eventually 
 acquired, and has so long retained, have caused it to be regarded 
 as of divine origin ; just as every science which has descended 
 from a remote age, or even from a period comparatively recent, 
 is regarded by the people of India as supernatural.'^* Prior to 
 this era, however, and as long as it had continued to be conmionly 
 spoken by the upper classes, the Sanskrit had been liable to con- 
 stant fluctuations in the forms of its inflections. Accordingly, in 
 the works which are more ancient than the Smiltis and Itihasas, 
 we find various differences of grammatical form, and a style 
 altogether more antique. This is to some extent the case in the 
 Brahmanas and Upanishads, where we encounter a simplicity of 
 
 Mahabharata and that of the Vishnu-purana, and the other works mentioned 
 above, that it cannot be imagined to be the composition of the same person 
 by whom they were written." 
 
 "9 The philosophers Kamanuja and Madhwacharyya are called incarnations 
 of ^esha and Yayu (Wilson's Hindu Sects., pp. 24 & 87.) and Sankara 
 Acharyya is celebrated in the Vrihad Dharma-purana as an incarnation 
 of Vishnu. (Colebrooke's Essays, i. 103, 104.) 
 
172 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 syntax and a tautology of style, together with many particles, 
 and some modes of construction, which are foreign to the later 
 works. '^^ The Brahmanas, however, are only to be regarded as a 
 middle stage between the Vedic hymns (mantras) and the more 
 modern Sanskrit. It is to the hymns of the Eig-veda, most of 
 which are separated by an interval of several centuries, even 
 from the Brahmanas, that we must resort if we would discover 
 how wide are the differences between the Sanskrit in its oldest 
 known form and its most jnodern shape. In these hymns 
 we find various forms of inflection and conjugation which 
 are not to be traced in more modern writings, and numerous 
 words which either disappear altogether in later authors, or 
 are used by them in a different sense. These hymns are, in 
 fact, by far the oldest parts of Indian literature. That this 
 is the case, is proved by the whole nature and contents of 
 the other portions of that literature which is connected with 
 those hymns. The hymns are the essential part of the Veda; 
 all the other writings which bear the name of Veda are de- 
 pendent on the hymns, and subservient to their explanation or 
 liturgical use. This may be made clearer by beginning with 
 the most recent parts of the literature connected with the Vedas, 
 and going gradually back to the oldest parts. 
 
 First. Two of the most recent commentators on the Vedas are 
 Sayana Acharya, who lived in the fourteenth century a.d.,'" and 
 wrote a detailed commentary called Vedarthaprakaia, on the 
 whole of the Eig-veda ; and Mahidhara, who compiled a com- 
 
 '*'' Thus e.g. any one who is familiar with modern Sanskrit will recognise 
 in the passage cited from the Kaushltaki-brahmana in the First Part of this 
 work (p. 114.) a dissimilarity of style. The separation of the particle abhi from 
 
 the verb a JAa»a<, in the phrase ^f^T ^'<^1 <J 1 1 '^T^fTII "He became 
 superior to the Saudasas," is a remnant of the Vedic usage. In modern 
 Sanskrit this preposition would not be thus severed from the verb. 
 
 '31 Professor Wilson's Rig-veda Sanhita, Vol. I. Introduct. p. xlviii. 
 MUUer, Sanskrit Ees. p. 137. Koth, Introd. to Nirukta, p. liii. refers iMa- 
 hidhara (if not Sayana also) to the 16th century. 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 173 
 
 mentary entitled Vedadipa on the Vajasaneyi Sanhita of the 
 Yajur-veda. 
 
 Second. In such works as these we find reference made to 
 earlier writers on the Vedas, such as Saunaka, the author of the 
 Vrihaddevata, Yaska, the author of the Nirukta, and many 
 others, with quotations from their works. 
 
 Professor Miiller '^^ divides the Vedic literature, properly so 
 called, into four periods, which, in the inverse order of their 
 antiquity, are the Sutra period, the Brdhmana period^ the 
 Mantra period, and the Ghliandas period. The Chhandas period, 
 dtiring which the oldest hymns preserved in the Rig-veda collection 
 were written, he supposes to have lasted from 1200 to 1000 B.C. 
 Then followed the Mantra period, from 1000 to 800 B.C., in the 
 course of which the more recent of the Vedic hymns were com- 
 posed, and the whole were gathered together into one Sanhita 
 (or collection). Next in order was the Brahmana period, from 800 
 to 600 B.C., during which the chief theological and liturgical 
 tracts bearing this title were composed and collected. And 
 lastly, we have the Siitra period, extending from 600 to 200 B.C. 
 in which the ceremonial precepts of the earlier tradition were 
 reduced, (by men who, however, were no longer, like their prede- 
 cessors, regarded as inspired,) into a more tangible, precise, and 
 systematic form than they had previously possessed. The works 
 of this period were not all composed in the concise form of 
 Siitras, but some were in verse and others in prose. 
 
 Among the latter is the work of Yaska, who (as we have seen, 
 p. 162,) is supposed by Professor Miiller (" Sanskrit Researches," 
 p. 137,) to have lived in the fourth century b.o. Yaska found 
 an earlier work entitled Nighantu, made up of classified lists of 
 Vedic, and partly obsolete words, existing in his day ; to which 
 he alludes in the following passage, at the very com- 
 mencement of his work (i. 1.): ^^T^^f^: ^TJT^Tff: ^ 
 
 "" See his " History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature," which has just ap- 
 peared ; pp. 70. 244. 249. 313. 445. 497. 572. 
 
^'^ HISTOET AND RELATIONS OF [cHAr. i. 
 
 ^T^TrRT^frni ^^rr^pq ^"^W^ TWr^^ll "A sacred 
 record (saindmndya) has been handed down, which is to be ex- 
 pounded. This is called the Mghantavas." '^s 
 
 And again (in i. 20.) : iTT^TRirfTV^TW ^^HW^rV W^^S^- 
 
 " The rishis had an intuitive insight into duty. They, by 
 tuition, handed down the mantras to subsequent preceptors, who 
 were destitute of this intuitive perception. These later teachers, 
 declining in the power of communicating instruction, have, for 
 facility of comprehension, arranged this book (the Nighantu), the 
 Veda, and the Vedangas." This passage proves at once the priority 
 of the Nighantu to the Nirukta, and also the still greater antiquity 
 of the hymns which form the subject of explanation in both.'** 
 
 '32 On this thecommentatorDurgacharyya annotates as follows: ^'^ C^- 
 
 •aiTWWPTf^T ^^%W^T^ ^^ftfifT: T<5r^: II "The sense 
 is, that ' This sacred record which had been set forth by rishis as a specimen 
 «f the mode of explaining the sense of the mantras, has been formed into one 
 collection in five chapters.' " 
 
 ^* Professor Roth in his Introduction to the Nirukta, p. xiii. remarks 
 thus on this passage: — " Here Yaska ascribes the compilation of the small 
 collection of words and names which forms the basis of his explanation,- in 
 an undefined way to an ancient tradition, not indeed dating from the earliest 
 period, when faith and doctrine flourished without artificial aids, but from 
 the generations next to that era, which strove by arrangement and writing 
 to preserve the treasures which they had inherited. He further puts the 
 Naighantuka in one class with the Vedas and Vedangas. By the composition 
 of the Vedas, which Yaska here places in the second period of Indian history, 
 he cannot mean the production of the hymns transmitted by the rishis, which 
 were always esteemed in India as the essential part of the Vedas, and were 
 regarded in the same light by Yaska in the passage before us. All, therefore, 
 that could be done by later generations was to arrange these hymns, and 
 commit them to writing. We find here a recollection of a comparatively 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHBEN INDIA. 175 
 
 The following are the remarks of Durgacharyya, the corn- 
 mentator, on this passage (Nir. i. 20.) : 
 
 ^W^: [sic] f^ ^TrT^^^c^'^^l ^^^ W^^Tf% ^rTIJ- 
 
 late reduction into writing of the mental productions of early ages, an 
 event which has not yet attracted sufficient notice in its bearing upon the 
 history of Indian literature.'' 
 
176 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 •Jif^^ ^f^i •q;2irirr[^iT '^jt^-j^^i ^'f^wr ^tr^i 
 
 ^^ '^W'^T^ ^rfti^'^'TT '^T^T^'fr ^I^^T TW^'I^ 
 
 " They to whose minds duty was clearly present, i. e. by whom 
 through eminent devotion it was intuitively seen, were the 
 persons described by the term sdJcshdt-krita-dhdrTndnas. 
 Again, who were they ? The rishis ; who are called so because 
 they flow {risha/nti) ; because from a particular ceremony accom- 
 panied by a mantra of such and such import, in a certain way, 
 such and such a reward results. And the author will afterwards 
 declare that the word rishi comes from 'seeing,' (darsandt.) 
 Hence the faculty of seeing that such a reward springs from 
 such a ceremony, is spoken of in a metaphorical way in the 
 words, 'who have an intuitive view of duty:' for duty 
 cannot be seen, being something entirely invisible. But what of 
 these rishis ? ' They handed down the mantras by oral tuition to 
 subsequent men, who had not the same intuitive perception of 
 duty,' i. e. those rishis who had an intuitive perception of duty 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHEEN INDIA. 177 
 
 handed down the mantras to subsequent men, i, e. to secondary 
 rishis (SrutarsMs) of a later age, and destitute of power ; rishis, 
 whose rishihood arose from what they had heard from others, 
 and not without hearing, as was the case with those earlier rishis 
 who had an intuitive perception of duty. What did these earliest 
 rishis do? They handed down the mantras by tuition (viz., by 
 the function of instructing their pupils) according to their text 
 and meaning "^ ; and the pupils received them through tuition. 
 Then ' these later men, declining in their capacity to instruct, 
 arranged this book and the Veda, and the Vedangas, in portions, 
 for facility of comprehension.' Declining, he means, in their 
 knowledge of the best mode of rendering their instructions in- 
 telligible, grieved when their pupils did not understand, actuated 
 by compassion towards them, and having regard to the shortness 
 of their lives, and to their power of comprehension, which was re- 
 duced in correspondence with the times, they compiled this book 
 [the Nighantu], beginning with ' gau,' and ending with ' deva- 
 patnyas,' in parts, for facility of comprehension. He next tells 
 us what works he means ; the Vedas, and the other Vedangas. 
 But how did they compile these works ? He tells us : listen: By 
 the agency of Vyasa they arranged the Veda, (which being up to 
 that period one, was difficult to study, from its extreme magni- 
 tude), in a number of different Sdkhds, for the purpose of easier 
 comprehension. The Eig-veda was arranged in 21 sdkhds, the 
 Yajush in 101, the Sama in 1000, the Atharvana in 9 : and 
 similarly the Vedangas ; grammar in 8 books, the Nirukta in 14, 
 and so on, in order that they might be apprehended in a divided- 
 state ; i. e. that powerless and shortlived men might easily be able 
 to understand these several Sdkhds, when divided and of Umited 
 
 extent. He now explains the word 'bilma,' Bil'ma= 
 
 bhi!m,a, means the division of the Vedas, and division stands for 
 arrangement. Or it means bhdsanam, elucidation ; i. e. the 
 
 '''■ So MuUer (Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 522) renders granthaio arthalascha, 
 denying to the word grantha the sense of written hook. 
 
 N 
 
178 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 sense of the Vedas becomes clear from a knowledge of the 
 mddngas, or supplements to the Veda. Thus bilma is from the 
 root bhid, or the root bhds. In this way this Nirukta Sastra, 
 and the other Vedangas have descended from the rishis. Thus 
 the scripture has been elucidated." 
 
 The Nighantu,the list of words which forms the subject of the 
 preceding remarks, was prefixed by Yaska to his own work, the 
 Nirukta, in which he endeavours to throw light on the obscurities 
 of the Veda.'^^ When this work of Yaska was written, and even 
 at a much earlier period, it is evident that the sense of many of 
 the Vedic words had been forgotten. This appears from the very 
 fact of such works as the Mghantu and Nirukta being composed 
 at all. For what occasion was there for compiling vocabu- 
 laries of Vedic words, if the sense of these words had con- 
 tinued all along familiar to the students of the Vedas? The 
 necessity for works like his own is argued by Yaska in the 
 following passage (Nir. i. 15.) 
 
 " Now without this work the meaning of the hymns cannot 
 be understood ; but he who does not comprehend their meaning, 
 cannot thoroughly know their accentuation and grammatical 
 
 136 u j[jg Nighantu,'' says Professor Rolh, (Introd. to Nirukta, p. lii.), 
 " especially the second portion of it, was a collection of difficult and obsolete 
 words, which formed a basis for instruction in the mode of expounding 
 the Veda, such as was usually given in the schools of the Brahmans. At 
 that period no need was felt of continuous commentaries; and in fact learn- 
 ing had not then become separated into so many branches. A memorandum 
 of the terms denoting the ideas of most frequent occurrence in the Veda, 
 and of the principal passages which required elucidation; a simple list of 
 the gods and the objects of worship, such as we find in the Nighantu, 
 sufficed as a manual for oral instruction. At a later era this manual 
 became the subject of formal and written explanation. To this period 
 belongs the Nirukta." 
 
SECT. X.] THi; LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 179 
 
 forms. Therefore, this department of science is the complement 
 of grammar, and an instrument for gaining its object." ''' 
 
 The same thing is also clear from many passages in his work, 
 in which he attempts to explain Vedic words by their etymologies,^-'^ 
 (a process, often tentative, which would have been unnecessary 
 if their meanings had been perfectly known), or in which he 
 cites the opinions of different classes of interpreters who had 
 preceded him, and who had severally propounded different ex- 
 planations. This further shows that in Yagka's time the signi- 
 fication of the hymns had formed the subject of investigation 
 
 "^ This passage is translated by Roth, Xirukta, Erlauterungen, p. 11. And 
 Sayana says in the Introd. to his Commentary on the Eig-veda, vol. i. p. 39. 
 
 rf^ffT^ ^^T^RfhiTT^ "^Vi^ f^^'^TT II " Hence the Nirukta 
 is serviceable for the understanding of the meaning of the Veda." 
 
 ■*^ See Eoth's Erlauterungen to Nirukta, p. 219. ff. "Vedic interpretation 
 could impose on itself no greater obstruction than to imagine that the Indian 
 commentators were infallible, or that they had inherited traditions which 
 Were of any value. Even a superficial examination shows that their plan of 
 interpretation is the very opposite of traditional, that it is in reality a gram- 
 matical and etymological one, which only agrees with the former method in 
 the erroneous system of explaining every verse, every line, every word by 
 itself, without inquiring if the results so obtained harmonise with those derived 
 from other quarters. If the fact that none of the commentators are in pos- 
 session of anything more than a very simple set of conceptions regarding, e. g , 
 the functions of a particular god, or even the entire contents of the hymns, 
 which they are continually intruding into their interpretations, be regarded 
 as a proof of their having inherited a tradition, it will at least be admitted 
 that this poverty of ideas is not a thing which we have any reason to covet. 
 In this set of conceptions are included those scholastic ideas which were in- 
 troduced at an early period indeed, but not until the hymrls had already 
 become the subject of learned study, and the religious views and social 
 
 circumstances on which they are based had lost all living reality 
 
 What is true of Sayana, or any of the other later commentators, applies 
 essentially to Yaska also. He, too, is a learned interpreter, who works with 
 the materials which his predecessors had collected, but he possesses an in- 
 calculable advantage, in point of time, over those compilers of detailed and 
 continuous commentaries, and belongs to a quite different literary period ; 
 viz. to that when Sanskrit was still undergoing a process of natural growth.' 
 
 N 2 
 
1^^ HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 by learned men of different sctools for many ages preceding. 
 The following passage will illustrate this, as well as afford some 
 insight into the subjects and manner of discussion at the period 
 when he Uved. In the Nirukta, i. 15, 16, he thus (in continua- 
 tion of the passage last cited) alludes to the heretical opinions 
 which had been entertained by his predecessor Kautsa, regarding 
 the value of the hymns : 
 
 ^fr ^^T^TTW'TT^ ^^"^^ *Rrftf^ ^W'\ ^'l^<*T 
 
 51J5T ^^if^\ ^^rmfq snu^T ^tj^i^ti^ f^'l^n^ 
 
 f^mV^ f^\l ^mf^ ■Rf^f^^T^T TRf^l TT^ TTW 
 '^^SWfT^ 1 fi^fft^:i ^#^TfTT ^T^Tfw ^ ^^ 
 
 ^T^PT '^g^'ftf^ri ^^r3ir?i ^f^f^: ^^f^n ^f^f^- 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 181 
 
 ^m '^wwVs^ ^Tiiw:i '^rifri^ TT^f?n ^wt -qirr^ 
 ^RiT ^^T^ '^rgifurr: i^^fTif^i wr ttct^ ^- 
 
 I will, in my translation, place the answers of Yaska opposite 
 to the objections of Kantsa (though they are separated in the 
 text) and thus economize space, as well as make the discussion 
 clearer.'^' 
 
 Kautsa objects. Tdska replies. 
 
 1. " If the science of inter- 1. "The mantras have a 
 
 pretation is intended to make sense, for their words are the 
 the sense of the mantras clear, same (as those in the ordi- 
 it is useless, for the mantras nary language). A Brahmana 
 have no sense." says, ' that is the perfect rite 
 
 of sacrifice which is accord- 
 ing to the form prescribed in a 
 text. A rich or a yajus de- 
 clares the ceremony to be per- 
 formed.' (An example of the 
 identity of the Vedic language 
 with the ordinary speech) is 
 this, ' krilantau,'' &c., (' sport- 
 ing with sons and gi-andsons')i 
 
 1S9 See Dr. Koth's translation of this passage in the first of his Abhand- 
 lungen, p. 21, and in his Erlauterurgen to the Nirukta, pp. 11-13. There 
 are, however, some parts of the passage of which 1 do not clearly under- 
 stand the bearing. 
 
 N 3 
 
182 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 2. "The propositions [in the 
 hymns and texts], have cer- 
 tain fixed words, and a certain 
 fixed arrangement;" [and so 
 are mere arbitrary formulae. ?] 
 
 3. "The mantras have the 
 ritual forms to which they 
 refer fixed and enjoined by the 
 Brahmanas [and, therefore, do 
 not admit of critical exposi- 
 iton] : thus ' Spread thyself 
 widely out;' and so he spreads; 
 ' Let me pour out,' and so he 
 pours." 
 
 4. "They prescribe what is 
 impracticable : thus, ' deliver 
 him, plant :' 'Axe, do not in- 
 jure him,' thus he speaks while 
 striking." 
 
 5. "Their contents are at va- 
 riance with each other: thus, 
 ' There exists but one Eudra, 
 and no second;' and again, 
 ' There are innumerable thou- 
 sands of Eudras over the earth:' 
 and, 'Indra, thou hast been 
 born without a foe ;' and again, 
 'Indra vanquished a hundred 
 armies at once.' " 
 
 6. "A person is enjoined to 
 do an act with which he is al- 
 ready acquainted : thus, ' Ad- 
 dress the hymn to the fire 
 
 But Kautsa's objections must 
 be more closely examined." 
 
 2. " This is the case in ordi- 
 nary language also, e, g, In- 
 drdgni, pitdputrau (' Indra 
 and Agni,' 'father and son.')" 
 
 3. " This is a mere repetition 
 [by the Brdhmana], of what 
 had been already said [in the 
 mantra ;] (and consequently 
 the latter must have had an 
 ascertainable meaning. ?]" 
 
 4. " According to the sacred 
 tradition it must be understood 
 that no injury is to be in- 
 flicted." 
 
 5. "The same thing occurs in 
 ordinaiy language : thus, ' This 
 Brahman is without a rival;' 
 ' The king has no enemies.' " 
 
 6. "In the same way people 
 are saluted by their names 
 though they already know 
 them; and the madhuparka, 
 
SECT. X.J THE LATOUAGES OF NOETHERN INDU. 
 
 183 
 
 which is being kindled.' [This 
 is said by the adhwaryu priest 
 to the hotri. Both.] '" " 
 
 7. " Again it is said ; ' Aditi 
 is everything; Aditi is the sky; 
 Aditi is the atmosphere.'" 
 
 8. " The signification of the 
 mantras is indistinct, as in the 
 case of such words as amyak, 
 yddrismin, jdraydyi, kd- 
 nuka." 
 
 (a dish of curds, ghee and 
 honey) is mentioned to those 
 who are well acquainted with 
 the custom." 
 
 7. "This will be explained 
 further on. The same thing 
 is said in common language, 
 thus, ' All fluids, (or flavours), 
 reside in water.' " '*' 
 
 8. " It is not the fault of the 
 post, that the blind man does 
 not see it. It is the man's 
 fault. Just as in respect of 
 local usages men are distin- 
 guished by superior knowledge ; 
 so too, among those learned 
 men who are skilled in tradi- 
 tion, he who knows most is 
 worthy of approbation." 
 
 Durga, the commentator, does not enter on a detailed expla- 
 nation of this passage. He merely refers as follows to its 
 general scope : — 
 
 qf^«^T iTT^r^^'T^J WmW^ f%d*j4<<T^ it^TWTiT^I 
 
 ^T^T f^^ 
 
 "° See Muller. Hist, of Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 472. note 1. 
 
 1" Compare Raghu Vansa, X. 16. <(^t!l •"fl^l '!^^<^*! 
 \lil\ 5^^ II "As raiQ water, which has but one flavour, [when it has 
 fallen] imbibes other flavo^irs,'' &c. 
 
 N 4 
 
184 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OP [chap. i. 
 
 m'^wrn^ T{'^jm f^ir^^ fic^'^i ^ tt^trr- 
 
 " The student being supposed to have an occasion and a right 
 to enter on the study of this JSastra, and the proposition having 
 been laid down that without the Nirukta, the sense of the man- 
 tras cannot be understood, Kautsa adduces many reasons for 
 declaring the mantras to have no meaning, and on these he 
 grojands an assertion, that the Nii-ukta is useless. Yaska in 
 reply states the reasons on the other side in support of the man- 
 tras having a meaning, which point he accordingly establishes. 
 And as this work (the Nirukta), which is being commenced, is 
 useful for the explanation of their meaning, its utility is demon- 
 strated. Thus under the guise of an author who stimulates 
 [inquiry by raising difficulties] an opportunity is taken of stating 
 the arguments on both sides, with the view of increasing the 
 student's intelligence. For how is that student, of immature 
 intelligence, ignorant too of reasons and conclusions, when he 
 encounters difficulties connected with the proper explication of 
 words, and is even hindered by other persons, to explain with- 
 out perplexity'the meaning of words and sentences ?" 
 
 It would seem from this that Durgacharyya looked upon 
 Kautsa as being merely a man of straw, into whose mouth 
 objections against the significance of the Vedas, were put by 
 Yaska, in order that he might himself refute them. It does not, 
 however, appear why Kautsa, whose name appears in the old 
 genealogical lists of teachers in one of the Brahmanas (Miiller, 
 Ancient Sansk. Lit. pp. 181. 442), should be viewed in the light of 
 a fictitious " Bevadatta," any more than any other of the numer- 
 ous earlier writers referred to in the Nirukta. There seems to 
 be no other reason than this, that Durga did not, perhaps, wish 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEEN INDIA. 185 
 
 his contemporaries to believe that there had been in early times 
 any old grammarian who opposed the authority of the Vedas. 
 
 In Nirukta ii. 16., Yaska refers to the opinions of various 
 former schools regarding the meaning of the word Vritra : — 
 
 rTTlTRT^ ^^ ^^f^l ^f%^^ W^ W^^^ 
 
 " Who was Vritra ? 'A cloud,' says the Nairuktas : ' an Asura, 
 son of Twashtri,' say the Aitihasikas. The fall of rain arises 
 from the mingling of the waters and of light. This is figura- 
 tively depicted as a conflict. The hymns and Brahmanas 
 describe Vritra as a serpent. By the expansion of his body, he 
 blocked up the streams. When it was destroyed, the waters 
 flowed forth," 
 
 In Nir. iii. 8, he alludes tb the views of older writers, regard- 
 ing the Vedic word panchajanah ; — ^T^^TT TT ^V^ '^^^ I 
 
 fvltjlf^: T^TI '?;^tiTO«^«f J II " ' Ye five classes of beingSj 
 frequent my sacrifice.' These five classes of beings are the 
 ' Grandharvas, Pitris, Devas, Asuras and Eakshases,' say some : 
 They are ' The four castes with the Nishadas for a fifth,' says 
 Aupamanyava." 
 
 In Mr. viii. 22, Yaska thus speculates on the feelings which 
 had led some of his predecessors to interpret certain Apri hymns 
 as addressed to other deities than Agni : — 
 
 T^ -^ ■SfTHW^I . • • ^TTIT^^TTT T^^T^^ ^UmJ 
 
186 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 " ' The jpraydjas and the anuydjas (introductory and con- 
 cluding sacrificial acts), have Agni for their deity,' says a Brah- 
 mana. Another opinion is that they have chhandas (metre) for 
 their deity. For a Brahmana says, ' metres are the jpraydjas 
 and anuydjas.' [After referring to three other opinions, simi- 
 larly supported, Yaska goes on] : ' Another view is that they 
 have soul for their deity, for a Brahmana says, ' soul is the 
 praydjas and anuydjas.^ I maintain the opinion that the hymns 
 have Agni for their deity. The other views arise from mere 
 devotion [to particular gods]. But why are these various views 
 put forward ? Because it is well known to be a precept that 
 the person who is about to offer an oblation should meditate on 
 the particular deity for whom it is intended." 
 
 In Nirukta xii. 1, he states the different views which had been 
 put forward regarding the gods called Aswins : — 'SSI'^^f^'Jlf^- 
 
 " ' The Aswins are so called from their horses (aswais),' says 
 Aurnavabha. But who are the Aswins ? ' Heaven and earth,' say 
 some ; ' day and night,' say others : while others again say, ' The 
 sun and moon.' ' They were virtuous kings,' say the Aitihasi- 
 
 kas.""2 
 
 '*^ See Roth's Erlaut., pp. 220-221, for some remarks on these old inter- 
 preters of the Veda. " Older expounders of the Vedas in general are," he 
 says, " called by Yaska simply Nairuktas ; and when he notices any difference 
 in the conception of the Vedic gods, those interpreters who take the euhe- 
 meristic view are called Aitihasikas. In addition to the exposition of the 
 Veda in the stricter sense, there existed also liturgical interpretations of 
 numerous passages, such as we find in the Brahmanas and other kindred 
 treatises, in which it was attempted to bring the letter of the received text 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 187 
 
 In Nirukta xii. 19, he states the various expositions^ van of a 
 passage regarding Vishnu: — ^^ff^ 1%^^ rf^ f^'^f^nt^^'l 
 
 TRtw:i ^^rrftW t^^^ 1^T^M% ^WWT'T:! "Vishnu 
 strode over all this space : thrice he plants his foot. This he 
 does in order to his threefold existence, ' on earth, in the atmo- 
 sphere, and in the sky,' says Sakapiini : ' At his rising, in the 
 zenith, and at his setting,' 'says Aurnavabha." 
 In Nir. xii. 41, we have another reference to the Brahmanas : — 
 
 "rf*H*i^*rlt^ '^ sTT^WT I " The gods sacrificed to Agni 
 (fire), with fire. ' Agni was the victim ; him they seized, with 
 him they sacrificed ;' so says a Brahmana." 
 
 We thus see that in various passages of his work Yaska refers 
 also to the Brahmanas ; they must therefore have been older than 
 his time. 
 
 The following is a list of the writers whom Yaska quotes, as 
 having preceded him in the interpretation of the Vedas :■ — Agra- 
 yana, Audumbarayana, Aurnavabha, Katthakya, Kautsa, Kjrau- 
 shtuki, Grargya, Gralava, Charmasiras, Taitiki, Varshyayani, 
 Satabalaksha the Maudgalya, Sakatayana, Sakapiini, J§akalya, 
 and )Sthaulashtivi.'*' 
 
 The subjoined passage from the 12th Sect, of the first Parisishta 
 
 into harmony with the existing ceremonial. Such liturgical interpretations 
 are called by Yaska those of the Yajnikas, or 'persons skilled in sacrificial 
 rites.' Akin to theirs appears to have been the mode of interpretation 
 
 adopted by the Naidanas Under this head we must probably 
 
 understand that method of explanation, which, differing from the gram- 
 matical etymologies, referred the origin of the words and conceptions to 
 occasions which were in a certain sense historical. The Brahmanas and 
 Upanishads abound in such historical or mythological etymologies, which are 
 to be found in all ages and among all nations ; etymologies which their own 
 inventors do not regard as serious, but which, from their connection with 
 other ideas, obtain a certain importance in the religious system." 
 "3 Koth, Erlauter. pp. 221, 222. 
 
188 
 
 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF 
 
 or suppl^ent to the Nirukta (considered by Professor Eoth, 
 Nir. ii. ;^208, to be the work of some author subsequent to 
 Yaska), refers to the antiquity of the Mantras, and the qualifi- 
 cations necessary for expounding them. 
 
 "This reflective deduction of the sense of the hymns is 
 effected by the help of oral tradition and reasoning. The hymns 
 are not to be interpreted as isolated texts, but according to their 
 context. For a person who is not a rishi or a devotee, has no 
 intuitive insight into their meaning. We have said before that 
 among those men who are versed in tradition, he who is most 
 learned deserves especial commendation. When the rishis were 
 ascending [from the earth], men inquired of the gods, ' Who 
 shall be our rishi?' The gods gave them this science of reasoning, 
 to serve as a rishi, and to deduce by reflection the sense of the 
 hymns. Therefore, whatever meaning any learned man deduces 
 by reasoning, that possesses authority equal to a rishi's." 
 
 Here there is to be remarked a recognition of the necessity of 
 reason as a co-factor, in the ascertainment of religious truth, or 
 the definition of ceremonial practice. With this may be com- 
 pared, the whole tendency of the Sankhya doctrine, which is 
 virtually, if not avowedly, founded on reasoning; and the 
 assertion of Bhaskara (see above, p. 170, note), that in the ma- 
 thematical sciences, scripture, if unsupported by demonstration, 
 is of no authority. 
 
 The same confidence in the inherent force of the human in- 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHEEN INDIA. 189 
 
 tellect is exhibited by Bhaskara in another place, in these 
 memorable words : Z(^ ^^'^rU ^TraT +l'^4«r|< ^Tf^^lf^ 
 
 ^T^ f%^^ «T ^tT^ II " When, again, after a long period, 
 there shall be a great distance [observable in the position of 
 the stars], then intelligent men of like character with Brahma- 
 gupta and other mathematicians will arise, who, admitting a 
 movement in consonance with observation, will compose treatises 
 accordingly. Hence the science of astronomy, being main- 
 tained by men of great ability, shall never fail in time, though 
 it has no beginning nor end." (See Colebrooke's Misc. Ess. ii. 
 381.) 
 
 In the First Part of this work some passages have been already 
 adduced from Yaska, regarding the origin of particular Vedic 
 hymns which he explains. One of these texts relates to the 
 Eishi Viswamitra, and another to the Eishi Devapi. See Part 
 First, pp. 124, and 143, 144. 
 
 Third. I now proceed to the Brahmanas, to which we have 
 been led back through the ascending series of more recent works, 
 as the oldest expository writings on the Vedic hymns. They are 
 consequently later than the hymns, the most ancient portion of 
 Indian literature. But while the other explanatory and pre- 
 scriptive books connected with the Vedas, such as the gramma- 
 tical and ceremonial Sutras, &c., are not regarded as having any 
 independent divine authority, the Brahmanas, on the contrary, are 
 considered as a part of the Veda itself. This will appear from the 
 following passages from Sayana's commentary on the Eig-veda : 
 
 '■t* Rig-veda, MuIIer's edition, vol. i. p. 4. 
 
190 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 " The definition of the Veda, as consisting of Mantra and 
 Brahmana, is unobjectionable. Hence Apastamba says, in the 
 Yajna paribhasha, ' Veda is the name applied to Mantra and 
 Brahmana.'" Again: ^sfT'^W^Tl" TT^ W^TTTTf^^- 
 
 'fT^^f'^'T^^^ Tf^^jf^ I " It being admitted that there 
 are two parts of the Veda, viz. Mantra and Brahmana, as the 
 Mantra has been already defined, the definition of the Brahmana 
 will be, that it is the remaining portion of the Veda." 
 
 In regard to the Sutras and Smritis, the author of the Nyaya- 
 mala-vistara says :— ' 
 
 " Some persons have asserted that the Kalpa-sutras and other 
 
 works designated by the names of Baudhayana, Apastamba, 
 
 Aswalayana, Katyayana, &c., and the Mgama, Mrukta, and 
 
 six Vedangas, together with the Smritis of Manu and others, 
 
 "' Rig-veda, Muller's edition, vol. i. p. 22. 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDIA. 191 
 
 are superhuman, because they impart to men a comprehension 
 of duty, like the Vedas ; and that they are not to be suspected 
 of dissimilarity to the Vedas, from the fact of their appealing to 
 the authority of the original text; for the knowledge of duty 
 which they impart is independent, because it is admitted to be 
 self-evidencing. But this view is incorrect ; for the inference in 
 question is set aside by the lapse of time. These works are 
 called by the names of men ; as, ' the Sutras of Baudhayana,' 
 'the Sutras of Apastamba,' &c.; and these designations cannot 
 properly be derived from the fact that these works were studied 
 by those whose names they bear, as is actually the case in regard 
 to the Kathaka and other parts of the Veda : for it was known to 
 some of their contemporaries at the time of the composition of 
 these Sutras and Smritis, &c., that they were then being com- 
 posed : and this knowledge has come down by unbroken tra- 
 ' dition. Hence, like the works of Kalidasa and others, the books 
 in question are of human origin. Nevertheless, from being 
 founded on the Veda they are authoritative." .... And again : 
 " It is not yet proved that the Kalpa-sutras are part of the Veda ; 
 and it would require great labour to prove it ; and, in fact, it 
 is impossible to prove it. For the human origin of this book is 
 established by its name, and by its being observed to have had 
 an author." "« 
 
 The Brahmanas, however, as I have said, notwithstanding 
 their antiquity, and the authority which is ascribed to them as a 
 constituent part of the Veda, are very far indeed from being so 
 old as the hymns. On the subject of these works Professor Eoth 
 makes some remarks in his Introduction to the Nirukta, p. xxiv. 
 &. ; which I translate with some abridgments."' 
 
 " The difference in contents between the Brahmanas and the 
 
 "5 On the difference in authority between the Brahmanas and the Siitras, 
 &c., see Miiller's " Ancient Sanskrit Literature," pp. 75-107. 
 
 '*' I refer for further information to Prof. Miiller's section on the Brah- 
 manas in his " Ancient Sanskrit Literature ; " particularly to pp. 342, ff., 
 389, 428, 429, 4.31—435. 
 
192 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Kalpa-books, if judged according to detached passages, might 
 appear to be very small and indeterminate, though even at first 
 sight it is undeniable that the two classes of writings are easily- 
 distinguishable as regards their position and estimation in the 
 whole body of religious literature. In fact, the difference between 
 them is most essential. Though both treat of divine worship in 
 its widest extent, yet in the Brahmana it is the subject of 
 description in quite a different sense from what it is in the 
 Kalpa-sastra. The object of the latter is to represent the whole 
 course of the sacred rites which have a place in any particular 
 department of worship, e.g., it defines exactly which of the 
 priests present at a ceremony has to perform a part at each 
 point of the sacred rite. This is a very essential matter in Indian 
 
 sacrifices It is further prescribed in these works what 
 
 hymns and invocations are to be uttered, and how. As a rule, 
 however, the strophes are indicated only by the -initial words, 
 and pre-suppose other collections in which they must have been 
 put together according to the order of their employment in 
 
 worship Finally, these works prescribe the time, the 
 
 place, the forms, of the rites of worship, with all the preceding 
 and following practices. In short, the Kalpa-books are complete 
 systems of ritual prescription, which have no other object than 
 to designate the entire course of the sacred ceremonial with all 
 that accuracy which is demanded for acts done in the presence 
 of the gods, and to their honour. 
 
 " The aim of a Brahmana is something very different. - As its 
 name indicates, its subject is the hrahma, the sacred eleinent in 
 the rite, not the rite itself. Something holy, the conception of 
 the Divine, lies veiled beneath the ceremony. It has now obtained 
 a sensible form, which must, however, remain a mystery for 
 those to whom that conception is unknown. He only who knows 
 the Divinity, its manifestation and its relation to men, can ex- 
 plain the signification of the symbol. Such an explanation 
 the Brahmana aims at giving ; it proposes to unfold the essence 
 of theological wisdom, which is hidden under the mode of 
 
SECT. X.] THE LAIfGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDIA. 193 
 
 worship inherited from ancient times. From this cause arises 
 the mysterious, concise, often dark, style of the language which 
 we find in these books. They are, indeed, the oldest prose 
 which is preserved to us in Indian literature. 
 
 "An example of these symbolical explanations is subjoined, from 
 the beginning of the Aitareya-brahmana : — At the commence- 
 ment of certain sacrifices, clarified butter is offered to Agni and 
 Vishnu in eleven platters. This is done by preference to these 
 two deities, the Brahmana explains, because they embrace the 
 whole pantheon, Agni as the lowest of the gods, (the fire of 
 the hearth and altar), and Vishnu as the highest (the sun in 
 the zenith) ; and thus sacrifice is offered to all the gods in the 
 persons of these two. Eleven platters are presented, though 
 there are only two gods ; eight of the platters are claimed by 
 Agni, because the gayatri, the metre sacred to him, has eight 
 syllables ; three platters belong to Vishnu, because he traverses 
 the heavens in three strides (the three stations of his rising, 
 his culmination, and his setting). 
 
 ^' Such explanations may as frequently be the mere inventions 
 of a religious philosophy (encountered by us here in its oldest 
 form), which delights in bold parallels, and a pretentious exegesis, 
 as actual recollections of the beginnings of the liturgy, in which, 
 among a people like the Indians, we may reasonably expect to 
 find delicate and thoughtful references. These books will always 
 continue to be to us the most valuable sources for tracing the 
 beginnings of thought on divine things ; and, at the same time, 
 sources from which we may draw the most varied information 
 regarding the conceptions on which the entire system of worship, 
 as well as the social and hierarchical order, of India, are founded. 
 In proof of this, I will only refer to the lights which may be 
 - derived from the seventh and eighth books of the Aitareya-brah- 
 mana on the position of the castes, and on the regal and sacer- 
 dotal dignities. The Brahmanas are the dogmatical hoolcs of 
 the Brahmans; not a scientifically marshalled system of tenets, 
 but a collection of dogmas, as they result from religious praQ-. 
 
 
 
194 HISTOEY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 tice. They were not written as a complete exposition of the 
 principles of belief; but they are necessary towards such an ex- 
 position, because they were meant to explain and establish the 
 whole customary ceremonial of worship. 
 
 " It is impossible not to perceive that the Brahmanas are based 
 upon a pre-existing, widely-ramified, and highly-developed 
 system of worship. The further the practice of sacred institutions 
 has advanced, the less distinctly are those who practise them con- 
 scious of their meaning. Gradually, around the central portion 
 of the ceremony, which in its origin was perfectly transparent 
 and intelligible, there grows up a mass of subordinate observ- 
 ances, which in proportion as they are developed in detail, 
 become more loosely connected with the fundamental thought. 
 The form, becoming more independent, loses its symbolical pur- 
 port. The Indian worship had already reached such a stage, 
 when the religious reflection exhibited in the Brahmanas began 
 to work upon it. Here, as in all the other religious systems of 
 antiquity, the observation is verified that it is not religious 
 dogmas, and reflection upon these, that give birth to forms of 
 worship, but that it is religious worship, which (itself the product 
 of religious feeling, inspired by, and become subservient to, a 
 conception of the Divine), becomes, in its turn> the parent of a 
 more developed and firmly defined theology. Such was the re- 
 lation of the Brahmanas to the current worships The Brahmana 
 does not appeal to the dicta of the sacred hymns as its own fijst 
 and most immediate source, but rather rests upon the customary 
 ceremonial, and upon the earlier conceptions of that ceremonial. 
 The Aitareya- brahmana, for instance, from which I borrow 
 details, appeals not only to authorities, (to whom written com- 
 positions are never ascribed,) such as the Eishi Srauta (vii. 1) ; 
 Saujata, son of Aralha (vii. 22) ; Eama, son of Mrigii (vii. 34) ; 
 Maitreya, son of Kusharu (viii. 38), &c., or to preceding sacri- 
 fices of the same kind ; but further, the whole form of its re- 
 presentation is based upon the ' tradition of earlier custom. Its 
 customary formula for this, which is continually recurring at the 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHBEN INDIA. 195 
 
 head of a new passage, is taddhus, ' it is further said,' or atho 
 khalv dhus, ' it is moreover said ; ' and frequent reference is 
 made to difference of opinions ; 'so do or say the one set of 
 persons, and the others otherwise.' But I have never met with 
 a citation of an older writing. 
 
 " Taking all this into consideration, we may conclude that the 
 Brahmanas belong to a stage in the reUgious development of 
 India when the Brahmanica.1 faith was full-blown. Those reli- 
 gious conceptions and sacred usages, which, even in the hymns 
 of the Eig-veda, we can see advancing from a simple and uncon- 
 nected form to compact and miiltiform shapes, have now spread 
 themselves over the entire life of the people, and, in the hands 
 of the priests have become a power predominant over everything 
 else." 
 
 It thus appears that the Brahmanas, though they have come 
 to be regarded as parts of the Veda, are yet in time far posterior 
 to the hymns, and in fact could have had no existence or use 
 without the latter, on which they are either directly or indirectly 
 founded, and to which they allude in every page. Thus in the 
 Brahmanas we have such expressions continually recurring as, 
 " Thus did the rishi say;'"** " Hence this has been declared by 
 the rishi ;" "' " Eishis of the Eig-veda have uttered this hymn of 
 fifteen verses."'^" AndSayana has the following passage in reference 
 to the priority of the Eig-veda (Comment, on E.-V., Introd., vol. i. 
 p. 2.) : ?T^T^ ^^^^rirf^ -^THWlf^ ^Tf*lf%^S^ ^VS- 
 
 so the Brahmanas connected with all the Vedas, in order to 
 strengthen belief in their assertions, refer to the Eig-veda, say- 
 ing, ' This is declared by the Eich.' " 
 
 "» gatap.-br. xiii. 5. 4. 5 : rraTT^^ '^fwWTS'HR^^^II 
 "" Weber's Hist, of Ind. Lit., p. 118 ^ 
 
 "" Weber's Hist, of Ind. Lit., p. 118. Boht. & Roth Diet, sub voce Eishi 
 
 o 2 
 
196 HISTOET AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Tke Satapatha-brahmana, in a passage at p. 1 052. of Weber's edi- 
 tion (corresponding with the Vrihadaranyaka-upanishad, p. 213), 
 refers as follows to a hymn of Vamadeva in the fourth mandala 
 of the Eig-veda: rf^rlrl^ tTO^^T^W: "J^TRT ^ 
 'TT^T^'T I "Wherefore the risM Vamadeva in vision obtained 
 this text, ' I was Mann.' " Again, the Kaushitaki-brahmana 
 refers to Vasishtha, in a passage already quoted in the First Part 
 of this work, p. 114. Now, as Vasishtha was a Vedic rishi, 
 the author of niimerous hymns, this Brahmana must have been 
 later than those hymns. I may refer also to the Sadyayana and 
 Tandaka Brahmanas, as quoted in Part First, p. 115, to prove 
 the same point. 
 
 To illustrate the manner in which the hymns are quoted 
 n the Brahmanas, I will only cite further a portion 
 of the passage from the Aitareya-brahmana, relating the 
 story of Sunahsepa, which is given in original in the 
 Appendix to Professor Miiller's Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 
 pp. 581, 582: '?r2I ^ 15^:^^ t'^^^l ^^T^^f^ ^ W 
 
 ^rtjrlill -^j-vjl II [When he saw the preparations made for his 
 immolation] " Sxmahsepa reflected, ' They are about to slay me, 
 as if I were not a man. I shall resort to the gods.' He accor- 
 dingly addressed himself to Prajapati, the first of the gods, with 
 this rich, (Eig-veda i. 24. 1.) ' Of whom now, of which of all 
 the immortals,' &c. Prajapati said to him, ' Agni is the nearest 
 of the gods, resort to him.' He addressed himself to Agni with 
 this rich, (Eig-veda i. 24. 2.) ' Of Agni, the first of the im- 
 mortals,' &c." In the same way he is represented as addressing 
 to vai'ious deities in succession the verses composing the remaindei* 
 
SECT. X.J THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEJST INDIA. 197 
 
 of the 24th, and the whole of the 25th, 26th, and 27th hymna 
 of the First Book of the Eig-veda, ending with the last verse 
 of the 27th sukta : " Salutation to the great I Salutation to the 
 little ! " addressed to the Visve-devah. '°' , 
 
 That the Brahmanas were separated from the hymns by a 
 considerable interval of time, is manifest from the various conside- 
 rations which are urged in the passage just quoted (pp. 191 — 5) 
 from Professor Koth; who informs us, for instance, that the 
 Brahmanas, besides alluding to texts in the hymns, appeal on the 
 subject of the ritual to various preceding unwritten authorities ; 
 and states his opinion, that the " Brahmanas belong to a stage 
 in the religious development of India, when the Brahmanical 
 faith was full-blown;" and that "those religious conceptions and 
 sacred. usages which, even in the hymns of the Eig-veda, can be 
 seen advancing from a simple and unconnected form to compact 
 and manifold shapes, have now [in the Brahmanas] extended 
 themselves over the entire life of the people." This process was 
 no doubt one which required several centuries for its accom- 
 plishment. 
 
 And Professor Miiller says, (Anc. Sansk. Lit. pp. 432. 434.) 
 " There is throughout the Brahmanas such a complete misunder- 
 standing of the original intention of the Vedic hymns, that we 
 can hardly understand how such an estrangement could have 
 taken place, unless there had been at some time or other a sud- 
 den and violent break in the chain of tradition." And again : 
 " Every page of the Brahmanas contains the clearest proof that 
 the spirit of the ancient Vedic poetry, and the purport of the 
 original Vedic sacrifices were both beyond the comprehension of 
 the authors of the Brahmanas .... we thus perceive the wide 
 chasm between the Brahmana period and that period by which 
 
 '51 cf^Tt T^^V T'iV '^SW^'Hi: See MuUer's Anc. Sansk. Lit. 
 pp. 413, ff : Prof. Roth's Article in Weber's Ind. Stud. i. 461: Prof. Wil- 
 son's Article in Jour. R. A. S. vol. xiii. 100, and translation of the Rig- 
 
 veda, i. pp. 59-71., 
 
 o 3 
 
198 HISTORY Aim RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 it is preceded." The Brahmana period we have already seen (p. 
 173 above), is placed by him in the 200 years following the 
 second Vedic period, that of the Manti-as. 
 
 As time still passed, on, and a further development of language 
 and institutions took place, the Vedic hymns became less and 
 less intelligible ; and owing to the growth of formal and scrupu- 
 lous ceremonial prescriptions, the application of the sacred texts 
 to public worship became more and more difficult. As a natural 
 consequence, the literature connected with the explanation of the 
 Mantras, their pronunciation and their ritual uses, continued to 
 augment. Then the different grammatical Pratisakhya aphorisms, 
 the Srauta and Grrihya ritual Sutras, the Nighantu and Nirukta 
 were composed. These works, as we have already seen, were 
 the growth of several successive ages subsequent to the date of 
 the oldest Brahmanas.'^^ 
 
 ''' On this subject Professor Both remarks (Introd. to Nirukta, p. lii.) as 
 follows ; — " In Greece a similar state of things prevailed. There, with the 
 exception of Hesiod (who never rose to the same degree of consideration), 
 Homer was the only source of the highest knowledge, and preeminently 
 the book of the schools; — the book which gave the first occasion to gram- 
 matical, and almost every other sort of science to develope itself. In India 
 the Veda occupies the place of Homer. It was to the Veda that the Brah- 
 manical people looked as the sole repository of intellectual culture. As a 
 sacred book it was the more naturally a subject of research to the learned 
 man, as he was at the same time a priest, and it became the first problem to 
 be solved by grammar, — a science which was far more commonly studied, and 
 at an earlier period attained a far higher stage, in India than in Greece. At 
 the same time, the Veda, both as regards its language and its subject matter, 
 stood far further removed from the Indian of the two centuries immediately 
 preceding Buddha (700 and 600, B.C.) — in which the sacerdotal system 
 reached its climax — than Homer did from the Greek of the Periclean era. 
 At that period, or even earlier, were formed the collection of Homeric words 
 which had become obsolete, — the ■yXaaaai ; while in India, the nighantavas (a 
 word which I conceive to be identical in meaning with yXuiaaaC) had been 
 compiled to illustrate the Veda. In both cases the collections had the same 
 origin ; but in the short interval from Pericles to the end of the Alexandrian 
 era, the Greeks had done more for the explanation of Homer than the 
 Indians could accomplish for the comprehension of the Veda, in the long 
 
SECT. X.] THE LAIfGUAGES OF NOKTHEKN INDIA. 199 
 
 Fourth, Wlieii at length we ascend above the oldest of the 
 Brahmanas and arrive at the still more ancient collections 
 {Sanhitds, as they are called in Sanskrit) of the Vedip hymns 
 themselves, we shall find even here distinct proofs of a dif- 
 ference of age not only between the several collections viewed 
 as aggregates, but also between different component parts of the 
 same compilations. Of the four Vedic Sanhitas, the Eik, Yajush, 
 Saman, and Atharvan, the Eig-veda is by far the most complete 
 and important collection. Before, however, proceeding to give 
 some account of its contents, I must premise a few words about 
 the other Sanhitas. 
 
 (i.) Although the Vedas were originally considered to be 
 only three in number, and the Atharvan was not denominated 
 a Veda, yet many of the hymns or incantations of which it is 
 made up appear to be of great antiquity.'^* 
 
 That the title of the Atharvan to be reckoned as one of the 
 Vedas is not so incontestable as that of the three others, will 
 
 series of ages down to the time of Sayana and Mahidhara, in the 16th 
 century A. D. The task of the Indians was, in truth, by far the more dif- 
 ficult ; and besides, Indian scholarship lay under an incapacity of un- 
 fettered movement. It was necessary for orthodoxy to deny the facts of 
 history, and to discover only the circumstances of the present in the monu- 
 ments of antiquity ; for the present was both unable and unwilling to rest on 
 any other foundation than the traditions of an earlier age, surrounded as these 
 were with a halo of glory, and only half understood. ' The priesthood supplied 
 the required authentic explanation, without which the reader of those ancient 
 books would never have found in them that which he so easily discovered 
 with that assistance. The spirit of the nation, which had been so injuriously 
 treated, became accustomed to the yoke, and henceforward walked onwards 
 in the track which had been marked out for it ; men's feeling for history 
 became irrecoverably lost, and they consoled themselves with the harmless 
 enjoyment which was still allowed them, of solving grammatical questions. 
 We can therefore, at least, boast, by way of compensation, on behalf of the 
 Indians, that they have far outstripped the Greeks in the department of 
 grammar.'' 
 
 '*' See, on the subject of this Veda, MuUer's Anc. Sansk. Lit. pp. 38, 446 
 ff., Weber's Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 10., and Mr. Whitney's papers in the 
 Journal of the American Oriental Society, iii. 305 ff., and iv. 254 ff. 
 
 o 4 
 
200 HISTORY AND EELATIOTS-S OF [chap. i. 
 
 appear from the following considerations. It is not mentioned 
 in the ninth verse of the Purusha Siokta (R.-V. x. 90,) quoted 
 in Part First of this Work, p. 7, 8. 
 
 The same omission is noticeable in the following passage from 
 the Chhandogya Upanishad'^^ : IfoITXTf^ ^Wr^ '^rwjfP^ | 
 
 firet rfTZJ^TTpff T'^rn, ^T^^ ^ ^^ ^T^ ^^ 
 
 ^HTWi; II " Prajapati burnt [or meditated upon] the worlds ; 
 and from them, so burnt, he drew forth their essences. Fire 
 from the earth. Air from the atmosphere, the Sun from the sky. 
 He burnt these three deities ; and from them so burnt he drew 
 forth their essences : Elk-texts from Fire, Yajush-texts from 
 Air, and Sama-texts from the Sun. He burnt this triple sci- 
 ence ; and from it so burnt, he drew forth its essences, the par- 
 ticle Bhuli from the Eik-texts, Bhuvah from the Yajush-texts, 
 and Swar from the Sama-texts." 
 
 A similar passage occurs in the Satapatha-brahmana, xi. 5. 8. 1. 
 In the following verse (i. 23.), Manu repeats the account given 
 in the Chhandogya Upanishad : '^^<i [ H 4^f%>?r^ "^^ sf^ 
 
 '^'TTcfn^i 5T>"^ 'sr5f%'Sr^ ^iJT^:^rR^r^W'i^ii 
 
 " From Fire, Air, and the Sun, he drew forth (milked) for the 
 accompUshment of sacrifice the eternal triple Veda, distinguished 
 as Eik, Yajush, and Saman." 
 
 It is not, however, to be denied that the Atharvan is mentioned 
 in other passages as a Veda : as e. g, in the Satapatha-brah- 
 mana, xiii. 4. 3. 7 and 8, p. 984. '^° MadhusMana Sarasvati, 
 
 '5* Chhandogya Upanishad in Biblioth. Ind. p. 288. 
 >w See MuUer's Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 38. 
 
SECT, x.], THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHEEISr INDIA. 201, 
 
 author of the Prasthana-bhedaj while he calls it a Veda, notices 
 at the same time its difference in character from the other three. 
 
 '^rCrft^'tlTfWT^^ '^nSpfrf^^W Xm\ " The Veda is 
 divided into Eik, Yajush, and Saman, for the purpose of carry- 
 ing out the sacrifice under its three different forms. . . . The 
 Atharva Veda, on the contrary, is totally different. It is not 
 used for the sacrifice, but only teaches how to appease, to bless, 
 to curse, &c." (Miiller, Sansk. Lit. p. 445.) In regard to this 
 Veda, Mr. Whitney remarks : " The Atharva . is, like the Eik, a 
 historical and not a liturgical collection." It was, he thinks, 
 originally composed of only eighteen books. A sixth of the matter 
 of which these books consist is not metrical. " Of the remainder, 
 or metrical portion, about one sixth is. also found among the 
 hymns of the Eik, and mostly in the tenth book of the latter ; 
 the rest is peculiar to the Atharva .... The greater 
 portion of them are plainly shown, both by their language and 
 internal character, to be of much later date than the general 
 contents of the other historic Veda, and even than its tenth 
 book, with which they yet stand nearly connected in import and 
 origin. The condition of the text also in those passages fotmd 
 likewise in the Eik, points as distinctly to a more recent period 
 as that of their collection. This, however, would not necessarily 
 imply that the main body of the Atharva hymns were not already 
 in existence when the compilation of the Eik took place. Their 
 character would be ground enough for their rejection and exclu- 
 sion. from the canon, until other and less scrupulous hands were 
 found to undertake their sepai'ate gathering into an independent 
 collection. The nineteenth book is . . . made up of matter 
 of a like nature which had either been left out when they were 
 compiled, or had been since produced." (Journ. of the Amer. 
 Orient. Society, iv. 254, 255.) The priority of the Eig-veda to 
 the Atharva may also be argued' from the fact that the rishis 
 
202 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 of the hymns iu the Eig-veda are referred to in the Atharva- 
 veda as men of an earlier period ; in proof of which I may refer 
 to the passages quoted in the First Part of this work, (p. 131, 
 notes 50 and 51,) It is true that the same thing is noticeable 
 to some degree in the Eig-veda itself, in some later hymns of 
 which the rishis of earlier hymns are referred to by name. In the 
 Atharva-veda, however, the names so specified are chiefly those 
 of the more recent rishis, while many of the personages referred 
 to in the Eig-veda appear to belong to a more primitive age. 
 (See Eoth's Litt. imd Gresch. des Weda, p. 13.) In the former 
 Veda, too, the Indian institutions appear ia a somewhat more 
 developed state than in the Eig-Teda. There is one point at 
 least in which this development is visible, viz. in tlie caste 
 system. The following extract from Weber's " History of Indian 
 Literature," (p. 10,) will exhibit his opinion of the general dif- 
 ference which exists between the Eig-veda and the Atharva-veda : 
 " The origin of the Atharva-sanhita falls within the period when 
 
 Brahmanism had become dominant Many of the hymns 
 
 which it contains are to be found also in the Eik-sanhita, but 
 there they are recent interpolations originating in the period when 
 its compilation took place, while in the Atharva collection they 
 are the just and proper expression of the present. The spirit of 
 the two collections is entirely different. In the Eik there 
 breathes a lively natural feeling, a warm love for nature ; while 
 in the Atharva, on the contrary, there predominates an 
 anxious apprehension of evil spirits and their magical powers : 
 in the Eik we see the people in the exercise of perfect freedom 
 and voluntary activity, while in the Athai-ya we observe them 
 bound in the fetters of the hierarchy and of superstition." 
 
 (ii.) The Sama-veda is a collection of separate texts to be 
 chanted at particular parts of the sacrifice ; '^^ which with the 
 exception of a very few are all to be found in different parts of 
 the Eig-veda, especially the 8th and 9th Mandalas. In the 
 
 '" See Muller, pp. 472-8. 
 
SECT. X.J THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHEKN INDIA. 203 
 
 Eig-veda we find tbe entire hymns ; in the first part of the 
 Sama-veda we find only isolated verses of those hymns, dis- 
 located from their natm-al connection, though in the second 
 part the extracts are connected, and of greater length. It is not, 
 however, quite clear whether the Sama collection or the Eik 
 collection may have been first made. Weber remarks (Hist, of 
 Ind. Lit. pp. 9, 62), that the texts of the Sama-veda frequently 
 exhibit more ancient grammatical forms than those of the Eig- 
 veda, and suggests that as the former contains no extracts from 
 aiiy of the later hymns of the latter, it may have been compiled 
 before these later pieces had been composed ; but adds that this 
 point has not been yet investigated. Whitney also leaves the 
 question undecided. (Journ. Am. Or. Society, iv. 253, 254.) 
 
 Miiller, on the other hand, says (Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 457.) 
 " The other two Sanhitas were more likely the production of the 
 Brahmana period. These two Vedas, the Yajur-veda and the 
 Sama-veda were, in truth, what they are called in the Kau- 
 shitaki-brahmana, the attendants of the Eig-veda." '^^ He supposes 
 that the hymns found in the three Vedas were not " " collected 
 three times by three independent collectors. If so, their differ- 
 ences would have been greater than they are." Their actual dif- 
 ferences are rather those of Sakhas or branches, he thinks, than 
 of independent Sanhitas or collections. 
 
 (iii.) Both the Sanhitas of the Yajur-veda are collections of 
 sacrificial formulas in prose, as well as of verses which are partly 
 extracted from the Eig-veda. Many parts of the Yajur-veda 
 exhibit a more advanced development of religious ideas and 
 observances than the Eig-veda. Professor Weber, the editor 
 of this Veda, considers (Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 10), that it " belongs 
 to a period when the Brahmanical element had already become 
 predominant, though it was still exposed to strenuous opposition ; 
 and when at all events, the Brahmanical hierarchy and the 
 system of castes had been completely formed." The same writer 
 
 TTrqtr^TWrf^fl^ "^11 
 
 v5. 11. 
 
204 HISTOEY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i... 
 
 tells us (pp. 106, 107), that "tbe 30tli book of the Vajasaneyi- 
 sanhita of the Yajur-veda, in enumerating the different classes 
 of men who are to be consecrated at the Purusha-medha, or 
 Human Sacrifice, refers to the names of most of the Indian mixed 
 castes, so that we may thence conclude that a complete consoli- 
 dation of the Brahmanical system had taken place." The Vaja- 
 saneyi-sanhita is divided into forty Adhyayas or sections, of which 
 Weber thinks (Hist, of Ind. Lit. pp. 103, 104), that those from 
 the 19th to the 25th may be later than the first eighteen; 
 while there is, he remarks, no doubt that the last fifteen 
 Adhyayas are later, and perhaps much later, than the rest of 
 the collection. This is proved by this portion of the Sanhita 
 being called a Khila, or supplement, both in the anuki-amani or 
 index, which is ascribed to Katyayana, and also in Mahidhara's 
 Commentary on the Veda.'*^ A further proof of the posteriority 
 in date of the last parts of the Vajasaneyi-sanhita is derived 
 from the fact that they are not found in the Sanhita of the 
 Black Yajur-veda, but only in its Brahmana or in its Aranyaka 
 parts, which by their very character are in date subsequent to 
 the Sanhita (p. 104.) Weber is further of opinion (pp. 44, 105, 
 and 106), that the names (Isana and Mahadeva) assigned to 
 the god Eudra in Adhyaya 39, in addition to those by which 
 he is designated in Adhyaya 16, (where he is regarded as the 
 divinity of fire, though addressed by many of the epithets which 
 were subsequently applied to the god Siva,) indicate a more 
 advanced stage in the worship of the deity in question at the 
 time when Adhyaya 39 was composed, than at the period when 
 Adhyaya 16 was written. Professor MiiUer thinks that "there 
 is nothing to prove that the hymn book of the Vajasaneyins 
 [the Vajasaneyi-sanhita] existed previous to their Brahmana " 
 [the Satapatha.J Sansk. Lit. p. 360. 
 
 "° Tbe words of Mahidhara at the commencement of the 26th adhyaya 
 are as follows : ^^-ff fW^T^Jf^^ll "The KhUas are now to be 
 explained." See also Muller's Sansk. Lit. p. 358. 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHERN INDIA. 205 
 
 (iv.) We come now to the Eig-veda-sanhita, which contains 
 the most extensive collection of the most ancient Vedic hymns 
 in their complete form. It is divided into ten mandalas, and 
 contains in all 1017 hymns (Miiller, p. 497.) "The Vedas," says 
 Mr. Whitney, (Journ. Am. Or. Soc, iii. 295), " contain the songs 
 in which the first ancestors of the Hindu people, at the very 
 dawn of their existence as a separate nation, while they were still 
 only on the threshold of the great country which they were 
 afterwards to fill with their civilisation, praised the gods, extolled 
 heroic deeds, and sang of other matters which kindled their 
 poetical fervour.''^ . . . The mass, as it lies before us, is almost 
 exclusively of a religious character ; this may have had its 
 ground partly in the end for which the icollections were after- 
 wards made, but it is probably in a far higher degree due to the 
 character of the people itself, which thus shows itself to have 
 been at the beginning what it continued to be throughout its 
 whole history, an essentially religious one .... Hymns of a 
 very different character are not entirely wanting, and this might 
 be taken as an indication that, had they been more numerous, 
 more would have been preserved to us." '*" These hymns are said, 
 by later Indian writers, to have been " seen " by the ancient rishis 
 or bards. Thus the Nirukta says, (ii. 11.) : '^f%^"^«ITot^JI ^t- 
 
 '^T^^ II "'A. rishi is so called from seeing. He saw the hymns :' 
 — This is Aupamanyava's explanation. They became rishis, be- 
 cause Brahma, the self-existent, approached them when they were 
 sunk in devotion. From this, as is generally understood, they 
 acquired their character of rishis." There is, however, no doubt 
 
 '*' See also, for an account of the contents of the hymns, Professor 
 Wilson's Introduction to his translation of the Rig-veda, p. xxiv. ff. 
 
 i^" Dr. Aufrecht remarks (Ind. Studien. iv. 8.) that " possibly only a 
 .small portion of the Vedic poems may have been preserved to us in the 
 Kik-sanhita. 
 
206 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 that the rishis were themselves the proper aiithors of these 
 ancient songs, which they addressed to the gods when they were 
 solicitous to obtain any blessing ; or composed on other occasions. 
 The scope of these hymns or mantras is well summed up in the 
 following passage from the Anukramani (index) to the Eig- 
 veda, quoted by Mr, Colebrooke (Misc, Ess. i. p. 26.) 'SEfSSf'^^ 
 ^iqf^ ^^rTT^'^f*rT**'^^^ll '"^^^ rishis, desiring [va- 
 rious] objects, hastened to the gods with metrical prayers." It is 
 also said in the Nirukta, viiC 1, : ^STfeRT^ ^f% ^^t ^W" 
 
 4Te[t^|| "The hymn has for its deity the particular god to 
 whom the rishi, seeking to obtain any particular object which 
 he longs for, addresses his praises." 
 
 For many ages the successive generations of these ancient 
 rishis continued to make new contributions to the stock of 
 hymns, while they carefully preserved those which had been 
 handed down to them by their forefathers.'^' The fact of this 
 
 161 II fhe Indian Aryas were disposed to piety both by their natural 
 character, and by the institutions of Manu. They were sustained in these 
 sentiments by the chiefs of certain families in which their religious traditions 
 had been more especially preserved. In those primitive ages the political 
 system was precisely the same -as that which Homer depicts; — kings the 
 veritable shepherds of their people ; cultivators or herdsmen united around 
 their chiefs, and prepared, whenever necessity arose, to transform themselves 
 into warriors ; numerous flocks and a profusion of rural wealth ; towns 
 which were only large villages. Some of these villages served as retreats 
 to renowned sages, who, while their dependants were tending their fields 
 and flocks, were themselves engaged in the cultivation of sacred science, in 
 the company of their sons, or their pupils, and fulfilled the functions of a 
 Calchas or a Tiresias to some Indian Agamemnon or (Edipus in their neigh- 
 bourhood. Invited by the chiefs to perform sacrifice, they arrived with 
 their sacred retinue ; they ascended the mountain where an enclosure of 
 lattice-work had been constructed ; for temples were then unknown. There, 
 beneath the vault of heaven, they recited their hereditary songs, or a newly- 
 composed hymn ; they invoked the grand agents in nature to grant success 
 to the labours of the field, increase to the flocks, and a succession of brave 
 
SECT. X.] THE LAJi^GUAGES OF NORTHEEN INDIA. 207 
 
 successive compoBition of the hymns is evident from the ancient 
 index (anuhf'amani) to the Eig-veda, as continually quoted in the 
 commentary of Sayana, which shows that these compositions are 
 ascribed to different generations of the same families, as their 
 " seers." For example, some of the hymns of the 3rd mandala 
 are assigned to Grathi, the father of Viswamitra, others to Viswa- 
 mitra himself, others to Eishabha, his son, others again to Kata, 
 his descendant, and others to Utkila, of the race of Kata. Here 
 we have the " seers " of hymns extending over five generations 
 or more. The same fact, viz. that a long interval elapsed between 
 the composition of the different hymns, is manifest from various 
 passages in these compositions themselves. Thtis the 2nd verse 
 of the first hymn of the 1st mandala of the Eig-veda, is to the 
 following effect: ^f^: ^f*T '^f^f^nft"^ ^^^ffl 'ff 
 
 ^WT '^'^ ^^f^ II " l-et Agni, who is to be worshipped by the 
 former rishis, and by the recent ones, bring hither the gods."'^^ 
 
 and virtuous descendants. They implored, they threatened their gods ; and 
 when the sacred rites had been scrupulously performed, they retired loaded 
 with gifts, carrying away cows, horses, and cars filled with provisions, gold, 
 and precious stuflfs. We see thus by what fortune these hymns have been 
 preserved, forming as they did, a patrimony to certain families, a species of 
 productive capital, which it was their interest to turn to the very best 
 account. Composed on certain recognised and venerable themes, and some- 
 times retouched and renovated by the imagination of a new bard, they grew 
 old, as they were transmitted from age to age, bearing on them, sometimes, 
 the date of their composition, which was indicated by the name of the in- 
 spired author, or of some generous prince." Langlois, French translation of 
 Eig-veda, Vol. I. pref. pp. x. xi. See also Mr. Whitney's remarks in the 
 Journal of the Am. Or. Soc. iv. 249. 
 1S2 The comment of Yaska'on this passage (Nirukta vii. 16) is as follows : 
 
 ^ ^'=llf«1'^i'=l^f^f^ II " L®* -A^gnij who is to be worshipped, rever- 
 enced, by the former rishis, and by us the more modern ones, bring the 
 gods hither." Sayana annotates thus on the passage : ^STTTt^T* H^f^* 
 
208 HISTORY AND BELATIONS OP [chap, i. 
 
 There are many other verses alluding to a difference of antiquity 
 in the hymns and their authors. Such are the following (E.-V. 
 1.48. 14): ^ f^ ^T^W^: ^ ^?I^ ^^^11 "The 
 former rishis who invoked thee for succour," &c. (E.-V. i. 62. 
 13.) ^5IT^ irTrR T^ ^^T^ITrT^ WH '^fT^Yw'TT^II 
 " Nodhas, son of Grotama, has fabricated this new prayer to thee, 
 India, who art eternal, and yokest thy coursers," &c.'^^ (E.-V. 
 
 iii. 32. 13.) ^: T^^f^T i-^^ ^f*r ^ Tra^t^T^fT 
 
 ^fTTt^r; II "Who [Indra] has grown through praises, ancient, 
 middle, and modern."*^* (E.-V. vi. 44. 13.) : ^: tp^xf^^^fT 
 ^?T^T^ ^f*r It^^ ■^WrTT^^'^WTTl^ll "He [Indra] who 
 has grown by the ancient and modern hymns of the rishis who 
 praised him." (E.-V. vii. 22. 9.) : ^ ^ T^ ^^^ ^ 'g I^T 
 
 Cv 
 
 T^ WHlfW ^^Wrr t%1TT: II " Indra, the wise rishis, both 
 ancient and modern, have generated prayers." (E.-V. x. 23. 6.) : 
 
 " The Vimadas have generated,'^^ Indra, for thee, the bene- 
 ficent, a copious hymn, before unheard." 
 
 In the Vajasaneyi-sanhita of the Yajur-veda, (xviii. 52.) we meet 
 with the following text: T^ ^ ^^T^^^l" ^TfTf^^ ^H^t 
 
 •JT^ft^TT^ ^(4) * I " This Agni, who is to be worshipped, i. c. cele- 
 brated, by the former, i.e. the ancient rishis, Bhrigu, Angiras, and the rest, 
 and by the recent, i. e. the present [rishis], ourselves also," &c. 
 
 ^^^7^ II Sayana. " Fabricated i. e. made for us this new hrahma, i. e. 
 praise in the form of this suhta.^' The same verb tahsh is also applied to the 
 composition of hymns in R.-V. i. 109. 1. ; ii. 19. 8 ; and vi. 32. 1. 
 
 ^Y"^ • II " Praises ancient, intermediate, and formed by us at present." 
 This verse is referred to by Muller, p. 482. 
 
 165 xhe verb ajijanan, " generated," as applied to hymns, also occurs in 
 R.-V. viii. 77. 4., and viii. 84. 5. See also Sama-veda, ii. 108, 109, and 
 1059, with Benfey's translation and note, p. 245. 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OP NOETHEEN INDIA. 209 
 
 ^TJTJ TT^^T«ITt 'TTTWT.* II " But these undecaying feathered 
 pinions, with which, Agni, thou slayest the Eakshases, with 
 them let us ascend to the world of the righteous, whither the 
 earliest-born ancient rishis have gone."'^° The writer of this verse 
 was himself a rishi, and it is clear, according to his statement, 
 that long before his time other rishis had gone to the regions of 
 the blessed." 
 
 And in the Eig-veda we find references made in numerous 
 hymns to earlier rishis (who themselves are yet declared by later 
 writers to have been authors of hymns included in the same 
 Veda) having been delivered by the gods in ancient times. 
 Thus Atri, the author of several Vedic hymns (37. 38. 39. 
 40. 43. 85. and 86. of the 5th Mandala), Kanva, the author 
 of hymns 37 — 43 of the 1st Mandala, and Vasishtha, the author 
 of the greater part of the 7th Mandala, are spoken of in several 
 other hymns, e.g. in Mandala i. 112. 7, 9. 16.; i. 117. 3. 8.; 
 i. 118. 7., as if they belonged to an earlier age. 
 
 The descendants of the most celebrated rishis, would, no doubt, 
 form complete collections of the hymns which had been com- 
 posed by their respective ancestors. After being thus handed 
 down, with little alteration, in the families of the original au- 
 thors for several centuries, during which many of them were 
 continually applied to the purposes of religious worship, these 
 hymns, which had been gathering an accumulated sanctity 
 throughout all this period, were at length collected in one great 
 body of sacred literature, styled the Sanhitd, of the Eig-veda 
 — a work which in the Puranas is assigned to Vedavyasa, and 
 one of his pupils.^*^ 
 
 '^^ On this the Commentator annotates : IT^^JSITJ TTW'lVf^^TI 
 
 3TTWT: 5?7f^ T^T '^I^TT'TTT ^^^ W^ Wt^ mT^l II 
 
 " The world whither the risMs, Jirst-bom, i. e. earliest-produced : ancient, i. e. 
 even in former times, young ; imperishable, and immortal, have gone." 
 167 II J suppose that at different and unknown epochs, on the invitation of 
 
210 HISTOET AND EBLATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 As the process of hymn composition continued thus to go on 
 for many centuries, it was likely that the collection, when finally 
 completed, would contain many comparatively new hymns, written 
 just before the canon was closed. Even after this latter event 
 took place we find that some hymns were composed which must 
 have had some pretensions to a sacred character, as, though not 
 admitted into the canon of the Eig-veda, they are found copied 
 as Khilas or later additions, at the end of some of the sections 
 in the manuscripts of that work ; and some passages from them 
 are, as Professor Miiller informs me, inserted in the other three 
 Vedas, and are enjoined by Asvalayana to be employed on par- 
 ticular occasions, in the ceremonial of sacrifice. Whether or not 
 these Khilas are the oldest extant compositions after those in- 
 cluded in the Vedic collections, (and their style shows them not 
 to be all so,) they ndust at least, from the position which they 
 have gained of the Vedic apocrypha, be regarded as a link 
 connecting the Vedic hymns with the later parts of Indian 
 literature. 
 
 The hymns in the Eik-sanhita which bear the most modern 
 character, and which from their age stand chronologically 
 nearest to the Khilas just alluded to, are (according to Pro- 
 fessor Miiller, p. 484.) those in which reference is made to a 
 complicated ceremonial, to a great variety of priests with dif- 
 ferent functions and appellations, or in which the liberality of 
 royal patrons to the sacerdotal class is the theme of celebration. 
 One composition of which the modern character is acknowledged 
 by all critics, is the so-called Purusha Sukta, the 90th hymn of 
 the 10th Mandala (quoted in pp. 6 — 11 of the First Part of this 
 
 some prince, learned and pious persons must Lave been cliarged to collect 
 the hymns composed for the use of the several sacerdotal families, and tq 
 arrange them in a certain order consistent with the maintenance of the texts. 
 When we observe the spirit which has directed these collectors, we can 
 comprehend how there should be so many repetitions both in the ideas and 
 the words. The ancient bards had borrowed from each other many thoughts 
 which the compilers of different eras have scrupulously reproduced." Lang- 
 lois, rrencb translation of Rig-veda, Vol. I. pref p. xiii. 
 
SECT. X.J THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEEIf INDIA. 211 
 
 work), which Mr. Colebrooke'^^ characterizes in the following 
 terms : — • 
 
 "That remarkable hymn is in language, metre, and style, 
 very different from the rest of the prayers with which it is 
 associated. It has a decidedly more modern tone; and must 
 have been composed after the Sanskrit language had been re- 
 fined, and its grammar and rhythm perfected. The internal 
 evidence which it furnishes, serves to demonstrate the important 
 fact that the compilation of the Vedas, in their present ar- 
 rangement, took place after the Sanskrit tongue had advanced 
 from the rustic and irregular dialect in which the multi- 
 tude of hymns and prayers of the Vedas was composed, to the 
 polished and sonorous language in which the mythological poems, 
 sacred and profane, (purdnas and cdvyas,) have been written." 
 (See also the remarks made on this hymn by Professor Miiller, 
 Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 571.) The last named author thinks it is a 
 mistake to regard any hymn as modern, merely from the pre- 
 sence in it of philosophical ideas. But I must refer to his own 
 work, pp. 556, ff., for a statement of his views on this point. 
 
 The sketch which I have now given of Sanskrit literature shows 
 that we can trace it back, by a series of almost continuous links, 
 up to the period of its rise."*' If the Vedic hymns cannot be con- 
 nected immediately with the literature which follows next after 
 them, they are at least separated from it by no very distant 
 interval ; and they are evidently the natural product of the same 
 fertile Indian mind which afterwards gave birth to the Brah- 
 
 >«s Miss. Ess. i. 309, note. 
 
 ^^' It may, perhaps, be thought that this subject has been treated at a 
 length disproportioned to the purpose which I have immediately in view, viz. 
 to trace the mutations of the Sanskrit language. But a full exhibition of the 
 character and antiquity of the Vedic hymns, and of the relation in which they 
 stand to the other parts of Indian literature, will be found to form a neces- 
 sary basis for various other discussions which will appear in the sequel of 
 this work, and I have deemed the present a convenient opportunity for its 
 introduction. 
 
 p 2 
 
212 HISTORY AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 manas, the Upanishads, the Darsauas, and the different epic and 
 mythological poems. 
 
 In the Rig-veda we possess, as has been already remarked, 
 a collection of hymns which were composed during many suc- 
 cessive generations, but its most ancient portions constitute 
 the earliest of all the extant remains of Indian authorship, and 
 not only display to us the Sanskrit language in the oldest phase 
 in which we can ever see it exhibited, but also afford us some of 
 the most authentic materials which we can ever obtain for our 
 researches into the earliest history, religious and political, of the 
 Indian people, and^ into their pre-historical relations with the 
 other branches of the Indo-European family. 
 
 Fifth. If any further proof be wanted of the greater antiquity 
 of the Vedic hymns, as compared with the other books esteemed 
 more or less sacred by the Hindus, as for instance, the epic poems 
 and the Puranas, it may be found in the great difference between 
 the mythological systems which are discoverable in these two 
 classes of works respectively. As I hope to return to this sub- 
 ject in a future part of this work, I must content myself with a 
 very summary notice of it at present. The following extracts 
 from Professor H. H. Wilson's introduction to the first volume of 
 his translation of the Rig-veda, pp. xxvi. xxvii. will give some 
 idea of the difference to which I allude : — 
 
 " The next question is, who are the gods to whom the praises 
 and prayers [in the Rig-Veda] are addressed ? And here we find 
 also a striking difference between the mythology of the Rig- 
 Veda and that of the heroic poems and Puranas. The divinities 
 worshipped are not unknown to later systems, but they there 
 perform very subordinate parts, whilst those deities who are the 
 great gods — the Bii majores — of the subsequent period, are 
 either wholly unnamed in the Veda, or are noticed in an inferior 
 and different capacity. The names of &va, of Mahadeva, of 
 DuKGA, of Kali, of Rama, of Keishna, never occur, as far as 
 we are yet aware: we have a Rudea, who, in after times, is 
 identified with Siva, but who, even in the Puranas, is of very 
 
SECT, x.l THE LANGUAGES OF NOKTHEEN INDIA. 213 
 
 doubtful origin and identification, whilst in the Veda he is 
 described as the father of the winds, and is evidently a form of 
 either Agni or Indea ; the epithet ICapaeddin,'^" which is applied 
 to him, appears, indeed, to have some relation to a characteristic 
 attribute of SivA, — the wearing of his hair in a peculiar braid ; 
 but the term has probably in the Veda a different signification 
 — one now forgotten, — although it may have suggested in after- 
 time the appearance of Sita in such a head-dress, as identified 
 with AsNi; for instance, KiPAEDDiN may intimate his head 
 being surrounded by radiating flame, or the word may be an in- 
 terpolation ; at any rate, no other epithet applicable to SiVA 
 occurs, and there is not the slightest allusion to- the form in 
 which, for the last ten centuries at least, he seems to have been 
 almost exclusively worshipped in India — ^that of the Linga or 
 Phallus : neither is there the slightest hint of another important 
 feature of later Hinduism, the Trimurtti, or Tri-une combination 
 of Beahma, Yishnu, and fSivA, as typified -by the mystical syl- 
 lable Om, although, according to high authority on the religions 
 of antiquity, the Trvmurtti was the first element in the faith of 
 the Hindus, and the second was the Lingam." — Creuzer, Re- 
 ligions de VAntiquiU, book i. chap. i. p. 140. 
 
 Even so late as the time when the Satapatha-brahmana was 
 composed, the names afterwards appropriated to Mahadeva were 
 applied to Agni, as appears from the following passage, i. 7. 3, 8. 
 p. 70:— -^^ ^ ^WW^T^ 5TTTrTf% Ift Tf^ VW 
 
 TTT^TT '^rrg^ -^^ Tf^ 'TZfT ^'fr^:i tr^sft qrfr 
 
 170 [This epithet occurs in the following passage, verse i. of SuMa 114 
 Mandala 1st. : — 
 
 i. e. " We offer these praises to the miglity Rudra, with the braided hair, the 
 destroyer of heroes, in order that health may be enjoyed by bipeds and 
 quadrupeds, and that all beings in this village may be (well nourished, and 
 exempt from disease." — J. M.] 
 
214 HISTOKT AND EELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 f<rtj«( ■JI'r^rRT'^ll " Agni is a god. These are his names, 
 viz., Sarvva, as the eastern people call him, and Bhava, as the 
 Bahikas. ' The lord of animals,' (pasundm patis), and the 
 ' terrible Agni,' (rudro 'gnis) ; these are his other and ill- 
 omened names. Agni is his mildest appellation." (See "Weber's 
 Indische Studien, i. 189. ii. 19-22. 37. 302 ; the Satapatha-brah- 
 mana,Ti. 1. 3. 10-17., ix. 1. 1. 1, 2, and Jour. Am. Or. See. iii.319.) 
 Again, in p. xxxiv. of his Introduction, Professor Wilson says, in 
 regard to Vishnu : — " There is no separate hymn to Vishnu, but 
 he is mentioned as Trivikrama, or he who took three steps or 
 paces, which Mr. Colebrooke thought might have fornied the 
 groundwork of the Paurdnik legend of the dwarf Avatar. It 
 may have been suggestive of the fiction ; but no allusion to the 
 notion of Avatars occurs in the Veda, and there can be little 
 doubt that the three steps here referred to are the three periods 
 of the sun's course — his rise, culmination, and setting."'" The 
 passage here alluded to by Professor Wilson is as follows : Rig- 
 veda i. 22. 16-21 :— 
 
 T^^f^ ^T^.-l f^^ 'g'^fTfTll rTt%-RT^ ^^(^^Wt 
 
 ^jTmiw. ^t^Hi f^^^nr, tpciT ^i\\ 
 
 " May the gods preserve us from that (place) whence Vishnu, 
 
 "'■ " It is expressly so stated by Durgaoharyya, in his commentary on the 
 Nirukta. — See Burnouf, Introduction to the 3rd vol. of the Bhagavata 
 Purana, p. xxii." 
 
 ^'^ Instead of sapta dhdmabhis, the Sama-veda ii. 1024, reads adhi sanavi, 
 ''over the surface." 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEN INDU. 215 
 
 strode across (?) the seven regions of the earth. Vishnu tra- 
 versed this (world) : thrice he planted his foot, and the world 
 was enveloped in his dust. Vishnu, the preserver, the unin- 
 jurable, stepped three steps, upholding thereby righteous acts. 
 Behold the deeds of Vishnu, from whom the worthy friend of 
 Indra has received the sacred ceremonies. The wise ever con- 
 template that supreme station of Vishnu, placed like an eye in 
 the sky. The wise, ever vigilant and diligent in praise, amply 
 glorify that which is the supreme station of Vishnu." — (See 
 Wilson's translation, pp. 53-54 ; and Benfey's translation of the 
 Sama-Veda, pp. 223, and 287 ; and his glossary, p. 191, under 
 the word sapta : see also, Rig-veda ix. 1 14. 3.) 
 
 The remarks of Yaska on this passage have been already 
 quoted above (p. 187.) The following is the note of the com- 
 mentator, Dm-gacharyya, on Yaska's explanation of the above 
 passage of the Eig-veda : — 
 
 ^^T^^ll ^?^^^ rT^'?rS!T!gT^ -^^T W?[?]^fT?f%|| WTTT- 
 
 " Vishnu is the Sun. How ? Because he says, ' thrice he 
 planted his foot.' Where did he do so ? ' On the earth, in the 
 firmament, and in the heaven,' says ^akapuni. Becoming 
 terrestrial fire, he paces or resides a little upon the earth, in the 
 shape of lightning in the firmament, and in the form of the sun 
 in heaven. As it is said, * they triply divided him, placing a 
 part on earth [?].' &c. Aurnanabha Acharyya thinks the meaning 
 is 'He plants- one step on the Samdrohana (point of ascension), 
 when rising over the eastern mountain, (another) at noon on the 
 
 p 4 
 
216 HISTOKY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. i. 
 
 Vishnupada, the meridian sky, (a third) on GayaJiras, when 
 setting beneath the western hill.' " 
 
 Any one who has the slightest acquaintance with the later 
 Hindu mythology will perceive at once how widely different 
 these Vedic representations are from the Puranic accounts of 
 Siva and Vishnu. Such changes as these, in the conception of 
 the gods, must have been the work of ages. Here, therefore, we 
 have another proof of the great antiquity of the Vedic hymns as 
 compared with the other portions of Indian literature. 
 
 Sixth. How different the Sanskrit of the Vedic age was in 
 many of its forms from those which the later Sanskrit assumed, 
 and still retains, may be seen from the subjoined specimens 
 taken from the Eig-veda : — 
 
 Eig-veda, i. 2. 1. with modern Sanskrit interpretation under- 
 neath : 
 
 slifskrit. ^T^WT^ITf^ ^sfr^ T^ ^^ '^f^lSrTT:! ^^ fq^ 
 Vedic OTfw ^3TT II 1 " ^°'^®' ^ ^ayu, these somas are 
 ■jyj ,' ^ "" |- prepared. Drink of them ; hear our 
 
 Sanskrit. 3^^ ^^HJ invocation." 
 
 Here it will be observed that four Vedic words, darsata, aran- 
 kritdh, pdhi, srudhi differ from the modern Sanskrit forms. 
 
