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THE 
 
 SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOM 
 
 DUBLIN 
 
 BY 
 
 CHAIILES HALIDAY 
 
 LATE OF THE CITY OF DUBLIN, MEECHAKT 
 
 EDITED 
 
 WITH SOME NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR'S LIEE 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN P. P,RE]SrDERGAST. 
 
 UARItlSTKR-AT-I.WV. 
 
 <$fCon!) ictiition. 
 
 DUBLIN 
 
 M. H. GILL & SON, 50 UPPEll SACKVILLE STKEET 
 
 LONDON 
 
 SIMPKIN, MAESHAIL, AJTD CO. 
 
 MIH 'CLXXXIV. 
 
1884 
 
 [\.\\4'0\%' 
 
 S(W^ 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Fage 
 
 Some notice of the Life of Ctarles Haliday, iii 
 
 Book I. 
 The Scandinavians of Dublin, ••■.... 1 
 
 Book II. 
 
 The Scandinavians of Dublin, and their relations with neighbouring 
 
 Kingdoms, ......... 82 
 
 Book III. 
 
 The Scandinavian Antiquities of Dublin, . . ,143 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 I. On the Ancient Name of Dublin, ...... 202 
 
 II. Observations explanatory of Sir Bernard de Gomme's Map of 
 
 the City and Harbour of Dublin, made a. d. 1073, . .228 
 
 Table of Chapters, 253 
 
 Index, 259 
 
List of Plates with Instructions to Bindee. 
 
 1. Rocque's Map, a.d. 1756, showing the Piles, to face p. cxiii. 
 
 2. Map of the Down Survey, a.d. 1654, with the Long Stone of the 
 
 Steyne, to face p. 151. 
 
 3. Woodcut of the Thingmount of Dublin, to face p. 163. 
 
 4. Sir Bernard de Gomme's Map of City and Harbour, a.d. 1673, to 
 
 face p. 229. 
 
 5. Captain Greenvill CoUins's Map of 1685, to face p. 235. 
 
 6. Ground Plan of Chichester House, 1723, to face p. 239. 
 
 7. Captain Pei-ry's Map of the Harbour, <fec., &c., a.d. 1728, to face p. 
 
 249. 
 
 Eebata. 
 Page 149, line 2. — Omit 'part of the Steyne,' 
 
 Page 229, in footnote.— For ' 23rd December, 1655,' read 23rd Decem- 
 ber, 1665. 
 
SOME NOTICE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE OF CHAELES HALIDAY. 
 
 MEECHAJSfTS are not much given to the making of books. Few merchants 
 They seldom leave behind them any of their own compos- ''"*''"• 
 ing, save their cash books and their ledgers. There can 
 scarcely be named a merchant in the ranks of literary 
 writers, except Rogers, author of the " Pleasures of Memory " 
 and other poems, rather satirically described by Byron as 
 " the bard, the beau, the banker." 
 
 But a banker is not a merchant, and often gives no more 
 to the bank than his money and his name, and employs 
 his time and his leisure as he likes. 
 
 Whence comes this disinclination to literary labour 1 It 
 is not so much perhaps that the merchant's mind is too 
 absorbed in business to leave him leisure as that it would 
 detract from his character to be suspected of literary pur- 
 suits. 
 
 Poetry was at one time held to be as derogatory to a lawyer. 
 Sir Richard Cox had a strong bent to poetry (says Walter 
 Harris). He wrote some lines on the death, in 1696, of 
 Lord Chancellor Porter, Sir Richard being at that time a 
 Judge of the Common Pleas. But his verses being trans- 
 mitted to his friend and patron, Sir Robert Southwell, Sir 
 Robert wrote in reply that poetry was not the way to pre- 
 ferment, but a weed in a judge's garden. 
 
 Poetry is classed among the liberal arts. If there be 
 illiberal ones perhaps they may be those having the direct 
 pursuit of wealth for their aim. 
 
 « 2 
 
IV SOME NOTICE OP THE 
 
 Soldiers, artists, lawyers, all pursue wealth, but glory is 
 associated in their cases with gain, and they sometimes 
 prefer their glory to their gain ; but with merchants their 
 sole aim is wealth, wealth is their glory, and the pursuit of 
 it renders all other pursuits tasteless. That it is not want 
 of leisure may be known from this that lawyers, physicians, 
 prime ministers, and others as fully absorbed by their pro- 
 fessions as merchants are, yet find time to essay their pens. 
 Rabelais said of the monks of his day that they considered 
 it a monstrous thing to see a learned monk. A literary 
 merchant is nearly as great a monster. 
 
 The poet Crabbe, who has described a merchant as " an 
 eating, drinking, buying, bargaining man," notes the dis- 
 taste of merchants for literary pursuits, which they consider 
 as inimical to a mercantile career. He makes one of them 
 warn his young charge, who has shown an inclination to 
 the Muses, against indulging a taste for poetry and letters. 
 " He, when informed," says this youth — 
 
 "how men of taste could write 
 Looked on his ledger with supreme delight. 
 Then would he laugh, and with insulting joy 
 Tell me aloud ' That's poetry, my boy ! 
 These are your golden num.bers, them repeat, 
 The more you have the more you'll find them sweet.' " 
 
 Haiiday's taste It is therefore the more singular and honourable to the 
 merchants of Dublin to find amongst them one like the 
 author of these essays who, while he gave himself up to the 
 earnest and assiduous pursuit of a merchant's business, yet 
 found time for the study of literature. 
 
 Not that he was known to be addicted to literary pursuits. 
 It was in secret that he indulged this taste. He probably 
 felt that such a habit would be prejudicial to his character 
 as a merchant if divulged. An old and leading physician of 
 Dublin calling on a younger one found him whiling away 
 his leisure with his violin while waiting for practice. He 
 expressed his horror, and to the excuses of his less ex- 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. V 
 
 perienced brother replied " Well, if j-ou must and will do it, 
 do it as if it was a sin." 
 
 Charles Haliday was known amongst his brother mer- Sent to London 
 chants as an active energetic man of business. Being nm."" ^'"'" 
 destined by his father for the life of a merchant in London, 
 he was sent thither about the year 1809 or 1810 to acquire 
 a knowledge of business. This of course did not hinder 
 him from entering into society and enjoying the pleasures 
 of youth. Being lively, handsome, and accomplished, he 
 was LQtroduced into much good society, and made acquaint- 
 ance with many of higher rank than himself. Meeting 
 some of these gay acquaintances in the streets when sent of 
 messages, and in his office dress he felt ashamed, he told me, 
 of his inferior employments, and would seek to shun the 
 notice of his gayer companions. 
 
 Feeling that he was in an inconsistent position he deter- 
 mined at once to give up gay society and thus escape from 
 being any longer liable to such feelings. Among the gay 
 houses he frequented was that of Delacour's, a wealthy 
 house in the city connected with Cork, but having a resi- 
 dence in the fashionable part of the town. The next invita- 
 tion he received after taking this resolution he declined, and 
 Mr. Delacour inquiring of him the reason he told him of his 
 determination. Mr. Delacour looked at him with surprise, 
 but with approval, for he said " You'll do, my boy ! If you 
 ever have need of me come to me, and I undertake to help 
 you." 
 
 After spending some time at other commercial houses, he Does not 
 was entered as a clerk at Lubbock's Bank, in order to com- "^^ ^^ ^'^ 7- 
 plete his mercantile education. Here, as elsewhere, there 
 is no doubt but that he assiduously applied himself to the 
 business he was engaged upon. But this did not hinder 
 him from pursuing his literary studies. 
 
 He had chambers at Gray's Inn, not then confined ex- 
 clusively to lawyers, and tbei'e, as he told me, he read very 
 hard during such hours as were not given to business. His 
 
friends in 
 London 
 
 vi SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 love of study and his desire for accomplishments commenced 
 with- his earliest years— indeed, seems to have been born 
 with him and to have never quitted him during his life. 
 He never offered at the shrine of luxury that greatest of 
 all sacrifices, the sacrifice of time. He deemed nothing 
 nobler than a life of toil ; nothing more derogatory than one 
 of luxury and self-indulgence. Before he left Ireland for 
 London he had learned to draw, to ride,and to play the violin. 
 A manuscript volume of pieces of original poetry, as well 
 as poetical translations by his pen from the French dated 
 from Gray's Inn, from Homerton, and elsewhere in 1812, 
 show how actively he indulged his literary taste during his 
 stay in London. 
 Literary And if a man's character is shown, as is said, by his com- 
 
 panions, Mr. Hahday's early inclination to letters will 
 appear from the men he associated with. He was in the 
 habit of dining, he said, during the time he was a clerk at 
 Lubbock's at a tavern in the city, and there made the 
 acquaintanceship of Lamb, author of " Essays by Elia," and 
 of the Brothers Horace and James Smith, joint authors of 
 " Rejected Addresses," all of them employed in the city in 
 houses of trade, and accustomed to dine at the same house. 
 
 It was such companionship and a reputation for literary 
 acquirements probably that got him introduced to Home 
 Tooke, a man no less celebrated for his literary tastes as 
 exhibited in his " Diversions of Purley," than for his politi- 
 cal notoriety, having run the risk of his life in a trial for 
 high treason for his opinions only, — opinions that might at 
 this day be expressed with impunity and without question.^ 
 
 • The following curious anecdote drew a long knife from his pocket, 
 
 is from a work of General Arthur opened the blade, and presenting 
 
 O'Connor's. " In my youth," says it towards me with a furious look, 
 
 O'Connor, "I passed a day with ' This," said he, ' is the argument I 
 
 Home Tooke at his house at Wim- employ with men who take the side 
 
 bledon. The French law of sue- of the question that you do.' I 
 
 cession was the subject of discus- took an early moment to quit the 
 
 sion. In the midst of it Tooko room, and was foUowud by Sir 
 
LIFE or CHARLES HALIDAY. 
 
 Vll 
 
 Haliday, who, in later life at any rate, held opinions very 
 different from those of Home Tooke, being asked what kind 
 of looking man he was, said jocularly, -' As ill-looking a 
 thief as you ever saw in your life." 
 
 In April, 1812, he had commenced business in London as Commences 
 a commission agent for J. N. D'Esterre,' of 11, Bachelor's- Dublin, 
 walk, Dublin, then engaged in the provision trade, and for 
 one or two others, when an event occurred that changed the 
 course of his life by bringing him back to settle in Ireland. 
 That event was the death of his eldest brother, William 
 Haliday, who died in the month of October, 1812. 
 
 William had Inarried the daughter and only child of Mr. 
 Alder, a merchant engaged ra the bark trade. 
 
 Mr. Alder intended that William Haliday should either 
 become his partner, or should succeed him iu his business. 
 
 Francis Burdettwho was so shocked 
 with this action of Tooke's, that he 
 expressed his sorrow and astonish- 
 ment so superior a man should in his 
 own house break off a discussion in 
 so brutal a manner." — " Monopoly 
 the Cause of all Evil," by Arthur 
 Condorcet O'Connor, General of 
 Division, Vol. 1, p. 276 (Paris 
 and London ; Firmin Didot), 3 
 Volumes, Imperial 8vo, 1848. 
 Haliday Library, Royal Irish Aca- 
 demy. 
 
 ' This was the D'Esterre that 
 fell in a duel with O'Connell, fought 
 the 30th January, 18 1 5, at Bishops- 
 court Demesne, then the seat of 
 Lord Ponsonby, now of the Earl of 
 Clonmell, fifteen miles from Dublin, 
 on the road to Cork. D'Esterre 
 had been in the navy and saved his 
 life by his courage. The mutineers 
 of the Nore endeavoured to force 
 him to join them , and on his refusal 
 placed a rope round his neck to 
 
 string him up. They asked him 
 again before hanging him to join 
 them, but he cried out, ' ' No ! 
 Haul away and be d — d. God 
 save the king I" In admiration of 
 his undaunted courage they spared 
 him. Morgan O'Connell tells the 
 following anecdote concerning the 
 duel. His father and Major 
 MacNamara, his second, driving 
 back to town after the duel, were 
 met by a detachment of cavalry, 
 and the officer coming to the 
 carriage said, " Gentlemen, have 
 you heard anything of a duel that 
 was to take place in this neigh- 
 bourhood?" "It is over," said 
 MacNamara. " And what was the 
 result?" "Mr. D'Esterre has 
 fallen." The officer thereupon 
 bowed, and turning to his men 
 ciied, "Right about face." The 
 guard had been sent to protect 
 D'Esterre from the fury of the mob 
 if O'Connell had been killed. 
 
viil SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 But William having died just six months after his mar- 
 riage without issue, Mr. Alder offered, if Charles Haliday 
 would come over, to give him up the business. He acceded 
 to this proposal, and bidding adieu to his literary friends in 
 London, he returned to Dublin in the year 1813, and soon 
 afterwards commenced business as a merchant principally 
 in the bark trade. He took up his residence at a very good 
 house formerly occupied by his father on Arran-quay, at 
 one time a fashionable quarter and inhabited by persons of 
 rank.i 
 Carries on He was thus launched into a life of business, and became 
 
 stiidylog^ether. fully engaged in commerce, that career most inimical to 
 letters ; yet with characteristic energy he determined to 
 carry on trade and study together. With this view it was 
 his habit, he told me, to go to bed at eight o'clock in the 
 evening and to be wakened up at half-past eleven, when his 
 family were going to bed. He would then rise and study 
 till five, and then returning to bed would sleep till half-past 
 eight, and commence business at the usual houi-. 
 The cunse- One night as he went to lock the hall-door according to 
 
 quences. ^^^ custom before sitting down to study, he was surprised 
 
 and alarmed at seeing a robber in the hall. Grasping the 
 large key to defend himself, he called loudly for his family, 
 and on their coming pointed to the robber. They saw none. 
 It was an illusion of the overtaxed brain. On his next visit 
 to London he waited on Sir Astley Cooper, the eminent 
 surgeon, and on telling him the occurrence Sir A.stley said, 
 " You must either go there," pointing downwards, to indicate 
 the grave, " or there," pointing to a madhouse, " or give up 
 your night studies." 
 
 1 Edmund Burke's father at one Henry Viscount Clif den, who died 
 
 time lived on Arran-quay, next in 1836, has often told old Tom 
 
 door to Haliday's, and a little Whelan, the bailiff of the estate, 
 
 further ofi" stood in former times how he slept in the garrets of Agar 
 
 Agar House, the town abode House, and saw the rats about his 
 
 of VisoouJit Clifden's ancestors, bed. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. ix 
 
 He was accordingly obliged to moderate his ardour, but 
 he still was enabled to give some of his leisure to his 
 favourite pursuits. 
 
 During the years 1813, 1814, and 1815 his poetical effu- His farewell 
 sions were not unfrequent as appears by his manuscript *" '*"" ^""'^'" 
 collection. But they grew fewer and fewer as business 
 called his thoughts to less graceful occupations. And in 
 1818 he would seem to have bade a final farewell to the Muses. 
 
 To Mrs. Hetherington, who had asked him in her " poeti- 
 cal epistle " for a drawing for her screen, he wrote in reply 
 dated " Arran-quay, 25 th of October, 1818 :" — 
 
 " My portefeuille of all bereft, 
 And not one drawing was there left. 
 When commerce changed my mode of life 
 From one of peace to one of strife ; 
 Changed aU the labour to the pen, 
 And drove me to the haunts of men ; 
 And little time have 1, I trow, 
 For poetry or painting now, 
 jiy brushes all are turned to quills. 
 And nothing can I draw but bills." 
 
 About the year 1834, being desirous of a more agreeable Life at "Fairj- 
 abode than his house at Arran-quay, he moved out to 
 Monkstown, and took a lease of a pretty villa called " Fairy 
 Land," adjacent to the beautiful plot of ground which he 
 afterwards purchased. Here he passed a pleasant life in- 
 termingling society and business. He drew, he played the 
 violin, he rode to hounds. He also saw company, but the 
 society he cultivated was that of a few intellectual and 
 social men rather than an interchange of costly banquets. 
 Amongst the intellectual few ^ere Dr. Robert James Gi-aves, 
 that most distinguished physician afterwards of European 
 reputation, and Maziere Brady, eventually Lord Chancellor 
 of Ireland. 
 
 Dr. Graves was joint editor with Daniel Haliday, M.D., 
 (a younger brother of Mr. Haliday's), of a medical journal, 
 Daniel Haliday living in Paris and communicating French 
 
X SOME NOTICE Of THE 
 
 medical intelligence. Dr. Graves was an independent 
 thinker, and a lively and instructive companion. The im- 
 provement he introduced into the practice of medicine 
 gained him great fame abroad as well as at home. The 
 " Clinical Lectures," by Graves and Stokes, is quite a hand- 
 book abroad, and has been frequently reprinted there. Dr. 
 Trousseau, of Paris, said to an Irish gentleman who con- 
 sulted him — " I always have the Clinical Lectures of Graves 
 and Stokes in my hand," and showed him it on his table. 
 A lady from this country a few years since consulted 
 Nelaton, the eminent French surgeon. He asked her where 
 she came from, and on her answering from Ireland, said : 
 " Then I will take no fee. We owe too much to your country- 
 man. Dr. Graves, ever to be able to repay his services." 
 