 Eig-veda, i. 3. 7 : 
 
 Vedic _______ ______ 
 
 text. THi5^: ^rr^^ 
 
 Modern __^_. __,.„ 
 
 " Viswe devas, preservers of men, be- 
 ■ stowers [of rewards], come to the liba- 
 tion of him who gives you [oblations]." 
 Here the Vedic forms dmdsah, devdsah and dgata stand for 
 omdh, and devdh, and dgachchhata. 
 Eig-veda, vii. 35. 5. : 
 
 Vedic 
 text. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 ^"•^"■"t. wf%^^ W(^ T^ ^liwV^ ^% (?-^>^ ^^fV^ 
 
secT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOBTHEEN INDIA. 217 
 
 text. ^ ^t^T, 
 
 Modern 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 ^ ^^Tt^l 
 
 " Indra heard Vasishtha when he uttered 
 praise, and opened up a wide space to the 
 Tritsus." (See Part I. p. 122. note 29.) 
 Here we have the Vedic forms aArot and aJcrinot, for the 
 modern asrmot and akarot. 
 
 This fact of the frequent diversity between the Vedic and 
 ordinary Sanskrit, is recognized, in every page of his work, by the 
 great grammarian Panini. I will quote one of the Siitras, in 
 which he refers to some instances of this, together with the illus- 
 trations given in the Varttika: (vii. 2. 64.) ^W^Mrf*^ 
 
 ^V^ II " The exceptional forms babhutha, dtatantha, jigrim- 
 bha and vavartha are employed in the Veda instead of the ordi- 
 nary forms, babhuvitha, dtenitha, jagrihima, and vavaritha ; as 
 in the texts, 'thou wasi the first priest,' 'whereby ihoudidst stretch 
 out the wide firmament,' ' we have seized, Indra, thy right 
 hand,' 'thou didst envelope with light.'" 
 
 In Sutra, vi. 4. 102, other instances are alluded to of gram- 
 matical forms, which are peculiar to the Veda, viz. the impera- 
 tives srudhi for srinu, 'hear;' kridhi ior hwru, 'do;' vridhi for 
 vrinu, ' cover;' purdhi for prinihi, ' fill.' 
 
 In the Vivarana of Nagesa Bhatta on the Mahabhashya, the 
 following reference is made to certain forms which are employed 
 
 in the Veda only : T^T^ W^^TT'^T'^'frRr^f'T^^^ ''J^'tSTT- 
 
 "The term ' secnlax' (laukiJca) refers to words different from 
 such as karnebhih (for karnaih), devdsah (for devdh), and gribh- 
 ndmi (for grihndmi),' which are to be found in the Veda alone, 
 for 'we never see them employed by secular people." 
 
Vedic 
 forms. 
 
 218 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. t. 
 
 I extract the following Vedic forms of conjugating the roots 
 f} "to do," and 7\T( "to go," from Bohtlingk and Eoth's Sans- 
 krit Dictionary : 
 
 '^^ •^^% ^Sfi^ Uf^ 
 
 fJrtr' ^fVf% ^^X ^wH m 
 
 S. ^T^^ I^T^ ^^^. ^T^f% 
 
 forms. ^ ^TT^^: ^^?!^ w^\ "mn-^ 
 
 forms. ^FI^ "^^^ ^WTT, 'JT'^, 
 
 f^rms""^ ^m'^fj ^^^f^ ^^^^^ Tl-^\ 
 
 No philologist will suppose, from these differences in form 
 which we discover to exist between the Vedic and the later 
 Sanskrit, that the one language was different from the other. 
 A great portion of the substance, and much of the form of the lan- 
 guage, was the same at both periods : a part of the Vedic roots and 
 nouns only have in later times fallen into disuse; and thepeculiar 
 Vedic varieties of form are merely the ancient modes of inflec- 
 tion which were in common cmrrency at the time when the 
 hymns were composed, and which gradually became obsolete in 
 the course of ages."'^ Some of them, however, continued for a 
 
 1" The following is Professor Whitney's account of tte differences between 
 the Vedio and the modern Sanskrit : 
 
 " The language of the Vedas is an older dialect, varying very considerably, 
 both in its grammatical and lexical character, from the classical Sanskrit. 
 Its grammatica,! peculiarities run through all departments : euphonic rules, 
 word-formation and composition, declension, conjugation, syntax .... 
 [These peculiarities] are partly such as characterize an older language, 
 consisting in a greater originality of forms, and the like, and partly such as 
 characterize a language which is still in the bloom and vigour of life, its 
 freedom untrammelled by other rules than those of common usage, and 
 which has not like the [modern] Sanskrit, passed into oblivion as a native 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEK]!^ INDU. 219 
 
 long time in popular use, as we find in the case of the form 
 of the instr. pi. ehhis for ais, which we meet with unchanged 
 in the Grathas of the Lalita Vistara, (see the instances given 
 above, in p. 129), and somewhat modified in the Pali forms 
 ehhi and ehi. 
 
 As the hymns of the Veda were the compositions of the 
 ancient Indian rishis or bards, who, as we have seen above, 
 (p. 206.) frequently speak of having " fashioned," or " generated " 
 them, they could not possibly have been composed in any other 
 language than that which these rishis and their contemporaries 
 were in the habit of using for every-day conversation. 
 
 There are, no doubt, in the hymns some apparent traces of an 
 idea that the authors were inspired ; as in the following texts : 
 E.-V.i.37. 4= sl^ \^Tf TFT^rfll "Singthe god-given prayer.'"^* 
 
 E.-V. i. 109. 1 : cfT^T ^f^, "JfTrf^Tf^ ^IIT ^ ^ f^^ ^^^- 
 
 '^Tifr^T(^i 2. . . . ^m ^V??^ ■JT^rft g^^^f^nfr 
 
 spoken dialect:, become merely a conventional medium of communication 
 among the learned, being forced, as it were, into a mould of regularity by 
 long and exhausting grammatical treatment. . . . The dissimilarity existing 
 between the two, in respect of the stock of words of which each is made up, 
 is, to say the least, not less marked. Not single words alone, but whole 
 classes of derivations and roots, with the families that are formed from them, 
 which the Veda exhibits in frequent and familiar use, are wholly wanting, or 
 have left but faint traces, in the classical dialect ; and this to such an extent 
 as seems to demand, if the two be actually related to one another directly as 
 mother and daughter, a longer interval between them than we should be 
 inclined to assume, from the character and degree of the grammatical, and 
 more especially the phonetic, differences." — Journ. of the Amer. Orient. 
 Soc. iii. 296, 297. 
 
 ''* It is not, however, certain that the word brahira, in this verse, means 
 "prayer." In the Nighnntu, ii. 7, 10, it is explained as signifying "food," 
 or "wealth;" and Sayana, in his interpretation of the passage, seems to 
 
 adopt the former of these two senses. His words are : "^^ '^T%W'^W~ 
 7J<^7f^'S^ TTTT^rf '^^'W II " Offer praise in reference to brahma, 
 i e. the sacrificial food." On the other hand, the word is used in the sense 
 of "hymn " in R.-V. i. 62. 13 ; and vii. 22. 9, cited above p. 206. 
 
220 HISTOET AND EELATIONS OF [cuap. i. 
 
 •^TTT ^f^Tfrf T^T^^II " Fromno other but you, (0 Indra and 
 Agni) do I derive intelligence : to you have I fabricated a hymn 
 for iustenance."^ . . While presenting the soma, I generate for 
 you a new hymn, OIndraand Agni." In E.-V.x. 71, it is said of the 
 goddess Vach: igr^JT ^^: Tj^^fj^^ 'W^^ ?TT^ '?r^f^\ 
 
 '^f^"5 ■Rf^'ST^II " By sacrifice they followed the path [?] of 
 Vach : they found her residing in the risMs." 
 
 In E.-V. X. 125. 5. again, Vach i& made to say : ^ST?^^ ^^f%^ 
 
 «i sf^T^ rf^f^ (f ■^TWT't,!! " I myself declare this, which 
 is desired both by gods and men. Every man whom I love, I 
 make him terrible; [I make] him a priest; [I make] him a 
 rlshi; [I make] him intelligent.""^ 
 
 In a Valakhilya (or apocryphal hymn) which is to be found 
 inserted between the 48th and 49th hymns of the 8th mandala 
 of the Eig-veda, the following verse occurs : 
 
 For the complete text of this verse I was first indebted to Pro- 
 fessor Miiller, who supplied also the following version of it : 
 " Indra and Varuna, I have seen through devotion that which, 
 after it was heard in the beginning, you gave to the poets — 
 vri-sdom, understanding of speech ; and I have seen the (sacred) 
 places which the sages created in performing the sacrifice." "' 
 
 fabricated, i.e. made, a hymn, i.e. a song of praise, composed by meditation.'' 
 (Sayana.) 
 
 "^ Vach thus appears partly, tliough not entirely, in the character of a 
 Muse. Compare what Homer says of Demodocus, Odyssey viii. 63, 64 : 
 
 T6v TTEpt Mova iipiKii^E, 6l5ov 5' dyaOov te KaKov te^ 
 
 'o^Ca\ftw}> ijLEv dfiEpaE, Si5uv 5' -q^Eiav ciOiZqv. 
 
 '" If the word irutam in this verse be taken as a substantive, the 
 translation would run thus, "I have seen through devotion that which 
 
SECT. X.] THE LANGUAGES OF IfOETHEEN INDIA. 221 
 
 . - Though, however, some traces of an idea that the rishis were 
 inspired by the gods, by Vach, or Indra and Agni, or Indra and 
 Varuna, (but not, in any of the passages which I have here 
 quoted, by Brahma, who in later times was regarded as the 
 source of inspiration,) may thus be detected in the Eig-veda, 
 there is no doubt, on the other hand, that these ancient bards 
 generally speak of the hymns as the creation of their own minds : 
 and it is impossible to admit that they were anything else. But 
 as even an inspired composition, to be generally intelligible, 
 must be delivered in the language current among the people 
 to whom it is first promulgated, there is no pretence for sup- 
 posing that the Sanskrit of the Vedas was not the vernacular 
 language of the age in which they were first recited. 
 
 At that early period there was no language current among the 
 Aryas but the Vedic Sanskrit. A learned language, different from 
 the spoken tongue, was a thing then unknown ; and the refine- 
 ments of grammar had no existence. This may be gathered from 
 the following passage of an ancient Brahmana, referred to by 
 Sayana in the introduction to his commentary on the Eig-veda, 
 p. 35: rrm^^^f^^rfsTrU^WTIT^T^I ^T1^^ ^T^- 
 
 S sT^ ^ ■?¥ T^ WT ^T^ "^ W% ■mTfTT Tf?f fT^"^" 
 rrenf^ ^THrTT ^^rT tI^I ^^35 jftf^fff^tSTTf^ 
 
 ye formerly gave to the rishis, wisdom, understanding of speech, tra- 
 dition," &c. 
 
222 HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF [chap. .i. 
 
 VrffrJ Tf^r^: II "It is thus related in the Aindra-Vdyava- 
 graha-brdhmana: 'Vach (speech) spoke confusedly, and without 
 articulation. The gods said to Indra, Make this Vach to become 
 articulate to us. Indra replied. Let me choose a boon ; let the 
 soma be given to me and Vayu together. Hence the soma 
 of Indra and Vayu is taken together. Indra then, stepping 
 into the midst, divided speech in sunder. Hence she is spoken 
 articulately.' The sense of this quotation, says Sayana, is 
 this : Speech, such as in the verse Agrmn, ile purohitam, &c. 
 (the first verse of the Eig-veda), was originally confused i. e. un- 
 varied like the roar of the sea, &c., and undistinguished, i. e. 
 without articulation to denote crude forms, inflections, words, 
 and sentences, &c. Then Indra, being solicited by the gods, and 
 gratified by the permission to take the soma-juice in the same 
 vessel with Vayu, divided speech, which had previously been 
 without division, and introduced everywhere the distinction of 
 crude forms, inflections, &c. In consequence, -this speech, being 
 now distinguished in its parts by Panini and other great sages, 
 is pronounced by all men." 
 
 It may be asked, however, If the Vedic Sanskrit was once the 
 spoken language of India, how did it ever cease to be spoken. 
 To this I reply as follows : — 
 
 By the time when the collections of the Vedic hymns were 
 formed, the Sanskrit, the vernacular speech of the rishis and 
 their descendants, had undergone a considerable alteration, which 
 had gradually resulted, as we have already seen, both from the 
 general laws of change to which all language is subject, and 
 also from the action of local causes, such as the intercourse 
 of the Aryas, or Sanskrit-speaking race, with the Dasyus, or 
 Mlechhas, who spoke a quite different tongue. In this way, 
 words which had formerly been commonly employed in Sanskrit, 
 became obsolete, or acquired new meanings, while other new 
 words, borrowed from the dialects of the Mlechhas, were intro- 
 duced into currency ; and forms of inflection which were once 
 
SBCT, X.] THE LANGUAGES OF NOETHEEK INDIA. 223 
 
 current got gradually into disuse, and made way for other novel 
 forms. Thus a twofold alteration was produced in the ancient 
 Indian language (the Sanskrit of the Vedas). First, the Prakrit 
 or vernacular dialects were formed out of it in the manner which 
 has already been described (pp. 80, 143, ff., 148, 154); and 
 secondly, a learned language, based upon the Sanskrit of the 
 Vedas, but variously modified (see pp. 151, 152) and polished, 
 was gradually constructed by grammarians, which being re- 
 moved from the corrupting influences of popular vise, has thence- 
 forward continued unchanged (p. 171). 
 
 When the process of change had been going on for many 
 generations, the Vedic hymns became exceedingly difficult to 
 understand. The obstacles to comprehension, arising from 
 these intermediate changes of language, were greatly augmented 
 by the obscure and elliptical style in which the hymns were 
 originally composed, which rendered it hard for the men of 
 subsequent ages to imderstand the brief allusions to ancient 
 ideas, practices, and events with which they abound. 
 
 These considerations will sufficiently account for the difficulty 
 which was experienced in the comprehension of the Vedic hymns 
 in later ages, without there being the least necessity for our sup- 
 posing that they were composed in a language at all different 
 from that which was ordinarily current in India, among the 
 common people of the Arya race, at the time of their 
 composition. 
 
224 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [cuAr. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 AFFINITIES OF THE INDIANS "WITH THE PERSIANS, GREEKS, 
 AND ROMANS, AND DERIVATION OF ALL THESE NATIONS 
 EROM CENTRAL ASIA. 
 
 From the preceding review it is clear that the Sanskrit language 
 has been undergoing a continual change, from the very earliest 
 times up to which we can follow its course. But if this be the 
 case, it would be contrary to all analogy to suppose that that 
 language had remained unaltered in those yet earlier ages before 
 the Vedas were composed. It must, therefore, now become my 
 object to inquire, whether we can discover any means of fol- 
 lowing it back to its origin. "We are not, it must be confessed, 
 in a position to do this in any other way than that of reasoning 
 and inference ; for, in the absence of any Sanskrit writings an- 
 terior to the Vedas, we possess no direct means of tracing the 
 history of the Sanskrit language and its mutations any further 
 back than the date of the composition of those hymns. There 
 is, however, another way in which we can arrive at some con- 
 ception of that history. 
 
 Learned men have remarked, that there is a great resemblance 
 between the Sanskrit and other languages, some of which, like 
 it, are now no longer spoken, but were formerly the current 
 and popular speech of ancient nations, and are preserved in 
 written records which have descended to us from a remote anti- 
 quity. These are 1st, the Zend and other varieties of the ancient 
 Persic ; 2nd, the Greek ; and 3rd, the Latin. ' The Zend lan- 
 guage is preserved in the Zend Avesta, a collection of writings 
 
 ' It is not necessary for my purpose to insist much on the affinities of 
 the Sanskrit to any other languages besides those I have named. 
 
CHAP 11.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 225 
 
 connected with the ancient religion of Persia. The poems of 
 Homer which form the oldest relic of the extensive literature of 
 ancient Greece, are supposed to have been wiitten about 2700 
 years ago. And there are many Latin books which are 2000 
 years old. From the great similarity which exists between these 
 languages and the Sanskrit, of which proofs and instances will be 
 presently adduced, learned men have inferred : 1st. That these 
 forms of speech have all one common origin, i. e., that Sanskrit, 
 Zend, Grreek, and Latin are all, as it were, sisters', the daughters 
 (some perhaps elder and some younger, but still all daughters,) of 
 one mother who died in giving them birth, or, to speak without a 
 figure, that they are derivatives from, and the surviving represen- 
 tatives of, one older language, which now no longer exists ; and 
 2ndly, That the races of men who spoke these several languages 
 are also all descended from one stock, and that their ancestors at 
 a very early period all lived together in some country (situated out 
 of Hindusthan), speaking one language ; but afterwards separated, 
 to travel away from their primeval abodes, at different times and 
 in different directions ; the forefathers of the Hindus southward 
 or south-eastward to India; the ancestors of the Persians to 
 the south ; and those of the Grreeks and Romans to the west.^ 
 The languages of those branches of this great Indo-European 
 stock which remained longest together in their earliest home, 
 viz., the Persians and the Indians, continued to bear the closest 
 resemblance to each other ; while the tongues of those offshoots 
 which separated earliest from the parent stock, exhibit in later 
 times the least amount of resemblance, the divergencies of dia- 
 lect becoming wider and wider in -proportion to the length of 
 time which had elapsed since the separation. 
 
 ^ Facies non omnibus una, nee diversa tamen, qualem decet esse 
 sororum. 
 
 ' For an aceount of the Greeks and Romans, I refer the Indian student 
 to any of the ordinary historical manuals. 
 
226 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OP [chap. it. 
 
 Sect. 1..— Introductory Remarks on Comparative philology: affinities of the 
 Sanskrit and Persian with each other. 
 
 I shall proceed to establish these assertions as to the resemblance 
 of the Sanskrit to the Zend, Greek and Latin ; after first pre- 
 mising a few simple remarks on comparative philology in general. 
 
 A comparison of the various languages which are spoken in 
 different countries of Europe and Asia, has brought to light the 
 fact that they belong to different families or plasses ; and that 
 the different members of the same family, while they exhibit' a 
 more or less close resemblance to each other, have either no re- 
 semblance, or a very remote one, to those belonging to any of the 
 other families. It will be sufficient for the purpose of illustration 
 if I refer to the two great, and universally recognised, families of 
 speech, the Semitic and the Indo-Grermanic. The languages 
 which belong to the Semitic branch, are the Arabic, Hebrew, 
 Syriac, &c. Now all who have studied these languages are well 
 aware that they closely resemble each other in respect of their 
 roots and general character ; while they have scarcely any affinity 
 at all in any respect with the languages of the Indo-Grermanic 
 stock, in which are included Sanskrit, Zend, the later forms of 
 Persian, Greek, Latin, and the Teutonic and Sclavonic languages. 
 Any person who knows both Arabic and Sanskrit is perfectly 
 aware that they have no resemblance to each other either in 
 verbal roots, or nouns, or in the forms of conjugation and de- 
 clension. Now, here we discover the very remarkable fact 
 that two languages, both very perfect and polished in their 
 forms and structure, and both of which are spoken by learned 
 men, of the Hindu and Mahomedan religions respectively, 
 living together, side by side, in the same cities of India, 
 are totally different from each other in almost every respect 
 in which one elaborate and complicated language can be dis- 
 tinguished from another language of the same character. And 
 what" is the explanation of this, at first sight, so startling a 
 phenomenon ? It is, of course, that Arabic is, (as its name im- 
 
SECT. I.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 227 
 
 plies,) the language of the Arabs, a Semitic tribe; and was 
 introduced into India by the Mahomedan invaders of that 
 country, who, though not Arabians by descent, have yet, as their 
 designation imports, been converted to the faith of the Arabian 
 conqueror Mahomed, and have learned the language in which 
 their sacred volume, the Koran, is written : while Sanskrit, on the , 
 other hand, is the language of the Brahmans, who are descended 
 from a race which has no afi&nity with the Semitic, viz. : the 
 Arian family of nations. It is not, therefore, wonderful that the 
 Sanskrit and Arabic languages, which, though they meet in 
 India, have been introduced into that country from quarters 
 so perfectly distinct, should be totally different from each other. 
 But the Musulmans of India are not only acquainted with the 
 Arabic tongue, but with the Persian also, which is the living 
 dialect of Persia, one of the countries which lie intermediate 
 between Arabia and India. The Persian language which the 
 Persians now speak, and which the learned Musulmans of India 
 write, is a composite form of speech, i. e. one chiefly made up of a 
 mixture of Arabic with the ancient Persic, which was originally 
 devoid of Arabic words. Now in that portion of the modern 
 Persian language which has not been borrowed from Arabic, but 
 inherited from the ancient Persic, we find many words which are 
 manifestly of the same origin as the Sanskrit nouns or verbs of 
 the same signification. 
 
 The following list of words may suffice to prove the assertion 
 just made, that the Persian language, has,, in its purely Persic 
 element, an affinity with Sanskrit, while Arabic has no such 
 affinity : — 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 Comparative Table of Sanskrit, Persian, and Arabic Words, 
 
 English. Sanskrit. Persian. Arabic. 
 
 father pitri padar abu 
 
 mother matri madar amin 
 
 daughter duhitri dukhtar bint 
 
 son-in-law jamatri datnad hafid 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DEBIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 English. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Arabic. 
 
 young man 
 
 yuvSn 
 
 jawan 
 
 shabb 
 
 male 
 
 n^ra 
 
 nar 
 
 zhakar 
 
 heat 
 
 gharma 
 
 garm 
 
 barr 
 
 horse 
 
 Mwa 
 
 S^p 
 
 fSras 
 
 water 
 
 &p 
 
 ab 
 
 ma 
 
 name 
 
 naman 
 
 nam 
 
 ism 
 
 dry 
 
 ^ushka 
 
 khushk 
 
 yabis 
 
 foot 
 
 pada 
 
 pa 
 
 qad^m 
 
 arm 
 
 bahu 
 
 bazu 
 
 sa'id 
 
 new 
 
 nSva 
 
 nau 
 
 jadid 
 
 one 
 
 eka 
 
 yak 
 
 atad 
 
 two 
 
 dwi 
 
 do 
 
 ithnS,n 
 
 four 
 
 chatur 
 
 ch&har 
 
 a,rba'a 
 
 five 
 
 pSnohan 
 
 pSnj 
 
 :^hams 
 
 six 
 
 sh^t 
 
 shSsh 
 
 satt* 
 
 seven 
 
 saptS.n 
 
 haft 
 
 saba'a 
 
 eight 
 
 ashtSn 
 
 hSsht 
 
 thSmaniyat 
 
 ten 
 
 dasS.n 
 
 dah 
 
 'aghar 
 
 twenty 
 
 vinsati 
 
 bist 
 
 'ashriin 
 
 I subjoin some additional instances of affinity between 
 Persian and Sanskrit words, omitting all reference to the 
 Arabic. 
 
 I. VERBS, 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Englisli. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 English. 
 
 sthatum 
 
 istadan 
 
 to stand 
 
 kri (kar) 
 
 kardan 
 
 to do 
 
 paktum 
 
 pukhtan 
 
 to cook 
 
 bhri (bhar) burdau 
 
 to bear 
 
 marttum 
 swapitum 
 
 murdan 
 khuftan 
 
 to die 
 to sleep 
 
 prachh 
 (prichh) 
 
 j- pursidan 
 
 to ask 
 
 datum 
 
 dadan 
 
 to give 
 
 jna 
 
 danistan 
 
 to know 
 
 char 
 
 charidan 
 
 rto go, eat, 
 L graze 
 
 jiv 
 
 zistan 
 f bastan 
 
 to live 
 
 dhav 
 
 davidan 
 
 to run 
 
 bandh 
 
 "j (bandad 
 
 - to bind 
 
 dri 
 
 daridan 
 
 to tear 
 
 
 I 3d. pers. sing, pres.) J 
 
 ^ru? 
 
 shanGdan 
 
 to hear 
 
 janj 
 
 jangidan 
 
 to fight 
 
 grabh5(Vedi 
 
 c)giriftan 
 
 to take 
 
 tap 
 
 tapldan 
 
 to be hot 
 
 bhu 
 
 bildan 
 
 to be 
 
 ruh 
 
 roidan 
 
 to grow 
 
 * In this case the Arabic word resembles the Sanskrit. 
 ^ May we not consider the later form grah as an early instance of the same 
 process by which in Prakrit h was substituted for bh f See Vararuchi, ii. 27. 
 
SECT. I.] 
 
 THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 229 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 English. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 English. 
 
 kri 
 khan 
 
 kharidan 
 kandan 
 
 to buy 
 to dig 
 
 dhma 
 (dhamati> 
 
 damidan 
 
 to blow 
 
 krish(karsh)kashidan 
 
 to draw 
 
 srij 
 
 sirishtan 
 
 to create 
 
 duh 
 
 doshidan 
 
 to milk 
 
 kup? 
 
 guftan 
 
 to speak 
 
 
 
 -to like 
 to seek 
 
 asmi 
 
 hastam 
 
 I am 
 
 jush 
 
 justan 
 
 asti 
 
 hast, ast 
 
 he is 
 
 Sp 
 
 yaftan 
 
 to obtain 
 
 bhavami 
 
 buvam 
 
 I am 
 
 
 ' zadan 
 
 
 bhavati 
 
 buvad 
 
 he is 
 
 ban 
 
 (zanad s^- 
 
 per,. ■ to strike 
 
 abhiivam 
 
 biidam 
 
 I was 
 
 
 , lins.prei.) 
 
 ■ 
 
 abhUt 
 
 bud 
 
 he was 
 
 
 
 II. NOUNS. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Englisli. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 English. 
 
 ushtra 
 
 iishtar,shutr, camel 
 
 tara 
 
 sitarah 
 
 Star 
 
 vata 
 
 bad 
 
 wind 
 
 bala 
 
 bal 
 
 hair, feather 
 
 dant 
 
 dandan 
 
 tooth 
 
 godhiima 
 
 gandum 
 
 wheat 
 
 chakra 
 
 charkh 
 
 wheel 
 
 yava 
 
 jau 
 
 barley 
 
 bhatri 
 
 biradar 
 
 brother 
 ■ brother-in- 
 -law 
 
 varsha 
 
 barish 
 
 rain 
 
 f cultivation, 
 I field 
 
 iwasura 
 
 khusr 
 
 krishti 
 
 kisht 
 
 sveta 
 
 safed 
 
 white 
 
 ^oka 
 
 sog 
 
 grief 
 
 tejas 
 
 tez 
 
 " vigour, 
 . sharp 
 
 twam 
 
 tu 
 
 thou 
 
 
 
 yushman(»«:ishuma 
 
 you 
 
 piirna 
 
 pur 
 
 full 
 
 
 mansh 
 
 ■ disposition, 
 mind 
 
 pura 
 
 pul 
 
 city, bridge 
 
 manas 
 
 ^iras 
 
 sar 
 
 head' 
 
 prishtha 
 
 pusht 
 
 back 
 
 vihara ? 
 
 bahar 
 
 ■ sport, 
 spring 
 man 
 
 durnama 
 
 dushnam 
 
 bad name 
 
 martya 
 
 mard 
 
 durmanas 
 
 dujmanas, 
 . dushman 
 
 disturbed, 
 enemy 
 
 janu 
 
 zanu 
 
 knee 
 
 
 ■dushwar" 
 
 ] 
 
 dos 
 
 dosh 
 
 shoulder 
 
 durvara ? 
 
 ■ dush- 
 
 } difficult 
 
 hasta« ? 
 
 dast 
 
 hand 
 
 
 khwar 
 
 J 
 
 bhar 
 
 bar 
 
 weight 
 
 mahattara 
 
 mihtar 
 
 greater 
 
 gau 
 
 gao 
 
 ox 
 
 kama 
 
 kam 
 
 wish, desire 
 
 angushtha 
 
 angusht 
 
 r thumb, 
 L finger 
 
 ayas 
 mitr 
 
 ahan 
 mihr 
 
 iron 
 sun 
 
 mesha 
 
 mesh 
 
 ram 
 
 ^kha 
 
 shakh 
 
 branch 
 
 " Could this Sanskrit word have been originally dhasta ? 
 
 ' War is a Persian suffix, probably unconnected with the Sanskrit vara ; 
 but there is no doubt of the identity of the Persian particle dush and the 
 Sanskrit dus. 
 
 «3 
 
230 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OP 
 
 [chap. u. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Engiish. 
 
 SaUBitrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Engiisli. 
 
 tanu 
 
 tan 
 
 body 
 
 daru 
 
 darod 
 
 wood 
 
 arama 
 
 aram 
 
 garden, rest 
 
 dwara 
 
 dar 
 
 door 
 
 tapas 
 trishna 
 
 kunja 
 vadana 
 
 tab, tap 
 tishnah 
 
 kunj 
 badan 
 
 heat 
 
 thirst, 
 •thirsty 
 • corner, 
 
 arbour 
 
 face, body 
 
 gola 
 deva 
 nakha 
 
 golah 
 
 dev 
 
 nakhun 
 
 f round, 
 
 la ball 
 
 ■ a god, 
 
 demon 
 
 nail (of 
 
 finger) 
 
 antar 
 
 andar 
 
 within 
 
 abhra 
 
 abr 
 
 cloud 
 
 musha 
 
 mijsh 
 
 mouse 
 
 megha 
 
 megh 
 
 cloud 
 
 kshudra 
 
 khurd 
 
 small 
 
 tanu 
 
 tanuk 
 
 slender 
 
 ishtika 
 irigala 
 
 khisht 
 shaghal 
 
 brick 
 jackall 
 
 guru, ^ 
 gariyas J 
 
 giran 
 
 heavy 
 
 khara 
 
 Vhar 
 
 ass 
 
 jata 
 
 zadah 
 
 born 
 
 a^vatara 
 
 astar 
 
 mule 
 
 jani' 
 
 zan 
 
 woman 
 
 TJstara 
 
 bistar 
 
 bed 
 
 s^ma 
 
 hamah 
 
 all 
 
 sthana 
 
 istan 
 
 place 
 
 nema 
 
 nim 
 
 half 
 
 jangala 
 
 jangal 
 
 jungle 
 
 chhaya 
 
 sayah 
 
 shadow 
 
 dura 
 
 dur 
 
 far 
 
 asthi 
 
 ustukhan 
 
 bone 
 
 karyya 
 
 kar 
 
 work 
 
 charman 
 
 charm 
 
 skin 
 
 masa 
 
 mah 
 
 month 
 
 vatsa 
 
 bachah 
 
 child 
 
 matta 
 
 mast 
 
 drunk 
 
 kshapa ? 
 
 shab 
 
 night 
 
 matsya 
 ekavara 
 
 mahi? 
 yakbar 
 
 fish 
 once 
 
 tara 
 
 tar 
 
 " compara- 
 . tive affix 
 
 dviguna 
 
 dogunah 
 
 double 
 
 krimi 
 
 kirm 
 
 worm 
 
 gankha 
 ranga 
 
 sang? 
 rang 
 
 shell, stone 
 colour 
 
 karka 
 
 kark 
 . kharchang 
 
 •crab 
 
 Note. — On the other hand I may specify the instance of dfat (Ar.) and 
 apod (Sans.), in which a word of similar sound has the same sense of 
 calamity in Arabic and Sanskrit. 
 
 Now the old language of Persia, from which the words 
 in the above list, still forming part of the modem Persian, 
 must all be derived, was a language closely connected with 
 the Sanskrit. That language, at a certain stage of its progress, 
 was the Zend, which we find employed in the Zendavesta, or 
 sacred volume of the Zoroastrians, or Parsis, a work which 
 still exists, and has recently begun to be studied by European 
 scholars. 
 
SECT. I.] 
 
 THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 231 
 
 In the same way, if we compare Sanskrit with the language 
 of the aneient Greeks (who lived to the north-west of Persia, 
 on the eastern and western shores of the ^gean Sea,) and with 
 that of the Eomans, who inhabited Italy, we shall find a close 
 resemblance, and frequently, an almost perfect identity in very 
 many words, both as regards the roots and the inflection. 
 
 The resemblances between languages may be twofold. First, as 
 regards the roots of the words. For instance in Sanskrit, we have 
 the word ndma, ' name,' and we find the same word mam in the 
 same sense both in Persian and Hindi. The second resem- 
 blance is in the mode of inflection. Here we do not find 
 any resemblance in regard to the way in which this word ndma 
 is declined between the Sanskrit and the Persian and Hindi 
 languages. The Sanskrit has three numbers, singular, dual, 
 and plural, and seven cases in each number, whereas the 
 Persian and Hindi have only two numbers, singular and plural, 
 and the cases are formed in quite a different way from those of 
 the Sanskrit. To prove this it will be sufiicient to give the 
 different cases of the singular pumber of this word in each 
 of the languages. 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Hindi. 
 
 NOM. 
 
 nama 
 
 nam 
 
 nam 
 
 Ace. 
 
 nama 
 
 namra 
 
 namko 
 
 Inst. 
 
 namna 
 
 wanting, 
 
 nam se 
 
 Dat. 
 
 namne 
 
 and supplied 
 
 namko 
 
 Abl. 
 
 namnas 
 
 by preposi- 
 
 nam se 
 
 Gen. 
 
 namnas 
 
 tions. 
 
 namka 
 
 Voc. 
 
 nama 
 
 nam 
 
 nam 
 
 If now we compare the Latin word for "name" with the 
 Sanskrit we shall find that the root is the same, and that the 
 mode of inflection is very similar : thus, 
 
 SINatJI/AE. 
 Sanskrit. Latin. 
 
 NoM. nama (from crude form naraan) nomen 
 
 Ace. nama nomen 
 
 Inst, namna nomine 
 
 Dat. namne nomini 
 Q 4 
 
232 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. i"i. 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 
 Latin. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 Damn as 
 
 
 nomine 
 
 Gbn. 
 
 namnas 
 
 
 nominis 
 
 Voc. 
 
 nama 
 
 
 nomen 
 
 itin language has no 
 
 dual. 
 
 
 
 
 PLUBAL. 
 
 
 NOM. 
 
 namani 
 
 
 nomina 
 
 Ace. 
 
 namani 
 
 
 nomina 
 
 Inst. 
 
 namabhia 
 
 
 nominibus 
 
 Dat. 
 
 iiamabhya.s 
 
 
 nominibus 
 
 Aei,. 
 
 namabhyas 
 
 
 nominibus 
 
 Gen. 
 
 namnam 
 
 
 nominum 
 
 Voc. 
 
 namani 
 
 
 nomina 
 
 We see here that, while the same root expressing the word 
 * name,' is common to all these languages, the Persian and Hindi 
 have lost the ancient forms of inflection, while the Sanski-it 
 and Latin have preserved them. There thus exists a double 
 resemblance, viz., first of roots, and second of inflections, be- 
 tween the Latin and the Sanskrit, and the same remark is equally 
 true of the Grreek and the Zend. 
 
 Now, when we find that a multitude of roots coincide in any 
 two languages, of which the one does not derive them from the 
 other, we may be sure, (even though the one may have no 
 complex system of inflections, while the other has,) that those 
 two languages have a common origin, especially if we can show 
 that the one which is deficient in inflections has gradually lost 
 them by a particular process of alteration which can still be 
 traced. But if any two languages resemble one another both in 
 roots and inflections, the proof of their affinity is then greatly 
 strengthened. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 233 
 
 Sect. II. — 9)etaUed illustrations of the affinities of Sanskrit with the Zerid, 
 Greek, and Latin langtiages. 
 
 I proceed now to furnish, first, some specimens of words 
 which as roots correspond to each other in Sanskrit, Zend, 
 Grreek, and Latin; and I shall afterwards exhibit the mutual 
 resemblances of these four languages in point of inflection 
 also. 
 
 The following is a list of words (derived from the publica- 
 tions of Bopp, Benfey, Aufrecht, Pictet, and others, and in some 
 instances from my own conjectures) which C9rrespond both in 
 sound and sense in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin. 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 I. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend, 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 pitri 
 
 paitar 
 
 pater 
 
 pater 
 
 father 
 
 matri 
 
 . 
 
 meter 
 
 mater 
 
 mother 
 
 bhratri 
 
 bratar 
 
 phratria (a clan) frater 
 
 brother 
 
 swasrl 
 
 qanhar 
 
 . 
 
 soror 
 
 sister 
 
 duhitri 
 
 dughdhar 
 
 thugater 
 
 . 
 
 daughter 
 
 naptri 
 napat 
 
 
 • 
 
 nepos 
 
 grandson 
 
 naptri 
 
 
 • 
 
 neptis 
 
 grand-daughtei* 
 husband's 
 . brother 
 
 devri 
 
 
 daer 
 
 • 
 
 jamatri 
 
 
 gambros 
 
 gener 
 
 son-in-law- 
 
 swa^ura 
 
 
 hekuros 
 
 Bocer 
 
 father-in-law 
 
 ^wasru 
 
 
 hekura 
 
 socrus 
 
 mother-in-law 
 
 pitrivya 
 
 
 patros 
 
 patruus 
 
 father's brother 
 
 putra 
 
 
 • 
 
 puer? 
 
 son, boy 
 
 vidhava 
 
 
 . 
 
 vidua 
 
 widow 
 
 nara 
 jani 
 
 
 aner 
 gune 
 
 ■ 
 
 man 
 woman 
 
 Tira 
 
 
 heros 
 
 vir 
 
 hero, man 
 
 Virata 
 
 
 • 
 
 virtus 
 
 valour 
 
 agnis 
 
 
 • 
 
 ignis 
 
 fire 
 
 para^u 
 
 
 peiaus 
 
 -• ♦ 
 
 axe 
 
234 
 
 AFFINITIES AJSTD DEEIVATION OP 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 jaraa 
 manas 
 
 
 geras 
 menos 
 
 mens 
 
 ol^ge 
 mind 
 
 yuvan 
 avis 
 
 • 
 
 ois 
 
 juvenis 
 ovis 
 
 young man 
 sheep 
 
 aja 
 
 sarpa 
 
 patatrin 
 
 patis 
 
 patni 
 
 Divaspatis 
 
 Varuna 
 
 paitis 
 
 aix 
 
 herpeton 
 
 peteinon 
 
 posis 
 
 potnia 
 
 ouranos 
 
 serpens 
 Diespiter 
 
 goat , 
 
 serpent, reptile 
 
 a bird 
 
 lord 
 
 mistress 
 
 lord of the sky 
 
 Varuna, heaven 
 
 ^wan 
 
 i5pa 
 
 kUon 
 
 canis 
 
 dog 
 
 Swanam 
 
 Spanam 
 
 kuna 
 
 canem 
 
 dog (ace.) 
 
 makshika 
 
 
 . 
 
 musoa 
 
 fly 
 
 pasu 
 aswa 
 ^ukara 
 
 pa^us 
 aspa 
 
 poii? 
 
 hippos 
 
 hus 
 
 pecu 
 equus 
 
 sus 
 
 beast 
 horse 
 hog 
 
 hansa 
 
 
 
 khen 
 
 anser 
 
 goose 
 
 riksba 
 apas 
 aksha 
 barbara 
 
 
 
 arkos 
 
 axon 
 barbaros 
 
 ursus 
 opus 
 axis 
 barbarus 
 
 bear 
 work 
 axle 
 barbarian 
 
 dama 
 
 
 
 domos 
 
 domus 
 
 house 
 
 okas? veia 
 arindama 
 
 
 
 oikos 
 hippodamos 
 
 • 
 
 house 
 
 'subduer of foes, 
 . horses 
 
 ari 
 
 rai 
 
 
 
 eris? (strife) 
 
 res 
 
 enemy 
 wealth 
 
 dru, druma 
 
 
 
 dm, drumos 
 
 . 
 
 tree, wood 
 
 dhuma 
 
 
 
 thumos 
 
 fumus 
 
 smoke, anger 
 
 prastara 
 bhrii 
 
 dantam (ace.) 
 nakha 
 
 
 
 petros 
 
 ophrus 
 
 odonta dentem 
 
 onux, onuchos unguis 
 
 stone 
 eyebrow 
 tooth 
 nail 
 
 naman' 
 
 naman 
 
 onoma 
 
 nomen 
 
 name 
 
 Sankha 
 
 
 , 
 
 konkhos 
 
 concha 
 
 shell, cockle 
 
 8 Naman is considered by Bepfey, G. W. L. ii. 144, as =jndman, " that by" 
 which any one is known." The Latin nomen would in like manner be = to 
 gnomen, (compare cognomen). The Sanskrit naman might also be = to 
 jnndman, from mnd, " that whereby any one is remembered." 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN- AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 235 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 vaoh 
 
 vach 
 
 ops 
 
 VOX 
 
 voice 
 
 vachas 
 
 vScho 
 
 , , 
 
 , 
 
 word 
 
 raj an 
 
 • 
 
 arkhon? 
 
 rex 
 
 king 
 
 rajni 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 regina 
 
 queen 
 
 janu 
 
 zhenu 
 
 gonu 
 
 genu 
 
 knee 
 
 janu 
 
 
 genes 
 
 genus 
 
 birth 
 
 madhu 
 
 madhu 
 
 methu 
 
 , , 
 
 honey, wine 
 
 deva 
 
 • 
 
 theos 
 
 deus 
 
 god 
 
 yuga 
 
 • 
 
 zugon 
 
 jugum 
 
 yoke 
 
 a^ru 
 
 . 
 
 dakru ? 
 
 lacryma? 
 
 tear 
 
 hima 
 
 . 
 
 kheimon 
 
 hiems 
 
 winter 
 
 hyaa 
 
 . 
 
 khthes 
 
 heri 
 
 yesterday 
 
 hyastana 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 hesternus 
 
 of yesterday 
 
 hridaya 
 
 , 
 
 kardia 
 
 cor 
 
 heart 
 
 divasa 
 
 . 
 
 • 
 
 dies 
 
 day 
 
 diva 
 
 
 
 divo 
 
 ' by day, 
 
 . under the sky 
 
 
 
 
 
 naktam, nakta 
 
 mtikta (ace.) 
 
 noctem (ace 
 
 .) night 
 
 sthaman 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 stamen 
 
 strength 
 
 stariman 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 etramen 
 
 bed, litter 
 
 dana 
 
 . 
 
 doron 
 
 douum 
 
 gift 
 
 kalpa, (krip, 
 to make) 
 
 kergfs 
 kerepe 
 
 kolpos ? 
 m(««-) J ^ 
 
 corpus 
 
 body 
 
 ojas 
 
 
 auge 
 
 . 
 
 brilliancy 
 
 loka 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 locus ' 
 
 world, place 
 
 yava 
 
 
 
 zea 
 
 . 
 
 barley 
 
 mala 
 
 
 
 ' melas (black) 
 
 malum 
 
 dirt, sin, evil 
 
 chhaya 
 
 
 
 skia 
 
 . 
 
 shadow 
 
 stupa 
 
 
 
 tumbos 
 
 tumulus 
 
 mound 
 
 aloka 
 
 
 
 leukos 
 
 lux 
 
 light, bright 
 
 tamas 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 tenebrse 
 
 darkness 
 
 varman 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 arma 
 
 armour 
 
 stanayitnu 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 tonitru 
 
 thunder 
 
 kala 
 
 
 
 kelainos 
 
 caligo 
 
 black ; darkness 
 
 pada 
 
 
 
 pedon 
 
 • 
 
 place, ground 
 
 valmika (ant- 
 hill) 
 datri 
 
 . 
 
 
 murmex ? 
 
 formica 
 
 ant 
 
 
 
 doter 
 
 dator 
 
 giver (masc.) 
 
 datri 
 
 
 
 doteira 
 
 datrix 
 
 giver (fern.) 
 
 janitri 
 
 
 
 genetor 
 
 genitor 
 
 father 
 
 a 
 
 Siq 
 
 uis p 
 
 orum manibus locus. 
 
 Tacitus, Agric. 46. 
 
236 ATI 
 
 Sanskrit. z?nd. 
 
 janitri 
 
 jata zata 
 
 jnata 
 purus 
 uru3 
 prithu 
 gurus 
 gariyas 
 garishtha 
 varishtha 
 laghu 
 laghishtha 
 mahan 
 mahiyan 
 manhishthas 1 
 (Vedic.) J 
 
 bahu 
 
 a^u 
 
 mridu 
 
 tanu 
 
 rudhira 
 
 gharma 
 
 sushka 
 
 purna 
 
 dirgha 
 
 swapnas 
 
 nabhas 
 
 ablira 
 
 an (to breathe) 
 vata 
 
 atman 
 
 samas 
 
 toka, takman 
 
 tara ^^ ^tare 
 
 '" The original form of this word was probably stara; as may be argued 
 from the i being preserved in Zend, and the s in Greek, as well as in the 
 Persian sitdrah. Benfey, Griech. Wurz. Lexicon, i. 661. In the new 
 edition of his Comp. Gram. par. 49, Bopp gives the Sanskrit word as slams 
 (nom. pi.) in the Vedic dialect. 
 
 L'lJiS AND DEI 
 
 IIVATION C 
 
 )F LCHAP. II 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 geneteira 
 
 genetrix 
 
 mother 
 
 • ► 
 
 gnatus 
 
 born 
 
 gnotos 
 
 notus 
 
 known 
 
 polus 
 
 . 
 
 much 
 
 eurus 
 
 . 
 
 broad 
 
 platus 
 
 . 
 
 broad 
 
 • 
 
 gravis 
 
 heavy 
 
 . 
 
 gravius 
 
 heavier 
 
 
 gravissimus 
 
 heaviest 
 
 aristos 
 
 , , 
 
 best 
 
 elakhus 
 
 e * 
 
 light, small 
 
 elakhistos 
 
 ■ 
 
 lightest 
 
 megas 
 
 magnus 
 
 great 
 
 meizon 
 
 major 
 
 greater 
 
 megistos 
 
 maximus 
 
 r greatest, vener- 
 l able 
 
 pakhus 
 
 . 
 
 great, thick 
 
 okus 
 
 
 swift 
 
 bradua 
 
 
 soft, slow 
 
 tanu? 
 
 tenuis 
 
 slender 
 
 eruthros 
 
 , . 
 
 blood, red 
 
 thermos 
 
 , 
 
 heat, hot 
 
 ■ 
 
 siccus 
 
 dry 
 
 pleos 
 
 plenus 
 
 full 
 
 dolikhos 
 
 . , 
 
 long 
 
 hupnos 
 
 somnus 
 
 sleep 
 
 nephos 
 
 nubes 
 
 sky, cloud 
 
 r ombres 1 
 1 aphros ? J 
 
 imber 
 
 cloud, rain, 
 .foam 
 
 anemos 
 
 animus 
 
 wind, mind 
 
 . 
 
 ventus ? 
 
 wind 
 
 atmos 
 
 • 
 
 vapour, breath, 
 . soul 
 
 homos 
 
 similis 
 
 like 
 
 teknon, tekos 
 
 , 
 
 child 
 
 aster, astron 
 
 astrum 
 
 star 
 
SECT. II.] THE WDIAIir AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 237 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 daru 
 
 doru 
 
 • , 
 
 wood, tree 
 
 dwara 
 
 thura 
 
 fores 
 
 door 
 
 nasika 
 
 . 
 
 nasus 
 
 nose 
 
 blias 
 
 phaos 
 
 . 
 
 light 
 
 vastu 
 
 astu 
 
 . 
 
 habitation, city 
 
 ajra (Vedic) 
 
 agros 
 
 ager 
 
 field 
 
 vastra vaStra 
 
 , . 
 
 vestis 
 
 clothes 
 
 masa 
 
 men 
 
 mensis 
 
 month 
 
 ayas 
 
 . 
 
 ses 
 
 iron, copper 
 
 adhwan 
 
 hodos ? 
 
 . 
 
 road 
 
 puri 
 
 polis 
 
 . 
 
 city 
 
 praja 
 
 • 
 
 progenies 
 
 offspring 
 
 karka 
 
 karkmo3 
 
 cancer 
 
 crab 
 
 musha 
 
 mus 
 
 mus 
 
 mouse 
 
 kona 
 
 gonia 
 
 . 
 
 corner 
 
 kshonl 
 
 khthon 
 
 . 
 
 earth 
 
 gaus, guia 
 
 ge, gaia 
 
 • 
 
 earth 
 
 ayus 
 
 aion 
 
 ffitas 
 
 age 
 
 apta 
 
 . 
 
 aptus 
 
 fit 
 
 sthira 
 
 stereos 
 
 . 
 
 firm 
 
 rasa 
 
 drosos 
 
 ros 
 
 liquid, dew 
 
 aliis azis 
 
 echis 
 
 anguis 
 
 serpent 
 
 naus 
 
 naus 
 
 navis 
 
 ship 
 
 udha3 
 
 outhar 
 
 . 
 
 udder 
 
 udara 
 
 . 
 
 uterus 
 
 belly 
 
 antra 
 
 enteron 
 
 venter 
 
 entrails 
 
 yakrit 
 
 hepar 
 
 jecur 
 
 liver 
 
 kratu (Vedio) 
 
 kratos 
 
 • 
 
 force 
 
 bala 
 
 . 
 
 validus 
 
 strength, strong 
 
 manda ? 
 
 . 
 
 mundus 
 
 ornament 
 
 para 
 
 peran, peraa 
 
 . 
 
 the other side 
 
 dakshina dashina 
 
 dexios 
 
 dexter 
 
 right (side) 
 
 gir 
 
 gerus 
 
 . 
 
 voice 
 
 keSa 
 
 . 
 
 cesaries 
 
 hair 
 
 kapala 
 
 kephale 
 
 caput 
 
 skull, head 
 
 uda 
 
 hudor 
 
 unda 
 
 water, wave 
 
 vari vairi 
 
 . 
 
 mare 
 
 water, sea 
 
 jhampa 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 jump 
 
 nava 
 
 • neos 
 
 nevus 
 
 new 
 
 takshan 
 
 tekton 
 
 . 
 
 carpenter 
 
 kshura 
 
 xuron 
 
 . 
 
 razor 
 
Z£3i3 AFF 
 
 INITIES AND DE 
 
 EIVATION 0] 
 
 '' LcHAP. n. 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 swargataa 
 
 . 
 
 coelitus 
 
 from heaven 
 
 sami 
 
 hemi 
 
 semi 
 
 half 
 
 matram 
 
 metron 
 
 metrum 
 
 measure 
 
 akshi 
 
 SkSs, okkos 
 
 oculus 
 
 eye 
 
 asya 
 
 . 
 
 03 
 
 face 
 
 bahu 
 
 pekhu 
 
 . 
 
 arm 
 
 asthi 
 
 osteon 
 
 OS 
 
 bone 
 
 asis 
 
 , , 
 
 ensis 
 
 sword 
 
 kravya 
 
 krgas 
 
 caro 
 
 flesh 
 
 ekatara 
 
 hekateros 
 
 , 
 
 one of two 
 
 madhya maidhyi 
 
 I . mesos 
 
 medius 
 
 middle 
 
 mrityu merethj 
 
 m 
 
 mora 
 
 death 
 
 mrita 
 
 ■ 
 
 mortuus 
 
 dead 
 
 martyas 
 
 brotos 
 
 mortalis 
 
 mortal 
 
 amritas 
 
 . ambrotQ3 
 
 immortalis 
 
 immortal 
 
 ewadu 
 
 hedu 
 
 suavis 
 
 sweet 
 
 pada padha 
 
 pous 
 
 pes 
 
 foot 
 
 padati 
 
 pezos 
 
 ■ pedes, pe- 
 , ditis (gen.) 
 
 j. footman 
 
 anyas 
 
 
 alius 
 
 another 
 
 antaras 
 
 heteros 
 
 alter 
 
 different 
 
 ubha uba 
 
 ampho 
 
 ambo 
 
 both 
 
 vahana 
 
 okhanon 
 
 . . 
 
 carriage 
 
 saraa 
 
 helos? 
 
 , 
 
 marsh 
 
 arbhaka 
 
 orplianos ? 
 
 orbus 
 
 small, bereaved 
 
 phuUa 
 
 phuUon 
 
 folium 
 
 flower, leaf 
 
 smS,rtta 
 
 martus ? 
 
 • 
 
 f who remembers, 
 L a witness 
 
 arjjana 
 
 ergon 
 
 ■ 
 
 earning, work 
 
 hanus 
 
 genus 
 
 . 
 
 jaw 
 
 patha 
 
 patos 
 
 . 
 
 path 
 
 kshama 
 
 khamai 
 
 
 (-ground, on the 
 \ ground 
 
 bharas - . 
 
 phoros 
 
 . 
 
 a load 
 
 yajya 
 
 hagios 
 
 • 
 
 venerable, holy 
 
 anna (from ad) . 
 
 edanos 
 
 . 
 
 eaten, eatable 
 
 a^ayana ? 
 
 okeanos. 
 
 . 
 
 ocean 
 
 guha ? 
 
 gupe, kupe 
 
 ■ 
 
 cavern, hole 
 
 kakudmat 
 
 • 
 
 cacumen ? 
 
 mountain, peak 
 
 kalevara 
 
 
 cadaver ? 
 
 body, corpse 
 
 atoan 
 
 akmon 
 
 . 
 
 stone, anvil 
 
SECT. II.] 
 
 THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 239 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 Englisli. ' 
 
 ^aru ? 
 
 , keraunos 
 
 , 
 
 thunderbolt 
 
 &inga? 
 
 keras 
 
 cornu 
 
 horn 
 
 jambha P 
 
 gomphios 
 
 . 
 
 tooth, grinder 
 
 sitya 
 
 sitos 
 
 , 
 
 corn 
 
 hala ? 
 
 khalis 
 
 . 
 
 pure wine 
 
 draksha 
 
 rhax 
 
 . 
 
 grape 
 
 vena? 
 
 foinos 
 
 Tinum 
 
 soma juice' wine 
 
 puluka 
 
 psuUa 
 
 pulex 
 
 insect, flea 
 
 lopaSaka 
 
 alopex . 
 
 • * 
 
 jackall, fox 
 
 Sarabha 
 
 karabos. 
 
 . 
 
 locust, beetle 
 
 varttaka 
 
 ortux 
 
 . 
 
 quail 
 
 udra, urdra 
 
 enudris 
 
 , 
 
 otter 
 
 kuhuka 
 
 kokkux 
 
 cuculus 
 
 . ■ Indian cuckoo, 
 . cuckoo 
 
 uluka 
 
 . 
 
 ulula 
 
 owl 
 
 karava 
 
 korax 
 
 corvus ^ 
 
 crow 
 
 pika 
 
 . 
 
 pica 
 
 Indian cuckoo, 
 . magpie 
 
 k^rkara 
 
 • . • 
 
 calx 
 
 limestone 
 
 IT. PREPOSITIONS AND PARTICLES. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 sam 
 
 , , 
 
 sun 
 
 con 
 
 with 
 
 pari 
 
 . 
 
 peri 
 
 per 
 
 round 
 
 upari '' 
 
 upairi 
 
 huper 
 
 super 
 
 above 
 
 upa" 
 
 • 
 
 hupo 
 
 sub 
 
 under 
 
 prati 
 
 . 
 
 pros, proti 
 
 . 
 
 towards 
 
 pra 
 
 . 
 
 pro 
 
 pro 
 
 before 
 
 antar 
 
 . 
 
 entos 
 
 inter, intus 
 
 within 
 
 apa 
 
 apa 
 
 apo 
 
 ab 
 
 away 
 
 api 
 
 . 
 
 epi 
 
 • 
 
 towards, on 
 
 abhi 
 
 . 
 
 amphi 
 
 • 
 
 towards, round 
 
 '1 The Latin forms super and sub, seem to be more genuine and original 
 than either the Sanskrit or the Greek, as they preserve the initial *. That 
 these words must have had an initial s is rendered probable by the other 
 cases in which the Sanskrit and Latin both retain the s, when the Greek 
 changes it into Ji, as in srip and serpo, compared with herpo ; and saptan 
 and septem, as compared with hepta ; see, however, Benfey's Gr. W. Lex. 
 i. 284. 
 
240 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. Hi 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 para 
 taran(s) 
 (from tri) 
 su 
 dus 
 
 sumanas 
 durmanas 
 a, an 
 kati 
 tati 
 kada 
 tada 
 yada 
 
 Zend. 
 
 tatas 
 yatas 
 itthara 
 
 makshu 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English, 
 
 pai-a 
 
 • 
 
 past 
 
 • 
 
 trans 
 
 across 
 
 eu 
 
 , 
 
 well 
 
 dus 
 
 , 
 
 ill 
 
 eumenes 
 
 , 
 
 kindly-minded 
 
 dusmenes 
 
 , 
 
 evil-minded 
 
 a, an 
 
 in 
 
 privative particle 
 
 • 
 
 quot 
 
 how many ? 
 
 . 
 
 tot 
 
 so many 
 
 hStg 
 
 quando 
 
 when? 
 
 tote 
 
 
 then 
 
 pote 
 
 
 when 
 
 allote 
 
 
 at other times 
 
 tothen 
 
 
 thence 
 
 hothen 
 
 
 whence 
 
 . . 
 
 item 
 
 thus 
 
 opisthen 
 
 post 
 
 after 
 
 • 
 
 mox 
 
 quickly 
 
 III. NUMERALS. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 dwi 
 
 Zend, 
 dwa 
 
 Greek. 
 
 duo 
 
 Latin, 
 duo 
 
 Englisii. 
 
 two 
 
 trayas 
 
 tisaras (fem.) 
 chatwaras 
 
 thrayo ? 
 tis3,ro (fem 
 chathwaro 
 
 . ■ treis 
 tessares 
 
 tres 
 quatuor 
 
 three 
 four 
 
 panchau 
 shat 
 
 panchan 
 khsvas 
 
 pente 
 hex 
 
 quinque 
 sex 
 
 five 
 
 six 
 
 saptan 
 ashtan 
 
 h&ptan 
 astan 
 
 hepta 
 okto 
 
 septem 
 octo 
 
 seven 
 eight 
 
 navan 
 
 navan 
 
 hennea 
 
 novem 
 
 nine 
 
 da^an 
 
 da^a 
 
 deka 
 
 decern 
 
 ten 
 
 vinsati 
 ^atam 
 
 visaiti 
 satSm 
 
 eikosi 
 hekaton 
 
 viginti 
 centum 
 
 twenty 
 hundred 
 
 prathamas 
 
 dwitiyas 
 
 tritiyas 
 
 chaturthas 
 
 turyas 
 
 frathemo 
 
 bityo 
 
 thrityo 
 
 tuiryo 
 
 protos 
 
 deuteros 
 
 tritos 
 
 tetartos 
 
 primus 
 
 secundus 
 
 tertius 
 
 quartus 
 
 first 
 
 second 
 
 third 
 
 fourth 
 
 panchamas 
 
 pukhdho 
 
 pemptos 
 
 quintus 
 
 fifth 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 241 
 
 Sanskrit. . 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greok. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 shashthas 
 
 khatvo 
 
 hektos 
 
 sextus 
 
 sixth 
 
 saptamas 
 
 haptatho 
 
 bebdomos 
 
 Septimus 
 
 seventh 
 
 ashtamas 
 
 astemo 
 
 ogdoos 
 
 ootavus 
 
 eighth 
 
 navamas 
 
 naumo 
 
 bennatos 
 
 nonus 
 
 ninth 
 
 da^amas 
 
 dai£mo 
 
 dekatos 
 
 deuimus 
 
 tenth 
 
 dwis 
 
 bis 
 
 dis 
 
 bis 
 
 twice 
 
 tris 
 
 thris 
 
 tris 
 
 ter 
 
 thrice 
 
 dwidba 
 
 . 
 
 dikba 
 
 , 
 
 in two ways 
 
 tridha 
 
 . . 
 
 trikba 
 
 . 
 
 in three ways 
 
 chaturdha 
 
 . 
 
 tetrakba 
 
 . 
 
 in four ways 
 
 panchadba 
 
 . 
 
 pentakba 
 
 . 
 
 in five ways 
 
 Sanskrit, 
 drinami 
 dadami 
 dadhami 
 tishthami 
 mi^rayami 
 strinomi 
 bbarami 
 bhu 
 
 (lib) lehmi 
 tanojui 
 tatana 
 jajanmi 
 ( jna) janami 
 tudami 
 tatoda 
 (sev) seve i 
 (sap) sape'" J 
 
 lubhyati 
 
 (tup) tupami 
 
 adini 
 
 vabami 
 
 avakshit 
 
 skandami 
 
 limpami 
 
 IV, 
 
 Zend. 
 
 dadhami 
 
 histami 
 
 zS^ami 
 
 VEEBS AND PARTICIPLES. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 dero 
 
 . 
 
 I tear, flay 
 
 didomi 
 
 do 
 
 I give 
 
 titbemi 
 
 . 
 
 I place 
 
 histemi 
 
 sto 
 
 I stand, place 
 
 mignumi 
 
 misceo 
 
 I mix 
 
 stronnumi 
 
 sterno 
 
 I spread 
 
 phero 
 
 fero 
 
 I bear 
 
 phuo 
 
 fui 
 
 to be 
 
 leikho 
 
 lingo 
 
 Hick 
 
 tanuo 
 
 tendo 
 
 I stretch 
 
 . 
 
 tetendi 
 
 I stretched 
 
 gennao 
 
 gigno 
 
 I beget 
 
 gignosco 
 
 gnpsco 
 
 I know 
 
 . 
 
 tundo 
 
 I wound or beat 
 
 • 
 
 tutudi 
 
 I have beaten 
 
 sebomai 
 
 . 
 
 I reverence 
 
 
 lubet 
 
 be desires, (S.) 
 . it pleases (L.) 
 
 
 
 tupto 
 
 . 
 
 I hurt, beat 
 
 edo 
 
 edo 
 
 I eat 
 
 • 
 
 veho 
 
 I carry 
 
 . 
 
 vexit 
 
 he carried 
 
 • 
 
 scando 
 
 I go, ascend 
 
 aleipho 
 
 . 
 
 I annoint 
 
 See Benfey's Glossary to S.-V. ; and asapanta in K.-V. vii. 83. 8. 
 
 E 
 
242 
 
 AFFimTIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 apaptam 
 
 epipton 
 
 . 
 
 I fell 
 
 apaptat 
 
 epipte 
 
 p , 
 
 he fell 
 
 patami 
 
 petomai 
 
 
 I fall, fly 
 
 sidami from l 
 shad) J • 
 
 . 
 
 sedeo 
 
 I sink, sit • 
 
 chhinadmi " 
 
 schizo 
 
 scindo 
 
 I cut 
 
 cihindanti 
 
 . 
 
 scindunt 
 
 they cut 
 
 bhinadmi 
 
 * 
 
 findo 
 
 I cleave 
 
 tripyami 
 damyami 
 
 terpo 
 
 " damao 
 L damnemi 
 
 domo 
 
 r I am satisfied, 
 L please 
 I subdue 
 
 labhe 
 
 lambano 
 
 . 
 
 I take 
 
 anajmi 
 
 . 
 
 ungo 
 
 I anoint 
 
 anktum 
 
 
 unctum 
 
 to anoint 
 
 plave 
 
 pleo 
 
 fluo, pluo 
 
 f I swim, sail, 
 I flow, rain 
 
 manami (mna) 
 
 mnaomai 
 
 memini 
 
 I remember 
 
 juhomi (hu) 
 
 thuo 
 
 . 
 
 I sacrifice 
 
 huta 
 
 thutos 
 
 . 
 
 sacrificed 
 
 dasami 
 
 dakno 
 
 
 I bite 
 
 karomi (kri) 
 
 kraino 
 
 creo 
 
 ■I do, fulfil, 
 . create 
 
 ase 
 
 hesmai 
 
 
 I sit 
 
 vamami 
 
 emeo 
 
 vomo 
 
 I vomit 
 
 pardami 
 
 perdomai 
 
 pedo 
 
 r ventris crepitum 
 1 edo 
 
 swgde 1 
 swidyami J 
 
 hidroo 
 
 sudo 
 
 I sweat 
 
 ardami 
 
 • 
 
 ardeo 
 
 rl aflBict, am on 
 I .fire 
 
 swanami 
 
 . 
 
 sono 
 
 I sound 
 
 lunami 
 
 luo 
 
 luo 
 
 ■ I cut, loose, 
 
 - pay 
 
 dahami 
 
 daio 
 
 . 
 
 I burn 
 
 varte 
 
 
 verto 
 
 I am, turn 
 
 varttate 
 
 . 
 
 vertit 
 
 he is, turns 
 
 mebami (mih) 
 
 . 
 
 mingo 
 
 I make water 
 
 emi (from i) 
 
 eimi 
 
 eo 
 
 I go 
 
 " This root may originally have had an initial L See, however, Benfey, 
 G. W. L. i. 166. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE' NATIONS. 
 
 243 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 dr%ami(old- 
 
 
 
 
 
 present ? 
 
 
 derko 
 
 . 
 
 I see 
 
 from dri^) 
 
 
 
 
 
 vedmi (vid) 
 
 
 eido 
 
 video 
 
 I know, see 
 
 veda 
 
 
 oida 
 
 
 I know 
 
 punami 
 
 
 . 
 
 puto 
 
 I cleanse 
 
 tapye 
 
 
 . 
 
 tepeo 
 
 I am hot 
 
 prichhami pgr 
 
 Ssami 
 
 
 preco 
 
 I ask 
 
 spn^aini > 
 
 
 rskeptomai • 
 
 
 
 (later form ? l 
 
 
 i (by meta- ■ 
 
 specio 
 
 I make clear, see 
 
 paSyami) > 
 
 
 <- thesis) 
 
 
 
 trasyami 
 
 
 treo 
 
 tremo 
 
 I fear, tremble 
 
 naiyami 
 
 
 nekros? (dead) noceo 
 
 I perish, hurt 
 
 spri^ami 
 
 
 . 
 
 spargo ? 
 
 I touch, sprinkle 
 
 majjami 
 
 
 , 
 
 mergo ? 
 
 1 sink 
 
 lagami 
 
 
 lego? 
 
 lego 
 
 1 touch, lay 
 
 pyich 
 
 
 pleko 
 
 plecto 
 
 I touch, twined 
 
 prikta 
 
 
 plektos 
 
 plexus 
 
 touched, twined 
 
 raje " 
 
 
 arkho? 
 
 rego 
 
 I rule 
 
 loche, loke 
 
 
 leusso 
 
 luceo 
 
 I look, shine 
 
 vachmi 
 
 
 . 
 
 voco 
 
 I speak, call 
 
 takshami '^ 
 
 
 tikto, teukho 
 
 texo 
 
 I fabricate,beget 
 
 budhye 
 
 
 punthanomai 
 
 puto 
 
 1 think, ascertain 
 
 vapami ^* 
 
 
 hupbaino 
 
 . 
 
 I weave 
 
 varsharai 
 
 
 brekho 
 
 , ; 
 
 I rain 
 
 bhanj " 
 
 
 fregnumi 
 
 frango 
 
 I break 
 
 bhuj " 
 
 
 . 
 
 fruor 
 
 I enjoy 
 
 bhukta 
 
 
 . 
 
 fructus 
 
 enjoyed, fruit 
 
 charami 
 
 
 . 
 
 curro ? 
 
 I go, run 
 
 chachara 
 
 
 . 
 
 cucurri ? 
 
 I went, ran 
 
 kalpayami '^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 (from krip: 
 Pali kap- 
 
 • 
 
 kopto ? 
 
 carpo ? 
 
 I cut, pluck 
 
 pemi) J 
 
 
 
 
 
 " Nighantu, ii. 21. 
 
 '° Compare the words toka, tdkman, tehnofi in the list of nouns. 
 
 '" Dr. Aufrecht finds in the word urnavabM the trace of an old root vabh, 
 " to weave," which is still closer to the Greek form. See Bohtlingk and Kotli' s 
 Dictionary, sub voce urnavdbhi. 
 
 " These roots were, perhaps, originally bhranj, and bhruj, the r being 
 
 s 2 
 
244 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 bhakshayami 
 
 phago 
 
 
 I eat 
 |-I am excited, 
 
 kupyami 
 
 . 
 
 cupio 
 
 i angry, desir- 
 l ous 
 
 srinomi 
 
 kluo 
 
 
 I hear 
 
 jivami 
 
 zao 
 
 vivo 
 
 Hive 
 
 vanomi 
 
 • ■ • 
 
 venero 
 
 I worship 
 
 kshanomi 
 
 kteino 
 
 
 I kill 
 
 ksbinomi 
 
 ktinnumi 
 
 
 I kill 
 
 gup (root) 
 
 krupto 
 
 
 I hide 
 
 guptas 
 
 kruptos 
 
 
 hidden 
 
 guhami 
 
 keutbo 
 
 
 I hide 
 
 kirami 
 
 krino ? 
 
 cerno 
 
 r I scatter, 
 L separate 
 
 pivSmi 
 
 pino 
 
 bibo 
 
 I drink 
 
 papau 
 
 pepoka 
 
 . 
 
 I have drunk 
 
 patum (to drink) . 
 
 pStos 
 
 potus 
 
 drunk 
 
 jagarmi 
 
 egeiro 
 
 . 
 
 I wake, rouse 
 
 pinashmi 
 
 . 
 
 pinso 
 
 I pound 
 
 pishta 
 
 
 pistus 
 
 pounded 
 
 kampe, (I ' 
 tremble) J 
 
 kampto ? 
 
 
 I bend 
 
 namami 
 
 neuo 
 
 nuo 
 
 I bend, nod 
 
 margayami 
 
 margao?^ 
 
 • 
 
 I- 1 seek, am 
 t greedy, rage 
 
 ban (orig. dhan ?) . 
 
 than 
 
 . 
 
 to kill, die 
 
 (ni)dhana 
 
 thanatos 
 
 . 
 
 death 
 
 bhanaini 
 
 phoneo ? 
 
 
 I speak 
 
 sivyami 
 
 nabyami . 
 adramam 
 
 edramon 
 
 suo 
 necto 
 
 I sew 
 
 I bind 
 
 I went, ran 
 
 di^ami 
 
 deiknumi 
 
 dice 
 
 I show, tell 
 
 adiksham 
 
 edeixa 
 
 dixi 
 
 I showed, told 
 
 adikshata 
 
 edeixate 
 
 dixistis 
 
 ye showed 
 
 mime, mami" 
 (from ma) J 
 
 trape'^ 
 
 metreo 
 trepo '* 
 
 metior 
 
 I measure 
 
 I am ashamed, 
 L I turn 
 
 afterwards dropped for the sake of euphony. Benfey, G. W. L, ii. 14, 366 ; 
 Weber, Ind. Stud. ii. 88, note. 
 
 '8 These two roots differ in sense ; and perhaps Lave no affinity. 
 
SECT. 11.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 245 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 trumpami 
 
 tropami 
 
 yate 
 
 mridnami 
 
 mamai'da 
 
 medh 
 
 ninje (nij) 
 
 apnomi 
 
 bandh 
 
 yunajini 
 
 yuktas 
 
 bhramyami 
 
 lumpami 
 
 sache 
 
 bhraje 
 
 bhrijjami 
 
 dhavami 
 
 daniami 
 
 dashta 
 
 pachami 
 
 pakva 
 
 lambe 
 
 yaje 
 
 sravami 
 
 stambh 
 
 rabh 
 
 tra; trai 
 
 bandh 
 
 Greek, 
 thrupto 
 
 zeto 
 
 medomai 
 
 uizo 
 hapto 
 
 zeugnumi 
 
 zeuktos 
 
 bremo 
 
 hepomai 
 
 phlego 
 
 phrugo 
 
 thed 
 
 dakiio 
 
 Latin^ 
 
 mordeo 
 uiomordi 
 
 (ad)ipiciscor 
 
 jungo 
 junctus 
 
 fremo 
 
 rumpo 
 sequor 
 fulgeo 
 
 coquo 
 coctus 
 labor 
 
 pepto ? 
 peptos 
 
 bazomai 
 reo 
 
 stembo? stepbo? . 
 
 rapto? 
 
 tSreo traho 
 
 English. 
 
 I hurt, break 
 
 I strive, seek 
 
 I rub, bite 
 
 I rubbed, bit 
 r I understand, 
 L think on 
 
 I cleanse 
 
 I obtain 
 
 bind (root) 
 
 I yoke, join 
 
 joined 
 
 {I roar (Sans, 
 wander) 
 
 I cut, break 
 
 I follow 
 
 I shine, burn 
 
 I roast 
 
 I run 
 
 I bite 
 
 bitten 
 
 I cook 
 
 cooked 
 
 I fall 
 
 I venerate 
 
 I flow 
 r I stop, stamp, 
 1, crown 
 
 I begin, sew 
 
 {I deliver, keep, 
 draw 
 
 Where the Zend word has been omitted in the proper column 
 of the preceding list, I have not found it readily accessible. 
 It will be gathered from the list that in many cases where the 
 Grreek language furnishes words equivalent both in sound and 
 sense to certain Sanskrit words, the Latin, as preserved to us, 
 has no words of corresponding forin ; and that, vice versa, the 
 Latin has often forms corresponding to the Sanskrit, where the 
 Grreek has none. In all the instances I have adduced, the 
 
 K 3 
 
246 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 affinity is, of course, not equally certain. Doubtful cases I have 
 generally indicated by a mark of interrogation. 
 
 It will also be observed that certain letters in Sanskrit are 
 uniformly, or generally, replaced by certain other different 
 letters in Zend, or in Greek, or in Latin, Thus the Sanskrit s 
 becomes A in Zend and. Greek, as in the case of saptan, hajpta, 
 and hepta. The Sanskrit s again becomes k in Greek ; dh is 
 replaced by th; bh by ph; gh hy kh; j hj g ; y hj z or (in 
 Latin) _^'; and so on, 
 
 I now proceed, secondly, to exhibit the resemblances which 
 exist between Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin, in respect of 
 their modes of declension and conjugation, as well as generally 
 in the formation of words from nominal and verbal roots. 
 
 I shall first of all adduce as an instance of this similarity, the 
 first and second personal pronouns. 
 
 PEKSONAL PEONOUNS, 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend, 
 
 Greek. 
 
 tatin. 
 
 F.nglista. 
 
 NOM. 
 
 aham 
 
 azgm 
 
 ego 
 
 ego 
 
 I. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 mam 
 
 manm, ma 
 
 me 
 
 me 
 
 me. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 maya 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 by me. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ■ mahyam, 
 me 
 
 maibya 
 mg, mol 
 
 emoi, moi 
 
 milii 
 
 to me. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 mat 
 
 ma4 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 from me. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 mama, me 
 
 mana,me,m6i emou, mou 
 
 mei 
 
 of me. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 mayi 
 
 
 emoi, moi 
 
 I'LITRAI. 
 
 me 
 
 in me. 
 
 NoM. 
 
 - vay am, 
 asme(Veaic) 
 
 r vaem 
 
 hemeis 
 
 nos 
 
 we. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 asman, nas 
 
 no 
 
 hemas 
 
 nos 
 
 us. 
 
 Ikst. 
 
 asmabhis 
 
 . 
 
 ■ 
 
 • 
 
 by us. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ■asm3,bhy- 
 ' am, or nas . 
 
 maibyo, no 
 
 temin 
 
 nobis 
 
 to us. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 asmat 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 
 from us. 
 
SECT. 11.] THE mDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 247 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 
 
 f asmakam, 
 
 L or nas 
 Loc. asmasu. 
 
 ^hmakein 
 
 NoM. 
 Ace. 
 
 tw&m 
 twam 
 
 Inst. twSya, 
 ^ r tubhyam, 
 
 DAT. { J 
 
 Lor te 
 Abl. twat 
 
 Gen. tava, te 
 
 Loc. twayi 
 
 turn 
 
 {thwanin, 
 thwa 
 
 thwoi, toi, 
 
 te 
 - thwa4 
 r thwahya, 
 1. thw6i, te 
 
 thahmi 
 
 hemon 
 hemin 
 
 SINGTTLAB. 
 
 su 
 j-se 
 
 Latin, 
 nostrum 
 nobis 
 
 tu 
 te 
 
 tibi 
 
 tui 
 te 
 
 English. 
 of US. 
 
 in us. 
 
 thou, 
 thee, 
 by thee, 
 lo thee. 
 from thee, 
 of thee. 
 in thee. 
 
 NoM.-fy^T^i yuzhemi 
 
 L yushme, (v.dic.) yus f 
 
 fyushman, 1 
 
 J }■ vo 
 
 Ace. -{ 
 
 Lvas 
 
 Inst, 
 
 DAT 
 
 yushmabhis 
 
 humeis 
 humas 
 
 humin 
 
 you. 
 
 vos 
 
 you. 
 
 • 
 
 by you. 
 
 robis 
 
 to you. 
 
 . 
 
 from you. 
 
 vestrum 
 
 of you. 
 
 vobis 
 
 in you. 
 
 Lbhyam, vas to 
 
 Abl. yushmat yusmad 
 
 Gen. yushmakam yusmak8m,vo humon 
 
 Loc. yushmasu . . humin 
 
 The following are examples of the similarity as regards the 
 declension of nouns between the four languages in question. 
 
 NOUNS MASCULINE, ending in a. 
 Vrika, "a wolf." 
 
 
 
 sinoclak. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 NOM. 
 
 vrikas 
 
 vehrko 
 
 lukos 
 
 lupus 
 
 Ace. 
 
 Trikam 
 
 vehrkem 
 
 lukon 
 
 lupum. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 vrikena 
 
 vehrka 
 
 luko 
 
 lupo. 
 
 Dat.- 
 
 ■vrikaya 
 
 vehrkai 
 
 luko 
 
 lupo. 
 
 a 4 
 
248 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. ii. 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 vrikat 
 
 vfehrkad 
 
 luko 
 
 lupo. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 vrikasya 
 
 vehrkahS 
 
 lukou 
 
 lupi. 
 
 Log. 
 
 vrike 
 
 vehrkg 
 
 luko 
 
 lupo. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 vrika 
 
 vehrkS 
 
 luke 
 
 lupe. 
 
 
 
 DUAL. 
 
 
 NOM. 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 Ac.<S 
 
 : -vrikau 
 
 vehrkSo 
 
 luko 
 
 No dual. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 [■ vrikayos 
 
 
 
 
 Loc. 
 
 • 
 
 lukoin. 
 
 
 Inst. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Da.& 
 
 : !■ vrikabhyam 
 
 vShrkaiibya, 
 
 lukoin. 
 
 
 Abl. 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 PLDEAL. 
 
 
 N. & 
 Voc. 
 
 ■ vrikas 
 
 vehrk£lonh6 
 
 lukoi 
 
 lupi. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 vrikan 
 
 vehrkan 
 
 lukou! 
 
 lupos. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 vrikais 
 
 vehrkSis 
 
 lukois 
 
 lupis 
 
 Dat. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 vrikebhyas ' 
 ' vrikebhyas 
 
 vShrkaiibyS 
 
 ■ lukois 
 .lukois 
 
 lupis. 
 lupis. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 vrikanam 
 
 vehrkananm 
 
 luk6n 
 
 luporum. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 vrikeshu 
 
 vehrkaishva 
 
 lukois 
 
 lupis. 
 
 NOUN FEMININE. 
 
 
 
 Jihwa 
 
 " tongue." 
 
 
 
 
 SINGDLAK. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 NOM. 
 
 jihwa 
 
 hizva 
 
 glossa 
 
 lingua. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 jihwam 
 
 hizvanm 
 
 glossan 
 
 linguam. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 jihwaya 
 
 hizvaya 
 
 glosse 
 
 lingua. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 jihwayai 
 
 hizvayai 
 
 glosse 
 
 linguae. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 jihwayah 
 
 hizvayad 
 
 glosse 
 
 lingua. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 jihwayah 
 
 hizvayfto 
 
 glosses 
 
 linguae. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 jihwayam 
 
 hizvaya ? 
 
 glosse 
 
 lingua. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 jihwe 
 
 hizva 
 
 glossa 
 
 lingua. 
 
SECT. n.J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 249 
 
 NOUN MASCULINE, ending in ri. 
 Pitri, "a father." 
 
 
 
 siNeniAE. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 NOM. 
 
 pita 
 
 brata (hrother) 
 
 pater 
 
 pater. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 pitaram 
 
 bratarem 
 
 patera 
 
 patrem. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 pitra 
 
 brathra 
 
 pateri, patri 
 
 patre. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 pitre 
 
 brathre 
 
 pateri, patri 
 
 patri. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 pitas 
 
 . 
 
 pateri, patri 
 
 patre. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 pitus 
 
 brathro 
 
 patros 
 
 patris. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 pitari 
 
 brathri ? 
 
 pateri, patri 
 
 patre. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 pitah 
 
 bratare 
 
 patgr 
 
 pater. 
 
 
 
 PLnBAL. 
 
 
 NoM. 
 
 pitaras 
 
 brataro 
 
 patSrgg 
 
 patres. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 pitrin 
 
 brathreus ? 
 
 pateras 
 
 patres. 
 
 Ikst. 
 
 pitribhis 
 
 . 
 
 patrasi 
 
 patribus. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 pitribhyas 
 
 bratarebyo 
 
 patrasi 
 
 patribus. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 pitribhyas 
 
 bratargbyo 
 
 patrasi 
 
 patribus. 
 
 Gbn. 
 
 pitrlnam 
 
 brathraiim 
 
 pateron, patron 
 
 patrium. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 pitrishu 
 
 bratareshva 
 
 patrasi 
 
 patribus. 
 
 ANOTHER FOEM OF NOUN MASCULINE, ending in ri. 
 
 
 
 singular. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 NoM. 
 
 data 
 
 data 
 
 doter 
 
 dator. 
 
 Acq. 
 
 d^itaram 
 
 datarem 
 
 dot era 
 
 datorem. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 datra 
 
 dathra 
 
 doteri 
 
 datore. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 datre 
 
 dathre 
 
 doteri 
 
 datori. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 datus 
 
 dathrad 
 
 doteri 
 
 datore. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 datus 
 
 dathro 
 
 doteros 
 
 datoris. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 datari 
 
 dathri ? 
 
 doteri 
 
 PLUKAL. 
 
 datore. 
 
 NoM. 
 
 dataras 
 
 dataro 
 
 doteres 
 
 datores. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 datrin 
 
 dathreus ? 
 
 doteras 
 
 datores. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 datribhis 
 
 , 
 
 dotersi 
 
 datoribus. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 datribhyas 
 
 . 
 
 dotersi 
 
 datoribus. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 datribliyas 
 
 . 
 
 dotersi 
 
 datoribus. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 datrinam 
 
 dathranm 
 
 doteron 
 
 datorum. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 datrishu 
 
 . 
 
 dotersi 
 
 datoribus. 
 
250 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. n. 
 
 PBESENT PAETICIPLE ACTIVE. 
 Bharat, " supporting." 
 
 
 
 SINGtJLAE. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 . Latin. 
 
 NOM. 
 
 bharan 
 
 barans 
 
 piieron 
 
 ferens. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 bharantam 
 
 barentem 
 
 plierontS 
 
 ferentem. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 bharata 
 
 bargnta 
 
 pheronti 
 
 ferente. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 bharate 
 
 barentS 
 
 pheronti 
 
 ferenti. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 bharatas 
 
 barantad 
 
 pheronti 
 
 ferente. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 bharatas 
 
 barenl6 
 
 pherontos 
 
 ferentis. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 bharati 
 
 barenti 
 
 pheronti 
 
 ferente. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 bliaran 
 
 barans 
 
 pheron 
 
 ferens. 
 
 NEUTER NOUNS. 
 
 
 
 Dana, 
 
 "a gift." 
 
 
 
 
 
 SINGULAK. 
 
 
 
 .Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 NoM. 
 
 danam 
 
 datgm 
 
 
 doron 
 
 donum. 
 
 Aec. 
 
 danam 
 
 datSm 
 
 
 doron 
 
 donum. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 danena 
 
 data 
 
 
 doro 
 
 dono. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 danaya 
 
 data! 
 
 
 doro 
 
 done. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 danat 
 
 da tad 
 
 
 doro 
 
 dono. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 danasya 
 
 datahg 
 
 
 doron 
 
 doni. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 dane 
 
 datS 
 
 
 doro 
 
 dono. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 dana 
 
 data 
 
 
 doron 
 
 donum. 
 
 Neuter Noun ending with a consonant. 
 Kaman, " a name." 
 
 
 
 SINGULAK. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek- 
 
 Latin. 
 
 NoM. 
 
 nama 
 
 nama 
 
 onoma 
 
 nomen. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 nama 
 
 nama 
 
 onoma 
 
 nomen. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 namna 
 
 namana 
 
 onomati 
 
 nomine. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 namne 
 
 namaine 
 
 onomati 
 
 nomiui. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 namnas 
 
 namanad 
 
 onomati 
 
 nomine. 
 
 Gen. 
 
 namnas 
 
 namano 
 
 onomatos 
 
 nominis. 
 
 Loc. 
 
 namni 
 
 namaini 
 
 onomati 
 
 nomimnise, 
 
 Voc. 
 
 naman 
 
 naman 
 
 onoma. 
 
 enomn. 
 
SECT. II.J 
 
 THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 251 
 
 
 
 PLUKAL 
 
 
 
 
 Sanskril*. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 KoM. 
 
 namani 
 
 namana 
 
 onomata 
 
 nomina. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 namani 
 
 namana 
 
 onoraSita 
 
 nomina. 
 
 Inst. 
 
 namabhis 
 
 namabis 
 
 onomasi 
 
 nominibus, 
 
 Dat. 
 
 namabhyas, 1 
 
 - iiamaby6 
 
 ' onomasi 
 
 nominibus, 
 
 Abl. 
 
 naraabhyas J 
 
 . onomasi 
 
 nominibus, 
 
 Gen. 
 
 namnam 
 
 namananm 
 
 onomaton 
 
 nominum. 
 
 Loo. 
 
 namasu 
 
 namahva 
 
 onomasi 
 
 nominibus. 
 
 The forms of conjugating verbs in Sanskrit and Greek have 
 a remarkable resemblance, particularly in those Greek verbs in 
 mi, in which reduplication of the consonant of the root takes 
 place in the present and imperfect tenses. Greek as well as 
 Sanskrit has the augment in e = a in the imperfect and aorist, 
 and the reduplication of the consonant in the perfects The 
 most striking instance of resemblance is, perhaps, the root dd 
 or do 'to give;' which I subjoin together with several other 
 examples; adding occasionally the Latin forms and the Zend 
 also, where they are easily accessible. 
 