 Dr. Graves reversed the tx-eatment of fever. He used to 
 say, " I would wish no other epitaph than this — ' He fed 
 fever.' " " If I have had more success than others," he said 
 iu his published Clinical Lectures, " in the treatment of 
 fever, I think it is owing to the advice of a country physi- 
 cian of great shrewdness who advised me never to let my 
 patients die of starvation." 
 Change of Maziere Brady was also a pleasant companion. At 
 
 length Mr. Haliday became dissatisfied with his progress. 
 In other words he was not making enough. So he deter- 
 mined to give himself up wholly to business until he had 
 acquired such an amount of capital as he had fixed upon in 
 his own mind as enough for his security. After this he 
 would no longer make the acquisition of wealth his sole 
 object. It is easier to form such a resolution than to keep 
 it ; for it is hard to set bounds to the desire of getting. 
 Men go on adding to their capital, afraid to use it and enjoy 
 it. The more they get, they more they desire to get. For 
 strange as it may seem, it is not want but wealth that for 
 the most part produces avarice. 
 
 When one of Gargantua's companions had his head cut 
 off in a fight, and it was afterwards sewed on again, he 
 
 habits. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XI 
 
 said, that among other strange mutations which he observed 
 in the shades below — such as Alexander the Great turned 
 into an old breeches-patcher, Pope Alexander a ratcatcher, 
 &c., he found the misers and usurers spending all their time 
 there ia hunting for brass pins and rusty nails in the street 
 gutters. And how many a gay good fellow, on getting an 
 unexpected accession of fortune, turns Shylock-like and 
 grows penurious — 
 
 " While in the silent growth of cent, per cent., 
 In dirt and darkness hundreds stink content." 
 
 But Charles Haliday could set bounds to this desire, and 
 stop when he had reached the appointed limit, and then 
 use and enjoy his wealth and spend his leisure in other 
 aims besides the mere acquisition of more. 
 
 It must be observed, however, that Mr. Haliday had no 
 children to provide for, and therefore was not under the 
 same obligation as men who have families dependent on 
 them. 
 
 " I now gave up," he said to me, " dinners and drawing, 
 iiddUng and hunting, and lived upon one-third of my in- 
 come, and less." Though he was more engrossed with busi- 
 ness after taking this resolution, yet he did not abandon all 
 reading, for it was at this very period that he made 
 schemes for improving his mind by study. 
 
 From a iournal he kept of his reading for the years from Journals of 
 
 •' ^ .his reading. 
 
 1836 to 1839, some notion may be formed of his desire to 
 improve his mind. On a blank page at the beginning of 
 this book appears the following: — "Fairy Land, Kings- 
 town, 1836. I have but little time to read, but I must not 
 therefore neglect to read. Before eight o'clock in the 
 morning or after ten at night I may read a few pages, and 
 (with the help of God), I will do so. If I mark the date 
 when I read each book it may stimulate me by keeping 
 before me a register of time lost or employed." 
 
 In another — " Much may be done in those little shreds 
 
xii 60ME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 and patches of time which every day produces and which 
 most men throw away, but which nevertheless will make 
 at the end of it no small deduction from the life of 
 man.'' 
 
 The following extracts are copied from these journals or 
 registers of his study : — 
 
 1836. 
 
 July. — Read Spence's Britain Independent of Commerce, 1808. 
 Mill's Commerce defended. Spence's reply to Mill, entitled, 
 Agricujture, the Source of Wealth, 1808. Bentham's Defence of 
 "Usury. 
 
 August. — Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews. Reid on the 
 Powers of the Human Mind. 
 
 September. — Lyell's Geology. Ricardo's Political Economy. 
 
 November. — Third Report of the Commission of Inquiry into 
 the State of the Poor in Ireland. Bums on the Poor of Scotland. 
 Page on the English Poor Laws. Report of Commissioners of 
 Inquiry into the State of the English Poor. Poor Laws in Ire- 
 land, by J. Richman. 0. Poulet Scrope. Plan of a Poor Law 
 for Ireland. Appeal on behalf of the Poor, by H. M'Cormac, 
 M.D. Plan for reUef of the unemployed Poor by the same. Poor 
 Laws in Ireland, by Sir John Walsh, 1830. 
 
 December. — Appendix to Third Report of Commissioners for 
 Inquiry into state of the Poor in Ireland, so far as relates to the 
 Charitable Institutions of Dublin. Report of Commissioners of 
 Inquiry into state of Joint Stock Banks. Harris on Lightning 
 Conductors to Ships. Quarterly Review, CVI. Poor Laws, p. 
 473. Heiderman, by Cooper, pp. 400. Some of Caesar's Com- 
 mentaries. Part of Dupin's Ecclesiastical History. Part of 
 Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History. 
 
 1837. 
 
 January. — Read Grattan's Miscellaneous Works : London, 1822 
 pp. 388. 
 
 P. 75. — In the petition to His Majesty we find the simile. " So 
 in the gieat works of Nature and in the rivers that briag fertility 
 along with them, we find irregularity and deluge, 'shall we 
 therefore pronounce the Shannon a nuisance 1 " 
 
 P. 120.— This is with a little variation repeated in the " Answer 
 to Lord Clare." " In great moral operations as well as in the great 
 operations of Nature there is always a degree of waste and overflow. 
 So it is with the sea. Shall we therefore pronounce the ocean a 
 nuisancer' 
 
 P. 76. — In the petition to His Majesty we find. " We say if 
 we consider that the people so exiled, so impoverished, so plundered, 
 so persecuted, so enslaved, so disfranchised, did at last spontaneously 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XIU 
 
 associate, unite, arm, array, defend, illustrate, and free their 
 country, overawe bigotry, silence riot, and produce out of their 
 own head, armed cap-a-pie, like Wisdom issuing from the head of 
 the Thunderer, Commerce and Constitution. What shall we say 
 of such a people "i" 
 
 P. 121. — Again ia the " Answer to Lord Clare " we find. "That 
 such a people and such a parliament should spontaneously unite, 
 arm, array, defend, illustrate and free their cotinti-y, overawe 
 bigotry, suppress riot, prevent invasion and produce as the oiF-, 
 spriug of their own head armed cap-a-pie, Uke the Goddess of 
 Wisdom issuing from the head of the Thunderer, Commerce and 
 Constitution, what shall we sav of such a people and such a 
 Parliament r' 
 
 The similarity of expression in these two papers may be 
 attributed to the fact that the petition was not published, or if 
 published was very little known. These extracts show however 
 that Grattan treasured up similes and laboured his compositions. 
 The petition was written about 1798. The "Answer to Lord 
 Clare" in April, 1800, and it will be perceived that the simile in 
 the latter is more carefully worded than that of the former. (C.H.) 
 
 Sunday, 12th February. Life of Colonel Gardiner by Dr. 
 Doddridge. 
 
 Li these memoirs are collected the acts of a man who is held up 
 for imitation as an eminent Christian (and by a Minister of Christ), 
 and yet this man appears to tave had no repugnance whatsoever 
 to engage in offensive wars — nor does his biographer appear to 
 condemn them. Colonel Gardiner was engaged in the wars of 
 Marlborough — and to those who are acquainted with the history 
 of the times, the lawfulness, the necessity of these wars must be 
 very doubtful. Yet was Colonel Gardiner an active agent 
 throughout the campaign of Flanders and Germany, and evidently 
 anxious for promotion in his trade of blood, at a moment when 
 Doddridge represents him as always rising two hours before the 
 fixed time for marching that he might read that Gospel which 
 preached peace towards men. The 37th Article of the Church of 
 England says " it is lawful for Christian men at the commandment 
 of the Magistrate to wear weapons and serve in the wars ; " but 
 this must be understood to mean defensive and necessary wars." 
 
 This sacrifice of his tastes met its due reward. In ten or 
 twelve years he felt at ease. He had acquired that amount 
 of capital which he had marked out in his own mind as 
 essential, and having done this he had the force of character 
 to adhere to the rest of his resolution and to cease thence- 
 forth from making the pursuit of wealth his sole purpose. 
 