 
 
 THE VEEB 
 
 to give. 
 
 
 
 
 Present tense. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 
 dadami 
 
 dadhami 
 
 dldomi 
 
 do 
 
 Sing. 
 
 dadasi 
 
 dadbahi 
 
 didos 
 
 das 
 
 
 ■ dadati 
 
 dadhaiti 
 
 didosi 
 
 dat 
 
 
 r dadvas 
 
 , , 
 
 , , 
 
 , 
 
 Dual 
 
 ■j datthas 
 L dattas 
 
 • 
 
 didoton 
 didoton 
 
 • 
 
 
 |- dadmas 
 
 dadSmahi 
 
 didomen 
 
 damus. 
 
 PliUHAL 
 
 i dattha 
 
 . 
 
 didote 
 
 datis 
 
 
 1- dadati 
 
 dadfinti 
 
 didousi 
 
 dant. 
 
 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 
 
 adadam 
 
 . 
 
 edidon 
 
 dabam, 
 
 Sing. 
 
 adadas 
 
 . 
 
 edidos 
 
 dabas. 
 
 
 ■ adadat 
 
 
 edido 
 
 dabat. 
 
252 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. 11. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 
 Latin. 
 
 
 p adadva 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 Ddal ■ adattam 
 
 
 
 edidoton 
 
 . 
 
 ■ adattam 
 
 
 
 edidoten 
 
 
 radadma 
 
 
 
 edidomen 
 
 dabamus. 
 
 Plural -1 adatta 
 
 
 
 edidote 
 
 dabatis. 
 
 l adadus 
 
 
 
 edidosaa 
 
 dabant. 
 
 
 
 Third Preterite. 
 
 
 -adam 
 
 ' 
 
 edon 
 
 
 Sing. ■ adas 
 
 
 
 edos 
 
 
 
 
 adat 
 
 
 
 edo 
 
 
 
 
 ' adava 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 
 Dual ■ adatam 
 
 
 
 edoton 
 
 
 
 
 . adatam 
 
 
 
 edoten 
 
 
 
 
 radama 
 
 
 
 edomen 
 
 
 
 
 Plueal.-! adata 
 
 
 
 edote 
 
 
 
 
 ladus 
 
 
 
 edosan 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kec 
 
 luplicated Preterite. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 1 
 
 -dadau 
 
 dedoka 
 
 dedi. 
 
 Sing. ■] 
 
 daditha 
 
 dedokas 
 
 dedisti. 
 
 
 -dadau 
 
 dedoke 
 
 dedit. 
 
 
 •dadiva 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 Dual - 
 
 dadathus 
 
 dedokaton 
 
 . 
 
 
 ■dadatus 
 
 dedokaten 
 
 
 
 'dadima 
 
 dedokamen 
 
 dedimus. 
 
 Plural - 
 
 dada 
 
 dedokate 
 
 dedistis. 
 
 
 • dadus 
 
 
 dedokasi 
 
 dederunt. 
 
 
 The subjunctive and precative moods of the Sanskrit also^ 
 answer nearly to the optatives of the present and aorist in 
 Grreek: thus, 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. 
 
 dadyam didoien. 
 
 dadjas didoies. 
 
 dadyat didoie. 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek, 
 
 dadyama didoiemen. 
 
 dadyata didoiete. 
 
 dadyus didoiesan. 
 
SECT. 11.] 
 
 THE INDIAN AND COONATE NATIONS. 
 Precative. 
 
 253 
 
 
 SINGULAR. 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 deyasam 
 
 
 doien. 
 
 dejas 
 
 
 doies. 
 
 deyat_ 
 
 
 dole, &c. 
 
 There is also a resemblance in the Greek future doso, "I will 
 give," and the future particle doson, to the Sanskrit ddsydmi 
 and ddsyan; and' a perfect identity in the Latin gerund, datum,, 
 with the Sanskrit infinitive ddtwm. The aflB.nity between the 
 Sanskrit form ddtri, " a giver," or " one who wiU give," (which 
 makes ddtdras ia the plural,) and the Latin future particle 
 daturus, is also striking. 
 
 THE VERB to place. 
 Present Tense. 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 
 - dadhami . 
 
 tithemi. 
 
 .Sing. 
 
 - dadhasi 
 
 tithes. 
 
 
 -dadhati 
 
 tithesi. 
 
 
 ■ dadhvas 
 
 , 
 
 Dual 
 
 - dhatthas 
 
 titheton. 
 
 
 dhattas 
 
 titheton. 
 
 
 j-dadhmas 
 
 tithemen. 
 
 PlUK. 
 
 -1 dhattha 
 
 tithete. 
 
 
 I dadhati 
 
 titheisi. 
 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 
 
 /-adadham 
 
 etithen. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 - adadhas 
 
 etithes. 
 
 
 .adadhat 
 
 etithe. 
 
 
 • adadhwa 
 
 . 
 
 DXTAL 
 
 ■ adhattam 
 
 etitheton. 
 
 
 . adhattam 
 
 etitheten. 
 
 
 i-adadhma 
 
 ctithemen, 
 
 Plur. 
 
 ■ adhatta 
 
 etithete. 
 
 
 .adadhus 
 
 etithesan. 
 
254 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap, il 
 
 
 Third Preterite. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 
 C adham 
 
 ethen. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 .J adhas 
 
 ethes. 
 
 
 ladhat 
 
 ethe. 
 
 
 adhava 
 
 , , 
 
 Dual 
 
 - adhatam 
 
 etheton. 
 
 
 adhatam 
 
 etheten. 
 
 
 |-adhama 
 
 ethemen 
 
 PlUE. 
 
 -1 adhata 
 
 ethete. 
 
 
 1- adhus 
 
 ethesan. 
 
 
 THE 
 
 VERB to spread. 
 Present Tense. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin, v 
 
 
 strlnomi 
 
 stronnumi 
 
 sterno. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 strinoshi 
 
 stronnus 
 
 sternis. 
 
 
 strinoti 
 
 stronnusi 
 
 sternit. 
 
 
 r strinuvas 
 
 , 
 
 , 
 
 Dual 
 
 i strinuthas 
 
 stronnuton 
 
 , 
 
 
 I strinutas 
 
 stronnuton 
 
 . 
 
 
 (- strimumas 
 
 stronnumen 
 
 - sternimus. 
 
 Plub. 
 
 strinutha 
 
 stronnute 
 
 sternitis. 
 
 
 . strinvanti 
 
 stronnusi 
 Imperfect. 
 
 sternunt. 
 
 
 ■astrinavam 
 
 estronnun 
 
 sternebam. 
 
 Sing. - 
 
 astrinos 
 
 estronnus 
 
 ^ternebas. 
 
 
 . astrinot 
 
 estronnu 
 
 sternebat. 
 
 
 - astrinuva 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 DuALi 
 
 astrinutam 
 
 estronnuton 
 
 . 
 
 
 - astrinutam 
 
 estronnuten 
 
 . • 
 
 
 - astrinuma 
 
 estronnumen 
 
 sternebamus 
 
 Plur. ■ 
 
 astrinuta 
 
 estronnute 
 
 sternebatis. 
 
 
 i astrinvan 
 
 estronnusan 
 
 sternebant. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAlSr AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 255 
 
 THE VERB to creep. 
 
 
 
 Present Tense. 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 
 (-sarpami 
 
 herpo 
 
 serpo. 
 
 SlUG. - 
 
 sarpasi 
 
 herpeis 
 
 serpis. 
 
 
 -sarpati 
 
 herpei 
 
 serpifc. 
 
 
 rsarpavas 
 
 
 . 
 
 Dual- 
 
 ! sarpathas 
 
 herpeton 
 
 . 
 
 
 y sarpatas 
 
 herpeton 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 sarpamas 
 
 herpomen 
 
 serpimus, 
 
 Plue. ■ 
 
 sarpatha 
 
 herpete 
 
 serpitis. 
 
 
 ■ sarpanti 
 
 herpousi 
 
 serpunt. 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 
 • asarpam 
 
 heirpon 
 
 serpebam. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 •asarpas 
 
 heirpes 
 
 serpebas. 
 
 
 . asarpat 
 
 heirpe 
 
 serpebat. 
 
 
 r asarpava 
 
 - 
 
 . 
 
 Dual- 
 
 } asarpatam 
 
 heirpeton 
 
 . . 
 
 
 Lasarpatam 
 
 heirpeten 
 
 . 
 
 
 rasarpama 
 
 heirpomen 
 
 serpebamus. 
 
 Plue. ■ 
 
 I asarpata 
 
 heirpete 
 
 serpebatis. 
 
 
 I asarpan 
 
 heirpon 
 
 serpebant. 
 
 Subjunctive, optative, and future (Latin). 
 
 Sing. 
 
 r sarpeyam 
 sarpes 
 V sarpet 
 i-sarpema 
 PiiUE. -! sarpeta 
 I sarpeyus 
 
 herpoimi 
 
 herpois 
 
 herpoi 
 
 herpoimen 
 
 herpoite 
 
 herpoien 
 
 serpem. 
 
 serpes. 
 
 serpet. 
 
 serpemus. 
 
 serpetis. 
 
 serpent. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 sasarpa 
 
 Perfect. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 heirpa 
 
256 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ir. 
 
 Participles. 
 
 
 
 
 SINGUT-AR. 
 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 
 NOM. 
 
 sarpan 
 
 herpon 
 
 serpens. 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 sarpantam 
 
 herponta 
 
 serpentem. 
 
 
 DAT. 
 
 sarpate 
 
 herponti 
 
 TLVRAL. 
 
 serpenti. 
 
 
 NoM. 
 
 sarpantas 
 
 herpontes 
 
 serpentes. 
 
 
 DAT. 
 
 sarpadbhyas 
 THE 
 
 herpousi 
 
 VERB to be. 
 
 Present. 
 
 serpentibus. 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 
 (-asmi 
 
 ahmi 
 
 esmi 
 
 sum. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 ■j asi 
 
 ahi 
 
 eis, essi 
 
 es. 
 
 
 l-asti 
 
 aiti 
 
 esti 
 
 est. 
 
 
 ■swas 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 Dual, 
 
 sthaa 
 
 . 
 
 eston 
 
 . 
 
 
 ■ stag 
 
 , 
 
 eston 
 
 . 
 
 
 •smas 
 
 hmabi 
 
 esmen 
 
 sumus 
 
 Plueal 
 
 stha 
 
 §ta 
 
 este 
 
 estis. 
 
 
 santi 
 
 hgnti. 
 
 eisi 
 
 sunt. 
 
 Sing. astu 
 PiiUEAL santu 
 
 Imperative. 
 
 esto 
 estosan 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 esto. 
 sunto. 
 
 
 r asam 
 
 en 
 
 eram. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 aais 
 
 es 
 
 eras. 
 
 
 . asit 
 
 en 
 
 erat. 
 
 
 r aswa 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 Dual 
 
 astam 
 
 eton 
 
 . 
 
 
 ■ astam 
 
 eten 
 
 . 
 
 
 rasma 
 
 emen 
 
 eramus 
 
 Plural 
 
 \ astba 
 
 ete 
 
 eratis 
 
 
 1. asan 
 
 esan 
 
 erant. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDUTf AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 257 
 
 
 THE 
 
 VEEB to stand. 
 
 
 
 
 Present. 
 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit, 
 
 Zend. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 
 ■ tisbthami 
 
 histami 
 
 histemi 
 
 sto. 
 
 SlKG. 
 
 tishthasi 
 
 histahi 
 
 histes 
 
 etas. 
 
 
 ■ tishthatl 
 
 histati 
 
 histesi 
 
 Stat. 
 
 
 -tishthamas 
 
 histamahi 
 
 histamen 
 
 stamus, 
 
 Plural ■ 
 
 tishthatha 
 
 histatha 
 
 Histate 
 
 Btatis. 
 
 
 ■ tishthanti 
 
 histenti 
 
 histasi 
 
 stant. 
 
 THE "VEEB to show ov say^ 
 Preterite. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 {adiksham 
 adikshas 
 adikshat 
 |- adiksbama 
 Flubal i adikshata 
 I- adikshan 
 
 Greek. 
 
 edeixa 
 
 edeix.a3 
 
 edeixe 
 
 edeixamen 
 
 edeixate 
 
 edeixan 
 
 Latin 
 
 dixi. 
 
 dixistis. 
 
 dixit. 
 
 diximus. 
 
 dixistis. 
 
 dixerunt. 
 
 The following are additional examples of similarity of form 
 in the past tenses, combined in most cases with identity of 
 sense. 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 Englisli. 
 
 avaksbit 
 
 vexit 
 
 be carried. 
 
 akshipsi [I tbrew] . 
 
 soripsi 
 
 I wrote. 
 
 apaptam epipton 
 
 . 
 
 I fell. 
 
 apatam epeson 
 
 
 I fell. 
 
 astbam esten 
 
 
 I stood. 
 
 The subjoined instances exhibit the similarity in the formation 
 of the reduplicated perfect between the Sanskrit and Grreek. 
 
 
 SANSKRIT. 
 
 
 
 GREEK. 
 
 
 Root. 
 
 Perfect. 
 
 Englisli. 
 
 Present. 
 
 Perfect. 
 
 English. 
 
 lip 
 
 lilepa 
 
 I anointed 
 
 leipo 
 
 leloipa 
 
 I left. 
 
 ^ak 
 
 sa^aka 
 
 I was able 
 
 derko 
 
 dedorka 
 
 I saw. 
 
 tup 
 tuph 
 
 tutopa "1 
 tutophaj 
 
 I injured 
 
 tupto 
 
 tetupha 
 
 I struck. 
 
 tap 
 
 tatapa 
 
 I heated 
 
 thapto 
 
 tetapha 
 
 I buried, 
 
 
 
 (from tapho.) 
 
 
 
258 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [c 
 
 I add some examples of conformity between the Sanskrit 
 infinitive and the Latin supine. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Lathi. 
 
 English. 
 
 Sansltrit. 
 
 Lntin. 
 
 English. 
 
 sthatum 
 
 statuin 
 
 to stand. 
 
 janitum 
 
 genitum 
 
 to beget. 
 
 anktum 
 
 unctum 
 
 to anoint. 
 
 etum 
 
 ituin 
 
 to go. 
 
 vamitum 
 
 vomitum 
 
 to vomit. 
 
 swanitum 
 
 sonituni 
 
 to sound. 
 
 jnatum 
 
 notum 
 
 to know. 
 
 startum 
 
 stratum 
 
 to spread. 
 
 yoktufia 
 
 junctum 
 
 to join. 
 
 sarptum 
 
 serptum 
 
 to creep. 
 
 peshtum 
 
 pistum 
 
 to pound. 
 
 
 
 
 The form of the Sanskrit desideratives, though not the 
 signification, is found in Greek and Latin: thus we have gi- 
 gnosco, (Greek,) and nosco, (Latin,) answering to jijndsdmi, "I 
 desire to know;" and again, mimnesko and [rej'miniscor, 
 answering to mrmnndsdmi, " I desire to remember." 
 
 Again, Greek words like paipallo, daidallo, paiphasso, 
 pvmpl&mi, pvmpremi, &c., though without the meaning, have 
 the form of Sanskrit intensives, like bobhu, hamhhram. 
 
 In regard to the participles, alsT), there is a remarkable coin- 
 cidence between the Sanskrit and the G-reek. Some of the 
 participles of the active voice have been already given. The 
 following are some other specimens. 
 
 PERFECT PARTICIPLE ACTIVE. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 fern. 
 
 Sanskrit, 
 fem. 
 
 tetuphos tetuphuia tetuphos. | tutupivan tutupushi tutupivat. 
 
 PASSIVE PARTICIPLES. 
 Present. Future, 
 
 diyamanas didomenos. | dasyamanas 
 
 dosomenos. 
 
 Sanskrit (neuter and masculine) bases in man correspond to 
 the Latin in me«; thus we have sthdman= stamen ; starmtan 
 =:stramen. Nominal forms in tra, also, are common to Sanskrit, 
 Greek, and Latin : thus the Sanskrit aritram, netram, Srotram,, 
 gdtra/tn, valetram, khanitram,, vdditram, correspond in form 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 259 
 
 to the Grreek niptron, plectron, lektron, pheretron, lutron, 
 arotron, and the Latin mulctrum, spectrum, aratrwm. 
 
 The nominal form in nds, is common to Grreek and Sanskrit : 
 thus, the hupnos, (sleep,) of the one answers to the svapnas 
 of the other. 
 
 Passive past participles in to are common to Sanskrit with 
 the other languages : thus, 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. 
 
 jnatas 
 
 ajnatas 
 
 dattas dato 
 
 yuktas 
 
 labdhas 
 
 Greek, 
 gnotos 
 
 Latin. 
 
 (g)notus. 
 
 agnotos 
 
 ignotus. 
 
 dotos 
 
 datus. 
 
 zeuktos 
 
 junctus. 
 
 leptos 
 
 . 
 
 Compare also bhdgnas in Sanskrit, with stugnos, terpnos, in 
 Greek. 
 
 Abstract or other substantives in td, tdt, tes, tas, are also 
 found in them all : thus. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 nava-ta 
 sama-ta 
 laghu-ta 
 
 Zend. 
 amgrStat 
 uparatat 
 astatat 
 
 Greek. 
 
 neo-tes 
 
 homo-tes 
 
 platu-tes 
 
 Latin. 
 
 novi-tas. 
 facili-tas 
 levi-tas. 
 
 Forms in tis occur both in Sanskrit and Greek : thus. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 ma- tis 
 triptis 
 patis 
 
 Greek, 
 me-tis. 
 terpsis. 
 posis. 
 
 Instances of adjectives similarly formed : 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 malinas 
 
 kulinas 
 
 divyas 
 
 pitryas 
 
 yasasyas 
 
 Forms in las and fas : 
 
 Greek. 
 
 pedinos 
 
 skoteinos 
 
 hallos 
 
 patrlos 
 
 thaumaslos 
 
 Latin. 
 
 marinus. 
 
 ferinus. 
 
 egregius. 
 
 patrius. 
 
 censorius. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 chapalas 
 taralas 
 
 Greek. 
 
 eikelos 
 trapelos 
 
 s 'J, 
 
 Latin, 
 tremnlns. 
 stridulus. 
 
260 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 Forms in ras : 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. Latin, 
 
 madhuras phoberos. 
 
 subhras psuchros gnarus. 
 
 bhadras lampros purus. 
 
 Feminine nouns are also similarly formed, as follows: 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. Latin, 
 
 indrani theaina matrona. 
 
 varunani lukaina patrona. 
 
 rudrani despoina. 
 
 Abstract nouns are also formed in Grreek, as in Sanskrit, by 
 changing the vowel of the root: thus, from the roots hhid, 
 krudh, and luhk, are formed the nouns, bheda, krodha, and 
 lobha; and so in Grreek we have tromos, phqbos, trokhos, 
 nomas, loipos, from tremo, phebcmmi, trekho, nemo, and leipo. 
 
 "We have examples of nouns in Latin and Grreek resembling 
 Sanskrit nouns in ya, such as these : 
 
 Sanskrit. Latin. Greek, 
 
 madhuryara mendacium tbeopropion. 
 
 naipunyam principium monomachion. 
 
 Simple radicals are used in all three languages at the end of 
 compound nouns and adjectives: 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 
 
 dharma-vid pgdotrips artifex. 
 
 netra-mush prosphux index, 
 
 brabma-dwisb bouplex princeps. 
 
 The iise of eu and dus in Greek, corresponds to that of su 
 and dus in Sanskrit : thus, 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek, 
 
 sukaras euphoros. 
 
 sulabhas eutrophos. 
 
 dustaras dustropos. 
 
 dussahas dusphoros. 
 
 The following are instances of the emplojrment of a, an, i, or 
 in privative, in the three languages : 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. Latin, 
 
 ajnata agnotos ignotus. 
 
 an-ishthas an-osios, ineflfabilis. 
 
n.] 
 
 THE INDIAK AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 261 
 
 The subjoined adjectives ai-e similarly formed in Sanskrit and 
 Latin from adverbs of time : 
 
 Sanskrit. Latin. 
 
 hesternus. 
 crastinus. 
 vespertinus. 
 sempiternus. 
 
 The use Of various sorts of compound words is common to 
 Sanskrit ■with Greek and Latin. Thus we have. 
 
 swastanas 
 
 sayantanas 
 
 Sanatanas 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 English. 
 
 triratram 
 
 trinuction 
 
 trinoctium 
 
 a period of three njghts. 
 
 swapnakaras 
 
 hupnophoros 
 
 somnifer 
 
 bringing sleep. 
 
 sadabhramaa 
 
 aeiplanos. 
 
 . 
 
 always wandering. 
 
 arindamas 
 
 ippodamos 
 
 . 
 
 foe-, steed-subduing. 
 
 devadattas 
 
 theodotos 
 
 . 
 
 god-given. 
 
 mahamatis 
 
 megalometis 
 
 magnanimus 
 
 high-souled. 
 
 bhuridhanas 
 
 poluchrusos 
 
 . 
 
 very rich. 
 
 bS,humurttis 
 
 polumorphos 
 
 multiformis 
 
 multiform. 
 
 chatushpad 
 
 tetrapous 
 
 quadrupes 
 
 four-footed. 
 
 sarupas 
 
 summorphos 
 
 conformis 
 
 of the same form. 
 
 Forms in ana, nouns ; 
 
 md adjectives; 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 
 darpanam 
 
 
 drepanon. 
 
 
 vahanam 
 
 
 organon. 
 
 
 sobhanas 
 
 
 hikanos. 
 
 Forms in 
 
 oka or ika : 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 latin. 
 
 nayakas 
 
 polemikos 
 
 medicus. 
 
 dbarmikas 
 
 rhetorikos 
 
 bellicus. 
 
 Forms in 
 
 ant: 
 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 
 dbanavan 
 
 
 doloeis. 
 
 
 dbanavantam 
 
 doloenta. 
 
 Sanskrit nouns ending in as, corresponding to Grreek and 
 Latin nouns of the 3rd declension : 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Laitin. 
 
 ay as 
 
 pseudos 
 
 foedus. 
 
 yaSas 
 
 medos 
 
 scelus. 
 
 apas 
 
 kedos 
 
 opus. 
 
 S 3 
 
262 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 In Greek and Latin the comparative and superlative degrees 
 are formed very much as in Sanskrit. The Greek has, how- 
 ever, two forms, like Sanskrit ; the Latin only one. 
 
 English. 
 
 1 different mean- 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. 
 
 bhadra husko 
 
 bhadra-tara husko-tara 
 
 bhadra-tama spentotama, 
 
 swadus . ' 
 swadiyan 
 swadisbthas 
 
 Greek. 
 
 kleinos 
 
 kleino-teros 
 
 kleino-tatos 
 
 bedus 
 
 bedion 
 
 bedistos 
 
 Latin. 
 
 longus 
 
 long-ior 
 
 longis-simus 
 
 suavis 
 
 suavior 
 
 suavlssimus 
 
 I 
 
 ings. 
 
 sweet. 
 
 sweeter. 
 
 sweetest. 
 
 In Greek and Latin, as in Sanskrit, verbs are compounded 
 with prepositions. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Latin. 
 
 apa-gacbbati 
 
 ap-erkbetai 
 
 abs-cedo. 
 
 sau-gacbbati 
 
 9un-erkbetai 
 
 con-venit. 
 
 upa-dadbati 
 
 hupo-tithesi 
 
 sup-ponit. 
 
 pari-bbrarajati 
 
 peri-erkbetai 
 
 circu-it. 
 
 pra-sarpati 
 
 pro-bainei 
 
 pro-cedit. 
 
 In Latin, as in Sanskrit, verbs are compounded with nouns 
 or adjectives. 
 
 Sanskrit. Latin, 
 
 parikbikaroti significat. 
 
 krisbnikaroti magnificat. 
 
 In Greek and Latin, adjectives agree in gender and number 
 with the noun, just as in Sanskrit : thus, 
 
 Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. English. 
 
 NoM. SiN^. swadfls swapnas bedus bupnos suavis somnus sweet sleep. 
 
 Ace. Sin. swadum swapnS,m hedun bupnon suavetn somnum sweet sleep. 
 
 NoM. Fix. swad3,vas swapnas bedues bupnoi suaves somni sweet sleeps. 
 
 NoM. Sin. navo data neos doter novus dator new giver. 
 
 Ace. Sin. navam dataram neon dotera novum datorem new giver. 
 
 We must, therefore, conclude from the illustrations which have 
 been given above, of the resemblances existing both in roots and 
 inflections, between the Sanskrit, the Zend, the Greek, and the 
 Latin, (viewed in contrast with the almost total want of simila- 
 rity between the Sanskrit and other tongues, e. g. the Arabic,) 
 that there is a close affinity between the various members of the 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 263 
 
 former group of languages ; and that in fact, they are all de- 
 scended from one common stock. 
 
 It may, however, be objected that the affinity which I have 
 been seeking to establish between the Sanskrit, the Grreek, and 
 the Latin is disproved by the fact that, (while a portion of the 
 words in these languages are identical with, or akin to each 
 other,) thegreat majority of their words are different. If these 
 languages had in reality had a common origin, their vocabularies 
 must, it may be urged, have been entirely homogeneous, i. e^must 
 have consisted of the same identical words, just as is the case 
 with the Bengali, the Hindi, and the Mahratti, which are con- 
 fessedly kindred dialects. To this I reply. First, that even a small 
 proportion of common words, combined with great similarity in 
 point of structure and inflection, is sufficient to demonstrate the 
 common derivation of any two languages from one original stem, 
 provided it can be shown (as it assuredly can in the case under con- 
 sideration) that neither the words nor the inflections have been bor- 
 rowed by the one language from the other. For how could the 
 common possession* by these two supposed languages, of even a 
 small stock of words be otherwise accounted for ? This community 
 of words could not be accidental ; for had there been anything of 
 accident in the case, we should, beyond a doubt, have discovered 
 the same casual resemblances between other languages — -between 
 Sanskrit and Arabic for instance, or between Greek and Arabic 
 — as we discover between Sanskrit and Greek ; whereas in point of 
 fact we discover scarcely any such resemblances. The difference 
 between Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, in regard to the large majority 
 of the words of which their vocabularies are composed, admits 
 of an easy explanation. The speech of different branches of 
 every great race of men, has (as I have already in part shown 
 in p. 42.) an inevitable tendency, aa-ising from a great variety of 
 causes, to diverge more and more from the original type. This 
 tendency is visible even in India itself, among men of the same 
 branch of the Arian family. The vocabulary of the Vedas is 
 very different from that of the later Sanskiit writings. Many 
 
 S 4 
 
264 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 words which are common in the former have been entirely dis- 
 used in later times, while new words imknown in the Vedas, 
 have been introduced. If the Mghantu be compared with the 
 Amara-kosha, (which may be supposed to contain the words in 
 most general use in later Sanskrit,) many nouns will be found in 
 the former, which are wanting in the latter, as well as in all 
 other more recent vocabularies. I may instance such words as 
 tuvi, ' much ;' napdt, ' offspring ;' ajpas, ' work ;' gmd and jmd, 
 ' earth ;' hetas, ' knowledge ;' dkenipas, ' wise ;' tahma, ' offspring;' 
 &c. ; which occur in the Nighantu, but will be sought for in vain 
 in the Amara-kosha. In fact, many of the words in the Ni- 
 ghantu owe their insertion in that vocabulary entirely to the fact, 
 that they had become obsolete in later times. Again, any one who 
 is familiar with the different modern vernaculars of India, must 
 be aware how much they differ from each other, not only in their 
 grammatical forms, but also, frequently, in the words themselves 
 which are employed by preference in each to denote any particular 
 objects. Now, as we have already seen (pp. 8. 56.), all these dia- 
 lects must at one time have issued from one and the same parent 
 form of speech. But if such a divergence as this has actually taken 
 place in dialects spoken by the different branches of one people, 
 living in the same country, under nearly the same influences of soil 
 and climate, and professing the same religion ; must not a much 
 wider divergence have of necessity arisen between the languages 
 of tribes separated for thousands of years, and living in regions 
 far apart from each other, under different physical conditions, and 
 subject to the modifying action of different social, political, and 
 religious institutions ? 
 
 Such divergences between the languages of any two or more 
 nations which have sprung from one common stock have, as I 
 have already intimated, an inevitable tendency to become wider 
 and more marked ; so that, two dialects derived from the same 
 original form of speech, though they at first differed but little 
 from each other, will thus almost necessarily become more and 
 more dissimilar from each other, the longer they have been 
 separated from the parent root. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 265 
 
 Peculiar circumstanceSj such as constant intercourse, and the 
 possession of a common religion and a common literature, may, 
 indeed, for a period of greater or less duration avert such a 
 gradual divergence in language between two separate nations. 
 This state of things is at present actually exemplified in the case 
 of England and America. But these two nations have only 
 become' separated from each other for a comparatively short 
 period; and it would be difficult to predict how long their 
 identity of language may continue. So powerful, however, are 
 the causes which operate in this case to maintain an absolute 
 community of speech, that (notwithstanding the adoption in 
 America of some new words, and a considerable number of 
 phrases unknown in England) the two nations will, in all like- 
 hhood, continue to employ the same dialect for many ages to 
 come. This result will, however, more probably arise from the 
 English language undergoing a parallel alteration in both coun- 
 tries, than from its continuing entirely unchanged in either. 
 
 But we must be careful not to underrate the extent of the 
 fundamental affinity in roots and words between the Sanskrit, 
 the Greek, the Latin, and the other western languages of the 
 same family. Even a cursory examination of such works as 
 Professor Benfey's " Greek-Eadical-Lexicon," '^ is sufficient to 
 sho'w that these coincidences are more numerous than might at 
 first sight have been supposed, and that it is only an insufficient 
 study of the variations undergone by different words in the 
 several languages under review which prevents our perceiving 
 that a considerable, though probably undeterminable, proportion 
 of their vocabulary is essentially common to them all. 
 
 But, Secondly, there is a further circumstance by which the 
 original affinity between Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, and their 
 ancient derivation from one parent stock are proved ; which is 
 this, that it is precisely those words and forms which are the most 
 primitive, the laost fundamental, and the most essential parts of 
 
 '^ Griechisches Wurzel Lexicon: 2 vols. Berlin, 1839 and 1842. 
 
266 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF Icbap. u. 
 
 each language which they have in common. I mean, First, those 
 words which express the natural relations of father, mother, &c., 
 and kindred generally; Secondly, the pronouns; Thirdly, the 
 words expressing number, and Fourthly, the forms of inflection. 
 Thus, the words which Sanskrit has in common with Latin, Greek, 
 and the other members of the Indo-Germanic stock are those which 
 would be in use in the earliest stages of society, when men were 
 simple and uniform in their habits and ideas, when they had few 
 wants, few arts, little knowledge, no sciences, no philosophy, and no 
 complicated institutions. But after the different tribes of the Indo- 
 Grermanic stock had departed in different directions, from their 
 primeval abodes, and had settled in distant countries, they 
 became in the course of time more and more different from each 
 other in their religions, in their manners and customs, and in all 
 their modes of life. The climates under which they lived were 
 different; some settling within the torrid zone, while others 
 migrated into temperate or even frigid latitudes. The aspects of 
 nature, too, were very dissimilar in these different regions, some 
 of them being level and fertile, others mountainous and unpro- 
 ductive ; some situated on the shores of the ocean, and others 
 at a distance inland. The natural productions of these different 
 tracts, too, were various, as well as the animals by whom they were 
 tenanted. Some of these countries, for instance, produced rice and 
 the sugar cane, and were frequented by the elephant, the camel, the 
 lion, and the tiger, while in others, these plants and animals were 
 not indigenous. In consequence of all these local influences, 
 the temperaments and habits of the men of different nations 
 became exceedingly diversified. In level and fertile countries with 
 hot climates, men became less active and energetic, owing to the 
 relaxing effects of the heat, and the diminished necessity for 
 labour ; while the frames of those who settled in colder countries 
 were both braced by the greater severity of the climate, and by 
 the necessity of labour for extracting a subsistence from the 
 less genial soil. Men settled on the shores of the sea, naturally 
 became addicted to maritime pm-suits, from which those living 
 
SECT. :i.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 267 
 
 inland were debarred. In this way different arts arose, different 
 sciences were cultivated, and different social and political insti- 
 tutions were established. In some countries the active energies 
 of the people were fostered by the existence of free forms of 
 government : in others, the feeling of independence, perhaps 
 originally feeble, was altogether crushed by despotism ; while, on 
 the other hand, the thoughtful tendencies which were native to 
 the race, found their full scope in scientific pui'suits, or in philoso- 
 phical and religious contemplation. With these great and mani- 
 fold changes in all the conditions of life, corresponding alterations 
 in language, intended to express new objects and new ideas, would 
 be necessarily introduced, which became more and more exten- 
 sive and decided as centuries rolled on.^° The different stages of 
 this process which I have been describing, are more or less dis- 
 tinctly exemplified in the different languages which have been 
 specified as connected by afiinity with the Sanskrit, Of these 
 languages, the Zend (or language of the Zend Avesta) is that 
 which had been separated from the Sanskrit for the shortest space 
 of time, and subjected to the action of the smallest modifying 
 influences, at the period when it took the form in which the most 
 ancient of the extant Zoroastrian writings are composed; and 
 accordingly, it has a far closer resemblance to the Sanskrit 
 than either the Greek or the Latin. This will be made clear 
 by the evidence which I shall hereafter adduce. The Grreek and 
 Latin languages, on the other hand, had been separated from 
 the Sanskrit for a much longer interval of time, and affected by 
 novel influences of far greater potency, when they became embo- 
 died in the oldest compositions which have descended to us ; and 
 they accordingly differ from the Sanskrit, in most respects, 
 much more widely than the Zend does. 
 
 "^ The divergences, apparent or real, between the Arian languages, are due 
 " to alterations, to losses occasioned by the lapse of time, and also to the in- 
 cessant efforts (so to speak) of the language to replace the lost forms, and to 
 follow step by step the gradual developments of the several nationalities." — 
 Piotet, " Origines Indo-Europeennes, ou les Aryas Primitifs," p. 5. See Ap- 
 pendix, Note A. 
 
268 AFFINITIES AKD DERIVATION OF [chai>. ii. 
 
 I conclude, therefore, from the foregoing considerations, that 
 the differences which exist between the Sanskrit, the Grreek, and 
 the Latin languages, as we find them in their later stages, afford 
 no reason for doubting that they had, at an earlier period, a much 
 more intimate connection, and were, in fact, originally identical. 
 
 Another objection may, however, perhaps be raised by some 
 person looking at the subject from an Indian point of view. It 
 is quite true, he may urge, that an affinity exists between the 
 Sanskrit, the Zend, the Greek, and the Latin ; but this quite tallies 
 with what our Sastras record (Manu x. 43. 44 ; Vishnu-purana, iv. 
 3., p. 375 of Wilson's translation) '", that the Yavanas rGrreeks), 
 Pahlavas (Persians), and Kambojas, were originally Kshatriya 
 tribes, who becahie degraded by their separation from Brahmans 
 and Brahmanical institutions; and it is also quite clear from 
 the proofs which you have adduced of affinity between these 
 languages and our sacred tongue, that the former are mere 
 Prakrit or Apabhransa dialects, derived from Sanskrit. Your 
 hypothesis of these languages, as well as the Sanskrit, being 
 derived from some earlier form of speech now no longer extant, 
 is quite gratuitous ; for, what the heretical Bauddhas falsely say' 
 of their Apabhransa, which they call Pali, is literally true of Sans- 
 krit, the language of the gods, that it is that primeval and eternal 
 form of speech ^^ from which all others are derived. 
 
 To this I reply that, even if Zend, Grreek, and Latin could be 
 shown, on the ground of their affinity with Sanskrit, to be 
 derived from it, it would still be quite impossible for the objector 
 to prove on the same ground, that Sanskrit was the parent of all 
 the languages which are spoken by all the tribes which have 
 inhabited India or the adjacent countries. Arabic, as ha3 been 
 shown, is quite distinct from Sanskrit, and has scarcely any per- 
 ceivable affinity with it of any kind. And the same is the case 
 tvith the languages current in the south of India, the Tamil, the 
 Telugu, the Canarese, and the Malayalim (the tongues spoken by 
 
 ^ " See Part First of this Work, p. 177. 
 ^' See Mahabbashya, as quoted above, p. 170. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 269 
 
 the inhabitants of Dravida, Telinga, Karnata, &c.) For Manu 
 himself (as we have already seen p. 160), makes a distinction 
 between the languages employed by the people of India ; which 
 shows that forms of speech of a non-Arian i. e. non-Sanskrit 
 character were spoken by part of the population. So that the 
 point which the objector is, perhaps, really seeking to establish, 
 viz., that the Arian-Indians are the original progenitors of all the 
 surrounding nations, and their language, Sanskrit, the parent of 
 all other languages, could never be proved. It cannot be ad- 
 mitted, however, as I have already remarked, that Greek and 
 Latin are derivatives from Sanskrit. There is no proof of this 
 theory, and all probability is against it. The whole grammatical 
 character of Grreek and Latin is that of independent languages ; 
 and any one who will compare their structure and composition 
 with that of the Indian Prakrits, which every one allows to be, 
 derived from Sanskrit, will at once perceive the difference of 
 the two cases. 
 
 First. — The grammatical forTns of the Prakrits (as we have 
 already seen, p. 81), have evidently resulted from a disintegration 
 or simplification of the older Sanskrit forms. Thus the Sanskrit 
 words TnuJcta, gupta, sutra, mmrga, artha, sreshtha, drishti, 
 pwshpa, dahshina, madhya, satya, tushnim,, laghu, sddhu, sdbhd, 
 are in Prakrit softened down into mutta, gutta, sutta, magga, 
 attha,settha,ditthi,puppha,dakkhina, 7najjha,sachcha, tunhim, 
 lahu, sdhu, and sahd. The further back we trace the Prakrit 
 forms, the more nearly do they resemble the Sanskrit, till they 
 are found to be almost identical; while the more modern the gram- 
 matical forms are which the Prakrits have taken, the more widely 
 do they diverge from their Sanskrit prototypes. The case is 
 quite different with the Latin and Grreek. A few instances 
 may, no doubt, be discovered where the modes in which the 
 Latin or Grreek forms vary from the Sanskrit correspond in some 
 degree to those changes of softening or simplification '' which the 
 
 " There are very few of the Prakrit forms which are not simplifications 
 of the Sanskrit. Even in such a case as that of the word itthi, or Uthiya, 
 
270 AFFINITIES AKD DERIVATION OP [chap. ii. 
 
 Sanskrit forms have undergone in Prakrit. Thus the Latin 
 •word humus, " the ground," differs from the Sanskrit hhumi 
 in the same way that the Prakrit aahd differs from the Sanskrit 
 sabhd; the Greek dolikhos "long," varies from the Sanskrit^ 
 dirgha somewhat in the same manner as the Prakrit siri or 
 hiri, vary from the Sanskrit ^ri and hri ; and the Greek hupnos 
 " sleep," appears to simplify the Sanskrit svapna, by much the 
 same process as that by which the Prakrit reduces the Sanskrit 
 sthdna " place," to thdma. But the few instances which can be 
 adduced, are quite insufficient to prove that even in these cases 
 the Greek or the Latin words are borrowed from the Sanskrit.'* 
 They may with quite equal probability have been derived from 
 
 "woman"(fromsM), the change is a simplification, as one or more consonants 
 are thrown out, and the vowel i is prefixed to facilitate pronunciation. But 
 the great majority of Sanskrit words commencing with a double consonant 
 are modified in Prakrit, not by prefixing a vowel, but either by rejecting one 
 of the members of the compound consonant, or by interposing a vowel 
 between them. Thus the Sanskrit sthd becomes in Prakrit tJid, sthala becomes 
 tJiala, shindha becomes kandha, sprii becomes phuns, kshamd becomes khama, 
 sndna becomes nhdna, sneha becomes saneJw, mldna becomes maldna. 
 
 '* It may, however, be further objected that my argument is incomplete, as 
 all Prakrit or derivative dialects do not modify the original language in the 
 same manner. Thus French and Spanish, it may be said, do not corrupt 
 the Latin in the same way as Italian does. Now, as it has been stated above 
 (p. 155) that the Indian Prakrits corrupted Sanskrit very much in the same 
 way as the Italian corrupted Latin, so (the objector may urge), Zend, and 
 Greek, and Latin, may have modified Sanskrit in a somewhat different way, 
 as French and Spanish modified Latin. To this I reply that in the case of 
 all these derivatives of Latin, viz. Italian, French, and Spanish, it can be 
 shown (1.) that the people who spoke these languages were either entirely or 
 in part descended from the Romans ; or that, at least, they received their 
 language from the Romans who conquered and colonised their respective 
 countries ; but it cannot be shown either that the Greeks or Romans were 
 descended from the Indians, or in any way received their languages from 
 Hindusthan. (2.) In the case of the French and Spanish languages, as well 
 as in that of the Italian, the exact process and the very steps can be pointed 
 out by which they changed the forms of the Latin words ; but it cannot be 
 shown, in regard to the Greek or Latin, that their words are in any way coT- 
 ruptions of Sanskrit originals. 
 
SECT. II.J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 271 
 
 an earlier language from which the Sanskrit is also drawn. 
 There is no appearance of Greek and Latin words having re- 
 sulted from any modification of the Sanskrit : for, while many 
 of their forms have a close res&mblance to the Sanskrit forms, 
 they are at the same time, for the most part, equally original 
 with those of that language ; and many of them are so different 
 from the Sanskrit, and so peculiar, that they could not be de- 
 duced from it according to any laws of mutation recognized by 
 philologists. The Greek and Latin forms can, therefore, only 
 be derived from another and anterior source, from which the 
 Sanskrit forms also, as well as they, have flowed. It is, further, 
 the opinion of distinguished comparative philologists, that 
 Latin and Grreek have preserved some forms of inflection, 
 which are more ancient than those preserved in Sanskrit; 
 and represent more exactly the original forms of the sup- 
 posed parent language. For instance, the Latin has pre- 
 served the nominative of the present participle ending in 
 eifis, such as ferens, (carrying), while Sanskrit has only the 
 form in at, bharat for example, which seems to have been origi- 
 nally bharans or bharant.^^ The same is the case with various 
 roots, nominal and verbal, in which the Sanskrit appears to have 
 lost the original form of the word, while it has been preserved in 
 Crreek or Latin, or both. Thus the Sanskrit word tdra, " a star," 
 seems to have been originally stdra, a form which has been 
 preserved in the Grreek aster and astron, and in the Latin 
 astrum, as well as in the Zend stare, and the Persian sitdrah. 
 Again, it seems ^probable that the Sanskrit root bhanj, "to 
 break," may have been originally bhranj, with an r, which 
 has been preserved in the Latin frango, and the Grreek 
 regnumi or Pregnumi. And the Latin forms of the prepositions 
 sub and super, (corresponding to the Grreek hupo and huper,) 
 appear to be more ancient than the Sanskrit forms upa and 
 upari. 
 
 ^ Bopp, Comp. Grammar, para. 129. Ad. Regnier, Traite de la forma- 
 tion des mots dans la langue Grecque, note 1, pp. 68, 69. 
 
272 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. 
 
 Second : But the fact that the Greek and Latin languages are 
 in their origin independent of the Sanskrit may be further 
 shown by the following considerations : ^^ 
 
 * (1.) On a careful examination of the roots contained in 
 the Dhatupathas, or lists of radicals in the classical or modern 
 Sanskrit, it will be found that many of these verbal roots are 
 compounded, or resolvable into simpler forms. But as those 
 roots, notwithstanding their composite character, are treated 
 by the Indian grammarians as ultimate radicals, it is clear that 
 those grammarians have forgotten the simpler forms from which 
 the others have been derived. Of this remark the following 
 roots are exemplifications, viz. : vyanj, vyay, vi, vyadh, pyush 
 or vyush, ptmsh, veksh, and ujhh, which, though evidently com- 
 pounded of vi + anj, vi + ay, vi + i, vi + adh, pi or vi + ush, 
 pra+ush, vaioi ava-^-iksh, ut + hd (jahdti), are yet treated 
 by the Indian grammarians as if they were simple roots. 
 
 * (2.) The Sanskrit has not only undergone alterations such 
 as the above, but the modern language has actually lost some 
 fuller forms of roots, which are still discoverable in the Vedic 
 hymns. As an instance of this may be mentioned the root 
 grcbbh, (see above, p. 228,) " to seize," which in the modern 
 Sanskrit has become praJcritized into grah. Other instances 
 are the Vedic dhurv, and dhvri, as compared with the modern 
 hvri; and the Vedic sundh, as compared with the modem 
 Sudh. The following Vedic roots are not to be found in 
 modem Sanskrit at all, viz.^' : "Sfm^ "^^ , ^Iff , "SJ^j 
 
 " I am indebted for the substance of the paragraphs marked with an aste- 
 risk (*) to the kindness of Professor Goldstiicker, who is dissatisfied with 
 the views propounded in the passage immediately preceding, as he rejects 
 the theory which has hitherto been in favour with philologists that the fullest 
 forms are the oldest. Compare for the roots given in paragraph * (1.) 
 Professor Benfey's " Complete Sanskrit Grammar," pp. 73, ff. 
 
 2' On the hypothesis that the fuller form is the more ancient, I may also 
 cite the Vedic forms scham (as compared with the modern cham) and Schand 
 (as compared with the modern chand), as given in Professor Benfey's 
 " Complete Grammar," p. 73. 
 
SECT. II.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 273 
 
 ^^, Tq^^, ^^, IT^^, W%' '^\, W\, (5^,. ^T^^, 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 * (3.) But it is not only a fact that the modern Sanskrit has 
 lost some of the oldest verbal roots ; the same appears to be the 
 case with the more ancient Vedic Sanskrit also, from which 
 some primitive radicals had already disappeared. This is 
 indicated by the circumstance that there exist certain Sanskrit 
 nouns, which must have been derived from radicals which in 
 their verbal form are not discoverable even in the Vedas. Thus 
 from the existence of the word virudh, " a, shrub," and nya- 
 grodha (a particular tree), we may infer that there once existed 
 a root Tudh, "to grow," which in this sense (for the modern 
 Sanskrit has still rudh in the sense of " to stop,") now survives 
 only in its weakened form rw/i.^'* In like manner it appears 
 from the nouns dhanus, "a bow," jpra-dhana, "battle," and 
 ni + dhana, "death," that the root han, "to kill," must once 
 have existed in the stronger form d'han=(h:e^, 6av. 
 
 * (4.) Some of the verbal roots which have been lost by both 
 the modern and the Vedic Sanskrit, and which cannot be traced 
 there even through their preservation in derivatives, may yet be 
 recovered from oblivion by the aid of the Greek or Latin. 
 Thus the Sanskrit hu, " to sacrifice," must have originally ex- 
 isted in the stronger form dhu, as we may infer from the 
 Grreek Bvm; and in the same way the earliest form of the Sans- 
 krit guh, "to hide," was probably gudh, as the Greek Ksvdm 
 would lead us to suppose. So too from the Greek forms 
 vrjdco, " to spin," and ^six"", " to lick," we may argue that the 
 original Sanskrit forms of nah and lih must have been nadh 
 and Ugh.^^ Several forms of substantives and other words also 
 can be shown, in which the Greek forms are stronger than the 
 
 2'* See Pictet's " Origines Indo-Europeennes," p. 143. 
 
 '^ So too the root duh " to milk," must have once lieen dngh, as is proved 
 not only by its passive participle dugdha, but also by the Zend substantive 
 dvgMhar and the Greek Bvyarrjp, " daughter," a word which most philolo- 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 Sanskrit. Thus, instead of the Sanskrit hima, " winter," ahi, 
 "a serpent," hyas, "yesterday," we find in Greek the stronger 
 forms 'xeifjiav, s^is or 6j>is, x^ss or e)(des. 
 
 From the-'facts detailed in the preceding paragraphs, which 
 prove that compound roots have been taken by the Indian 
 grammarians for simple ones, and that old forms have been 
 modified or lost in the modern, or even in the Vedic, Sanskrit, it 
 is clear tha,t that language (esjDecially in its modern form) can- 
 not be always regarded as a fixed standard, according to which the 
 originality of the Latin and Grreek forms could be estimated. 
 And the supposition that any of the Grreek or Latin words'" are 
 borrowed from Sanskrit by a prakritizing process is satisfactorily 
 disproved by the fact that various instances have been adduced 
 of the very opposite nature, where the Greek and Latin forms, 
 instead of being like the Prakrit ones, weaker or simpler than 
 the Sanskrit, are stronger or more complex. For, whether or 
 
 gists think, originally signified " milker." Professor Goldstiicker is of opinion 
 that all the Sanskrit roots ending in h. are weakened or prahritized from 
 stronger forms. Thus he thinks gah, vrih, sprih, for instance, were once 
 gddh, vridh, spridh, (compare sparddh). Dah, on the contrary, he con- 
 ceives was onoe dadh, as is shown by the substantive antardadhana ; but here 
 we have also the noun nidagha, which would lead us to infer a form dagh. 
 
 Conversely we sometimes see the aspirated consonant of the root changed 
 into h, as in the case of the participle hita (vi-hita, ni-hiia, &c.) from 
 the root dhd, " to hold." This weakening process commenced in Sanskrit has 
 been perpetuated in Prakrit, where the aspirated consonants of Sanskrit are 
 softened into h, as where the root hath " to say" becomes Jtah. SeeVararuchi, 
 ii. 27. 
 
 "' I except, of course, such words as have evidently passed from Sanskrit 
 into Greek at a period comparatively modern ; such as KopTrao-oj from iar- 
 pdsa, and others of the same kind. But, on the other hand, a good many 
 Greek words can be shown to have been received into the Sanskrit astro- 
 nomical literature within the last two thousand years, such as hora, kendra, 
 lipta, drikdna, anaphd, sunaphS, apoklima, panaphara, jamitra, meshurana, 
 and rihpha, derived from the Greek o>pa, xivrpov, Xeirra, Sikuvos, dva(pn, 
 (7vva<l>ri, aTronXi/ia, liravaipopa, SiafiiTpov, iiS(rovpavrifi,a, and pi^ij. — Colebrooke 
 Misc. Ess. ii. 526, ff ; Weber. Ind. Stud. ii. 254. 
 
SECT. 11.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 275 
 
 not the existence of these stronger or more complex forms in 
 Grreek and Latin proves that the Sanskrit once had similar forms, 
 which have now disappeared, it is at least sufficient to neutralise 
 the argument, — drawn from the presence of certain other stronger 
 or more complex forms in Sanskrit than we encounter in the 
 corresponding words in Grreek and Latin, — that those languages 
 are derived from Sanskrit: for, by parity of reason, the pre- 
 sence of some forms (which we have actually seen to exist) in 
 Greek and Latin stronger or more complex than those dis- 
 coverable in corresponding cases in Sanskrit, would prove that 
 these weaker Sanskrit forms were mere corruptions of the Grreek 
 and Latin words. 
 
 Third : — The Indian Prakrits have derived by far their 
 largest stock of words from the Sanskrit; the few which they 
 contain that are not Sanskrit, haviag been derived from the 
 languages of the indigenous tribes who inhabited Northern India 
 before the arrival of the Aryas. On the other hand, only a certain 
 proportion, as we have seen, of the words which compose the 
 vocabulary of the Grreek and Latin languages are common to 
 them with the Sanskrit : the greater part of the words are, 
 if not different, at least, difficult to identify as the same. Now, 
 had Latin and Greek been derived from the modern, or even 
 from the Vedic Sanskrit, the number of words indisputably 
 common to all three languages must have been very much 
 grea,ter. It is true that more may be said in favour of the 
 hypothesis that the Zend has been derived from Sanskrit; but 
 there are sufficient reasons for believing that Zend is a sister 
 and not a daughter of Sanskrit; and consequently, that both 
 have a common mother of a more primeval date. 
 
 I therefore conclude, that Greek and Latin, as well as Zend, 
 are not derived from Sanskrit, but have, together with it, grown 
 out of some older parent language,'" which was superseded by its 
 
 ^ " An indubitable result of the researches which have recently been pur- 
 sued into the Arian tongues is that, notwithstanding the various alterations 
 
 T 2 
 
276 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 daughters, and became extinct, because it ceased to be employed 
 as a spoken tongue, and because (as being the language of a very 
 early stage of society) it has not been preserved in any literary 
 records. To render this supposition conceivable, I may remark 
 that the same fate, — extinction — might have befallen the Sans- 
 krit itself, and the Latin, when they, in like manner, gave birth 
 to the various dialects which have superseded them as living 
 and popular forms of speech, had it not been that they flourished 
 at periods of much more advanced civilisation than the unknown 
 primeval language to which I have referred, and have been 
 perpetuated by means of the numerous writings, secular and 
 sacred, of which they are the vehicles. 
 
 The primitive language to which I have just alluded is thus 
 characterised by M. Pictet, in the work above referred to, pp. 
 1, 2 : - " While thus augmenting in numbers and in prosperity, 
 that prolific race was labouring to create for itself, as a powerful 
 means of development, a language admirable by its richness, its 
 force, its harmony, and the perfection of its forms ; a language 
 in which were spontaneously reflected all its impressions, not 
 merely its mild affections and its simple admiration, but also its 
 nascent aspirations toward a higher world ; a language abound- 
 ing in images and in intuitive ideas, bearing within it, in germ, 
 
 which they have undergone, they all bear the clear impress of one common 
 type, and are consequently descended from one real, living, primeval lanr 
 guage, which was complete in itself, and which was employed by a whole 
 nation as its common organ of communication. This is not a. mere hypo- 
 thesis devised to explain the relations by which those languages are con- 
 nected with each other : it is a conclusion which forces itself irresistibly 
 on our belief, and which possesses all the validity of the best established 
 fact. When we perceive so large a number of languages, of a character so 
 marked, converging in all the details of their structure towards a common 
 centre in which every particular fact finds its cause, it becomes impossible 
 to admit that that centre has never had any other than a purely imaginary 
 existence, and that that marvellous agreement arises solely from an instinc- 
 tive impulse peculiar to a certain race of men." — A. Pictet, Origines Indo- 
 Europeennes, p. 43. 
 
SECT. iii.J TIliE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. , 271 
 
 all the future affluence both of the most sublime poetry and of 
 the most profound reflection. At first one and homogeneous, 
 that language, already perfected to a very high degree, served as 
 a common instrument of expression to this' primitive people, as 
 long as it continued within the limits of its native country." 
 
 Sect. III. — That affinity in language implies affinity in race : modes in which 
 a greater or less diversity of language atid inntitutions would arise in different 
 branches of the same stock ; central Asia the hirth-place of the Aryas. 
 
 The facts and considerations adduced in the preceding section 
 have, I think, proved beyond a doubt that the Sanskrit language 
 has a common origin with the Zend, the Greek, and the Latin ; 
 and that all these tongues have sprung (like branches from one 
 stem) out of the same parent language, now extinct. This con- 
 clusion being established, it follows as a necessary corollary that 
 the Indians, the Persians, the Greeks, and the Eomans also, that 
 is, the nations who spoke the languages derived from that one 
 common source, were themselves also descended from one and 
 the same stock ; i. e., that they had for their common ancestors 
 the ancient people who spoke the extinct language to which I 
 have referred." It must, therefore, be taken for an established 
 fact that the ancestors of the Indians at one time lived together 
 with the ancestors of the Persians, the Greeks, and the Eomans, 
 in one country, as one nation. It is true that we have no histo- 
 
 3' " The radical afEnity of all the Arian languages necessarily leads us," as 
 we have seen, " to regard them as having sprung from one single primitive 
 language. . . . 
 
 " Now as a language presupposes always a people to speak it, it further 
 follows that all the Arian nations have issued from one single source, 
 though they may have become occasionally blended at a later period with 
 some foreign elements. Hence we may with certainty infer the existence, 
 at a pre-historic period, of an Arian people, free, originally, from all foreign 
 intermixture, sufficiently numerous to have supplied those swarms of men 
 which issued from its bosom, and sufficiently endowed by nature to have 
 created for itself the most beautiful perhaps of all languages. This people, 
 though unknown to tradition, is in a certain degree revealed to us by phi- 
 lological science."— Pictet, pp. 5, 6. 
 
 T 3 
 
278 APFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap, ^i, 
 
 rical record of this primeval period ; but we are inevitably led 
 to assume the existence of an anterior state of things such as I 
 have asserted, by the fact, that no other supposition will account 
 for the philological phenomena which we encounter in later his- 
 tory. From the efifects, we are entitled to reason back to the 
 existence of a cause adequate to their production. We have to 
 explain the fact, that there have been found in different regions 
 of the world, lying far apart from each other, various nations 
 speaking languages which evince an unmistakeable afl&nity to one 
 another ; and there is no other mode of explaining this circum- 
 stance but by supposing that these nations have radiated in dif- 
 ferent directions from one central country which was their com- 
 mon birthplace, and where their ancestors all employed one 
 common language. 
 
 If we pursue our inquiries further, we shall iind that certain 
 data exist by means of which we can discover with some proba- 
 bility, what was the order of time in which these several nations 
 separated themselves from the original stock, and departed towards 
 those new countries which they continued to occupy in later times. 
 
 Let us suppose a numerous and powerful nation occupying an 
 isolated position in the centre of a vast region as yet thinly 
 peopled. Let us next imagine what would be the probable 
 course of affairs in such a society, and then compare this hypo- 
 thetical picture with the traces remaining to us in history of the 
 actual events. We have first then to contemplate this original 
 race, gifted with vigorous powers both of mind and body,^'* as 
 still residing in its primitive abode. When in the natural order of 
 events, this active and gifted race began to multiply, the coun- 
 tries which they at first occupied either as shepherds or agricul- 
 turists, would soon be found too narrow for the supply of their 
 growing necessities.'^ If fresh lands fit for pasture or for cultiva- 
 
 21' M. E. Renan, however, thinks that the Arian race was not originaUy 
 superior in intelligence to the Semitic, Hamitic, and other races, but the 
 contrary. Histoire des langues Semitiques, p. 487. 
 
 '' " But a constant and rapid increase of the population could not but 
 
SECT. lu.J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 279 
 
 tion existed unoccupied in the vicinity of their original territory, 
 they would insensibly extend their borders as occasion required. 
 If there was not territory near at hand which would yield them 
 a subsistence, the more energetic and adventurous members of 
 the community would be driven by the pressure of necessity to 
 inquire whether ampler possessions might not be found at a dis- 
 tance ; and they would depart in larger or smaller detachments 
 in quest of new abodes; This process of migration, when once 
 commenced, would go on without intermission. The first adven- 
 turers would be speedily followed by other successive bands till 
 at length new nations were formed at a greater or less distance 
 from the original country. 
 
 The earliest emigrants, who thus departed to distant regions, 
 passing probably through countries dififering in climate and pro- 
 ductions from their primeval abodes, encountering new and strange 
 objects, and inured to new pursuits, would gradually lose many 
 of their ancient customs; and in exchange would acquire new 
 habits, and along with them, also, new modes of speech. Those 
 portions of the original nation, on the contrary, which continued 
 to live together in their ancient country, or had gradually ex- 
 tended themselves together over adjacent regions, would preserve 
 more nearly their original customs, religion, and language. But 
 at length a period might arrive when the same causes which had 
 occasioned the separation of the earlier emigrants, or some other 
 causes of a different nature, would lead to a disruption in the 
 
 speedily bring about gradual migrations, which would be directed towards 
 regions more and more distant. Prom that time forward the separation 
 of the nation into distinct tribes, the greater infrequency of communication 
 and changes in their modes of life, occasioned a certain number of dialects 
 to spring forth out of this common language, and to develope themselves, 
 without, however, as yet, becoming detached from their primitive source ; 
 and at the same time the original character of the race, becoming modified 
 according to circumstances, gave birth to a variety of secondary national 
 characteristics, destined, at a later period, to expand, to exhibit their own 
 peculiar life and to play their part in the great drama of humanity.''— 
 Pictet, p. 2. 
 
 T 4 
 
280 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. n. 
 
 lemaining part of the nation also. It would become divided into 
 different sections; which would separate from one another and 
 establish themselves in different, but probably adjacent, countries, 
 and would never exhibit so wide a divergence from each other in 
 respect of their religion, their institutions, and their general 
 character, as those earlier emigrants who had settled in regions 
 at a greater distance. 
 
 The first case which I have above hypothetically put is that of 
 the Greeks and Eomans,^^ who appear to have broken off at an 
 early period from the great Arian nation and departed to the 
 westward, in quest of new habitations. The distance of the coun- 
 tries, viz., Grreece, Italy, and the surrounding provinces, where 
 they ultimately settled, from the cradle of the Arian race, and 
 their wide divergence in religion and language from the eastern 
 branches of the same stock, concur to prove that they separated 
 themselves from the latter at a very remote era. On the other 
 hand the vicinity of the region occupied by the Grreeks to that 
 inhabited by the Eomans, would lead, us to suppose that the an- 
 cestors of these two nations migrated from the east at about the 
 same period, though the differences which we discover between 
 the language and religion of the one people as compared with 
 those of the other, compel us to assume a subsequent separation 
 of the two, and an independent development of each. 
 
 The second case which I have above supposed, of two branches 
 of the original Arian stock continuing to Hve together for a con- 
 siderable time after the other branches had become separated, is 
 that of the Perso-Arians and the Indo-Arians. Both from the 
 closer vicinity to each other of the coimtries in which the Persians 
 and the Indians eventually settled, i. e., north-eastern Persia 
 and north-western India, and from the nearer affinity which we 
 perceive between the language and the mythology of these two 
 
 2' For the sake of simplifying the view I give of the question, I purposely 
 omit all mention of the German and other branches of this great family, and 
 of the periods at which they migrated westward. 
 
SECT. IV.] THE IJ^TDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 281 
 
 races than we find to exist between the language and mythology 
 of either and those of the Greeks or the Eomans, we are led to 
 conclude that the ancestors of the Indians and Persians remained 
 united in one community (either in their primeval seats or in 
 some region further to the south) to a much later period than 
 the other branches of the Arian race. 
 
 The propositions, then, which I have already proved, or shall 
 now attempt to prove are the following : — 
 
 First : That the Indo-Arians, that is, the higher classes of the 
 northern Indians, Or the Brahmans, Kshattriyas, and Vaisyas, 
 are descended from the same Arian race as the Persians, the 
 Greeks, and the Eomans. 
 
 Second : That the primeval abode of this original Arian race 
 was in some country of central Asia, situated out of, and to the 
 north-west of, India. 
 
 Third : That different branches gradually separated them- 
 selves from this parent stock, and migrated to new countries, 
 west, south, or east of their early home. 
 
 Fourth : That the ancestors of the Indians and Persians ap- 
 pear to have lived together as one nation to a later period than 
 the other branches of the Arian race, but at length separated, the 
 Indo-Arians migrating into India, while the Perso-Arians occu- 
 pied the territory of Bactria, and the adjacent provinces. 
 
 I shall not consider it necessary, in the discussion of the sub- 
 ject, to handle each of these propositions in the succession here 
 indicated; but shall rather take up the different topics in the 
 order in which the process of proof which I shall follow may 
 render most convenient. 
 
 Sect. IV. — That there is no objection arising from physiological consi- 
 derations, to classing the Indians among the Indo-European races. 
 
 In proving, as I have already done, that the Grreek and Latin 
 languages have a common origin with the Sanskrit, I have 
 adduced the principal portion of the proof which I had to bring 
 
282 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 forward of the common origin of the nations by which those 
 several languages have been spoken. The mythologies of the 
 Greeks and other western nations have, indeed, been considered 
 to present some points of contact with that of India, as when the 
 Erinnys of the Greeks has been identified with the Saranyu of 
 the Vedas, the Centaurs with the Grandharvas, Minos with Manu, 
 Eibhu with Orpheus, Hermes with Sarameya, the Phlegyes with 
 the Bhrigus, &c. ; '■• but it would carry me too far if I were 
 to attempt to ofier any account of the views which have been 
 propounded on this subject. I will now therefore direct my 
 attention mainly to exhibiting at greater length the grounds 
 which exist for supposing that the Persians and the Indians are 
 descended from the same common ancestors ; and that, after 
 remaining united together, as the constituent parts of one nation, 
 for some time subsequent to the migration to the westward of 
 the other branches of the same stock, they, too, were at last broken 
 up by the force of circumstances, into two distinct nations, which 
 settled in two separate, though adjacent, regions. I will subse- 
 quently pass in review the additional reasons which can be ad- 
 duced for supposing that the Indians immigrated into India 
 from the north-west. 
 
 Before, however, proceeding to carry out the intention here 
 indicated, it will be expedient briefly to show that on physio- 
 logical grounds there is no reason for denying that the Indians 
 are descended from the same stock as the nations of Europe. 
 In their physical characteristics the Brahmanical and other high 
 caste Indians belong, as well as the other nations who have just 
 been mentioned, to the so-called Caucasian type. It might, in- 
 deed, at first sight, be supposed that the dark-complexioned 
 Hindus, could not possibly be of the same race as the fair- 
 coloured natives of England or Germany. But a closer ex- 
 
 '■* See Kuhn's Herabkunft des Feuers und des Gotter-tranks. Berlin, 
 1859 ; and MuUer's Paper on Comparative Mythology, in the Oxford Essays 
 for 1856. 
 
SECT. IV.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 283 
 
 amination of the different nations to whom, on philological 
 grounds, -we are led to assign a common origin, will show that 
 they vary in complexion very much according to the climatic 
 influences of the regions in which they ultimately settled, and 
 in which they have been resident for a long series of ages. If 
 we look to the south-eastern and north-western extremities only 
 of the vast tract over which the Indo-European races have 
 spread, we shall, no doubt, find that there is a complete contrast 
 in point of colour between the occupants of those widely sepa- 
 rated countries. But the same wide contrast does not exist 
 between the inhabitants of those tracts, (included within the 
 same limits,) which are adjacent to each other. The Indians 
 do not differ very much in complexion from the Persians, nor 
 the Persians from the Grreeks, nor the Greeks from the Ita- 
 lians, nor the Italians from the Germans or the Anglo-Saxons. 
 These different nations alter in complexion by almost imper- 
 ceptible shades varying nearly according as their respective 
 countries range successively from south-east to north-west. 
 While the Indians may be denominated black, the Persians are 
 olive-coloured, the Greeks have a still fairer complexion with 
 a ruddy tinge, and the Italians approach yet more nearly in 
 hue to the Teutonic tribes. It is therefore to the varying action 
 of different climatic influences, that we have to ascribe the di- 
 versity of colour which characterises these several nations. The 
 scorching rays of an Indian sun, the high temperature of an 
 Indian climate, and the peculiar diet afforded by an Indian soil, 
 acting on the Indo-Arians during the long period of 3,000 
 years or more since they first settled in Hindusthan, appear 
 amply sufficient to account for the various peculiarities of com- 
 plexion, of feature, and of corporeal structure which now distin- 
 guish that section of the Indo-European family from the kindred 
 branches to the west. In fact the action of these causes is 
 sufficiently conspicuous in India itself. The people of Bengal, 
 who are of the same race as the inhabitants of the north-western 
 provinces, have, owing to the greater moisture of their climate. 
 
284 AFli'lNlTlES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. il. 
 
 and the want of that bracing temperature which the latter fenjoy 
 for three or four months of every year, gradually become darker 
 in complexion and less robust in their structure. Again it is 
 notorious to every one who has lived in northern India, that 
 a Brahman from the temperate province of Kashmir is far fairer 
 than a^ Brahman of Mathura or Benares ; in fact he has quite 
 the look of a foreigner. It has also been observed that an 
 Indo-Briton, or person partly of European and partly of Indian 
 descent, becomes fairer from living in the colder climate of 
 Europe : but immediately recovers his ancient complexion on 
 being exposed again to the heat of the tropics. It does not ap- 
 pear necessary to enter further into the discussion of this sub- 
 ject, as the preceding observations will suiEce to remove any 
 doubts as to the common origin of the Indians and the nations 
 of Europe, which may have arisen from their differences of com- 
 plexion.'' I will only add that, if the considerations here urged 
 have any foundation, the Indo-Arians must have been much 
 fairer in complexion at the period of their first arrival in India, 
 and while they still continued to occupy the north-westerly re- 
 gions of the Panjab, than they became at a later period, when they 
 had been longer exposed to the fierceness of the Indian sun, and 
 when they had penetrated further to the south-east. And we ac- 
 cordingly find that this supposition tallies with some expressions 
 in the Vedic hymns, the oldest of which, perhaps, date from that 
 early period. Thus, in the text quoted from the Eig-veda, iii. 
 34. 9. in the First Part of this work p. 43, we find an allusion 
 made to the colour of the Arian immigrants : " He destroyed 
 the Dasyus, and protected the Arian colour : " and in E.-V. ii. 
 12. 4. the same word is applied to designate the Dasyu tribes t 
 '^ ^T^ ^WT^iTr 'f^ ^'1 "He who swept away 
 the base Dasa colour.'' Though the word varna, "colour," 
 
 ^5 A full discussion of this subject may be found in Lassen's Indische 
 Alterthumskunde, i. 400 — 409. See also A. W. von Schelgel, Essais, pp. 
 466, ff, and MUUer's " Last Results of the Turanian Researches," in Bunsen's 
 Outlines of the Phil, of Univ. Hist., vol. iii. pp. .343—353. 
 
SECT, v.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. :285 
 
 which is here employed, came afterwards to be current as the 
 designation of caste, there is every reason to suppose that it 
 was originally used to discriminate the fair-coloured Aryas from 
 the dark-complexioned a;borigiues. But such a term of contrast 
 if employed now, would not possess half the force which it did at 
 a time when we must suppose the distinction of colour between 
 the Aryas and the savage tribes whom they encountered, to have 
 been far more palpable than it is in modern times. 
 
 Sect. V. — Reasons for supposing the Indians and Persians in particular to 
 have a common origin, 
 
 I will now proceed to indicate the various grounds which exist 
 for concluding that the Indians and the Persians, or Iranians 
 are not only descended from the same original stock ; but that 
 they continued to form one community even after the other 
 kindred tribes had separated from them and migrated to distant 
 regions. 
 
 The first proof is the closer affinity which, as we have already 
 seen, subsists between the Zend, the language of the ancient Per- 
 sians,'^* and the Sanskrit. From the examples of resemblance 
 both in roots and inflections which have been adduced in Section 
 II., it is manifest that, upon the whole, the Zend is more nearly 
 related to the Sanskrit, than either the Greek or the Latin are. 
 It is true that in the lists of parallel words which have been 
 there brought forward, the parallel Zend words have been often 
 omitted, while the Greek and Latin words have been adduced : 
 but this does not arise from the Zend forms having had no 
 existence, but either from their not having been discovered in 
 any, of the extant Zend texts, or from their not being readily 
 accessible." But the Zend words which have been brought for- 
 ward will be generally found to stand in a relation of closer 
 resemblance to the Sanskrit than either the corresponding 
 
 ''* For an account of the various old Iranian dialects, see Spiegel in Kuhn 
 and Schleicher's Beitriige zur verg. Sprachf. ii. 6, ff, and App. note B. 
 
286 
 
 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF 
 
 [chap. II. 
 
 Grreek or Latin words do. I subjoin some further compara- 
 tive lists of Zend and Sanskrit vocables to which the Grreek 
 and Latin either offer no equivalents in form, or equivalents 
 ■which generally bear a much more distant resemblance to the 
 Sanskrit than the Zend words present. These lists are the 
 following : 
 
 I. NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, ETC. 
 
 yebhyas 
 
 yadi'' 
 
 ojas 
 
 mithuna 
 
 giribhyas gairibyo 
 
 taruna 
 
 iikta 
 stri 
 an tar 
 dataram 
 putram 
 gaus 
 
 kas, ka, 1 
 kim i 
 
 Zend. English. 
 
 _., r whom 
 
 yaeibyo i 
 •' ■' l(dat. pi.) 
 
 yedU, yezi if 
 
 aozo splendour 
 
 mithwana a pair 
 
 r hills (dat. 
 
 L plur.) 
 
 \ a youth 
 
 spoken 
 
 f turuna, 
 L tauruna 
 
 kshattra 
 gharma 
 
 vritraghna 
 
 mantra 
 
 pada 
 
 padanam 
 
 ap 
 
 subhadha 
 
 turya 
 
 tritayam 
 
 aokta 
 stri woman 
 
 antare within 
 datarem giver (ace.) 
 puthrem son (accus.) 
 gaus cow 
 
 ko, ka, fwho (mas. 
 kaf Lfem. neut.) 
 kwa where ? 
 
 ksathra power 
 garema'^ warm 
 
 [vgrethra- l slayer of 
 ghna J enemies 
 manthra hymn 
 padha foot 
 
 padhanaiim feetfgen.pl.) 
 ap water 
 
 huf gdris very good 
 tuirya fourth 
 
 thrishva three, a third 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 chatush- 1 
 thayam J 
 atharvanam 
 adhwanam 
 
 vairya 
 
 Zend. Englisli. 
 
 chathrushva ] ^"^[^ 
 
 athravanSm priest (ace.) 
 adhwangm road (ace.) 
 
 visva 
 
 sa 
 
 sakrit 
 
 asi 
 
 asmai 
 
 swar 
 
 swa 
 
 jihwa 
 
 hasta 
 mahantam 
 
 yuyam 
 vari 
 
 tanu 
 
 ^ayanam sa; 
 
 sapta sin- 
 dhavas 
 
 aryya 
 soma 
 
 vairya 
 
 vi^pa ? 
 
 ha 
 
 hakeret 
 
 ahi 
 
 ahmai 
 
 hwar 
 
 hwa 
 
 hizva 
 
 hazanra 
 
 zasta 
 
 r strong, 
 L strength 
 whole 
 she 
 once 
 thou art 
 to him 
 heaven 
 
 mazantem ■ 
 
 tongue 
 
 thousand 
 
 hand 
 
 [great (acc^ 
 
 L masc. 
 
 yuzhem you 
 
 vairi water 
 
 tanu body 
 
 y f sleeping 
 lyanem •! '■ ° 
 L (ace.) 
 
 r country of 
 
 haptahendu-! the seven 
 
 I rivers 
 
 airya respectable 
 
 homa moon-plant 
 
 '5 In Greek, ei ; in Latin, si. "' In Latin, quis, qua, quod. 
 
 " In Greek, thermos. 
 
SECT. V.J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 
 
 287 
 
 II. VERBS. 
 
 Sanskrit, 
 
 karoti 
 
 akrinot 
 
 dadarfa 
 dadmasi 
 
 Zend. 
 
 {karoiti "I 
 karenoiti J 
 kerenaot 
 dadaresa 
 dadSmahi 
 anhen 
 
 santam*" hentem 
 
 vahati 
 
 charati 
 
 bhavati 
 
 bhavanti 
 
 dadati 
 
 studhi 
 
 vazaiti 
 
 charaiti 
 
 bavaiti 
 
 bavainti 
 
 dadhaiti 
 
 stuidhi 
 
 English. 
 he does 
 
 he did 
 
 he saw 
 
 we give 
 
 they were 
 'being 
 - (aoc. mas.) 
 
 he carries 
 
 he goes 
 
 he is 
 
 they are 
 
 he gives 
 r praise (2d 
 L pers. imp.) 
 
 Sanskrit. Zend. 
 
 asti asti 
 
 atapayati atapayeiti 
 prade^ayam fradaesaSm 
 
 jagmushi jaghmiishlj 
 
 staumi 
 hanti 
 
 staomi 
 zainti 
 
 yaz 
 
 prinami afrinami 
 bhavishyanti bushy ainti 
 
 English. 
 
 he is 
 
 he kindles 
 I enjoined 
 r having 
 
 gone 
 
 (perf. part, 
 nom. fem.) 
 I praise 
 he kills 
 to sacrifice 
 
 (root) 
 
 Hove, praise 
 they shall be 
 
 With the preceding lists should be compared the comparative 
 table of Sanskrit and Persian words given above in p. 228, ff., 
 which will contribute to supply their deficiencies. Many Persian 
 words will there be found which in form closely resemble the 
 Sanskrit terms having the same signification, while on the other 
 hand there are in numerous instances no Greek or Latin nouns 
 which closely correspond to the same Sanskrit words both in sound 
 and in sense. Now if even the modern Persian language, not- 
 withstanding the many modifications it has undergone from di- 
 verse influences throughout a long course of centuries, can still 
 supply so large a number of words which so closely resemble the 
 Sanskrit terms, we may safely conclude that the Zend or early 
 Persian, (which was the ancient medium through which the 
 modern Persian derived all the Arian words which it possesses,) 
 must itself have contained a far larger number of words bearing 
 a very much closer resemblance to the Sanskrit. 
 
 These views receive confirmation from the following remarks 
 
 '' In Greek, esan. 
 
 *" In Greek, onia. 
 
288 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. n. 
 
 of Professor Miiller in his, « Last Eesults of the Persian Ee- 
 searcheSj" pp. Ill, 112. :^- 
 
 " It is clear from his (M. E. Burnouf s) works and from Bopp's 
 valuable remarks in his Comparative Grrammar, that Zend in 
 its grammar and dictionaiy is nearer to Sanskrit than any other 
 Indo-European language. Many Zend words can be re-trans- 
 lated into Sanskrit simply by changing the Zend into their cor- 
 responding forms in Sanskrit .... Where Sanskrit differs in 
 words or grammatical peculiarities from the northern members 
 of the Arian family, it frequently coincides with Zend. The 
 numerals are the same in all these languages up to 100. The 
 name for thousand, however, [sahasra) is peculiar to Sanskrit, 
 and does not occur in any of the Indo-Eiuropean dialects except 
 
 in Zend, where it becomes hazanra These facts are 
 
 full of historical meaning ; and with regard to Zend and Sans- 
 krit, they prove that these two languages continued together 
 long after they were separated from the common Indo-European 
 stock." 
 
 The second argument in support of the proposition I have 
 undertaken to prove is, that both of the nations in question, 
 viz., the Indians and the Persians, apply to themselves, in their 
 earliest written records, the same name of Aryas. 
 
 The Vedas ai-e, as I have already shown, the oldest of all the 
 Indian books. They are, therefore, not only the most authentic 
 source of information in regard to the earliest language of the 
 Indians, but there is every probability that they would preserve 
 more distinct and exact traces of their primeval history than we 
 find in the other Sastras, which were composed at a later. period, 
 when the most genuine traditions of the origin of the race 
 had been obscured and corrupted. From the Vedic hymns 
 accordingly it does, in fact, appear more distinctly than from 
 any other of the Indian writings, that the progenitors of the 
 Hindus were originally called Aryas. We find this name ap- 
 plied to the forefathers of the higher classes among the Indians 
 (in contradistinction to the Dasyus, who appear to have been 
 
SECT, v.] THE INDIAN- AND COGNATE NATIONS. 289 
 
 a people of a different race, and to have been settled in India 
 before the Aryas), in sueh passages of the Vedas as the follow- 
 ing: Eig-vedai. 51. 8, " Distinguish between the Aryas and those 
 who are Dasyus ; chastising those who observe no sacred rites, 
 subject them to the sacrificer." E.-V. i. 103. 3, " Indra, thun- 
 derer, who art wise, hurl thy shaft against the Dasyu, and aug- 
 ment the might and glory of the Arya." *^ 
 
 By means of this word Aryya, then, we are able to connect 
 the early Hindus, with the early Persians. For, first, it appears 
 that in ancient times the Medes also (who were eventually in- 
 cluded in one empire with the Persians) bore the name of Arians. 
 This is clear from the following passage of the ancient Greek 
 historian Herodotus, who narrated the wars of the Grreeks and 
 Persians. In the Seventh Book of his history. Sect 62, we have 
 the following statement: — 'FiKaXsovro Bs TroKai m-pos iravrtov 
 "Apiof aTTiKOfisvrjs Ss M.rjSsir]S rtjs KoX;;^i'Sos i^ 'AOrjvsoov h Toiis 
 'Aplovs TOVTOvf, fiSTs'^aXov KoX ovTOb TO ovvo/ia ' aiiTol Bs TTSpl 
 a^seov &Se Xsyovat MrjSoi. " They (the Medes) were formerly 
 called Arians by all. But when the Colchian Medea arrived 
 among these Arians from Athens, they also changed their 
 name. The Medians say these things of themselves," A nation 
 or tribe bearing the name of Arians is mentioned by Herodotus 
 in Sect. 66 of the same book, "Apioi Ss rS^oiai jxsv scrKsva- 
 a-fievot Tjcrav MijStwoto-t, ra Se aXKa Kara irsp ^d/crptot • ^Apuov 8s 
 ^PX^ 2tcra/ivi?s. '* The Arii were armed with Median bows, 
 but in other respects like the Bactrians. The Arii were com- 
 manded by Sisamnes." These last mentioned Arians appear to 
 have dwelt in the neighbourhood of Herat, (See Bahr's Herod, 
 iii. 93, and vii. 62.) The same tribe is mentioned by the same 
 author as paying 300 talents tribute along with the Parthians, 
 Chorasmians, and Sogdians : HdpOoi fie km, Xopdar/jLioi icai '^oyBot 
 T£ Kol "Apsioi rpiuKOffia rdXavTa (iii 93), The same people are 
 
 ^' The original passages, with many other similar ones, will be cited 
 further on. 
 
 U 
 
290 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. n. 
 
 mentioned by Arrian (iii. 8. 4) as forming part of the army of 
 Darius : Xati^ap^dprjs Sh 6 ^Apelwv aarpdirrjs 'Apsiovs ^s. The 
 Arizanti are specified, Herod, i. 101^ as one of the seven Median 
 tribes. In Herodotus we further find several proper names 
 which are compounded with the word Arius; thus, vii. 67, the 
 commander of the Easpians is called Ariomardus. In the 78th 
 chapter of the same book, another person of the same name, and 
 son of Darius is mentioned. In other passages of the same writer 
 and other ancient authors (\dz. Xenophon, Polybius, Arrian, and 
 Quintus Curtius), such names as Ariabignes, Ariaramnes, Ariaces, 
 AriaiuSj Arimazes and Ariarathes (=Aryaratha), are assigned to 
 Persians. The word "Apiov, which occurs in the ancient Greek 
 dramatist ^schylus, Choephoroi, verse 423, {BKoyfra Ko/ifjLov 
 "Apiov, &c., " I have chaunted a Persian dirge,") is interpreted 
 by the scholiast on the passage as equivalent to Uspa-iKov, 
 " Persian." 
 
 But, secondly, it is not only in the Grreek authors that we find 
 the name of Arians applied to the Medes or Persians ; in the 
 most ancient books of the Zoroastrian religion also, which are 
 composed in the Zend language, the same word, as a designa- 
 tion of the early Persians, is of frequent occurrence. I give, in 
 a somewhat abridged form. Professor Spiegel's abstract of the 
 evidence which exists of the common origin of the Indians 
 and Persians, as one of the most recent and complete. (See 
 his translation of the Avesta, vol. i. Introduction, pp. 4, ff.) One 
 part of this evidence is their common name of Arya. 
 
 " Ethnography, supported by her two handmaids, physiology 
 and philology, has in recent times demonstrated that a single 
 race (the Indo-Grermanic) has spread its branches over the whole 
 space from India to the most westerly point of Europe. The 
 most highly gifted and civilised nations, both of the ancient and 
 modern world, are all derived from this stock ; viz., the Indians, 
 Persians, Greeks, Eomans, G-ermams, Slavonians, and perhaps 
 also the Celts. All these nations are branches of one single 
 original family, whose abodes have not yet been certainly de- 
 
SECT, v.] , THE . INDIAN AWD COGNATE NATIONS. 291 
 
 termined, and perhaps will never be ascertained in a way to pre- 
 clude all dispute ; but it is probable that, in the earliest times, all 
 these races dwelt together as one people, on the elevated table- 
 land of central Asia. The emigration of this people from their 
 original seats, and their separation into different branches, are 
 events which lie anterior to all history. Faint indications of the 
 degree of culture possessed by these tribes before their separation 
 may be derived from the terms for particular conceptions which 
 have remained common to them all ; and the amount of their 
 knowledge is not to be estimated too low. If the state had not 
 been organised by them, the family, at least, had been already 
 regulated, as is proved by the community of the words designating 
 relationships. We find names common to them for the different 
 kinds of cattle, and for different implements of husbandry. 
 Their conceptions of the gods, on the contrary, seem to have con- 
 tinued to be of the most general character.''^ 
 
 " But in addition to this possession by the whole Indo-Grer- 
 manic race of particular words, there exists a closer relationship 
 between single members of this family. This closer relationship 
 is to be explained by the fact, that some of these races continued 
 to live together even after the others had separated from them. 
 Thus, for example, the Greeks and Eomans have much that is 
 common to both in their languages and in their ideas, which can- 
 not be explained by their original relationship. But in no instance 
 is this affinity more striking or intimate than between the Indians 
 and the Persians. These two branches must have lived l-ong to- 
 gether after quitting their common cradle, as is clearly proved by 
 
 « See Kuhn's Dissertation in Weber's Ind. Stud. i. 321, flf. The elaborate 
 work of M. Adolphe Pictet, above quoted (p. 267), has for its object to dis- 
 cover, by a comparison of the primitive words common to all the Arian 
 nations, what was their original and common country, and what the condition 
 of the parent nation as regarded its civilisation and its intellectual and re- 
 ligious culture before the separation of the several branches. The first 
 volume, relalting to the physical characters of the country, has alone ap- 
 peared as yet. 
 
 2' 
 
292 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 linguistic and mythological considerations. The three dialects of 
 ancient Persian with which we are acquainted, vi?., that of the 
 cuneiform inscriptions, that of the second part of the Yasna, and 
 the language of the remaining portions of the Avesta, have all 
 such a close aflSnity to the oldest Indian language, the Sanskrit, 
 as exhibited in the Vedas, that they might almost be all called 
 dialects of one and the same language. Other grounds, par 
 ticularly of a mythological character, speak no less strongly in 
 proof of the two tribes (Indians and Persians) having adhered 
 long to each other. It is of especial importance that they both 
 call themselves by the same name. Arya, signifying honourablef 
 in ordinary speech, and derived from arya, which means lord in 
 the Vedas, is the most usual, and the most ancient name of the 
 Indian people. (E-V. i. 51, & Sama-V i. 1. 1. 5.) Among the 
 Indians the term Mlechha, which denotes an impure barbarian, 
 is the opposite of Arya, The same is the case among the 
 Persians. According to the Persian laws of euphony, arya had 
 to be changed to airya, a name which the Persians long applied 
 to themselves, and out of which the more modern Iran has 
 Brisen; a name, too, with which Herodotus had become ac- 
 quainted. To this word airya, another word, anairya, or non- 
 iranic, is opposed. 
 
 " It is, however, established that this original Arian race, from 
 which, at a later period, the Indians and Persians separated 
 themselves, cannot have lived as one community either" in 
 India or in Persia, We must regard it as demonstrated that 
 the Indians who spoke Sanskrit were not autochthonous in Hin- 
 dusthan. The oldest seats of the Indians of which we find any 
 mention made, are to be placed in the Panjab. In the First 
 Fargard of the Vendidad, verse 73, a country called Hapta 
 Hendu, or India, is mentioned, which, in the cuneiform inscrip- 
 tions, is called Hidus. It was not understood for a long time 
 what was signified by Hapta Hendu, Seven-Indias, but the 
 Vedas have explained this name. In the Vedic hymns we find 
 the name Sapta-Sindhavas, the seven rivers, still employed to 
 
SECT, v.] TliE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 293 
 
 desiguate tte country of the Indians.*^ From the Panjab, the 
 Indians, as their later books testify, advanced further towards 
 the east ; first, as far as the Sarasvati ; after which, they spread 
 themselves over the whole of northern India ; and only at a late 
 period into the south of the peninsula. The Persian legends 
 Conduct us with the same distinctness to a primeval country in 
 the north," 
 
 We shall shortly have to return to this question, and inquire 
 what were the primeval seats of the Arians. In the mean time, 
 I revert to the affinities of thei Persians and Indians. 
 
 The third proof of this which I have to addxice is, the coinci- 
 dences which are discoverable in the ancient mythologies of the 
 two nations. On this subject, Professor Spiegel proceeds, pp. 
 6, ff. :— " We have already said that the different branches of 
 the Arian family had but few words in common connected with 
 theology. The most widely diffused term is the general desig- 
 nation of Grod as the shining, formed from the ancient root, 
 div or dyu, ' to shine.' From this is derived the Sanski-it deva, 
 the Latin deus, the Lithuanian dievas, the German zio and tyr, 
 the Greek Zsu;, and also Jupiter from Biespiter, The old Persian 
 daeva belongs to the same root, but has (on what grounds we 
 shall presently discover) a somewhat different signification. 
 More intimate mythological affinities are only to be found be- 
 tween particular branches of the In do- Germanic family, as 
 between the Greeks and Eomans, and in particular, between 
 the Indians and Persians. A number of personages found in 
 the Veda correspond in name with others in the Avesta, and must 
 originally have been completely identical, though in the course of 
 events, it has naturally occurred that this similarity has become 
 more or less effaced. One personage whose identity was the 
 first to attract attention, is the Yama of the Indians [the son of 
 Vivasvat], the Yima of the Persians [who is the son of Vivanghat]. 
 In the Vedas and Upanishads we already meet with Yama as the 
 King of the Dead. He inhabits a particular world, where he has 
 
 ^ Spiegel, Avesta, vol, i. p. 66, note 3. 
 U 3 
 
29i AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chaf. ii. 
 
 assembled the immortals around him. Among the ancient In- 
 dians his world is not a place of terrors, but its expanses are full 
 of light, and the abodes of happiness, pleasure, and rapture.** 
 In Iran, Yima is a fortunate monarch, under whose rule there 
 was neither death nor sickness. After he has for some time con- 
 tinued to diffuse happiness and immortality, he is obliged to 
 withdraw with his attendants to a more contracted space, on ac- 
 count of the calamities which threaten the world. Here lies, 
 according to my view, the point of connection between the two 
 legends. The Indian regards Yama simply as the king of the 
 dead, or, at least, of the blessed : the Persian limits the number 
 of the blessed to a determinate number, who are selected to live 
 with Yima. 
 
 " A second renowned personage in the Persian heroic poetry, 
 who also occurs in the Vedas, is Thraetaono, the descendant of 
 Athwya, the Fredun, or Feridun of a later period, with whom 
 the Trita of the Veda is connected. Trita is the son of Aptya, 
 and, according to the Vedic accounts, he fights with a serpent, 
 and smites the three-headed dragon with seven tails, and liberates 
 the cattle. Quite similarly, ThraStaono destroys a pestilent ser- 
 pent with three heads, three girdles, si:s tails, and a thousand 
 powers. 
 
 " A third personage, who can be pointed out in both the 
 Indian and Persian mythology, is Sama Keresaspa, the man of. 
 heroic temper, and the same as the Krisasva of the Indians, who, 
 it is true, has not yet been discovered in the Veda, but who was 
 known to the Indian grammarian Panini, and is frequently 
 named in the Puranas as a warlike rishi. (Ramay. i, 23. 12 
 8chleg. ; i. 31. 10. Gorres.) 
 
 " To these three personages riiay now be added a fourth, Kava 
 Us, or Kavya Usanas of the Vedas. This is the person called 
 Kaus at a later period in the Persian legends. Unfortunately, 
 
 «5 See R.-V. ix. 113. 7—11. quoted by Roth in the Journal of the 
 German Orient. Society, iv. 426, ff. The original passage will be given 
 in the App. note C. 
 
SECT, v.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 295 
 
 the stories of Kava U^ are so few and so brief, that I caa 
 scarcely venture to indicate their cojinection more in detail. 
 (See Weber Vaja.-S. Spec. II. 68 note.) 
 
 " In addition to this identity of personages, we find also that 
 the Indians and Persians have some important ceremonies in 
 common. We shall here only mention two, though a closer 
 examination of the Persian liturgy will no doubt bring others to 
 light. The first is the Soma or Homa offering. (See also vol. 
 ii. 69.) In both the Indian and the Persian religions, soma, or 
 haoma, which is identical with it, is the name of a plant, the 
 juic6 of which is pressed out and drunk, with certain religious 
 forms ; and in both religions Soma is also a god.*^ Soma and 
 Haoma have also a great number of epithets common to them, 
 which clearly show how short a period had elapsed since the 
 Persian and Indian adherents of this worship had become sepa- 
 rated from each other." 
 
 The Indians and Persians have also some other of their deities 
 in common, e.g., Mittra and Aryaman. 
 
 " In the Veda," (says Dr. F. Windischmann, Mithra, p. 54, 
 56. and 63), " Mittra occurs as the son of Aditi (boundless 
 space), and hence parallel with the sun, and stands almost 
 always inseparably associated with Varuna. He appears to 
 belong to a race of gods who are already disappearing, and has 
 resigned a portion of his functions to Indra. In the Veda 
 Mitra is the light, while Varuna is to be understood of the 
 sky, especially the nocturnal sky. The connection of Mitra and 
 Varuna in the Veda is analogous to that of Mithra and Vayu in 
 the Zend texts. Mithra is thus an ancient national god of the 
 Arians ; and the character under which he is represented in the 
 Zend Avesta has many points of resemblance to the Vedic 
 Mittra, though it has also essential differences of Zoroastrian 
 origin. Aryaman, who is to be understood of the sun, appears 
 in E.-V. i. 36. 4, and elsewhere along with Mitra and Varuna. 
 
 ■" See Windischmann, TJeber den Somacultus der Arier ; and App. note D. 
 
 c 4 
 
296- AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF . [chap. u. 
 
 His name jsignifies companion or friend, and he also occurs in 
 the Zend texts." Spiegel, (in his note to the 22nd Fargard, 
 vol. i. p. 266), says of him, "It is to be lamented that the god 
 ■who is here designated by the name of Airyama occurs but 
 seldom, and is but briefly noticed in the Avesta; for he is 
 unquestionably the ancient Indo-Grermanic deity, who is men- 
 tioned in the Vedas under the name of Aryaman." 
 
 I proceed with my quotation from Professor Spiegel's Intro- 
 duction, i. 8 : Secondly, " The reception of neophytes into the 
 Sacred society is performed among both peoples, the Persians 
 and the Indians, by investing them with a girdle or thread. Iii 
 the case of a Brahman the investiture is to be performed in 
 the eighth year after his birth or conception, in the case of a 
 Kshattriya in the eleventh, and of a Vaisya in the twelfth. 
 But the period of investiture for a Brahman has not finally 
 expired till his sixteenth year, for a Kshatriya till his twenty- 
 second, or for a Vaisya till his twenty-fourth.''^ After the inves- 
 titure, the teacher is to instruct the pupil in reading the Vedas, 
 and in the rites of purification. (Manu, ii. 69 ; Yajnavalkya, 
 i. 15). Up to his seventh year the Parsee is incapable of doing 
 any evil ; and if he does any thing wrong, the blame of it falls 
 on his parents. In India he is invested with the Kosti or 
 sacred girdle in his seventh year ; among the Parsees who live 
 in Kirman, the ceremony is postponed till the tenth yeax. 
 From the seventh to the tenth year, half the blame of the 
 offences which the child commits, falls upon his parents. With 
 his tenth year the boy, according to the view of the Eavaets, 
 enters formally into the community of the Parsees ; according 
 
 *' A^walayana Griliya-Sutra, i. 20. ; ^"g'fr ^ sfT^W^T^^f^^ 
 ^■g^ ^^IT^^ ^f^^ ^T^^ ^-SgT?,! '^TT TT^llT^ 
 •sfTltWWIfftfT: ^^ "^ ^Tf^Tn^ ^f%^T^ ^T ^TSf^'- 
 
SECT, v.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 297 
 
 to other books the fifteenth year appears to be that in which he 
 is admitted into religious fellowship. 
 
 " All these traces of a common development which we have 
 just pointed out between the Indians and the Persians have 
 their origin, of course, in a pre-historical period, when both 
 nations lived together undivided. Traces can also be discovered 
 which lead to the conclusion that the separation of these two 
 races was occasioned, in part at least, by religious causes.** 
 Even if it have been accidental that Ahura, the highest god 
 of the Persians, was, under the designation of Asura,''^ reckoned 
 among evil spirits by the later Indians, it can scarcely have 
 happened by chance that the Devas of the Indians have, under 
 the name of Daevas, been transformed into evil spirits and 
 allies of Angra Maiayus ; that Indra, the highest god of' the 
 earliest Hinduism, is in like manner, banished to hell; and 
 that Sarva occurs as an evil spirit, while the Indians have con- 
 sidered this name worthy to be a designation of Siva, one 
 of the three highest deities of the later form of their religion. 
 The conjecture is therefore not unnatural that religious differ- 
 ences may have been one of the grounds of separation. Still, 
 even after their separation, the Indians and Persians did not 
 remain without some knowledge of each other's progress. They 
 were not too far separated to render this possible; and the 
 
 ^^ In his second volume, however, Professor Spiegel adds, on this subject, 
 the following reservation : — " Ih the first vol. I have alluded to a religious 
 alienation ; but too much importance is not to be ascribed to this view, and 
 no adventurous hypotheses should be built upon it. Even without the 
 assumption of a religious alienation it is quite conceivable how gods, who werd 
 held in honour by the one people, should be degraded to the infernal regions 
 
 by the other » That which gives probability to the assumption of 
 
 an actual alienation between the Indians and the Iranians on account of their 
 religious conceptions, is the fact that the number of -these opposing concep- 
 tions is not inconsiderable," pp. cix. C3^. 
 
 *' Derived tiom. asu:=prajna, "wisdom," in the Nighantu. The word asura 
 has also a good sense in Vedic Sanskrit; it means sarveshdm pranadah: 
 Comp. Sayana on K.-V. xxxv. 7. 10. 
 
298 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. n. 
 
 Vendidad (i, 74) still shows an acquaintance with India under 
 the name of Hapta-Hendu, i.e. Sapta Slndhavah, the land of the 
 seven rivers, which was a designation of the Vedic India." 
 
 On the same subject Professer Miiller remarks : "Still more 
 striking is the similarity between Persia and India in religion ' 
 and mythology. Grods unknown to any Indo-European nation 
 are worshipped under the same names in Sanski-it and Zend ; 
 and the change of some of the most sacred expressions in 
 Sanskrit into names of evil spirits in Zend, only serves to 
 strengthen the conviction that we have here the usual traces of 
 a schism which separated a community that had once been 
 united." (Last Eesults of Persian Eesearehes, p. 1 12.) , 
 
 From the three-fold argument above stated, drawn — (1st) 
 from the striking similarity between the Sanskrit and Zend, 
 (2nd) from the common name of Arya, which I have shown to 
 be applied to themselves by both the Indiana and the Iranians, 
 and (3rd) from the coincidences between the religion and mytho- 
 logy of these two nations, I conceive that a powerful confirmation 
 is derived to the conclusion which I have been endeavouring to 
 establish, namely, the common origin of all the nations to which 
 the name of Indo-European has been applied. If even from 
 philological considerations alone we are entitled to assume the 
 descent of the Indians, Iranians, Greeks, and Eomans, from, the 
 same common ancestors, our general conclusion is very greatly 
 strengthened when we can (in the case of two of these nations) 
 add to the arguments founded on language, a variety of others 
 derivable from community of name, and, to a certain extent, 
 of tradition and of mythology. 
 
 Sect. VI. — Was India the Primitive Country of the Aryyas or Indo-European 
 
 races f 
 
 As we have been led by the preceding investigation to conclude 
 (1.) that the Sanskrit, the Zend, the Greek, and the Latin lan- 
 guages must all have had a common origin ; (2.) that the races 
 also who employed these several languages were all branches of 
 
SECT. VI.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 299 
 
 one great family; and (3.) that consequently these different 
 branches must at one time have lived together as one na- 
 tion in one country: — we have now to determine what that 
 country was. First, then, was India the common cradle of the 
 Indo-Grermanic races, and did the other branches of that great 
 family all migrate westward from Hindusthan, while the Indo- 
 Arians remained in their primeval abodes? or, Secondly, are 
 we to assume some other country as the point from which the 
 several branches of the race issued forth in different directions 
 to the various countries which they eventually occupied ? 
 
 Mr. A. Curzon maintains"" the first of these two theories, viz. 
 that India was the original country of the Arian family, from 
 which its different branches emigrated to the north-west and in 
 other directions. 
 
 The opinion that the Arians are a people of an origin foreign 
 to the soil of India, which they are presumed to have invaded 
 and conquered, imposiag their religion and institutions on the 
 so-called aborigines, is rejected by him as one founded on very 
 insufficient data, and as resting on no well-established historical 
 grounds. He thinks that it is a course opposed to the evidence 
 of facts based on the results of comparative philology to main- 
 tain that the barbarous aboriginal tribes of India, destitute of 
 written records, traditional religious system, or well-defined in- 
 stitutions, can be more ancient than the Arian -Hiadus, the 
 possessors of an early civilisation. These rude tribes may, in 
 his opinion, have sprung from some of the barbaric hordes, who, 
 under the name of Sakas, Hiinas, &c. are mentioned by Sanskrit 
 writers as having invaded India, and who, after their defeat, may 
 have taken refuge in the hills and forests of Hindusthan, 
 
 Eeviewing the different possible suppositions as to the way in 
 which the Arians may have entered India, Mr, Curzon infers (1.) 
 that they could not have entered from the west, because it is 
 clear that the people wbo lived in that direction were descended 
 
 '" Journal Koy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xvi. pp. 172 — 20O. 
 
300 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 from these very Arians of India, such descent being proved by the 
 fact that the oldest forma of their language have been derived from 
 the Sanskrit (to which they stand in a relation analogous to that in 
 which the Pali and Prakrit stand); and by the circumstance that 
 a portion of their mythology is borrowed from that of the Indo- 
 Arians. Nor (2.) could the Arians, in his opinion, have entered 
 India from the north or north-west, because we have no proof 
 from history or philology that there existed any civilised nation 
 with a language and religion resembling theirs which could have 
 issued from either of those quarters at that early period and have 
 created the Indo-Arian civilisation. It was equally impossible 
 (3.) that the Arians could have arrived in India from the east, as 
 the only people who occupied the countries lying in that direction 
 (the Chinese) are quite diflferent in respect of language, religion, 
 and customs from the Indians, and have no genealogical rela- 
 tions with them. In like manner (4.) the Indians could not 
 have issued from the table-land of Thibet in the north-east, as 
 independently of the great physical barrier of the Himalaya, the 
 same ethnical difficulty applies to this hypothesis as to that of 
 their Chinese origin. And (5.) the Indians cannot be of Senaitic 
 or Egyptian descent, because the Sanskrit contains no words of 
 Semitic origin and differs totally in structure from the Semitic 
 dialects, with which on the contrary the language of Egypt ap- 
 pears, rather, to exhibit an affinity. And (6.) " no monuments, no 
 records, no tradition of the Arians having ever originally occu- 
 pied, as Arians, any other seat than the plains to the south-west of 
 the Hinialayan chain, bounded by the two seas defined by Manu 
 (memorials such as exist in the histories of other nations who 
 are known to have migrated from their primitive abodes), can be 
 found in India." 
 
 Mr. Curzon (7.) regards as illogical the inference, that because 
 the Arians spread at an early period to the south of India, as 
 tbey did also to the west and north-west, they must have 
 originally issued from some unknown region to invade and con- 
 quer India itself. In the same way, he urges, it Inight be 
 
SECT, VI.] THK INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 301 
 
 argued that the Eomans invaded Italy from some unascertained 
 quarter (instead of springing from one region of Italy), because 
 they extended their dominion to the south, as well as in other 
 directions. In explanation of their movements, he quotes the 
 passage of Manu, ii. 17, £f., (which will be hereafter given at 
 length,) and assumes, in accordance with the indications which 
 it affords, that the earliest seat of Indian civilisation was in 
 Brahmavartta; and that the Arians, as they increased in numbers 
 and advanced in social progress, gradually moved forward to the 
 central region called Madhyadesa, and eventually to Aryavartta, 
 the tract between the Himalaya and the Vindhya, extending 
 from the eastern to the western sea. Mr. Curzon admits the 
 existence of a non-Arian people and nationality, viz., the 
 Tamulian in the south, which he conceives may have been form- 
 ing contemporaneously with the rise of the Arian community in 
 the north ; though he thinks that there is nothing to indicate that 
 the Tamulians, or the hill tribes, or any other indigenous race, 
 were ever in possession of Aryavartta (the country north of the 
 Vindhya) before its occupation by the Arians. 
 
 His conclusion (founded on the assumption that all the lan- 
 guages of the Arian family have been framed from a Sanskrit 
 basis, and are only modified and corrupted forms of what was 
 once the original tongue of the Arian race of India) is therefore 
 the following, viz., that either (1.) the nations whose speech is 
 derived from Sanskrit have sprung from the gradual dispersion 
 of the ancient Arian race of India, such dispersion being occa- 
 sioned by political or religious causes, issuing in the expulsion 
 from India of the defeated parties, and their settlement in 
 different unoccupied countries chiefly to the westward : or (2.) 
 that the Arians invaded the countries to the west and north- 
 west of India, and conquered the various tribes inferior to 
 themselves, who were there in possession, imposing upon them 
 their own institutions and language. Of these two alternative 
 suppositions he conceives the latter to have the greater proba- 
 bility in its favour. 
 
302 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 I have stated the opinion of Mr. Curzon on this question, to- 
 gether with his arguments, in considerable detail, as it represents 
 the view to which the Indian reader will, no doubt, incline as 
 the most reasonable ; and it is therefore only fair that all that 
 can be urged in its behalf should be fully stated. 
 
 Before discussing Mr. Curzon's hypothesis, I shall adduce the^ 
 statement given by Mr. Elphinstone (History of India, vol. i. 
 p. 95, S. 1st edition) on the same subject. It will be seen that 
 after reviewing the arguments on both sides, this distinguished 
 author leaves it undecided whether the Hindus sprang from a 
 country external to Hindusthan, or were autochthonous. 
 
 " On looking back to the information collected from the Code 
 [of Manu] we observe the three twice-born classes forming the 
 whole community embraced by the law, and the Sudras in a 
 servile and degraded condition. Yet it appears that there are 
 cities governed by Sudra kings, in which Brahmins are advised 
 not to reside (chap. iv. 61), and that there are 'whole terri- 
 tories inhabited by Sudras, overwhelmed with atheists, and 
 deprived of Brahmins." (Chap. viii. 22.) The three twice-born 
 classes are directed invariably to dwell in the country between 
 the Himawat and the Vindya Mountains, from the eastern to the 
 western ocean. But though the three chief classes are confined 
 to this tract, a Sudra distressed for subsistence may dwell where 
 he chooses. (Chap. ii. 21 — 24.) It seems impossible not to 
 conclude from all this that the twice-born men were a conquer- 
 ing people ; that the servile class were the subdued aborigines ; 
 and that the independent Sudra towns were in such of the small 
 territories, into which Hindostan was divided, as still retained 
 their independence, while the whole of the tract beyond the 
 Vindya Mountains remained as yet untouched by the invaders, 
 and unpenetrated by their religion. A doubt however soon 
 suggests itself whether the conquerors were a foreign people, or 
 a local tribe, like the Dorians in Greece ; or whether, indeed, 
 they were not merely a portion of one of the native states (a 
 religious sect, for instance) which had outstripped their fellow- 
 
SECT. VI.] THE LVDlAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 303 
 
 citizens in knowledge, and appropriated all the advantages of 
 the society to themselves. 
 
 " The different appearance of the higher classes from the 
 Sudras, which is so observable to this day, might incline us to 
 think them foreigners ; but without entirely denying this argu- 
 ment (as far at least as relates to the Brahmins and Cshetriyas) 
 we must advert to some considerations which greatly weaken its 
 force. 
 
 " The class most unlike the Brahmins are the Chandalas, who 
 are nevertheless originally the offspring of a Brahmin mother, 
 and who might have been expected to -have preserved their re- 
 semblance to their parent stock, as, from the very lowness of 
 their caste, they are prevented mixing with any race but their 
 own.'' Difference of habits and employments is, of itself, 
 suflScient to create as great a dissimilarity as exists between the 
 Brahmin and the Sudra ; and the hereditary separation of profes- 
 sions in India would contribute to keep up and to increase such 
 a distinction. 
 
 " It is opposed to their foreign origin, that neither in the Code 
 [of Manu], nor, I believe, in the Vedas, nor in any book that is 
 certainly older than the Code, is there any allusion to a prior 
 residence, or to a knowledge of more than the name of any 
 country out of India. Even mythology goes no further than 
 the Himalaya chain, in which is fixed the habitation of the 
 gods. 
 
 " The common origin of the Sanskrit language with those of 
 the West leaves no doubt that there was once a connection be- 
 tween the nations by whom they are used ; but it proves nothing 
 regarding the place where such a connection subsisted, nor 
 a,bout the time, which might have been in so early a stage of 
 
 °' [See Part First of this work, p. 176, and Manu x. 12, there quoted. It 
 is clear, however, that we are not to take these accounts of the formation of 
 the different castes, written at a time when the Brahmanical system was fully 
 developed, and in the interest of its defenders, as furnishing the true history 
 of their origin. See Lassen, Ind. Ant. i, 407. — J. M.] 
 
304 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap, ii, 
 
 their society as to prevent its throwing any light on the history 
 of the individual nations. To say that it spread from a central 
 point is a gratuitous assumption and even contrary to analogy ; 
 for emigration and civilization have not spread in a circle, but 
 from east to west. Where, also, could the central point be, 
 from which a language could spread over India, Greece, and 
 Italy, and yet leave Chaldea, Syria, and Arabia imtouched ? 
 
 " The question, therefore, is still open. There is no reason 
 whatever for thinking that the Hindus ever inhabited any coun- 
 try but their present one ; and as little for denying that they 
 may have done so before the earliest trace of their records or 
 traditions." 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone then proceeds to explain how he thinks castes 
 may have originated. 
 
 Sect. VII. — Central Asia the cradle of the Arians : opinions of Schlegel, 
 Lassen, Benfey, Miiller, Spiegel, Renan, and Piciet. 
 
 These views of Mr. Curzon, of which I have given a summary 
 in the preceding section, are opposed to the general consent of 
 European scholars. A. W. von Schlegel, Lassen, Benfey, Miiller, 
 Weber, Eoth, Spiegel, Eenan, and Pictet, however differing on 
 other points, all concur in this, that the cradle of the Indians as 
 well as of the other branches of the Indo-G-ermanic race is to be 
 sought for in some country external to India. 
 
 I shall proceed to give some extracts from the writings of 
 these eminent authors ; and shall finish with a summary of the 
 arguments which seem to carry most weight in favour of the 
 conclusion which they have adopted. 
 
 The first authority whom I shall cite is A. W. von Schlegel, 
 who in an essay On the origin of the Hindus ^^ systematically 
 discusses the question under consideration, in all its bearings. 
 He treats of the migratory movements of ancient nations, of 
 
 ^* Be VOrigine des Hindous, published originally in the 2nd vol. of the 
 Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, London, 1834 ; and re- 
 printed in his Essais Littiraires et Historiques, Bonn, 1 842. 
 
siscT. vii.j THE IXDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 305 
 
 the traditions of the Hindus regarding their own origin, of the 
 diversities of races, of the physiological character of the Hindus 
 and of the indigenous Indian tribes, of the bearing of compara- 
 tive philology on the history of nations, on the relations of the 
 Arian languages to each other, and finally deduces the results to 
 which he is led by the convergence of all these various lines of 
 investigation. As I have already treated at length of some of 
 these subjects, I shall only cite two passages, the first of which 
 furnishes a reply to Mr. Curzon's argument against the immi- 
 gration of the Hindus from any foreign region, drawn from the 
 absence of any national tradition to that effect. It is as 
 follows : — 
 
 " In enquiring into the birth-place of any people, and into 
 the route by which, and the period at which they have travelled 
 to their present abodes, we are naturally tempted first of all to 
 interrogate the popular, tradition on these points : but if we do 
 so, it may easily happen that either no answer at all, or a false 
 one, will be obtained. An illiterate people, ignorant of writing, 
 which has adopted a stationary life, after a long and arduous 
 migration, might, after a few centuries easily lose all recollection 
 of its change of habitation : or if certain vestiges of such a 
 change were preserved, it might be impossible for a people so 
 circumstanced to indicate with precision the point of departure ; 
 as for this purpose a general knowledge of the shape of continents 
 and of seas would be necessary. It has often happened that 
 tribes in a barbarous state have emigrated, either impelled by 
 necessity, or to avoid some powerful neighbour. The utmost 
 that such tribes could do might be to direct their journey with 
 tolerable exactness according to the fom* cardinal points : shap- 
 ing their course so as to avoid any unexpected difficulties which 
 might arise, they would suffer themselves to be guided by 
 chance ; and their only measure of distance would be the fatigue 
 and the diu-ation of their march." (Essais, p. 444.) 
 
 The following is the passage in which Schlegel sums up the 
 results of his researches • — 
 
 X 
 
306 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF ^ [chap. ii. 
 
 "If we admit (and it is my conviction that the more 
 deeply the subject is investigated the more indubitable 
 will the conclusion appear) that the derivation of the [Indo- 
 European] languages from one common parent justifies the 
 inference that the nations who spoke them also issued from 
 one common stock; that their ancestors, at a certain epoch, 
 belonged to one sole nation, which became divided and sub- 
 divided as its expansion proceeded ; — the question naturally 
 arises, what was the primeval seat of that parent nation ? It 
 is nowise probable that the migrations which have peopled so 
 large a part of the globe should have commenced at its 
 southern extremity, and have been constantly directed from 
 that point towards the north-west. On the contrary, every 
 thing concurs to persuade us that the colonies set out from a 
 central region in divergent directions. According to this sup- 
 position the distances which the colonists would have to tra- 
 verse up to the time of their definitive establishment, become 
 less immense ; the vicissitudes of climate to which they were 
 exposed, become less abrupt, and many of the emigrant tribes 
 would thus make an advantageous exchange as regards fertility 
 of soil, and the temperature of the air. And where is this 
 central country to be sought for, if not in the interior of the 
 great continent, in the neighbourhood, and to the east, of the ■ 
 Caspian Sea? It may perhaps be objected that the country 
 in question is now occupied by people of a different race : but 
 to how many countries has it not happened to undergo a total 
 change of their inhabitants ? The prolific parent-country of so 
 many swarms of expatriated colonists might, from that very cir- 
 cumstance, be converted into a desert It is probable that, 
 
 since the commencement of history, the nature of this country 
 has changed, and that in former times it was more favourable than 
 now to agriculture and to population. According to my hypo- 
 thesis, then, the ancestors of the Persians and Hindus must 
 have emigrated from their early seats toward the south-west 
 and the south-east ; and the forefathers of the European nations 
 towards the west and the north I conceive that the tribes 
 
SECT. VII.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 307 
 
 which migrated towards Europe followed two great routes ; the 
 one along the northern shores of the Black Sea ; while the 
 other traversed Asia Minor, and crossed the ^gean Sea, or the 
 Hellespont, Thrace, lUyria, and the Adriatic. It was indubit- 
 ably by this latter route that Grreece and Italy received their 
 colonists." (Essais, p. 514-517.) 
 
 Professor Lassen also decides against the hypothesis that 
 India was the birth-place of the Indo-European races. He 
 says ^' : — 
 
 " It is, as we have seen, a result of modern investigation that 
 the ancient language of the Indians is so intimately related to 
 those of the other Indo-Grermanic nations as to establish the 
 original unity both of these languages and nations. We are . 
 therefore driven to the conclusion either, 1st, that the Indians 
 migrated to India from some other primeval seat, or, 2nd, that 
 all the kindred Indo--Grermanic nations had their oricfin in India. 
 The following considerations determine us to decide in favour of 
 the former of these alternatives. 
 
 " It would. First, be an improbable supposition that the na- 
 tions which are now so widely extended should have been derived 
 from the remotest member of the entire series. Their common 
 cradle must be sought, if not in the very centre, at all events 
 in such a situation as to render a diffusion towards the different 
 regions of the world practicable. This condition is not well ful- 
 filled by supposing India to be the point of departure. Secondly, 
 none of the phenomena of speech, customs, or ideas observable 
 among the other cognate nations indicate an Indian origin. 
 Of the countries which were anciently occupied by the great 
 Indo-Grermanic family, India was the most peculiar, and differed 
 the most widely from the others ; and it would be very unac- 
 countable that no trace of these Indian peculiarities should 
 have been preserved by any of the other Indo-Grermanic races 
 in later times, if they had all originally dwelt in India. Among 
 
 *' Indian Antiquities, i. p. 512, ff. 
 
308 AFFINITIES AND DBEWATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 the names of plants and animals which are common to all these 
 nations there is none which is peculiar to India. *< The most 
 widely diffused word for any species of corn (yava) denotes not 
 rice, but barley. Thirdly, For a decision of this question, the 
 manner in which India is geographically distributed among the 
 different nations by which it is occupied, is of great importance. 
 The diffusion of the Arians towards the south, points to the con- 
 clusion that they came from the north-west, from the country to 
 the north of the Vindhya, probably from the region border- 
 ing on the Jumna, and the eastern part of the Punjab. Their 
 extension to the east between the, Himalaya and the Vindhya, 
 also indicates the same countries as their earlier seats. We find 
 moreover evident traces of the Arians, in their advance from the 
 north-west, having severed asunder the eq^lier population of 
 Hindustan, and driven one portion of it towards the northern, 
 and another portion towards the southern hills. Further, we 
 cannot assume that the Arians themselves were the earlier in- 
 habitants who were pushed aside : for the inhabitants of the 
 Dekhan, like those of the Vindhya range, appear always as the 
 weaker and retiring party who were driven back by the Arians. 
 "We cannot ascribe to the non-Arian tribes the power of having 
 forced themselves forward through the midst of an earlier Arian 
 population to the seats which they eventually occupied in the 
 centre of the country : but, on the contrary, everything speaks 
 in favour of their having been originally settled in those tracts 
 where we find them at a later period, and of their having once 
 occupied a more extensive territory. These non-Arians were in 
 fact feebler races, like the red men of America. The Arians on 
 the other hand were a more perfectly organised, enterprising, 
 and creative people, and were consequently the more recent ; 
 just as the earth has at a later period produced the more perfect 
 
 '♦ [This circumstance, however, might be accounted for, as Weber remarks 
 (Modern Investigations on Ancient India, p. 10), by the names being for- 
 gotten, from the plants and animals being unknown in western countries. 
 See below, p. 318.— J. M.] 
 
SECT, viij THE INDIAJVf AND COGNATE NATIONS. 309 
 
 classes of plants and animals. Finally the same thing is shown 
 by the political relation of the two branches of the population. 
 The Arians take up for themselves, i.e. for the three highest 
 castes, a position of the most complete contrast to the aboriginal 
 tribes, first of all by the name of Arya, and next by their 
 prerogatives; for the name of dvija, "twice-born," with the 
 higher rank connected with it, is the exclusive designation 
 of the three upper classes. The Arians in this way mark them- 
 selves out as the superior and conquering race. In 'confirmation 
 of this we can also adduce an outward mark, that of complexion. 
 The word for caste in Sanskrit {varna), originally signified 
 colour. The castes therefore were distinguished by their com- 
 plexion. But, as is well known, the Brahmans have a fairer 
 colour than the Sudras and Chandalas: and the Kshatriyas 
 and Vaisyas who were also Arians must have participated in 
 the same fair complexion. We are thus led to the conclusion 
 that the Aiian-Indians were originally distinguished from the 
 dark aborigines : and this accords with the assumption that 
 they came from a more northern country." 
 
 That the Arians were not autochthonous in India, but came 
 from some country to the north, is also the opinion of Professor 
 Max Miiller. 
 
 " At the first dawn of traditional history we see these Arian 
 tribes migrating across the snow of the Himalaya southward 
 toward the " Seven Elvers " (the Indus, the five rivers of the 
 Panjab, and the Saras vati), and ever since India has been called 
 their home. That before this time they had been living in 
 more northern regions, within the same precincts with the 
 ancestors of the Greeks, the Italians, Slavonians, Germans and 
 Celts, is a fact as firmly established as that the Normans of 
 William the Conqueror were the Northmen of Scandinavia. 
 The evidence of language is irrefragable, and it is the only 
 evidence worth listening to with regard to ante-historical periods 
 .... While most of the members of the Arian family followed 
 this glorious path " [i. e. ta the north-west], " the southern 
 
 X 3 
 
310 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap, ii 
 
 tribes were slowly migrating to the mountains which gird 
 the north of India. After crossing the narrow passes of the 
 Hindu-kush or the Himalaya, they conquered or drove before 
 them, as it seems without much effort, the original inhabitants 
 of the Trans-Himalayan countries. They took for their guides 
 the principal rivers of northern India, and were led by them 
 to new homes in their beautiful and fertile valleys." (Last 
 Eesults of Sanskrit Eesearches, in Bunsen's Out, of Phil, of 
 Un. Hist., vol. i. pp. 129, and 131 ; and Anc. Sansk. Lit. pp. 12, 
 13, 15.) 
 
 Again in the Last Results of the Turanian Eesearches, ibid., 
 p. 340, the same able writer remarks : " It is now generally 
 admitted that this holy-land of the Brahmans, even within 
 its earliest and narrowest limits, between the Sarasvati and 
 Drishadvati, was not the birth-place of the sons of Manu. The 
 Arians were strangers in the land of the Indus and the Granges, 
 but no one can now determine the exact spot whence they 
 came, and where they had been previously settled. Traditions, 
 current among the Brahmans as to the northern regions, con- 
 sidered the seats of the blessed, may be construed into some- 
 thing like a recollection of their northern immigration — holy 
 places along the rivers of northern India, where even in later 
 times Brahmans went to learn the purest Sanskrit, may mark 
 the stations of their onward course — the principal capitals of 
 these ancient kingdoms may prove the slow but steady progress 
 toward the mouths of the principal rivers of India — but with 
 the sources of those rivers, the homes of the Arian strangers 
 vanish from our sight, even after we have reached the highest 
 points of view accessible on Indian ground." 
 
 Professor Benfey expresses an equally confident opiaion that 
 India was not the original country of the Hindus. His reasons 
 are as follows. After giving some account of the various tribes 
 by whom southern and central India are occupied, he proceeds : 
 "We thus find the whole of the Dekhan covered with the 
 remains of a nation of which it is highly probable that the 
 
SECT. vii.J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 311 
 
 several parts were connected by affinity. But we know with 
 certainty that the Sanskrit-speaking people did not establish 
 themselves in the Dekhan till a later period, and as colonists, 
 who apparently began their occupation by making themselves 
 masters of the coasts. . . . Now it is hardly probable that 
 those barbarous tribes could have pushed themselves forward 
 into the midst of the Arian-Indians at a period when the latter 
 had attained to the height of their social and political develop- 
 ment ; and yet it is at this very period that we already find 
 mention made of several of these barbarous races. We are 
 therefore compelled to recognize the latter as being the earlier 
 inhabitants of the Dekhan, who were reduced to subjection by 
 the arms of the Sanskrit-speaking race, and either incorporated 
 into their community as a servile caste, or driven back into the 
 recesses of the mountains." Indien, '** p. 9. In p. 12, the same 
 author proceeds : " From the foregoing sections it appears that 
 the Sanskrit-speaking people, who called themselves Aryas and 
 Vises, can be shown to have immigrated from foreign regions 
 into their new abodes. It can be positively demonstrated that 
 they once formed one nation, spoke one speech, and possessed 
 the same civilisation, with the races who are allied to them 
 by language, viz., the Aryas properly so called (i.e. ^ the 
 Iranians), the Greeks, Latins, &c. It is scarcely to be doubted 
 that the theatre of this early union was one of the countries of 
 Asia : but the time is so far antecedent to the dawn of history, 
 and so many commotions, migratiens and so forth, must have 
 swept over the region which they formerly occupied, that every 
 trace which the Sanskrit-speaking race might have left of their 
 residence there, has been obliterated. Arguments of a general 
 nature render it not improbable that Tartary, which even in 
 historical ages has sent forth so many children of the steppes 
 to the most various regions of the world, may, at one time, have 
 embraced this race also in its vast wildernesses When 
 
 5* * In Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopeedia (German). 
 X 4 
 
312 AFrmiTIES and derivation of [chap. II. 
 
 the once united nation became broken up, the Indo-Arians 
 remained still for a long time united with the Perso-Arians, 
 as the language of both distinctly proves. The abodes which 
 they occupied at that time may be determined with tolerable 
 probability by the aid of a widely- diffused sacred legend." 
 Professor Benfey then refers to the Indian legends regarding 
 the sacred lakes Manosarovara, and Ravana-hrada, and the 
 descent of the Granges in the same Himalayan region, and its 
 subsequent division into separate streams. He regards the 
 Granges as a personification of the original fountain of waters, 
 and identifies it with the apd/m, nwpdt, or " son of waters," 
 of the Veda. This again he considers to be identical with 
 the napdt apanm of the Zend writings, which in like manner 
 he interprets as a mythical representation of the primeval 
 source of earthly waters, issuing from a mountain. He then 
 proceeds : " Here then we have in the Zend writings a repe- 
 tition of the Indian legends regarding the original source of 
 waters, along with the Indian locality : and the only question 
 which arises is whether the knowledge of this locality was 
 acquired by the Persians in later times, or brought with them 
 from their earlier abodes. When we reflect how great is the 
 general agreement between the Indians and Persians in respect 
 of religion, of political institutions, and other things of the 
 same kind, it seems to me extremely probable that, as they 
 bear in common the name of Arya (in Zend Airya), or ' the 
 honourable,' — a name which implies a high sense of their own 
 importance, — they must also have attained in common a con- 
 siderable degree of civilisation. This of course, pre-supposes 
 that they dwelt together in the same country for a tolerably 
 long period ; and where can we more reasonably seek for this 
 locality than in the quarter to which the recollections of both 
 nations point as to their earliest abodes ? For what but recol- 
 lections of this sort could have given to this region the appella- 
 ' tion of a holy land ? For it lies geographically too far distant 
 from the principal seats of later Hinduism as well as of the 
 
SECT. VII.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 313 
 
 Zend religion, to admit of its coming, in any other way, to be 
 regarded by both nations as a sacred region, at a period when 
 they had become settled so far from it, as well as from each 
 other. We can scarcely go wrong if we identify this region, 
 (as the quarter in which the Indians placed the abode of the 
 blessed), with the renowned Uttarakuru, which according also 
 to the classical authorities of the west is to be fixed here. We 
 shall not, however, spend more time in confirming (by grounds 
 which we cannot render perfectly convincing) our opinion that 
 the Sanskrit and Zend peoples once dwelt together in the 
 country which we call Little Thibet, as a nation which had 
 attained a certain stage of civilisation. At the period when the 
 Aryas settled in this region, a division of the great Indo-Grothic 
 race appears to have already taken place. After this separa- 
 tion, the other members of the same great family who subse- 
 quently came into notice in the western world, remained for a 
 time by themselves in their earlier abodes somewhat more to 
 the north." 
 
 The following remarks of Professor Spiegel (Introduction to 
 Avesta, vol. ii. pp. cvi. ff.) will serve as an answer to Mr. 
 Curzon's allegation that the language and mythology of the Per- 
 sians are derived from those of India : " Though it is universally 
 admitted that a primeval country is to be assumed, where the 
 Arians lived in pre-historical times as one people, and from 
 which they gradually migrated; and although it is allowed 
 that the Indians and Iranians must have dwelt together for a 
 length of time in this, or in some other adjacent country, even 
 after the separation of the other branches, still it is by no 
 means clear what should be regarded as that primeval country. 
 Agreeably to Mr. Curzon's assumption India was the fatherland 
 of the Indo-Grermanic races. P^om that country the individual 
 branches of that stock migrated westwards, and last of all the 
 Iranians, who continued to dwell in the immediate vicinity of 
 their original country, which henceforward remained in sole 
 possession of a single race, the Indians. According to this 
 
314 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 assumption the relation of Iran to India admits of a very simple 
 adjustment; India is the cradle, the Indian language {i.e. the 
 Vedic Sanskrit) is the mother-tongue of all the Indo-Grer- 
 manic nations. If accordingly, an important affinity is discern- 
 ible both in language and in ideas between the Indians and 
 Iranians, the reason of it is simply this that the Iranians 
 emigrated last from India, and thus carried with them the 
 largest share of Indian characteristics. On this view the older 
 monuments of Iranian literature would stand in the same 
 relation to the Vedic literature, that the Pali and Prakrit stand 
 to the later Sanskrit. Lassen *^ had however previously declared 
 himself against this assumption that India was the cradle of 
 the Indo-Grermanic races; and his arguments have not been 
 invalidated by Mr. Curzon. And as regards the relation of the 
 old Iranian dialect to the Sanskrit of the Vedas, I boldly assert 
 that we cannot possibly suppose the former to stand in any 
 such relation of dependance to the latter as the Pali or the 
 Prakrit stands in to the later Sanskrit ; and no one who impar- 
 tially examines the question, will do otherwise than support 
 my view. 
 
 " "We may therefore at once set aside the supposition that 
 India was the cradle of the Indo-Grermanic race. We prefer to 
 assume with Lassen that their original abode is to be sought in 
 the extreme east of the Iranian country, in the tract where 
 the Oxus and Jaxartes take their rise. 
 
 " But the second question in regard to language is not thus 
 determined. For it might still be imagined possible that not 
 only the Indians but also the Iranians along with them, had 
 migrated to the countries on the Indus ; and that the Iranians, 
 perhaps owing to religious differences, had retraced their steps 
 to the westward. The great aflBnity between the Sanskrit, and 
 the ancient Bactrian, languages, and the resemblances between 
 the mythologies, of the Vedas on the one hand, and the Avesta 
 
 " Ind. Ant. i. p. 512. See above p. 307, ff. 
 
SECT. VII.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 315 
 
 on the other, would then admit of the same explanation ; viz., 
 that the Iranians had spent the Vedic period, or at least a great 
 part of it, in conjunction with the Indians ; and hence the 
 close affinity between their ideas. This is in fact the view of 
 a scholar who is very familiar with this branch of study. Pro- 
 fessor Max Miiller.56 
 
 " I cannot agree with this view, as I am quite unable to dis- 
 cover that there is any historical reminiscence by which it can 
 be established.^^* The facts which I have above collected regard- 
 ing Zoroaster and his religion, certainly do not point to the 
 conclusion that he was a Bactrian, much less that the religion 
 of the Bactrians came from India ; on the contrary, these 
 accounts seem to lead us to believe that their religion came first 
 
 from Media But if there be no historical recollection, 
 
 what else is there to favour the opinion in question? Surely it 
 cannot be the similarity of structure between the languages of 
 India and Persia! We esteem the Sanskrit so highly, not 
 because it was the original speech of the Indo- Germanic race, 
 but because it stands the nearest to that original language. 
 
 58 « Last Results of the Persian Researches," p. 113. " If regarded from 
 aVaidik point of view . . . the gods of the Zoroastrians come out once more 
 as mere reflections of the primitive and authentic gods of the Vedas. It can 
 now be proved, even by geographical evidence, that the Zoroastrians had 
 been settled in India before they immigrated into Persia. I say the 
 Zoroastrians, for we have no evidence to bear us out in mailing the same 
 assertion of the nations of Media and Persia in general. That the Zoroas- 
 trians and their ancestors started from India during the Vaidik period can 
 be proved as distinctly as that the inhabitants of MaBsilia started from 
 Greece. The geographical traditions in the first Fargard of the Vendidad 
 do not interfere with this opinion. If ancient and genuine, they would 
 embody a remembrance preserved by the Zoroastrians, but forgotten by the 
 Vaidik poets — a remembrance of times previous to their first common 
 descent into the country of the Seven Rivers. If of later origin, and this 
 is more likely, they may represent a geographical conception of the Zoroas- 
 trians after they had become acquainted with a larger sphere of countries 
 and nations, subsequent to their emigration from India." 
 
 '8' See, however, App. note E. 
 
316 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 Now it cannot surprise us that another language of the same 
 family, as the ancient Bactrian is, should have remained on a 
 nearly similar level. It is not in the least at variance with this 
 view that the last named language is far younger than the 
 Vedic Sanskrit, for it is well known that external circumstances 
 frequently occasion the speedy corruption of one language, while 
 another can long preserve its ancient level. And so in this 
 case, both languages issued in a nearly similar form from one 
 common parent form of speech, and were then developed inde- 
 pendently of each other. And as the phenomena of the two 
 languages do not necessitate the assumption that the ancient 
 Bactrian language has passed through the Vedic Sansknt, so 
 neither is this view forced upon us by the contents of the Avesta. 
 Eeference has, indeed, been made to the points of contact 
 between the legends, and even between the manners and cus- 
 toms exhibited in the Veda and the Avesta. But the few par- 
 ticulars which recui- in the Vedas cannot be set against the 
 fai- larger number of which there is no trace there. Similar 
 common legends have been discovered in the Greek mythology, 
 and yet it has never been imagined by any one that the ancient 
 Grreeks must have believed in the Vedas. We are, therefore, 
 warranted in supposing that in the old Bactrian language and 
 literature we possess the monuments of a people, who certainly 
 lived together with the Indians longer than any of the other 
 kindred races, and have therefore a certain number of religious 
 and other conceptions common to it with the former. But 
 these common elements are so insignificant when compared 
 with those which are of peculiarly Iranian growth, that we are 
 justified in regarding the language and literature as independent 
 Iranian productions. How, and by what causes the separation 
 of the Iranians from the Indians was occasioned, is a point 
 which, owing to our want of information on that early period, 
 
 can no longer be certainly determined Among the 
 
 grounds of it I have (in the 1st Vol. p. 9.) referred to a religious 
 alienation between the two nations, but too great importance 
 
SECT. vii.J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 317 
 
 » 
 
 should not be assigned to this view. Even without assuming 
 any such alienation, it is conceivable that gods who were 
 honoured by the one people, might be degraded to hell by the 
 other. °^" .... That which gives probability to the idea of an 
 actual alienation between the Indians and Iranians on religious 
 grounds, is the number of such opposing conceptions. 
 
 " We must accordingly maintain that the Indians and Iranians 
 have each gone through their own proper development apart 
 from the others. Any points of coincidence between the two 
 must thus be referred to the early pre-Vedic period, not to 
 the era of the special development of either of the two peoples. 
 None of the common features which I have referred to in Vol. I. 
 (see above, p. 290, ff.) are of such a character as to make it at 
 all necessary for us to suppose the country bordering on the 
 Indus to have been the scene of their origination. An origin 
 in that locality might, with most probability, be ascribed to the 
 legend of Vrittrahan, as Indra is designated, as the slayer of 
 Vrittra, who withholds the clouds and the necessary rain. The 
 word recurs again in the old-Bactrian veretraya ' victorious, 
 (the deity, Verethragna I regard as being certainly of far later 
 origin). From the circumstance that no special sense is assigned 
 to the word in the ancient Bactrian language, I do not conclude, 
 as is commonly done, that in the Avesta it has lost its special 
 meaning ; but, on the contrary, I assume that the Indian limita- 
 tion of the word to Indra did not take place till after the sepa- 
 ration of the two peoples, and that the word had originally a 
 more general meaning." 
 
 The following is the opinion of Professor Weber on the same 
 general question. In his tract, entitled " Modern Investigations 
 on Ancient India," p. 10, after sketching the physical and intel- 
 lectual condition of the early Aryas, as deducible from the words 
 common to all the Indo-European languages, he proceeds 
 thus : — 
 
 =«** See App. note F. 
 
318 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF [chap. u. 
 
 « 
 " In the picture just now drawn, positive signs are after all 
 
 almost entirely wanting, by which we could recognise the 
 country in which our forefathers dwelt and had their common 
 home. That it was situated in Asia is an old historical axiom : 
 the want of all animals specifically Asiatic in our enumeration 
 above seems to tell against this, but can be explained simply by 
 the fact of these animals not existing in Europe, which oc- 
 casioned their names to be forgotten, or at least caused them to 
 be applied to other similar animals ; it seems, however, on the 
 whole, that the climate of that country was rather temperate than 
 tropical, most probably mild, and not so much unlike that of 
 Europe ; from which we are led to seek for it in the highlands of 
 central Asia, which latter has been regarded from time imme- 
 morial as the cradle of the human race." 
 
 My next quotation is from the recent work of M. Pictet, " Les 
 Origines ludo-Europeennes," in which he endeavours, by an ex- 
 amination of all the accessible data, geographical, philological, 
 and ethnographical, as well as by a survey and comparison of all 
 the terms common to the Arian languages, which refer to climate, 
 to topography, and to natural history, to determine what that 
 country was, which the common ancestors of the Indo-European 
 nations originally inhabited.*' 
 
 I shall not attempt to follow the course of M. Pictet's multi- 
 farious investigations and reasonings, or to pass any judgment 
 on his particular deductions ; but shall content myself with ex- 
 tracting his account of the general results to which he has been 
 conducted. 
 
 " By consulting successively national appellations, traditions, 
 geography, philology, and ethnography, we have arrived at the 
 following conclusions : — The Arian people, as they called them- 
 selves in opposition to the barbarian, must have occupied a 
 
 *' M. Pictet's second volume, whioli tas not yet appeared, is to treat of the 
 state of civilisation and intellectual culture whicli this primitive people had 
 attained before it was broken up into different nations. 
 
SECT. VII. J THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 319 
 
 region, of which Bactria may be regarded as the centre. This is 
 the conclusion to which we are at once led by merely comparing 
 the directions followed by the swarms of men who issued from 
 this centre, and which all radiate from it as a point of departure. 
 The geographical configuration of this portion of Asia completely 
 confirms this first induction ; for the only possible outlets through 
 which the population could issue occur at the very points where 
 the principal currents of emigration have actually flowed, if we 
 may judge by the ultimate positions of the Arian people, and 
 the scattered traditions which they have preserved of their 
 origin." .... 
 
 " We may presume (1.), from the order and direction of the 
 migrations which determined the ultimate positions of the Arian 
 races, (2.), from the traces of their ancient names, left by the 
 several nations along the routes which they must have followed, 
 and (3.) from the more special affinities which connect toge- 
 ther the different groups of Arian languages, that the primitive 
 Ariana, at the period of its greatest extension, must have em- 
 braced nearly the whole of the region situated between theHindu- 
 kush, Belurtagh, the Oxus, and the Caspian sea; and, perhaps, 
 extended a good way into Sogdiana, towards the sources of the 
 dxus and the Jaxartes. I do not mean that Ariana then formed 
 one strongly constituted state. It is much more probable that it 
 was at that time partitioned among distinct tribes, united solely 
 by the general bond of race, by similarity of manners and 
 language, by a common stock of beliefs and traditions, and by 
 a sentiment of natural brotherhood. This is to be inferred 
 both from the topographical character of the country, and from 
 the successive emigrations which must have followed each other 
 at considerable intervals. I have attempted in Chapter III. to fix, 
 by approximation, the relative positions of the dififerent branches 
 of the race before their dispersion." 
 
 [I introduce here, from p. 51 of M. Pictet's work, the substance 
 of the passage referred to, so far as it relates to the Iranians, 
 Indians, Greeks,' and Latins : — 
 
320 AFFINITIES AND DBKIVATION OF Tchap. ;r. 
 
 " Assuming Bactria to have been the centre of the region 
 peopled by the .primitive , Aryas, the Iranians must have 
 possessed its north-east corner, bordering on Sogdiana, towards 
 Belurtagh, and have at first spread towards the east, as far as the 
 high mountain vallies, from which they afterwards descended to 
 colonize Iran. Alongside of them, to the south-east, probably in 
 the fertile regions of Badakhshan, dwelt the Indo-Arians, occu- 
 pying the slopes of the Hindu-kush, which they had afterwards 
 to cross, or to round, in order to arrive in Cabul, and penetrate 
 thence into northern India. To the south-west, towards the 
 sources of the Artamis and the Bactrus, we should place the 
 Pelasgo-Arians (the Greeks and Latins), who must have advanced 
 thence in the direction of Herat, and continued their migration, 
 by Khorasan and Mazenderan to Asia Minor and the Hellespont."] 
 
 " Though nothing more than a hypothesis, the preceding distri- 
 bution appears to account better than any other for the entire facts 
 of the case. But it can be shown, in a more precise manner, 
 that the Aryas must have been originally divided into two 
 groups, the one eastern and the other western, from which, on 
 the one side, the Aryas of Persia and India issued, and on the 
 other the European nations. The principal arguments in sup- 
 port of this statement cannot, however, be unfolded till I come 
 
 to the sequel of my work In regard to the 
 
 period when the Arian emigrations took place, I may say, by an- 
 ticipation, that, in all probability, the earliest of them cannot be 
 placed at less than three thousand years before the Christian era, 
 and that perhaps they go back to a still remoter period." — 
 (Pictet, Les Aryas Primitifs, pp. 536, ff.) 
 
 I shall now attempt briefly to sum up the arguments in 
 favour of the conclusion, that the Indo-Arians were not autoch- 
 thonous, but immigrated into Hindusthan from Central Asia. 
 
 Mr. Curzon entertains, as we have seen, a different opinion, 
 which he grounds on the assumption that the languages, as well 
 as the mythologies, of the Persians, as well as of the Greeks and 
 Latins, are derived from India. We have already seen (p. 269, ff.) 
 
SECT, vii.] THE mmAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 32t 
 
 how untenable the notion is that the Greek tod Latin languages 
 could have been derived from Sanskrit ; and the points of coin- 
 cidence between the Greek, the Italian, and the Indian mytho^ 
 logies are too few and too remote to justify the idea of their 
 derivation from the Indo-Arians, at any period nearly so recent 
 as the hypothesis would require. I am not prepared to pro-; 
 nounce it altogether inconceivable that the Greek and Latin 
 races could have emigrated from India within any period short 
 of 1500 years B.C., withoxit distinct traces of this migration 
 being discoverable in their own literature, or in that of other 
 nations : for, as we have already seen (page 305) the traces of 
 such movements may soon disappear from the traditions of an 
 illiterate people. But if the languages and religions of Greece 
 and Italy be not derived from those of India, there is no ground 
 for this hypothesis. And any emigration from India at an 
 earlier period than that indicated appears to be improbable. 
 Fifteen hundred years before the Christian era, India, if (as 
 it no doubt was) already occupied by the Indo-Arians, must, 
 at all events, have been very thinly peopled. The Aryas had 
 not, at that period, extended themselves beyond the north- 
 west quarter of India.^' Large tracts both t© the east and 
 west of the Ganges, and to the north of the Vindhya range, 
 must then have been still uncultivated. While such facilities 
 remained for the occupation of new territory for the purposes of 
 agriculture or pasturage, in their own immediate neighbourhood, 
 it does not appear what sufficient motive could have existed to 
 impel any branch of the small Arian population to desert the 
 fertile plains and the warm temperature of India (to which, by 
 the hypothesis, they must have been long accustomed) for the 
 rugged mountains and the barren and less genial regions which 
 lay to the north-west and west of the Indus, 
 
 As regards the derivation of the Iranian, language and my- 
 thology from the Indian (which may be asserted with more show 
 
 '' This will be made evident by the details which I Bhall* shortly adduce, 
 relative to their diffusion in Hindusthan. 
 
322 AFFDiTWlES AND DEEIVATION OP [chap. *i: 
 
 of probability than in the case of the Greeks and Latins), I may- 
 place the authority and the arguments, just quoted, of Professor 
 Spiegel in opposition to those of Mr. Curzon. 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone, as we have seen, does not decide in favour of 
 either theory, but leaves it in doubt whether the Hindus were 
 an autochthonous or an immigrant nation. As a justification 
 of his doubt, he refers to the circumstance that all other known 
 migrations of ancient date have proceeded from east to west 
 and have not radiated from a common centre. But this reason- 
 ing cannot claim to offer more than a limited presumption, and 
 cannot be set against the stronger probabilities which, in this 
 case, are suggested by the subsequent history of the different 
 Arian nations in favour of a radiation from one common centre. 
 The common origin of the Arian tongues implies, as we 
 have seen, the anterior existence of one parent language from 
 which they all issued, and conducts us necessarily to the conclu- 
 sion that the several nations, who spoke those separate dialects 
 were all descended from the same common ancestors, who em- 
 ployed the parent language in question, and formed one Arian 
 nation inhabiting the same country. As the question where this 
 country was situated cannot be decided by history, we are 
 thrown back upon inference ; and we are therefore led to enquire 
 what that region was which by its position was most likely to 
 have formed the point of departure from which nations situated 
 in the opposite quarters ultimately occupied by the Indians, the 
 Iranians, the Greeks, the Eomans, the Germans and the Slavon- 
 ians must have issued in order to reach their several abodes by 
 the most easy and natural routes. The point of departure which 
 best satisfies this condition, is in the opinion of the eminent 
 writers whom I have cited, some region of central Asia, lying to 
 the north-west of India. We may therefore place the cradle of 
 the Arians in or near Bactria. 
 
SECT. VHi.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS, 323 
 
 Sect. VIIT. — On the National Traditions of the Indians regarding their own 
 
 Original Country. 
 
 I shall now inquire whether there are any data to be found 
 among the traditions of the Indians or the Persians, from which 
 we can derive any confirmation of the conclusion to which we have 
 been led by other, considerations. I must, however, begin with 
 .a candid admission that so far as I know, none of the Sanskrit 
 books, not even the most ancient, contain any distinct reference 
 or allusion to the foreign origin of the Indians. This does not, 
 perhaps, afford any just ground of surprise. The Vedic hymns 
 themselves do not carry us back to the first ages of the nation, 
 but contain allusions to personages and events of a still earlier 
 date. The past history of their race is very liable to be forgotten 
 by an unlettered people, as is justly remarked by Schlegel, inthe 
 passage quoted above, p. 305 ; and any traditions which may at 
 one time have existed of the early Arian migrations might very 
 easily have been overgrown and effaced by the luxuriant harvest 
 of legendary inventions for which India has been remarkable from 
 the earhest ages. This process of obscuration is distinctly trace- 
 able in other parts of Indian history, and it has been frequently 
 remarked how greatly the myths. and even the allusions of the 
 Vedas have been amplified and distorted by more recent mytho- 
 logists. I shall, however, proceed to quote such passages as may 
 appear in any way to imply the tradition of a foreign origin. 
 
 First. In the Eig-veda,^' an expression occurs from which we 
 might infer that the Indians still retained some recollection of 
 their having at one time occupied a colder country. It is this : 
 
 E.-V. i. 64. 14. <f|-^ q^TT TT'N ITff f%W:i "May we 
 cherish [such] a son and grandson a hundred winters " ! The 
 
 expression tf^TT "ST^^: "^ ^\k^ 1[TT* "SI'TI.I "May 
 we see — may we live — a hundred autumns" also occurs in the 
 
 5* Wilson, Tntrod. to Rig-veda, vol. i. p. xlii. 
 T 2 
 
324 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF Cchap. it. 
 
 E.-V. vii. 66. 16. See also E.-V. x. 18. 4. This may perhaps 
 be a more recent form of the phrase, dating from a period when 
 the recollection of the colder regions from which they had 
 migrated, was becoming forgotten by the Aryas. 
 
 Second. In the Satapatha-brahmana, one of a class of 
 works which, as we have shown, form the oldest remains of 
 Hindu liter9,ture next to the Vedic hymns, we find the follow- 
 ing legend, which may possibly be based npon an old tradi- 
 tion of the Hindus having originally crossed, at some point, the 
 great mountains to the north or north-west, and entered into 
 India by that route : — ^^* 
 
 5WT trn^^w'ltpn ^^ tit: ^It: ttwt f%^T nirr- 
 
 % ^^^ ^TWmt ^¥t % 'T'^T^ 1T?T ^T^rf fm 
 f^^TS'^m^T ^^Tn«ra^TTf%l riff ^i^f^TTfr ^- 
 
 ri W ^^ ^MikilJ^^WI TT^ S^l^ 'TT^: ^vi 7?f^^?THll 
 
 =»• This legend is translated by Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 161, ff. ; and by 
 Wiiller, Anc. Sans. Lit. p. 425, ff. 
 
SECT. viii3 THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 325" 
 
 ■fi^mmvrr{\ fit f TT^^rg ^t^^i tt^ ^t^m Tf^i 
 ^^ wR^t^ -rm ^t%^i ^ '^^^ ^^ffrrfir^'t 
 ^fT ^fsr ^^Tfrr^ fmt ^rra^ft^^i^T: i wt ^n^rrrf^f i 
 fft Tjy ^^i^^wm ^% ^% ms^^^t^f% ^^; t{~ 
 
 f%^ ^ ^ wtr '^^^(T Tf^i finr^ •QifT'W'^ ^'^^ 
 
 ' " They brought to Mann in the morning water for washing, as 
 they are in the habit of bringing water to wash with the hands. 
 As he was using the water, there came into his hands a fish, which 
 said to him, 'Preserve me and I will save thee.' [Manu inquired] 
 •5 From what wilt thou save me ? ' [The fish replied] ' A flood 
 •shall sweep away all these creatures : I will rescue thee from 
 it.' [Manu asked] 'How is thy protection [to be effected]?' 
 
 T 3 
 
326 ■ AFFINITIES Ai(J) DEEIVATIOST OF Tchap. ik 
 
 The fisli answered ' So long as we are small, we are in great peril, 
 and even fish devours fish : preserve me first in a jar. When I 
 grow too large for the jar, dig a trench, and preserve me in it. 
 When I become too great for that> carry me to the ocean ; I shall 
 then be beyond the reach of danger.' Straightway it became 
 a great fish : for it grew exceedingly. [The fish then said,] ' In 
 so many years the flood will come : make a ship therefore, and 
 worship me; and when the flood rises, embark on the ship, 
 and I shall deliver thee.' Accordingly Manu preserved the fish, 
 and brought it to the ocean ; and in the same year which the 
 fish had declared, he built a ship and worshipped [the fish.] 
 When the fiood ascended, he entered the ship, and the fish 
 swam near him : and he fastened the cable of the ship to the 
 fish's horn. By this means he passed over this northern 
 mountain. The fish then said, ' I have delivered thee, fasten 
 the ship to a tree.' But lest the water should abandon 
 thee when thou art upon the mountain, as fast as the water 
 subsides, so. fast shalt thou descend along with it. Accord- 
 ingly he descended as the water subsided. Hence, this was 
 'Manu's descent' from the northern mountain. The flood 
 had swept away all creatures: Manu alone was left. Being 
 desirous of offspring he laboriously performed a religious 
 rite. And there, too, he sacrificed with the pdka sacrifice. He 
 cast clarified butter, thickened nailk, whey, and curds, as an 
 oblation into the waters. After a year a female was produced, 
 who rose unctuous from the waters, with clarified butter under 
 her feet. Mitra and Varuna met her ; and said to her ' Who 
 art thou ? ' ' Manu's daughter,' she replied. They rejoined, 
 'Say that thoU art our daughter.' She answered, 'No: I am 
 the daughter of him who begot me.' Then they demanded a 
 share in her. She promised, and she did not promise; but 
 passed on and came to Manu. Manu asked her 'Who art 
 thou?' ' Thy daughter,' she replied. 'How, thou divine one, 
 art thou my daughter ? ' he inquired. She replied, ' Thou 
 hast begotten me from those oblations which thou didst cast 
 
SECT. Till.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 827 
 
 into the waters. I am a benediction. Introduce me at the 
 sacrifice. If thou shalt do so, thou shalt increase in offspring 
 and cattle. Whatever boon thou shalt supplicate through me, 
 shall accrue to thee.' He accordingly introduced her in the 
 middle of the sacrifice : for that is the middle which stands 
 between the introductory and concluding prayers. He lived 
 with her worshipping and toiling, desirous of offspring. By her 
 he begot this offspring, which is the offspring of Manu." 
 
 It is true that in this legend Manu is said to have crossed 
 the northern range, and to have descended into India, and 
 there sacrificed for the purpose of obtaining offspring ; and that 
 a daughter was born to him in that country. But if the pro- 
 genitor of the Hindus was deemed to have been once an 
 inhabitant of some country to the north, we may understand 
 the legend as intimating that their ancestors generally lived at 
 one time out of India. 
 
 ■ Manu, as we have already seen, (Part I. pp. 15, 16, 25, 41, 
 &c.), is declared in some passages of the Institutes of Hindu 
 polity which bear his name, and in the Mahabharata, to be the 
 progenitor of the human race. One of the Brahmanas says in like 
 manner, ^TT^ f% TI^T Tfrf f^ sfTHWl^l ^" "Creatures 
 are descended from Manu." In the Eig-veda also he appears to 
 be regarded as the forefather or representative of mankind, or 
 of the Arian race at least. (Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 165, 194, 
 i95; Burnouf, Introd. to Bhag. Purana, lix. ff; Wilson, Eig- 
 veda, vol. ii. p. 292, note; Neve, Essai sm: le mythe des 
 Eibhavas, p. 68, ff.) I shall quote some of the passages of 
 the E.-V., in which Manu is mentioned. Thus, i. 31. 4, 
 
 ^■^ TR^ ^TRT1[^: 5^T^ ^li^ m^Mi:: I " Thou, 
 Agni, hast made known the sky to Manu ; thou hast been a 
 greater benefactor to Puriiravas the performer of pious works ; " 
 i. 36. 19, ffT ^TTT^ 1^^^ ^Yf?! ^m WwH\ "Manu 
 has established thee, Agni, as a light to, all mankind," (see 
 
 ^ Sayana on E.-V. i. 68. 4. 
 
 T 4 
 
S2S' .'"' Affinities akd BBEirATiour op Ichap.-h.- 
 
 also, verse 10); i. "68. 4, 'ftrTT f^TfrV #fr?7T^ T^fTf^l 
 " [Thou, Agaij] hast taken up thy abode as a priest among the' 
 race ofManu;" i. 96. 2,^ q^ f%f^"T ^f^mT^fTTTT: 
 ifWr ^r3T*T^*il*i*liHI " In consequence of Ayu's primeval' 
 hymn, he [Agni] produced these children of the Manus," which 
 Sayana explains, ^T^^rT ^rf: ^ST^ TfTlft: ^%* "ff^T 
 T!f5f«14(ff I "Being hymned by Manu, he produced all the 
 progeny of Manu." '^nfH^^ "Sipl^l?! ^^TT^nf^l i. 112. 
 18, "Whereby ye preserved the hero Manu with food."^'; 
 zr^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^T T<2TTf^l i- 114- 20, "The 
 prosperity and security which Manu our father procured.". 
 ^^ T5?:i:t!ftfTT fw T: TWrf^l "■ SS. 13, "Those 
 [medicines] which our father Manu chose," &c. T^ Uetit 
 
 iTfTTt ^r ^fjf^nj^ 'T^ ^TTT ^: f^r ^^1 
 
 f^f^ ^ST^f^ ** frm I ■^i- 52. 1, " He whose gates the an- 
 cient priest (or beloved) of the great ones, adorned [or made 
 known ?] by sacrifices : our father Manu revealed among the gods 
 (priests ?) the prayers of the sky ? " ^ob«<J 3^?^! ♦ilf|f<^*yi 
 *^WT fT<T^ '^^ ^(^'^^Ji X. 46. 9, "Whom [Agni] Mata- 
 nswan and the gods formed first as an object of praise and 
 worship for Manu." ^ ''^^ TI«TW ^Y'TT"^^ ^^ ^epWT 
 S^^^ ^TTt^l X. 73. 7, "Thou hast formed for Manu 
 beautiful paths leading speedily to the gods." ^' 
 , As Manu thu,s appears to be the progenitor and representa- 
 tive of the Indq-Arians, we might (as I have said) understand 
 
 " Sayana explains food in this passage by the words "g'f^cijT 'TH^. 
 ^9[?rTT^^^*4 ^M ^ I "Sl*! I '•*• f""^ consisting of wheat and other grain 
 which the earth had concealed. In his annotation on verse 16, Sayana calls 
 Manu, a, ov the, royal rishi of that name. 
 . <» SeeK-V.i. 102.1.. 
 
 °' See, however, Benfey's rendering in his glossary to the Satna-veda, 
 under the word namuchi', see, also, the passages, K.-V. i. 130. 8, iv. 26. 1, 
 Ji. 20. 7, vii. 19. 3. 
 
SECT. vn€] THE INDIAIT AND CO&NATE NATIONS. 329" 
 
 the interestirig legend which I have quoted regarding his pre- 
 servation from the deluge, his passage across the northern 
 mountain, and his descent from its summits do'wn into the 
 region at its southern base, to intimate generally that the an- 
 qestors of the Hindus originally came from some region to 
 the north of the Himalaya. I would not, however, be under- 
 stood as laying very much stress upon this inference. 
 , The story of the deluge is narrated in the Vana Parva of the 
 Mahabharata, verses 12,746 — 12,804, at much greater length, 
 and with considerable variations from the preceding legend 
 of the Satapatha-brahmana. Every tradition of the deluge 
 has an intrinsic interest of its own,- quite independently of its 
 bearing on the point which I am now concerned to illustrate. 
 Though, therefore, the legend as recorded in the Mahabharata 
 contains nothing directly connected with the subject of this sec- 
 tion, I will quote it both on account of its own importance, and 
 as an instance of the modifications which ancient Indian legends 
 generally tmdergo in the hands of the later mythologists.^*' 
 The Mahabharata begins with an account of the strenuous 
 austerities of Manu. While he was thus engaged, a fish 
 came to him on the banks of the Chirini,^* soliciting de- 
 liverance. He cast the fish into a jar. When it became too 
 large for the jar, he threw it into a pond. When it grew too 
 vast for the pond, it thus addressed Manu (verse 12,764): 
 1^ Tit Vfm\ WT^ ^^5TTf%^ fsfm^Ji T^t TT^ !%- 
 
 ^^if^ ^r^TT ^T rfTrT ^5?}^ II " Bring me, divine and holy 
 sage, to Granga, the ocean's beloved queen ; in her I shall dwell ; 
 or do whatever else thou pleasest." Manu accordingly cast 
 the fish into the Granga.^* Finally, when the fish became too 
 
 S3* The text of this episode was long since published by Bopp. 
 
 " Verse 12,751 ; ^'^fx:'ftfftT'7TT^ ^mt ^T^^mttrijl 
 
 8^ Verse 12,766 : -^TO^ ^T^nfl^TPI^ ^T^^l^lftl 
 
 Tff f^t fR ^^t ^ Tnl^q^flr: ii 
 
330 AFFINITIES ANT) DBEIVATION OF Ichae. n. 
 
 great for the Ganga, Manu brought it to the ocean. Whea 
 thrown in there, the fish announced to Manu the approaching 
 universal deluge; and then proceeded (verses 12,776—8): 
 
 f ffl^'ij^l "J^rtjlf^ II " And thou shalt cause a strong ship to be 
 built, with a cable attached, in which thou must embark with 
 the seven rishis. And take with thee all manner of seeds, as 
 anciently described by the Brahmans, severally well preserved : 
 and then await my arrival." Manu did as he was commanded, 
 verses 12,782, ff.: ^oITJSir^T^ ^%f^ ¥1^^ 3^^ TT^I 
 
 ^^ J^^/jm €tT ^Mw*l^ ^^rf^TT^il "Manu then 
 taking all the seeds floated on the billowy sea in the beau- 
 tiful ship." He then thought on the fish, which speedily 
 arrived ; and the cable of the ship was bound to its vast 
 horn. Then we have the following description which, in some 
 places, is not devoid of poetical power, verses 12,786, ff. : 
 
 mttri^ ^ ^^ 'Kp^i xr^'^^ 7T^ ^^ ^^ 
 
 W^TT^I ^114(^1 ^^^ Ti^^t^^^ 'gi -q;^ ^^5T^ 
 
SECT, vm.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 331 
 
 ^ -^w^ w^: ^^T lit f%TR^fT^«rT 1 ^m ^tW^^ 
 
 " The Fish being attached by the cable, drew the ship with 
 great rapidity over the briny deep ; and transported its crew 
 across the ocean, which seemed to dance with its waves, and 
 thunder with its waters. The ship, tossed by the mighty winds, 
 whirled around like an unsteady intoxicated woman. Neither 
 earth nor the eight quarters of the world appeared : everything 
 was water, and firmament and sky. Amid this perturbation of 
 the universe, the seven rishis, Manu, and the Fish were perceived. 
 In this manner, the Fish, unwearied, drew along the ship for 
 many periods of years amid the mass of waters ; and at length 
 brought it to the highest peak of the Himavat. Then spake 
 the Fish, gently smiling, to the rishis : ' Bind the ship without 
 delay to this peak of the Himavat.' They accordingly fastened 
 the ship there according to the command of the Fish. That 
 loftiest peak of the Himalaya is even to this day known by the 
 appellation of ' Naubandhana ' [the binding of the ship]." The 
 Fish then reveals himself to the rishis as Brahma, the supreme 
 Lord of Creatures ; and commands Manu to create all living 
 beings, gods, Asuras and men, all worlds, and all things move- 
 able and immoveable : ^® — a command which Manu fulfilled. 
 
 It will be observed that this legend differs in several of its 
 details from that of the Satapatha-brahmana. In the latter, 
 the original abode of Manu is undefined ; but as he is said to 
 have crossed the northern mountain (which the commentator 
 explains of the Himalaya) and as we must suppose it to have 
 been the southern slope which formed the scene of "Manu's 
 descent," it may be presumed that the Brahmana intends to 
 
 «^ Verse, 12,798 : ^^tfj ^ T^mi wHjl ^^lT^T:f\y^: I 
 
332 ; APFmiTIES and derivation 0F~ [chai-.iij 
 
 represent him as having come from the northern side. In 
 the Mahabharata, on the other hand, the scene is laid on the 
 banks of the Chirini. Though the position of that stream is 
 undetermined, there is no doubt that it must have been in 
 northern India, as the Granges is shortly after named as one of the 
 receptacles into which the Fish was thrown. Manu therefore is 
 overtaken by the flood in northern India ; and after being carried 
 about in the ship for many years, is landed on the highest 
 peak of the Himalaya. As no mention is made of his having^ 
 crossed to the northern, we must suppose that he continued on 
 the southern, side. If, therefore, the legend, as narrated in 
 the Brahmana, contains any reminiscence of the immigration 
 of the Aryas from the north .into India, it is clear that this 
 feature of it has been lost in the epic poem. 
 - In the Puranas the story undergoes still further transform- 
 ations. The Bhagavata places the scene in the south of 
 India, in Dravida, instead of in the north ; declares it to have 
 been Vishnu who became incarnate in the fish, (instead of 
 Brahma, who is represented in the Mahabharata as the de- 
 liverer) ; and omits all mention of the ship's descent on the 
 peak of the Himalaya. (See M. Burnouf's preface to the third 
 vol. of the Bhagavata-pm-ana, pp. xxiii., ff.) 
 
 Third. In the allusions made to the TJttara (or northern) 
 Kurus in the Indian books, there may be some reminiscence of 
 an early connection with the countries to the north of the 
 Himalaya. The following passage from the Aitareya-brahmana 
 viii. 14. (quoted by Weber, Indische Studien, i. 2I8),_ con- 
 tains the oldest reference to this people of which I am aware. 
 
 fiRjfaGcil'l I "T ^f*T^r^T*J I ^^nfll " Wherefore in this northern 
 region, all the people who dwell Ijeyond the Himavat,th6 Uttara 
 Kurus and the Uttara Madras, are consecrated to separate rule 
 (vairdjya.) Those who are consecrated are called 'viral." 
 
^Ecr. -nil.] THE IliTDIAK ANP COGNATE NATIONS. 333 
 
 The following quotation from another part of the Aitareya- 
 brahmanaj viii. 23, will, however, show that even at the early- 
 period when that work was composed, the country of the Uttara 
 Kuriis had come to be regarded as belonging to the domain of 
 mythology: "Q;?! ^ ^ ^ Tr^f^T^ ^Tf%^: ^TBI^Wt 
 
 ^^T'nTifM«i«iT ^\ fl^i^ ^^ T?^: ¥f^ff ^^5^, 
 
 ^^: Yf¥(f fl%\ fT ^^R^l W TT^rgTW^TfTT 
 ^T^T'rrfq ^13[T sTTirW ^tTT^^^^^^R, ^'^ ^^ %^ 
 
 '^r^^ % w '^rrf T«r ^ Tf^i ff^ 'W '^rwTTlH ^tt- 
 
 "^rff^ '^fTrT^ f^ti^^^^ ^f^^fNT.' l^fww: Wt 
 
 ?^T^T ^^T^ II ''^ " Satyahavya of the race of Vasishtha de- 
 clared this great inauguration, similar to Indra's, to Atyarati 
 son of Janantapa; and in consequence Atyarati,. who was not a 
 king, by [that] knowledge traversed the whole earth round, 
 reducing it to subjection. Satyahavya said to him, ' Thou hast 
 subdued the .whole earth round : exalt me now to greatness.' 
 Atyarati replied, 'When, Brahman, I conquer the Uttara 
 Kurus, then thou shalt be king of the earth, and I will be only 
 thy general.' Satyahavya rejoined, ' That is the holy land of the 
 gods; no mortal may conquer it: thou hast acted injuriously 
 towards me ; resign, therefore, that [which I have bestowed]." 
 In consequence of this the foe-destroying Sushmina, the son 
 of fSivi, slew Atyarati, son of Janantapa, who had [thits] become 
 bereft of his vigour, and destitute of strength." (See Colebrooke's 
 Misc. Ess. i. 43). 
 
 s' I am indebted to Professor M. Miiller for copying for me this passage 
 from a MS. of the Aitareya-brahmana. 
 
334 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF [chap. n. 
 
 In the First Part of this work I have already cited the first 
 of the preceding passages and several others, relating to the 
 northern Kurus. 
 
 I shall make some further extracts from the passage in the 
 Bamayana, there noticed, and adduce some otter texts on the 
 same subject." In the "description of the northern region," 
 Eamayana iv. 44. 82, ff. we have the following account : 
 
 ^15^. TRT^rnTT'l^ f^WfJ^TT^ 1rl^^TT\l T rf^ ■sftrf- 
 
 " Gro, most excellent of monkeys, to those illustrious Uttara 
 Kurus, who are liberal, prosperous, perpetually happy, and 
 undecaying. In their country there is neither cold nor 
 beat, nor decrepitude, nor disease, nor grief, nor fear, nor rain, 
 nor sun." A great deal more follows in the same byperbolical 
 strain and then it is added (verse 117): ^^^T*! ^'RfrRi^ 
 
 vTtt^ tj^ref f^:i w^ ifmf^f?: ^ fr^Tgr^rwl- 
 
 ^TfT^I and in verses 121, 122: Sf ejfl^^cf iTfff^ ^%Wi- 
 
 f% ^TTlt^ft ^'T ^^TTOf^ ^^'^ "Beyond the 
 Kurus to the north lies the ocean ; and there the vast Soma 
 mountain is situated, resembling a mass of gold." " You must 
 not travel to the north of the Kurus. That region is untrodden 
 by the steps of other living beings also. For that Soma- 
 mountain is difficult of access even to the gods themselves." 
 
 In the same way when Arjuna, in the course of his conquests, 
 as described in the Digvijaya Parva of the Mahabharata, comes 
 to the country of the Uttara Kurus in Harivarsha, he is tbus 
 addressed by the guards at the gate of the city : (Sabha Parva 
 
 verses 1045, ff.): XTTO ^ <^^ "31^ ^C ^fj ^^"^^1 
 
SECT, viil] the INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 335 
 
 .... ^ 'gr^ f^fw'^^Tj;, '^r^^"^ TTf^^i ^htttt: 
 ^^ 't^ iT^ ^^ ■ststtt^ii irf^sfq f% ^^^ ^f 
 
 " This city, king, cannot be subdued by thee. . . . He who 
 enters this city must be more than mortal. . . . There is nothing 
 to be beheld here, Arjuna, which thou mayest conquer. 
 Here are the Uttara Kurus, against whom no one attempts to 
 combat. And even if thou shouldst enter, thou couldst behold 
 nothing ; for here no one with a mortal body can see." 
 
 On this passage (part of which is a mere repetition of the Aiti 
 Brah. viii. 23.), Professor Lassen remarks (in the Zeitschrift 
 fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, iL 62): "At the furthest 
 accessible extremity of the earth, appears Harivarsha, with the 
 northern Kurus. The region of Hari or Vishnu belongs to 
 the system of mythical geography ; but the case is different 
 with the Uttara Kurus. Here there is a real basis of geogra- 
 phical fact ; of which fable has only taken advantage, without 
 creating it. The Uttara Kurus were formerly quite independent 
 of the mythical system of dvijpas, though they were included 
 in it at an early date." Again the same writer says at p. 65 :_ 
 " That the conception of the Uttara Kurus is based upon an 
 actual country and not on mere invention, is proved (1.) by the 
 way in which they are mentioned in the Vedas " [the Aitareya- 
 brahmana, as just quoted p. 332] ; "(2.) by the existence of 
 Uttara Kuru in historical times as a real country ; and (3.) by 
 the way in which the legend makes mention of that region as 
 the home of primitive customs. To. begin with the last point, 
 the Mahabharata speaks as follows of the freer mode of life 
 which women led in the early world, Book I, verses 4719 — 22 : 
 
 '^I'TT^TTT: ^^ 3TT f%^ ^T¥\ ^TT^I ^TiT^TTf^- 
 
336 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATIOK OF [chap, ik 
 
 tJolJfTll 'Women were formerly unconfined, and roved about at 
 their pleasure, independent. Though in their youthful innocence, 
 they abandoned their husbands, they were guilty of no offence ; 
 for such was the rule in early times. This ancient custom is 
 even now the law for creatures born as brutes, which are free 
 from lust and anger. This custom is supported by authority 
 and is observed by great rishis, and it is still practised among 
 the northern Kurus.' *^ 
 
 " The idea which is here conveyed is that of the continuance 
 in one part of the world of that original blessedness which pre- 
 vailed in the golden age. To afford a conception of the happy 
 condition of the southern Kurus it is said in another place," 
 (M.-Bh. i. 4346 : ^tI^: ^^pT.* ^T^ ^f%WT: ^T^^mi 
 
 f%^^5!T ^T^^^T ^^rt^TW: I) "'The southern Kurus 
 vied in happiness with the northern Kurus, and with the divine 
 rishis and bards.' " 
 
 Professor Lassen goes on to say: "Ptolemy (vi. 16.),^** is also 
 
 *^ [I am myself responsible for the translation'of these lines. The prac- 
 tice of promiscuous intercourse was, according to the legend, abolished by 
 Svetaketu, son of the rishi Uddalaka, who was incensed at seeing his mother 
 led away by a strange Brahman. His father told him there was no reason to 
 
 be angry, as: ^SPirSfTT f% ^WT W'^TTrTTf^fT ^f%l ^?^T 
 
 1T^: f%fTTWTrr % ^ 3W cf^ If «IT: II "The women of all 
 castes on earth are unconfined: just as cattle are situated, so are human 
 beings, too, within their respective castes.'' Svetaketu, however, could not 
 endure this custom, and established the rule that henceforward wives should 
 remain faithful to their husbands, and husbands to their wives. Maha- 
 bharata, i. verses 4724-33.— J. M.] 
 • «8* The briginal passage will be given iii the App. note G. 
 
SECT, vm.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 337 
 
 acquainted witli Uitara Kuru. He speaks of a mountain, a 
 people, and a city called Ottorokorra. Most of the other 
 ancient authors who elsewhere mention this name, have it from 
 him. It is a part of the country which he calls Serica ; accord- 
 ingly to him the city lies twelve degrees west from the metro- 
 polis of Sera and the mountain extends from thence far to the 
 eastward. As Ptolemy has misplaced the whole of eastern Asia 
 beyond the Ganges, the relative position which he assigns will 
 guide us better than the absolute one, which removes Ottoro- 
 Jcorra so far to the east that a correction is inevitable. 
 
 " According to my opinion the Ottorokorra of Ptolemy must 
 be sought for to the east of Kashghar." 
 