 In this he exhibited more strength of mind than in his 
 
XIV SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 first sacrifice. For there could be no greater proof of self- 
 control, nothing being more difficult or less common than 
 voluntarily to stop in the midst of a successful career. 
 BuUds a viUa Being now more at ease, he resolved to purchase himself 
 at Monkstown. ^ ^.^^^ ^^ ^^^ anxious he told me to get some freehold 
 land not subject to any rent ; but after a long search, find- 
 ing none to be had, he fixed himself about the year 184<3 in 
 the beautiful spot where he so long resided. This was 
 Monkstown Park, previously the residence of Lord Kane- 
 lagh. Exactly opposite, divided from it only by the road, 
 is the ancient castle of the Cheeverses, built probably in the 
 time of King Henry VI. to defend this southern boundary 
 of the English Pale. At Cromwell's Conquest he gave it to 
 General Ludlow, while Walter Cheevers and his household 
 were transplanted to Connaught. The ground of Monks- 
 town Park, within a narrow circuit, presents a very varied 
 surface. A gentle swell of the land between it and the sea 
 shuts off the keener eastern air, and the general slope of 
 the ground is towards the south and west, with a delight- 
 fully warm and sheltered aspect. It is weU timbered, and 
 at a short distance to the south are the Dublin mountains. 
 Lord Eanelagh's mansion stood almost upon the roadside, 
 near the present entrance gate. 
 
 But Mr. Haliday pulled down the old residence, and 
 
 built himself a beautiful villa on another and a better site. 
 
 In erecting this mansion he took the following course : — 
 
 Having fixed on the number and size of the rooms it was 
 
 to consist of, he chose for its character or general outward 
 
 design an oblong square in the Italian style, and then gave 
 
 the whole to an architect to criticise and correct. 
 
 His method of Having thus determined the size of it, he marked out the 
 
 choosing the ^^^^^^ dimensions on the spot he had selected for its site by 
 
 ropes and pegs, easy to be shifted, and by visiting the 
 
 spot at the various seasons of the year, and at different 
 
 times of the day, and shifting the ropes and pegs, he tried 
 
 the difi"erent aspects, and ascertained which was most 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. XV 
 
 suitable for the different apartments by actual experiment. 
 He thus raised an unusually elegant and comfortable 
 mansion. In admiration of its beauty, I sometimes repeated 
 to him, in jest, as we walked up from the garden to dinner, 
 the saying of Edward Vaughan of Golden Grove, near 
 Roscrea, in the county of Tipperary, as if such were his 
 secret thoughts : " Oh Golden Grove, Golden Grove ! if I might 
 only keep you, I would give up my chances of Heaven ! " 
 
 Of this new mansion, the library, to use Cicero's expression, gmaii size of 
 might be considered the soul. But beyond the libraiy he "^ ^^^^^' 
 had a hole of a study, small enough to please the late Lord 
 Palmerston. That great and popular minister was found 
 by Dr. Granville in a Uttle room of Cambridge House, 
 Piccadilly, up to his knees in manuscript papers, foreign 
 and domestic (for he said he never had time to read print). 
 Dr. Granville said to him, he wondered that he would not 
 choose a larger study. But Lord Palmerston laughed, and 
 said he wondered how a man could collect his thoughts in 
 a larger space. Mr. Haliday's study was a long and narrow 
 sKce as it were, lighted by one window from the east. 
 There he sat on a low stool at the farthest distance from 
 the window, and the light to humour his eyes, with a rug 
 over his knees in cold weather. Immediately about him 
 were those books of Scandina\aan history and antiquities, 
 purchased for him abroad, at Copenhagen and elsewhere. 
 
 In the larger library was the gi-eat collection of pamphlet hu library. 
 and other literature relating to Ireland, which it had been 
 the labour and pleasure of his life to bring together, before 
 he became immersed just at the close of it in the study of 
 the Scandinavian antiquities of Dublin. 
 
 In his earlier studies concerning the history of the port 
 of Dublin, he applied to the Corporation for the use of their 
 Assembly Rolls and other ancient records and had them. 
 Hard as these were to decipher, through age and the 
 mediaeval character of the writing, he yet laboured at them 
 industriously in the early morning hours, until it was time 
 
XVI 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 for him to join in business in town. To aid him he often 
 Loses the sight had to use a large magnifying glass. One day he discovered 
 through^stady. to his astonishment and regret, that he was totally blind of 
 one eye, a calamity produced by his intense labour over 
 these ancient rolls, and by the use, probably, of the large 
 lens. He never knew when the loss of his eye occurred, 
 and it was thus a comparatively small misfortune ; but it 
 kept him ever after in terrible fear of losing the other. 
 
 This proves the wisdom of President Jefferson, of the 
 United States of America, who called upon his son to 
 observe " How much pain have evils cost us that never 
 happened ! " For it may be truly said, that when Mr. 
 Haliday died, his fingers held the pen, as he was engaged 
 ona pamphlet concerning the sanitary condition of Kingstown 
 when he retired from his study to his bed and died in a 
 few hours. 
 
 It was this defect of his eyes, that made the dark comer 
 of his study suitable to his sight. 
 
 He had one of the largest and best private collections of 
 historical works on Ireland, if not the best in the kingdom. 
 I have not ascertained, at what time he began to collect the 
 works on Irish history ; but one would imagine, it must 
 have been at a comparatively early period, for it would take 
 years to bring together such a body of pamphlets and broad- 
 sides as he was possessed of, being things only obtainable 
 occasionally and by long watching. 
 
 Every auctioneer of books, of course, sent him his cata- 
 logue of sale ; but besides this, he had most of the waste- 
 paper sellers ofOook-street and elsewhere, to bring him any 
 old books, papers, or broadsides, that came to them. With 
 these they would wait on him at his residence Arran-quay, 
 or at the Bank of Ireland, or the Ballast Board. 
 
 At auctions it was his custom always to buy through a 
 commissioned agent, as the price would be raised against him 
 if lic appeared in person, but of course he inspected the 
 books previously. In his collection, wa.s the celebrated 
 
 His bools 
 collections. 
 
 The Secret 
 Service Mone 
 Book. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XVll 
 
 Secret Service Money Book, in manuscript, with the pay- 
 ments made lor secret information in 1798, amongst other 
 payments, sums paid to the informer for tracking Lord 
 Edward Fitzgerald to the house where he was captured. 
 It is of course full of interest, and Richard R. Madden, M.D., 
 has made great use of it in his " Lives of the United 
 Irishmen." 
 
 Haliday purchased the book at an auction of Joseph 
 Scully's, bookseller, 24, Upper Ormond-quay, near the Four 
 Courts. 
 
 He told me that on going to inspect this, and the other 
 articles for sale there, he met his old rival, Doctor Murphy, 
 Roman Catholic Bishop of Cork, a great book collector, 
 engaged in the same pursuit. 
 
 Besides the Secret Service Money Book, there was for How got by 
 
 ... . Haliday. 
 
 sale on this occasion depositions and papers concerning 
 Father Sheehy's case, hanged for supposed complicity with 
 a Whiteboy murder in 1766. So Haliday said to Dr. Murphy, 
 " I know you would like to have both these rarities, and so 
 should I. But if we were each to have only one of them 
 I should wish to have the Secret Service Money Book, and 
 you the Sheehy papers. Let us agree then not to bid 
 against one another. Do you get yours, and let me get 
 mine." And so it was arranged. 
 
 From Dr. Madden, author of the " Lives of the United 
 Irishmen," who has made so much use of this book in 
 his endeavour to identify the betrayer of Lord Edward 
 Fitzgerald, I learned this further history of the Secret 
 Service Money Book. 
 
 About forty-five years ago, when he was engaged upon its history, 
 the "Lives of the United Irishmen," the late James 
 Hardiman, author of the " History of the Town of Galway" 
 and other works, came to him, and told him that he 
 knew where this book was to be had, and at Dr. Madden's 
 earnest request he brought it to him to look at. Dr. 
 Madden having copied from it such items as he wanted, he 
 
Xviii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 handed it back to Hardiman, who returned it to the person 
 he borrowed it from. 
 
 Dr. Madden said that this book was kept in the Eecord 
 Tower of Dublin Castle, and that a carpenter employed 
 there purloined it with a mass of other papers. The whole 
 was sold to a grocer in Oapel-street. From him it was 
 that Hardiman borrowed it. 
 o'Conneii and Before Dr. Madden published his work he became anxious 
 Se?vicrMoney lest he might be called in question for citing this book; 
 Bool;. a,nd he asked the opinion of a barrister of his acquaintance, 
 
 but he was unable to advise. So Dr. Madden betook him- 
 self to Daniel O'Conneii. O'Conneii asked to see the book, 
 and Dr. Madden brought it to him. O'Conneii read and 
 read for near twenty minutes absorbed in the iniquity it 
 disclosed. At length, coming to a particular item, he struck 
 the table, and said involuntarily, " My God !"' He would 
 not tell Dr. Madden what it was, but he watched the spot, 
 and found that it was the name of a Priest of the county 
 of Cork, shown to have been in receipt of money for giving 
 secret information to the Government in 1798. 
 