 Lassen also thinks that Megasthenes had the Uttara Kurus in 
 view when he referred to the Hyperboreans, who were fabled by 
 Indian writers to live a thousand years.^" In his Indian Anti- 
 quities, (Ind. Alterthumskunde, i. 511, 512, and note,) the same 
 writer concludes that though the passages above cited relative 
 to the Uttara Kurus indicate a belief in the existence of a really 
 existing country of that name in the far north, yet that the 
 descriptions there given are to be taken as pictures of an ideal 
 paradise, and not as founded on any recollections of the northern 
 origin of the Kurus. It is probable, he thinks, that some such 
 reminiscences originally existed, and still survived in the Vedic 
 era, though there is no trace of their existence in later times. 
 
 The sanctity of Kashmir is thus celebrated in the Vana Parva 
 of the Mahabharata, verses 10,545—46 : ^TWlfTT^^^fTfT^ 
 
 gryim^ ■^ Tr^rfll "And this is the region of Kasmira, 
 all-holy, and inhabited by great rishis : behold it, along with 
 
 *' Zeitschrlft, as above, ii. 67. and Schwanbeck,' Megasthenis Indica, pp. 
 70, 117. Uipi Si tSjv ^i^iXuTWC 'Xiriii^opiuiv to. avrd Xiyiiv "ZijioiviSy Kal llivSapo/ 
 Kai aWot^ fiv9o\6yoi-e* 
 
 Z 
 
338 AFFINITIES AND DBBIYATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 thy brothers. It was here that the conversation of all the 
 northern rishis with Nahusha, as well as that of Agni and 
 Kasyapa, occurred." 
 
 Fourth. In the Atharva-veda, v. 4. 8. the salutary plant 
 " kushtha " is spoken of as growing on the other side of the 
 Himalaya: '^5^ W[Wt i'^^: SiTmT ^\^ ^^f^} 
 " Produced to the north of the Himavat, thou art carried to 
 the people in the east." This reference may perhaps be 
 held to imply that the contemporaries of the author of this 
 mantra had some acquaintance with the country on the other 
 side of the great chain. 
 
 Fifth. In a passage of the Sankhayana or Kaushitaki-brah- 
 mana vii. 6 (cited by Weber, Ind. Stud. i. ^ 153. note, and 
 alluded to by Miiller, "Last Eesults of the Turanian Eesearches," 
 p. 340) it is reported that the north was resorted to at an early 
 period for the purpose of studying language, as it was best 
 known in that region : X(71U %f%^5ft^ f^'SJ ■JTIWHTT^ 
 
 ^^1 ^3Tir ^ "^ ^^ ^"^ f^f^^'^i ^ ^ 
 
 f^^ IT'^Trrrll "Pathya Svasti (a goddess) knew the northern 
 region. Now Pathya' Svasti is Vach [the goddess of speech.] 
 Hence in the northern region speech is better known, and better 
 spoken : and it is to the north that men go to learn speech : it 
 is said that men listen to the instructions of any one who comes 
 from that quarter : for that is renowned as the region of speech." 
 On this the commentator Vinayaka Bhatta remarks (Weber, as 
 
 above); TT'gTrTrITT ^^^1 ^PiftT ^T^^fft ^t^^I 
 
 W^ "Sft^lT'f W ^l^t^:il "'Language is better under- 
 stood and spoken : ' for Sarasvati is spoken of [as having her 
 
SECT. IX.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 339 
 
 abode] in Kastmir, and in the hermitage of Badarika [Bad- 
 arinath in the Himalaya, apparently], the sound of the 
 Vedas is heard. ' Men go to the north to learn language ' : 
 to obtain the favour of Sarasvati ; and ' he who comes thence,' 
 having obtained her favour, ' is listened to with attention,' as 
 every one knows, and repeats." 
 
 There may lie in this passage some faint reminiscence of an 
 early connection with the north. 
 
 Sect. IX. — Ancient Persian Tradition of the Earliest Abodes of the Arian 
 
 Race. 
 
 I shall now proceed to quote at some length the First Fargard 
 of the Vendidad, descriptive of the creation of various countries 
 by Ahura-mazda, which has been held, not without probability, 
 to contain a reference to the earliest regions known to the 
 Iranians. Being unacquainted with Zend, I shall borrow the 
 abstract which I give of this section from the versions of Pro- 
 fessor Spiegel,'" and Dr. Haug.'^' 
 
 " Ahura-mazda spake to the holy Zarathustra : ' I formed 
 into an agreeable region that which before was nowhere 
 habitable. Had I not done this, all living things would have 
 departed to Airyana-vaejo.''''^ 
 
 'I, Ahura-mazda, created as the first, best region, Airyana- 
 vaejo, in a state of excellence. Then Angra-mainyus, the 
 destroyer, formed in opposition to it, a great serpent, and 
 winter [or snow] the creation of the daSvas. There are there 
 ten months of 'winter, and two of summer.' 
 
 ■"> Avesta : Die Heiligen Schriften der Parsen (Avesta : The Sacred 
 Writings of the Parsis), vol. i. pp. 61, ff. 
 
 " Das Erste Kapitel des Vendidad (The First Chapter of the Vendidad), 
 pp. 18, ff. 
 
 'S' The purport of this is. Dr. Haug remarlss, that Airyana-vaejo was 
 originally the only cultivated country, and that all other countries were 
 waste. As it was to be feared that the inhabitants of the waste would over- 
 Tun Airyana-vaejo, other countries also were made habitable by Ahura- 
 mazda. 
 
 Z 2 
 
340 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap, ir, 
 
 ' I, Ahura-mazda, created as the second, best region, Grau, 
 in which Sughdha is situated.' 
 
 [Here, and in most of the following cases, I omit the counter- 
 creations of Angra-mainyus.J 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the third, best region, Mouru, the mighty, 
 the holy.' 
 
 'I, &C.J created as the fourth, best region, the fortunate 
 Bakhdhi, with the lofty banner.'. 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the fifth, best region, Nisai.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the sixth, best region, Haroyu, abounding 
 in houses [or water].' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the seventh, best region, Vaekereta, where 
 Dujak is situated. In opposition to it, Angra-mainyus, the de- 
 stroyer, created the Pairika Khnathaiti, who clung to Keresaspa.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the eighth, best region, Urvas full of 
 pastures.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the ninth, best region, Khnenta, in which 
 Vehrkana lies.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the tenth, best region, the fortunate Hara- 
 qaiti.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the eleventh, best region, Haetumat, the 
 rich and shining.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the twelfth, best region, Eagha, with three 
 fortresses [or races].' 
 
 'I, &c., created as the thirteenth, best region, Chakhra, the 
 strong.' 
 
 ' I &c., created as the fourteenth, best region, Varena, with 
 four corners; to which was born Thraetaono, who slew the 
 serpent Dahaka.' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the fifteenth, best country, Hapta-hendu 
 [from the eastern to the western Hendu'^]. In opposition, Angra- 
 mainyus created untimely evils, and pernicious heat [or fever].' 
 
 ' I, &c., created as the sixteenth, and best, the people who 
 live without a ruler on the sea-shore.' 
 
 " Spiegel omits the words within brackets. 
 
SECT. IX.] - THK INDIAIT AND COGNATE NATIONS. 341 
 
 ' There are besides other countries, fortunate, renowned, lofty, 
 prosperous and splendid.' " 
 
 I shall now adduce the most important comments of different 
 authors on this curious passage. 
 
 Haug observes (p. 9), that " the winter of ten months dura- 
 tion assigned to Airyana-vaejo, points to a position far to the 
 north, at a great distance beyond the Jaxartes ; but the situation 
 cannot, in the absence of any precise accounts, be more spe- 
 cifically fixed. Only so much is undeniable that the Iranians 
 came from the distant north. The same thing' results from the 
 second fargard of the Vendidad, where the years of Yima are 
 enumerated by winters, and the evils of winter are depicted in 
 lively colours." The same writer further remarks (pp. 23, 24,) : 
 " By Airyana-vaejo we are to understand the original country 
 of the Arians, and paradise of the Iranians. Its ruler was 
 King Yima, the renowned Jemshed of Iranian legends, who is 
 hence called sruto Airyene-vaejahi, 'famous in Airyana-vaejo' 
 (fargard ii.). In this region Ahuxa-mazda and Zarathustra 
 adore the water of the celestial spring (Ardvi surd andhitd, 
 Yasht, 5. ' 17. 104); and here, too, Zarathustra supplicates 
 Drvaspa, and Ashi. Thus, Airyana-vaejo had become an 
 entirely mythical region, the abode of gods and heroes, free 
 from sickness, death, frost and heat, as is said of Yima's realm. 
 We can, however, discover a historical substratum in the 
 chapter before us. In Airyana-vaejo the winter lasts for ten 
 months; but winter being a calamity inflicted by Angra- 
 mainyus, was not compatible with the idea of a paradise, the 
 abode of joy and blessedness. This long duration of winter is 
 however perfectly characteristic of regions lying far to the 
 north, and is a primitive reminiscence of the real cradle of the 
 Iranians. In the legend of Airyana-vaejo an actual historical 
 recollection of this earliest home has thus become blended 
 with the conception of a primeval abode of mankind in para- 
 dise, such as is represented in so many popular traditions." 
 
 " Airyana-vaejo," , says Spiegel, " is to be placed in the furthest 
 
 Z 3 
 
342 APFmiTIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 east of the Iranian plateau, in the region where the Oxus and 
 Jaxartes take their rise." 
 
 The second country is Sogdiana; the third, Merv (the ancient 
 Margiana) ; the fourth, Balkh (the ancient Bactria) ; the fifth, 
 Msa (the ancient Mssea) ; the sixth, Herat (the ancient Aria) ; 
 the seventh is Kabul, according to Spiegel, and Sejestan ac- 
 cording to Burnouf, Lassen, and Haug; the eighth is Kabul 
 according to Haug ; the ninth is Grurgan according to Spiegel, 
 and Kandahar according to Haug ; the tenth is the Arachosia 
 of the ancients ; the eleventh is the valley of the Hilmend 
 river; the twelfth is Eei in Media; the thirteenth may be 
 Chihrem in Iran (Spiegel) or a city in Khorasan (Haug) ; the 
 fourteenth is variously placed ; the fifteenth is the country of 
 the seven rivers (sapta-sindhavas), or the Panjab; and the 
 sixteenth may, Haug thinks, be sought on the shores of the 
 Caspian Sea. 
 
 In regard to the age of the section under review. Dr. Haug 
 remarks (p. 6) : " The original document itself [as distinguished 
 from certain additions which appear to have been interpolated 
 in it] is certainly of high antiquity,, and is undoubtedly one of 
 the oldest of the pieces which compose the existing Vendidad. 
 But in the form in which it lies before us (even after striking 
 out the late interpolations) it is decidedly subsequent to Zara- 
 thustra ; and later than the so-called Gdthds, in which, for the 
 most part, the genuine sayings and doctrines of Zarathustra 
 have been handed down. The chief reason for this conclusion 
 is, that the passage under review exhibits the Persian doctrine 
 in a far more developed shape than the songs of Zarathustra." 
 And again in p. 7, "Though, there is thus no doubt that this 
 fargard only dates from the period after Zarathustra, we do 
 not thereby mean to say that it is of modern origin ; on the 
 contrary, its whole contents show that it must be very ancient. 
 We can scarcely derive from it any fixed historical data. From 
 the names of the countries, however, we can gather not only 
 that the geographical knowledge of its author was very limited. 
 
SECT. IX.] THK INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 343 
 
 but also that the region actually occupied by the Arians was 
 much more contracted than we afterwards find it." 
 
 Professor Spiegel remarks on the same fargard as follows 
 (i. 59) : " The great importance of this first chapter for the pre- 
 historical age of the Indo-Grermanic race in general, and of the 
 Persian nation in particular, has been fully allowed by inves- 
 tigators of the mythology and history of the ancient world. 
 Heeren, Ehode, Lassen, and others, have recognised in these 
 accounts of the Vendidad a half-historical, half-mythical frag- 
 ment, which reveals to us the state of geographical knowledge 
 among the followers of the Avesta at the time when it was com- 
 posed. Perhaps, we may also, with Ehode, discover in it the 
 history of the gradual diffusion of the Iranian race, regarding 
 the first mentioned country as their primeval abode, and those 
 which follow as the regions which were peopled at a later date. 
 The order in which the countries are arranged appears to tell in 
 favour of this hypothesis." 
 
 In his second vol. p. cix., however, Professor Spiegel retracts 
 his qualified adhesion to the view of Rhode. ' He says : " I 
 cannot coincide in the attempt to discover in the first chapter 
 of the Vendidad an account of the gradual migration of the 
 Iranians. It has been said that that list of countries is a 
 continuous history of their attempts at colonisation, beginning 
 with their northern home, and ending with Hapta-Hendu 
 or India. But the list nowhere speaks of any such migra- 
 tion Hence, I see in this chapter nothing but a specifi- 
 cation of the countries known to the Iranians at a particular 
 time. This period however can not be a very recent one, as 
 the name Hapta-Hendu is connected with the Vedic period. 
 This name however may have been preserved in Persia aftej: it 
 had disappeared in India, and we cannot conclude from it that 
 this fargard was composed contemporaneously with the Vedas." 
 
 M. Pictet, on the other hand, makes the following observa- 
 tions : " These names [of countries] enable us to follow step by 
 step the extension of the Iranians over the vast domain which 
 
 z 4 
 
344 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chaf. ii. 
 
 they have ever since occupied. The thing which interests us 
 the most in this enumeration is the point of departure, and the 
 general direction of the movement. The iirst perfect abode 
 which Ormuzd created is called Airyana-vaejo. ... As Eitter 
 and Lassen remark, the ten months of winter and only two of 
 summer can only apply to the highest vallies of Belurtagh and 
 Mustagh at the north-east corner of the Iranian table-land. 
 But it is diflBcult to conceive that an ' excellent ' abode could 
 ever have existed there, unless we assume a very improbable 
 alteration of climate. We are as little able to imagine how 
 a country so savage and so poor coiild have been the cradle of a 
 race so prolific as the Aryas. I believe, then, that we must 
 separate, in this tradition, the mythical element from the his- 
 torical data. Airyana-vaejo, the primeval paradise, was pro- 
 bably nothing more than a very confused reminiscence of the 
 country originally inhabited by the Aryas. At their dispersion, 
 the Perso-Arian branch, driven back perhaps by the gradual 
 increase of the Arian population, may have directed their steps 
 towards the east as far as the high vallies of Belurtagh and 
 Mustagh, where their further progress would be arrested. At a 
 later period, when the emigration of the other Arian tribes had 
 left the field clear, they descended froin these unprofitable regions 
 towards the more favoured countries of which they had pre- 
 served some recollection, as we learn from the myth in the 
 Vendidad." — Origines Indo-Europeennes, pp. 36, 37. 
 
 Professor Miiller's views on the first fargard of the Vendidad 
 will be found above, in note 56, p. 315.^^* 
 
 Sect. X. — What v>as the Route hy which the Aryas penetraied into 
 
 India ? 
 
 We have already seen (pp. 304-322) that according to the most 
 numerous authorities, Bactria, or its neighbourhood, was the 
 country which the different branches of the Indo-European race 
 
 '^ * See App. note H. 
 
SECT. X.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 345' 
 
 occupied in coinmon Before their separation. Professor Benfey, 
 who, apparently, differs to some extent from other scholars in 
 designating that primeval country as Tartary, is of opinion that 
 the Indian and Persian branches of this family may, after their 
 separation from the others, have dwelt together, more to the 
 south, in Little Thibet, the country near the sources of the Indus. 
 In regard to the route by which the Indo-Arians immigrated into 
 Hindusthan, he makes the following remarks (Indien, pp. 14, ff.): 
 "If, then, as we assume, the Arians (i. e. the Indians and 
 Persians) originally dwelt together in the region of Little Thibet, 
 the question arises how they came into the separate seats which 
 we iind them occupying in historical times. It is by no means 
 impossible that the entire mass of Arians may have first of all 
 taken a western route towards Bactria, &c., and have then spread 
 themselves ' through the passes of the Hindu-kush into Cabul 
 and Affghanistan, that great region which formed as it were the 
 bridge between the eastern Arians or Sanskrit-speakers and the 
 western, or proper Arians, and in which, in historical times, both 
 branches encountered each other. The Sanskrit-speaking Arians 
 would then have penetrated into their new abodes by the same 
 route across the Indus by which foreign nations have generally 
 entered. Their immigration by this side has been assumed by 
 Wilson, A. W. von Schlegel, Lassen and others. I do not ven- 
 ture directly to deny that this was the route they took, 
 especially as I admit, in limine, that historical certainty is not 
 to be expected for periods of so great antiquity : but many con- 
 siderations appear to me to tell in some measure against it. The 
 Indians regard Brahmavartta, the tract of land between the 
 Sarasvati and Drishadvati, as the peculiar centre point of 
 Indian civilisation. Bordering on this tract are Kurukshetra, 
 (in the region of the modern Delhi) the Matsyas, (on the 
 Jumna) the Panchalas in the vicinity of the modern Canoj, and 
 the kSiirasenas (in the district of Mathura) called by Arrian 
 (after Megasthenes) liovpaaijvac. This is called the land of the 
 Brahmarshis. Madhyadesa, or the central land, is next named. 
 
346 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 wMcli embraces the two preceding tracts, is bounded to the south 
 by the Vindhya, on the north by the Himalaya, and stretches 
 from Vinasana in the east to Prayaga in the west. Finally 
 Aryavartta embraces all the foregoing tracts and reaches from 
 sea to sea. We see here the narrow limits to which the country 
 regarded as the most sacred, is confined ; and how this division 
 appears, as it were, to indicate the gradual extension of the 
 Sanskrit-speaking people from that point, in continually widen- 
 ing circles. This small tract is bordered by the Sarasvati and it 
 is remarkable that at the point where the country of the western 
 Arians (the Persians) begins, the same name meets us in its 
 Zend form Haraqaiti. In the holy land (to the north) the 
 Sarovara (the best of waters) played the principal part : are we 
 then to suppose that the two Arian nations, independent of each 
 other, yet united by the spiritual bond of water-worship, in re- 
 collection of the sacred Saras (' lake') recognised again in their 
 new abodes the Sarasvati ? Although this point alone appears 
 to me to indicate that the Sanskrit-speaking people found their 
 first Indian abodes on the banks of the Sarasvati, the fact of the 
 Granges being their holiest river tells still more in favour of the 
 same conclusion. If they came to India with the religious neces- 
 sity of paying reverence to a great river, why (if they arrived fi:om 
 the north-west) were they not contented with the Indus (which 
 they first encountered) ; and how was it that they only found 
 the satisfaction of this want in the Granges, which was so far 
 distant^* ? Finally the oldest city which according to the legend 
 was founded in India is that which the Pandavas (the pale, 
 white men in contrast to the black population) built in the 
 Khandava forest on the Jumna — a situation which was far re- 
 moved from the Indus and close to the holiest region. These 
 Pandavas, according to another passage of the Mahabhaxata, 
 were educated in the Himalaya. 
 
 '''' [But they seem at first to have paid very little regard to the Ganges, as 
 we shall see further on. — J. M.] 
 
SECT. X.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 347 
 
 " While, however, through the force of all these considerations, 
 we incline to the opinion that the tract between the "Jumna and 
 the Sarasvati was at once the holiest and the earliest seat- of the 
 Arians in India, we are not thereby compelled to abandon the 
 view that they might have penetrated by the route of the Indus, 
 though this view thus loses much of its probability. If in the 
 description of the several tracts given in Manu's Institutes, we 
 are to recognise a sort of history of the extension of the Aryas 
 in northern India, we may also deduce from it with tolerable cer- 
 tainty that the most ancient colonists immigrated in small num- 
 bers. This view is further supported by the circumstance that, 
 though apparently 3000 years have elapsed from that time to 
 the present, still so many fragments of the aboriginal population 
 have survived, and have never been entirely subdued by the 
 Arians, even in their most flourishing era, and in the tracts of 
 which they were most completely masters. If, however, the 
 Aryas immigrated only in small numbers, they could not 
 possibly have traversed the regions lying between the Indus and 
 the Sarasvati (which Alexander the Great in his invasion never 
 reached), without ever entertaining the thought of settling till 
 they arrived at the tract which, it appears to us, must be 
 regarded as their iirst fixed abode. I conjecture from this that 
 they crossed over from their ancient seats beyond, and in the 
 northern vallies of, the Himalaya, into the southern plains, 
 rather as peaceable colonists than as martial conquerors. The 
 passes over which the road lies are, it is true, difficult, but by no 
 means insuperable, and are available for traffic and every sort of 
 intercourse, though difficult for warlike operations. By these 
 routes the first Aryas who settled in India, partly following the 
 various branches of the Granges, might have found their way, 
 through Kemaon, Grarhwal, or Sirmur, to the plains situated to 
 the south of the Himalaya. Here they founded Indraprastha, 
 and thence spread themselves around, subduing the feeble 
 Mlechhas, and gradually conquering all the parts of India which 
 were not too difficult of access." 
 
348 AFFIMTIES AND DEEIVATION OF [cuap. ir. 
 
 A. W, von Schlegel, on the other hand, thinks that the Indo- 
 Arians must have penetrated into India from the west. After 
 describing the difficulties of the sea routes leading to India from 
 the south, and of the land route over the Himalaya from the 
 north, he goes on to say : " The western side of India appears 
 to be more . open, as from Kashmir to the delta of the Indus 
 the boundaries are not otherwise marked than by that river 
 itself. But in its upper course the Indus is not navigable, 
 owing to its rapidity and its cataracts: and in addition its 
 right bank is flanked by mountains. Towards the sea it spreads 
 out into, or is surrounded by, marshes : more in the interior, 
 and even above the confluence of the five rivers, it is bounded 
 by sandy deserts. From that point to the place where it enters 
 the plains near Attock, a tract intervenes where - the passage 
 may be more easily effected. Accordingly it is on this side that 
 India has always been entered by foreign conquerors, by Semira- 
 mis, if her Indian expedition is authentic, ... by Alexander 
 the Great, Seleucus, and the Grreek kings of Bactria, by the 
 Indo-Scythians, or nomad races, who invaded certain provinces 
 during the century preceding our era : by Mahmud of Grhazni, 
 by the Afghans, the Moguls, and the Persians under Nadir 
 Shah. Thus all probabilities are united in favour of the suppo- 
 sition that the ancestors of the Hindus came from the same 
 side ; a supposition which we find to be confirmed by arguments 
 of another kind. The Panjab would consequently be the first 
 country occupied by the colonists. Tradition does not, how- 
 ever, celebrate this as a classic region. On the contrary, 
 in a passage of the Mahabharata, published and commented on 
 by Lassen, its inhabitants are described as less pure and correct 
 in their customs than the real Aryas, as perhaps they had been 
 corrupted by the vicinity of barbarians. This leads its to be- 
 lieve that it was only after the colonists had spread themselves 
 over the plains of the Ganges, that their form of worship, and 
 the social order dependant upon it, could have assumed a per- 
 manent form." — Essais litteraires et historiques, pp. 455-457. 
 
SECT. X.J THE INDIAN AND CO&NATE NATIONS. 349 
 
 The same view is taken by Lassen (Indian Antiquities, 
 i. 511). 
 
 " The Indians, Hke most other nations of the ancient world, 
 believe themselves to be autochthonous: their sacred legends 
 represent India itself as the scene of creation, as the abode of ^ 
 the patriarchs, and the theatre of their deeds ; and they have 
 no recollection of having sprung from any country out of India, 
 or of having ever lived beyond the bounds of their own Bharata- 
 varsha. (See however above, p. 323, ff.) 
 
 " It is true that we might be tempted to discover in the supe- 
 rior sacredness which they ascribe to the north, a reference, 
 unintelligible to themselves, to a closer connection which thej 
 had formerly had with the northern countries ; for the abodes of 
 most of the gods are placed towards the north in and beyond 
 the Himalaya, and the holy and wonderful mountain Meru is 
 situated in the remotest regions in the same direction. A more 
 exact examination will, however, lead to the conviction that the 
 conception to which we have referred, has been developed in 
 India itself, and is to be derived from the peculiar character of 
 the northern mountain-range. The daily prospect of the snowy 
 summits of the Himalaya glittering far and wide over the plains, 
 and in the strictest sense insurmountable, and the knowledge 
 which they had of the entirely different character of the table- 
 land beyond, with its extensive and tranquil domains, its clear 
 and cloudless sky and peculiar natural productions, would neces- 
 sarily designate the north as the abode of the gods and the 
 theatre of wonders ; while its holiness is explicable from the 
 irresistible impression produced upon the mind by surrounding 
 nature. Uttara Kuru, the Elysium in the remotest north, may 
 be most - properly regarded as an ideal picture created by the 
 imagination, of a life of tranqiiil felicity, and not as a recollec- 
 tion of any early residence of the Kurus in the north. Such at 
 ' least is true of the representation which we have of this country 
 in the epic poems. It is, however, probable that originally, and 
 as late ,as the Vedic era, a recpllection of this sort attached 
 
350 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 itself to that country, tliougli in later times no trace of it has 
 been preserved." 
 
 After stating the reasons (already detailed above, pp. 307 — 
 309), which lead us to conclude that the Indians could not 
 have been autochthonous, Lassen proceeds as follows (p. 515) : 
 " There is only one route by which we can imagine the Arian- 
 Indians to have immigrated into India ; they must have come 
 through the Panjab, and they must have reached the Panjab 
 through western Kabulistan. The roads leading from the 
 country on the Oxus into eastern Kabulistan and the valley of 
 the Panjkora, or into the upper valley of the Indus down upon 
 Grilgit, and from thence either down the course of the Indus, or 
 from Grilgit over the lofty plateau of Deotsu down on Kashmir, 
 are now known to us as the roughest and most difficult that 
 exist, and do not appear to have been ever much or frequently 
 used as lines of communication. We can only imagine the 
 small tribes of the Daradas to have come by the second route 
 from the northern side of the Hindukush into their elevated 
 vallies, but we cannot suppose the mass of the Arians to have 
 reached India by this road. All the important expeditions 
 of nations or armies which are known to us have proceeded 
 through the western passes of the Hindukush, and if we sup- 
 pose the Arian-Indians to have come into India from Bactria, 
 this is the only route by which we can assume them to have 
 arrived." It is true that the Hindus attach no idea of sanctity 
 to the Panjab ; on the contrary, " the Sarasvati is the western 
 boundary of the pure land, governed by Brahmanical law. 
 There are, indeed, Indians dwelling further to the west, but 
 they do not observe the Brahmanical ordinances in all their 
 integrity. But this mode of regarding the western tribes can 
 only have arisen after the Indian institutions had been deve- 
 loped, and a marked difference had become observable between 
 the people living east of the Sarasvati, and those on the western 
 border. The people of the Panjab always appeal- as descended 
 from the same stock, and in spite of the aversion in question. 
 
SECT. X.] THE INDIAN AHD COGNATE NATIONS. 351 
 
 the epic legends recounb to us frequent relations between the 
 kings of the pure portion of India, and the tribes to the west- 
 ward. There is no break in the chain of Indian races towards 
 the west." 
 
 M. Burnouf briefly indicates his opinion on the question with 
 which we are now occupied, by speaking of " the movement 
 which from the earliest ages had carried the Arian race from 
 the Indus to the Granges, and from the Ganges into the Dekhan'," 
 &a. Preface to Bhag. Pur., vol. iii. p. xxix. 
 
 I am not aware whether Professor Eoth has ever expressed 
 an opinion as to the precise route by which the Arians ,entered 
 India ; but in his work on the Lit. and Hist, of the Veda'(1846), 
 p. 136, he writes as follows : " It is more than probable that the 
 bulk of the tribes which we may designate as the Vedic people 
 dwelt nearer to the Indus than the Jumna, and that the battle 
 which is described in the hymn before us was one of those con- 
 flicts in which the northern tribes pressed upon the southern, 
 on their way towards the regions which they were eventually 
 to occupy. The Indus is well known and frequently celebrated 
 in the hymns of the Eig-veda, while at this moment I know of 
 only one passage in which the Granges is mentioned, and that 
 only in a way which assigns to it an inferior rank." 
 
 The same writer in his article on "Brahma and the Brah- 
 mans," in the Journal of the Grerman Oriental Society for 1847, 
 p. 81, again expresses himself thus : "When the Vedic people, 
 expelled by some shock — and that at a period more recent than 
 the majority of the hymns of the Veda — relinquished their seats 
 in the Panjab and on the Indus, advanced further and further 
 to the south, drove the aborigines into the hills, and occupied 
 the broad tracts lying between the Granges, the Jumna, and the 
 Vindhya range, the time had arrived when the division of 
 power, the relations of king and priest, could become trans- 
 formed in the most rapid and comprehensive manner." 
 
 Professor Weber also speaks of the Arians as at one time 
 dwelling beyond the Indus. In his Hist, of Ind. Lit. (1852), 
 
352 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ir. 
 
 pp. 2 and 3, he writes : « In the oldest parts of the Eig-veda 
 th« Indian people appear to us as settled on the north-western 
 borders of India, in the Panjab, and even beyond the Panjab, 
 on the borders of the Kubha river, the Ka^r/v in Kabul." The 
 gradual diffusion of this people from this point towards the east, 
 beyond the Sarasvati, and over Hindustan as far as the Granges, 
 can be traced almost step by step in the later portions of the 
 Vedic writings.'' 
 
 In his " Eecent Investigations on Ancient India," the same 
 writer similarly remarks : " The oldest hymns of the Veda show 
 us the Arian people still dwelling beyond, or at least, only on 
 the north-western frontiers of India ; viz., in the tract between 
 the Cabul river and the Indus, as well as in the Panjab. Their 
 advance from this point, and extension over India can be traced 
 step by step in their literature. Their road lay to the north 
 of the great desert of Marwar, from the Satadru (the modern 
 Sutlej) to the Sarasvati, a river (esteemed at a later period as 
 of the highest sanctity) which loses itself in the sands of the 
 desert. This must have been a point where they made a halt 
 of long continuance, as may be concluded from the great sacred- 
 ness ascribed in later times to this region. At that period it 
 formed the boundary line between the Brahmanical organization 
 which was being now formed in Hindustan, and those Arian 
 races of the west which retained the free manner of life inherited 
 from their forefathers." — Indian Sketches, pp. 13, 14. 
 
 '= In his Indische Studien, vol. i. p. 165 (published 1849, 1850), Weber 
 speaks of the " Arian Indians being driven by a deluge from their home (see 
 above, p. 324, if.), and coming from the north, not from the west (as Lassen 
 i. 515, will have it) into India ; first of all to Kashmir and the Panjab ; as 
 it is only in this way that we can explain the northern Kurus and the 
 nprthern Madras, with whom the conception of the golden age became after- 
 wards associated." As, however, in the passages quoted in the texf, which 
 were written at a later date, Weber supposes the Arians to have dwelt on 
 the Kabul river, they must, in order to arrive there, have either arrived by 
 the route which Lassen assigns, or have afterwards spread themselves to the 
 westward. 
 
SECT. X.] THE mOIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 353 
 
 M. Langlois in the Preface to his French Translation of the 
 E.-V.J speaks to the same effect, pp. ix. x. : " The hymns of the 
 Eig-veda were composed for tribes which had come from the 
 banks of the Indus, and were living in the plains watered by the 
 Granges. This people seems to have belonged to that great 
 branch of the human race known under the name of the 
 Aryas. They brought with them a mild and simple civiliza- 
 tion, patriarchal manners, a polished language. . . . These 
 Aryas, as they established themselves in India, drove back before 
 them the ancient populations, which then proceeded to occupy 
 the forests and mountains, and which, on account of their savage 
 customs and murderous depredations, became, for the Aryas, the 
 types of those evil spirits which they have depicted in their books. 
 At the head of the first colony there must have been a prince of 
 the Arian nation called Manu, whom the traditions represent as 
 the father of mankind." 
 
 In another place, in a note to E.-V. i. 33. 3 (p. 264, vol. i. of 
 his work, note 2), the same author writes still more explicitly 
 as regards the point under consideration : " It is my opinion 
 that the Indian colony conducted by Manu, which established 
 itself in Aryavai'tta, came from the countries which lie to the 
 west of the Indus, and of which the general name was Aria, 
 Ariana, Hiran." 
 
 Professor Miiller does not, as far as I am aware, any where 
 determine the route by which the Arians arrived in India, 
 more precisely than is done in the following passages : " At 
 the first dawn of traditional history we see these Arian tribes 
 migrating across the snow of the Himalaya, southward towards 
 the ' seven rivers ' (the Indus, the five rivers of the Panjab, 
 and the Sarasvati), and ever since India has been called their 
 home." — Last Eesults of Sanskrit Eesearches, p. 129. And 
 again, at p. 131, he wi'ites: "After crossing the narrow passes 
 of the Hindu-kush or the Himalaya, they [the southern Arians] 
 conquered, or drove before them .... the aboriginal inhabi- 
 tants of the Trans-Himalayan countries." In his " Last Eesults 
 
 A A 
 
354 AFFINITIES AND DEEH^ATION OF [chap. h. 
 
 of the Turanian Eesearches," p. 340, he says: "The Arians 
 were strangers in the -land of the Indus and Ganges, but no one 
 can now determine the exact spot whence they came, and where 
 they had been previously settled. Traditions current among 
 the Brahmans as to the northern regions, considered the seats 
 of the blessed, may be construed into a recollection of their 
 northern immigration — holy places along the rivers of northern 
 India, where even in later times Brahmans went to learn the 
 purest Sanskrit, may mark the stations of their onward course — 
 the principal capitals of their ancient kingdoms may prove the 
 slow but steady progress towards the mouths of the principal 
 rivers of India, but with the sources of those rivers the homes 
 of the Arian strangers vanish from our sight, even after we 
 have reached the highest points of view accessible on Indian 
 gi-ound." (See above, pp. 309, 310.) 
 
 Whatever other and minor differences of view may exist 
 between the several authorities whom I have last cited, they are 
 all of one accord at least in regard to this one point, that India 
 is not the original country of the Hindus. 
 
 Sect. XI. The immigration of the Indo- Arians from the North-west rendered 
 probable by the tenor of the Vedic Hymns. 
 
 The immigration of the Arians, the progenitors of the Brah- 
 manical Indians, into India from the north-west, is further 
 rendered probable by the fact that the writers of the Vedic hymns 
 appear to be most familiar with the countries lying in that 
 direction, i.e., with the north-western parts of India itself, as well 
 as with the countries bordering on, or beyond the Indus, and with 
 the rivers which flow through those regions ; while the coimtries 
 and rivers in the central and eastern parts of India are more 
 rarely mentioned; and no allusion whatever is made to the 
 regions of the south. ' On this subject I borrow the following 
 remarks from Professor Eoth's work on the Lit. and Hist, of 
 the Veda, p. 136: "The Sindhu (Indus) is well known and 
 
SECT. XI.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 355 
 
 frequently celebrated in the hymns of the Eig-Veda, while at 
 present I know of only one hymn in which the Ganges is men- 
 tioned, and that only in a subordinate capacity. This passage 
 occurs in one of the hymns ascribed to Sindhukshit, son of 
 Priyamedha, which is addressed to the Sindhu, ' the most 
 copious of streams,' (apasdm apastaynd). The other rivers are 
 solicited to regard graciously the praises of the poet, which 
 are dedicated to the Sindhu.'^* The passage is, after Yaska 
 (Nirukta, ix. 26), to be explained thus: 'Granga, Yamuna, 
 Sarasvati, Sutudri, with the Parushni, receive graciously my 
 hymn. Marudvridha, hear with the Asikni, the Vitasta; 
 Arjikiya, hear with the Sushoma.' " '^ 
 
 Another passage in which the Indus is mentioned is the follow- 
 ing, E.-V. i. 126. 1. : '^r^T^T'l^ ^^V^^^ "Jf^ TR"^ 
 
 ". E.-V. X. 75. 6 : •?;?i ^ ^f ^^ ^^^f^ ^^fj^ ^^ 
 
 vgriT T^^^sgn '?jf%^T ^^f^ f^^^^^ ^W 
 
 7« Part of YSska's note (Nirukta, ix. 26) is as follows : "^ ^ f^ 
 
 ^% WT^f?T l^fjf^ ^^f^ wV^^t^ '^fT^W^^ '?rf%gt[T 
 
 ^ w^ TT^T^ tifTW^ 'gi^f^flf^ '^nn^wf^ ^wtrnn' 
 ^f^ ^^^r4:i • • • TTT^fff '7^^(?TT^:i • • • 
 
 '^f%gifipIiTf%rTTI . • • TT^fT^: ^?T ^ TT^TI TTSfT 
 
 ^^^f^l • • • '^n^HNt f^qTf%WT^:i (SeePartl.p.ne, 
 end of note 23.) " The entire sense is, ' Receive this hymn, O Ganga, 
 Yamuna, Saraswati, Sutudri, Parushni, and Marudvridha along with the 
 Asikni, and Arjikiya along with the Vitasta and Sushoma.' .... Pa- 
 rushni is a name of the Iravati. . . . Asikni means 'black.' . . . All rivers 
 [may be called] Marudvridha, because they are swollen by the Maruts. . . . 
 Arjikiya is a name of the Vipal" See Roth's remarks on these rivers, in 
 his Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, pp. 136—140. 
 
 A. A 2 
 
356 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 W^T^ ^(3;'Tft ^^ ?;"^Wr: l " with my intellect, I pro- 
 duce energetic encomiums upon Svanaya, the son of Bhavya, 
 who dwells on the Sindhu;,the invincible priuce, who, desirous 
 of renown, has performed through me a thousand oblations." 
 In the 7th verse of the same hymn we find a reference which 
 indicates familiaiity with the country of the Grandharis and 
 its sheep: ^^ S^^fw tV'TUT T^=%niftWTf*1«Jlfi-*Tll 
 " I am all downy, like a ewe of the Gandharis." Gandhara is 
 placed by Lassen (in the map of ancient India in Vol. II. 
 of his Indian Antiquities) to the west of the Indus, and to the 
 south of the Cophen or Kabul river, the same position to which 
 the Gandaritis of the ancients is referred.'' The word Sindhu 
 also occurs in the following passages of the Eig-veda, viz., 
 i. 94. 16; i. 122. 6; ii. 15. 6; iv. 30. 12; v. 53. 9; 
 vii. 33. 3; viii. 20. 25; x. 64. 9. It is, however, difficult 
 to say whether the Indus be always meant. The last of these 
 passages (which occurs in a hymn to the Visve devas) is as fol- 
 lows, E.-V. X. 64. 9: ^■?:^ffr ^^: f%^^^1^ TTTT 
 
 ■^rT^ ^^i ^^TT^ ^ W^W "Let the Sarasvati, the 
 Sarayu, the Sindhu, with their waves ; let the great rivers come 
 with their succour. Divine waters, mothers, flowing, impart (?) 
 to us your waters with butter and honey." 
 
 The verse which has been cited above from the Rig-veda, 
 X. 15. 6, in the extract from Professor Eoth's work, is followed 
 by another '^ in which the names of several other rivers are men- 
 
 " The Gandaiii are mentioned by Herodotus, vii. 66, along with the 
 Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Dadikse, as forming part of the army 
 of Xerxes. See the Asiatic Kesearehes, vol. xv. 103, ff. 
 
 ,« R.-V. X. 75. 7 : ^^TTI^T TR^^ Wr{^ ^^t ^¥^T T^^T 
 
 ^^JTT WT I ^ f%"^ ^H^ 'rr^ -^^ ^'^ff^ ^^ 
 
SECT. XI.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATION 357 
 
 tioned, viz., the Trishtama, the Easa/^ the Sveti, the Kubha, 
 the Gromati, and the Krumu. In Eoth and Bohtlingk's Lexicon, 
 the last three streams are set down as being affluents of *he 
 Indus.'^' That they were really so is rendered probable by 
 their being mentioned in conjunction with that river. In the 
 case of the Kubha, the probability is strengthened by its name, 
 which has a close resemblance to that of the K(a<^riv, or Kabul river, 
 which falls into the Indus, a little above Attock (see the passage 
 from Weber's Ind. Liter., above p. 352). This river is men- 
 tioned again in R.-V. v. 53. 9 : TTT ^ ^[^st^fTW ^*n" 
 
 5ftf%^ W T«T, ^^Tg ^:il "Let not, OMaruts, 
 the Easa, the Anitabha, the Kubha, the Krumu or the Sindhu 
 arrest you: let not the watery Sarayu stop you: let the joy 
 you impart come to us." Another of the rivers named in the 
 verse previously cited (E.-V. x. 75. 7), and declared by Eoth 
 to be an affluent of the Indus, is the Gomati. It is not 
 necessary that we should identify this river with the Gromati 
 (Goomtee), which rises to the north-west of Oude and flows 
 past Lukhnow. A river of the same name is mentioned again 
 in E.-V. viii. 24. 30 : ^ifV ^qf%^ ^^ 'TT^^^^ 
 f^^fnTll "This powerful man dwells afar on the [banks of 
 the] Gromati." It is quite possible that the name of the river in 
 
 '^ The Easa is considered by Dr. Aufrecht, in his explanation of E.-V. x. 
 108, to denote there and elsewhere the " milky way.'' See Journal of the 
 German Oriental Society, vol. xiii. p. 498. Yaska merely explains it as 
 meaning a river : ^^^^ «I^II ^ir. xi. 25. 
 
 ''* In his Elucidations (ErlauterUngen) of the Nirukta, p. 34, note. 
 Professor Eoth remarks: "The Kophen is the Kubha of the Veda, 
 mentioned in E.-V. v. 53. 9, and x. 75. 7. If we identify the Krumu and 
 Gomati of this last text, with the Kurum and Gomal which flow into the 
 Indus from the west (as Lassen proposes in a letter), we may regard the 
 rivers whose names precede [the Ttishtama, Easa, ^veti, and Anitabha] as 
 being affluents of the Indus further to the north than the Kophen." 
 
 A A 3 
 
358 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. n. 
 
 Oude may have been borrowed from some stream further west.'" 
 Another river, the Suvastu, which may be an affluent of the 
 Indus, is mentioned in E.-V. viii. 19. 37 ; ^WT^T ^fN 
 (5^^TH II These words are quoted in Nirukta, iv, 15, and 
 explained thus : ^^T^^^l fJIJT (ft'sj *Rf^ll "Suvastu is 
 a river; tugma means a holy place." On this passage Eoth 
 observes, Erlauterungen, p. 43 : " The bard Sobhari is recount- 
 ing the presents which he received from Trasadasyu, son of 
 Purukutsa, on the banks of the Suvastu. In the Mahabharata, 
 vi. 333,'' the Suvastu is connected with the Grauri. Now, 
 according to Arrian, Indica, 4. 11,'^ the Soastos and Graroias 
 flow into the Kophen. From comparing these two passages, 
 it results with tolerable certainty that the Suvastu is the 
 same as the modern Suwad, a stream which flows into the 
 Kabul river from the north, after first joining the Panjkora." 
 
 Eeturning now to E.-V. x. 75. 6, and taking first the most 
 westerly streams there specified, we come (1.) to the Vitasta or 
 Behat, (2.) the Asikni or Chenab (Akesines), (3.) the Parushni, 
 Iravati, or Eavee, (4.) the Arjikiya, Vipas, or Beeas, and (5.) the 
 Sutudri, or Sutlej. Yaska, as we have seen, identifies the Pa- 
 rushni with the Iravati, and the Arjikiya with the Vipas ; Pro- 
 fessor Eoth considers the Asikni to be the same as the Chenab 
 or Akesines; and there is no doubt that the Vitasta is th« 
 Hydaspes, and that the Sutudri is the Sutlej. We have, conse- 
 
 *" There is a stream called Gomati in Kemaon, whicli must be distinct 
 from the river in Oude, as the latter rises in the plains. 
 
 ^^ In the list of rivers in the description of Jambukhan^a. The words 
 
 are: WT^ ^^^ ^^Ifft'^ ^T^qft Wt%TW^^II "The 
 Vastu, the Suvastu, the Gauri, the Kampana, and the Hiranvati." 
 
 ^* K(J^^}l' Si Iv UivKtXairiTidif lifia oi dyiov MdXavTov rt Kal Soarrrov Kai 
 Tappoiav, skSiSoX eg tov IvSov. " The Kophen unites with the Indus in Peuke- 
 Iseetis, bringing with it the Malantus, the Soastus, and the Garroeas." Pro- 
 fessor Wilson, (Ariana Ant. pp. 183, 190, 194) thinks these two last names 
 really denote one and the same river. See App. note I. 
 
SECT. XI.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 359 
 
 quently, in this passage an enumeration of the rivers of the 
 Panjab. The Asikni is again mentioned in E.-V. viii. 20. 25 ; 
 the Parushni in E.-V. vii. 18. 8, 9, and viii. 63. 15 ; the 
 Sutudri in iii. 33. 1 ; and the Vipas in iii. 33. 1, '3. and iv. 
 30, 11. 
 
 The other rivers named in the passage so often referred to, 
 E.-V. X. 75. 6j are the Sarasvati, the Granga, and the Yamuna. 
 The following are some of the most remarkable passages in 
 which the Sarasvati is celebrated. In iii. 23. 4, it is thus men- 
 tioned along with the Drishadvati, (with which Manu. ii. 17, 
 also associates it) and the Apaya : fsf pff ^^ ^^ "^J '9'f^^T 
 
 <dol*<l*y^ -^f^^ '^I^TTT^I T^?(f2lt 1T^ '^IT^T^TT^t 
 
 ^^j^5Tt i^^^il f^^11%ll "On an auspicious day I place 
 thee on the most sacred spot of Ila, the earth. Shine, Agni, 
 wealth-bestowing, in the assembly of men on the banks of the 
 Drishadvati, the Apaya, the Sarasvati.' In E.-V. vi. 61. 2, the 
 same river is thus magnified : f;^ ^lTf*r f^^^T T^T^^nT 
 
 ■H''C^<1^^^ '^T f^rre^ ^frff*r: ll "By her force, and her im- 
 petuous waves she has broken down the sides of the mountains, 
 like a man digging lotus fibres. For succour let us, with praises 
 and ceremonies, invoke Sarasvati who sweeps away her banks." ^' 
 In verse 13 of the same hymn the same epithet ajpasam, wpa- 
 sta/md, " most copious of streams," which is applied to the 
 Sindhu in Ei-V. x. 75. 7. (see above p. 355), is also assigned 
 to the Sarasvati* 
 
 ^° In reference to this verse, Yaska observes, ii. 23 : f^"^ 'ffT^^flf" 
 
 •T^ej"(^ " There are texts which speak of Sarasvati both as a river and 
 as a goddess. In the following she is referred to as a river." He then 
 quotes the verse before us. 
 
 A A 4 
 
360 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 Hymns 95 and 96 of the seventh book of the Rig-yeda are de- 
 voted to the praises of the Sarasvati and her male correlative 
 the Sarasvat. The first and part of the second verse of the 
 former hymn are as follows : T{ Tj ) «^ <j T VT^^T W^ T?!^ 
 
 ^j^j^Tfft ^^WTi '^TT^^: w. I IT ^^^RT TWf 'rrf^ 
 
 'r^t^ i5f% ^?ft f^fr*^ "^W^^Tfl^ll "This Sarasvati has 
 flowed on with a protecting current, a support, an iron de- 
 fence. This stream [or the Sindhu] rushes on as if [driven by] 
 a charioteer, by her greatness outrunning all other rivers.** 
 Sarasvati is known as the one river, flowing on pure from 
 the mountains to the sea." '* 
 
 The Jumna is mentioned in two other passages of the Eig- 
 veda besides x. 15. 5. In v. 52. 17, reference is made to 
 property in cows and horses on the banks of the Yamuna ; *^ 
 and in vii. 18. 1 9 it is said that the " Yamuna gladdened Indra." ^'' 
 I have found a reference to the Granga in one other passage be- 
 sides X. 75. 5, viz., in vi. 45. 31,^' where the adjective gdngya, 
 
 ^ See the translation of this verse in Benfey's Glossary to the Sama-veda, 
 p. 157 under the word rathi. 
 
 *^ Langlois, vol. iii. p. 241, note 13, thinks that Sarasvati in this hymn 
 stands, not for a river, but for " the goddess of sacrifice," with her libations. 
 " These libations form a river, which flows from the mountains, where the 
 sacrifice is performed, and where the soma plant is collected. This river 
 flows into the samudra (sea), which is the vessel destined to receive the 
 libations." 
 
 ^''R.-V.v. 52.17: ^^STPEITTT^ '^rfw ^^ ^ T^JV ^^ 
 
 " R.-V. vii. 18. 19 : ^T^f^ ^^ TWTf^ll 
 
 *^ See Eoth, Litt. und Gesch. des Weda, p. 136 ; and above p. 354. 
 The words are: vS'^J sff^Y T it^JU II Roth, sub voce kaksha, says, 
 the sense of the word haksha is uncertain. Langlois does not translate it. 
 Wilson misapprehends Sayana's explanation. 
 
SECT. XI.1 THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 361 
 
 -I ,1^ 
 
 "belonging to the Granga," occurs. But the Eig-veda con- 
 tains no hymn devoted to the celebration of the Granga, such as 
 we find appropriated to the Sindhu and Sarasvati. 
 
 The Sarayu is also referred to in three passages in the E.-V. iv. 
 30. 18, V. 53. 9. and x. 64. 9. The first of these texts runs thus : 
 "^ WT WW '^T^T WT^fr^ XTT^fTn ^^Tt^^T^ 
 
 ^!I^\5t* I " Thou hast straightway slain these two Aryas, Arna, 
 and Chitraratha on the other side of tbe Sarayu." The 
 second and third have been already quoted in pp. 356, 357. 
 The Sarayu named in these passages, particularly the last two, 
 m.ay be different from the river of the same name which now 
 flows along the north-eastern frontier of Oude, as it is men- 
 tioned in connection with rivers all of which appear to be in 
 the Panjab. But it is not necessary to suppose this, as we 
 shall presently see that one of the Vedic rishis was acquainted with 
 Kikata or Behar. In the Eig-veda we have no mention made 
 of the rivers of the south, which have in later ages become so 
 renowned in Hindusthan for their sanctity, the Narmada, the 
 Grodaveri, and the Kaveri. 
 
 We have already seen (p. 337) that the Himalaya mountains 
 are mentioned in the Atharva-veda. In a fine hymn, the 121st 
 of the 10th mandala of the E.-V., also, we have the following 
 verse : x, 121. 4 : ^^ f^^TWT Trf%^T ^m W^f T^^ 
 ^■^Tlsl II " He whose greatness these snowy mountains, and the 
 sea with the river declare," *' &c. But no allusion to the Vindhya 
 range, which runs across the central parts of India, is to be 
 found in the Eig-veda. 
 
 The following text from the E.-V. shows that the author of 
 the hymn (said to be Viswamitra) knew something of the coun- 
 
 ^' See MuUer'g translation in Bunsen's Gott in der Geschlohte, Part II. 
 p. 107. The Himalaya is also mentioned, A.-V. xii. 1. 11 : frfT^ W 
 
 Wrr f^'T^'^STW ^ ¥f^f% ^TT^II "May thy mountains 
 be snowy, O earth, and thy wilderness beautiful." 
 
362 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OP [chap. ii. 
 
 tries to the eastward as far as Kikata or Behar : E.-V. iii. 53. 14. 
 
 "^-ri^^i ^j ^ ^^ if^TTF^ "^^ ^'^im^ fJ^Wf^ 
 
 ^^'^^T «TMI " WhaA are thy cows doing among the Xikatas ? 
 They yield no milk for oblations ; and they heat no iire. Bring 
 us the wealth of Pramaganda [or the usurer] ; and subdue to us, 
 Maghavatj "flindra), the degraded man (naichasakha)." Yaska 
 explains Kikata as "a country inhabited by people who were not 
 Aryyas ;" Nirukta, vi. 32 : qft^^T TTTI ^^SIT^^^re: if 
 The word Kikata is given in the vocabulary called Trikanda- 
 sesha, as equivalent to Magadha. In Bohtlingk and'Eoth's 
 Dictionary, the following lines are quoted from the Bhagavata 
 Puiana i. 3. 24.: rffT: '^^ ^TTl^ WT^T^ ^Tt^^T^I 
 W^ TT^»r''^<T: ^^^1 'Hfw^f^l "Then, when the 
 
 '" Sayana gives an alternative explanation of Mkatah, borrowed from 
 a hint in Yaska: ^^ t^^Tf^^PI^TI'fl *i 'Sl 'SH!! I f*I : f¥ 
 
 T T?T Tf^ ^^^ ^nf^^T: #t^^T: ll " Or the Kikatas are 
 atheists, who, being destitute of faith, say, ' what fruit will result from sacri- 
 fices, alms, or oblations ? rather eat and drink, for there is no other world 
 but this.' " In Sayana's introduction to the Kig-veda (Miiller's edit. vol. i. 
 p. 7), an aphorism of the Mimansa, with a comment, is quoted, in which an 
 objector demurs to the eternity of the Veda, because objects and persons 
 who existed in time are mentioned in it. In the objector's statement, Nai- 
 chasakha is spoken of as a city, and Pramaganda as a king ; f% fj ^M«||«rr 
 
 ^T'^ffTI II "I" the verse, 'what do thy cows among the Kikatas, &c.,' a 
 country named Kikata is recorded, together with a city called Naichasakha 
 and a king called Pramaganda ; all which are non-eternal objects." 
 
SECT, xt.j THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 363 
 
 Kali age has begun, a person -named Buddha, son of Anjana, 
 vdll be born among the Kikatas, in order to delude the enemies 
 of the gods (the Asuras)." The commentator on the Bhag. 
 Pur. explains the Kikatas by Jf^ TJ^Tf^^I 1 " in the dis- 
 trict of Gaya." Again, Bhag, Pur. vii. 10. 18, it is said : 
 
 '^TTT ^ ^ iT'Sr^if^ ^t^TTtll "In every place where those 
 who are devoted to me, who are calm, who regard all things as 
 alike, who are holy and virtuous are bom, the men [of that 
 country] are purified, even if they be Kikatas." "Weber, how- 
 ever, in his Ind. Stud. i. 186, states his opinion that the 
 Kikatas were not (as Yaska tells us) a non-Arian tribe, but a 
 people, who, like the Vratyas, were of Arian origin, though 
 they did not observe Arian rites ; and they may, he thinks, 
 have been Buddhists, or the forerunners of Buddhism." 
 
 From these passages there seems to be no doubt that the 
 Kikatas were a people who lived in Magadha or Behar. 
 
 The following verses from one of the mantras of the Atharva- 
 veda, V. 22, quoted and explained by Professor Eoth in his Lit. 
 and Hist, of the Veda, pp. 37 — 42, may tend to show what were 
 the limits of the country occupied by the Aryas at the date of 
 its composition. These limits coincide with those indicated 
 in the preceding passage from the Eig-veda, in which the Ki- 
 katas are mentioned. This mantra contains an invocation to 
 Takman, apparently a personified cutaneous disease, who is 
 supplicated to withdraw to certain other tribes, whose names are 
 specified, and whom we may therefore with probability conclude 
 to have been regarded as without the Arian pale. A.-V. v. 
 22, verses 5. 7. 8. 12. 14 : -^ttWt "^sm ^^^^ ^^ 
 
364 AFFINITIES AJSTD DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 ■^^^^^ W^^f^ i^WI Wf% rm^ -^ '?RI%^Tf% m 
 T'TTll^ll 7[^\ ^T^ ^^T^l ^^T ^Tf%^^ W^\ ^\m 
 W^^ W^ "TW^T.^ ^^m^WXXn 1'=WTf??gV ^^- 
 
 ^Uf% ll\8ll "His (Takman's) abode are the Mujavats, his 
 abode the Mahavrishas. As soon as thou art born, Takman, 
 thou soj our nest (?) among the Bahlikas. Gro, Takman, to the 
 Mujavats, or far away to the Bahlikas. Choose the female 
 SMra for food; and shake her. Passing by our friends (?), devour 
 the Mahavrishas and the Miijavats. We point out to Takman 
 these or those foreign regions. Takman, along with thy 
 brother Balasa, and with thy sister Kasika (cough), and with 
 thy nephew Paman, depart to that foreign people. We transfer 
 Takman as a servant, and as a treasure, to the Grandharins, the 
 Miijavats, the Angas, and the Magadhas." 
 
 The Miijavats are again mentioned in the Vajasaneyi-sanhita, 
 3. 61, as follows: ^rTT^ ^ ^^T?# ^f ^T^ *ja|c|fiY 
 
 S^t%l '^sj^rpT^'^T f^i*H*N*i: lit%^T^ ^f^^ ^l 
 f|j^5?ftf%ll "This, Eudra, is thy food; with it depart 
 
 ^' Mujavat is explained by the commentator on the V.-S., as the name 
 of a mountain, the place of Eudra's abode, 'J^^^T^^ ^f%?l MelrU" 
 ^^ 4^ ^W^TTT II The commentator on the Satapatha-brahmana 
 says it is the " Northern Mountain," '^^^^I Vjejff; || The Satapatha- 
 brahmana (2. 6. 2. 17.) thus comments on the text of tte Vaj.-S. after 
 quoting it: '^^iif ^ ^^T'T ^f%l rf^^ ¥T^^^- 
 
 ft^^T^r^ Tc^rf^^^: f^fr Sfftftfnr ir^fT^rf lifrr^T^ 
 
SECT. XI.] THE INDIAN AN,D COGNATE NATIONS. 365 . 
 
 beyond the Mujavats. With thy bow unbent, and concealed 
 from view, and clad in a skin, pass beyond, uninjuring us and 
 propitious." 
 
 The Miijavats being mentioned along with the Bahlikas, a 
 Bactrian race, and with the Grandharis (see above, p. 356,) may, 
 as Eoth thinks, be a hill tribe in the north-west of India ; and 
 the Mahavrishas may belong to the same region.^^ 
 
 The Angas and Magadhas mentioned in verse 13, are on the 
 contrary, tribes living in south Behar, and the country border- 
 ing on it to the east. We have thus in that verse two nations 
 situated to the north-west, and two to the south-east, whom we 
 may suppose, from the maledictions pronounced on them, to 
 have been hostile, or alien tribes, who lived on the borders of 
 Brahmanical India, and to have been beyond its boundaries at 
 the time this incantation was composed. (Eoth, Lit. and Hist, 
 of the Veda, p. 42.) 
 
 It does not, however,- follow that the tribes who, in the 
 Atharva-veda are spoken of as if they were hostile, or alien, 
 were really of a non-Arian origin. 
 
 Thus, the Arians appear in later times to have been in com- 
 munication with the Grandharas. In the jSatapatha-brahmana 
 allusion is made to a royal sage called Svarjit, son of Nagnajit, 
 
 f%^f%l rT^T^r? lifrT^WT Tf^ll "Men go on their way 
 with provision. He therefore sends him (Rudra) off with provision, wher- 
 ever he has to go. Here his journey is beyond the Mujavats ; hence he says 
 ' pass beyond the Miijavats ;' * with bow unbent and concealed,' ' uninjurinor 
 us and propitious, pass beyond.' He adds ' clad in a skin.' This lulls him 
 to sleep ; for while sleeping he injures nobody. Wherefore he says ' clad 
 in a skin.'" A derivative of the word Mujavat occurs also in the R.-V. x. 
 34. 1 : wt^TO^ ^^^rRT ^T^: II " Like a draught of the soma 
 produced on Mujavat, or among the Miijavats." Yaska, Nir. 9. 8. explains 
 the word thus : ^^f^jft ^^^ ^TT^ ^^T-^^ ^^' 
 " 'ikfati/awflto^' means produced on Miijavat: Miijavat is a mountain.'' 
 
 *^ On the Bahikas and Bahlikas, see Lassen, Zeitsch. 1840, p. 194, and 
 for 1839, p. 52, ff. 
 
366 AFFINITIES AND DEEIVATION OF Ichap. ii. 
 
 the G-andhara, who had expressed an opiuion on the nature of 
 breath or life; and although his view was not regarded as 
 authoritative, still the very fact of its being quoted, and its 
 author mentioned as a Eajanya, proves his Arian origin. This 
 is the passage: Sat. -Br. viii. 1. 4. 10. ^^ ^ WT? 
 
 JJ^3f■;^;^rV(f^ ^^ rT^T^II "Further Svarjit, son of 
 
 JSTagnajit said. Now Nagnajit was a Grandhara This 
 
 which he said, he spake as a mere Eajanya." Nagnajit the 
 Grandhara, is also mentioned in the Ait.-Br. vii. 34, as one 
 of the persons who received instruction regarding a parti- 
 cular rite from Parvata and Narada.'^ He is also mentioned ^* 
 in the following passage of the Maha-Bh. i. 2439 — 41. 
 
 " Nagnajit Subala was the disciple of Prahrada. Owing to the 
 wrath of the gods the offspring born to him became the enemies 
 of righteousness. Two children were born to the king of 
 Grandhara (Nagnajit Subala), Sakuni Saubala, and the mother 
 of Duryodhana, who were both intelligent." Duryodhana was a 
 Kuru prince, a,nd one of the heroes of the Mahabharata. 
 
 These passages are amply sufficient to prove that the Gran- 
 dharas were a people with whom the Arians of India were in 
 the habit of holding intercourse, and contracting affinities, and 
 from this intercourse we may reasonably infer a community of 
 origin and language. On this subject Lassen remarks (Zeitsch. 
 fiir die Kunde des Morgenl., iii. 206) : " Though in individual 
 passages of the Mahabharata, hatred and contempt are expressed 
 in reference to the tribes living on the Indus and its five great 
 
 "' Eoth, Lit, and Hist of the Veda, pp. 41, 42. 
 " See Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 218—220. 
 
SECT. XI,] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 367 
 
 tributaries, yet there is no trace of these tribes being ever 
 regarded as of non-Indian origin. That there was no essential 
 difference in their language, is proved, as regards a later period, 
 by the testimony of Panini, which I have already cited." The 
 previous passage here referred to is from the same article, 
 p. 194, where it is said : "The word Bahika is used not only 
 in the Mahabharata, but also in Panini '^ as a general designa- 
 tion for the tribes of the Panjab. The use of this appellation 
 is thus fully certified; and if the grammarian found it ne- 
 cessary to give special rules for forming the names of the 
 villages in the Bahika country, we may hence conclude that 
 the Bahikas spoke Sanskrit, though they applied particular 
 affixes differently from the other Tndians." 
 
 The same writer elsewhere '^ remarks : " The Indians dis- 
 tinguish, not expressly, but by implication, the nations dwelling 
 between the Sarasvati, and the Hindu-kush, into two classes : 
 first, those to the eastward of the Indus, and some of those 
 immediately to the westward of that river, as the Gandharas, 
 are in their estimation still Indians ; . . . . but with the 
 exception of the Kashmiras, and some less known races, these 
 Indians are not of the genuine sort: the greater freedom of 
 
 '^ The aphorisms here referred to are iii. 3.78, and iv. 2. 117, 118. The 
 two latter, with the comments, are as follows: err^«ir^T7r*^ra'll'^^^ll 
 
 ^', I 'Tt^TI'ft^ll "11^- The affixes than and nith are employed in 
 words taking vriddhi, which denote villages of the Vahikas ; as Sakaliki 
 iSakalika. 118. The affixes than and mfA are optionally employed in words 
 taking vriddhi, which denote Vahika villages in the country of the Usinaras ; 
 as SaudarSanihl, Saudarianikd ; or with the chhas affix, SaudarSanlya. 
 "* Zeitschrift, ii. 58. See also Asiat. Kes. xv. 108; andApp. note J. 
 
368 AFFINITIES AND DERIVATION OF [chap. ii. 
 
 their customs is regarded as a lawless condition." And Weber 
 similarly remarks ^' : " The north-western tribes retained their 
 ancient customs, which the other tribes who migrated to the 
 east had at one time shared. The former kept themselves 
 free from the influences of the hierarchy and of caste, which 
 arose among the latter as a consequence of their residence 
 among people of alien origin (the aborigines). But the later 
 orthodox feelings of the more eastern Arians obliterated the 
 recollection of their own earlier freedom ; and caused them to 
 detest the kindred tribes to the westward as renegades, instead 
 of looking on themselves as men who had abandoned their own 
 original institutions." 
 
 There are other races also, who, although in the later Sanskrit 
 literature they are spoken of as being now aliens from the 
 Brahmanical communion, are yet declared to have once belonged 
 to the Kshattriya caste ; and to have lost their position in it 
 from neglect of sacred rites.'* (See Part First of this Work, 
 pp. 94, and 177 — 183.) In addition to this tradition, however, 
 we have yet further proof of the Arian origin of some at least of 
 these tribes. Thus, it appears from the following passage of 
 the Mrukta (already quoted above, p. 161), that the Kambojas 
 spoke an Arian language : Nirukta, ii. 2, '^'^f^ "JT^frnT 
 
 T^^g TT^^ f^fT^ ^^gi ^^ 'ffTf^^T ^T^^^ 
 
 ITT'^'5 ^T'^TI^'^Srgll "Among some (tribes) the original 
 forms are used, among others the derivatives. Savati for the 
 'act of going' is used only among the Kambojas, while its 
 derivative Sava is used among the Aryas. JDdti is employed 
 by the eastern people in the sense of ' cutting,' while the word 
 
 " Ind. Stud. i. 220. 
 
 "^ This tradition is, however, erroneously extended to some of the eastern 
 and southern tribes, the Pundras, Odras and Dravidas, who, as we shall after- 
 wards see, could not have been of Arian origin. 
 
SECT. XI.] THE INDIAN AND COGNATE NATIONS. 369 
 
 ddtromb ' sickle ' (only) is used by the men of the north," If, 
 therefore, the testimony of Yaska La regard to the language 
 used by the Kambojas is to be trusted, it is clear that they 
 spoke a Sanskrit dialect. It is implied in the remarks he has 
 made, that a close affinity existed between the languages of the 
 Aryas and Kambojas ; that the substance of both was the same, 
 though in some respects it was variously modified and applied. 
 For it is only where such a general identity exists, that the 
 differences existing between any two dialects can excite any 
 attention. Had the two languages had but little iu common, 
 no such comparison of minor variations could have suggested 
 itself to the grammarians. Now the country of the Kambojas ivas 
 situated to the north-west of India, on the other side of the 
 Indus. It is clear, therefore, that Sanskrit was spoken at some 
 distance to the west of that river. 
 
 Professor Eoth is even of opinion that this passage proves 
 Sanskrit grammar to have been studied among the Kambojas. 
 In his Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, p. 67, he observes: "The 
 multitude of grammarians whose opinions are cited iu the 
 Pratisakhyas, proves how widely grammatical studies were 
 pursued ; and Yaska (Nirukta, ii. 2.) confirms this in a remark- 
 able passage, according to which verbal forms were variously 
 employed by the grammarians of four different provinces. 
 These four tribes were the Kambojas and Aryas, together with 
 the Prachyas and Udichyas (or eastern aud northern peoples). 
 It is thus irrefragably proved that the Kambojas were originally 
 not only an Indian people, but also a people possessed of Indian 
 culture ; and consequently that in Yaska's time this culture 
 extended as far as the Hindu-kush. At a later period, as the 
 well-known passage in Manu's Institutes (x. 43.) shows, the 
 Kambojas were reckoned among the barbarians, because, their 
 customs differed from those of the Indians.-. . . . The same 
 change of relation has thus, in a smaller degree, taken place 
 
 B B 
 
370 AFFINITIES AND DEKIVATION OF [chap. d. 
 
 between the Kambojas and the Indians, as occurred, in a remote 
 antiquity, between the latter and the ancient Persians." ^^ 
 
 Now, the fact that Sanskrit was spoken by the tribes to the 
 west of the Indus, proves that that tract of country was inha^ 
 bited by races of Arian origin, and of common descent with the 
 Indians ; ""' and affords an additional argument in support of the 
 position that the Indo-Arians immigrated into India from that 
 direction. 
 
 It may, however, perhaps, be objected that this passage not 
 only proves that Sanskrit was spoken by the Kambojas, to the 
 
 ^^ In his later work, the edition of the Nirukta, Eoth suspects, for certain 
 reasons, that so much of the passage before us as refers to the KamBojas may 
 be interpolated. He adds, however, that " it is in so far valuable, as it shows 
 that the ancient Indians imagined the Kambojas also to be students of Sans- 
 krit Grammar.'' Erlaut., pp. 17, 18. In the Journal of the German 
 Oriental Society, vii. 373 — 377, Professor Miiller makes some remarks 
 on the same passage. He alludes to the fact that a similar passage occurs 
 In the Mahabhashya ; and observes that " though this circumstance ap- 
 pears partly to confirm Roth's conjecture regarding the spuriousnCss of 
 portions of the passage, it may also be possible that the Mahabhashya has 
 borrowed it from the Nirukta, or that both the Nirukta and the Maha- 
 bhashya may have taken it from the common source of ancient grammatical 
 tradition." In any case, this reference to a distant race like the Kambojas, 
 looks as if it must have been borrowed from some ancient source. The 
 passage of the Mahabhashya is as follows, p. 62 of Dr. Ballantyne's edition : 
 
 ^5iTi^ '5tT4r ^m^ ^^ Tf?n ^'Jrf^: ^TT?g T'ff^: 
 
 ■JfT"'*!^ ^'^^^Y^^ II " ^a'oati, as a verb of going, is employed 
 only by the Kambojas ; the Aryas use it in the sense of change, for a corpse. 
 The Surashtras use h&mmati, the central and eastern tribes ranJiati, but the 
 Aryas only garni in the sense of ' going.' Ddii occurs among the eastern 
 tribes as the verb for ' cutting ;' datra, a ' sickle,' alone is used by the 
 people of the north." 
 1°" See App. note K. 
 
SECT, xr.] THE IliTDIATr AND COGNATE NATIONS. 371 
 
 north-west, but by the men of the east also. Now, as we may 
 presume that Yaska lived on the banks of the Sarasvati, or of 
 the Yamuna, or of the Ganga, the people whom he designates 
 Prachyas, or " men of the east," must have been the Kikatas, 
 or the Magadhas, or the Angas, or the Vangas. But since it is 
 evident from this passage that these tribes also spoke Sanskrit, 
 it might in like manner be argued from this circumstance that 
 the Aryas must have penetrated into India from the eastward. 
 To this I reply, that we can prove from other passages, such as 
 that in the Satapatha-brahmana, i. 4, i. 10 — 18 (which will be 
 quoted further on), that the Arian civilisation travelled from 
 the west to the east; and that therefore we may reasonably 
 suppose that these Prachya tribes did not originally live in the 
 eastern country, but formed part of the population which had 
 migrated from the west, or at least did not begin to speak 
 Sanskrit till they had learnt it from the Arians coming from the 
 west. And besides, this passage which I have quoted from 
 Yaska does not stand alone ; it is only auxiliary to the other 
 arguments which have been adduced to show that the Indo- 
 Arians came from the north-west. 
 
 This fact, that tribes speaking dialects of Sanskrit, lived to 
 the north-west of India, might, it is true, be also explained 
 on Mr. Curzon's hypothesis, that these tribes had emigrated 
 from India. But this hypothesis is opposed, as we have already 
 seen, p. 304, ff., to the other circumstances of the case. 
 
 The argument then, which I derive from the facts just 
 detailed, when briefly stated, is this : We find the north- 
 west of India to be occupied by various tribes, who spoke 
 the same language as the Arian Indians. On the other 
 hand, we find, (as will be shown at length in the next 
 chapter,) that different parts (the eastern and southern 
 as well as the north-western) of Hindusthan itself, were 
 inhabited by a variety of tribes speaking languages funda- 
 mentally distinct from those of the Arian race. From this I 
 
 15 B 2 
 
372 DBEIYATION OF THE ESTDIAJST NATION. [chap. n. 
 
 dra-w the conclusion that the Arian Indians must have come 
 from without, from the same side which we find to be occupied 
 from the earliest period by tribes speaking the same language ; 
 and have driven before them to the east and south the non- 
 Arian races, to whom, on penetrating into India, they found 
 themselves opposed. This subject, however, will be handled at 
 length in the following chapter. 
 
CHAP, mj THE AEIANS IN INDIA. 373 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 THE ABIANS IN INDIA : THEIE ADVANCE TO THE BAST AND 
 
 SOUTH. 
 
 In the preceding chapter I have endeavoured, by a variety of 
 arguments derived from comparative philology, and from general 
 history, as well as from the most ancient written records of the 
 Indians and the Iranians, to prove — First, that- the dominant 
 race, which we find established in Hindusthan at the dawn of 
 history was not autochthonous, but immigrated into that country 
 from Central Asia; and Secondly, that the route by which this 
 people penetrated was from the north-west through Kabul, and 
 across the Indus. I shall, for the future, assume that both of 
 these two propositions have been substantiated ; and shall pro- 
 ceed to trace the history of the Indo-Arian tribes after they had 
 entered the Panjab, and had commenced their advance to the 
 south and east. We have already discovered (see above, pp. 354, 
 ff.) from an examination of the oldest Indian records, the hymns 
 of the Eig-veda, that the country on. both sides of the Indus 
 was the earliest seat of the Indo-Arians in India. We shall now 
 see (as has also been already intimated, pp. 288, 289) that, in 
 these same hymns the ancient bards designated the men of their 
 own tribes by the name of Aryas, and distinguished them ex- 
 pressly from another class of people called Dasyus, who, we have 
 every reason to suppose, were a race of distinct origin from the 
 Aryas, and different from them in colour (see above, p. 284), in 
 language, in religion, and in customs, who had been in occupa- 
 tion of India before it was entered by the Indo-Arians from the 
 north-west. I shall afterwards adduce various passages from the 
 Brahmanas and post-Vedic writings, illustrative of the p'ogress 
 
 B B 3 
 
374 THE ABIANS IN INDIA : [cHAr. hi. 
 
 of the Indo-Arians as they advanced to the east and south, driv- 
 ing the indigenous tribes before them into the hills and forests, 
 and taking possession of the territory which the latter had pre- 
 viously occupied. I shall subsequently furnish some illustrations 
 of the fundamental differences which exist between the Sanskrit 
 and the languages of the south of India — differences which de- 
 monstrate that the tribes among which the latter dialects were 
 originally vernacular, must have been of a different race from 
 the Indo-Arians. And finally, I shall indicate the modes in 
 which these various classes of facts support the conclusion to 
 which we have been already led, that the Indo-Arians were not 
 autochthonous in India, but immigrated into that country from 
 the north-west. 
 
 Sect. I. — Distinction drawn between tlie Aryas and Dasyus in the Big-veda. 
 
 I proceed, then, first, to show that the authors of the Vedic 
 hymns made a distinction between the members of their own 
 communities, and certain tribes whom they designated as Das- 
 yus. This will appear from the following texts. E.-V. i. 51. 8, 9: 
 
 ^5pq^^«=rX^f^; II "Distinguish between the Aryyas, and those 
 who are Dasyus : chastising those who observe no sacred rites, 
 subject them to the sacrificer. Be a strong supporter of him 
 who sacrifices. I desire (to celebrate ?) all these thy (deeds) at 
 the festivals. Indra subjects the impious to the pious, and de- 
 stroys the irreligious by the religious." ' X. 86. 19: ^Sf^wfrf 
 f^^T^^ f^t^'^'^^ ^T^Tfn^ll "Here I come" (says 
 Indra) " perceiving and distinguishing the Dasa and the Ai-yj^a." 
 
 ' This text, as well as E.-V. i. 103. 3, given below, is quoted by Professor 
 MUUer, " Languages of the Seat of War," first edition, p. 28, note. The 
 word sadhamada, here rendered "festivals," occurs also, E.-V. x. 14. 10. 
 
SBCT. .i.J ~ THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 375- 
 
 I. 103. 3 : W ^TS;^T ^Sf^^lT^ '^t jft fwf^T'^T^^T^ 
 
 f^^ II " Armed with the lightning, and trusting in his strength, 
 he (Indra) moved about shattering the. cities of the Dasyus. 
 Indra, thunderer, who art wise, hurl thy shaft against the Dasyu, 
 and increase the might and glory of the Aryya." I. 117. 21 : 
 
 W^^WT VTrTfT ^^ ^Vfof^^^^^^ll "0 beautiful 
 Aswins, sowing barley with the plough, drawing forth (lit. milk- 
 ing) food for man, and sweeping [or blowing] away the Dasyu 
 with the thunderbolt; ye have created a great light for the 
 Aryya."^ I. 130. 8 : ^^: ^^^ ^m?IT^^^ '^(T^ 3TT^ 
 
 ffT?} ^^ S^T^^'^^fT II "Indra, who in a hundred ways 
 protects in all battles, in heaven-conferring battles, has preserved 
 in the fray the sacrificing Aryya. Chastising the neglectors of 
 religious rites, he subjected the black skin to Manu " (or the Att 
 ian man).3 III. 34. 8, 9: ^^"R JJ', ^f^ff ^T^^T^■T^^ 
 
 * Sayana interprets the " great light," either of the glory acquired by the 
 Aswins: ^^ft^ ^^ TTTfT^ '^^^* I or of the sun : f%^^ 
 M^^)4Sb| «^fnt II "For it is the living man who beholds the sun :" 
 
 ^d|«l f% i^*M ^^T^ II ^°*^ considers this verse to refer to some 
 forgotten legend. , Nirukta. Erlaiit. p. 92. The two following passages also 
 similarly speak of light : R.-V. ix. 92. 5 : ^S^Vf^ ^^ ^^ '^5fl}T^T 
 
 ^^ :RT^ Tf^ ^^^ W^ '^Hft^'^ll "When he (Soma) 
 gave light to the day and afforded space, he delivered Manu, and arrested 
 the Dasyu." E.-V. x.43. 4: . . . f|^ ^"^ ^^"^ 'S^Vf^^- 
 
 ■^ZfJT II " He (Indra) gave to Manu blessedness (and) a glorious light." 
 
 ' This passage is translated in a review of the First Part of this work, con- 
 tained in the " Times " of 12th April, 1858. The " black skin," is there ia- 
 
 B B 4 
 
S76 THE AEIAKS IN INDIA : [chap, hi* 
 
 T^: W^T^ 3^^^ Tim\ r^<uy4j*jrT Ht't ^^TT '^^ 
 
 ^^«^ If '?rr'?^ ^^«n^ ll " The wise gladden Indra, who 
 bestowed the earth and this firmament. Indra gave horses, he 
 gave the sun, he gave the many-nourishing cow, he gave 
 golden wealth. Slaying the Dasyu, he protected the Aryyan 
 colour." IV. 26. 1, 2 : -^ T^T^f^ W^ ^ W^^T 
 
 ^^Tf%T f^:i "^ ^(^Tir^^ f% W '^ ^^- 
 
 t^ VMrn ^Tll\ll '^rt >3;fTI*i<<l*iT^T^ ^ ^f¥ TT- 
 
 ^fTiTT5I«T II ^ l| *' Ij" says Indra, " was Manu, and I the sim ; 
 I am the wise rishi Kakshivat. I subdue Kutsa the son of Ar- 
 juni. I am the sage Usanas : behold me. I gave the earth to 
 the Aryya, and rain to the sacrificer. I have led the sounding 
 waters. The gods have followed my will."^ IV. 30. 18 : The 
 
 terpreted of the dark colour of the Dasyus. The next passage is also partly 
 j[uoted in the same article. 
 
 * Sayana connects the word arya as an epithet with Manu understood. 
 Professor Weber, Ind. Stud. I. 195, note, thinks that Manu means in this 
 passage, the moon. (In pp. 194, 5, he has a dissertation on the word Manu). 
 The speaker in these verses appears to be Indra. (See Bothl. and Eoth's 
 Pictionary, sub voce, Usanas.) The Anukramani, as quoted by Sayana, 
 
 says, ^T^Tf^tf^^t'TfT^fTr^TWTTTl^ ^f%^-gT^ T^ ^T 
 
 ■^T(?TT'I^ II " I" tlis first three verses the rishi celebrates himself 
 as if under the character of Indra ; or Indra celebrates himself." Kuhn 
 (Herabkunft des feuers, p. 143,) conjectures that Vamadeva may per- 
 haps have been an ancient epithet of Indra. In R.-V. x. 48. 1, Indra 
 
 says, similarly: ^^ «["T35W f^'T^lf^ HtWTTJ^I "I distri- 
 bute food to the sacrificer," &c. The pantheistic author of the Vrihad 
 Aranyaka Upanishad, thinks that the Eishi Vamadeva is speaking of him- 
 self in these words, (Bibliotheca Indica, pp. 215, 216) ; ^S' ^^ ^Y 
 
SECT, I.] ■ THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 377 
 
 Sanskrit text of the following is given above p. 361 : " Thou, 
 Indra, hast speedily slain those two Aryas, Arna and Chitraratha, 
 on the opposite bank of the Sarayu " (river). VI. 25. 2, 3 : 
 
 ^^^ t%^T wf% ^ ^^grrf^ i!^f% iTJ^'W "By 
 
 these (succours) subdue to the Aryya all the hostile I>asa 
 people everywhere. Indra, whether it be kinsmen or strangers 
 who have approached and injuriously assailed us, do thou destroy 
 their feeble power, and put them to flight." VI, 33. 3 : «^ 
 
 ■^^f^fZfTf^l! " Do thou, heroic Indra, desti'oy both these our 
 foes, (our) Dasa and our. Aryya enemies," &c. VI. 60. 6 : ^7^ 
 
 " Do ye, lords of the virtuous, slay our Aryya enemies, slay 
 Dur Dasa enemies, destroy all those who hate us." VII. 83. 1 : 
 
 S^TT II " Slay both the Dasa enemies and the Aryya ; pro- 
 tect Sudas with your succour, Indra and Varuna." X. 38. 3 : 
 
 ^^Tf^ ^^T^T: H^ ^^W^^T ^ m\ ^5^TTTI ^^11 
 
 " much lauded Indra, whatever ungodly person, Dasa or 
 Aryya, designs to iight against us ; let these enemies be easily 
 subdued by us. May we destroy them in the conflict." X. 
 49. 3 : Wi ^^!m ^Sff^fTT W^^ 5T ^ ^^ ^^T^ Tm 
 ^!^^^ II " I, the slayer of Sushna, have restrained the bolt, — I 
 
 ■^W^f^ II " Whosoever of gods, risLis, or men, understood Thnt, he be- 
 came That. Perceiving this, the Eishi Vamadeva obtained this text, ' I was 
 Manu, I the sun,,&c.'' Usanas is connected with Indra in K.-V. vi. 20.- 11. 
 
"378 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : ' Cchap. nii 
 
 who do not abandon the Aryyan name to the Dasyu." X. 65. 
 
 S'^f^ '^frjll " These bountiful ones " (the gods named in the 
 preceding verse) " have generated prayer, the cow, the horse, 
 plants, trees, the earth, the mountains, the waters; — causing 
 the sun to ascend the sky, and spreading Aryyan rites over the 
 earth." « X. 83. 1 : ^'fJI'T < 1*^*11 4 ^^ ^ W^ ^^- 
 
 ^^ ¥^^¥1 W^^flT II " May we " (0 Manyu), " associated 
 with thee, the mighty one, overcome both Dasa and Aryya 
 through (thy) efifectual energy." X, 102. 3 : "^^T ^^ f^^t" 
 
 ^c|44| ^^W II "Eestrain, Indra, the bolt of the murderous : 
 remove far away the weapon of our assailant, be he Dasa or 
 Aryya." X. 138. 3: f% ^^ Tr^S;g^ T^ f^^ ^im^ 
 1ff^f||«i^|i4< II " The sun has launched his car in midheaven : 
 the Aryya has paid back a recompense to the Dasyu." VIII. 24.27: 
 
 ^^^ ^f%H*-UI «ft«I^t I " Who delivered [us] from the 
 destroyer, from calamity ; who, powerful [god], didst avert 
 the bolt of the Dasa from the Arya in [the land of] the seven 
 streams." 
 
 The above cited texts seem to leave no doubt that the Eig- 
 veda recognises a distinction between the tribe to which the 
 authors of the hymns belonged, and a hostile people who ob- 
 served different rites, and were regarded with contempt and 
 hatred by the superior race. This appears from the constant 
 
 ^ Compare R.-V. vii. 99. 4 : Urum yajnaya chdkrathw u loTtam janayantd 
 suryam ushasa magnim. Dasasya chid vrishaSiprasya maya jaghnathur nard 
 pritandjyeshi : " Ye, (Indra and Vishnu,) have provided abundant room for 
 the sacrifice, creating the sun, the dawn, and fire. Ye, O heroes, have de- 
 stroyed the illusions of the bull-nosed Dasa>" 
 
SECT. I.J THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 379 
 
 antithetic juxtaposition of the two names Aryya and Dasyu, in 
 most of these texts; and from the specification in others of 
 enemies, both Ai-yya and Dasyu. If hwrnan enemies are desig- 
 nated in these latter texts by the word Aryya, we may reasonably 
 suppose the same class of foes to be commonly denoted by the word 
 Basyu. It is not, of course, to be expected that we should find 
 the Indian commentators confirming this view of the matter morei 
 than partially ; as they had never dreamt of the modern critical 
 view of the origin of the Aryyas and their relation to the barbarous 
 aboriginal tribes. Yaska (Nirukta vi. 26), explains the term 
 Aryya, by the words " son of a [or, of the] lord."® The word 
 Dasyu, is interpreted by him etymologically, thus : " Dasyu 
 comes from the root das, to destroy ; in him moisture is con- 
 sumed, and he destroys (religious) ceremonies."^ 
 
 Sayana interprets the word Aryya, by "wise performers of 
 rites';" "wise worshippers';" "wise'";" "one to whom all 
 should resort" ;" " the most excellent race [colour] consisting of 
 the three [highest] castes'^;" "practising ceremonies"';" "most 
 excellent through performance of ceremonies'^;" and in two 
 places, i. 117. 21, and iv. 26. 2, he regards it as an epithet of 
 Manu. The same commentator interprets the word Dasyu of 
 
 « Nir. vi. 26 : '^JT'^^ |:;J4|<VI^: || 
 
 ' Nir. vii. 23 : ^^^%: 'g^T^ ^'^^^f^I'l^ T^T 
 
 ' fl^S^^W^ I on K.-V. i. 51. S. 
 
 ° f^^i^l WtmX'\ on i. 103. 3. 
 
 " f^^^l oni. 117.21. 
 
 " ^T^jfH 'll'f'fRI^ I on i. 130. 8. 
 
 " ^tTTT 5fT^ ^^^T^^l oniii. 34. 9. 
 
 " ^4^^7*11% I on vi. 22. 10. 
 
 " ^^T^TS'^T ^^Tf%l onTi.33.3. 
 
380 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. iir. 
 
 the "robbet Vrittra**;" "enemies who destroy the observers of 
 Vedic rites ' ^ j » « the Asuras, Pisachas, &c., who destroy ' ' ; " " the 
 vesdhg Asuras'';" "all the people who destroy religious rites";" 
 " Vala and the other Asuras who destroyreligious rites'^";" "ene- 
 mies devoid of religious worship." ^^ From these quotations it 
 will be seen that Sayana mostly understands the Dasyus of su- 
 perhuman beings, demons, or Titans, rather than of human ene- 
 rnies. In his note on i. 100. 8. he speaks of them as " destroy- 
 ing enemies living on the earth^^;" and in another place he 
 explains the Dasa varna, as being either " the Sudras and Other 
 inferior tribes, or the vile destroying Asura."''^ 
 
 There is no doubt, that in many passages of the E.-V., to 
 which I shall presently refer, the words Basyu and Ddsa are 
 applied to demons of different orders, or goblins {Asuras, Rdksha- 
 sas, &c.) ; but it is tolerably evident from the nature of the 
 case, that in aU, or most of the texts which have been hitherto 
 adduced, we are to understand the barbarous aboriginal tribes of 
 India as intended by these terms. This is yet more clearly es- 
 tablished by the sense in which the word Dasyu is used (i. e. for 
 men and not for demons) in the Aitareya-brahmana, in Manu, 
 
 '= '^ "^^T^l on i. 33. 4. 
 
 '^ ^TBrnrWlWRl^f^n:' ^^TA oni. 51.8;andi. lOS^S. 
 
 ' " ^aTT ^ ' M <* iR w^T^"< fq'3irgTf|:^rTt^i on i. 117.21. 
 
 '8 ^^^TT^^T^ oniii.34.9. 
 
 '' ^TtiTT^trgtrfirfrf^w: ^^ f^ir: t^t:\ onvi.25.2. 
 
 ^ '^W:(f^\ ^f%fVf^5Tl- ^^3T^fft5Tg^T\l on vi. 
 
 33. 3. 
 
 " ^HRtl'IT: ■SX'^^ri on vi. 60.6. 
 
 i. 100. 8. 
 
SECT. I.] , THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 381 
 
 and in the Mahabharata. Thus the author of the Aitareya-hrah- 
 mana, after making Vilvamitra say to his fifty sons : " ' Your de- 
 scendants shall possess the extremities [of the land],'" adds, 
 " These are the Andhras, Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas, Mutibas, 
 and other numerous frontier tribes. Most of the Dasyus arq 
 descended from Visvamitra."^^ And in the authoritative defini- 
 tion already quoted (Part I. p. 178 — 180) Manu tells vs: 
 " Those tribes in the world which are without the pale of the 
 castes sprung from the mouth, arms, thighs, and feet [of Brahma], 
 whether they speak the language of the Mlechhas, or of the Aryyas, 
 are all called DasyusJ" *° 
 
 The Mahabharata thus speaks of the same people : ii. 26. 
 1025: ^^ ^ f^Sr ^5^ T?^rm1%^:i TWT'^, 
 
 ^^W^^fTT^ ^3r^ ^K ^TT!?5r:il "Having vanquished 
 the Paurava in battle, the Pandava conquered the Utsavasan- 
 ketas, seven tribes of Dasyus inhabiting the mountains^" And 
 again: Ibid. ver. 1031— 2: ^?:«[T'T^ ¥^ ^rn^^^^^^T^IfT^ 
 
 ^^m^: I iTr»TTrTr f^ ^ '^ ^^wrf^w T^^« ' 
 
 '*j«h"|^4)^l*l ■^f^^TfrRJlf^ II " Pakasasani conquered the 
 Daradas, with the Kambojas, and the Dasyus who dwell in the 
 north-east region, as well as all the inhabitants of the forest, with 
 the Lohas, the Parama-Kambojas, and the northern Eishikas." 
 And ' once more : " Saineya (Krishna's charioteer) made the 
 beautiful earth a mass of mud with the flesh and blood of thou- 
 sands of Kambojas, Sakas, Savaras, Kiratas, Varvaras, destroying 
 thy host. The earth was covered with the helmets and shaven 
 and bearded heads of the Dasyus, as with birds bereft of their 
 wings." ^^ Here it is evident, that the word Dasyu, in the latter 
 
 ^ Aitareya-brahmana vii. 18 (already quoted in Part First, p. 84). 
 ^^ See above p. 160. 
 
 ^ M.-Bh. Drona Parva. Sect. 119, ver. 4747, ff. : alread^y quoted. Part 
 First, p. 179. 
 
382 THE AEIANS IN INDIA ! [chap. hi. 
 
 pai-t of the sentence, is a generic term denoting the whole of 
 the tribes who had been previously mentioned, the Kambojas, 
 Hakas, &c. 
 
 Another passage occurs in the Santi Parva of the M.-Bh. sect. 
 65, verses 2429, ff., (quoted in the First Part of this work, p. 
 179), where the tribes there enumerated are said to live after 
 the fashion of the Basyus ; and where the duties to be observed 
 by the Dasyua are described. The Dasyus therefore cannot 
 have been regarded by the author of the M.-Bh. as demons. 
 
 If any further illustration of this point be required, it may be 
 found in the following story (from the Mahabharata, Santi P* 
 sect. 168. verses 6293, ff.) about the sage Gautama living 
 among the Dasyus : ^ftl[ ^^T^l 'f^rf ^ ^Ttf^^S^^WnTTT^ 
 
 f?r^T<Tt" ^^TT^ 1?It ^^^11 Bhishma is the speaker: "I 
 will tell thee an ancient story about what happened in the-northern 
 region among the Mlechhas. A certain Brahman of the central 
 country, perceiving a particular village, which was destitute of 
 Brahmans, to be in a prosperous condition, entered it to solicit 
 alms. There lived there a wealthy Dasyu, who was acquainted 
 with the distinctions of all the castes, religious, truthful, and 
 liberal. Approaching his house, the Brahman asked alms," and 
 
 a house " From proximity with the Dasyus, Graittama 
 
 [the Brahman in question] became like them. While he was 
 thus dwelling happily in a village of Dasyus," another Brahman 
 
SECT. i.J THEIE ADVANCE EAST AISTD SOUTH. 383 
 
 arrived, wlio demanded of him : " What is this that thou art 
 foolishly doing ? Thou art a Brahman of good family, well-known 
 in the central region ; how is it that thou hast sunk into the 
 condition of a Dasyu ?" 
 
 From the evidence' afforded by these passages of Manu and 
 the Mahabharata, it is probable that the word Dasyu, when 
 occurring in the Veda, is frequently to be understood of Tnen, 
 and, consequently, of the wild aboriginal tribes, whom the Arian- 
 Indians encountered on their occupation of Hindusthan. It is 
 true that, by the later authorities whom I have quoted, the 
 ■Dasyus ai-e regarded as degraded Arians, ^^ (though Manu 
 says that some of them spoke Mlechha dialects), and that tribes 
 unquestionably Arian, as the Kambojas, (see above, p. 368, flf.) 
 are included among them. But though it is true that some of 
 the Arian tribes who had not adopted Brahmanical institutions 
 were so designated in after times, the term Dasyu could not well 
 have been so applied in the earlier Vedic era. At that time the 
 Brahmanical institutions had not arrived at maturity ; and the 
 tribes who are stigmatised by the Vedic poets as persons of a 
 different religion must therefore, probably, have been such as 
 had never before been brought into contact with the Arians, and 
 were in fact, of sin origin totally distinct. 
 
 It thus appears, that by the Dasyus who are mentioned in the 
 Eig-veda we must, in many passages, though not in all, under- 
 stand the barbarous aboriginal tribes with whom the Aryyas, on 
 their settlement in the north-west of India, were brought into con- 
 tact and conflict. Before we proceed further, however, it will be 
 interesting to review some of the other principal texts of the E.-V. 
 in which the Aryyas and Dasyus are mentioned. I should be glad, 
 if, while doing so, I could hope to arrive in each case at a definite 
 result in regard to the application made of the words Dasyu 
 and Ddsa, and to determine precisely the relations which sub- 
 sisted between the tribes so designated, and the Aryyas. But 
 
 '^ See Lassen, Zcitschrift, ii. 49, ff. 
 
384 THE AEIANS IN INDU : [chap. hi. 
 
 the sense of the texts is often so obscure, that I cannot always 
 expect to fix their interpretation, or, consequently, to deduce 
 from them any certain conclusions. As, however, I have collected 
 and arranged a considerable number of passages bearing on this 
 subject, I think it best to present them to the reader, with such 
 illustrations as I am able to supply, in the hope that a fuller 
 elucidation may sooner or later be supplied by the mature re- 
 searches of some more competent scholar. 
 
 Sect. II. — Additional Vedic texts hearing on the relations of the Aryas and 
 
 Dasyns. 
 
 First : In the following passages, or some of them, reference 
 appears to be made to the earth or territory being bestowed on 
 the Aryyas : i. 100. 18 : ^^5^^ fsn^ J^'^fT 1^? 't'^ 
 
 ^Tf! ^^ ^•T^'IJ ^^^^:il "(Indra) the much invoked, 
 having smitten on the earth the Dasyus and Simyus [or 
 destroyers] by his flying hosts, destroyed them with his thun- 
 derbolt. The thunderer bestowed on, [or with] his white 
 friends the fields, bestowed the sun, bestowed the waters."^* 
 
 '^ Several points are obscure in this passage. Is the word Simyu the name 
 of a tribe, (as Professor Wilson renders it,) or does it merely mean u de- 
 stroyer ? In R.-V., vii. 18. 5, we have the words Sardhantam Hmyum, which 
 Professor Both (Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, p. 94) renders by " defiant 
 wrong-doer.'' Sayana explains the word '^4^^(^«T ^^^TTfT^ TT" 
 '^^Trt'lll " Subduers i. e. slayers, Eakshasas, &c." ; and again: 
 
 ^TT^« T'['^' II " The verb Sam designates one who contemns every one 
 else, ^imyu therefore = Rakshasa, &c." Then, who are the "white 
 friends " of Indra, in the second clause ? The Maruts ? or the fair complex- 
 ioned Aryyas ? In verse 2 of this hymn, we find the words sdhhihhih svehhir 
 evaih, " his flying friends," which Sayana interprets of the Maruts. He 
 
SECT. II.] THEIE ADVAliTCE EAST AND SOUTH. 385 
 
 IT. 20. 7: W ^^fT T^.' IJ^WT'ft: jT^fV TT'^t^" 
 
 ^ f^l '^I^I'T^ ^H^ ^m^%3rTf^l " Indra, the slayer 
 of Vritra, and destroyer of cities, scattered the servile (hosts) of 
 black descent. He created the earth and waters for Manu."^^ 
 
 explains verse 18 thus: f%'PlfiT« '^iirf^W^^'^T'^W ^^T^I 
 
 ^^R^T^cT II " Along with his white-coloured, (i. e. whose limbs were 
 shining with ornaments,) friends, the Maruts, he divided the territory be- 
 longing to his enemies." On the other hand, we have, in verse 6 of this 
 hymn, the worshippers themselves spoken of as the persons with whom the 
 
 sun was shared. The words there are : ^^T«l> iH '^W* ^^ ^^f[ I 
 which Sayana renders : "^^^t? ^VJl g^^.* ;^^ '^^^131 ^TcT^ 
 
 " Let him divide the light of the sun with our men, and involve our enemies 
 in darkness which shall obstruct their view." The same words are rendered 
 by Eosen : Nostratibiis viris solem concedat, " Let him bestow the sun on our 
 countrymen," where the words in the instrumental case have the sense of the 
 dative assigned to them. If they bear that sense in verse 6, they may equally 
 have it in the 18th also. The meaning would then be, " He bestowed the 
 land, the sun, the waters, on his fair friends." On the last words. Professor 
 Wilson remarks, Eig-veda, i. p. 260, note : " These, according to the scholiast, 
 are the winds, or Maruts ; but why they should have a share of the enemy's 
 country (iairunam bhumim) seems doubtful. Allusion is more probably in-< 
 tended to earthly friends or worshippers of Indra, who were white (SwUnyd) 
 in comparison with the darker tribes of the conquered country." The wor-i 
 shipper's friendship with Indra is mentioned in many passages of the E.-V., 
 as, i. 101. 1 ; iv. 16. 10 ; vi, 18. 5 ; vi. 21. 5 and 8 ; vi. 45. 7. Eosen renders 
 the passage : Expugnavit terrain sociis suis nitentibus,'' " He conquered the 
 earth for, or with, his struggling companions;" thus giving another sense to 
 f%'^fVri I ^^ ^^° other hymns, vii. 99. 3, and x. 65. 11, (quoted above 
 p. 377, 378), we find mention made of the sun in a somewhat similar man- 
 ner, as in the verse under review. 
 
 ^^ Sayana explains the words hrishnayonlh, &e., thus : ItrishnaySmr nikrish- 
 tajatlr, dasvr upakshapayatrir asurih senah, " the destructive armies of the 
 Asuras, of degraded rank." 
 
 C C 
 
886 THE AKIAIirS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 The passages iii. 34. 9, and iv. 26. 2, which have been akeady 
 quoted above (p. 375, 6), should be again referred to here. VI. 
 18. 3 : c^ 'f ^^ W^ -^(^TfWt T^^' l>#l<=l«ri<l4T^I 
 " Thou " (Indra) " hast alone subdued the Dasyus : thou hast 
 given people to the Aryya.''^" VI. 61. 3 : ^3rf f%f^^S^- 
 ^f^[5^; I " And thou (Sarasvati) hast obtained lands for men."^' 
 VII. 19. 3 : fl^^t^ ^^^TTTW: ^^^TfTT ^'^'f^ ^- 
 ^TT I "Thou hast preserved Trasadasyu, son of Purukutsa, 
 and Puru, in fights for the acquisition of land." VII. 100. 4 : 
 fr^m^ Yf^tt^^ Tlrff %^T^ f%^ ^^ ^^^1 "This 
 Vishnu traversed this earth, to give it for a domain to Manu." 
 It is possible that in these passages, or in some of them, allusion 
 may be made to the occupation of the plains of India, and the 
 subjugation of the aboriginal tribes by the Aryyas, on their im- 
 migration from the north-west ; but it must be confessed, that 
 the explanation is uncertain. In E.-V. x. 65. 11, quoted above 
 (p. 378), there may be a reference to the spread of Aryan insti- 
 tutions.- 
 
 Second: In two of the passages already quoted (i. 51. 8, 9; 
 1. 130. 8), the epithets avrata and apavrata, " devoid of, or op- 
 posed to, religious rites," will have been noticed as applied to the 
 Dasyus. I proceed to cite some further passages in which the 
 character and condition of the Dasyus (whoever they may be) 
 are specified. 
 
 They are (1.) described as a degraded race : i. 101. 5 : l^^V 
 
 ^ ^4^:W '^^fnfT^ T^^'tT ¥^T^ T^<4l*i^l "We 
 
 invoke to be our fiiend, Indra, attended by the Maruts; who de- 
 
 - "> Sayana explains krishtih, " people," by piUradasddin, " children, slaves,'' 
 &c. 
 
 ^' Sayana explains avanih, by Asurair apahritd bhumih,"" lands taken away 
 by the Asuras." Roth (Diet.) assigns also to the word the sense of " streams ;" 
 ■which it might seem to be the function of Sarasvati to give rather than 
 lands. 
 
SECT. II.3 ■ THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 387 
 
 stroyed the base Dasyus."''' II. 11. 18 : f^T "ST^: "Sp" ^T 
 
 ^^fT* *JTf^ T^f^^l "Maintain, hero, that strength by 
 which thou hast broken down Vrittra, Danu, Aurnavabha. Thou 
 hast revealed light to the Aryya, and the Dasyu has been set on 
 thy left hand." 33- The text of the following, E.-V. ii. 12. 4, 
 has been already given in p. 284 : " He who swept away the low 
 Dasa colour."" IV. 28. 4 : f^^^Tri;^ #flV^Tf%^ ^^\ 
 f^'5^ ^T^^^^iWV^^ll'^T ; I " Indra, thou hast made these Das- 
 yus lower than all, and the servile people without renown." 
 They are described (2.) as having either no religious worship, or 
 rites different from those of the Aryyas. I. 33. 4, 5 : '^iSJa^XT* 
 
 ^^f^TI '^fl^TT'lT* I " The unsacrificing Sanakas perished. 
 Contending with the sacrificers, the non-sacrificers fled, Indra, 
 with averted faces.''^^ I. 131. 4 : ljT¥^f^I^ Tlf^TTO^f^WT^ 
 f^ I " Thou, Indra, hast chastised the mortal who sacrifices 
 
 '^ Saypna explains this of making the Asuras vile and slaying them: 
 Asuran adharan nikrishtan hritva ; biat the words will also bear the sense I 
 have put upon them. 
 
 '' Sayana explains the word Dasyu in this verse of the mythical personage 
 Vrittra. The words rd + sadi, making together nishadi, may have suggested, 
 or have been suggested by, the word Nishdda. 
 
 ^^ Both (Diet.) gives the sense of " removing, putting away,'' to guha. 
 hah. Sayana explains it of hiding in a cavern. The word varna, colour 
 race, which is applied to the Aryyas, iii, 34. 9, is here made use of in speaking 
 of the Dasyus. Sayana explains the latter, either of the Sudra caste, or of 
 the Asuras. 
 
 ^^ Sayana describes the Sanakas as followers of Vrittra : etanndmaka 
 Vnttrammharah. I cannot say who may be meant by the Sanakas here. 
 They may have been heretical Aryyas and not Basym. Sanaka was a mind- 
 born son of Brahma. Wilson, Vish. Pur. p. 38, note 13. Weber, Ind. Stud. 
 i. 385, note, quotes a text of the M.-Bh. xii. 13,078, where he is mentioned 
 as a sage. 
 
 c c 2 . 
 
888 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 iiot."3s I. 132. 4 : ^'q^ T^'^m ^fW^'Wrm^ fWT^ 
 .fTj<^s|r)T7 I " Subject to those who offer libations the irreligious 
 [man], the wrathful irreligious [man]." IV. 16. 9 : f^ ^T^T" 
 ^«(__ '^I'^'^T ^^'^tI I " The deceitful, priestless Dasyu has 
 perished." V. 42. 9: '^ftr^frT'^l^ 1?^^ ^T^^T^^^ sTW 
 T^^I 4^«il^ ^qqtc) I "Eemove from the sun the irreligious, 
 the haters of the priest, [or of sacred rites,] who increase in pro- 
 geny." VIII. 59. 10, 11 : (^ ^ ^:^ ^?T^Tf%^ f% 
 
 ^^■^^ ^TTRtfT^^ '^f^^PT^R^ '^r^eRT^i '^R ^: ^^fT 
 
 ^^#trr WT: ^TJT^ «r^ ^^rr: ll " Thou, Indra, lovest our 
 religious rites ; thou satiatest those that revile thee ; thou, -most 
 excellent and vigorous hero, hast smitten the Dasa in the centre 
 
 '^ In i. 100. 15, the word marttah, " men," is opposed to devah, " gods." 
 The word martya, " mortal," is usually applied to men. But from the fol- 
 lowing passage of the Satapatha-brahmana it appears that the Asuras also 
 are regarded as mortal, and that the gods too were formerly so.' II. 2. 2. 8, 
 ff. : Devd^cJia va Asura^cha uhhaye prajdpatydh paspridhire. Te vJihaye eva 
 anatmana dsuh, martya hydsuh : andtmd hi martyah. TesJiu ubhayeshu mar- 
 tyeshu Agnir eva amrita dsa. Tarn ha sma uhhaye amrilam upajivanti . . . • 
 Tato devdstanlydnsa iva pariSUishh'e. Te archantah irdmyantaS cheruh, Uta 
 Asurdn sapatnan martydn ahhihhavema iti te etad amritam agnyadheyam da- 
 driStth. Te ha uchuh : hanta idam amritam antardtmann ddadhdmahai. Te 
 idam amritam antaratmann ddhdya amritd bhutvd astaryyd hhutvd starydn sa- 
 patndn martydn abhibhavishydma iti. " The gods and Asuras, both the ofl- 
 spring of Prajapati, strove together. They were both soul-less, for they 
 were mortal ; for he who is soul-less is mortal. While they were both mor- 
 tal, Agnl alone was immortal ; and they both derived life from him, the im- 
 mortal .... Then the gods were left as the inferior. They continued to 
 practise devotion and austerity, and (while seeking to) overcome their foes, 
 the mortal Asuras, they beheld this immortal consecrated fire. They then 
 said 'Come let us place this immortal (fire) in our inmost soul. Having 
 done so, and having [thus] become immortal and invincible, we shall over- 
 come our mortal and conquerable enemies.' " The gods accordingly placed 
 the sacred fire in their hearts, and by this means overcame the Asuras. 
 
SECT. II. J THEIR ADVAJSTCB EAST AND S^UTH. 389 
 
 of his thighs. May our friend Parvata, may Parvata with a vi- 
 gorous stroke, strike down from heaven [?] the Dasyu who ob- 
 serves different rites, who is inhuman, who does not sacrifice, nor 
 regard the gods."" IX. 41. 2: ^^f^ ^^nT^TTTT | "Sub- 
 duing the irreligious Dasyu."''^ X. 22. 7, 8 : '^ «T T^ ¥^^ 
 
 ^ rr'^lfri^'^i^ ^^^T^^ '^'=*T^II " Thou, Indra, receiv- 
 est [?] our upHfted prayer. We implore of thee that succour 
 whereby thou didst strike the inhuman SSushna. The Dasyu, 
 irreligious, foolish, observing other rites, and inhuman is against 
 us : do thou, slayer of our foes, subdue the strength of this 
 Dasa." 
 
 Another epithet which is frequently applied to the adversaries 
 of the Vedic bards, or of their deities (whether those adversaries 
 may have been Aryas, Dasyus, or demons), is Anindra, " des- 
 pisers of Indra." It occurs in the following texts : E.-V. i. 133. 
 
 ^Tt I " By sacrifice I purify both worlds, I consume the hostile 
 realms which regard not Indra." E.-V. iv. 23. 7 : JT^ f^'^tWf 
 ^^TT^Tl; '^f^^ ^f^% foflTT f5^ir '^r'ft^T l " SeeHng to slay 
 the injurious and destructive [Eakshasi ?] who regards not Indra, 
 
 ^' The epithets of the Dasyu in the last verse seem to be those of a mor* 
 tal, though the mention of heaven may seem to point to an aerial foe. In 
 verse 7, of the same hymn a mortal enemy is referred to : na sim adeva apad 
 isham dirghdyo martyah : " O long-lived god, let not a godless mortal obtain 
 prosperity." In his comment on R.-V. v. 20. 2 : Sayana explains the word 
 anyavrata thus : vaidihad mbhdktam vratam harma yasya tasya Asurasya, " the 
 Asura whose rites are different from those of the Veda." See Goldstiicker, 
 Diet, suh voce " anyavrata.''^ 
 
 5^ Benfey in a note to his translation of Sama-veda, ii. 243 (p. 251), un- 
 derstands Dasyum avrat(im of Vrittra, or the Evil Spirit in general. , 
 
 c c 3 
 
390 THE AKIAIfS EST INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 he makes his sharp weapons sharper for her destruction." E.-V. 
 
 ^5^*1^11 1 " From an adjacent spot, while offering to him an 
 imperishable, widely diffused [? oblation], I beheld [Agni] the 
 golden-toothed, the bright-coloured, fashioning his weapons : 
 what can those who regard not Indra, and recite no hymns, do 
 to me ?" E.-V. vii. 18.16 : ^■:^ ftT^ a^tflMIH. "^^^ ^^ 
 'ST^'fT «I«T3" 'jgpT ^jn I " Indra hurled to the ground the 
 half of the struggling heroes,, drinkers of the oblation, and dis- 
 regarders of Indra."'' In E.-V. x. 27. 6, Indra says : ^■3f«T •? 
 
 ^^ g^rnr'^, '?tt^'^T'(^ ^t^^: itt^ ^(ii*ii-iMj ^ ^ 
 ^ f%f%^: ¥^T^^ ^fv ^g T?;^ ^ml" fw^:\ " i behold 
 
 here those who drink the oblation, and regard not Indra, who 
 are strong of arm, and grasp at the thunderbolt [?] : may the 
 thunderbolts fall on those who revile the energetic friend."*" In 
 E.-V. X. 48. 7 ; Indra again speaks : ^>ft^T(^ "Q^^^ '^fW 
 
 ^ftf^TTf^^f^'SX^^'^f^f^:! "I alone vanquish this 
 one enemy ; I vanquish two ; what can even three do ? [In battle] 
 I destroy numerous foes like sheaves of, corn [?] on the threshing- 
 floor. Why do the enemies who regard not Indra revile me ?"*'■ 
 The following text speaks of men who are destitute of hymns 
 and priests : x. 105. 8 : -^^ ^ ll^lT ftTlftf^ "^^T ^^ 
 
 "^^:i TTsTUT Wsf ^'^T^ WT'?!^ ^1 "Take away 
 
 our 
 
 ^^ See Roth's interpretation of this verse in his Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, 
 pp. 98, 99. Some at least of the tribes who are here designated as anindra, 
 appear from Koth's account to have been of Arian descent. See Ibid., 
 pp. 132-135. 
 
 *" See Benfey's Glossary to S.-V. p. 121, sub voce " pavi." 
 
 *' See Nirukta, iii. 10, and Eoth, Erlaiiter., p. 29. 
 
SECT. II.] THEIE ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH. 391 
 
 calamities. By sacred verses may we overcome thpse who em- 
 ploy no holy hymns. Thou takest no great pleasure in a sacri- 
 fice without a priest [or without prayers]." 
 
 As we have seen above, (p. 284,) allusion appears to be made 
 in the Veda (3.) to the distinction of complexion which existed 
 between the Aryas and the aborigines. On this subject I quote 
 the following remarks, made by an able writer, (whom it is not 
 difficult to identify,) in a review of the First Part of this work, 
 which appeared in the " Times " newspaper of 10th and 12th 
 April, 1858. "At the time," he says, "when this name of 
 ' varna ' was first used in the sense of caste, there were but two 
 castes, the Aryas and the non-Aryas, the bright and the dark 
 race. This dark race is sometimes called by the poets of the 
 Veda 'the black skin.' Eig-veda, i. 130, 8 : 'Indra protected 
 in battle the Aryan worshipper, he subdued the lawless for 
 Manu, he conquered the black skin.'"^* (This passage has been 
 already quoted, p. 375.) 
 
 *^ This phrase " the black skin," occurs also in R.-V. ix. 41. 1, a text 
 which reappears in the Sama-veda, i. 491, and ii. 242. The words are Pra 
 ye gavo na hhurnayas tvesha ayaso akramuh, ghnantah hrishnam apa tea- 
 cham ; which are thus rendered by Professor Benfey : " The flaming, the 
 tempestuous [gods] approach like furious bulls, and chase away the black 
 skin." In a note he adds the explanation : " The Maruts (winds) chase the 
 clouds." In his glossary to the S.-V., the same author explains the phrase 
 " black skin," by " night." A similiar expression, tvachdm asiknlm,- occurs 
 in K.-V. ix. 73. 5 : Indradvishtdm apa dhamanti mayayd tvacham asikmm 
 hhumano divas pari. " By their skill they [I cannot say who are here re- 
 ferred to] sweep away from the sky the black skin of the earth, hated of In- 
 dra." So Benfey translates this line in his glossary, sub voce " asikni." But 
 possibly the words " black skin '' should not be construed with the word 
 " earth." 
 
 I omitted to state, when K.-V. i. 130. 8. was first quoted in p. 375, 
 that it is ascribed to the Rishi Paruchhepa ; and that the compositions 
 of this poet are distinguished by the repetition of some of the preceding 
 words at the close of the lines. This peculiarity is thus noticed in the Ni- 
 rukta, X. 42. Abhydse bhuyansam artham manyante yatha, " aho darianiya, 
 aho darianiya." Tat Paruchhepasi/a Hlam : Paruchkepa rishih. " Some con- 
 sider that greater force is added to a sentiment by repetition, as in the ex- 
 
 c c 4 
 
^92 THE AEIAITS m INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 Some other passages in which black-coloured enemies are 
 mentioned may also possibly be referable to the dark abori- 
 gines ; such as E.-V. ii. 20. 7, already quoted (p. 385) : " Indra, 
 the slayer of Vrittra and destroyer of cities, scattered the servile 
 (ddsih) [hosts] of black descent" But Professor Eoth (in his 
 Lexicon), explains this last expression, krishnayonih, as well 
 as krishnagarbhdh, in E.-V. i. 101. 1, as descriptive of the 
 black clouds. The latter of these two phrases, is similarly un- 
 derstood by M. Eegnier in his Etude sur I'ldiome des Vedas, p. 
 154. In E.-V. iv. 16. 13, mention is made of 50,000 black be- 
 ings (explained by the commentator as Eakshasas) being de- 
 stroyed by Indra. These also, are perhaps to be regarded as 
 aerial foes.*^* See also Professor Benfey's explanation of E.-V. 
 viii. 85. 15, in his translation of the Sama-veda, i. 323, p. 228. 
 In the following text allusion is made to black tribes : E.-V. 
 vii. 5. 3 : cqf^^T f%l[ ^T^^fw^'tT^^RT ^^^rft^^TTrf^ I 
 
 %^PR: ^"^ ^ii^TT: jd" ^^ ^?:^^^^:i "For 
 fear of thee the black tribes fled, scattered, relinquishing their 
 possessions (or food), when thou, Agni Vaisvanara, gleaming in 
 behalf of Puru, didst tear and burn the cities." Professor Eoth, 
 
 pression, ' O beautiful, O beautiful.' This was Paruchhepa's turn of mind. 
 He was a rishi." Here Yaska, the author of the Nirukta, speaks of a par- 
 ticular mode of composition as peculiar to Paruchhepa, one of the Vedic 
 rishis. But if the form of the composition was the result of the rishi's own 
 particular genius (^iZam), he must have done more than " see " the hymn 
 (above, p. 205) ; he must have determined its particular form. The hymn 
 could not therefore have existed eternally, expressed in its present words. 
 Yaska, therefore, appears to be inconsistent with himself, when he states this 
 doctrine in other passages, as x. 10, 46, where he says, risher drishtdrthasya 
 prltir aMiydriasanyvMa : " Here the rishi, after he had beheld the contents 
 [of a hymn], expresses his pleasure in narration." If, indeed, we are to un- 
 derstand by the word artka, " contents," that the matter of the hymn only, 
 without the words, was revealed, there will be no inconsistency. 
 
 *'' See, however, Wilson, Trans, of Eig-veda, vol. iii. Introd. pp. viii. ix. 
 xiv. and xv. 
 
SECT. II.] "^ THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 393 
 
 however (Diet, sub voce "asikni"), explains the words black tribes, 
 as meaaing " spirits of darkness." A similar phrase occurs in 
 E.-V; viii. 62. 18 : ^^l^ if ^^ ^^JT^^ SJ^JRIT ^TfwT f^JTTI 
 " impetuous [god], break down as it were a city, being ha- 
 rassed by the black race." It is not clear who is the deity here 
 apostrophised ; but as it is he, and not his worshipper, who was 
 assailed by dark-coloured enemies, we cannot suppose the latter 
 to have been terrestrial. 
 
 There are (4.) some passages in which the epithet mridhravdch 
 is'applied to the speech of the Dasyus. If it were certain that 
 the aboriginal tribes were alluded to in all or in any of these 
 texts, and that the adjective in question had reference to any 
 peculiaiity in their language, the fact would be one of the highest 
 interest ; but unfortunately both points appear to be doubtful. 
 The following are the passages alluded to : — R.-V. i. 174. 2 : 
 
 T^ f^ T^ ^i^rg: WTT ^f]^ 3^: "si'l ^TTft ^T? J 
 
 " When thou, Indra, didst for our welfare [?] destroy the seven 
 autumnal cities, thou didst subdue the people of imperfect 
 utterance. Thou, blameless one, hast impelled the flowing 
 waters : thou hast subjected Vrittra to the youthful Purukutsa." 
 E.-V. V. 29. 10 : T? ^;qw^'T|f t ^^ ^WT^ ^^f 
 
 ^1t^ ^mr^s^: i ^'rrrr ^^^ -^Tf^ i^^ f% ^w 
 
 ^TRW^ IliRT^* I " Thou didst detach one wheel of Surya : 
 the other thou gavest to Kutsa, that he might acquire wealth. 
 Thou hast with thy weapon smitten the mouthless [or noseless] 
 Dasyus; in the battle thou hast pierced the imperfect speaking 
 people." V. 32. 8 : ^ f^^ '^xj? Tf^T? 11:^1^^!%^ ^ ;Rf% 
 
 W^^T^^ I " The fierce [Indra] seized that huge, restless 
 .[Vrittra], the holder of the waters, reclining, insatiable, the 
 overspreading ; and destroyed in battle with his great weapon. 
 
394 THE ARIANS IN INDIA : [chap. iu. 
 
 that footless, devouring, and imperfectly-speaking [demon]." 
 
 VII. 6. 3 : f% '?ra?(§;5t^ jff^ Wifwr^: wfx^^f '?rpf 
 
 an«^^ I " The senseless, false, imperfectly-speaking, imbeliev- 
 ing, unpraising, unworshipping Panis ; these Dasyus Agni removed 
 far off. It was he who first made the irreligious degraded." 
 
 The word mridhravdch, which I have rendered " imperfectly- 
 speaking," is explained by Sayana (in his comments on the last 
 three passages) as meaning " one whose organs of speech are 
 destroyed " (hinsitavagindriya, or hinsitavachaslca). The same 
 term is rendered by Wilson, in his translation of the second and 
 third passages, by " speech-bereft," or " speechless." Eoth, in 
 his " Illustrations of the Nirukta," p. 97, rejects the explanation 
 of Yaska, (who (Nir. vi. 31) renders mridhravdchah by mridu- 
 vdchah, " softly-speaking,") and considers that it means " speak- 
 ing injuriously." Dr. Kuhn, again (Herabkunft des feuers, 
 p. 60), is of opinion that the epithet in question means " a stut- 
 terer ;" and thinks that, in E.-V. v. 29. 10, reference is made to 
 the gradual dying away of the distant thunder, which is regarded 
 as the voice of the vanquished demon. In treating of the abori- 
 ginal races of India, Professor Miiller (Last Eesults of Turanian 
 Eesearches, p. 346) remarks, that "the 'anasas' enemies, whom 
 Indra killed with his weapon (E.-V. v. 29. 10), are probably meant 
 for noseless (a-nasas), not, as the commentator supposes, for 
 faceless (an-asas) people." He must therefore either regard the 
 Basyus, who are here referred to, as human beings, or conceive 
 that the epithets applied to the demons by the Vedic rishis were 
 borrowed from the features of the aboriginal tribes. Professor 
 Wilson, on the other hand, remarks (E.-V. vol. iii. p. 276, note) : 
 " andsa, Sayana says, means dsyarahitdn devoid of, or deprived 
 of, words ; dsya, face or mouth, being put by metonymy for sabda, 
 the sound that comes from the mouth, articulate speech, alluding 
 possibly to the uncultivated dialects of the barbarous tribe's, bar- 
 barism and uncultivated speech being identical, in the opinion of 
 
SECT, iij THEIK ADVAJSTCB EAST AND SOUTH. ,395 
 
 the Hindus, as in the familiar term for a barbarian, mlechhd, 
 which is derived from the root, mlechh, to speak rudely ; " and 
 adds, in reference to Professor Miiller's proposed interpretation 
 of anoisa: "The proposal is ingenious, but it seems more 
 likely that Sayana is right, as we have the Basy%8 presently 
 called also mridhravdchas, .... having defective organs of 
 speech." 
 
 There are only two of the four preceding passages containing 
 the word mridhravdch, in which the Dasyus are named ; and in 
 the last of these two texts (E.-V. vii. 6. 3) this word is applied to 
 the Panis, the mythical beings who stole the cows of the gods or 
 the Angirases, and hid them in a cave. (See Wilson's E.-V. vol. 
 i. pp. 16, 17, note.) In any case, the sense of the word vriri- 
 dhravdch is too uncertain to admit of oiir referring it with con- 
 fidence to any peculiarity in the speech of the aborigines. 
 
 In the E.-V. frequent mention is made (S.*) of the cities of the 
 Dasyus, or of the Asuras. One of these passages, i. 103. 3, has 
 been already quoted in p. 375. The following are additional in- 
 stances:— E.-V. i. 51. 5 : (^ fqiqV ^JTw: TTT^^r: gT' ^ '^- 
 
 fgf"^X«^ ^'W^fJI^Tf^^ I " Benevolent to men, thou hast bro- 
 ken the cities of Pipru, and protected Eijiswan in his battles 
 with the Dasyus." E.-V. i. 63. 7 : FT ^ Wf^^ ^TT ^"^'T 
 grV ^f%^ ^W<5T^ ^^: I "Thou, Indra, thunderer, 
 fighting for Purukutea, didst destroy those seven cities." I. 
 174. 8 : f^iToC^ ^T^ T ^^S'^T^^I' ^^ ^^T^^cRT 
 ^J^; I " He^ has broken the destroying and godless cities ,: 
 thou hast bowed down the weapon of the godless destroyer." III. 
 12. 6 : ^^T^ ^^f^ g^ ^^TT^K^^'l.l ^rr^^ST 
 «ir'jfWT I " Indra and Agni, by one effort together, have shat- 
 tered ninety cities belonging to the Dasyus." IV. 26. 3 : 
 
 ^^ jfV 'i^'^'rV #t Tw WT^ 'Reft: iiiT=w^:^i 
 
 HrfTlTR ^•Sg wtfTTrTT f^^V^Ti^f^ ^T^^^l " Exhila- 
 rated, I have destroyed at once the ninety-nine cities of Sam- 
 
396 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. in. 
 
 bara : the hundredth I gave be to inhabited, when I protected 
 Divodasa Atithigva at the sacrifice." *» VI. 61. 4 : ^ "SlIrrT^fSl^ 
 "3T*-«K**I ^3^ ^^■''mT^<¥t1% ^Wlr: l " Thou hast destroyed 
 hundreds of unequalled cities of the Dasyu ^ambara." 
 
 Iron cities are spoken of in the following passage : ii. 20. 8 : 
 
 " When they placed the thunderbolt in his (Indra's) hand, he 
 slew the Dasyus, and overthrew their iron cities." ** 
 
 In the following texts "autumnal cities" are spoken of, 
 i. 131. 4:— f^^t ^^ ft"^ ^: jfl" ^rf^ "JfTT- 
 
 ^ftT^Tf%?::i ^TlTfT^ 'ssf^Tt^:! ■5([T^^f*T^ ^^T^^ 
 
 "SR^^Tffll "Men know this heroism of thine that thou hast 
 overthrown the autumnal cities, violently overthrown them. Lord 
 of power, thou hast chastised the mortal who sacrifices not."^^ 
 See also E.-V. i. 174. 2, which has been quoted in p. 393. VI. 
 
 20. 10 : ■^^ ^ q-^: 7j^ ajTTft ^tt^'^^ TTtt: 5^^«5T^ 
 
 fir^«T I " Because thou didst break down the seven autumnal- 
 cities with thy thunderbolt, slaying the Dasa (people), and giving 
 (wealth?) to Purukutsa."« 
 
 ^' See Kuhn's Herabkunft des feuers, p. 140, and note. 
 
 *^ Mention is also made of " iron cities " in the following texts : R.-V. 
 iv. 27. 1 ; vii. 3. 7 ; vii. 13. 14 ; vii. 95. 1 ; viii. 89. 8; and x. 101. 8 ; but not 
 in connection with the Dasyus. 
 
 *^ Do the " autumnal" cities mean huts of branches and leaves, or of 
 straw, hastily constructed in the rainy season? Or do they mean the 
 brilliant battlemented cloud-castles, which are so often visible in the Indian 
 sky, at the same period of the year ? Sayana in loco explains the term thus : 
 iaradlh samvatsarasamhandldmh samvatsaraparyantam prakara-parikhadibhir 
 dridkikritdh purak Satrunam purlh. " The enemies' annual cities, fortified for 
 a year with ramparts, ditches, &c."; but see next note. 
 
 46 Sayana in his note on this verse, explains the word iaradih differently, 
 as, Sarannamnah asurasya sambandhinih. "Belonging to an Asura called 
 Sarad." Sayana renders the word ^arma in this passage by "with thy 
 thunderbolt." In his note on K.-V. i. 174. 2, he had previously rendered 
 it by " for our happiness.^' 
 
SECT. 11.] THEIB ADVANCE EAST AND SOtJTH. 397. 
 
 " Ancient" cities are spoken of in ii. 14. 6 : ^: "Sljri 1[F^^^ 
 TT^ f%W[T^^ ^^* ' "Who shattered the hundred ancient 
 cities of Sambara, as with a rock," &c. " Eternal" cities are 
 spoken of in the following texts, viii. 17. 13 : ^"^V HtTT ^T^t 
 lf^rf)«J|fTI^V T«ftTt ^WTI " The impetuous destroyer of 
 the eternal*^ cities, Indra, is the friend of sages." VIII. 87. 6 : 
 
 Tjf^f^^* I " Thou, Indra, are the destroyer of the eternal 
 cities, the slayer of the Dasyus, the benefactor of Manu, the lord 
 of the sky."^^ Cities of stone are mentioned in one passage, 
 iv. 30. 20: IjrTTJ^ '^^^I'lT^'lt grTt^*^ ^T^rt^l f^ft^T- 
 
 Wt^ ^ni^^l " Indra has thrown down a hundred cities built 
 of stone for his worshipper Divodasa."^^ In E.-V. viii. 1. 28, 
 mention is made of a " moving" city: '^ TJ'^ '^f^"^ WVI 
 a^HJI*^ ig'f^TSrelv'l " Thou hast shattered with thy bolts the 
 moving city of Sushna."^" 
 
 The cities referred to in these Vedic hymns were, in later times 
 at least, understood of cities of the Asuras ; and the following 
 legend was invented to explain what they were. In the Com- 
 mentary on the Vajasaneyi-Sanhita of the Yajur-veda, the fol- 
 lowing passage occurs : — '^"'^TTTWrr^^T ^[^ I ^WI 
 
 *' ^a^vat has, hoTvever, according to the Nighantu, also tie sense of 
 "many." ^ 
 
 *^ In K.-V. viii. 84. 3, we find the same epithet applied to persons : 
 Ttoam hi Saivatmam patih raja vUdm asi. " Thou art the lord, the king of 
 the.eternal peoples." 
 
 ^' Sayana interprets aimanmaymam by pashdnair nirmitanam, "built of 
 iBtone,^' and says they were the cities of Sambara. 
 
 ^° It appears as if the moveable cloud-cities were here meant. 
 
S98 
 
 THE AEIANS m INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 TT^f^iWT^ ^: II « On this text [Vaj. Sanh. 5. 8.] the fol- 
 lowing story is cited : — The Asuras having been vanquished by 
 the gods, performed penance, and built three cities in the uni- 
 verse,— one of iron on the earth, one of silver in the atmosphere, 
 and one of gold in the sky. Then Agni was supplicated by the 
 gods to burn these cities with the upasad fire. In consequence, 
 Agni in the form of the wpasad deity entered these cities, and 
 burned them. Then these cities became the bodies of Agni. It is 
 to this that the Mantra (text) has reference."*' The Satapatha- 
 brahmana (iii. 4. 4. 3, ff.) has the following passage on the same 
 subject:— ^^T^ ^ '^^Trg ''^T^ in^T^^T: iTOf^^l 
 
 3Trf*r'^'^^ TTPT^ ^^TT^ TTT^^si^i fi^n'^r^^'re^ gt 
 
 " The gods and Asuras, who were both descended from Prajapati, 
 contended together. Then the Asuras constructed cities in these 
 worlds, one of iron in this world, one of silver in the atmosphere, 
 and one of gold in the sky. The gods were envious of this. They 
 sat near (upa-asidan) with these upasads : and from their thus 
 sitting the name of upasad originated. They smote the cities, and 
 conquered these worlds. Hence the saying that men conquer 
 a city with an upasad. Because they sit near, they conquer 
 
 51 The reference here is to the text of the V.-S. 5. 8, which contains 
 the words yd te Agne ayahSaya tanuh ; ya te agne rajahiaya tanuh ; yd te agne 
 harUayd tanuh : "The body of thine, Agni, which reposes in iron; which 
 reposes in silver ; which reposes in gold." The upasad was a fire which was 
 kept burning for several days. See Boht. and Eoth's Lexicon. 
 
SECT. II.] THEIR ADVAJSTCB EAST AND SOUTH. 399 
 
 this city of mortals. By these upasads the gods smote the 
 cities, and conquered these worlds." (See Weber's Ind. Stud. ii. 
 310.) 
 
 In several texts Dasyus are mentioned in connection with 
 mountains. Thus in E.-V. ii. 12. 11, we have the words 
 
 ^: nj^ ti^^g f%^ ^Ftrfrw iJK-^t^fip^i " Who 
 
 discovered Sambara living in the mountains in the fortieth 
 autumn ;" and in i. 130. 7, fiRr^^ jf^ 'Rf^f^^ ^^1 
 
 ^5V^¥r f%^T V^T^aTWTII "Indra, dancing, thou didst 
 shatter by thy bolt ninety-nine cities for Puru, for the great sa- 
 crificer Divodasa; — dancing, — for the sacrificer. Fierce, he 
 hurled down Sambara from the mountain for the sake of Atithi- 
 gva, bestowing great wealth by his 'power, all wealth by his 
 power." IV. 30. 14: ^3rl ^^ ^f^ff?: ^'ffTm^fTT^fV I 
 "^eH-^(^«j^ ^4-s|<^M I "Thou, Indra, didst cast down the Dasa 
 Sambara, son of Kulitara, from the great mountain." VI. 26. 5 : 
 '^W frr^T^ ■SX'=WT "^ irr^ f^fl<>*l*|^ l " Having hurled 
 down the Dasa Sambara from the mountain, thou didst preserve 
 Divodasa." 
 
 The wealth or property of the Dasyus or Asuras is spoken of 
 in various places. Thus in i. 33. 4 : g^if^f^ 'T^ Vf^«t '^^•T 
 ■Q^W^iMM 'TT^t^rf^I^ I " Thou, Indra, advancing singly, 
 though supported by' powerful [allies], hast slain the wealthy 
 Dasyu with thy destructive weapon."*^ I. 176. 4 : ^!r^'«r«Ttw^ 
 
 ^' Sayana remarks on this verse : " The Vajasaneyins distinctly record 
 the wealth [of Vrittra] in these words ; ' Vrittrasyantah sarve devah 
 sarvaicha vidyah sdrvani Mvinshi cha asan : In Vrittra were contained all 
 the gods, all the sciences, and all oblations.' " 
 
400 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [cbap. iir. 
 
 ^(^^ I " Kill all those who make no oblations, though diffi- 
 cult to destroy, and who cause thee no gladness ; give us their 
 wealth: the worshipper expects it." 11. 15. 4 : ^ Jf^V«^«I 
 
 '^T^^^ T^f*rJ I " Encountering those (Asuras) who carried 
 away Dabhiti, he burned all their weapons in the blazing fire, and 
 presented [?] Dabhiti with their cows, horses, and chariots." IV. 
 30.13:T5fT g^TijT^ ^^^ TT^^ '^pT ^«[^Tr^l J^V 
 
 M<{*if ¥f»C|W^I "Thou, impetuous god, didst collect the 
 wealth of Sushna, when thou didst overthrow his cities." VIII. 
 40. 6 : '^tfqf i;^ JTT^ir^ "^rf^^ ^f^T ff I ^^ 
 
 " Eoot up, like an ancient tree [?] overgrown by a creeping- 
 plant, subdue the might, of the Dasa; may we share with 
 Indra (or divide by means of Indra) his collected wealth." 
 X. 69. 6. : W?^ '^f^T ^^^J ^^f^ ^TT^T -^^ifw '^P^T 
 t%1^ I " Thou hast conquered the property, whether situated 
 in the plains or hills, (thou hast conquered) the Dasa and the 
 Aryya enemies." 
 
 In the following and numerous other texts (as well as in 
 some of the preceding), various Dasyus, or at least adversa- 
 ries, are specified by name, together with the persons who were 
 delivered from them. E.-V. i. 51. 6 : <^ ^oj ^^-^rtJtclTf^^ 
 
 '^TT'^^S'^f^t^^T^ ■J['=¥^l TTfT'rt t%^^^ ''fm^: 
 
 1^^ W^n^^ ^WfWT'ST ^f%^l "Thou hast preserved 
 Kutsa in his fights with Sushna ; hast subdued Sambara to Ati- 
 thigva ; thou hast trodden under foot the great Arbuda; of old 
 hast thou been born to destroy the Dasyus."^' I. 63. 3 : c^ U^fcljJ 
 ^sr^ ?% ^T^ ^ ^WT^ ^^ ^^T ^STf^,! " Thou 
 
 5' This verse is followed almost immediately by the text, i. 51. 8, 
 quoted above, p. 374. " Distinguish between the- Aryyas," &c. 
 
SECT. 11.] THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. ' 401 
 
 hast in the close and deadly fight slain Sushna, in aid of the 
 young and brilliant Kutsa," VII. 19. 2 : t^ f% SffT^ 
 
 W^^T^: ^^Tn'W^'^T ^TT^i JT^ ^ 15^ ^^f% 
 
 '^SimJX ^55^7=^^: 'SST^^TRT f^'^^l "Thou art he, Indra, 
 who didst deliver Kutsa in the fray, interposing with thy body, 
 when, bestowing favour on that son of Arjuni, thou didst subdue 
 to him the Dasa Sushna, and Kuyava."''' I. 53. 8, 9, 10:" 
 
 ^«njwr ^^ ^w-^^T ^^^T ^'^^T^^: I Turfs' ^^^T 
 
 f^ ^^^ rffrf^f^TW^ ^Trfirf^ (3;^^W^I ^w 
 
 hast slain Karanja and Parnaya with the glittering spear of 
 Atithigva. Unyielding, thou hast broken down the hundred 
 cities of Vangrida, which had been blockaded by Eijisvan. 
 Thou, renowned Indra, hast with thy swift chariot-wheels, 
 repelled these twenty kings of men, who assailed the unaided 
 Susravas, [and their] sixty thousand and ninety-nine [fol- 
 lowers]. Thou hast by thy aids protected Susravas, and by thy 
 help Tiirvayana. To this mighty youthful king thou has sub- 
 jected Kutsa, Atithigva, and Ayu.'"* II. 30. 8: <?^[^f% 
 
 ^* In R.-V. iv. 26. 1, (quoted above, p. 376,) also, Kutsa is called the 
 son of Arjuni. Kuhn considers that Kutsa is a personification of the lightning, 
 a view which he considers to be confirmed by his patronymic of Arjuni, 
 Arjuna, being an epithet of Indra, and of the thunderbolt. See Herabkunft 
 des feuers, pp. 57-62, 65, 140, 176. Kuyava is also mentioned in i. 103. 3 : 
 Kshirena snatah Kuyavasya yoshe, hate te sydtam pravane jSiphdydh. " The 
 two wives of Kuyava bathe with water; may they be drowned in the stream 
 of the Sipha." 
 
 ** The youthful king alluded to in the last verse, is said by Koth 
 (Diet, under the word "Atithigva") to be Tiirvayana. These names occur 
 again in vi. 18. 13. 
 
 D D 
 
402 , THE ARIANS IN INDIA : [6hap. ni. 
 
 TTfwft^^TWTT^ TTt" 'ff^ f^ irfe^TTT^I "Sara- 
 gwati, do thou, impetuous, attended by the Mamts, protect us, and 
 conquer our enemies. Indra destroys the chief of the bandikas^ 
 arrogant, and making a display of his strength."^* IV. 30. 15 : 
 
 " Thou hast slain a thousand and five hundred followers of 
 the Dasa Varchin like fellies of a wheel."" IV. 30. 21 : '?r^lMft(<t 
 ^fT^ ^^^T N'SrH 'f^: I ^^TTTfrr'^ ITKI^I I " Indra, 
 by his wisdom, put to sleep with his weapons thirty thousand 
 Dasas for Dabhiti." V. 30. 7, 9 : 'SSR ^^^ ^m^l f^T^ 
 
 'g^ f^ TIT ^T^^^TT '^i^ ^:i '^RTf^ ''sngr^ ^ "^f^ 
 
 ^•T ^^^ T^ ^f^^ ^^f^I^JII "When desiring happiness 
 for Mami, thou didst overthrow the head of the Dasa Na- 
 muchi.*' The Dasa took his wives for allies in battle. What 
 will his feeble hosts do to me ? He concealed his two fair 
 ones ; and then Indra went forth to fight with the Dasyu." 
 VIII. 32. 26 : '^t'^s^^ |^;ig'ftm '^^^T^T^Tftli^ f%^- 
 Trf^^T^T'? I " Indra slew Vrittra, Aurnavabha, Ahisuva : 
 with frost he pierced Arbuda." VIII. 40. 10 : "^jt^^ i^^ST^T" 
 ■'!^Tf% ^^l ^^ ^^<fK'7« 1 " ^y ^^^ might he crushes 
 
 *^ Sayana says that ^anddmarkav Asurapurohilau : " Sanda and Amarka, 
 are the priests of the Asuras." lu the ^atapatha-brahmana, i. 1. 4. 14, 
 (p. 9, of Weber's edition), Kilata and Akuli are declared to .be the priests 
 of the Asuras : Kildtakull iti ha Asura brahmav dsatuh. Z. D. M. G. for 1850, 
 p. 302. In Ind. Stud. i. 32, Weber quotes the following words from the 
 Panchvin^a-brahmana, 13.11: Oaupavananam vai sairam dsinandm Kird- 
 tdkulydv asuramdye, &c. " While the Gaupavanas were seated at a sacrifice, 
 Kirata and Akuli, &c." See also Ind. Stud. i. p. 186, 195, ii. 243. 
 
 " See also R.-V. vii. 99. 4. 
 
 58 There is a legend about Indra and the Asura Namuchi in the ^atap. 
 Brah., V.4, 1. 8. p. 459. 
 
SECT. II.] THEIE ADVANdE EAST AND SOUTH. 40 S 
 
 the eggs of Sushna; he conquered the celestial -waters," 
 
 X. 54. 1 : TTT^ ^T\ ^f^ft ^^^^rT^: ^m^ ^^ 
 
 ?I^f3[^: I " Thou [Indra] hast protected the gods [priests ?], 
 thou hast overcome the might of the Dasyus, when thou didst 
 bestow [boons] on this people." X. 73. 7: e4 a]^'?'^ ^TtH 
 TW^ JJ-^ Ht^TT: ^W^ f^RT^TT^I "Thou hast slain 
 Naniuchi, desirous of the sacrifice, making the Dasa devoid 
 of magic for the rishi."=9 X. 95. 7 : ^rl «5fT 1?^?:^ ^WPTT- 
 ^^1T«T «[''9^^rsi ^^t I " When, Pururavas, the gods 
 strengthened thee for the conflict with the Dasyus." 
 
 I have gone over the names of the Dasyus or Asuras men- 
 tioned in the E.-V. with the view of discovering whether any 
 of them could be regarded as of non-Arian or indigenous 
 origin ; but I have not observed any that appear to be of this 
 character. But we should recollect that the Arians would 
 not unnaturally designate the aboriginal leaders (if they specified 
 any of them in their sacred hymns) by names of Arian origin, 
 or at least softened into an Arian form. The Greeks introduced 
 Grreek modifications into Persian and other proper names, and the 
 Chaldeans gave Chaldean appellations to the Jews. 
 
 In some passages the Dasyus are spoken of as monsters. 
 Thus, ii. 14. 4 : ^ ^^^tj ^^TT f ^ ^^W 'TWf^^ ^r^\[ 
 
 ^ '^r^^^W "fr^ WWT^ I " Who slew Tirana, displaying 
 ninety-nine arms ; who struck down Arbuda," &c. X. 99. 6 : 
 
 f^ffr 5 '^RYWWT l^rrr f^ ^TTWWiTEraT "^^1 "This 
 lord humbled and subjugated the roaring Dasa, with six eyeS 
 and three heads. ^^ Trita, increasing in strength, struck this 
 boar with his iron-tipped finger." The enemies of Indra are 
 
 ^^ See Benfey," Gloss, to S.-V. under the word Namuchi. 
 *° In S. P. Br. p. 57, a son of Twashtri with three heads and six eyes 
 is mentioned as having his three heads cut off by Indra. 
 
 B D 2 
 
404 THE ABIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 spoken of in a few passages as scaling the sky: thus, ii. 12. 12 : 
 
 " men, he who, armed with the thunder, slew Eauhina as 
 he was scaling the heaven, is Indra." VIII. 14. 14 : 44l<Mlf^^~ 
 f^^^rr T^ ^T»TT^^fT:i '^I^ ^T^3^T:| "Thou, in- 
 dra, hast hurled down the Dasyus, who, by their magical powers, 
 were inounting upwards, and seeking to scale heaven."*' In ii. 
 11. 2, the Dasyus are said to regard themselves as immortal: 
 
 ^TT'^ f^^ ^ ^7SmT^Tmfii^% "3^ ^Tf^Pf : II " Thou 
 hast, heroic Indra, let loose the great primeval waters, which 
 thou augmentedst when they were stopped by Ahi. Graining vi- 
 gour by hymns, he shattered the Dasa, who regarded himself 
 as immortal." In v. 7. 10, the Dasyus are conjoined with men : 
 
 ^«T I "Hereupon, Agni, may Atri overcome the irreligious 
 Dasyus, may he overcome hostile men." 
 
 I have thus brought under review in this section a variety of 
 passages which bear, or might be conceived to bear, some re- 
 ference to the conquest of territory by the Aryas, and to the 
 condition, colour, speech, religious rites and cities of the Dasyus. 
 The meaning of many of these texts is, however, as we have 
 seen, extremely doubtful ; and some of them are clearly of a 
 mythological import. Such, for instance, are those which de- 
 scribe the contests of Indra with Vrittra, the demon of the clouds, 
 who withholds rain ; where we are, no doubt, to understand both 
 the god and his adversary as personifications of atmospherical 
 phenomena. In the same way, Sambara, Sushna, and Namuchi, 
 are to be regarded as mythical personages, of a kindred character 
 with Vrittra. And yet there are many passages in which the 
 word vrittra has the signification of enemy in general (as E.-V. 
 
 ' ^' In i. 78. 4, the expression yo dasyunr ava dhumishe recurs. 
 
SECT. II.] THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 405 
 
 vi. 33. 3 ; vi. 60.' 6 ; vii. 83. 1, p. 377) ; and Professor Spiegel, 
 as we have seen (p. 317), is of opinion that the worcfe vrittrahan 
 and vrittraghna had originally nothing but a general significa- 
 tion, and that it was only at a later period that they came to be 
 epithets of Indra. The word /Sam6(xr(X, again, as Benfey (Grlos- 
 sary to Sama-veda, p. 181) remarks, is given in the Nighantu as 
 synonymous with megha, a cloud (i. 10), with udaka, water (i. 
 12), and with bala, force (ii. 9) ; while the mythical narrations 
 generally identify him^ with Vrittra. In regard to this word 
 Professor Eoth remarks as follows (Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, 
 p. 116) : "In the passages which speak of Divodasa, mention is 
 made of his deliverance, by the aid of the gods, from the oppressor 
 Sambara, e.g., E.-V. i., 112. 14, ix. 3. 1, 2. It is true that 
 Sambara is employed at a later period to designate an enemy in 
 general, and in particular the enemy of Indra, Vrittra ; but it is 
 not improbable that this may be the transference of the more 
 ancient recollection of a dreaded enemy to the greatest of all 
 enemies, the demon of the clouds.'' 
 
 Professor Miiller (Last Eesults of the Turanian Eesearches, 
 pp. 344, ff.) remarks as follows on the use of the words Dasyu, 
 Eakshas, Yatudhana, &c. : " Dasyu simply means enemy ; for 
 instance, when Indra is praised because '-he destroyed the 
 Dasyus and protected the Arian colour.' ^^ The ' Dasyus,' in the 
 Veda, may mean non-Arian races in many hymns ; yet the mere 
 fact of tribes being called the enemies of certain kings or priests 
 can hardly be said to prove their barbarian origin. Vasishtha 
 himself, the very type of the Arian Brahman, when in- feud 
 with Visvamitra, is called not only an enemy but a 'Yatudhana, 
 and other names which in common parlance are only bestowed 
 on barbarian savages and evil spirits." (See the First Part of 
 this work, p. 132, where the original passage, and the trans-. 
 
 ^' [This passage, iii. 34. &, appears to me to be, rather, one of those in 
 which the contrast is most strongly drawn between the Aryas and the 
 aborigines. Sse above, pp. 284, and 387. — J.M.] 
 
 D D 3 
 
406 THE ARIAN'S IN INDIA : [c!Sap. hi-, 
 
 lation are given.) « In other passages [of the R.-V.] the word 
 . . . devil (ralcshas) is clearly applied to barbarous nations. 
 Originally rahshas meant strong and powerful, but it soon took 
 the sense of giant and barbarian, *^* and in this sense it occurs 
 in the Veda, together with Yatudhana. Another Vaidik epithet 
 applied, as it seems, to wild tribes infesting the seats of the 
 Aryas, is 'anagnitra,' 'they who do not keep the fire.' Thus we 
 read, 'Agni, drive away from us the enemies— tribes who keep 
 iio sacred fires came to attack us. Come again to the earth, 
 sacred god, with all the immortals, come to our libation.' ^^ The 
 same races are called ' kravyad,' or flesh-eaters. In a famous 
 hymn of Vasishtha we read: 'Indra and Soma, burn the Rakshas, 
 destroy them, throw them down, ye two Bulls, the people that 
 grow in darkness. Hew down the madmen, suffocate them, kill 
 them, hurl thein away, and slay the voracious. Indra and Soma, 
 up together against the cursing demon ! may he burn and hiss 
 like an oblation in the firel Put your everlasting hatred on the 
 villain, who hates the Brahman, who eats flesh, and whose 
 look is abominable.' ^* . . . Kravyad, flesh-eater, means people 
 
 <^2* The Rev. Dr. Wilson (India Three Thousand Years Ago, p. 20) thinks 
 that the words Rdkshasa, Pi^acha, and Asura, were originally names of 
 tribes ; hut he adduces no proof of this, and I have found none. 
 
 ^^ R.-V. i. 189. 3. Agne tvam asmad yuyodM amiva anagnitra abhyamanta 
 Tirislithlh j Punar asmabhyam suvitaya Deva ksham viivebhir amritebhir 
 yajatra \ \ 
 
 ** [K.-V. vii. 104."1, 2. Indra-Somd tapatam rdhshaubjatam m, arpayatam 
 vrishana tamovridhah \ Para^rinltam acMto ni osJiatam hatam nudetham ni 
 HHtam atrinah \ Indrd-Soma sam aghaiaiisam abhyagham tapur yayastu 
 charur agnivdii iva | Brahmadvishe hravydde ghorachakshase dvesho dhat- 
 tam anavdyam himldine \ In a similar strain, Vi^vamitra, the rival of 
 Vasishtha, says, in K.-V. iii. 30. 15 — 17, Indra drihya ydmakoSd, abhUvan 
 yajnaya iiksha grinate sakhibhyaJi | Durmdyavo durevd martydso nishangino 
 ripavo hantvdsah \ sam ghoshah srinve avamair amitrair jahi ni eshu aianim 
 ■tapishtham \ Vrischa im adliastdil vi rujd sahasva jahi raksho Maghavan 
 randhayasva \ Udvriha rakshah sahamUlam Indra vriichd madhyam prati 
 agram 4rinihi | A kivatah salalUham chakartha brahmadvishe tapushim hetim 
 
SECT. II.]- THBIE:ADYANCB,BAST AND SOUTH. 407 
 
 who eat raw taeat, - . . and they are also called dmddas, . . . 
 or raw-eaters, for the cooking of meat was a distinguishing 
 feature of civilized nations, and frequently invested with a sacri- 
 ficial character, Agni, who in the Vedas is the type of the 
 sacrifice, and with it of civilisation and social virtues, takes an 
 entirely different character in his capacity o^' kravyad,' or flesh- 
 eater. He is represented under a form as hideous as the beings 
 he is invoked to devour. He sharpens his two iron tusks, piits 
 his enemies into his mouth and swallows them. [E.-V. x. 87. 
 2, ff.] He heats the edges of his shafts, and sends them into the 
 hearts of the Eakshas. He tears their skin, minces their 
 memhers, and throws them before the wolves to be eaten by 
 them, or by the shrieking vultures. These Eakshas are them- 
 selves called ' achitas,' mad, and ' miiradevas,' ^' worshippers of 
 mad gods. Nay, they are even taunted with eating human flesh, 
 and are called 'asutripas,' as enjoying the life of other men. In the 
 Eig-veda we read [x. 87. 16], 'the Yatudhanas who gloat on the 
 bloody flesh of men or horses, and steal the milk of the cow, 
 
 asya \ " Indra, be strong ; [the Rakshases ?] have stopped the road to the 
 sacrifice : bestow favour on thy worshipper and his friends : let our mortal 
 foes, bearing quivers, discharging -weapons, and assailing us, be destroyed. A 
 sound has been heard by our nearest foes ; hurl upon them thy hottest 
 bolt, cut them up from beneath, shatter them, overpower them ; kill and 
 subdue the Rakshas, O Maghavan ! Tear up the Rakshas by the roots, 
 Indra, cut him in the midst, destroy him at the extremities. How long 
 dost thou delay ? Hurl thy burning shaft against the enemy of the priest." 
 See Roth, Illiistr. of Nir., vi. 3, p. 72.— J. M.] 
 
 ^^ [The far more opprobrious e^pithet of h^riadeva is applied, apparently to 
 the same class of people, in R.-V. vii. 21. 5; and x. 99. 3. The former of 
 these texts ends thus : Ma iihmdeva api gur ritam nah : " let not the lascivi- 
 ous wretches approach our sacred rite." Yaska (Nir. iv. 19) explains Hhia- 
 deva by ahrakmacharyya ; Roth, (Illustrations to Nir., p. 47,) thinks the word 
 is a scornful appellation for priapic, or sensual demons. The last line of the 
 second text (x. 99. 3, apparently spoken of Indra), is as follows : Avarva yat 
 ^atadurasya vedo gJinan iUnadevan abhi varpasa bhut. "When, smiting the 
 wealth of the [city] with a hundred portals, the irresistible [god] overcame 
 the lascivious wretches." — J. M.] 
 
 D D 4 
 
408 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. m. 
 
 Agni, cut off their heads with thy fiery sword.' All these epi- 
 thets seem to apply to hostile, and most likely, aboriginal races, 
 but they are too general to allow us the inference of any ethno- 
 logical conclusions. The Vaidik rishis certainly distinguish 
 between Arian and non-Arian enemies. The gods are praised 
 for destroying enemies, Arian as well as barbarian {ddsd cha 
 vrittrd hatam, drydni cha), and we frequently find the expression 
 'kill our Arian enemies, and the Dasa enemies; yea, kill all our 
 enemies.' But there is no allusion to any distinct physical 
 features, such as we find in later writers. The only expression 
 that might be interpreted in this way is that of ' susipra,' as 
 applied to Arian gods. It means ' with a beautiful nose.' As 
 people are fain to transfer the qualities which they are most 
 proud of in themselves to their gods, and as they do not become 
 aware of their own good qualities, except by way of contrast, we 
 might conclude that the beautiful nose of Indra was suggested 
 by the flat noses of the aboriginal races. Tribes with flat, or 
 even no noses at all, are mentioned by Alexander's companions 
 in India, and in the hymns of the Rig-veda, Manu is said to have 
 conquered Vi-sisipra (Pada-text, visi-sipra), which may be trans- 
 lated by 'noseless.' The Dasa, or barbai'ian, is also called 
 ' vrishasipra ' in the Veda, which seems to mean ' goat or bull- 
 nosed,' and the ' anasas,' enemies whom Indra killed with his 
 weapon (R.-V. v. 29. 9, 10), are probably meant for noseless 
 (a-nasas), not, as the commentator supposes, for faceless (an-asas) 
 people." (See above, p. 394.) 
 
 Professor Miiller then proceeds to remark that the physical 
 features of the aboriginal tribes are more distinctly described in " 
 the Puranas. (See the First Part of this work, p. 62.) 
 
 We may perhaps be better able to understand many of the 
 expressions and allusions in the hymns, and the manner in which 
 some particular phrases and epithets are applied, (as it would 
 appear, indiscriminately, to the different classes of beings, 
 human, etherial, or demoniacal,) if we can first of all obtain a 
 clear idea of the position in which the Aryas, on their settle- 
 
SECT. 11.] THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 409 
 
 ment in India, would find themselves placed in reference to the 
 aboriginal tribes ; and if we, secondly, consider that the hymns 
 in which these phrases are recorded, were composed at various 
 dates, ranging over several centuries ; that the same words and 
 phrases are perpetually recurring in the different hymns ; and 
 that e?:pressions employed in one sense. in the earlier hymns may, 
 have been transferred, in the compositions of a later date, to 
 a different class of beings. We have further to recollect, that 
 the hymns may not always have been handed down in a complete 
 state, and that portions of different compositions, which had ori- 
 ginally a different subject and purpose, may have been erroneously 
 thrown together by compilers in after ages. I shall say a few 
 words on each of these topics. 
 
 First, then, we may conceive the Aryas advancing from the 
 Indus in a south-easterly direction into a country probably 
 covered with forest, and occupied by savage tribes, who lived 
 in rude huts, and subsisted on the spontaneous products of the 
 woods, or on the produce of the chace, and of fishing ; or perhaps 
 by some rude attempts at agriciilture. These barbarians were of 
 dark complexion, perhaps also of uncouth appearance, spoke a 
 language fundamentally distinct from that of the Aryas, differed 
 entirely from them in their religious worship, which no doubt 
 would partake of the most degraded fetishism, and (we can 
 easily suppose) regarded with intense hostility the more civilised 
 invaders who were gradually driving them from their ancient 
 fastnesses. The Aryas, meanwhile, as they advanced, and 
 gradually established themselves in the forests, fields, and 
 villages of the aborigines, would not be able all at once to 
 secure their position, but would be exposed to constant reprisals 
 on the part of their enemies, who would " avail themselves of 
 every opportunity to assail them, to carry off their cattle, 
 disturb their rites, and impede their progress." *^ The black 
 complexion, ferocious aspect, barbarous habits, rude speech^ 
 
 66 Wilson, K.-V. vol. i. Introd. p. xlii. 
 
410 THE ARIANS IN INDIA : Ichap, ra^ 
 
 and savage yells of the Dasyus, and the sudden and fui-tive 
 attacks which, under cover of the impenetrable woods/' and 
 the obscurity of night, they would make on the encampments of 
 the Aryas, might naturally lead the latter to speak of them, in 
 the highly figurative language of an imaginative people in the 
 first stage of civilisation, as ghosts or demons;^* or even to 
 conceive of their hidden assailants as possessed of magical and 
 superhuman powers, or as headed by devils. The belief in 
 ghosts is not obsolete (as every one knows) even in modern 
 times and among Christian nations. In the case of nocturnal 
 attacks, the return of day would admonish the assailants to 
 withdraw, and would restore the bewildered and harassed Aryas 
 to security; and, therefore, the rising of the sun in the east 
 would be spoken of as it is in one of the Brahmanas, as driving 
 away or destroying the devils.^' In a similar way the author 
 of the Eamayana, speaks, as we shall shortly see, of the barbarian 
 tribes encountered by Eama in the Dekhan as Eakshasas and 
 monkeys.'" This state of things might last for some time. The 
 
 *' In the Rig- veda, there is a hymn (x. 146) of six verses, addressed to 
 Aranyaui the goddess of forests, -which we can conceive to have been composed 
 at a period such as that described above, by a rishi accustomed to live amidst 
 vast woods, and to the terrors incident to wandering through their solitudes. 
 The first and last stanzas of this hymn are as follows : Aranyani Aranyani 
 asau ya preva nasyasi \ hatha gramam na prichhasi na tva bhir iva vinda- 
 
 tim\ Anjanagandhim surabhim bdhvanndm dkrishiBalam \ praham mrigandm 
 
 mataram Aranydnim asansisham. " Aranyani, Aranyani, thou who almost 
 losest thyself, how is it that thou seeliest not the hamlet? Doth not fear possess 
 
 thee? I have celebrated Aranyani, the unctuous-scented, the fragrant, 
 
 abounding in food, destitute of tillage, the mother of wild beasts." See 
 Roth, Illustr. of Nir., p. 132. 
 
 ^* In R.-V. viii. 18. 13, human enemies are spoken of as acting Tie Ra- 
 kshases : yo nah kaichid ririkshati Rahshastvena martyah svais sa evaih rirish- 
 ishta: "May the man who seeks, with Rakshas-like atrocity,. to injure us, 
 perish by his own misconduct." 
 
 '^ Quoted by Sayana on R.-V. i. 33. 8. ddityo hyevodyan purastdd ra- 
 kshansy apahanti. 
 
 "> And in our own experience the Chinese speak of Europeans as " foreign 
 devils." 
 
SECT. II.] THEIE ADVAIfCE EAST AND SOUTH. 411 
 
 Aryas, after advancing some way, might halt, to occupy, to 
 clear and to cultivate the territory they had acquired ; and the 
 aborigines might continue in possession of the adjacent tracts, 
 sometimes at peace, and sometimes at war with their invaders. 
 At length the further advance of the Aryas would either drive the 
 Dasyus into the remotest corners of the country, or lead to their 
 partial incorporation with the conquerors as the lowest grade in 
 their community. When this stage was reached, the Aryas 
 would have no longer any occasion to compose prayers to the 
 gods for protection against the aboriginal tribes ; but their 
 superstitious dread of the evil spirits, with which the popular 
 mind in all ages has been prone to people the night, would still 
 continue. 
 
 Secondly. Throughout the whole period, (which we may 
 presume to have extended over several centuries,) during 
 'which the state of things just described continued, the com- 
 position of the Vedic hymns was proceeding. These hymns were 
 (as we have supposed, pp. 206, 209) preserved by the 
 descendants of the several bards, who, on their part again, 
 were constantly adding to the collection other new composi- 
 tions of their own. The authors of these new effusions would 
 naturally incorporate in them many thoughts and phrases 
 borrowed from the older hymns which were preserved in their 
 recollection,^* and which were now, perhaps, beginning to be 
 invested with a certain sanctity. As circumstances changed, 
 the allusions and references in the older hymns might be for>? 
 gotten; and it might happen that some of the expressions 
 occurring in them would no longer be distinctly understood, 
 and might in this way be applied to circumstances and events 
 to which they had originally no reference. The same thing 
 might also happen by way of accommodation : phrases or epithets 
 referring to one class of enemies might be transferred to another, 
 as Professor Eoth supposes to have been the ease with the word 
 
 " Compare Kenan's Histoire des languea Semitiques, 2d ed. p. 120, note 1. 
 
412 THE ARIANS IN INDIA : [chap. iit. 
 
 Sambara. When, in fact, we see that hints and allusions in the 
 Vedas have been often developed in the Puranas into legends of 
 an entirely different character and tendency ; that the functions 
 and attributes of the Vedic gods were quite changed in later ages, 
 and that even in the Brahmanas the true meaning of many of the 
 Vedic texts has been misunderstood, it becomes quite admissible to 
 suppose, that, even in the age when the later hymns were composed, 
 the process of misapplication may have commenced, and that their 
 authors may, in various instances, have employed the words of 
 the earlier hymns in a different manner from that in which they 
 were at first applied. In this way it is conceivable that what 
 was originally said of the dark complexioned, degraded, and 
 savage aborigines, of their cities, and of their conflicts with the 
 Aryas, may have been at a later period transferred to the foul 
 sprites of darkness, to the hostile demons of the clouds, and to 
 the conflicts of the gods with the Asuras and the Daityas. Or it is 
 perhaps a more probable supposition that, in the artless style of 
 early poetry, the earthly enemies of the worshipper were men- 
 tioned in the hymns along side of the malicious spirits of dark- 
 ness, (with whom, as we have just seen p. 409, they might be 
 supposed to have some affinity or alliance,) or the aerial foes 
 of Indra. This conjunction or confusion of different kinds of 
 enemies becomes the more intelligible if the word Dasyu, as is 
 supposed by different scholars, originally bore the generic sense 
 of destroyer. It would thus come to be applied to all kinds 
 of enemies, as the mention of one description of foes would 
 naturally suggest a reference to the others, and to the epithets 
 applicable to them. We ourselves apply to the devil the appel- 
 lation of the foul fiend, a word which means enemy (fevrid) in 
 Grerman ; and when employing such prayers as " deliver us 
 from the fear of the enemy,'' we naturally include all disturbers 
 of our peace outward or inward, physical or ghostly. Epithets 
 like anyavrata " observing different rites," avrata " without 
 rites," ayajyu " not sacrificing," adeva " without gods," which 
 were originally applicable only to men, might thus, in the progress 
 of a fantastic mythology, be afterwards transferred to demons. 
 
SBCT. II.] THBIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 413 
 
 That this is not merely a presumption, but that the process 
 in question actually took place in India, may be illustrated by 
 the following passage from the Chhandogya Upanishad, p. 585 : 
 
 ?TWT^ ^^f '^i^^PT?^ '^f'ST^Ti^ ^R^iTiT'Ri^ ^^rr^- 
 Trifr w^fwi ^i^TT^t %f|TTf%^ ^rT^ ^<K f^T^'sn- 
 
 "Hence even at the present day a person who is destitute of 
 liberality and faith, and who does not sacrifice, is contemptuously 
 addressed as one of the Asura race. This is the sacred doctrine 
 of the Asuras : they adorn the bodies of the dead with gifts, 
 with raiment, and jewels, and imagine that by this means they 
 shall attain the world to come." ^^ 
 
 The following passage of the Satap. Br. iii. 2. 1. 22 and 23, 
 (p. 235, Weber's ed.), may also serve to show the connectioq. 
 between the aborigines and Asuras : Te Asurd dttavachaso hs 
 alava lie alava iti vadantah pardbabhuvuh. Tatra etdm api 
 vdcham udur upajijndsydTn, sa mlechhas. Tasmdd na 
 brdhmano mlechhed, Asuryd ha eshd vdk. " The Asuras, 
 impaired in speech, and crying he alavah (' enemies,' incor- 
 rectly, instead of he arayah) were defeated. Here they spoke 
 this doubtful expression. This is incorrect language [or one 
 who speaks so is a mlechha]. Therefore let no Brahman speak 
 incorrectly ; for this is the language of the Asm-as." ''^ 
 
 ™ See Weber's Ind. Stud. i. 271, 2, and note. 
 
 " In the Brahmanas numerous mythical tales occur of battles between the 
 Devas (gods) and Asuras, which Weber (Ind. Stud. i. 186, and ii. 243,) 
 thinks are often to be understood of contests between the Arians and the 
 aborigines. This he considers to be proved by the passage about Kilata 
 (whose name nearly corresponds with that of the Kiratas, an aboriginal race) 
 and Akuli, priests of the Asuras, quoted above, p. 401. note, from the S. P. Br. 
 and by the legend of Kavana. It may be also worthy of note, that the word krivi, 
 when occurring in the R.-V. (as in ii. 17. 6, and elsewhere), though taken by 
 Both, in his Lexicon, to mean generally a dovd, is understood by the Com- 
 mentator as the name of an Asura ; while this same word is stated in the 
 S. P. Br. xiii. 5.4. 7, to be an old name of the Panchalas ; Krivaya iti ha vai 
 purd Panckalan achahshate. 
 
414 
 
 THE AEIANS IN INDIA 
 
 Sect. III. — The Arians on the Sarasvati, and their diffusion eastuiard and 
 southward from that point. 
 
 In the preceding sections we have seen that the Aryas on 
 penetrating in Hindusthan from the north-west, and advancing 
 across the Panjab from the Indus towards the Sarasvati, found 
 themselves in contact and conflict with a race of people, appa- 
 rently aboriginal, who are designated in tke Vedic hymns by the 
 appellation of Dasyus. We shall shortly find that at a later 
 period, on their southward progress from the Doab towards and 
 across the Vindhya range, the Arians again began to press upon 
 the aborigines and drove them further and further into the 
 Dekhan. We shall also find in the epithets applied in the 
 Eamayana to the barbarous tribes of the Dekhan, a confirmation 
 of the opinion that in the hymns of the Eig-veda the same class 
 of people are designated by such terms as Eakshas, &c. Before 
 proceeding with this investigation, however, we must first pause 
 for a moment with the Brahmanical Indians in the holy land on 
 the banks of the Sarasvati, and then by the aid of some texts 
 from their ancient writers, trace their advance from that point 
 to the eastward, and their diffusion over northern India gene- 
 Tally. 
 
 We shall now, therefore, suppose that the Aryas, after tra- 
 versing the country of the five rivers, have arrived on the banks 
 of the Sarasvati, and have even extended themselves as fax as 
 the Jumna and the Granges. It would appear that the narrow 
 tract called Brahmavartta between the Sarasvati and the Dri- 
 shadvati, alluded to in the classical passage of Manu, ii. 17 — 24, 
 must have been for a considerable period the seat of some of the 
 most distinguished Indian priests and sages, that there the 
 Brahmanical institutions must have been developed and ma- 
 tured, and perhaps the collection of the Vedic hymns completed 
 and the canon closed. (See above, pp. 301, 345. 348.) It is 
 not easy to account in any other way for the sacred character 
 
«ECT. nr.J THEIR ADVAN-CE BAST AND SOUTH. 415 
 
 attached to this small tract of country J^ On this subject Lassen 
 remarks as follows (in his Zeitschrift, iii. p. 201) : — " The sacred- 
 ness [of the Sarasvati] must also rest on historical grounds, and 
 be referred to an age when the contrast had become strongly- 
 marked between the inhabitants of inner India, whose institu- 
 tions were framed according to rigid sacerdotal principles, and 
 the occupants of the Panjab, by whom such rules were but im- 
 perfectly observed. This contrast, however, was not only applic- 
 able to the people of the west: towards the south also the 
 country which was regulated by institutions of a strictly Indian 
 character, terminated with the Sarasvati : the place where that 
 river disappeared was the door of the Nishada country : and she 
 disappeared in order that she might not come into contact with 
 that impure race."'* Of the same locality Professor Wilson. 
 (Vishnu-Purana, Preface, p. Ixvii.) remarks : " Various adven- 
 tures of the first princes and most famous sages occur in this 
 
 '* Some texts of the Veda relating to the Sarasvati have been quoted 
 above, pp. 359, 360. Weber (Ind. Stud. ii. 311) quotes two passages from 
 the Sankhayana and Aitareja Brahmanas, about the rishis holding a 
 sacrifice on the banks of this river. The commencement of the legend in 
 the Ait. Br., ii. 1 9, is as follows : Rishxyo vai Sar'asvatyam satram asata, te 
 Kavasham Ailusham somad anayan : dasyah putrah kitavo hrahmanah katham 
 no madhye dikshishteti, &c.: "The rishis attended at a sacrifice on the [banks 
 of] the Sarasvati. They removed Kavasha AiKsha from the soma, saying 
 ' Thou art the son of a bondmaid, a spurious Brahman, how hast thou joined 
 with us in the sacred rite?'" They were however at length competed to 
 admit him (o their fellowsTiip. In the M.-Bh. iii. 50't'i, quoted by Lassen 
 (Zeitschr., iii. 200), it is said : Dakshinena Sarasvaiyd Drishadvatyuttarena cJia, 
 ye vasanti Kuruhshetre te vasand iripishtape : "Those who dwell in Kuru- 
 kshetra south of the Sarasvati, and north of the Drishadvati, dwell in 
 heaven." See also Part First of this work, pp. 203, 204. 
 
 '^ M.-Bh. iii, 10,538. Etad Vinaianamnama Sarasvatya vUdmpate: dvdram 
 Nishadarashtrasya yeshdm doshdt Sarasvati, Pravishtd prithimm vira md 
 Nishada hi mam viduh. "This is the place Called the Vina^ana (disappearance) 
 of the Sarasvati, the gate of the country of the Nishadas, to whose impurity 
 it was due that the Sarasvati sank into the earth, lest, [as she said,] the 
 Nishadas should become acquainted with her." 
 
416 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap, iir, 
 
 vicinity; and the Asramas, or religious domiciles, of several of 
 the latter are placed on the banks of the Sarasvati. According 
 to some authorities, it was the abode of Vyasa, the compiler of 
 the Vedas and Puranas ; and agreeably to another, when on one 
 occasion the Vedas had fallen into disuse, and been forgotten, 
 the Brahmans were again instructed in them by Sarasvata, the 
 son of Sarasvati.'^ One of the most distinguished of the tribes 
 
 of the Brahmans is known as the Sarasvata The 
 
 river itself receives its appellation from Sarasvati the goddess of 
 learning, under whose auspices the sacred literature of the 
 Hindus assumed shape and authority," [May we not with as much 
 probability suppose the converse to have been the case, and that 
 the goddess derived her name from the river on whose banks she 
 may be said to have been born ?] " These indications render it 
 certain that, whatever seeds were imported from without, it was 
 in the country adjacent to the Sarasvati river that they were first 
 planted and cultivated and reared in Hindusthan." See also 
 Lassen, Zeitschrift, iii. p. 202. 
 