 Dr. Madden put the question to him, " May I venture to 
 publish what I have copied ? " " Did you steal the book ?" 
 said O'Conneii. "No." " Then publish." When Dr. Madden's 
 '' Lives of the United Irishmen " came out, he presented a 
 copy to O'Conneii, but he returned it. He had a horror, 
 said Dr. Madden, of their proceedings. 
 
 The Secret Service Money Book was finally sold to Scully, 
 a seller of old books, on Ormond-quay, for ten pounds, and 
 was bought from him by C. Haliday, under the circum- 
 stances already detailed for twenty pounds. 
 Extent of This most interesting record is preserved among the 
 
 collection, Haliday collection in the Royal Irish Academy. The extent 
 of Mr. Haliday's collections may be judged from this, that 
 the pamphlets relating principally to Ireland numbered 
 29,000. There were 21,997 in 2,211 (two thousand two 
 hundred and eleven) volumes octavo uniformly bound in 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAT. xix 
 
 one series, and about 700 pamphlets in quarto, of very early- 
 date unbound. There were besides all the best works con- 
 cerning Ireland, and broadsides, ballads and a mass of rare 
 and curious materials for the student of Irish history, 
 ancient and modern. This library passed with the rest of 
 Mr. Haliday's property by his will, to his wife, and was by 
 her presented shortly after his death to the Koyal Irish 
 Academy, ia the belief that she was thus fulfilling a wish 
 she had sometimes heard Mr. Haliday casually express that 
 his collections might be kept together iu some public library. 
 But book collectors are too often collectors only. 1 « 
 
 •' Collectors 
 
 remember callmg on old Dr. Willis, of Ormond-quay and seldom readers. 
 Ra^thmines, a great collector, to see his collection of ancient 
 maps, and talking of Haliday and his having had-a project of 
 writing some account of the Scandinavian Antiquities of 
 Dublin he ridiculed the idea of his writing anything, adding, 
 " Collectors are never writers or readers." 
 
 The Rev. Reginald Heber was a great collector. His 
 Library at Hodnet sold for £53,000. " Mr. Heber," said 
 Person to him with his usual caustic humour, " You have 
 collected a great many books. Pray, when do you mean 
 to begin to read them ?" But Heber was well acquainted 
 with the contents of his library. And so was .Haliday. 
 His books were purchased for use, not show. He was " Not 
 like our modern dealers minding only the margin's breadth 
 and binding." Nor could it be said of him and of his library 
 as of Pope's ostentatious Peer : 
 
 " His study ! with -what authors is it stored 1 
 In books not anthers curious is my lord: 
 To all their dated backs he turns you round : 
 These Aldus printed, those Du Seuil has bound. 
 Lo ! some are vellum, and the rest as good : 
 For all his Lordship knows but they are wood." 
 
 And they were not only for his own use, but for the 
 use of others — for there was no one freer to lend his books. 
 Just as the learned Rabelais wrote in the front of aU his 
 
 62 
 
XX SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 books, FraQcisci Rabeltesi mi tS>v avrov <fiXS,v, so there might 
 
 have been inscribed over Mr. Haliday's library door, " The 
 
 Books of Charles Haliday and his friends." 
 
 Haliday's Now that he is gone it gratifies me to think that I had 
 
 Sunday dinner. ^^ opportunity to pay him this well-deserved compliment 
 
 publicly, in his lifetime. It will be found in the preface 
 
 to the Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, first pubUshed 
 
 in 1865. But, however, he may have been secretly pleased 
 
 with this testimony to his liberality, he was not so when 
 
 he found his abode described there as " his Lucullan ViUa " 
 
 declaring it was too bad to use such terms of a place where 
 
 he never gave me anything but a leg of mutton. For such 
 
 was invariably his Sunday dinner, as he used to let ah his 
 
 servants but one go out until dinner time, this one being 
 
 kept to watch the roast, and it was only this joint he said 
 
 which any one could attend to. This humanity to his 
 
 servants was exhibited in other ways. 
 
 His Saturday Saturday being a favourite banqueting day among mer- 
 
 entertainments. -i ^ ^ c ,• ■, • ^ 
 
 chants as the eve of a day of rest from then" labours, he 
 gave way to their humour ; but whenever he had a dinner 
 party on this day he locked the dining-room door when his 
 guests were gone at night, leaving the wine, the dessert, 
 the silver plate and the glass and the whole table just as it 
 was, till Monday morning, not to break in upon his servants' 
 Sunday rest. 
 
 He used to say there were two reasons assigned for the 
 Sabbath in different places in Scripture. One being that 
 given in the twelve Commandments, in the 20th chapter of 
 Exodus, that is to say because God rested on that day, the 
 other in the 23rd chapter, " that thine ox and thine ass may 
 rest, and the son of thy handmaid," and that this last was 
 the one he preferred to keep in view. 
 
 But I pacified him by pointing out to him that it was 
 not his table I referred to so much as his library, having 
 taken care to specify that Plutarch in describing the 
 elegance of L>icullua's Villa praised him for the libraries he 
 
LIFE OP CHABLES IIALIDAY. XXI 
 
 had collected, and that they were open to all. The Greeks 
 added Plutarch repaired at pleasure to the galleries and 
 porticoes as to the retreat of the Muses. So that his house 
 was in fact an asylum and senate-house to all the Greeks 
 that visited Rome. 
 
 And this too was true as regarded Haliday. For there 
 was no one engaged upon any subject that could be illus- 
 trated from his collection but he received him, discussed it 
 intelligently, and dent what was applicable from his col- 
 lection. 
 
 He was Lucullus-like also in his reception of foreigners of 
 merit, considering it as a kiad of public duty to show them 
 the hospitality of his house. 
 
 My intimacy with Charles Haliday began about the year Beginning of 
 1850, the time when at the request of his colleagues in the HaUday! ^^ 
 commission for preserving and improving the port of 
 Dublin, he undertook to collect materials for a history of 
 the harbour, principally with a view to trace the progress 
 of improvement in the navigable channel of the Liffey, and 
 to preserve some record of the plans proposed, and of the 
 effect of works executed for deepeniag the river, and ren- 
 dering the port commodious for shipping.i j had known him 
 for many years, as he was tenant to Viscount Clifden for his 
 house on Arran-quay, and my father, my grandfather, and I 
 had been during seventy years agents in succession of that 
 family for their properties in the city and county of Dublin, 
 and counties of Meath and Kildare. But, to say the truth, 
 I had at first no liking for Haliday, because of his haughty 
 mienanddistantmanners. The Agar Ellises, Viscounts Clifden, 
 derived through Sir John and Sir William Ellis, a valuable 
 leasehold interest from the Corporation of Dublin along 
 Arran-quay, Ellis's-quay, Pembroke-quay, and thence west- 
 ward to the Phoenix Park. The leases were some of them 
 
 ' See the opening passage of his Irish Academy, volume xxii.. Polite 
 essay on " The Ancient Name of Literature." Read June 12, 1855, 
 Dublin," Translations of the Royal 
 
Xxii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 as early as 1662, and had maps of parts of the Liffey aa 
 forming the boundary of the demised premises. 
 
 One morning Mr. Haliday waited on me in my study at 
 17, Hume-street, to ask me if I would show him one of 
 the Corporation leases made to Sir William Ellis, as it pro- 
 bably had the map attached, whilst that appended to the 
 other part of the lease in the Corporation muniments was 
 lost. He explained to me that it was for historical and 
 antiquarian purposes only. 
 
 I was rather surprised to find him engaged in such pur- 
 suits, as I had only known him as a merchant seated among 
 his clerks and ledgers. 
 Hi3 spirit of But as I was not too well inclined to him I said I would 
 
 in epen ence. mgj^yQjj }jjg desire to Lord Clifden and inform him of his 
 lordship's pleasure. He started back with as much disdain, 
 and to as great a distance, as the great lady of Paris, at the 
 shameful proposals of Panurge, an utter stranger, made to 
 her in plain terms without preface or preamble at their 
 first meeting. 
 
 He scorned to be obliged to any nobleman. He showed 
 similar feelings on another occasion. 
 
 In 1865 the fine library at Charlemont House containing 
 the collections of early English and Italian books made by 
 the first earl being placed under my care by his grandson, 
 the present earl, Mr. Haliday appointed a time to come to 
 see it. 
 
 But he would scarce look at anything, and was uneasy 
 until he could get out of the place. He evidently feared 
 that Lord Charlemont might come in, and that it might be 
 thought he sought his acquaintance. For, though well fitted 
 to grace and enjoy the highest society, he studiously asso- 
 ciated himself with the class he belonged to. Unless as a 
 matter of public duty he never appeared at the Castle of 
 Dubhn. It wasonly as accompanying a deputation he was 
 seen there. He was proud, but to those who would com- 
 plain of it, one might say. when we remember his humanity, 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XXIU 
 
 his charity, his love of learning, his zeal for the service of 
 his country and city. Be proud in the same way. 
 
 Fortunately our first interview was a little prolonged, 
 and he learned with equal surprise that I, whom he had 
 looked upon as a mere working barrister, was also fond of 
 historical and antiquarian studies. 
 
 In the following year I remember calling on him one 
 Sunday afternoon at Monkstown Park, being the first time 
 I had ever visited him there, and his hoping I would stay 
 to partake of his four o'clock Sunday dinner, " I never 
 invite anyone," said he, " to such a dinner, but if you will 
 only come when you can uninvited you will generally find 
 me too glad to stay you here." 
 
 From that time forward till his death I very generally Hig table talk, 
 dined with him on Sunday, none else being ever there, and 
 came thus to know something of the general tenor of his 
 pursuits, but unfortunately too little of his life. I never 
 thought of asking him where he was at school, or when he 
 began to study Irish History, or when he began collecting 
 books and pamphlets, as I never thought of its falling to 
 my lot to publish some notice of his life and labours. 
 Our conversation was generally of the topics of the hour. 
 He preferred anecdotes and repartee to more serious 
 subjects having a great fund of such lore to draw upon. 
 For with Bacon he deemed gaiety and liveliness suitable to 
 meal times, just as Lycurgus set up an image of the God of 
 Laughter in each dinner hall at Sparta. 
 
 Mr. Haliday being now fitted with a public aim for his His early 
 reading and researches, instead of studying as previously studies. 
 for self improvement or for materials for conversation (for 
 vain is the reading and useless the study that in due time 
 is not brought to some useful end) he set to work with that 
 energy and earnestness which he exhibited in everything 
 he did. He was now up every morning, winter as well as 
 summer, by five o'clock, working without a fire as many 
 early rising students are in the habit of doing. They know 
 
Xxiv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 that one's study is thus always ready, and that it is easy 
 to put on warm coats and rugs,' and that besides this a 
 man does not sit with his feet in the draught of cold air 
 drawn along the floor by the heat of the fire, and indeed 
 there was no fireplace in Mr. Haliday's study. 
 
 This practice of early rising he continued to his latest 
 day, thus living not merely a double length of life but 
 enjoying in those early hours a freedom from visitors and a 
 quiet not to be had duriug the rest of the day. The head 
 too is then free from the fumes of meat and wine. It was 
 these advantages probably that gave rise to the saying of the 
 Greeks $iX^ raig Mowtratc r]W£, Morning is friendly to the 
 Muses, so finely paraphrased by Pope — 
 
 " On morning's wings how active springs the mind 
 That leaves the load of yesterday behind ; 
 How easy every labour it pursues 
 How coming to the pofet every Muse." 
 
 His own library furnished him with every printed work 
 relating to Ireland and Dublin in particular. 
 
 He would not however rely on an author's statements, 
 but would verify them by referring to the original sources, 
 saying that an author writing of things done a hundred 
 years before his own time, even though his name were 
 Spencer, Davys, or Ware, was no better than he was as to 
 personal knowledge. 
 His common- It is Only by his commonplace books of which there are 
 six quarto volumes began on undertaking the history of 
 the Port of Dublin, that a true notion of his activity of 
 research can be obtained. These are most clearly written, 
 in a systematic manner, with correct references. They 
 form a vast repertory of information relating to the Port 
 of Dublin and to the antiquities of the city. By these it 
 
 ' There is an old French proverb, The head and feet keep warm 
 
 Tenez chaud les pieds et teste The rest will take no harm. 
 
 Au demeurant vivez en beste : See Handle Cotgrave's French 
 
 Thus paraphrased— and English Dictionary, a.d., 1610. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XXV 
 
 appears that having ransacked all printed sources of 
 knowledge he next applied to the Corporation of Dublin 
 for access to their ancient records, the Corporation of 
 Dublin being the sole owners and managers of the port and 
 river in early times. He now eagerly embarked in the 
 study of the ancient muniments of the Corporation of 
 Dublin consisting of the Assembly Rolls, the Chain Book, 
 and the White Book of the City. How zealously he noted 
 all that was to be found in these curious records may be seen 
 from the four volumes in quarto in his handwriting now in 
 the Royal Irish Academy containing all that is to be found 
 in the Assembly Rolls concerning the River and Harbour 
 of Dublin, besides many other matters he observed in them 
 either curious or instructive. 
 
 Mr. HaUday naturally found it hard not merely to master 
 the medifeval characters and contractions used by the 
 scribes of early times, but also to decipher some of the 
 earlier Corporation RoUs as they were much defaced by age, 
 and stiU more by the marks of nut gaUs made use of for 
 reviving the faded writing by (I believe) the Record Com- 
 missioners of 1810 in their examination of them. 
 
 In the ancient records of the Court of Exchequer too James Frederic 
 there was also a vast amount of materials to be found 
 illustrative of the history of the port of Dublin. These 
 being in the care of James Frederic Ferguson, with whom I 
 had some short time before formed a close friendship, I had 
 the pleasure of making him known to Mr. Haliday. 
 
 A curious accident led to my acquaintanceship with Mr. 
 Ferguson. When leaving the Four Courts one afternoon, 
 early in the year 1850, by the western quadrangle, I observed 
 two labourers carrying each a load on his shoulder of what 
 seemed to be Cumberland flagstones, but a further inspection 
 showed them parchments covered with dust. They were 
 BiUs and Answers of the Equity side of the Court of 
 Exchequer. They told me they were removing them from 
 the Exchequer Offices then kept in the buildings on the 
 
XXvi SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 extreme west of the Four Courts building and nearest the 
 
 Quay, and were taking them to the Benchers' Buildings in 
 
 the rere of the Four Courts. 
 
 History of Following these guides and mounting a temporary wooden 
 
 Fel^u^son.^ ^"^ staircase I found myself in the presence of a solitary figure, 
 
 sole master of a suite of empty rooms, engaged in sorting 
 
 vast masses of parchments, books, and papers. These and 
 
 a couple of chairs their only furniture. He seemed about 
 
 fifty, and was of good stature. His hair very dark, his 
 
 complexion sallow, with full dark lustrous eyes. His mien 
 
 was mild, modest and retiring, and rather marked with 
 
 melancholy. This was James Frederic Ferguson. He was 
 
 then engaged under the authority of the Lords of the 
 
 Treasury in sorting and cataloguing the Exchequer Records 
 
 preparatory to the division to be made of them between 
 
 the Chancery and Exchequer on the abolition of the Equity 
 
 JurisdictioH of the Court of Exchequer. He was born at 
 
 Charleston in South Carolina in 180G, where his father, a 
 
 native of France but of Scottish descent, was a professor in 
 
 the College. This gentleman's grandfather left Scotland 
 
 because of his joining the Pretender in 1745 and settled in 
 
 Sweden. In 1814 young Ferguson came from Charleston to 
 
 England and remained in London until 1821 when he came 
 
 to Ireland, with Mr. Samuel Cooke, of Sunderland, in the 
 
 county of Durham, formerly a banker, then employed about 
 
 the recovering of certain advowsons supposed to belong to 
 
 the heir of the Lords Barnewall of Turvey, Yiscounts 
 
 Kingsland. 
 
 Samuel Cooke The heir to this ancient title was Mathew Barnewall who, 
 
 of Sunderland, 
 
 and the Kings- from being a butcher's basket-boy at Castle Market, and 
 sons. afterwards a waiter at a tavern in Dawson-street, recovered 
 
 the title as told in Sir Bernard Burke's " Vicissitudes of 
 Families." Length of time had barred all claim to the lands, 
 but as no lapse of time then barred the claims of the Church, 
 this low-born peerfoundspeculatorsin London to risk£10,000 
 on his visionary rights, and in 1817 to employ Mr. Cooke 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XXvii 
 
 at a salary of £800 a year to establish them in Ireland. The 
 evidence to support them lay, if anywhere, in the ancient 
 records of the Common Pleas and the Exchequer, and Mr. 
 Cooke knowing little of anything bat of shooting and fishing, 
 in 1821 brought over young Ferguson, a connexion of his 
 by marriage, to do this work. 
 