 The high degree of sanctity ascribed by the Indians, at the 
 close of the Vedic era, to the country between the Sarasvati and 
 Drishadvati, is further proved by the following passage of Manu, 
 already repeatedly referred to ; 
 
 Manu,ii. 17—24: ^^(ftf l^^ifift- ^^T^HflT'fR^ I H 
 
 t^f^<4 ^^* sTUT^'?? TT'g^^ll rrf^ ^i| ^ '^ir^TTi 
 
 '^ An abstract of the legend here referred to is given by Professor 
 Wilson, at p. 288 of his work, note 9. The passage occurs in the ix'* or 
 Salya Parva of the M.-Bh. verse 2960. A twelve years' drought occurred 
 during which the great rishis travelled hither and thither in search of food, 
 and thus lost the Vedas (teshdm kshuda paritdndm nashtd vedd 'bMdhavatdm.) 
 The Muni Sarasvata was about to depart also, but was dissuaded by the 
 Sarasvati ; na gantavyam itah putra tavdhdram aham sadd \ ddsydmi matsya- 
 pravaran ushyatam iha Bharata : " Go not hence, my son : I will give 
 thee excellent fish for food." He accordingly remained, "preserving his 
 life and the Vedas," (prandn veddnScha dhdrayan) ; and communicated the 
 Vedas aaaln to the other rishis at their desire. 
 
SECT, m.]* THBIE' ADVAKCE EAST AND SOUTH. 417 
 
 irflff^r^ 5[T f%^^ "SfrRrf^: ll "'The tract, fashioned by 
 the gods, which lies between the two divine rivers Sarasvati 
 and Drishadvati, is called Brahmavartta. The usage relating 
 to castes and mixed castes which has been traditionally received 
 in that country, is called the pure usage. The country of 
 Kurukshetra, and of the Matsyas, Panchalas and Surasenas, 
 which adjoins Brahmavartta, is the land of brahmarshis (divine 
 rishis). From a Brahman born in that region let all men upon 
 earth learn their respective duties. The tract situated between 
 the Himavat and the Vindhya ranges to the east of Vinasana, 
 and to the west of Prayaga, is known as the Madhyadesa, 
 (central region). The wise know as Aryavartta the country 
 which lies between the same two ranges, and extends from 
 the eastern to the western ocean. The land where the black 
 antelope naturally grazes is to be regarded as the proper region of 
 sacrifice ; beyond that limit lies the country of the Mlechhas. 
 Let twice-born men be careful to remain within these (specified) 
 countries. But a SMra may dwell anywhere, when compelled 
 to seek subsistence.'-' 
 
 From this passage it appears that at the period in question 
 the Brahmans had not ordinarily penetrated to the south of 
 the Vindhya range, though adventurers might have visited, or 
 
 E E 
 
418 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. iu. 
 
 hermits might have settled, in those regions. And even to the 
 north of the Vindhya we find the country distributed into several 
 tracts more or less holy, according to their distance from the 
 hallowed spot in the north lying on the banks of the Sarasvati. 
 First, then, we have this small region itself, Brahmavartta. 
 This name may signify (1.) either the region of Brahma, the 
 creator, in which case it may have been regarded as in some pe- 
 culiar sense the abode of this god, and possibly the scene of the 
 creation ; or (2.) the region of devotion or the Vedas Qrrahma), 
 and then it will rather denote the country which was sanctified by 
 the performance of holy rites, and the study of sacred literature. 
 Next in order we have the land of the Brahmarshis, comprisiag 
 Kurukshetra (the country west of the Jumna and stretching from 
 the Sarasvati on the north towards Vrindavana and Mathura)," 
 with the country of the Matsyas, Panchalas and Surasenas. 
 The Panchalas are said by Kulliika Bhatta, the commentator 
 on Manu, to have occupied the country about Kanyakubja or 
 Kanauj ; and the Siirasenas to have lived in the neighbourhood 
 of Mathura.'' The third tract called Madhyadesa, embraces a 
 wider area, and stretches, north and south, from the Himalaya 
 to the Vindhya range, and north-west and south-east, from Vina- 
 &na where the Sarasvati disappeared iu the desert (see above, 
 p. 415) to Prayaga Or Allahabad. The foui-th region, Aryd- 
 vartta, or the abode of the Aryas, is yet more extensive than 
 the last, and extends within the same limits of latitude, from 
 the sea ai the mouth of the Indus to the bay of Bengal (the 
 eastern and western oceans). 
 
 The manner in which these several countries are here suc- 
 cessively introduced seems to intimate that the Aryas proceeded 
 gradually from the banks of the Sarasvati (where, as we have 
 supposed, they had established themselves after traversing the 
 Panjab,) towards the east and south; and that the countries 
 
 '' See the map of ancient India, in Lassen, Ind. Ant. vol. ii. 
 " Panehdlah KdnyalmhjadeSah ^urasenaM MathuradeSah. 
 
SECT, m.] THEIK ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 419 
 
 farthest to the south and east, as well as to the south-west, of 
 the Sarasvati were those with which they had become last 
 acquainted, and were least familiar. Another proof that the 
 Arians had not yet penetrated to the south of the Vindhya, or 
 thoroughly occupied the eastern provinces of northern India, at 
 the time to which we refer, may be found in Manu, x. 43, 44 
 (see Part First of this work, pp. 17t and 182), where we are 
 told that the Pauntjrakas, Oglras and Dravidas who had formerly 
 been Kshatriyas, had from neglect of religious rites and the 
 absence of Brahmans, sunk to the state of Vrishalas, or Sudras. 
 From this it is dlear that some at least of the people of those 
 countries, i. e. of the inhabitants of Bengal proper and of 
 northern Orissa, as well as those of the Coromandel coast,'' were 
 then living without Brahmanical institutions ; and consequently 
 that the Brahmans had not yet taken complete possession of all 
 those provinces ; though, if the definition above given by Manu 
 of the word Arydvartta may be relied on as proof, the Aryas 
 must have carried their conquests as far eastward as the eastern 
 ocean, or Bay of Bengal. 
 
 In the Satapatha-brahmana we find the following remarkable 
 legend, to which attention was first drawn by Weber (in his Ind. 
 Stud., i. 170, ff.), regarding the advance of the Brahmans, and 
 the spread of their religious, jjtes in an easterly direction from 
 the banks of the Sarasvati. .(S.-P.-Br,, i, 4. 1. 10, ff.) : — 
 
 f^^ 'f ^JH^ifrsflf Wit ^^ ^mx rm wtrm^ 
 
 " See Wilson's Vishnu-Purana, pp. 190, 192, and notes. 
 E i; 2 
 
420 THE ASIANS UST INDIA : [chap. ui. 
 
 ^TT^TT Yt^^'l^l ft ^fT^»T^ KT^'Ttrr t^^W TT^wV 
 
 ^ eft g^T ■WTum «i rn:f% ^^Rf^^i^ ^srf^r ^-^t^- 
 T^ I fTfT TTriff "RrffT w^ srrnwT; l rr^ 'f ^- 
 
 ^rrrfri^^ ^Tf^Tf'T^ '^I^fTTlfiT^ M^l«1<%frril TT^ 
 W(f^ ^^^ ^^^ ^fr^ ^"Tt:!^ r^^\ ^fTTS'rf^cJl^ 
 
 nf^fT W^wii ^ 'ft^r? f^^^ -m^m iirt H^rf^r 
 
 "Mathava the Videgha^" bore Agni Vaisvanara in Hs mouth. 
 The Eishi Grotama Eahugana" was his priest {purohita). 
 Though addressed by him he (Mathava) did not answer, ' lest 
 (he said) Agni (Fire) should escape from my mouth.' The 
 priest began to invoke Agni with verses of the Eik ; ' We kindle 
 thee at the sacrifice, wise Agni, the sacrificer, the luminous, 
 the mighty, Videgha.' (E.-V. v. 26. 3.) He made no answer. 
 [The priest then repeated,] ' Thy bright, brilliant, flaming 
 beams and rays mount upwards, Agni, Videgha ' (E.-V. viii. 
 44. 16). [Still] he made no reply. [The priest then recited :] 
 ' Thee, dropper of butter, we invoke,' &c. (E.-V. v. 26. 2). 
 So far he uttered ; when immediately on the mention of butter 
 {ghrita), Agni Vaisvanara flashed forth from his mouth : he 
 
 ^0 Afterwards prah-itized to Videba ? 
 «' See R.-V. i. 78. 5. 
 
SECT, m.] THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH, 421 
 
 could not restrain him, so he issued from his mouth, and fell 
 do-wn to this earth. The Videgha Mathava was then on [or 
 in] the Sarasvati. [Agni] then traversed this earth, burning 
 towards the east. Grotama Kahiigana and the Videgha Mathava 
 followed after him as he burned onward. He burnt across all 
 these rivers; but he did not burn across the Sadanira, which 
 descends from the northern mountain [the Himalaya]. The 
 Brahmans formerly did not use to cross this river, because it had 
 not been burnt across by Agni Vaisvanara. But now many 
 Brahmans [hve] to the east of it. It used to be uninhabitable, 
 and swampy, being untasted by Agni Vaisvanara. It is now, 
 however, habitable ; for Brahmans have caused it to be tasted by 
 sacrifices. In the end of summer this river is, as it were, incensed, 
 being still cold, not having been burnt across by Agni Vaisvanara. 
 The Videgha Mathava spake: 'Where shall I abide?' [Agni] 
 replied, ' Thy abode [shall be] to the east of this (river).' This 
 stream is even now the boundary of the Kosalas and Videhas ; 
 for they are the descendants of Mathava." 
 
 In this passage the gradual advance of the Aryas, with their 
 Brahmanical worship, from the banks of the Sarasvati eastward 
 to those of the Sadanira, and afterwards beyond that stream, is, 
 as I have said, distinctly indicated. At the time when the Sata- 
 patha-brahmana was composed the Brahmans had already (as 
 Weber remarks) dwelt for a long time, in the country beyond 
 the Sadanira, and it had then become a principal seat of the 
 Brahmanical religion ; as Janaka, the king of Videha, appears in 
 that work with the title of samrdt, or emperor. Thus (Satap.- 
 Br. xi. 3. 1. 2.) we have the following notice : " Janaka the 
 Vaideha put this question to Yajnavalkya. ' Dost thou, Ya- 
 jnavalkya, know the Agnihotra sacrifice ?' '0 monarch,' he replied, 
 'I know it.'"'^ Professor Weber makes the following remarks 
 
 ^' &. P. Br. p. 846 : Tad ha eiaj Jandko Vaideho Yajnavalkyam paprachha 
 vettha ahnihotram Yajnavalkya iti veda samrdd iti. See also S. P. Br. xi. 
 6. 2. 1, p. 872, where Janaka is addressed by the Brahmans by the same title, 
 
 E E 3 
 
422 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. ni. 
 
 on the legend I have just quoted : " Under the name of Agni 
 Vaisvanai'a (the Fire which hums for all men) the sacrificial 
 worship of the Brahmans appears to be intended. The part 
 which in the legend the priest plays in reference to the king, is 
 mysterious ; but I understand it to mean that he compelled him 
 to propagate the Arian worship towards the east. The Sadanira 
 presents an obstacle, not from its magnitude or the difficulty of 
 crossing it (which the Granges and Jumna must have previously 
 done in a greater degree), but from the inhospitable character of 
 the territory beyond ; for the word srdvitaram, ' somewhat 
 flowing,' designates the nature of the tract as an inundated 
 swamp.'* Even after Videgha Mathava had advanced across 
 the river, the Erahmans (as the Arians are here called) appear 
 to have remained for a long time on its western bank, and to 
 have only crossed in greater numbers after the king with his 
 people had cultivated the country ; until, in the time of the 
 Satap.-Br., it had attained sUch a flourishing condition, that the 
 tradition of its oceanic origin was only indistinctly preserved." 
 Ind. Stud. i. pp. 178, 179. 
 
 In the Vocabularies of Amara Sinha, i. 2. 3. 33, and Hema- 
 chandra, 4. 150, Sadanira is given as a synonym of Karatoya, 
 a river in the north of Bengal Proper. But as the Sadanira is 
 in this passage described as forming the boimdary between the 
 Kosalas and Videhas, or the countries of Oudh and North Behar, 
 it seems that the river at present called the Gandak must be 
 meant. — Weber, as above, p, 181. 
 
 Lassen (Zeitschrift for 1839, p. 22), quotes, for another pur- 
 pose, the following passage from the M.-Bh., in which the name 
 of the Sadanira occurs ; but it throws little light on its position. 
 " Departing from the Kurus (from Indraprastha) they passed 
 
 ^^ In illustration of this a line of the M.-Bh. ii. 1078, is referred to 
 by Weber, which states that Bhimasena, in the course of his conquest 
 of the eastern country came to the territory bordering on the Himavat, 
 which was of aqueous origin : lata Himavatak pdHvam samdbhyetya jalod- 
 bhavam. 
 
SECT. IV.] THEIK ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 423 
 
 through the middle of Kurujangala, and came to the lovely 
 Padma lake. Then passing Kalakiita, they crossed successively 
 on one mountain (or in Ekaparvataka?) the rivers Gandaki, 
 Mahasona, and Sadanira. Having then crossed the beautiful 
 Sarayuj and seen the eastern Kosala, they crossed the river Mala 
 Charmanvati, and came to Mithila."'^ In this passage (if any 
 order has been preserved) it will be noticed that the Sadanira is 
 placed between the Gandaki and the Sarayii, and so to the west 
 of the latter river. Its position does not, therefore, seem to be 
 well defined in the ancient Indian authorities. This, however, is 
 of little consequence for our present purpose, as any uncertainty 
 in regard to the precise locality of the river does not obscure the 
 plain and express purport of the legend, viz., that the Brahmans 
 with their worship advanced from the Saraevati eastward to 
 Behar and BengaL 
 
 Sect. IV. — Advance of the Arians from the Doah across the Vindhya 
 Mountains ; and their conflicts with the aboriginal tribes of the Dekhan. 
 
 It is not essential for the object which I have in view to attempt 
 to trace with any precision the different stages in the progress of 
 the Aryas to the east and south, which a review and comparison 
 of the data supplied by the Brahmanas, the Eamayana and the 
 Mahabharata may enable the careful investigator to determine, 
 and to refer to particular periods. 
 
 As it is only necessary for my argument to prove that they did 
 advance from the north-west to the east and to the south, and 
 that in so doing they came into contact with aboriginal races who 
 had been in previous occupation of the country, it will suffice for 
 this purpose if (after the foregoing notice of their progress to the 
 eastward) I now pass on to that great southward movement, 
 
 ^^ M.-Bh. ii. 793. Kwnibhyah prasthitas te tu madhyma Kurujdngalam \ 
 Bamyam Padmasaro gatvd KalahUtam ailtyaeha \ Gatidahmcha Maha- 
 Sonam Sadanirdm tathaiva cha \ Ekaparvatdhe nadyah hramenaitydvrajanta 
 te I Uttirya Sarayum ramydm drishtm pundncha KoSaldm \ Atitya jagmur 
 Mithildm Mdldm Charmanvatim nadim \ | 
 
 £ £ 4 
 
424 THE AKIAJSrS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 of which we can discern the indistinct outlines in the poetic 
 and hyperbolical narrative of the Eamayana. 
 
 " The Eamayana," remarks Professor Lassen (Ind. Ant. i. 534), 
 " in the action of the poem, designates, for the most part, only 
 the north of Hindusthan as Arian. It represents Mithila and 
 Anga in the east as Arian countries ; and regards the Kekayas 
 in the west, though dwelling beyond the Sarasvati, as a pure 
 Arian race ; and to this tribS one of the wives of king Dasaratha 
 belongs. Among the persons who were to be invited to the 
 sacrifice of that monarch are the following : " Eamayana, 
 (Schlegel) i. 12. 20, ff., frif^^fsfTrfw -Sl^^ ^^ f^t^- 
 
 'Tt'TT'^rg i^rf^^^^i ^f^wwT'i. i^'^t^ ^TTTi^ 
 
 TJT f%^^ll " [Bring] Janaka, the heroic king of Mithila, of 
 stubborn valour, versed in all the Sastras, and in the Vedas. . . . 
 Bring also the aged and very religious king of the Kekayas, the 
 father-in-law of the Hon-like king, together with his son ; and 
 Lomapada, the devout and god-like king of the Angas, paying 
 him all honour. And bring speedily all the eastern, the Sindhu- 
 sauvira, the Surashtra, and the southern monarchs." 
 
 The word "southern kings" may, Lassen says, be em- 
 ployed here in a restricted sense, for from other parts of the 
 poem it appears that the country to the south of the Vindhya 
 was still unoccupied by the Aryas. Even the banks of the 
 Granges are represented as occupied by a savage race, the 
 Nishadas. Thus Earn. ii. 50. 18, ff. (Schlegel's edition) (ii. 
 47. 9, ff. in Gorresio's edition) : rT^ TJ^T TTt TT^T TTT" 
 
SECT. IV.] THEIK ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 425 
 
 ^Tf^f*T'^T'!inTTT^r(^ll " There [there was] a king called Guha 
 of the race of the Nishadas, an intimate friend of Kama, and re- 
 nowned as a powerful chief. He, hearing that the eminent 
 Eama had come to his country, approached him attended by his 
 aged ministers and relations." This chieftain provided a boat to 
 ferry Rama with his wife and brother across the Granges (Earn, 
 ii. 52, vv. 4 — 7 and 71, ff.) : and afterwards attended on his 
 other brother, Bhaxata, when he also passed the same way. 
 (Ram. ii. 83. 20, and 84. 1, 10, &c,, &c.) 
 
 In the same poetical narrative, the Dandaka forest is repre- 
 sented as beginning immediately to the south of the Jumna. The 
 whole country from this point to the Godavari is described as a 
 wilderness, over which separate hermitages are scattered,*' while 
 wild beasts and Eakshasas everywhere abound. " The Eama- 
 yana," says Lassen (i. p. 535), " contains the narrative of the first 
 attempt of the Arians to extend themselves to the south by con- 
 quest ; but it presupposes the peaceable extension of Brahmanical 
 missions in the same direction, as having taken place still earlier. 
 Rama, when he arrives on the south of the Vindhya range, finds 
 there the sage Agastya, by whom the southern regions had been 
 rendered safe and accessible. Agastya appears as the adviser and 
 guide of Eama, and as the head of the hermits settled in the 
 south. In this legend we cannot but recognise the recollection 
 that the south was originally a vast forest, which was first 
 brought into cultivation by Brahmanical missions. The Ea- 
 kshasas who are represented as disturbing the sScrificfes and de- 
 vouring the priests, signify here, as often elsewhere, merely the 
 
 ^^ Bam. iii. 6. 1. (Gorresio) : Praviian sa mahdranyam DanBakaranyam, 
 uttamam \ Daddria Rdmo durdharsham tdpasdSrama-mandalam\ Eama 
 alludes to the vastness of the forest, ili. 15. 33 : Na tu jandmi tarn deiam 
 vanasydsya mahatinyd \ Yatralrama-padam punyam maharshes tasya dhl- 
 matdh \ " From the vastness of the forest, I cannot discover the spot where 
 the sacred hermitage of the great and wise rishi exists. 
 
426 THE AKIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 savage tribes which placed themselves in hostile opposition to 
 the Brahmanical institutions. The only other actors who appear 
 in the legend in addition to these inhabitants, are the monkeys, 
 which ally themselves to Bama, and render him assistance. 
 This can only mean that when the Arian Kshatriyas first made 
 hostile incursions into the south, they were aided by another 
 portion of the indigenous tribes. Bama reinstates in possession 
 of his ancestral kingdom a monkey-king who had been expelled, 
 and in return receives his assistance." 
 
 The following are some of the passages of the Bamayana in 
 which the proceedings of the Bakshasas are described. The 
 idea of the monstrous characteristics which are assigned to these 
 gigantic demons may very well have been borrowed from the 
 barbarous tribes whom the Brahmanical anchorites found in occu- 
 pation of the forests, and from whom they would no doubt suffer 
 continual molestation and cruelty. These savages with whom 
 as we have already seen, p. 409, ff., the Arian Indians had been 
 familiar in the regions further north, had, even in the Vedic era, 
 been magnified into demons and giants by the poetical and 
 superstitious imaginations of their early bards. The hermits 
 in the neighbourhood of Chitrakiita, thus represented to Bama 
 the sufferings to which they were exposed; Bam. iii. 1. 15, ff: 
 
SECT. IV.] THEIE ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH. 427 
 
 ^gr^T^ w^^ TT^T^T^ ^^TTwnii l^^wfHTrfwi:- 
 
 " Men-devouring Eaksliasas of various shapes, and wild beasts 
 [or serpents] which feed on blood, dwell in this vast forest. They 
 harass the devotees who reside in the settlements, and slay them 
 in the forest : repress them, Raghava. . . . These shapeless and 
 ill-looking monsters testify their abominable character by various 
 cruel and terrific displays. These base-born (andrya) wretches 
 implicate the hermits in impure practices, and perpetrate the 
 greatest outrages. Changing their shapes, and hiding in the 
 thickets adjoining the hermitages, these frightful beings delight 
 in terrifying the devotees. They cast away the sacrificial ladles 
 and vessels, they pollute the cooked oblations, and utterly defile 
 the offerings with blood. These faithless creatures inject fright- 
 ful sotmds into the ears of the faithful and austere eremites. 
 At the time of sacrifice they snatch away the jars, the flowers, 
 the fuel, and the sacred grass, of these sober-minded men. 
 Seeing that the hermitage is infested by these wicked monsters, 
 the devotees take counsel with thee, desiring to depart else- 
 where It is not expedient for thee to tarry here alone 
 
 with thy spouse, in the neighbourhood of these cruel Eakshasas. 
 Thou ai't indeed able to destroy them ; but be not too confident^ 
 for they are a treacherous race." 
 
 Proceeding on his journey through the forest, Eama encounters 
 Viradha, a Eakshasa, who is thus described, Eam. iil. 7. 5, ff. : 
 
 ^^ f^if^3T*r Trg# ^<4 4-1*^,1 ^^f ^^FivT^ 
 
 ^^iRT^f^^l^l ^IfTT^ fw^'TT'^ ^(Ht^ f%tf<flr^7T^I 
 
428 THE ARIANS m INDIA : [chap. in. 
 
 f^ ^mm ^ fw^ Tr?«^i ^w(^ 'g^ ^t^ ^^ 
 
 ^fVf%fT»l,l ^TW'T ^^rTT^rf ^TrTPRf^'TRrTi^ll "He 
 
 beheld the Eakshasa of terrible aspect, like a mountain peak, 
 -with long legs, a huge body, a slayer of wild beasts and serpents, 
 with a crooked nose, hideous eyes, a long face, a pendent ' belly^ 
 bearing on the point of a spear eight lions dripping with blood, 
 and the huge head and tusks of an elephant smeared with fat, 
 clad in the bloody skin of a tiger with the, feet attached, an 
 object of terror to all creatures, like Death with open mouth." '^ 
 This demon, who was slain by Eama, turned out to be a 
 Grandharva, who by a curse had been transformed into a 
 Eakshasa; but now on his death, regains his primeval form. 
 He, nevertheless, requests to be buried after the manner of the 
 Eakshasas; Eam. iii. 8. 19: ^!}e(^ 'gxf^ ^ Jj7f( Tl^^^ 
 
 ^^ The Nishadas also are described in the Puranas as very black and ugly-, 
 but differ from theEakshasas in being very short. See Part First of this work, 
 pp. 62-64 ; and Wilson's Vishnu-Pur. p. 100. The Bhag.-Pur. iv. 14. 43-46, 
 thus describes them : — " VinUcTiityaivam rishayo vipannasya mdhlpateh | 
 mamanthur urum tarasa tatrdsid hahuko narah \ hakakrishno 'tihrasvango 
 Tirasvabdhur mahShanuh \ Hrasvapdd nimnandsagro rdhtahshas tdmramur- 
 dhajah | Tarn in te 'vanatam dinam kirn hdromiti vadinam | nishidety abruvans 
 tdta sa nishddas tato 'bhavat | Tasya vanSdstu naishddd giri-kdnana-gochardh [ 
 " The rishis having thus resolved, hastily rubbed the thigh of the defunct 
 king (Vena), when there issued from it a servile man, black as a crow, very 
 short in limb, with short arms, large jaws, short feet, pendent nose, red 
 eyes, and copper-coloured hair. This man, humble and bowed down, asked 
 them what he should do. They answered, " Sit down " (nishida), and he, 
 in consequence, became a Nishdda. His descendants are the Naishadas, 
 who dwell in hills and forests." We are informed by Prof. Wilson that the 
 Padma Purana (Bhu.-Kh.) "has a similar description, adding to the 
 dwarfish stature and black complexion, a wide mouth, large ears, and a 
 protuberant belly." 
 
SECT. IV.]. THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 429 
 
 f^^'^^ ^ ih^T Tfr^^n ... ft ^^^^ 
 
 l|4^«r(m II "And, Eama, cast this body of mine into a trench j 
 for such is the immemorial custom in regard to deceased Ea- 
 kshasas; such of them as are so interred, attain to worlds of 
 
 happiness Accordingly, Saumitri (Lakshmana) raised 
 
 up the body of Viradha, resembling a mountain, and dug a 
 deep trench, in which he buried it." ''' This may allude (as 
 Weber remarks, Ind. Stud. i. 272, note) to a difference between 
 the funeral rites of the Brahmanical Indians and the aboriginal 
 tribes. 
 
 The following are two further passages in which the Ea- 
 kshasas and their oppression of the anchorites are described. 
 The sufferers, it appears, assert that they possess the power 
 of ridding themselves of their enemies by their superhuman 
 faculties; but these faculties they do not choose to exert for 
 the reason assigned. Eam. iii. 10. 16, ff. : ^S^ sfT'^W- 
 
 ^TW irr: II T!;f% ^m ^ft^rfw ^tt 'TrflfTTW'rTi^i 
 frTTTt Tjfi wff*r ^wrt WS^J ^11 q7^Trt^Tf%- 
 
 T'ffT II " This large company of hermits, principally Brahmans, 
 being oppressed by the Eakshasas, has resorted to thee for 
 defence. Come, Eama, and behold numerous bodies of the 
 meditative munis, lying slain by the Eakshasas in many parts 
 of the forest. A great slaughter is being perpetrated of the 
 dwellers on the Pampa, and. the Mandakini,^^ and the residents 
 
 " In the sequel, however, Eama encounters another Rakshasa, whom he 
 burns on a funeral pile. — Kara, iii., sec. 75, verses 43, 50, ff. 
 
 ^^ Here it will be observed that the name of a river in the Himalaya (a 
 branch of the Ganges, see Part First of this work, p. 187, note) is applied 
 to a river in the centre of India. This illustrates what has been-said above 
 
430 THE ASIANS m INDIA : [cnAP. iii. 
 
 on Chitrakuta," Earn. iii. 14. 12, ff. : TT'J^T^ Sflf'fV'^TWt 
 
 1?^'^ '^ Tj^sR I ^t: TT^tj^T^^TT^ tt^^t: f^~ 
 fspTTii'fr: I TT^: ft^^rrfrTf t mn^iMl rT^Tf^siti tt- 
 ^T t^^iXfTm% ^f^ ^jjn »if^:ii grra fT^:iwf^i 
 
 ^wf^ «^^ii ^^f^ rrrr^* ^i?T ^ TT^^i ^ 
 
 ■STT'T T ^[^T^ T^^TTWrg TT^: II " At the time of 
 offering the agmkotra sacrifice and on festivals, the fierce, flesh- 
 devouring Eakshasas insult us. Thus harassed, the devotees 
 find, on consideration, that they have no resource but in your 
 assistance. It is true that by the power of our austerities we 
 could slay these goblins ; but we are unwilling to nullify the 
 merit which has been earned by long exertion. The acquisi- 
 tion of such merit is arduous and attended with many obstacles : 
 it is on that account that, though exposed to be devoured, we 
 abstain from launching curses against our oppressors," The 
 utterance of a curse, it appears from this passage, was an act 
 prejudicial to the sanctity of him who pronounced it. Sita, 
 however, thinks that her husband Eama has no right to pro- 
 tect the devotees by slaying the Eakshasas who were not in a 
 state of hostility with him, and had done him no injury.** 
 
 It does not appear, however, why the aid of Eama should 
 have been so earnestly invoked, as the sage Agastya appears to 
 have been perfectly successful in teeping the Eakshasas under 
 restraint. His prowess is thus described; Eam/iii. 17. 17, ff.: 
 
 (pp. 357-358 and 361) about the application of the same name to different 
 streams. 
 
 8" Earn. iii. 13. il2.—IiuJishasariam viva vairam badho vira na yujyate \ 
 Aparadhad riie napi hantavyd BaJishasds tvaya 
 
SECT. IV.] THEIE ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH, 431 
 
 ?T#ri^r?riTii^ smr^ ^im tj^^w f^^ ^rt^Tsn 
 
 ^■^'^T f?:^^t5T:il ^HlT<^ -R^^ ^fl'^TT^ 'TT^RT^ 
 
 Tffq^rwTf^ t^f^H^^^T^^w^i ^H^Mt filling ^1: 
 ^: -JT^f^fT: II . . . TT^ ^"^ ^i?T^T^^^%i>t^r^ 
 si^f^: I ^^: 'nq^'^ ^t ^f%wf ^^^iRer: ii " The 
 
 hermitage of Agastya, renowned in the world by his holy acts, 
 (that hermitage) which offers relief to the wearied, is now in 
 view. [This is the sage] who has restrained death by the 
 power of his austerities, and who, through his benevolence to 
 mankind, bas rendered the southern regions perfectly secure 
 (see above,, p. 425). This is the hermitage of that saint by 
 whose might it is efifected that this southern region is only 
 gazed upon, and not possessed, by the Rakshasas. Ever since 
 that holy man has visited this region, all the goblins have be- 
 come subject to him. Through the name of this saint this 
 southern country has become prosperous, and renowned in 
 the three worlds, as secure against the gaze of the cruel. The 
 Vindhya range, which in its wrath had grown to a great height, 
 vieing with the mountain of the sun (Meru), now, submissive to 
 this sage's command, increases no farther. He too swallowed 
 the ocean with all its monsters, when he had been propitiated 
 by the gods with Indra at their head, to destroy the Dana- 
 
 yas No liar, or] cruel, fiendish, impure, oppressive, or 
 
 wicked man may dwell here." 
 
 In the preceding sect. 16. 13, ff., the destruction of two 
 Asuras called Vatapi and Ilvala, by this sage is described : 
 
432 THE AEIAJN'S IN INDIA : [chap, m; 
 
 " Formerly the cruel Vatapi and Ilvala, two brothers, who were 
 great Asuras and slayers of Brahmans, lived together here. The 
 ruthless Ilvala assuming the shape of a Brahman, and speaking 
 Sanskrit, invited the Brahmans to a funeral ceremony." Ilvala 
 served up to them his brother Vatapi who had been transformed 
 into a ram ; but after they had eaten him, he called him back, 
 when he issued forth, rending asunder the Brahmans' bodies. 
 Thousands of Brahmans were killed by them in this way. 
 Agastya however came to the place, and devoured Vatapi 
 according to his brother's invitation, but would not allow him 
 to issue forth again ; and burnt up Ilvala by the flash of his 
 eye.'" 
 
 Agastya is again spoken of (Earn. vi. 100. 15, 16) as the 
 conqueror of the south : " f%f^fTTt% Tf^ »T^ "ai^'^^T^- 
 
 ^fWWTl '^I^T ^TT^il^T ^f^RT ^f%^W f^ll "Thou 
 hast," said Eama to Sita, "been conquered by me from the 
 hand of the enemy, as the inviolable southern region was by the 
 invincible Agastya." 
 
 Vibhishana, the brother of Eavana, is represented by his sister 
 Surpanakha, in her interview with Eama, as having abandoned 
 the practices of the Eakshasas.'^ Can this allude to some of 
 the southern tribes or chiefs, who alUed themselves to Eama, 
 having adopted Brahmanical usages? Vibhishana eventually 
 deserts his brother and is kindly received and embraced as a 
 
 ^ An explanation of this legend is suggested by Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 475. 
 He thinks it may partly have taken its rise in the remembrance of some 
 cannibals living in the Dekhan. 
 
 ^1 On Agastya see the quotation from Lassen above, p. 425 ; and 
 Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar. 
 
 '* Ram. iii. 23, 38. — Vibhtshancdcha d1iarmatmaBahshasdcharavarjHah\\ 
 
SECT. IV.] THBIK ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH. 433 
 
 friend by Eama.'^ In the Eamopakhyana in the III. Book 
 of the M.-Bh., verses 15,913 — 18, while Eavana asks Brahma to 
 make him invincible by superhuman beings, Vibhishana, on the 
 other hand, prays, "that even in the greatest calamity, he may 
 never incline to unrighteousness, and that the Brahmanical 
 weapon may appear to him a thing he had never learned to 
 wield." ^* He thus indicates his submissive disposition towards 
 the Brahmans. 
 
 The Eakshasas are described by Khara, one of their chiefs, 
 Earn. iii. 28. 18, as being " of fearful swiftness, unyielding in 
 battle, in colour like a dark blue cloud." ^^ 
 
 Khara himself is characterised by Eama as the " perpetual 
 enemy of the Brahmans," ^^ as " cruel, hated of the Brahmans, 
 devoid of righteousness, and wicked." '' Eavana is stigmatised as 
 a " destroyer of religious duties, and the ravisher of the wives of 
 others ; " '' as " having frequently at the sacrifices and obla- 
 tions polluted the Soma which the Brahmans had offered with 
 hymns ; " and as a " destroyer of holy sacrifices, a killer of Brah- 
 mans, and a being of wicked life." ^^ Nevertheless, to inspire 
 confidence, Eavana approaches Sita pronouncing the Vedas, 
 Earn. iii. 52, 20.''"' 
 
 ^' Earn. v. 91. 20: Tancha Rdmah samuithapya parishvajya cha Rdhsha- 
 sam I Uvacha madhuram vakyam sakhd mama ihavdn iti 1 1 
 
 ^* M.-Bh. iii. 15,918 : Faramapadgatasydpi nadharme me matir bhavet | 
 AUkshitancha hhagavan hrahmdstram pratibhatu me | In verse 15,897 Vi- 
 bhishana is styled dharmagopta hriydratih, " a protector of righteousness, and 
 devoted to religious rites." 
 
 ^^ Rakshasdm Vhlmavegdndm samareshvanivarttindm\ Nilajlmuta-varnd- 
 Kam, &c. 
 
 ^^ Earn. iii. 3.5. 68 and 100: SaSvad brahmandkantaka. 
 
 °'' Ibid, verse 70 : Krurdtmjxn hrahmavidvishta tyaktadharma supdpakrit. 
 
 ^* Ibid. 36. 11: Uclihetdrancha dharmdndm paraddrdbMmardanam. 
 
 ^^ Ibid. 36. 11, ff. : Mantrairabhihutam purvam adhvareshu dvijdtibhih \ 
 JIavirddnesku yah Somam dharshaydmdsa naihaSah \ . . Punyayajnahanam 
 kruram hrahmaghnam dushtachdrinam \ 
 
 ^"'^ BrahmM-ghosham vdlrayan \ In the M.-Bh. iii. 15,981 the sons of Vaiira- 
 vana i. e. Eavana and his brothers, are said to have been originally sarve 
 
 F F 
 
434 THE AEIAJSTS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 Under the designation of monkeys, again, which play so 
 important a part in the Eamayana, we may have another class 
 of the aborigines, who allied themselves to the Brahmans, and 
 embraced their form of religious worship. In Earn. iii. 75. 66, 
 it is said that " Sugriva, though a monkey, is not to be despised, 
 as he is grateful, can change his form at will, and is active in 
 aiding his friends." '"' And we are told that at the inauguration 
 of this same Sugriva, who was reinstated by Eama in his kingdom, 
 from which he had been expelled by Bali, "the monkeys 
 gratified the Brahmans in due form, and by proper distribution, 
 with gifts of jewels, clothes, and food : after which these men 
 skilled in the Vedic hymns, poured clarified butter, consecrated 
 by sacred texts, upon the kindled fire, which had been placed 
 on kusa grass." '"^ 
 
 The monkeys are described as living in a cavern, (Eam. iv. 33. 
 1, ff.,) which Lakshmana is represented as entering to convey a 
 message of remonstrance to Sugriva for his tardiness in aiding 
 Eama. The cavern, however, is a cave only in name, as, in the 
 usual style of later Indian poetry, it is depicted as filled with 
 gardens, woods, flowery thickets, palaces, temples of the gods, 
 (devatdndm niketdnscha) ponds, a mountain stream, &c. This 
 feature of monkey-life (their occupation of a cavern) may be 
 either purely poetical, and intended to be in keeping with .their 
 other characteristics, or it may have reference to the rude habits 
 of the aboriginal inhabitants of the southern forests. 
 
 It appears to be more probable that .the extravagant descrip- 
 tions of the gigantic and sylvan inhabitants of the Dekhan 
 which I have just quoted, should have originated in some actual 
 and hostile contact with the savages who occupied the then un- 
 
 vedavidah Surah sarve sucharitavratdh, " all of them learned iu the Vedas, 
 bold, and attentive to religious rites.'' 
 
 ^"^ Na iu te so 'vamantavyah Svgrwo vdnaro 'pi san \ kritajnah hdmarupi 
 cha sahdyarthe cha krityavdn \ See above, p. 166. 
 
 i°* Earn. iv. 25, 27, 28 : Tataste vanaraSreshtha yathabhagam yathdvidhi \ 
 Ratnair vastraUcha bhahshyaU cha toshayitvd dvijarshalhdn \ Tatah hi^a- 
 paristirnam samiddham jdtavedasam \ Manlrnputena liavishd hUvd mantravido 
 jandh \\ 
 
SECT. IV.] THEIK ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 435 
 
 cleared forests of that region, than that they should be the 
 simple offspring of the poet's imagination. 
 
 It is certain that the description given of the Eakshasas in 
 the Eamayana corresponds in many respects with the epithets 
 applied to the same class of beings (whether we take them for 
 men or for demons), who are so often alluded to in the Eig- 
 veda. The Eamayana, as we have seen, depicts them as in- 
 festing the hermitages or settlements of the Arians, as obstructing 
 their sacred rites, '"^ as enemies of the Brahmans, as eaters of 
 men,'"** as horrible in aspect, as changing their shape at will, 
 &c., &c. In the same way the Eig-veda (see above, pp. 386, ff. 
 and 403, ff.) speaks of the Dasyus, Eakshasas, or Yatudhanas 
 as being "destitute of, or averse to religious ceremonies" 
 {aJccCrman, avrata, apavrata, ayajyu, ayajvan), as " practising 
 different rites" (anyavrata),a,s "godless" (adeva, adevayu), 
 " worshippers of mad gods " (mwi'adeva), " haters of Brahmans, 
 or priests" (brahmadvish), as" inhum.a,ii" (amdnusha), "fero- 
 cious looking, or with fierce eyes" {ghora-chakshas), as " flesh- 
 eaters" {leravydd), " devourers of life," or " insatiable " (asutrip), 
 as "eaters of human and of horse-flesh," (E.-V. x. 87. 16 : Yah 
 paurusheyena Icravishd samankte yo asvyena pasund yatu- 
 dhdnah); as monstrous in form, and possessed of magical or 
 superhuman powers. It is quite possible that the author of the 
 
 '"' In the M.-Bh. xiv. 2472-74, the same hostile act which is so often 
 assigned in the Eamayana to Rakshasas, is attributed to a Nishada. Arjuna 
 is there said to have arrived in the course of his progress to the south, in 
 the country of Ekalavya, king of the Nishadas ; and to have vanquished 
 that king's son, who had come to obstruct a sacrifice (yajnavighnariham 
 dgatam). 
 
 '™* In the story of Gautama, already partially quoted, in p. 382, from 
 the M.-Bh., the very same epithat of "man-eater " (purmhdda) which the 
 Eamayana applies to the Eakshasas, is employed to characterise the Dasyus, 
 who are regarded in the M.-Bh. raerely[as a tribe of savages, and not as demons. 
 The Brahman who reproaches Gautama with sinking into the condition of a 
 Dasyu, is said to have seen him " coming home with a bow in his hand, his 
 limbs besmeared with blood, and in appearance like a man-enter,'' &c. (. . . 
 dhmmshpanim dhritdyndham \ RudhirenSvasiktdngam grihadvaram npciga- 
 tam I Tan drishtva purusMdabham apadhvastam hshayagatam, &c.) 
 
 F F 2 
 
436 THE AUIAjyS IN INDIA : [chap, hi.: 
 
 Eamayana may have borrowed many of the traits which he 
 ascribes to his Eakshasas from the hymns of the Eig-veda. 
 
 The last editor and translator of the Eamayana, Signer 
 Grorresio, writes as follows in regard to the fabulous races with 
 ' whom that work has peopled the Dekhan ; (Notes to vol. vi. pp. 
 401, 402): "The woodland inhabitants of India south of the 
 Vindhya range are called in the Eamayana monkeys, in con- 
 tempt, I conceive, of their savage condition, and also, perhaps, 
 because they were little known at that time. In the same 
 way Homer related fabulous stories about the races who, in his 
 age, were unknown to the Grreeks. The occupants of the Dekhan 
 differed from the Sanskrit-speaking Indians in origin, worship, 
 and language." And in regard to the Eakshasas he observes, 
 p. 402 : " The author of the Eamayana has no doubt, in mythical 
 allegory, applied the hated name of Eakshasas to a barbarous 
 people who were hostile to the Sanskrit-speaking Indians, and 
 differed from them in civilisation and religion. These Eakshasas 
 were, I say, robbers or pirates who occupied the southern coasts 
 of India and the island of Ceylon." In his preface to the last 
 Volume (the xth) of the Eamayana (pp. i.-ix.), Sig. Grorresio re- 
 turns to this subject; and, after remarking that the Arian tribes 
 on their immigration from Northern Asia into the Panjab, had 
 to encounter indigenous races of a different origin,'"* whom they 
 partly drove before them, and partly reduced to servitude, he 
 proceeds to make a distinction between the savage tribes occu- 
 pying the Vindhya and its neighbourhood, and those further 
 south. The first, whom the Eamayana styles Vanaras or mon- 
 keys, though they differed from the Aryas in race, language, 
 colour and features, must, he thinks, have shown a disposition to 
 receive the Arian civilisation; since they entered into league 
 with Eama, and joined in his expedition against the black tribes 
 further south. The greater part of the tribes south of the 
 Vindhya also submitted to the institutions of the Aryas; but 
 
 IM The same thing, he remarks, happened to the Semitic races also, who 
 came into contact with the Hamitic or Cushitio tribes, some of them nearly 
 savage, as the Rephaiin and the Zamzummim, Dcut. ii. 20. 
 
SECT. IV.] THEIR: ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 43T 
 
 towards the extremity of the peninsula and in Ceylon, there was 
 (Crorresio believes), a ferocious black race, opposed to their wor- 
 ship. To this race the Arians applied the name of Eakshasas, 
 an appellation which, in the Veda, is assigned to hostile, savage, 
 and hated beings. It is against this race that the expedition of 
 Eama, celebrated in the Eamayana, was directed. The Arian 
 tradition tmdoubtedly altered the attributes of these tribes, 
 transforming them into a race of giants, deformed, terrific, 
 truculent, and able to change their form at will.. But notwith- 
 standing these exaggerations, the Eamayana has (Grorresio thinks) 
 preserved here and there certain traits and peculiarities of the 
 race in question which reveal its real character. It represents 
 these people as black, a,nd compares them sometimes to a black 
 cloud, sometimes to black collyrium ; attributes to them crisp 
 and woolly hair, and thick lips ; and describes them as wearing 
 gold earrings, necklaces, turbans, and all those brilliant orna- 
 ments in which that race has always delighted. These people 
 are also represented as hostile to the religion of the Aryas, and 
 as disturbers of their sacrifices. The god whom they prefer to 
 all others, and specially honour by sacrifices, is the terrible 
 Eudra or Siva, whom Grorresio believes to be of Hamitic origin. 
 Their emblems and devices are serpents and dragons, symbols 
 employed also by the Hamites.'"' Sig. Grorresio considers th& 
 story of Eama's expedition against the Eakshasas to be 'historical 
 in its foundation, though exaggerated by mythical embellish- 
 ments ; and he observes that the Arian tradition has even pre- 
 served the memory of an earlier struggle between the same two 
 races, as some Puranic legends relate that Karttavirya, of the 
 Yadava family, a contemporary of Parasurama, and somewhat 
 anterior to the hero of the Eamayana, invaded Lanka (Ceylon), 
 
 and made Eavana prisoner (Wilson, Vishnu Purana pp. 402, 
 417^.106 
 
 ^°^ As Signer Gorresio has not supplied any references to the passages 
 in which these various characteristics of the Eakshasas are described, I am 
 unable to verify his details. 
 
 '°^The story is thus told in the Vishnu Purana, iv. 11. 4: Maliish- 
 
 F F 3 
 
438 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 In regard to Signer G-orresio's views as above expounded, I 
 will only observe here, that the aborigines of southern India are 
 not generally regarded as of Hamitic origin ; but, as we shall 
 see in a subsequent Section, are considered by other philologists 
 to be of Turanian extraction, ^ 
 
 Professor Weber is of opinion (Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 181), that 
 the principal characters who figure in the Eamayana, are not 
 historical personages at all, but mere personifications of certain 
 events and circumstances. Sita (the furrow), he remarks, occurs 
 both in the Eig-veda, ""' and in the Grrihya ritual, as an ob- 
 ject of worship, and represents the Arian agriculture; while he 
 regards Eama as the ploughman personified. The Eamayana 
 has only, he thinks, a historical character in so far as it refers to 
 an actual occurrence, the diffusion of Arian civilisation towards 
 the south of the peninsula. 
 
 Sect. V. — Indian traditions regarding the tribes in the south of the Peninsula 
 
 Having furnished some account of the advance of the Aryas 
 into southern India, and of the races whom they there encoun- 
 tered, according to the fabulous narrative of the Eamayana, I 
 have now to enquire whether the other Hindu traditions offer us 
 any more probable explanation of the origin and affinities of the 
 tribes who occupied the Dekhan before its colonization by the 
 Brahmans. 
 
 maty am digvijayabhydgato Narmada-jaldvagahana-hndd-nipanariiaddhulenay 
 {ch '?'\alenuiva tena aiesha-deva-daitya-gandharveSa-jayodhhuta-madavalepo 
 'pi Rdvanah paiuriva baddhah sva-nagaraikdnte sthdpitah. "When, in 
 the course of his campaign of conquest, Havana came to Mahishmati (the 
 capital of Karttavirya), there he who had become filled with pride from his 
 victories over all the devas, daityas, and the chief of the Gandharvas, was 
 captured by Karttavirya (who was excited by bathing and sporting in the 
 Narmada, and by drinking wine), and was confined like a wild beast in a 
 corner of his city." Prof. Wilson (p. 417, note), states that, according to 
 the Vayu Pur., Karttavirya invaded Lanka, and there took Eavana prisoner ; 
 but that the circumstances are more generally related as in the Vishnu 
 Parana. 
 
 1"" Rig-veda, iv. 57. 6 and 7. 
 
SECT, v.] THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 439 
 
 Among the Dasj/u tribes which, according to the Aitareya-brah- 
 mana, vii. 18,"" were descended from the Rishi Visvamitra, are 
 mentioned the Andhras. And Manu, x. 43, 44,'°' specifies the 
 Dravidas among the tribes which had once been Kshattriyas, but 
 had sunk into the condition of Vrishalas (or Sudras) from the 
 extinction of sacred rites, and the absence of Brahmans. In like 
 manner the Cholas and Keralas are stated in the Harivansa to 
 have once been Kshattriyas, but to have been deprived of their 
 social and religious position by King Sagara.'"* In the same way 
 it appears that several of the Puranas, the Vayu, Matsya, Agni, 
 and Brahma, claim an Arian descent for the southern races, 
 by making their progenitors, or eponyms, Pandya, Karnata, 
 Chola, and Kerala, to be descendants of Turvasu, a prince of 
 the lunar line of Kshattriyas. (See the First Part, p. 53)."' 
 Turvasu, the Puranas say, was appointed by his father to rule 
 over the south-east. Thus the Harivansa relates: "Yayati, 
 son of Nahusha, having conquered the earth with its seven 
 continents and oceans, divided it into five portions for his 
 sons. This wise monarch placed Turvasu over the south-east 
 region." "^ 
 
 According to the legend, Turvasu, in common with most 
 other of Yayati's sons, had declined to accede to his father's 
 request that he should exchange his condition of youthful 
 
 '°^ Quoted in the First Part of ttis work, pp. 84 and 178. 
 
 ^"^ Already quoted in the First Part, pp. 177-182, together with other 
 parallel texts from the M.-Bh. 
 
 "0 See the First Part, p. 182. 
 
 "^ The Harivansa, sect. 32, verse 1836, substitutes Kola for Karnata; 
 Kuruthdmad atK Ahridai chatuaras tasya ch" atmajah \ Pdndyaicha Kera- 
 laichaiva KolaS Cholascha pdrthivah \ Teshdm janapadah sphltdh PdndyaS 
 Choldh sakeralah \ " From Kuruthama sprang Akrida, who had four sons, 
 Pandya, Kerala, Kola, and Chola, who were the kings of the rich countries 
 of Pandya, Chola, and Kerala." 
 
 ^'* Ibid. sect. 30, verses 1616, ff. : Saptadvipdm Yaydtistu jitvd prithvim sa- 
 sdgardm\ vyabhajat panchadhdrdjanputrdndmNdhtishas tadd \ DiH dakthmn- 
 purvasydm, Turvasam matimdn prahliuh, | . , . . nyayojayat 1 1 
 
 r F 4 
 
440 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 vigour for Ms father's decrepitude, and was, in consequence, 
 cursed by the old man. The M.-Bh. i. 3478, ff., gives the 
 . following particulars of the curse : " Since thou, though born 
 from within me, dost not give me up thy youth, therefore thy 
 offspring shall be cut off. Thou, fool, shalt be king over those 
 degraded men who live like the mixed castes, who marry in the 
 inverse order of the classes, and who eat flesh ; thou shalt rule 
 over those wicked Mlechhas who commit adultery with their 
 preceptor's wives, perpetrate nameless offences, and follow the 
 practices of brutes." "^ 
 
 The Andhras, Dravidas, Cholas, and Keralas, who have been 
 mentioned in the preceding passages as degraded Kshattriyas, 
 or as descendants of Turvasu, were the inhabitants of Telingana, 
 of the central and southern parts of the Coromandel coast (or 
 the Tamil country), and of Malabar respectively. It is evident 
 that the legendary notices which I have just quoted do not 
 throw any light on their origin. That these tribes could not 
 have been of Arian descent, I shall proceed to show in the next 
 Section by the most satisfactory of all proofs, that derived from 
 the language of their modern descendants. 
 
 Sect. VI. — Languages of the South of India, and their fundamental difference 
 
 from Sanskrit. 
 
 As I have already intimated in the earlier parts of this 
 volume, there exist in the vernacular dialects of northern India 
 many distinct remains of older languages, distinct from San- 
 skrit, which are supposed to have been spoken by non-Arian 
 tribes settled in that portion of the peninsula before the immi- 
 gration of the Aryas ; and I have also alluded to the existence 
 
 '■' Yattvam me hridaydj jdto vayah svam na prayachhasi \ ta^matpraja sa- 
 muchhedam Turvaso tava yasyati \ Sanhirndchdra-dharm^shu pratilomacJiare- 
 shu cha I PiSitaHshu ch' dntyeshu mUdha raja hhavishyasi \ Guruddra-pra- 
 sdkteshu tiryagyonigateshu cha \ PaSudharmishu pdpeshu Mlechheshu tvam 
 bhavishyasi 1 1 In verse 3533 Turvasu is said to be the progenitor of the 
 Yavanas, Turvasor Yavandh smritdJi \ \ 
 
SECT, vij THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 441 
 
 of a class of languages in the south of India, viz., the Telugu, the 
 Tamil, the Malayalim, and the Canarese, which are fundament- 
 ally different from the Sanskrit.' '* I shall now proceed to 
 establish in detail the assertions I have made regarding these 
 southern languages. 
 
 Various savage tribes are still to be found among the hilly 
 tracts in central India, such as the Gronds, Kols, &c., whose 
 language is quite distinct from any of the ancient or modern 
 Prakrit dialects derived from the Sanskrit. It is not, however, 
 necessary that I should enter into any details regarding the 
 speech of these wild races. It will suffice for the purposes of 
 my argument if I show that the same remark applies equally to 
 the far more numerous, and more cultivated tribes who occupy 
 the Dekhan ; and that the various languages which are current 
 in the different provinces of the south, while they have a close 
 affinity to each other and a common origin, are, in their entire 
 character, essentially distinct from Sanskrit and its derivatives. 
 In regard to these languages, information of the most conclusive 
 character may be obtained from the preface to Mr. A. D. Camp- 
 bell's Telugu Grammar, (including the note by Mr. Ellis,) as 
 well as from the Eev. Dr. Caldwell's Comparative Gtrammar of 
 the Dravidian languages. From the last named work I abstract 
 the following details : — " There are four principal languages 
 current in the different provinces of southern India, Tamil, 
 Telugu, Canarese, and Malayalim, spoken collectively by up- 
 wards of thirty-one millions of people, besides five minor dia- 
 lects, spoken by 650,000 persons. These forms of speech are 
 not, in the proper sense of the word, dialects of one language, 
 as no one of them is so nearly related to any of the others, as 
 that two persons using different members of the group, the one, 
 for instance, Tamil and the other Telugu, would be mutually 
 intelligible. The Tamil and the Malayalim have the most 
 affinity to each other, and yet it is only the simplest sentences 
 
 "^ See above pp. 57-65. 
 
442 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. tii. 
 
 in one of these languages that would be understood by a person 
 who spoke only the other. The Tamil and the Telugu on the 
 other hand are the furthest removed from each other of the 
 four languages; and though the great majority of roots in 
 both are identical,, yet they are so disguised by inflection and 
 dialectic changes that persons speaking each only one of these 
 two languages would be scarcely at all understood by each other. 
 The various Dravidian idioms therefore, though sprung from a 
 common stock, must be regarded as distinct languages. 
 
 " The northern Pandits classify the vernacular dialects of 
 India '^* in two sets of five, the five Grauras and the five Dra- 
 vidas. In the latter, they include the Mahratha and Grurjara, 
 as well as the Telinga, the Karnataka, and the Dravida or 
 Tamil. The first two languages are, however, erroneously 
 coupled with the last three; as, though the Mahratha and 
 Grurjara (Gruzeratee) possess certain features of resemblance to 
 the languages of the south, they yet differ from the latter so 
 widely and radically and are so closely allied with the northern 
 group, Hindi, Bengali, &c., that they must be placed in the 
 same class with the latter. The Dravida proper or Tamil, the 
 Telinga or Tehigu, and the Karnataka, or Canarese, are not, as 
 the northern Pandits suppose, derived from the Sanskrit, like 
 the northern dialects, but, as regards their original and funda- 
 mental portion, are quite independent of Sanskrit. The dif- 
 ference between the northern and southern dialects consists in 
 this, that though the former contain a small proportion of 
 aboriginal or non-Sanskrit words, they are mainly composed of 
 words derived by corruption from the Sanskrit,"^ while the 
 Tamil, Telugu, and other southern languages, on the contrary, 
 though they contain a certain amount of Sanskrit words, are yet 
 both as regards the great bulk of their vocabulary, and their 
 whole genius and spirit, totally distinct from the classical speech 
 of the Arians." 
 
 '" See Colebrooke'a Misc. Essiij'S, vol. ii. pp. 21, IT. 
 "8 See above, p. 41, ff. 
 
S.ECT. VI.] THEIR- ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 443 
 
 On this subject I shall introduce here some quotations from 
 a note by Mr. F. W. Ellis, appended to the preface to Camp- 
 bell's Telugu Grammar : " In arrangement the two latter, 
 [the Carnata and Telingana alphabets] which are nearly the 
 same, certainly follow the Nigari, but in the form of the letters, 
 mode of -combination, and other particulars, there is no resem- 
 blance ; and the Tamil is totally different, rejecting all aspirates 
 and having many sounds which cannot be expressed by any 
 alphabet in which the Sanscrit is written. . . . Neither the 
 Tamil, Telugu, nor any of their cognate dialects are derivations 
 from the Sanscrit ; the latter, however it may contribute to their 
 polish, is not necessary for their existence ; and they form a dis- 
 tinct family of languages, with which the Sanscrit has, in latter 
 times especially, intermixed, but with which it has no radical 
 connexion." — (p. 2.) , . . " The Telugu, to which attention is 
 here more specially directed, is formed from its own roots, which, 
 in general, have no connexion with the Sanscrit, nor with those 
 of any other language, the cognate dialects of Southern India, 
 the Tamil, Cannadi, &c., excepted, with which, allowing for the 
 occasional variation of con-similar sounds, they generally agree ; 
 the actual difference in the three dialects here mentioned is in 
 fact to be found only in the affixes used in the formation of 
 words from the roots ; the roots themselves are not similar 
 merely, but the same." — (p. 3.) 
 
 " To show that no radical connexion exists between the San- 
 scrit and Telugu, ten roots in alphabetic order, under the letters 
 A, C, P, and V, have been taken from the common Dhatumala, 
 or list of roots, and with them have been compared the Telugu 
 roots under the same letters taken from a Telugu Dhatumala. 
 . . . These will be found in the following lists, the mere inspec- 
 tion of which will show, that among the forty Telugu roots not one 
 agrees with any Sanskrit root." These lists I will copy here : — 
 
 Sanskrit. Telugu. 
 
 Ak, to mart, move, move tortuously. Akkalu, to contract the abdominal mus- 
 Ag, to move, move tortuously. cks. 
 
Ui 
 
 THE AEIAWS IN INDIA : 
 
 [c 
 
 ' mark. 
 
 ^"•^^ I to , 
 Anga, J 
 
 Agh, to move, despise, begin, move 
 
 guicMy. 
 Agha, to sin. 
 Ach, to honour, serve. 
 Anch, to move, speak unintelligibly, 
 
 speak intelligibly. 
 Aj, to throw, move, shine. 
 
 •' > to move. 
 Ath, J 
 
 Ad, to occupy, undertake. 
 
 Kak, to hint desire, go. 
 
 Kakk, laugh. 
 
 Kakh, laugh. 
 
 Kakkh, laugh. 
 
 Kag, to move. 
 
 Kach, to tie, shine. 
 
 Kaj, to hiccup. 
 
 Kat, to move, skreen, rain. 
 
 Kath, to fear, recollect anxiously. 
 
 Kad, to eat, rejoice, divide, preserve. 
 
 Pach, to cook, explain, stretch. 
 
 Pad, to shine, move. 
 
 Path, to speak. 
 
 Pan, to traffic, praise. 
 
 Pat, to rule, move. 
 
 Path, to move. 
 
 Pad, to move, be fixed. 
 
 Pan, to praise. 
 
 Pamb, to move. 
 
 Parbb, to move. 
 
 Agalu, to separate, break. 
 
 Aggu, to ivorship. 
 
 Aggalu, to be insufferable, excessive. 
 
 Ats, to give by compulsion, to incur 
 
 debt. 
 Antu, to touch, adhere, anoint the head. 
 Adangu, to be destroyed, submit, be 
 
 subdued. 
 Adaru, to shine, shoot at. 
 Adalu, to weep bitterly. 
 Adu, to slap. 
 
 Vak, to be cooked, move. 
 Vag, to be lame. 
 
 Kakku, to vomit. 
 
 Kats, to play dice, chess. 
 
 Krats, to ivant. 
 
 Kattu, to tie, build, become pregnant. 
 
 Kadugu, to wash. 
 
 Kadangu, 1 ^^ ^^,^„^ j^ .;_ 
 
 Kanangu, J 
 
 ' > to lick as a dog. 
 Kadagu, i ■ 
 
 Kadaru, to call aloud. 
 
 Kadalu, to move or shake. 
 
 Kadi, to approach, obtain. 
 
 ° 'Wo break, make forked. 
 Pangalu, J 
 
 Panchu, to divide, send away, appoint. 
 
 Pattu, to seize, touch, begin, knead the 
 limbs, understand, unite intimately. 
 
 Padu, to suffer, fall. 
 
 Pandu, to reprove, produce, lie down. 
 
 Padayu, to obtain. 
 
 Pantangu, to vow. 
 
 Padaru, to act precipitately, speak 
 nonsense, threaten. 
 
 Pannu, to join steers to a plough, pre- 
 pare. 
 
 Panatsu, to send, employ. 
 
 Vaga, 1 to grieve, pretend grief, con- 
 
SECT. VI.] THEIR ADVANCE BAST ANP SOUTH. 445 
 
 Vach, to speak, order. Vagir, to speak deceitfully, hark as a 
 
 Vaj, to move, renew, or repair. dog. 
 
 Vat, to surround, share, speak. Vangu, to stoop. 
 
 Vata, to surround, share. Vats, to come. 
 
 Vanta, to share. Vantsu, to bind, pour out water. 
 
 Vath, to go alone, he able. Vrats, to divide. 
 
 Vad, to shine, surround. Vatu, to become lean. 
 
 Van, to sound. Vattu, to dry up. 
 
 Vattru, to shine. 
 
 Vaddu, to serve food. 
 
 Mr. Ellis then (p. V) adduces a list of fifteen roots Telugu, Ca- 
 narese and Tamil, taken in alphabetical order, " to show that an 
 intimate radical connection exists between the Telugu and other 
 dialects of Southern India." As the aflSnity between these lan- 
 guages is admitted by all competent scholars, I do not consider 
 it necessary to quote this comparative list. Mr. Ellis then pro- 
 ceeds (p. 11) to prove by further details that these three lan- 
 guages are not only radically connected, but have also an inti- 
 mate relation to each other "as regards terms used for the 
 expression of ideas." With this view he first quotes a native 
 writer, Mamidi Vencaya : 
 
 " Mamidi Vencaya, the author of the Andhra Dipika, an 
 excellent dictionary of the Telugu, has, in the preface to this 
 work, introduced a concise analysis of the language, the sub- 
 stance of which ... is translated in the following paragraph. 
 
 " ' The modes of derivation in the Andhra [Telugu] language 
 are four ; they are Tatsamam, Tadbhavam, Desyam, and Gram- 
 yam. Tatsamam consists of Sanscrit terms, pure as spoken in 
 heaven, the Telugu terminations being substituted for those of 
 the original language.' " 
 
 Of these the following are examples"^: — 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Tatsamam. 
 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Tatsamam. 
 
 Kamah 
 
 Kamandu 
 
 Vac 
 
 Vaccu 
 
 Vanam 
 
 Vanarau 
 
 Dyau 
 
 Divamu 
 
 '" [A few examples only are selected under two heads. — J. M.] 
 
446 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap hi. 
 
 "'Tadbhavam consists of terms formed, either from the San- 
 scrit direct, or through one of the six Pracrits, varied by the 
 interposition of syllables, and by the substitution, increment, 
 and decrement of letters. . . . The several modes of derivation 
 - . . are exemplified in the following lists : ' " — 
 
 Siinskrit Tadbhavam. Sjinskrit. Tadbhavam. 
 
 Samudrah Sandaramu Chaudrah. Tsandurundu 
 
 Separate lists follow of Tadbhava terms introduced from 
 Sanskrit into Telugu through the Maharashtri, the Sauraseni, 
 the Magadhi, the Paisachi, (said to be spoken in the countries 
 of Pandya and Kekaya), the Chulika-Paisachi, (spoken in 
 Grandhara, Nepala, and Kuntala), and the Apabhransa, spoken 
 in the country of Abhira, and on the coast of the western 
 ocean. 
 
 Mr. Ellis proceeds, p. 15, with his extracts from Mamidi 
 Vencaya : " ' Desyam, in other words Andhra or Telugu, is of 
 two kinds; the language which originated in the coimtry of 
 Telingana, and Anya-desyam, or the language of foreign coun- 
 tries intermixed with it.' " Previously to showing what part of 
 the language originated in Trilingam, the native author quotes 
 from the " Adharavana Vyacaranam," a description of the 
 country to which this name applies."* Mr. Ellis gives the 
 
 '15 This passage, as quoted in the Andhrakaumudi, is given by Mr. Camp- 
 bell in the Introduction to his Grammar, p. ii. note. I am indebted to the 
 late Prof. H. H. Wilson, for transcribing it for me from the Telugu into Ro- 
 man characters : SrUaila-Bhima-halela-Mahendra-giri-sanyutam \ Pralidr- 
 antu mahat hritva trim dvdrdni cK dharot \ Trilochano maheSasya tri^ulancha 
 kare vahan] Trilinga -rupi mjavasat tri-dvdreshu ganair vritah \ Andhra- Vishnuh 
 Svrayuto Danujena Nishamihuna \ Yuddhvd trayoda^a yugdn hatva tarn 
 Rdkshasottamam] Avasat tatra rishibhir yuto Goddvarl-late\ Tathala-prabhriti 
 hshetram Trilingam iti viirutam\ I translate this anew as follows: — "He 
 [the Andhrian Vishnu before mentioned], having constructed a vast wall 
 connecting ^risaila, Bhimesvara, Kale^vara, and the Mahendra hills, formed 
 in it three gates. There in the form of three Lingas, with three eyes, 
 bearing in his hand the trident of Mahei^a (&va), he dwelt in the three 
 gates surrounded by his hosts. The Andhrian Vishnu, attended by the 
 
SECT, vx.] THEIR ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH. 447 
 
 author's definition of the native Telugu, as the language which 
 arose within the boundaries of Trilinga, as follows: "As it is 
 here said, in the country between Srisailam, the station of Bhi- 
 meswara at Dracharamam, the greater Kaleswaram, and, as the 
 fourth, the mountain of Mahendra, in these holy places were three 
 lingams, and the language which originated in the country known 
 by the name of the Trilinga-desam, is that now under considera- 
 tion ; this is the Atsu or pure Telugu, and is thus described in the 
 Appacaviyam (verse) : '^ All those words which are in use among 
 the several races who are aborigines of the country of Andhra, 
 tvhich are perfectly clear and free from all obscurity, these 
 shine forth to the world as the pure native speech of Andhra 
 {Suddha-Andhra-Besyam).'" The following are some of the 
 examples given, viz., pdlu, milk, perugu, curdled milk, ney, 
 clarified butter, pudami, the earth, padatuka, a woman, 
 koduku, a son, tala, the head, nela, the moon, madi, a field, 
 puli, a tiger, magavandu, a man. Mamidi Vencaya then pro- 
 ceeds to the terms introduced into Telugu from foreign countries. 
 " The following verse is from the Appacaviyam : ' Kesava, the 
 natives of Andhra, having resided in various countries, by 
 using Telugu terms conjointly with those of other countries, 
 these have become Andhra terms of foreign origin.' " 
 
 This is what Mamidi Vencaya has to say about the Grramyam 
 terms : " Terms which cannot be subjected to the rules of 
 grammar, and in which an irregular increment or decrement of 
 letters occurs, are called Grramyam ; they are corruptions, and 
 are described in the following verse from the Appacaviyam 
 (verse) : ' Such Tenugu words as are commonly used by rustic 
 folk are known as Ordmyam terms : these lose some of their 
 regular letters and are not found in poetry, unless, as in 
 abusive language, the use of them cannot be avoided.' " 
 
 Suras, having slain the illustrious Rakshasa Nishambhu, the son of Danu, 
 after a conflict lasting for thirteen yugas, resided there with the rishis, on 
 the banks of the Godavari. Since that time this sacred territory has been 
 called Trilinga." 
 
448 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 "In the preceding extracts," (Mr. Ellis proceeds,) "the 
 author, supported by due authority, teaches that> rejecting 
 direct and indirect derivatives from the Sanscrit, and words 
 borrowed from foreign languages, what remains is the pure 
 native language of the land: this constitutes the great body 
 of the tongue, and is capable of expressing every mental and 
 bodily operation, every possible relation and existing thing; 
 for, with the exception of some religious and technical terms, 
 no word of Sanscrit derivation is necessary to the Telugu. This 
 pure native language of the land, allowing for dialectic differ- 
 ences and variations of termination, is, with the Telugu, common 
 to the Tamil, Cannadi {i. e. Canarese), and the other dialects of 
 southern India : this may be demonstrated by comparing the 
 Desyam terms contained in the list taken by Vencaya from the 
 Appacaviyam with the terms expressive of the same ideas in 
 Tamil and Cannadi. It has been already shown that the radi- 
 cals of these languages mutatis mutandis are the same, and 
 this comparison will show that the native terms in general use 
 in each, also, correspond." 
 
 A comparative list of Telugu, Canarese, and Tamil words is 
 then annexed, pp. 19 — 21, which I omit. Mr. Ellis then goes 
 on (p. 2 1 ) : " From the preceding extracts and remarks on 
 the composition of the Telugu language, as respects^ terms, it 
 results that the language may be divided into four branches of 
 which the following is the natural order. Desyam, or Atsu- 
 Telugu, ][>ure native terms, constituting the basis of this lan- 
 guage, and, generally also, of the other dialects of southern 
 India : Anyadesyam, terms borrowed from other countries, 
 chiefly of the same derivation as the preceding: Tatsamam, 
 pure Sanscrit terms, the Telugu affixes being substituted for 
 those of the original language : Tadbhavam, Sanscrit deriva- 
 tives, received into the Telugu direct, or through one of the 
 six Pracrits, and in all instances more or less corrupted. The 
 Gramyam (literally the rustic dialect, from Ordmam Sans. 
 a village), is not a constituent portion of the language, but is 
 
SECT. VI.] THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 449 
 
 formed from the Atsu-Telugu by contraction, or by some per- 
 mutation of the letters not authorised by the rules of grammar. 
 The proportion of Atsu-Telugu terms to those derived from 
 every other source is one half; of Anya-desyam terms one 
 tenth ; of Tatsamam terms in general use three twentieths ; and 
 of Tadbhavam terms one quarter. 
 
 " With little variation, the composition of Tamil and Cannadi 
 are the same as the Telugu, and the same distinctions, conse- 
 quently, are made by their grammatical writers. The Telugu 
 and Cannadi both admit of a freer adoption of Tatsamam terms 
 than the Tamil : in the two former, in fact, the discretion of the 
 writer is the only limit of their use ; in the high dialect of the 
 latter those only can be used which have been admitted into the 
 dictionaries by which the language has ■ long been fixed, or for 
 which classical authority can be adduced ; in the low dialect the 
 use of them is more general ; by the Brahmans they are pro- 
 fusely employed, more sparingly by the Sudra tribes. The Can- 
 nadi has a greater, and the Tamil a less, proportion of Tadbhavam 
 terms than the other dialects ; but in the latter all Sanscrit words 
 are liable to greater variation than is produced by the mere 
 difference of termination, for, as the alphabet of this language 
 rejects all aspirates, expresses the first and third consonant of 
 each regular series by the same character, and admits of no 
 other combination of consonants than the duplication of mutes 
 or the junction of a nasal and a mute, it is obviously incapable 
 of expressing correctly any but the simplest terms of the San- 
 scrit. All such, however, in this tongue are accounted Tatsamam 
 when the alteration is regular and produced only by the deficien- 
 cies of the alphabet, 
 
 "But though the derivation and general terms may be the 
 same in cognate dialects, a difference of idiom may exist so 
 great that in the acquisition of one no assistance in this respect 
 can be derived from a knowledge of the other. As regards the 
 dialects of southern India this is by no means the case : in col- 
 location of words, in syntactical government, in phrase, and 
 
 G G 
 
450 THE ARIANS IN INDIA : [chap. in. 
 
 indeed in all that is comprehended under the term idiom, they 
 are not similar only but the same. To demonstrate this, and to 
 show how far they agree with, or differ from, the Sanscrit," 
 Mr. EUis proceeds to give a series of comparative renderings of 
 sentences in Sanskrit, and in the Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese. 
 As however it would lengthen this Section too much to cite 
 these details, I must refer the reader who is desirous of pursuing 
 the subject further, to Mr. Ellis's " Note " itself. 
 
 From Mr. Campbell's Introduction to his Grrammar, pp. vii. 
 viii. ff., I supply some further pai-ticulars regarding the early 
 cultivation of Telugu and the belief of the native grammarians 
 as to the origin of their language : — " The most ancient Teloo- 
 goo grammarian of whom mention is made ia the native books is 
 the sage Kunva, who is said to have been the first that composed 
 a treatise on the principles of the language. It"^ is stated that 
 he executed this work by command of a king of Andhra, named 
 Andhra Eoyoodoo, son'''° of Soochundra. . . . The works of 
 Kunva, of Audharvan Achary (sic), and of several other ancient 
 grammarians are not now to be found. All the treatises on 
 Teloogoo grammar at present extant, consist of Sanscrit com- 
 mentaries on a series of concise apophthegms written in Sanscrit 
 by a Bramin named Nannapa, or Nunniah Bhutt." 
 
 " It has been very generally asserted, (says Mr. Campbell, 
 p. XV. ff.,) and indeed believed, that the Teloogoo has its origin 
 
 ^^9 " Kunva said ' He who speaks irreverently of my grammar, composed 
 by the command of Andhra Vishnoo, shall be considered as guilty of irreverence 
 to his priest^ Andhra Cowmudi." The original is as follows : Kanvastu 
 yathd aha Andhra-visTinor anujna-kritasya madvydkaranasya drohi guru-drohiti. 
 ^^ In regard to this king Mr. Campbell quotes the following passage 
 which precedes that cited in my former note, p. 446 : Andhranatho Mdhd- 
 vishnur Nishambhu-danujapaha \ Purd Svayambhuvo Manoh hale Kaliyvge 
 Ilarih \ Kahule rdjavaryasya Suchandrasya tanHbhavah \ Abhavat sarva de- 
 vaischa veshtito lohapUjitak \ " Formerly, in the time of Manu Svayambhu, 
 in the Kali age, Hari, the lord of Andhra, the great Vishnu, the slayer of the 
 Danava Nishambhu, was born in Kakula as the son of the monarch Suohandra, 
 and was attended by all the gods, as well as reverenced by all mankind." 
 
SECT. VI.] THEIB ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH, 451 
 
 in the language of the Vedams. ... I venture publicly to state 
 my enquiries to have led me to a contrary conclusion ; but I do 
 so with the less hesitation as I find myself supported by the 
 concurrent evidence of all native authors who have ever written 
 on the subject of the Teloogoo language." 
 
 " In common with every other tongue now spoken in India, 
 modern Teloogoo abounds with Sanscrit words ; . . . neverthe- 
 less there is reason to believe that the origin of the two languages 
 is altogether distinct." " In speaking the Teloogoo the Soodras 
 use very few Sanscrit words : among the superior classes of Vysyas, 
 and pretenders to the Eajah caste, Sanscrit terms are used only 
 in proportion to their greater intimacy with the Bramins, and 
 their books ; and when we find even such Sanscrit words as these 
 classes do adopt, pronounced by them in so improper and rude 
 a manner as to be a common jest to the Bramins, who, at the 
 same time, never question their pronunciation of pure Teloogoo 
 words, I think we may fairly infer it to be probable at least that 
 these Sanscrit terms were origiaally foreign to the language 
 spoken by the great body of the people." 
 
 "Some native grammarians maintain that before the king 
 Andhra Eoyadoo'^' established his residence on the banks of the 
 Grodavery, the only Teloogoo words were those peculiar to what 
 is emphatically termed the 'pure Teloogoo, now generally named 
 the language of the land, which they consider coeval with the 
 people, or, as they express it, * created by the god Brimha.' The 
 followers of this prince, say they, for the first time began to 
 adopt Sanscrit terms with Teloogoo terminations, and by degrees 
 corruptions from the Sanscrit crept into the language, from the 
 ignorance of the people respecting the proper pronunciation of 
 the original words. ^^^ This would imply that the nation still 
 
 121 II ^yg jg the prince who is now worshipped as a divinity at Siccacollum 
 on the river Krishna, and who was the patron of Kunva, the first Teloogoo 
 grammarian." 
 
 12!^ The following is the passage referred to, and it follows the one quoted 
 
 G G 2 
 
452 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : [chap. hi. 
 
 retain Some faint remembrance of tBose times in which their 
 language still existed independent of the Sanscrit; and it is 
 certain that every Teloogoo grammarian, from the days of 
 Nunnia Bhutt to the present period, considers the two languages 
 as derived from sources entirely distinct; for each commences 
 his work by classing the words of the language under four 
 separate heads, which they distinguish by the respective names 
 of Deshywmoo, language of the land; Tutsumumoo, Sanscrit 
 derivatives ; Tudbhuvumoo, Sanscrit corruptions, and Qram- 
 yumoo, provincial terms. [Compare the Grrammar, p. 37.] To 
 these, later authors have added Anya-deshywmoo, foreign words.'" 
 
 "The words included in the first class, which I have denominated 
 the language of the land, are .... the most numerous in the 
 language, and the model by which those included in the other 
 classes are modified and altered from the different languages to 
 which they originally belonged. The name by which they are de- 
 signated implies ' that which belongs to the country or land ;' it 
 marks the words in question, not as merely ' current in the 
 country,' but as the growth and produce of the land." 
 
 " In the course of this work it will be obvious to the Sanscrit 
 scholar that the declension of the noun by particles or words 
 added to it, — the use of a plural pronoun applicable to the first 
 and second persons conjointly — the conjugation of the afifirma- 
 
 in the note, p. 446 : Tatraiyas tatsamalapds tatkalma Harer bJiatdh \ kalena 
 mahata sarvam tatsamam svalpa-huddhibhih \ Asuddhodichdryamanam sal 
 tadbhavancheti sammatam \ Vikarsha-vyntyayabhydnclia pddardhokti vise- 
 shatah \ TabJiavam iti kathyante kalena mahata samah | Srahmand nirmitd 
 vdchah purvam AndhreHtur Hareh \ Achclid iti cha kaihyante sup-krid-dhaiu- 
 samanvitSA | " The adherents of Hari who dwelt there (in Trilinga, on the 
 banks of the Godavari) at that time, spoke tatsama words. In process of 
 time these tatsama words began to be incorrectly pronounced by ignorant 
 jiersons, and were regarded as tadbhava. Tatsama words were denominated 
 iadbhava from loss or substitution [of letters], or from being contracted a 
 fourth or a half. Words, consisting of nouns, verbals, and roots, which 
 were fashioned by Brahma before the time of Hari, the lord of Andhra, are 
 called achcha (pure)." 
 
SECT. vi.J THEIB ADVANCE BAST AND SOUTH. 453 
 
 tive verb — the existence of a negative aorist, a negative impe- 
 rative, and other negative forms of the verb — the union of the 
 neuter and feminine genders in the singular, and of the mascu- 
 line and feminine genders in the plural, of the pronouns and 
 verbs ^ and the whole body of the syntax, are entirely uncon- 
 nected with the Sanscrit; while the Tamil and Karnataca 
 scholar will at once recognize their radical connexion with each 
 of these languages. The reader will find all words denoting the 
 different parts of the human frame, the various sorts of food or 
 utensils in common use among the natives, the several parts of 
 their dress, the compartments of their dwellings, the degrees of 
 affinity and consanguinity peculiar to them, in short all terms 
 expressive of primitive ideas or of things necessarily named in 
 the earlier stages of society, to belong to the pure Teloogoo 
 or language of the land. It is true (so mixed have the two 
 languages now become) that Sanscrit derivatives or corruptions 
 may without impropriety, be occasionally used to denote some 
 of these. This, however, is not common : the great body of 
 Sanscrit words admitted into the language consists of abstract 
 terms, and of words connected with science, religion, or law, as 
 is the case, in a great degree, with the Greek and Latin words 
 incorporated with our own tongue : but even such Sanscrit words 
 as are thus introduced into Teloogoo are not allowed to retain 
 their original forms ; they undergo changes and assume termi- 
 nations and inflections unknown to the Sanscrit, and, except as 
 foreign quotations, are never admitted into Teloogoo until they 
 appear in the dress peculiar to the language of the land." 
 
 At the risk of some repetition, I shall add a few further ob- 
 servations, abstracted from Dr. Caldwell's grammar, pp. 29, ff., & 
 56, in proof of the radical differences between the Sanskrit and 
 the southern languages : ■ — • " No person," he remarks, " who is 
 acquainted with comparative philology, and who has compared 
 the primitive and essential words, and the grammatical structure 
 of the Dravidian languages with those of the Sanskrit, can ima- 
 gine that the former have been derived from the latter by any 
 
 G o 3 
 
454 THE AEIANS Ilf INDIA : [chap. ni. 
 
 known process of corruption or decomposition. We shall first 
 advert to the Sanskrit element which has been introduced into 
 these languages, and then revert to their non-Sanskrit or essen- 
 tial basis. First, the most recent infusion of Sanskrit words 
 into the Tamil, Mr. Caldwell states, (p. 56,) was effected by the 
 great religious schools of Sankara Acharyya and Eamanuja, from 
 about the tenth to the fifteenth century A. d. The words then 
 introduced (excepting a few points wherein change was unavoid- 
 able) are pure, unch'anged Sanskrit. Secondly, at a period 
 partly preceding and partly contemporaneous with the above, 
 from the eighth to the twelfth or thirteenth century A. d., the 
 Jainas introduced the largest proportion of the Sanskrit deriva- 
 tives that are to be found in Tamil. This period of Jaina in- 
 tellectual predominance was the Augustan age of Tamil literature, 
 a period when the celebrated college of Madura flourished, and 
 the Cural, the Chintamani, and the classical vocabularies and 
 grammars were written. The Tamilian writers of this period, 
 from national feeling, and their jealousy of Brahminical influence, 
 modified the Sanskrit words which they employed so as to accord 
 with the euphonic rules of Tamil. Thus lolca, ' world,' becomes 
 ulagu in Tamil ; rdjd, ' king,' becomes arasu ; and m, ' night,' 
 (from rdtri) becomes iravu. Nearly the whole of the Sanskrit 
 words found in the Telugu, Canarese, and Malayalim belong to 
 these two periods, or correspond mainly with the Sanskrit deri- 
 vatives found in the Tamil of those two periods, especially the 
 more recent. These derivatives are divided into the two classes 
 of Tatsama, words identical or nearly so with pure Sanskrit, and 
 Tadbhava, words which are borrowed from Sanskrit or the 
 northern Prakrits, but have been to some degree modified in 
 form. Thirdly, the Tamil contains many derivatives, belonging 
 to the very earliest period of the literary cultivation of that lan- 
 guage, which were probably introduced before Sanskrit words 
 had begun to be imported into the other southern dialects. The 
 Sanskrit of this period is more corrupted than that of the Jaina 
 period, and the corruptions are of a different character. The 
 
SECT. VI.J THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 455 
 
 Jainas altered the Sanskrit words in accordance with the euphonic 
 rules of Tamil, whereas the words introduced in the earliest 
 period have been changed in defiance of all rules ; as the San- 
 skrit Sri, ' sacred,' into tim. While, however, a certain propor- 
 tion of Sanskrit words have been introduced into the Dravidian 
 tongues in the ways just described, — it would be quite a mis- 
 take to suppose that these languages are derived from the San- 
 skrit in the same manner as the Hindi, Mahratti, and other 
 Gauda dialects. For (1.) the non-Sanskrit portion of the Dra- 
 vidian languages exceeds the Sanskrit portion nearly as much as 
 in the North-Indian dialects the Sanskrit element exceeds the 
 indigenous or non-Sanskrit element.. (2.) The pronouns and 
 numerals of the Dravidian languages, their mode of inflecting 
 verbs and nouns, the syntactic arrangement of their words — 
 everything, in fact, which constitutes the essential structure of a 
 language, are radically different from those of the Sanskrit. 
 The contrary is the case with the vernacular dialects of the 
 north, in which the pronouns, the numerals, and a large propor- 
 tion of nouns and verbs, have been derived by adoption or 
 gradual transformation from the older Prakrits and ultimately 
 from the Sanskrit. (3.) The true Dravidian words, which form 
 the great majority in the southern vocabularies, are placed by 
 the native grammarians in a different class from the Sanskrit 
 derivatives, and are honoured with the epithets ' national words ' 
 and ' pure words.' " In support of this Dr. Caldwell refers to 
 the passage already quoted in p. 452 ; and gives it as his opinion 
 that Andhraraya probably lived several centuries before the 
 Christian era. " (4.) In the uncultivated languages of the Dra- 
 vidian stock, Sanskrit words are. not at all, or very rarely, 
 employed. And further, some of the cultivated Dravidian lan- 
 guages which do make use of Sanskrit derivatives, are able to 
 dispense with these altogether. This indeed is not the case with 
 Telugu, Canarese, or Malayalim; but Tamil, the most highly 
 cultivated, as regards its original structure, of all the Dravidian 
 idioms, is not dependent on Sanskrit, for the full expression of 
 
 C G 4 
 
456 
 
 THE AEIANS IN INDIA 
 
 [c 
 
 thought. In fact the ancient or classical dialect of this language, 
 the Shen-Tamil, in which nearly all the literature has been 
 written, contains very little Sanskrit; and even differs chiefly 
 from the colloquial dialect by the jealous care with which it re- 
 jects derivatives from Sanskrit and restricts itself to pure Dra- 
 vidian elements. So much is this the case that a Tamil compo- 
 sition is regarded as refined and classical, not in proportion to 
 the amount of Sanskrit it contains, but in proportion to the 
 absence of Sanskrit. It is also worthy of remark that though 
 the principal Telugu writers and grammarians have been Brah- 
 mans, in Tamil, on the contrary, few Brahmans have written 
 any works of distinction, while the Tamilian Sudras have culti- 
 vated and developed their language with great ardour and 
 success ; and the finest compositions in the Tamil language, the 
 Cural and the Chintamani, are not only independent of the 
 Sanskrit, but original in design and execution." 
 
 A few more specimens of Tamil words derived from Dr. Cald- 
 well's book, passim, may be added to show how perfectly dis- 
 tinct they are from the Sanskrit, and North-Indian vernacular, 
 words having the same sense, with- which I shall presume the 
 reader to be acquainted. 
 
 
 
 NOUNS, &c. 
 