 From the opening of the office doors in the morning till 
 their shutting, Ferguson was at work on the Kingsland 
 claims. After the failure of this business (for there was 
 only recovered the poor living of Garristown near the Naul, 
 in the county of Dublin), he became assistant to William 
 Ljmch, sub-commissioner of the Records, author of Feudal 
 Dignities in Ireland, and afterwards Record Agent for 
 Peerage Claims in London, and was invaluable to him for 
 his zeal and for his knowledge of Irish records. 
 
 Mr. Ferguson, who was gifted with intellectual qualities Ferguson's 
 of a high order and had a refined literary taste, was a con- fo*nqui"ers? 
 tributor to the historical literature of his country, although 
 generally unknown, for with characteristic unobtrusiveness 
 his name was generally withheld from the public. In him 
 every archseological inquirer found a ready friend and 
 earnest, self-denjong assistant. 
 
 The only inquiries he had a distaste for were genealogical 
 ones, and yet he would labour gratuitously over his records 
 with such inquirers as if he liked it and were paid for it. 
 Often have I seen him closing the door after one of them, 
 gently raise his hands as if he was glad " to be shutt of him," 
 saying mildly, " How I hate a pedigree hunter." 
 
 The records placed under his charge were his only care His journey to 
 and object; they were to him instead of companions, family, jieersburg in 
 and friends, and to them and those who esteemed them and Germany, 
 valued them as he did, he devoted his entire life. One 
 instance that I was myself conversant of will give some 
 notion of his love of records. In the month of April, ] 853, 
 Mr. R. L. Pearsall, then resident at the Chateau de Wartenau 
 on the southern or Swiss side of the Lake of Constance 
 
XXViii SOME KOTICE OF THE 
 
 communicated to his friend the Rev. H. F. EUacombe, 
 rector of Clyst St. George, Topsham, Devonshire, that a 
 German gentleman living in the Duchy of Baden, on the 
 north side of the same lake, the ancient Suabia, had in Ms 
 possession some ancient rolls of the King's Bench of Ireland, 
 of the reign of Edward III. On receiving this information 
 from Mr. EUacombe, Mr. Ferguson at once wrote to the 
 Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, and to the Lords 
 of the Treasury, and as both turned a deaf ear to his sugges- 
 tions, Mr. Ferguson, small as were his means, travelled at 
 his own cost to Mr. Pearsall at the Lake of Constance, and 
 accompanied him to the possessor of the records. 
 
 This was Joseph von Lassberg, a German antiquary, 
 dwelling in the old moated Suabian Castle of Meersburgh,^ 
 who had in 1851 purchased these records of a Jew at Frank- 
 fort. The old gentleman's cupidity was at once roused, by 
 the fact of an officer of the Courts (employed by the 
 Government as he supposed) travelling from Ireland thither 
 to purchase them ; and he asked such an inordinate price, 
 so much beyond Ferguson's small means, that Ferguson was 
 in despair, and with characteristic devotion as he could not 
 get them, he actually sat up aU night making abstracts of 
 them. 
 Recovers some But in the morning von Lassberg finding that Ferguson 
 Bench mC' ha<i ^^^ tlie price, took all the money he had, which was 
 sixty pounds sterling, and poor Ferguson returned with his 
 
 ' "The town and castle of Meers- were 273. He was tall, handsome, 
 burg crowns a white cliff on the with a long flowing white beard, 
 northern shore of the Boden See. He died in 1855. In 1877, a 
 The place first belonged to King Tyrolese nobleman of similar tastes, 
 Dagobert(A..D. 628) then to Charles purchased the castle for a store of 
 Martel ; finally (a.d. 1629) to the ancient armour, which he had col- 
 Bishops of Constance. In 1836 lected and kept at Munich."-The 
 it was purchased by Joseph Shores and Cities of the Boden See 
 von Lassberg, an antiquary and in 1879-80. By Samuel James 
 poet. His library contained 12,000 Capper, m.p. Delarue, London, 
 printed books, his manuscripts 8vo 1881. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Xxix 
 
 dear records without regret or repining. After his death, 
 which occurred on the 2Cth November, 1855, they were 
 sold, and were purchased at the auction of his small effects 
 for the government — 
 
 " For still the great had kindness in reserve, 
 They helped to bury whom they helped to starve." 
 
 iMr. Ferguson's large dark eyes (inherited, probably, from His strength 
 his grandmother, Anne ilarguerite Delaporte, daughter of °* ^'^^'' 
 the French consul at Stockholm) were most powerful, and 
 he had, apparently, the art (without the aid of jesting 
 Rabelais' miraculous spectacles) of reading the effaced 
 writing of ancient rolls. Bat Ferguson himself, attributed 
 his strength of sight to night watching on board of Mr. 
 Cooke's fishing boats in the bay of Dublin. For this gentle- 
 man, who dwelt, while in Ireland, at Sandymount, where 
 his household consisted of the poor, low-born Lord Kings- 
 land (lest, perhaps, he should get into other hands) and 
 James Ferguson, had a lease of the Poolbeg salmon fishing 
 at the mouth of the Liffey. Cooke had, besides salmon nets 
 for the mouth of the Liffey, also great nets to stretch across 
 the broad but shallow bight (or bay) ruiming up towards 
 Ringsend, between Sandymount and the Pigeonhouse 
 Fort, and my friend and fellow barrister, WiUiam Monk 
 Gibbon, ll.d., of Sandymount, remembers when he was a 
 boy to have fi'cquently seen him with a laige number of 
 soldiers of the fort, employed in laying and drawing this 
 great net. 
 
 Mr. Ferguson's learning and modesty, made him most 
 acceptable to Mr. Haliday. 
 
 He took a pleasure in getting him to copy for him from Makes extracts 
 
 ^ o o from the Kolls 
 
 the ancient records under his care, and he kept him almost for Haiiday. 
 constantly employed for the few short years of their 
 acquaintanceship ; for it only commenced about 1852. 
 
 Mr. Haliday got liberty from the Corporation to em- 
 ploy Ferguson on the earlier City Assembly RoUs ; of the 
 
XXX SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 later he made abstracts by his. own hand. And he kept 
 him continually at work in making copies of entries relating 
 to the port and harbour of Dublin, to be found on the rolls 
 of the Court of Exchequer. 
 Ws^copfes^for A™ong his other talents, Mr. Ferguson was a consumate 
 Haliday. master of clerkship, writing in a fine legible hand, with great 
 
 rapidity and accuracy, as will be at once seen by the great 
 amount of his writing in the Haliday collection in the Koyal 
 Irish Academy. The following works to be seen .there are 
 of his penmanship — 
 
 A.D. 1260-1261.— Complete transcript of the Eoll of the 45th 
 year of King Henry the 3rd. JFolio. 
 
 A.D. 1200-122i. — Extracts from the Charter, Close, and 
 Patent Rolls of England, relating to the trade of Ireland, to St 
 Mary's Ahbey, and to the port of Dublin. Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1303-1308. — Abstracts, and some translations in full of 
 Entries on the Memoranda Rolls relating to the collection of the 
 customs at various ports in Ireland by the Friscobaldi and other 
 Florentine merchants to whom they had been mortgaged by the 
 King as security for loans made to him, 31st to 35th King 
 Edward 1st. Folio. 
 
 AD. 1272-1325.— Calendar of the Memoranda Rolls of 
 Edward 1st and Edward 2nd. Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1319. — Extracts from the Memoranda Rolls of Edward 
 2nd of this year, concerning the King's Mills near DubUn, con- 
 cerning the Abbey of St. Mary's there, the Florentine merchants, 
 shipping, and trade. Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1326-1379. — Translations of Miscellaneous Entries from 
 the Memoranda Rolls from 3rd to 50th year of Edward 3rd. 
 Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1383-1643. — Extracts from the Memoranda Rolls, con- 
 cerning the customs, trade, and port of Dublin. Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1554-1555. — Memoranda Roll of 1st and 2nd Philip and 
 Mary. Extracts mostly concerning the nunnery of St. Mary le 
 Hogges. Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1613-1633.— Extracts from the Communia Rolls of the 
 Exchequer, of entries relating to the trade and port of Dublin. 
 Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1295-1613.— Extracts from the Judgment Rolls. Folio. 
 
 Copy of the By-Laws of Dublin. Folio. 
 