 
 
 man 
 
 I 
 
 kan 
 
 the eye 
 
 tinggal 
 
 the moan 
 
 nam 
 
 we 
 
 miilfku 
 
 the nose 
 
 irul 
 
 darkness 
 
 ni 
 
 thou 
 
 mel 
 
 above 
 
 toppu 
 
 a grove 
 
 nir 
 
 we 
 
 kiv 
 
 below 
 
 magan 
 
 a son 
 
 viral 
 
 finger 
 
 kal 
 
 foot 
 
 magal 
 
 a daughter 
 
 kadal 
 
 the sea 
 
 Tin 
 
 sky 
 
 illan 
 
 a husband 
 
 manal 
 
 sand 
 
 kurudu 
 
 blindness 
 
 illal 
 
 a wife 
 
 kudal 
 
 a bowel 
 
 irumbu 
 
 iron 
 
 vannan 
 
 a washerman 
 
 niral 
 
 shade 
 
 iruppu 
 
 of iron 
 
 vannatti 
 
 a washerwo- 
 
 seval 
 
 a cock 
 
 suvar 
 
 a wall 
 
 oru 
 
 one [man 
 
 nilam 
 
 the ground 
 
 ugir 
 
 finger-nail 
 
 irandu 
 
 two 
 
 madu 
 
 an ox 
 
 tamir 
 
 sweetness 
 
 miindru 
 
 three 
 
 adu 
 
 a sheep 
 
 kinaru 
 
 a well 
 
 nangu 
 
 four 
 
 kuranju 
 
 a monkey 
 
 iral 
 
 the liver 
 
 eindu 
 
 five 
 
 pagal 
 
 a day 
 
 tigil 
 
 a fright 
 
 aru 
 
 six 
 
SECT. VII.] 
 
 THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 
 
 457 
 
 eru 
 
 seven pattu 
 
 ten 
 
 munnuru 
 
 three hun- 
 
 ettu 
 
 eight mupattu 
 
 thirty arubadu 
 
 sixty [dred 
 
 onbadu 
 
 nine miiru 
 
 a hundred erubadu 
 
 seventy 
 
 
 Tamil declension of manei, a house. 
 
 
 
 singular. 
 
 
 Plural. 
 
 
 
 NoM. manei 
 
 
 maneigal 
 
 
 
 Ace. maneiyei 
 
 
 maneigalei 
 
 
 
 Inst, maneiyal 
 
 
 maneigalal 
 
 
 
 CoNj. maneiyodu 
 
 
 maneigalodu 
 
 
 
 Dat. maneikku 
 
 
 maneigalukku 
 
 I 
 
 
 Abl. maneiyilirundu 
 
 
 maneigalirundu 
 
 
 Gen. maneiyin 
 
 
 maneigalin 
 
 
 
 Loc. maneiyidattil 
 
 
 maneigalidattil 
 
 
 Voc. maneiye 
 
 
 maneigale 
 
 
 
 VERBS. 
 
 
 
 irrukkiradu 
 
 it is 
 
 
 tulir 
 
 to sprout 
 
 perugugirudu it increases 
 
 
 pugar 
 
 to praise 
 
 adangu 
 
 to be contained 
 
 
 magir 
 
 to rejoice 
 
 adakku 
 
 to contain 
 
 
 sural 
 
 to whirl 
 
 agu 
 
 to become 
 
 
 kuyil 
 
 to sound 
 
 akku 
 
 to make 
 
 
 tuval 
 
 to bend 
 
 ningu 
 
 to quit 
 
 
 urul 
 
 to roll 
 
 nikku 
 
 to put away 
 
 
 kadukku 
 
 to suffer pain 
 
 nirambu 
 
 to be full 
 
 
 tara 
 
 to give 
 
 nirappu 
 
 to fill 
 
 
 vara 
 
 to come 
 
 valar to grow 
 
 " (5) The grammatical structure of the Dravidian languages is 
 radically different from that of the Sanskrit; and proves that 
 they are quite independent of that language." For further illus- 
 trations of this fact I must refer to Dr. Caldwell's Grammar, 
 pp. 34, ff., and to the subsequent details given in that work, passim. - 
 
 Sect. VII. — Results deducible from the preceding Sections. 
 In the last section I hav& supplied ahundant evidence, derived 
 from the best authorities, of the radical differences which exist 
 between the languages of the south of India, and the Sanskrit. 
 The evidence which I have adduced is not (as will have been 
 noticed) confined to the fact of those dissimilarities of roots 
 and of structure which are sufificient to convince the compara- 
 
458 THE AEIANS IN INDIA: [chap. in. 
 
 tive philologist that the Dravidian dialects have no original affinity 
 with the Indo-Grermanic tongues. We have also the testimony 
 of the native gi-ammarians of the south to the same effect (as we 
 have seen, pp. 445 — 447, 451, ff.). The Telugu authors hold 
 that the words of which their language is composed are of four 
 classes, Desya or Atsu (or aboriginal), Tatsama (pure Sanskrit), 
 Tadbhava (modified Sanskrit), and Ordmya (or rustic); and 
 they consider that the first class, the Be^ya or Atsu Telugu 
 words, constituted the primeval basis of the language before the 
 introduction of Tatsa/ma words in the time of King Andhra- 
 raya,'^' and were created, with a complete gi-ammatical structure 
 of their own, by the god Brahma. I am not in a position to cite any 
 similar testimony on the part of the Tamil grammarians, but Mr. 
 Ellis informs us (see p. 449) that the same distinctions are made 
 by them as by the Telugu writers, and their idea of the relation 
 of perfect independence in which their language stands to the 
 Sanskrit, is sufficiently shown by the fact that they regard that 
 Tamil as the most pure and classical, in which there is the 
 smallest admixture of Sanskrit. It is therefore a fact, established 
 beyond all doubt, that the Dravidian or South-Indian languages 
 have, as regards their original and fundamental portion, no 
 affinity with the Indo-Grermanic languages; and could not, 
 by any means known to comparative philologists, have been 
 derived from any member of that family. There are certain 
 processes and modes of mutation which are always discoverable 
 when one language springs out of another. The words of the 
 derivative tongue are always recognisable, (even if considerably 
 modified,) in the new forms which they have assumed ; and the 
 steps of their transformation can be either exactly traced, or at 
 least divined with certainty. But the primitive words and 
 
 ^"^ We have already seen p. 455, that Dr. Caldwell considers this monarch 
 to have flourished several centuries n. c. From the Vishnu Purana, iv. 24. 
 it appears that an Andhra-bhritya dynasty of kings reigned in Magadha, 
 whose accession Wilson (V. P. p. 474.) calculates to have dated from 18 
 years B.C. See also Lassen, Ind. Ant. ii. 755. 934. 
 
SECT. VII.] THEIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 459 
 
 forms of the South-Indian dialects could not have issued from 
 the Sanskrit by any known law of modification. 
 
 But if the Dravidian languages he of a stock altogether dis- 
 tinct from the Sanskrit, it follows inevitably (see above, p. 277) 
 that the races which origmally spoke these two classes of lan- 
 guages must also have been distinct from one another in their 
 descent, and could never have belonged to the same branch of 
 the human family. Had the Dravidian nations been of Arian 
 lineage, the whole of their languages, the TamU, Telugu, 
 Canarese, and Malayalim, must have resembled either the 
 older Prakrits (described in the early part of this volume) or 
 the later Hindi, Mahratti, and Bengali, all of which have 
 evidently arisen, in great part, from the decomposition of San- 
 skrit. But the very contrary is (as we have seen) the case in 
 regard to those southern dialects. 
 
 And as the Dravidians now make use of languages which 
 are radically distinct from Sanskrit, we cannot possibly suppose 
 that the aboriginal part of the nation ever, at any former time, 
 spoke a language which had any affinity to Sanskrit. Such a 
 supposition would be at variance with the traditions preserved 
 bythe Telugu grammarians. And no race of mankind has ever 
 been known which (except under the pressure of external 
 influence) has lost, or abandoned, the language which it had 
 derived from its forefathers, and of itself adopted a form of 
 speech fundamentally different. But as we have no proof of 
 any such external influence which could have led the Dravidians, 
 to exchange their original language for another, we must con- 
 clude that they have derived their existing dialects from their 
 forefathers : and these their forefathers, as their speech was dis- 
 tinct from that of the ancestors of the Arians, must have been 
 distinct in lineage also, from the latter. As, therefore, the ori- 
 ginal Dravidian Indians of the south of India are of a different 
 race from the Arian Indians, they could not, as Manu and the 
 Mahabharata assert, (see above, p. 439,) have been degraded 
 Kshattriyas. And this conclusion is not in the slightest degree 
 
460 THE ARIANS IW INDIA r [chap. iit. 
 
 affected by the fact that a considerable portion of the existing 
 Dravidian communities, though speaking the language of the 
 south, belongs, or claims to belong, to the higher Arian castes. 
 For if the southern Brahmans, and some of the other castes, be (as 
 in all probability they are,) of Arian descent, this does not prove 
 that .the same is the case in regard to the great mass of the Dravi- 
 dian population ; for there is every reason to believe that those 
 southern communities existed before the Arians had spread them- 
 selves to the south of the Vindhya mountains, and that the Brah- 
 mans emigrated at a comparatively recent period from northern 
 to southern India. On their arrival in the south, these Brahmans 
 no doubt spoke Sanskrit or rather one of its derivative Prakrits. 
 But though, from their superior civilisation and energy they soon 
 succeeded in placing themselves at the head of the Dravidian 
 communities, and in introducing among them the Brahmanical 
 religion and institutions, they must have been so inferior in 
 numbers to the Dravidian inhabitants as to render it impracti- 
 cable for them to dislodge the primitive speech of the country, 
 and to replace it by their own language. They would there- 
 fore be compelled to ■acquire the Dravidian dialect of the pro- 
 vince in which they settled ; and, in a generation or two, the 
 majority of them would lose the vernacular use of the Prakrit 
 dialects which they had brought with them. This, however, 
 would not prevent their retaining in use a great many words of 
 Sanskrit origin. And as many of these Brahmans were learned 
 men, and as their religious books were composed in Sanskrit, 
 they would necessarily preserve their acquaintance with that 
 sacred tongue, and with its literature ; and wotdd no doubt 
 from time to time introduce fresh Sanskrit words into the local 
 vernacular,'^* just as we see that EngHsh is continually enriched 
 
 ''* I may take this opportunity of adverting again to the probability 
 already alluded to above, in note 41. p. 43, that Sanskrit has not only in- 
 fluenced the aboriginal tongues both of northern and southern India, but 
 has also received some influence from one or from both of them in return. 
 
SECT VII.] THBIE ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 461 
 
 by the addition of new Greek and Latin words. The fact that 
 many of the present inhabitants of the south of India are of 
 Arian extraction affords, therefore, no reason for doubting that 
 the primitive language of those provinces was totally distinct 
 from the Sanskrit, and that the population by whom that lan- 
 guage was originally used was totally unconnected with the Arian 
 race. For even the existence of the limited proportion of non- 
 Sanskrit words which we can discover (see above, pp. 35 — 43) in 
 the Hindi, Mahratti, and other northern dialects, is sufficient to 
 prove that there originally existed in northern India one or 
 
 Mr. E. Norris observes, (Journ. Roy. As. Soc. vol. xv. p. 19) : "I will here 
 express my conviction that the sounds called cerebral are peculiar to the 
 Tartar or Finnish class of languages ; that the really Indian [i. e. the abori- 
 ginal, or non-Arian — J. M.] languages are all of Tartar origin, or, at least, 
 that their phonetic and grammatical affinities are Tartar; and that the 
 writers of Sanskrit adopted the sound from their Indian neighbours." And 
 Professor Benfey says (Complete Sanskrit Grammar, p. 20) : " The mute 
 cerebrals have probably been introduced from the phonetic system of the 
 Indian aborigines into Sanskrit, in which, however, they have become firmly 
 established." And at p. 73, of the same work, he thus writes : " Sanskrit is 
 a language, of great antiquity and of wide diffusion. Long after it had 
 ceased to be vernacularly spoken, it continued to be employed as the organ 
 of culture and religion, and in this capacity it prevailed over extensive regions 
 where there existed alongside of it, not merely a variety of dialects which 
 had been developed out of it, but also several popular dialects which were 
 originally quite distinct from it. Prom these circumstances it has resulted, 
 not only that forms which have been admitted into the Prakrit dialects 
 have been afterwards adopted into Sanskrit, but, further, that words which 
 were originally quite foreign to the Sanskrit have been included in its 
 vocabulary. To separate these foreign words will only become possible 
 when an accurate knowledge of the dialects which have no affinity with San- 
 skrit shall have been attained. But it is almost as difficult to distinguish 
 those irregular forms which have originated in the dialects derived from 
 Sanskrit and have been afterwards received into Sanskrit, from those forms 
 which have arisen in Sanskrit itself; because, on the one hand, Sanskrit litera- 
 ture and its history are as yet but little known, and, on the other hand, those 
 phonetic changes, which attained their full power in the Prakrits, had already 
 begun to work in Sanskrit itself." See also above, p. 1 52. 
 
462 THE AKIAJTS IK INDIA: [chap. iii. 
 
 more races of non-Arian inhabitants who occupied the country 
 before the immigration into Hindusthan of the Sanskrit-speak- 
 ing Aryas. 
 
 It now remains for me to inquire how this important fact 
 that the great bulk of the population of the Dekhan is non-Arian 
 in its descent, coupled with the other conclusions of the fore- 
 going sections, affects the results at which I had previously 
 arrived in regard to the trans-Himalayan origin of the Arians, 
 and their immigration into India from the north-west. 
 
 In the preceding chapter, we were led by a variety of con- 
 siderations, all pointing to the same result, to conclude that the 
 Aryas had penetrated into India from the north-west. The 
 facts which have been substantiated in the foregoing sections of 
 the present chapter are in perfect harmony with that conclusion. 
 These facts are (1.) that the Aryas, when living in the Panjab, 
 found themselves in conflict with a class of enemies whom, in 
 contrast to the men of their own race, they called Dasyus : (2.) 
 that the Aryas, after occupying the north-west of India, from 
 the Indus to the Sarasvati, began, at length, to move forward to_ 
 the east and to the south : (3.) that, still later, they crossed the 
 Vindhya range, and commenced to colonize the Dekhto, which 
 had been previously occupied exclusively by savage tribes : 
 and (4.) that the nations who at the present day inhabit the dif- 
 ferent provinces of the Dekhan, and who (with the exception 
 of such part of the population as is descended from the later 
 Arian immigrants) are the direct descendants of the aboriginal 
 tribes, — speak a class of languages which are radically dis- 
 tinct from the Sanskrit. It may be expedient, however, to show 
 somewhat more in detail the manner in which these circum- 
 stances corroborate, or at least harmonize with, the theory that 
 the Arians are not autochthonous, but of trans-Himalayan 
 origin, and that they immigrated into Hindusthan from the 
 north-west. First, then, the fact that at the dawn of Indian 
 history, the earliest Vedic period, we find the Arian Indians 
 inhabiting the Panjab; then advancing gradually eastward 
 
SECT. vii.J THEIR ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 463 
 
 along the southern border of the Himalaya from the Sa- 
 rasvati to the Sadanira, and spreading, simultaneously, no 
 doubt, over the southern parts of Doab, into Behar ; and at 
 length crossing the Vindhya mountains into the Dekhan, — 
 affords the strongest presumption that they penetrated into 
 India from some quarter closely adjoining the north-western 
 corner of that country, which was the starting-point of their, 
 onward course of conquest and colonization. Secondly : the 
 indubitable fact that the Arians found, on penetrating into the 
 Dekhan, a people speaking a language radically different from 
 their own, who had been in earlier occupation of the country ; 
 and the almost equally certain fact that they had previously en- 
 countered similar alien tribes in the Panjab and in the Doab, 
 place it nearly beyond a doubt that they (the Arians) could 
 not have been the race by whom India was originally peopled. 
 For, we must either suppose that both of these two races, 
 the Arian and the non-Arian, grew up together in India, 
 where we find them in contact from the earliest period, or 
 that one or both of them have immigrated into that country 
 from without. But it seems unlikely that two races differing 
 so essentially, as these Arians and non- Arians appear to have 
 done both physically and intellectually, could have sprung up 
 naturally in the same country, under the same climatic, influ- 
 ences, or, if they did so, that their language, religion, and in- 
 stitutions, should have been so different. It is much more likely 
 that one or both of them should have been foreign. The fact 
 is that both have probably immigrated into India from the 
 north-west;'^' but the evidence in favour of this supposition 
 is far stronger in the case of the Arian, than in that of 
 the non-Arian tribes. For, besides the proofs derived from 
 their language, which clearly connects them with the nations to 
 the west of the Indus, we have the evidence of their complexion, 
 
 "^ In the App. note L, I shall quote the views of the Rev. Dr. Caldwell 
 and other writers, regarding the origin and relations of the different non- 
 Arian tribes. 
 
464 THE AEIANS IN INDIA : Fchap. hi. 
 
 which in the present day is far fairer than that of the aborigines, 
 and in earlier times, was probably still more clearly distinguish- 
 able from the dark colour of the latter, (see pp. 284, 309.) But if 
 neither of these two races was indigenous in India, and if they did 
 not at first occupy any portion of that country contemporaneously 
 with each other, which of them is most likely to have been the 
 first possessor ? We must no doubt conclude that the Dasyus 
 or barbarous races were the earliest occupants. For as Lassen 
 observes (see above p. 308), we perceive evident traces of the 
 Arians having severed asunder an earlier population, and 
 driven one portion of it towards the northern and another to- 
 wards the southern hills; and the inhabitants of the Vindhya 
 range, and of the Dekhan, appear always as' the weaker and 
 retiring party who were driven back by the Arians. And we 
 cannot ascribe to the non-Arian tribes the power of forcing them- 
 selves forward through the midst of an earlier Arian population 
 to the seats which they eventually occupied in the centre and 
 south of the peninsula : for the Arians were from the beginning 
 a more powerful and civilised people than their adversaries, and 
 from a very early period have held them in subjection. It is 
 indeed objected by Mr. Curzon (see above p. 299), that these rude 
 so-called aboriginal tribes may have been descended from some 
 of the barbaric hordes, who under the name of Sakas, Hiinas, 
 &c., are mentioned by Sanskrit writers as having invaded India, 
 and some of whom, after their defeat, may have taken refuge in 
 the hills and forests of Hindusthan. But I apprehend that this 
 explanation will not meet the facts of the case. We can have no 
 assurance, that such legends as that regarding the Sakas which is 
 quoted in the First Part, of this work (p. 177, ff.), have any histo- 
 rical foundation. And the period at which the Indo-Scythians, 
 who were repelled by Vikramaditya, made themselves masters, 
 and retained possession, of the western frontiers of India, can- 
 not be placed much earlier than the commencement of the 
 Christian era. (See Lassen's Ind. Antiq. vol. ii. 365, ff., 398. 
 408, 409.) But the traces which we discover in Indian literature 
 
SECT, vu.] THEIK ADVANCE EAST AND SOUTH. 465 
 
 of the existence of the Dasyus are (as we have seen from the 
 various Vedic texts cited above) much older than this period. 
 
 In conclusion, I return to the point from which I started at 
 the commencement of this volume ; and, as the result of the pre- 
 ceding investigations, repeat the following propositions : First, 
 that the Hindus of the superior castes are sprung from the same 
 race with the Indo-European nations of the west : Secondly, that 
 as the parent race had its origin in Central Asia, the Indian branch 
 of.it could not have been indigenous in Hindusthan, but must 
 have immigrated into that country from the ' north-west. 
 
 I must, however, reserve for a future Volume, the historical 
 evidence of my assertion, that the fourfold division into castes 
 was unknown to the earliest progenitors of the Hindus, and was 
 only gradually developed after the settlement of the Indo-Arians 
 in Northern India, and coincidently with numerous modifications 
 in their original mythology and worship. 
 
 HH 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE A, p. 267. 
 
 " The conformities ^between the languages of the same family] are 
 astonishing ; and especially so, because they enter into the minutest 
 details, and even into the anomalies. It is a curious phenomenon to 
 discover such an inconceivable tenacity in idioms which might appear 
 to be nothing more than passing caprices. The most volatile portion 
 of languages, I mean their pronunciation, has evinced its stability : in 
 the midst of mutations of letters, which are, nevertheless, subject to 
 certain rules, vowels, long or short, have often preserved their quan- 
 tity." " On the other hand the disparity is great: the distances which 
 the languages have traversed in their individual development are 
 immense. After we have exhausted all the analogies, even the most 
 secret, there remains in each of these languages a portion which is 
 no longer susceptible of comparison with the other languages of the 
 same family. We must therefore admit as the causes of that partial 
 incommensurableness, two opposite principles, viz., oblivion and in- 
 vention. The oblivion of forniis and words formerly in use is but too 
 manifest in the languages with whose history we are most intimately 
 acquainted; and it has frequently injured their richness and beauty. 
 Such oblivion must always follow a retrograde movement in civili- 
 sation : in proportion as the intellectual sphere is contracted, a gene- 
 ration which has relapsed into ignorance and barbarism, abandons 
 expressions which have now become superfluous. And as regards 
 invention, I find no difficulty in that either, since in order to com- 
 prehend the absolute origin of language, we have no choice between 
 having recourse to a miracle, and conceding to mankind an in- 
 stinctive power of inventing language." — A. W. von Schlegel, de 
 I'origine des Hindous, Essais ; and in the Transactions of the Eoyal 
 Society of Literature of the United Kingdom, vol. ii. p. 433. 
 
 H H 2 
 
468 ^ APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE B, p. 285. 
 
 " Strabo tells us that the tribes of the Persians, Medes, Bactrians, 
 and Sogdians, spoke nearly the same language. We can have no 
 difficulty in supposing that this similarity of speech which existed in 
 Strabo's age, existed also in earlier times. The old Iranian dialects, 
 of which the monuments have been still preserved to us, justify this 
 assumption. Of these there are four, (1.) the speech of the earlier 
 Achsemenidae, (2.) that of the later AchEemenidse, (3.) the dialect of 
 the Gathas,! (4.) the old Bactrian, the ordinary language of the 
 Avesta. The two last dialects might perhaps also be embraced 
 under the designation of Avestic. The first two of these dialects 
 belong to western, the last two to eastern, Iran." — Spiegel, in Kuhn 
 and Schleicher's Beitrage zur Vergl. Sprachf. ii. 6. I must refer to 
 the original paper for further details regarding these dialects. I will 
 only quote one or two remarks. In his account of the old Persian or 
 earlier Achsemenidan dialect, Spiegel observes (p. 7), that, " we find 
 in it all the classes of the Sanskrit alphabet represented, excepting 
 the cerebrals, which have a purely local origin.'' (See above, p. 460, 
 note.) At p. 13, he remarks: "We have pointed out in the entire 
 grammar of the old Persian so much that is identical with the San- 
 skrit, that it may now be time to notice the differences which stamp 
 it as a distinct language from the old Indian. Not a few such pecu- 
 liarities are to be found in all the departments of grammar. la 
 a phonetic aspect, there is this important deviation that the old 
 Persian has the letter z, which is unknown to the Sanskrit, and 
 that it, like the Greek, changes the Indian s into A." — (See above, 
 pp. 314, and 316.) 
 
 NOTE C, p. 294. 
 
 Rig-veda ix. 113. 7 — 11. Yatra jyotir ajasram yasmin loke svar 
 hitam \ Tasmin mam dhehi pavamana amrite loke akshite \ Yatra 
 ■raja Vaivasvato yatrdvarodkanam divah | Yatrdmur yahvatir 
 
 ' [It is scarcely necessary to say that this has no connection with the Indian 
 Gatlia dialect, described above, pp. 124, ff. J.M.] 
 
APPENDIX. 469 
 
 apas tatra mam amritam kridhi \ Yatranukamam charanam 
 trindke tridive divah \ Loka yatra jyotishmantas tatra mam, &c. | 
 Yatra kama nikamaicha yatra hradhnasya vishtapam \ Svad/ta 
 cha yatra triptUcha tatra mam, &c. | Yatrdnanddscha modascha 
 mudah pramuda dsate | Kdmasya yatrdptdh kdmds tatra mam, &c. | 
 "Place me, purifier (Soma), in that divine unchanging region, 
 where perpetual light and sunshine abide. Make me immortal in the 
 world where king Vaiva^vata (Yama) reigns, where the sanctuary 
 of the sky is, and the great waters are. Make me immortal in 
 the third heaven, where action is unrestrained, where the shining 
 regions exist. Mate me immortal in the world where all enjoy- 
 ments exist, in the realm of the sun, where celestial food and satis- 
 faction are found. Make me immortal in the world, where there 
 are manifold pleasures and joys, and where the objects of desire are 
 attained." Benfey, Gloss, to Sama-veda, under the word nikama, 
 renders svadhd and triptih by " nectar and ambrosia.'' 
 
 NOTE D, p. 295. 
 
 I shall here translate or abstract, the most important parts of 
 Dr. Windischmann's Dissertation, . " On the Soma-worship of the 
 Ariansv" Dr. Windischmann begins with the following remarks : 
 " If we advert to the striking contrast which exists between the 
 doctrine of Zarathustra, and the Brahmanical system, and to the fact 
 that the former must be looked on as the work of a reformer seeking 
 to preserve the old nature-worship from the mythological transform- 
 ations with which it was threatened, it must appear as a matter 
 of the greater importance to throw light upon those points in which 
 the two religions agree. For as regards those conceptions which 
 existed before the two systems had developed their opposing princi- 
 ples, we may reasonably assume that they were possessed in common 
 long before the separation of the Arian race into the Indian and 
 Iranian branches, that they formed part of the (already existing, 
 and distinguishable) religions of the Zendavesta and the Veda, and 
 that they had been inherited from the most primitive tradition. Such 
 traditions are, indeed, comparatively few ; but the concurrence of 
 those which have been preserved, is so much the more striking ; as, 
 
 E H 3 
 
470 APPENDIX. 
 
 for example, Lassen (Ind. Ant. i. 517) has shown in regard to the 
 Iranian legend of king Yima, son of Vivanghat, who corresponds to 
 the Indian Yama, son of Vivasvat. Yima, however, is regarded by 
 the Medo-Persians as the first king, lawgiver, and founder of the 
 Iranian worship, while Yama is looked on by the Brahmans as lord of 
 Hades, (R.-V. i. 35. 6.), and judge of the dead, and it is his brother 
 Manu who plays the same part as Yima." "But by far the most 
 remarkable analogy is that which exists between the Haoma of the 
 Zendayesta, and the Soma of the most ancient Brahraanical books, 
 an analogy which is not confined to some few features of the legend, 
 but extends to the entire Soma-worship of the early Arian race. 
 
 "Haoma and Soma are names etymologically identical. Both 
 come from the root su, in Zend hu; which signifies, 'to beget,' and 
 also, but especially in the Vedic dialect, to ' drop/ or ' to press out 
 juice.' In later Indian mythology Soma means the moon and its 
 deity : but in the Zendavesta and the Vedas it signifies a celebrated 
 plant, and its juice. This is the asclepias acida, or sarcostema viminalis, 
 the expressed juice of which produces a peculiarly astrigent, narcotic 
 and intoxicating effect. The plant,^ plucked up by the roots, is col- 
 lected by moonlight on the mountains ; stripped of its leaves ; carried 
 on a car drawn by two goats to the place of sacrifice (where a spot 
 covered with grass and twigs is prepared) ; crushed between stones 
 by the priests ; and is then thrown, stalks as well as juice (sprinkled 
 with water) into a sieve, whence, after the whole has been further 
 pressed by the hand of the Brahmans, the juice trickles into a vessel 
 (called drond) which is placed beneath. The fluid is then mixed with 
 clarified butter, wheaten and other flour, and brought into a state of 
 fermentation ; it is then offered up thrice a day, and partaken of by 
 the Brahmans. The Sama-veda is almost entirely made up of songs 
 to accompany this ceremony ; and the Big-veda, too, contains nume- 
 rous passages which have reference to it. It was unquestionably 
 the greatest and the holiest offering of the ancient Indian worship. 
 The sound of the trickling juice is regarded as a sacred hymn. The 
 gods drink the offered beverage ; they long for it (as it does for 
 them) ; they ai-e nourished by it, and thrown into a joyous intoxica- 
 tion : this is the case with Indra, (who performs his great deeds 
 
 ^ Compare Stevenson's Translation of the Sama-veda, p. iv. This work is 
 repeatedly referred to in the sequel. 
 
APPENDIX. 471 
 
 under its influence), with the AsvinSj the Maruts, and Agni. The 
 beverage is divine, it purifies, it inspires greater joy than alcohol, 
 it intoxicates Sukra, it is a water of life, protects and nourishes, 
 gives health and immortality, prepares the way to heaven, destroys 
 enemies, &o. The Sama-veda distinguishes two kinds of Soma, the 
 green and the yellow: but it is its golden colour which is for the 
 most part celebrated. 
 
 " If we compare all this with what the Persians say of the Haoma 
 plant, we And the most surprising agreement. Haoma is the first 
 of tlie trees, planted by Ahura Mazda in the fountain of life. He 
 who drinks of its juice never dies. According to the Bundehesb, 
 the Gogard or G-okeren tree bears the Haoma, which gives health 
 and generative power, and imparts life at the resurrection. The 
 Haoma plant does not decay, bears no fruit, resembles the vine, is 
 knotty, and has leaves like jessamin ; it is yellow and white. Its 
 juice is prepared and oflfered with sacred rites, and is called Para- 
 haoma. Thus in Yasna, iii. 5, it is said haomencha para-haomeri' 
 cha ayese, ' I reverence the Haoma and the Para-haoma.' 
 
 "The fact that the Magians offered up a plant was known to 
 Plutarch ', but what this plant was is not certain The plant 
 
 ' The paragraph in which this information is found (of which Windischmann 
 cites only a few words) is as follows: — 
 
 Plutarch de Isid. et Osir. 46. No/iifbuiri yap of n'ev beovs iivai iio KaBaTrep amni- 
 Xvovs, t}>v ixiv a-yafleliv, rhy 8e tpaihav BT]fiiovpy6v ' oi 5e rhv fjiev a/ieiifova ^ebv, rhv 84 
 fTfpov Sai/Jioira, Ka\ov(Tiv acrirfp ZaipiSoffTpis 6 fi.dyos, Sv ircyTOKwrx'^iois ereffi raic Tpm- 
 fcav yiyov4pai, hropovaiv, Ovros oZv ^KoX^i "rbv juey 'Clpofid^Tjv, rhy 3k ^Apeifidvtov * Kal 
 ttpaaairnpalvero -rhv jiiv ioiKenai <pan\ /uiKurTa t&v al(r67]Tav, rbc Se ey.Ta\i.v crxiTcp koI 
 ayvoia' fiiaov 5e StfjUpotv tov VLidpTjv eivar 5th koX i/lidptjv Hepaat rhy fieffirijy dvofid^ouaiv * 
 eSiSuIe fiev Ttf E^KTaia &ueiy KaX xopiffT^p'o, t^ S4 htorpiTraia KoX (XKuBpuwd. Tl6av ydp 
 Tiva KiirrovTes o/iw/ii KaKoviiimiv eV iXfi-tf, rhv"ASriv avaKa\ovyTtu Kal •r'bv CKhov cFra 
 fji^avres o'/Jubti Kwov tripayeyTos, els tintov aviiMov 4K!pepovffi Kal filvTovcri. Kal ylip 
 Tav (pvT&y vofii^ouffi to. fisv rov ayadov i&€oi7, to; Se tov KaKov Satfiovos ^ivai ■ Kal 
 Twy fi^wi', affTTfp Kitpas ttal 6pviBas Ka\ ^eptraiovs ix^vovs, toD ayaQov ' tov 56 ^at^Aou 
 Tohs ipvbpovs eTvaif 5ih Kai tov KTeivavTa irKelffTovs evSaiiiovi^ovai. 
 
 " For some think that there are two gods, as it were opposed in their functions, 
 the one the framer of good ohjects, the other of bad. Some call the more excellent 
 being God, and the other Demon; as Zoroaster, the Magian, who is related to 
 have lived 5000 years before the Trojan war. He called the one Oromazes, the 
 other Arimanius, and declared that the former resembled light most of all sensible 
 things, and the latter darkness and ignorance. He also said that Mithras was in- 
 termediate between them. This is the reason why the Persians call Mithras the 
 mediator. He taught them to sacrifice votive and thank-oiferings to the one (Oro- 
 
 H H 4 
 
472 APPENDIX. 
 
 seems to have changed with the locality ; and the soma-plant of 
 the Indians does not appear to be the same as the haoma of tlie 
 Persians ; at least the latter affirm that their sacrificial plant does 
 not grow in India. Ahura Mazda causes the white haoma to grow 
 
 among the numerous kinds of trees A constant appellation 
 
 of the haoma is the gold-coloured (zairigaono) just as in the Veda. 
 
 "But these are not the only points of resemblance between the 
 Soma worship of the Indians and Persians. There is one other very 
 important particular in which they both agree. In the Vedas, 
 Soma is not merely a sacred sacrificial beverage, but also a god. 
 This is proved by numerous passages of the Veda (Stevenson, 
 p. 98) ; and in particular by the splendid hymn to Soma, Rig-veda, 
 i. 91. Precisely in the same manner, Haoma is, in the Zendavesta, 
 not a plant only but also a powerful deity ; and in both works the 
 conceptions of the god and the sacred juice blend wonderfully with 
 each other. The most important passages regarding this personified 
 Haoma are to be found in the 9th and 10th sections of the Yasna, 
 which are explained by striking analogies in the hymn of the Veda 
 just referred to. The 9th section begins thus : ' In early morning 
 Haoma came to Zarathustra, who waS consecrating his sacred fire, 
 and repeating prayers. Zarathustra asked him " What man art 
 thou, whom I see to be the most excellent in the whole existing 
 world on account of his immortal life ? " Hereupon Haoma, the 
 pure, the remover of sickness, answered me, " I am, Zarathustra, 
 the pure, the remover of sickness. Invoke me, holy man, pour me 
 I'orth to drink, celebrate me with praise, as formerly the holy men 
 used to do.'' Then Zarathustra said, " Reverence to Haoma." ' * 
 
 mazes), and to the other gloomy oblations to avert his wrath. For after pounding 
 a certain herb called Bmomi in a mortar, they invoke Pluto and darkness; and when 
 they have mixed it with the blood of a slaughtered wolf, they carry it to a sunless 
 spot and cast it away. They also regard certain plants as belonging to the good 
 deity, and others to the evil demon ; and some animals, as dogs, and birds, and 
 hedgehogs, to the former, (and others as) sea-urchins, to the latter; and they feli- 
 citate those who have killed the greatest number of these last." 
 
 ' Compare Spiegel's translation of the same passage, and its continuation, Avesta, 
 ii. 68, if. In note 4 he remarks : " Haoma, like various other deities of the Avesta, 
 is regarded as at once a personal god, and as the thing on account of which this god 
 was imagined. Haoma is at once a Yazata and a dvink. The original identity of 
 the Indian Soma with the Haoma of the Avesta has been excellently shown in F. 
 Windischmann's dissertation. Among both nations the healing power of the 
 Haoma is prominently noticed, but among the Parsis it is particularly the white 
 
APPENDIX. 473 
 
 Haoma is here called 'remover of heat, or sickness,' and in the 
 same way Soma is said in Eig-veda, i. 91. 12, to be amlvaha 'the 
 destroyer of suffering.' This passage of the Yasna clearly shows 
 how, as I have before mentioned, the separate ideas of the god and 
 of the juice are blended. Haoma desires that he himself shall be 
 prepared for sacrifice. 
 
 " This passage is followed by a specification of the four original 
 worshippers of Haoma. The first was Vivafihat, who prepared the 
 celestial beverage hunuta, and in consequence obtained a blessing, 
 and the fulfilment of his wish that a son should be born to him. 
 This was King Yima, the most glorious of men, in whose realm 
 men and animals never died, water and trees never dried up, food 
 was superabundant, and cold, heat, disease, death and devilish envy 
 were unknown. 
 
 " What has before been said of Yima shows the importance of this 
 passage. The worship of Haoma is placed anterior to Yima, i. e., 
 to the commencement of Iranian civilization ; and in fact is declared 
 to be the cause of that happy period. The Eig-veda also refers to 
 this high antiquity of the Soma worship, when (i. 91. 1.) it says of 
 Soma : 'By thy guidance, O brilliant (Soma), our courageous fathers 
 have obtained treasures among the gods.' Like Vivaiihat, the two 
 next worshippers of Haoma, viz, Athwya and Thrita, also obtained 
 offspring, — Thraetaono and other sons who destroyed the Ahrimanian 
 monster. The heroic age of the conflict of Light is thus referred 
 back to Haoma, whilst in the Eig-veda (i. 91. 8), Soma is invoked to 
 f deliver from destruction, to suffer none of his friends to perish ;' and 
 (in verse 15) to protect from incantations and from sin ; and in the 
 Sama-veda (Stevenson, p. 259), he is said to drive away the Ea- 
 kshasas. 
 
 " It is interesting to remark, that while ThraetaonS is said here to 
 have been bestowed by Haoma, the Sama-veda names a Eishi Trita 
 as an offerer of Soma. 
 
 " The fourth worshipper of Haoma is Pourusa^pa, the father of 
 Zarathustra : his reward was the birth of this illustrious son, the 
 promulgator of the anti-demonic doctrine. Here also the ancient 
 
 Haoma which imparts immortality. Tlie Indian plant is the asclepias acidaj 
 the Persian is not determined. Both nations notice that the plant grew on moun- 
 tains, and originally, at least, it must hare been the same plant which both em- 
 ployed." 
 
474 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 legend confirms the priority of the Haoma worship to the Zoroastrian 
 reformation. 
 
 " When Zarathustra has thus learnt that he owes his own existence 
 to Haoma, he celebrates his praises ; and the epithets which he here 
 applies to the god, agree in a remarkable way with those of the 
 Veda. Some of these parallel epithets are hvaresa, Zexid,=svarsha, 
 Sanskrit (R.-V. i. 91. 21), ' giving light ;' verethrajao, Zend, = vri- 
 trahd, Sanskrit (R.-V. i. 91. a), ' destroyer of enemies;' hukhratus, 
 Zend,=sukratuh, Sanskrit, (R.-V. i. 91. 2), ' offering good sacrifices, 
 or 'wise,' or 'strong.' The blessings supplicated by Zarathustra 
 from Haoma also agree in many points with those which the Vedic 
 poet asks from Soma." 
 
 It is not necessary, however, to pursue the subject farther. I 
 refer the reader, who wishes further details of this sort to Dr. Win- 
 dischmann's dissertation itself. 
 
 I copy the following remarks on the Soma worship from Mr. 
 Whitney's " Main Resalta of the later Vedic Researches in Ger- 
 many," (Journal of the Amer. Orient. Society, iii. 299, 300.) The 
 " hymns, one hundred and fourteen in number [of the 9th Book of 
 the Rig-vida] are, without exception, addressed to the Soma, and 
 being intended to be sung while that drink was expressed from the 
 plant that afforded it, and was clarified, are called pavamdnyas 
 
 ' purificational.' The word soma means simply ' extract,' 
 
 (from the root su to express, extract), and is the name of a bevernge 
 prepared from a certain herb, the asclepias acida, which grows 
 abundantly upon the mountains of India and Persia. This plant, 
 which by its name should be akin to our common milk-weed, 
 furnishes like the latter, an abundant milky juice, which, when 
 fermented, possesses intoxicating qualities. In this circumstance, 
 it is believed, lies the explanation of the whole matter. The simple- 
 minded Arian people, whose whole religion was a worship of the 
 wonderful powers and phenomena of nature, had no sooner perceived 
 that this liquid had power to elevate the spirits, and produce a temporary 
 phrenzy, under the influence of which the individual was prompted to, 
 and capable of, deeds beyond his natural powers, than they found 
 in it something divine ; it was, to their apprehension, a god, endowing 
 those into whom it entered with god-like powers ; the plant which 
 afforded it became to them the king of plants ; the process of pre- 
 paring it was a holy sacrifice ; the instruments used therefor were 
 
APPENDIX. 475 
 
 sacred. The high antiquity of this cultus is attested by the re- 
 ferences to it found occurring in the Persian Avesta ; it seems, 
 however, to have received a new impulse on Indian territory, as the 
 pavamanya hymns of the Veda exhibit it in a truly remarkable 
 state of development. Soma is there addressed as a god in the 
 highest strains of adulation and veneration ; all powers belong to 
 him ; all blessings are besought of him, as his to bestow. And not 
 only do such hymns compose one whole book of the Rik, and occur 
 scattered here and there through other portions of it, but the most 
 numerous single passages and references evei'ywhere appearing, 
 show how closely it had intertwined itself with the whole ritual 
 of the Vedic religion." 
 
 Lassen remarks in reference to the affinities of the Iranians and 
 Indians (Ind. Ant. i. 516): "It should first be recollected that the 
 Zendavesta shows us the [Iranian] doctrine not in its original, 
 but in a reformed shape ; a distinction is made between the men of 
 the old and of the new law ; and we may conclude that the points 
 wherein the Brahmanical Indians and the followers of Zoroaster 
 coincide, belong to the old, and those in which they differ, to the 
 new, system. Of the beings who are the objects of veneration in 
 the Avesta, it is the seven highest, i. e. Ahura Mazda and the 
 Amesha ^pentas, who are peculiarly Iranian ; their names are 
 unknown to the Brahmans ; the Vedas recognize no class of seven 
 divinities of the highest rank who are of the same character. On 
 the other hand there is no trace of Brahma among the Iranians. 
 The fundamental principle of the Zend doctrine, the dualistic 
 separation of the good and evil principles is, in like manner, 
 foreign to Brahmanism. But there are, nevertheless, other deities, 
 who are equally venerated in the Zendavesta and the Veda, viz., fire, 
 the sun, the moon, the earth, and water ; a fact which indicates 
 that both religions have a common foundation.'' 
 
 Lassen also treats of the legend of Yima, and of other points of 
 connection between the Indian and Iranian religions, pp. 517-526; 
 and then observes : " The common reminiscences of the Eastern 
 Iranians, and the Arian Indians, cannot be explained from any 
 communications, such as neighbouring nations might make to one 
 another. On the contrary, we perceive sometimes a varying, some- 
 times a contradictory, conception of important traditions and 
 appellations, which is only intelligible if we presuppose an earlier 
 agreement, which had, in part, become lost and modified in the 
 
476 APPENDIX. 
 
 course of time, after the separation of the two nations ; and in 
 part had become converted into a contradiction by a division in 
 their opinions. Even this contradiction indicates a closer connection 
 between the two nations at an earlier period." 
 
 See also Professor R. Eoth's articles in the Journal of the German 
 Oriental Society, for 1848 (pp. 216, ff.), 1850 (pp. 417, ff.), and 
 1852 (pp. 67, ff.), on the legends of Feridun and Jemshid, and on the 
 " highest gods of the Arian nations ;" and also his paper on 
 Nabanazdista, at p. 243 of the last named volume. In the vol. for 1848, 
 p. 216, he proposes to show by an example, " how the Veda and the 
 Avesta flow from one fountain, like two streams, the one of which, 
 the VediCj has continued fuller, purer, and truer to its original 
 character ; while the other has become in many ways polluted, has 
 changed its original course, and consequently cannot always be 
 followed back with equal certainty to its sources." See also Professor 
 MiiHer's " Last Results of the Persian Researches." 
 
 NOTE E, p. 315. 
 
 " The question regarding the time and place of the separation is of 
 yet greater importance than that concerning its cause. For our 
 present inquiry, it is of less consequence to determine the place, than 
 the time, of that separation. As regards the region where the 
 Indians and Iranians dwelt together, several suppositions may be 
 made. The Iranians may have immigrated into the Panjab along 
 with the Indians, and have turned thence in a westerly direction. 
 But, on the other hand, the Indians might have separated themselves 
 from the Iranians, and travelled towards the east. Thirdly, it might 
 be conjectured that the two races had parted from each other before 
 they migrated towards India and Iran. Be tliis as it may, though 
 we are unable to assign any date to the period of the separation, we 
 must decidedly hold it to have occurred before the Vedic era. No 
 such relation exists between the two races as would justify us in 
 assuming that the Iranians formed one community with the Indians 
 during the Vedic period. The great majority of the Vedic gods and 
 of the Vedic conceptions are as little known to the Iranians, as the 
 Iranian conceptions are to the Indians. The ideas which are common 
 
APPENDIX. 477 
 
 to both nations may be most easily and satisfactorily explained by 
 supposing them to have been developed in the ante-Vedic period." 
 Spiegel, in Kuha and Schleicher's Beitrage zur vergl. Sprachf. 
 vol. ii. pp. 3 and 4. 
 
 NOTE F, p. 317. 
 
 "It is the common view that it was religious grounds which 
 occasioned the separation of the Indians and Iranians. This opinion is 
 supported by the fact that the names of several divinities which have 
 a good signification among the one people, are used in a bad sense 
 by the other, and vice versa. Thus the Indian deva (god), has become 
 a demon among the Iranians under the form of daeva ; and Indra as 
 Andra has experienced a similar degradation. It must not be denied 
 that these differences of conception may have had their foundation 
 in a religious schism between the two nations ; but this opinion 
 should not be regarded as more than a probable conjecture, or held 
 to be a historical fact, which follows from the linguistic data with the 
 same certainty as the proposition that the Indian and Iranian nations 
 had originally the same common ancestors. Other possible modes 
 may be conceived, in which this opposition may have arisen ; such 
 as the internal development of the Iranian people itself. We have 
 only to reflect on the case of the German religions, and their ancient 
 gods, who, in presence of Christianity, came to be regai-ded as 
 evil spirits. Dualism, with its rigorous consequences, was a power 
 which operated in Iran in precisely the same manner as Christianity 
 did in Germany. This dualism, which was a result of the particular 
 development of the Iranian people, was compelled to make room in its 
 system, in the best way it could, for those forms of religious belief 
 which it found already in existence, and did not feel itself strong 
 enough to discard. Many beings formerly regarded as gods, may 
 thus have been transformed into evil spirits, because they stood in 
 too strong a contrast to the new moral system. It appears to me 
 that the opposition between the religious conceptions of the Indians 
 and the Iranians grew up gradually, and not all at once, in consequence 
 of a reform of Zarathustra, as some have assumed." Spiegel, as 
 above, p. 3. 
 
478 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE G, p. 336. 
 
 Ptolemy, Geogr. vi. 16. has the following notice of Ottorocorra : — 
 
 "OjOTj 2e Ste'f wkev Trjv ^r]pit:rjy, to. te KokovjJitva "Avvi€a, k. t. X. " llie 
 country of Serica is surrounded by mountain ranges," viz., the Anni- 
 bian, the Auxacian, the Asmiraean, the Casian, the Thagurian, and that 
 of Emodus : 
 
 Kat TO Ka\ovjj.evoy OTTopoKoppag, ov ra iripara iiri)(Ei fioipaQ p^d Xt 
 Kai po'; \d. " [Another of these ranges] is that called Ottorocorras, 
 the limits of which extend from 169° 36' to 176° 39' east long." 
 
 Ta fiev ovv apKTiKuiTepa TrjsSrjpiKiJQ KaTavi/JOVTai Edvr] ' Avdpwiro(j>aySiv. 
 " The northern parts of Serica are inhabited by the tribes of the 
 Anthropophagi " (men-eaters). The Annibi, Sizyges, &c., follow : 
 
 Kai ^Eun/^bpivwrarot ■Kapa to. 'H/iw2a Kal ^rjptica opt) 'OrTopomippai. 
 " And southernmost of all, near the Emodian and Serican mountains, 
 dwell the Ottorocorra." 
 
 Among the cities of Serica is mentioned Ottorocorra, in east 
 long. 165° 37' 15". 
 
 Ottorocora is again alluded to by Ptolemy in book viii., in his re- 
 marks on the eighth map of Asia : — 
 
 'H 'OrropoKopa ttIv ficyiaTTiv rjfiepav e^Ei ApSiv iSyo Eyytora' cat 
 Sie'otijkev ' AXtE.avSpEiag wpoe tw &paL£ Eirra. " The greatest length of 
 the day in Ottorocora is nearly 14f hours. It is distant from Alex- 
 andria seven hours towards the east." 
 
 See, for an account of Ptolemy's geographical system,Lassen's Ind. 
 Ant. iii. 94, ff. ; and for the position of Ottorocorra, the map at the 
 end of the same volume. 
 
 NOTE H, p 344. 
 
 In regard to Airyanem Vaejo, Lassen observes, (Ind. Ant. i., 
 526, ff. ) : " If we assume that the Arian Indians and the Iranians 
 had originally the same common abodes, out of India, we should 
 expect to find a tradition on the subject among the latter people rather 
 than among the former. We have already said that the Indians have 
 no longer any legend of this sort, though they imagine a sacred 
 region and the seats of the gods to exist to the north of India.^ 
 
APPENDIX. - 479 
 
 The Iranians, on the contrary, clearly designate Airyanem Vaejo as 
 the first created country : this they place in the extreme east of 
 the Iranian highlands, in the region where the Oxus and Jaxartes 
 take their rise.. This country was afflicted with winter by Ahriman, 
 and had only two months of summer, as if the tradition of a de- 
 crease in the earth's temperature still existed. "We must suppose 
 the cold highlands on the western slopes of Belurtag and Mustag to 
 be meant," &c. [The next paragraph will be quoted in Note 
 K]. The following remarks are added : " It suffices to have made it 
 probable that the earliest abodes of the Indians and Iranians are to be 
 sought in the extreme east of the Iranian highlands ; but we may 
 assert it to be more^than probable that the Indians were derived from 
 
 some part of the Iranian country The means of arriving at 
 
 a conclusion on this subject are uncertain ; we can only form con- 
 jectures from a review of the later geographical positions occupied by 
 these nations ; arid we are thus led to fix on the country lying be- 
 tween the Caspian sea and the highlands before mentioned, as having 
 been most probably their ancient seats." 
 
 See also Ariana Antiqua, p. 134, quoted in Note K. 
 
 Baron von Bunsen also treats of the first Fargard of the Vendidad 
 in one of the Appendices to his Bibel-werk, voL v. pp. 315, 316. 
 
 ° Lassen's idea, quoted in p. 349, that the " daily prospect of the snowy sum- 
 mits of the Himalaya, glittering far and wide over the plains," and the know- 
 ledge the Indians had of the "table-land beyond, with its extensive and tranquil 
 domains, its clear and cloudless sky," &c., would point out the " north as the 
 abode of the gods, and the theatre of wonders," is confinned by Homer's description 
 of Olympus, Odyss, vi. 42, ff.: 
 
 Otj\vfnr6yS', oBi ipaffl ^eSii' eSos dirfaXh aUl 
 "EfJifievai ' otjT^ dvdfwiai TivdatreTOi, oUre •j^ot' ofiSpcp 
 Ae^'ierai, ofire x^^^ hrnriXvceTar dK\h fid\* aUBprj 
 .neTTTaTai oLv4(f>s\os, AeuK^ 5' iiri^edpofJiev atyKf], 
 
 " Olympus, where they say the blessed gods 
 Kepose for ever in secure abodes : 
 No stormy blasts athwart those summits sweep, 
 No showers or snows bedew the sacred steep ; 
 But cloudless skies serene above are spread, 
 And golden radiance plays around its head." 
 
 This, however, is the ideal Olympus. The mountain is styled dydvpupos, 
 "snowy," in Hiad i. 420, where the scholiast explains the discrepancy by saying 
 that the epithet " snowy " applies only to the parts below the clouds, the summits 
 being above the clouds, and exempt from rain or snow. 
 
480 , „ - APPENDIX. 
 
 I abstract the following remarks : — " The sacred books of Zoroaster's 
 followers begin with a description of the gradual diffusion of the 
 Arian races of Bactria, as far as the Penjab. Tlie account of these 
 migrations of the Bactrian Arians is preceded by a remarkable re- 
 ference to the primeval country in the north-east, from which their 
 forefathers removed to their present abodes, in consequence of a 
 great natural convulsion. It appears that that once perfect primeval 
 country, Airyana, had originally a very mild climate, until the 
 hostile deity created a powerful serpent, and snow ; so that only two 
 months of summer remained, while winter prevailed during ten. 
 The country next occupied was Sogdiana ; and the third Bactria. 
 The progress of the Arians with their civilisation is, as it were, the 
 march of Ahura Mazda, the lord of spirits. This advance has a 
 historical . import, for all the countries which are specified form a 
 continuous series, extending towards the south and west, and in all 
 of them the Arian culture is discoverable, and even now (in part ex- 
 clusively) predominant. The first named country can be no other 
 than that where the Oxus and Jaxartes take their rise ; the table- 
 land of Pamer, and Khokand. Assuming the genuineness and an- 
 tiquity of the Bactrian tradition, we have here a testimony deserving 
 of the highest consideration, to the historical character of the 
 Biblical tradition regarding the interruption of the life of the 
 Asiatic population by a great natural convulsion confined to this 
 locality. The country lying between the highlands just mentioned 
 to the east, and the mountains of Caucasus and Ararat to the west, with 
 the Caspian Sea in its centre, is regarded by scientific geologists, such 
 as Humboldt and Murchison, as the very region where the most recent 
 convulsions of nature have occurred. The snow and the pro- 
 longed winter alluded to in the oldest Arian tradition must have 
 been the result of an upheaving of the land into mountains.'' 
 
 NOTE I, p. 358. 
 
 " Now there can be no doubt that by the Kophen is to be understood 
 the Kabul Eiver ; for Arrian says, that having received the Malaman- 
 tus, Suastus, and Garoeus, it mixes with the Indus, in the country 
 of Peukelaotis ; and the latter part of Alexander's operations west of 
 
APPENDIX. 481 
 
 the Indus, shortly hefore he crosses that river, are carried on in the 
 same district along the Indus and the Cophen." — Wilson, Ariana 
 Ant., p. 183. " The united stream [of the Punjkora and Sewat] is 
 called either the Punjkora or Sewat River; and this may explain 
 why Arrian, in his Indica, speaks erroneously of a Suastus as well 
 as a Garoeus, whilst in Ptolemy we have no other river than the 
 Suastus described." — Ibid. p. 190. " Alexander crossed, according 
 to Arrian's narrative, four rivers before he reached the Indus ; and 
 these, the Kophen, Khoes, Euaspla, and Graroeus, we have still in 
 the Punjshir, Alishung, Khonar, and Punjkora. . , . Thus even 
 Arrian is a better authority as an historian than as a geographer, for 
 he describes in the latter character, the Kophen as bringing with it 
 to the Indus, the Malamantus, Suastus, and Graroeus ; two of which 
 he does not name at all in his narrative, and of which the third is 
 probably the same with the second." — Ibid. p. 194. Lassen, on the 
 contrary, holds that Ptolemy is in error. " It must surprise us," he 
 remarks (Ind. Ant., iii. 129), " that, of the rivers of Eastern Kabul, 
 Ptolemy mentions only the Suastos, and passes over the Garoias^ in 
 silence, though this river must have been known to him from the 
 accounts of the writers of the Macedonian age, who, however, are 
 wrong in making the Suastos to unite not with it, but with the 
 Kophen. This is the more surprising, as Ptolemy is acquainted 
 with the region called Goryaia after that river. . . . Ptolemy is 
 thus misled into making the Suastos rise too far to the north." See 
 also Lassen's Ind. Ant. ii. 668, 669. 
 
 In any case, the existence of a river in the Kabul country, called 
 Suastus at the date of Alexander's expedition, is undoubted. 
 
 NOTE J, p. 367. 
 
 In the Asiatic Eesearches, vol. xv. 108, Professor H. H. Wilson 
 translates parts of a long passage in the Karna Parva, or viii* 
 book of the M.-Bh., verses 2025, ff., in which the manners of the 
 Bahikas, Madras, Gandharas, Arattaa, and other tribes of the Panj- 
 ab are stigmatised as disgraceful. The same text is quoted and 
 translated in the appendix to M. Troyer's Rajatarangini, vol. ii. 
 pp. 549, ff. I will cite a few specimens from this passage. The 
 
 ' The ancient name was Gauri; the present is Panjkora. 
 I I 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 country where the Baliikas dwell is thus defined (verses 2029, ff.) '. 
 Vahishkrita Himavata Gangaya cha vaMshkritdh | Sarasxtatya, Va- 
 mamuya Kurukshetretia chapi ye \ Panchanam Sindhushashtanam 
 nadinam. ye^antarasritah \ Tan dharmuvahyan asuchin Bajitkan 
 parivarjayet "Let every one avoid those impure Bahikas, who are 
 outcasts'' from righteousness, who are shut out by the Himavat^ 
 the Ganga, the Sarasvati, the Yamuna, and Kurukshetra, and who 
 dwell between the five rivers which are associated with the Sindhu 
 (Indus), as the sixth." 
 
 Their women are thus described (v. 2035): Gayanty athacha 
 nptyanti striyo mattah vivasasah, NagaroffamvapresJiu vahir mdl- 
 yanulepandj}, he. "The women drunk and undressed, wearing 
 garlands, and perfumed with unguents, sing and dance in public 
 places, and on the ramparts of the town," &c. 5 with much more to 
 the same effect. 
 
 Again (v. 2063, ff.) : Panehanadyo vahanty etq, yatra nissritya 
 parvatdt, Aratta. ndtna Bdhlkd na teskv Aryo dvyham vasef. 
 (v. 2068, ff.) Arattu. nama te dem BdMham noma tajjalam ; Brdk- 
 mandpasadd yatra tulydhdldh Prajdpateh. Vedo na teshdm vai^ 
 dyancha yajm yajanam eva cha, Vrdtydndm ddsamiydnam annam 
 devd na bJiurtjate. Proisthala Mckdra-Gdndhdrd Aratta VMtnatali 
 Kha'sdh, Vasdtir Sindhusauvim itipt-dyo 'tikutsitd^. "In the region 
 where these five rivers flow after issuing from the mountains, dwell 
 the Bahikas, called Arattas ; let no Arya. dwell there even foj? two 
 days. . . The name of the country is Aratta ; the water of it is called 
 Bahika. There dwell degraded BrahmanSj contemporary with Prsya- 
 pati (?). They have no Veda, no Vedie ceremony, nor any sacrifice^ 
 The gods do not eat the food offered by Vratyas and servile people. 
 The Prasthalas, Madras, Gandharas, Arattas, Kbaias, Vasatis, and Sin- 
 dhusauviraa are nearly all very contemptible." Again it is said of the 
 same country (v. 2076, ff. ) Tafra vai Brdhmano bhutvd tato bhavati 
 Kshattriyah, Vaiiyah Sudraicha Bdhikas tato bhavati ndpitah, 
 Ndpitascha tato bh-utvd punar bhavati Brahmanah. Dvijo bhAtvd 
 cha tatraiva punar ddso 'bhijdyate. Bhavatyekah kuU Viprah 
 prasrishtdh kdmachdrinah, Gandhdrd Madrakdschaiva Bdhlkd- 
 ichdlpachetasah. " There a Bahika born a Brahman, becomes after- 
 wards a Kshattriya, a Vaiiya, or a Sudra, and eventually a barber. 
 
 ' These expressions „" dharma-»a/jy5« " and " vahish-'krltah " seem to contain 
 a play on the name of the Bdhihas. Tliis tribe is mentioned in the S. P. Br., 
 quoted above, p. 213. 
 
APPENDIX. 483 
 
 And again the barber becomes a Brahman. And once again the 
 Brahman becomes a slave. One Brahman alone is born in a family 
 among the senseless Gandharas, Madras, and Bahikas ; the [other 
 brothers] act as they will without restraint." 
 
 In the Eajatarangini, i. 307, ff., the Gandhara Brahmans are thus 
 characterised : — Agraharan jagrihire Gdndhara-brahmands tatah, 
 samanaMds tasyaiva dhruvan te 'pi dvijadhamdh, Bhaginlvar- 
 ga-sambhoga-nirlajjd Mlechhavankajdh, Snushd-sangati-saktaicha 
 ddraddh santi pdpinah. Vastubhdvais taihd bhddya {bhdtya^) 
 bhdryyd-vikrayakdrinah, &c. " Then the Gandhara Brahmans 
 seized upon rent-free lands ; for these most degraded of priests were 
 of the same disposition as that tyrannical prince. These sinners 
 sprung from Mlechhas, are so shameless as to corrupt their own 
 sisters and daughters-in-law, and to offer their wives to others, 
 hiring and selling them, like commodities, for money.'' 
 
 M. Troyer remarks (vol. ii. 317) that " the inhabitants of the 
 Panjab are in this passage of the M.-Bh. named generally Bahikas 
 and Arattas, while the Gandharas are associated with the different 
 tribes into which these inhabitants- are subdivided, such as the Pra- 
 sthalas and Madras, in such a way that it can scarcely be doubted that 
 the former (the Gandharas) lived in their neighbourhood, diffused like 
 them between the six rivers of that country. . . The Sindhu-Gan- 
 dharas mentioned. Raj. i. 66, lived on the Indus." 
 
 And Wilson says, (As. Res. xv. 105): "According to the M.-Bh. 
 the Gandhari are not only met with upon crossing the Setlej and 
 proceeding towards the Airavati (Ravi), or where Strabo places 
 Gandaris, but they are scattered along with other tribes throughout 
 the Panjab, as far as to the Indtfg, when we approach Gandaritis. 
 According also to our text (Raj. i. 66) one body of the Gandhari 
 appear to occupy a division of their own on the last river, which is 
 named after that very circumstance, Sindhu-Gandhar, and these may 
 have extended westward as far as the modern Candahar." In his 
 Vishnu-Pur., p. 191, note 83, the same writer says of the Gan- 
 dharas : " These are also a people of the north-west, found both on 
 the west of the Indus, and in the Punjab, and well known to classical 
 authors as the Gandarii and Gandaridse." See also Rawlinson's Hero- 
 dotus, iv. pp. 216, 217. 
 
 The definition given of the Gandhara country in p. 356 may be 
 modified accordingly. 
 
 1 1 2 
 
484 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE K, p. 370. 
 
 Lassen, Ind. Ant. i. 527, remarks as follows : " The opinion that 
 the original seats of these [the Indian and Iranian] nations are to 
 be sought here in [the extreme east of the Iranian highlands], re- 
 ceives great confirmation from the fact, that we find branches of 
 these nations on both sides of this lofty range ; for the ancient in- 
 habitants of Casghar, Yarkhand, Khoten, Aksu, Turfan, and 
 Khamil are Tajiks and speak Persian ; it is from this point only 
 that they are diffused towards the interior of- upland Asia ; so that 
 their most powerful germ seems to have been planted on this range." 
 
 And Professor H. H. Wilson says : " Without extending the limits 
 of India, however, too far to the north, there is no reason to doubt 
 that the valleys of ,the Indian Caucasus were properly included 
 within them, and that their inhabitants, as far as to the Pamer 
 mountains and Badakhshan were Indians, who may have been at 
 first tributary to Persia, and afterwards subjects of some branches of 
 the Greek race of Bactrian kings." — Ariana Antiqua, p. 134. 
 
 Badakhshan is the country on the banks of the Oxus, near its 
 sources, situated between lat. 36° and 38° north, and lying eastward 
 from Balkh. Pamer lies in the same direction. See the map in 
 Ariana Ant., p. 214, or that of Ancient India in Lassen's Ind. Ant., 
 vol. ii. 
 
 NOTE L, p. 463. 
 
 A question of considerable interest here presents itself, on which 
 it may be desirable to make a few remarks, viz., whether the in- 
 digenous or non-Arian races, who now speak Tamil, and the other 
 languages of the southern group, are of the same family as those 
 tribes who were brought into contact with the Aryas on their first 
 arrival in India, and the remains of whose languages have survived 
 in the vernacular dialects of northern Hindusthan. The late 
 Rev. Dr. J. Stevenson appears to have been of opinion that the 
 non-Sanskrit element in the northern and southern vernacular 
 dialects was originally to a great extent the same, and that the 
 
Appendix. 485 
 
 people wlio spoke them also belonged to one race. He remarks 
 (Art. vii. Journ. Bombay Branch E07. As. Soc, No. XII. for 1849), 
 "It is usually taken also for granted that between the non-Sanskrit 
 parts of the northern and southern families of languages there is 
 ,no bond of union, and that the only connecting link between the 
 two is their Sanskrit element. It is to this last proposition that the 
 writer of this paper demurs." He afterwards proceeds : " The 
 theory which has suggested itself to the writer as the most probable 
 isj that on the entrance of the tribes which now form the highest 
 castes, those of the Brahmans, Kshattriyas and Waisyas, into India, 
 they found a rude aboriginal population, speaking a different language^ 
 having a different religion, and different customs and manners ; 
 that by arms and policy the original inhabitants were all subdued, 
 and in great numbers expelled from the northern regions, those 
 that remained mixing with the new population, and being first their 
 slaves, and then forming the Sudra caste. The language of these 
 aborigines is supposed to have belonged to the southern family of 
 languages, the most perfect remaining type of which family is the 
 Tamil." The fundamental affinities of the northern and southern 
 languages are then discussed by Dr. Stevenson in various papers in 
 the same journal, which appeared in the years 1851 and 1852. 
 Dr. Caldwel], however, has expressed his dissent from Dr. Stevenson, 
 both in regard to the affinities between the pre- Aryan races them- 
 selves of the north and of the south, and their original languages. 
 (See pp. 38, ff. and 69, ff. of his Dravidian Grammar.) In regard to 
 the languages he remarks (p. 39, ff.) that the hypothesis of their 
 affinity does not appear to him to have been established ; as though 
 various analogies in grammatical structure seem to connect the non- 
 Sanskrit element in the north-Indian idioms with the Scythian or 
 Tartar tongues, yet that no special relationship of the former to the 
 Dravidian languages has yet been proved to exist. If the non-Sanskrit 
 element in the northern vernaculars (p. 40) had been Dravidian^ we 
 might have expected to find in their vocabularies a few primai-y 
 Dravidian roots such as the words for head, hand, foot, eye, ear ; 
 whereas Dr. Caldwell has been unable to discover any trustworthy 
 analogy in words belonging to this class. Further research, he adds 
 (p. 42), may possibly disclose the existence in the northern vernaculars 
 of distinctively Dravidian forms and roots, but their presence does not 
 yet appear to be proved ; and he therefore concluties that tlie non- 
 
 I I 3 
 
486 APPEJSDIX. 
 
 Sanskrit portion of the northern languages cannot safely be placed 
 in the same class with the southern, except, perhaps, in the sense 
 of both being Scythian rather than Arian. The same is the opinion of 
 the Eev. Dr. J. Wilson, who in his " Notes on the Marathi Language," 
 in the preface to the second edition of Molesworth's Marathi 
 Dictionary (p, xxii.), thus writes : — " The Scythian words in the 
 Marathi are, in general, like those of the other Turanian tongues, 
 more in their forms than in their sounds. They diiFer very much 
 from the' vocables of the Turanian languages in the south of India, 
 (the Canarese, Telugu, Tamul, and Malayalam), the comparison of the 
 dictionaries and grammars of which throws but little light on the 
 Marathi ; and though they may be classed in the same tribe of 
 languages, they evidently belong to a different family, to a different 
 Turanian immigration into India, yet to be explored by the combined 
 labours of the philologist and the ethnographer." Kegarding the 
 question whether the non- Arian tribes of the north and the south 
 are themselves of the same stock, Dr. Caldwell remarks (p. 72) that 
 the Dravidians may be confidently regarded as the earliest inhabi- 
 tants of India, or at least as the earliest that entered from the 
 north-west, but it is not so easy to determine whether they are the 
 people whom the Arians found in possession, or whether they had 
 been already expelled from the north by the irruption of another 
 Scythian race. "Without deciding this point positively, Dr, Caldwell 
 is led by the apparent differences between the Dravidian languages 
 and the aboriginal element ia the northern vernaculars, to incline to 
 the supposition that the Dravidian idioms belong to an older stage 
 of Scythian speech ; and if this view be correct, it seems to follow 
 that the ancestors of the Scythian or non-Arian portion of the 
 north-Indian population must have immigrated into India at a later 
 period than the Dravidians, and must have expelled the Dravidians 
 from the greater portion of north-India before they were themselves 
 subjugated by a new race of Arian invaders from the north-west. 
 In any case Dr. Caldwell is persuaded that it was not by the Arians 
 that the Dravidians were expelled from northern India, and that, 
 as no reference occurs either in Sanskrit or Dravidian tradition to 
 any hostilities between these two races, their primitive relations 
 could never have been otherwise than amicable. The pre-Arian 
 Scythians, by whom Dr. Caldwell supposes that the Dravidians may 
 have been expelled from the northern provinces, are not, he con- 
 
APPENDIX. 487 
 
 siders, to be confounded with the Kolas, Santhals, Bhills, Doms, and 
 other aboriginal tribes of the north, who, he supposes, may have 
 retired into the forests before the Dravidians, or, like the Bhotan 
 tribes, have entered into India from the north-east. The languages 
 of these forest tribes Dr. Caldwell conceives to exhibit no affinity 
 with the aboriginal element in the north- Indian vernaculars. We 
 have therefore, according to the views just summarily expounded, 
 four separate strata, so to speak, of population in India : 
 
 First and earliest, the forest-tribes, such as the Kolas, Santhals, 
 Bhills, &c., &c. who may have entered India from the north-east. 
 
 Second. The Dravidians, who entered India from the north-west, 
 and either advanced voluntarily towards their ultimate seats in the 
 south of the peninsula, or were driven by the pressure of subsequent 
 hordes, following them from the same direction. 
 
 Third. We have the race (alluded to at the end of the preceding 
 head. No. 2) of Scythian or non-Arian immigrants from the north- 
 west, whose language afterwards united with the Sanskrit to form 
 the Prakrit dialects of northern India. 
 
 Fourth. The Arian invaders who (after separating first from the 
 other branches of the Indo-Germanic stock, and last of all from the 
 Persian branch of that family) advanced into India, drove before 
 them the non-Arian tribes who were previously in possession of the 
 Panjab and other parts of the north-west provinces of India, and 
 after organising Brahmanical communities, and founding Brahman- 
 ical institutions in the north, gradually diffiised themselves to the 
 east and south, and eventually extended their discipline, and to 
 some degree their sacred language, to the remotest parts of the 
 peninsula. 
 
 To whatever degree the details of this theory may be capable of 
 proof, the general conclusion, at least, seems to be undeniable, viz., 
 that the ancestors both of the Dravidian nations, and of other non- 
 Sanskritic tribes now occupying different parts of India, were in 
 occupation of that country before the immigration of the Arians ; 
 and that the former could not (as is erroneously intimated in various 
 Puranic and other traditions) have been descended from the latter. 
 If the Dravidian Cholas, Ketalas, &c., were originally Kshattriyas 
 who fell away from Brahmanism, they must have been reconverted 
 to that system ; a double process of which there is no historical 
 proof. 
 
 I I 4 
 
■488 
 
 ADDITIONS AND COKEECTIONS. 
 
 (P. 82, line 7.) 
 
 The occurrence of the word yatha-r-iva for yatha + eva in the gathas 
 of the Lalita Vistara (see p. 130), may be held to indicate, however, 
 that the introduction of the euphonic consonants, peculiar to Pali, 
 had been begun in northern India. 
 
 (P. 161, line 27.) 
 For " ayosmaya " read " ayasmaya." 
 
 (P. 165, line 17.) 
 See also Sayana's commentary on the verse R.-V. i. 164. 45. He 
 there defines thus the words vyavahdriki vak : " Bhogavishaya 
 ^ gam anaya' ityadirupa vydvahdrikl." " The common language is 
 that which refers to objects of enjoyment, such a,s,ffdm dnaya 'bring 
 the cow ?' " These words are of course Sanskrit. 
 
 (P. 179, lines 4, 19, 34.) 
 
 Compare Benfey's remarks on the Vedic scholiasts, (in the Intro- 
 duction to his Sama-veda, p. Ixv. Ixvi.) where he observes : " How 
 high soever may be the antiquity assigned to the oldest grammatical 
 and hermencutical treatises on the Vedas, a long period appears to 
 have intervened between these and the composition of the greater 
 portion of the hymns, during which very much that was peculiar to 
 the Vedas was forgotten. Their interpretations rest essentially (as is 
 shewn not merely by the commentaries which have been alluded to, 
 but also by Yaska's Nirukta) on etymology, on conclusions drawn 
 from the context, and the comparison of similar passages. The oldest 
 
ADDITIONS AND COEEECTIOiS^S.. 489. 
 
 attempts at interpretation seem to be contained in Erahmanas, in 
 collections of passages (nigama), in collections of words (nighantu) 
 and in explanations (wzVw/ito), of which last, two are mentioned by 
 Sayana, (R.-V. vol. i. p. 45, lines 16 and 18) viz., one by Sakapuni and 
 another by Sthaulashthivi, in addition to that of Yaska." 
 
 (P. 203, line 27.) 
 
 In his Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 140, "Weber tells us that "in the Anukra- 
 mani of Katyayana to the Vajasaneyi-sanhita of the Yajur-veda, the 
 authors (rishis) assigned to the particular verses (rich} usually coin- 
 cide with the authors assigned to the same verses in the Anukramani 
 of the Rig-veda ; but that there are many exceptions to this remark. 
 In particular (as happens also in the Rig-anukramani) the name of the 
 author appears often to be borrowed from some word occurring in 
 tlie verse. And in the case (a very frequent one) of a verse being 
 repeated in another part of the Vaj.-San., it is often assigned to an 
 author different from the one to whom it had previously been ascribed. 
 Many of the rishis here referred to do not occur among those of the 
 Rig-veda, and belong to a later stage than the latter ; and among these 
 rishis peculiar to the Vajasaneyi-sanhita there are several who are 
 named in the ^atapatha-brahmana as teachers." 
 
 (P. 220, line 1.) 
 
 In his illustrations of the Nirukta, p. 85, Roth observes in regard to 
 th\fifth hymn of the Fourth Book of the R.-V. : " The author of the 
 hymii, Vamadeva, himself professes to make known a mysterious 
 and recondite wisdom, which had been revealed to him by Agnr 
 (verses 3 and 6)." The third verse is as follows : Sama dvi- 
 harha rhahi tigmabhrishtih sahasrareta vrishahhas iuvishman \ Pa- 
 dam na gor apagulham vividvan Agnir mahyam predu vochad 
 manishdm \\ " Agni, occupying two positions, the fierce-flaming, the 
 prolific, the showerer of benefits, the opulent, who knows the vener- 
 able hymn, mysterious as the track of a [missing] cow, hath 
 declared to me its knowledge." 
 
 (P. 225, line 10.) , 
 
 " A comparison of the grammatical structure of the Sanskrit, 
 especially in its oldest form as represented in the Veda, with the 
 
490 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 
 
 Celtic, Greek, Latin, German, Letto-Slavonian, and Pereian, &c., 
 teaches us that all these languages Lave a common basis, or in other 
 words that they are derived from one common original speech ; and the 
 gradation of sounds and forms points to the Sanskrit as the language 
 which in general still preserves the most original form, and has de- 
 parted least from the original tongue. This existence of one com- 
 mon original language necessarily leads us to conclude that at the 
 period when it was still a living and spoken tongue, the people also 
 which employed it formed one nation.; and it results that the indi- 
 vidual nations as well as their languages were formed by a gradual 
 separation from the Indo-European people, and its language. And, 
 moreover, the greater or less similarity of the several languages 
 among each other, and particularly in reference to the Sanskrit, 
 enables us to conclude whether the separation from the original stock 
 took place in each case at an earlier or a later period." — Weber, Indian 
 Sketches, p. 7. 
 
 <P. 226, line 23.) 
 
 The want of resemblance between the Semitic and Indo-Ger- 
 manic languages in respect of their roots is too strongly asserted in 
 the text. The subject is ably treated by Renan, "Histoire des Lan- 
 gues S6mitiques," 2nd ed. p. 434, if. He observes that the criterion 
 of the distinctness of families in languages is to be found in the im- 
 possibility of deriving one from another. Thus, he says, it is quite 
 intelligible how, notwithstanding their differences, all the Indo- 
 European tongues may be related to the same type, and have 
 sprung from the same primitive idiom ; while it is impossible to ex- 
 plain how, by any series of corruptions, the Zend or the Sanskrit 
 could have become Hebrew, or how the Hebrew could have become 
 changed to Sanskrit or Chinese (p. 434). It is generally recognized 
 that there is a wide distinction between the grammatical system of 
 the Semitic languages and that of the Indo-European tongues, and 
 that the one system could not be derived from the other by any pro- 
 cedure known to comparative philology. If we except the principles 
 common to all, or to most, languages, (which are nothing else than 
 an expression of the laws of the human mind,) there is scarcely 
 any grammatical mechanism of importance which is common to the 
 two families (p. 444). But in the classification of languages, gram- 
 
ADDITIONS AND COKEECTIONS. 491 
 
 matical are much more important than lexicographical considerations 
 [i. e. the structure of a language is of much more consequence than 
 the words of which it is composed]. Many languages could be 
 quoted which have enriched or renewed their vocabulary, but very 
 few which have corrected their grammar. Grammar is, therefore, 
 the . essential form of language, that which constitutes its indi- 
 viduality (pp. 447, 448). On the other hand M. Eenan admits 
 that the Semitic and Indo-European languages have a considerable 
 number of roots which are common to both, independently of 
 such as they have borrowed from each other within the historical 
 period. But he doubts whether this circumstance is sufiScient to 
 prove the primitive unity of the two families, and scarcely ventures 
 to hope that a demonstrative result will ever be attained on this point. 
 The greater part of the roots common to the two families owe their 
 similarity, he considers, to natural causes, as they belong to the class 
 of biliteral and monosyllabic onomatopoeias, which reappear in the 
 triliteral radicals actually existing, and in which original sensations 
 appear to have left their traces. Is it at all strange, he asks, that 
 in order to express outward action, the primitive man, still sympa- 
 thising so closely with nature, and scarcely separated from her, 
 should have sought to imitate her, and that the same objects should 
 have been universally imitated by the same sounds ? (pp. 449, 450.) 
 M. Eenan illustrates these remarks by a number of instances, but 
 admits that, among the roots which appear to be common to the 
 Semitic with the Indo-European languages, there are a certain number 
 in which the reason of the onomatopoeia is more difficult to , seize 
 (p. 452). He concludes that in the present state of philological 
 science, a sound method of theorising requires us to regard the Semitic 
 and Indo-European families of language as distinct (p. 457) ; while 
 at the same time he remarks, that nothing which he has adduced in- 
 validates the hypothesis of a primordial affinity between the races 
 by whom the Semitic and the Indo-European languages respectively 
 were spoken (p. 451). For details I must refer to his work itself. 
 
 (P. 274, note 28.) 
 See also Eenfe/s Complete Sanskrit Grammar, p. 20, where it is 
 said : " ^ appears never to be original in Sanskrit, but to have 
 arisen from the weak aspirates '^ ^ if . This derivation can be 
 
492 ADDITIONS AND COKEECTIONS. 
 
 illustrated by many examples from the Vedas, or from the kindred 
 languages. Compare the Vedic dughana from duh ; sandeghu from 
 dih; sadha for saha ; grahh for grah." 
 
 (P. 296, line 6.) 
 
 ' Professor Spiegel has, however, subsequently retracted the opinion 
 here exp'ressed of the identity of the Iranian Airyama with the Indian 
 Aryaman. In Kuhn und Schleicher's Beitrage zur Vergl. Sprachf. 
 i. 131, ff, he says : " I have in my note on Vend. xxii. 23 (p. 266), 
 regarded the Airyama of the last chapter as the Vedic Aryaman. This 
 comparison is only in part correct. It is true that, letter for letter, 
 Airyama is the Sanskrit Aryaman, and therefore the phonetic affinity 
 ca,nnot be doubted. It does not, however, follow that the signification 
 must therefore be the same. If, as is supposed by many, the Iranians 
 had issued from the bosom of the Indian people, if the entire culture 
 of the Indians, as exhibited in the Vedas, had been the basis of 
 theirs, this assumption would be less questionable. But according 
 to my view such is not the case, but the separation of the two nations 
 took place before (though, perhaps, not long before) the Vedic 
 period. The question thus arises whether, — supposing both nations 
 to have already had the word Aryaman, — we are to assume that the 
 conception of the god Aryaman had been already formed. The word 
 occurs in several places in the second part of the Yasna, where how- 
 ever, the context does not justify us in explaining it as a proper 
 name." Spiegel then goes on to state his opinion that in the last 
 chapter of the Vendidad, Airyama is not to be understood of a god, 
 but merely as denoting a particular prayer in which that word occurs, 
 and which Ahura Mazda discovers to be more efficacious in healing 
 sickness than another sacred text to vrhich he had first had recourse. 
 
 (P. 321, line 5.) 
 
 I find, on recurring to Mr. Curzon's paper (p. 192), that he is of 
 opinion that " it was subsequently to their extension over this terri- 
 tory [the Dekhan] and its occupation, which may be regarded as the 
 third era in their history, when the Aryans had attained an advanced 
 state of civilization, when the Vedas had been composed, and a 
 
ADDITIONS AlSfD CORRECTIONS. 493 
 
 national system of religion established ; when the Brahmanical hier- 
 archy had been formed, the Aryan tongue cultivated, and codes of 
 law compiled ; when tribes had separated under particular princes, 
 and founded different governments in various parts of the country ; 
 when religious schisms had begun to arise, anti-Brahmanical sects had 
 increased, political dissensions and civil war had spread their effects 
 — that the migrations in a westerly and north-westerly direction 
 which terminated in the extension of the Aryan tongue over the 
 geographical zone," [including Ariana, Persia, Armenia, Phrygia, 
 Greece, Italy, Germany, 8sc., &c.,] which he had "pointed out, took 
 place." Thus explained, his theory becomes far less probable than in 
 the form in which I have stated it in the text (p. 321). If the Arians, 
 or rather (in that case) the already Brahmanized Indians, had invaded 
 and conquered the countries lying to the west of the Indus at a period 
 subsequent to their occupation of the Dekhan and to the full develop- 
 ment of their civilisation and their peculiar institutions, it is scarcely 
 conceivable that no trace of this sweeping invasion should have 
 remained either in their own literature, or in that of any of the western 
 nations, and that no specifically Brahmanical influences should have 
 been discoverable in the religious or political systems of Persia, 
 Greece, Home, or Germany; for the period at which such a supposed 
 extension of the Brahmanical Indians took place could not have been 
 an "ante-Hellenic" era (p. 187); nor, consequently is it imaginable 
 that all record of it should have disappeared in a presumed " age of 
 darkness" (p. 186). The "ante-Hellenic" period terminated at least 
 1000 years B.C., and the Brahmanical institutions could not have been 
 developed very long before that time. 
 
 (P. 321, line 31.) 
 
 I may add as a further answer to the reasoning which I have 
 combated in this paragraph, that if, as is there supposed, the 
 Aryas had been indigenous in Aryavartta, and had sent out colonizing 
 or conquering expeditions from their aboriginal cradle to the west of 
 the Indus, it might have been expected that they would also have 
 colonized the south of India at the same early period at which these 
 presumed expeditions must have been made. But we have no record 
 of any such early Arian occupation of the Dekhan ; for the era of 
 Aga'stya and Rama is comparatively recent. 
 
494 ADDITIONS AND COEEECTIONS. 
 
 (P. 323, line 29.) 
 In E.-V. ix. 74. 8, we find the words, KahsMvate iatahimaya; 
 " to Kakshivat who has lived a hundred winters." 
 
 (P. 342, line 5.) 
 
 In a paper " On the Geographical Arrangement of the Arian 
 Countries mentioned in the First Fargard of the Vendidad," published 
 in the Transactions of the Berlin Academy for 1856, pp. 621 — 647, 
 Dr. Kiepert contests the conclusions of Dr. Haug and others in 
 regard to the position of some of the countries. Dr. Haug defends 
 his own views in a paper in the Journ. of the Germ. Or. Society, 
 vol. xi. pp. 526—533. 
 
 (P. 357, note 79.) 
 
 In his translation of Sama-veda, ii. 247 (=R.-V. ix. 41. 6), Benfey 
 translates rasa, by ' ocean.' In his Glossary he explains it of " a par- 
 ticular river which separates the world of Indra from that of the 
 Panis (?) " ; referring to R.-V. x. 108. In E.-V. i. 112. 12 he ex- 
 plains it of the river Easa. 
 
 (P. 388, line 18.) 
 
 After the word " maturity. ; " add " the distinction between those 
 who observed them strictly and those who observed them laxly 
 could not have arisen ; " 
 
 (P. 413, line 3.) 
 
 Compare Manu, xi. 20. Vad dhanam yajnaMandm deva-svam 
 tadvidvrbudhah | Ayajvanantuyadvittam asura-svam tad uc7iyaie\\ 
 " The wealth of those who practise sacrifice is regarded by the wise as 
 the property of the gods ; but the wealth of those who never sacrifice 
 is called the property of the Asuras," See also Satapatha-brahmana, 
 13. 8. 1. 5. and Weber's Ind. Stud. i. 189; as well as the text from the 
 Taittirij'a-brahmana cited in the First Part of this work, p. 14. 
 
 (P. 413, note, line 7 from the bottom.) 
 For p. 401 read p. 402. 
 
 (P. 425, line 15.) 
 
 At a later period, after the commencement of the Mahomedan 
 inroads into Hindusthan, southern India came to be regarded as the 
 
ADDITIONS AND COEEECTIONS 495 
 
 sanctuary of the Brahmanical religion and learning. Thus in the 
 verse of Vyasa cited by Weber (Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 247, note), it is 
 said : Samprdpte tu kalau Kale Vindhyadrer uttare sthitah \ 
 Brahmana yajnarahita jyofih-idstra-parangmukhah | " In the 
 Kali age the Brahmans living to the north of the Vindhya are desti-_ 
 tute of sacrifice, and averse to astronomy ;" while another law book 
 quoted by the same waiter, says : Vindhyasya dakshine bhdge yatra 
 Goddvarl sthitd \ tatra Veddscha yajhdscha hhavishyanti Kalau 
 yuge \ " In the Kali age the Vedas and sacrifices will be found to the 
 south of the Vindhya, on the banks of the Godavari." 
 
 (P. 435, line 13.) 
 
 In R.-V. iv. 4. 15. another epithet, viz. asas, " one who does not 
 praise [the gods]," is applied to the Rakshases. Daha a&aso 
 Rakshasah pdhi asmdn druho nido mitramaho avadydt : " Thou 
 who art to be revered by thy friends, burn the Eakshases who offer 
 no praise ; deliver us from the reproach of the oppressor and the 
 reviler." 
 
 END OF THE SECOND TART. 
 
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