 A.D. 1320-1685.— Municipal Records of the city of Dublin. 
 Extracts relating to ships, the trade, and the port and harbour of 
 Dublin. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XXxi 
 
 Translation of the Eegister of St. Thomas' Abbey, Dublin, com- 
 monly called Ooppinger's' Eegister being made by Thomas 
 Coppinger. Folio. ' 
 
 A.D. U68-1552.— Assembly Rolls of Corporation of Dublin. 
 Quarto. 
 
 A.D. 1 468-1509.— Memoranda and Freeman Rolls of the Cor- 
 poration of Dublin. Quarto. 
 
 It will be seen from the journals of Haliday's reading that 
 while his earlier studies were for the most part general and 
 miscellaneous he still kept himself fully informed of all 
 that was published from time to time on trade, banking, 
 and commerce. 
 
 He was also deeply interested in all social subjects, such Haliday's 
 as the relief of the poor and their general well-being, and the daily press, 
 was a large but anonymx)us contributor to the public jour- 
 nals. He wrote letters and articles on trade, banking, the 
 poor, the public markets, the taxes, and whatever else con- 
 cerned the public interest, but he abstained from politics, 
 though of pronounced Conservative opinions of an enlarged 
 kind, and with a spirited national feeling of his own. He 
 left a large scrap book of these contributions which remains 
 an interesting monument to showhow constantly his thoughts 
 and his pen were employed unobserved for the public 
 interest. 
 
 On the cover inside appears the following note in his 
 
 hand\vriting : — 
 
 " I have collected in this volume soiiie of the triEes which I 
 have written and published, that I u>ay be i-eminded of past ex- 
 ertions and stimulated to new ones for the pviblic good." 
 
 ' On parchment in fine bold en- made by Coppinger, with similar 
 
 grossing hand on the title page notice, a.d. 1526, is preserved in 
 
 is the following: — "Copia vera the Rawlinson MSS. (No. 499), 
 
 quarandam evidentiarum monas- Bodleian Library, Oxford. It is 
 
 terii Sancti Thomse Martyris juxta bound and stamped with Sir Jam^-s 
 
 Dublinum extractarum per me, Ware's coat of arms. 
 
 AViUielmum Coppinger, sus na- The first contains private grants, 
 
 tionis capitaneum, Anno Domini, the other volume grants of different 
 
 152g_ kings, and other public conces- 
 
 Another portion of this register, siona. 
 
XXXU SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 Pamphlets by But besides these fugitive pieces, he published some 
 
 C. Haliilay: 
 
 pamphlets. 
 On Temper- His tirst publication of this kind, which was anonymous, 
 was an Inquiry into the influence of the excessive use of 
 Spirituous Liquors in producing Crime, Disease, and 
 Poverty in Ireland.' It appeared in 1830. In a presenta- 
 tion copy of it to Mr. James Haughton, there is the follow- 
 ing note in Mr. Haliday's writing : — 
 
 " This, I beheve, was the first publication of the temperance 
 movement in Ireland." 
 
 Scity sSy. He was an active member of the Society for the Suppres- 
 sion of Mendicity in Dublin, commonly called the Mendicity 
 Society. 
 
 This Society, at a time when there was no legal relief for 
 the poor, and the streets of Dublin were crowded with 
 beggars, took a lease of Moira House, on Usher's-quay, and 
 opened it to receive all poor who should come there of 
 their own accord or with a ticket given by anyone whom 
 they had solicited alms from, and they were there provided 
 with wholesome food for the day, on condition of stone- 
 breaking for men and boys, and other suitable work for 
 women. 
 
 Archbishop Whately pronounced it the best system of 
 relief that he knew. Here Mr. Haliday gave his personal 
 attendance. And when the cholera morbus made its first 
 terrible visitation to Dublin in the year 1832, and seized its 
 most hopeless victims amongst the poorest, it naturally 
 committed awful ravages amongst the needy frequenters of 
 the Mendicity Society at Moira House ; yet Mr. Haliday 
 never flinched or deserted his post, but was present at his 
 usual hours, and helped those seized to carriages to convey 
 them to the hospitals, while his family and friends were 
 filled with fear for him, and indeed for themselves. 
 
 The experience he acquired at this institution caused 
 '8vo,Dublin, pp. 127, Milliken, 1830. 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAT. XXXIU 
 
 him to write a pamphlet in 1838 on the necessity of some 
 law of settlement to be introduced into the Poor Relief 
 measure then before Parliament.' 
 
 " When the society first commenced its measure for sup- On a Law of 
 pressing mendicity, in 1818," said Mr. Haliday, " they found ^ ™^'^" ' 
 in the streets of Dublin 5,000 beggars. In the course of 
 investigation it became evident that no system of relief 
 dependent on voluntary contributions could create a reason- 
 able hope of success without some plan or modification of 
 the system of settlement." The association, therefore, de- 
 clared that no one should be considered an object for relief 
 who could not prove a residence within the city or its pre- 
 cincts for six months. In the first year the number of 
 destitute persons registered exceeded 5,500. Of these, 2,251 
 were sent to theii' homes or friends in England, Scotland, 
 and the country parts of Ireland ; and about 2,400 were re- 
 jected for the want of six months' residence. As a further 
 means to suppress mendicancy, they appointed street in- 
 spectors, and with the aid of the police, they in one year 
 had upwards of 4,300 beggars apprehended and brought 
 before the magistrates. To these exertions was owing the 
 diminution of vagrancy and pauperism then apparent in 
 Dublin. 
 
 From these facts Mr. Haliday contended for a law of settle- 
 ment in the Poor Relief Act, and published his reasons in 
 an anonymous pamphlet with the title in the foot note. 
 In a short preface to it, dated Dublin, February 20th, 1838, 
 he styles himself " A Member of the Mendicity Association." 
 
 On the face of the pamphlet there is the following 
 observation in Mr. Haliday 's handwriting :— " A letter from 
 the Duke of Wellington shows that this pamphlet produced 
 the clause of Electoral Division rating." 
 
 The next topic of a kindred nature which engaged his 
 
 1 Necessity of Combining a Law Relief of the Poor of Ireland, pp. 
 of Settlement with Local Assess- 26, 8vo. Dublin, Milliken and Son, 
 inent in the proposed Bill for the 1838. 
 
XXxiv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 pen, after treating of this measure, the compulsory relief of 
 the poor of Ireland, was a consideration of the miserahle 
 habitations of so many of those that dwelt outside of the 
 poorhouses. 
 On Sanitary The Ccnsus Commissioners of 1841, reported that nearly 
 
 Legislation for . 
 
 ToTfns. one-half of the families of the rural population, and some- 
 
 what more than a third of the families of the civic popula- 
 tion, were living in accommodation equivalent to a cabin 
 consisting of a single room. A Commission of Inquiry 
 was shortly afterwards issued into the state of the tenure 
 and occupation of land and of means of improving the re- 
 lations of landlord and tenant, and Mr. Haliday pleaded for a 
 similar inquiry into the sanitary condition of the labouring 
 classes in towns, of whom, according to the Census, one- 
 ihird were so miserably lodged. 
 
 He gave instances, and contended that there was need of 
 some new law for the regulation of house pi'Operty in 
 towns and for the protection of the health, comfort, and 
 rights of the poorer classes, some modification perhaps 
 of the medical police system of German cities, and the 
 Conseil de Salubrity of Paris. Such an authority, he added, 
 as would compel the builders of houses to secure a supply 
 of pure water for their tenants, to build sewers, and to pro- 
 vide all essentials to decency and cleanliness, before any of 
 the houses could be let in tenements. This body being made 
 the guardians of the public rights, could prevent individuals, 
 however powerful from depriving the labouring classes of 
 the advantages which open spaces, public walks and path- 
 ways, and access to rivers and the sea afford.^ He was 
 thus early an advocate of sanitary legislation, which had 
 not then commenced, but has latterly been so productive of 
 improvement. 
 
 ' He entitled this pamphlet, of the Law in respect of the Build- 
 
 which was anonymous — " A letter ing and Occupation of Houses in 
 
 to the Comniissioners of Landlord Towns in Ireland." 8vo., Dublin, 
 
 and Tenant Inquiry, on the state Grant and Bolton, 1844. 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAY. XXXV 
 
 In the course of his inquiries respecting the cleanliness 
 and health of the poor, he elicited the remarkable fact — 
 that within the previous five or six years (he was writing 
 in 1844<), the poor of Kingstown and Dunleary, although 
 residing on the sea shore, had been deprived of the means 
 of preserving health and promoting cleanliness which 
 sea bathing afforded. 
 
 Before the Kingstown railway was carried across the On the taking 
 
 .by the Railway 
 
 harbour, the strand was open to the public, and under of the bathing 
 the high cliffs which extended from Salthill to the west ^fngg^own'' 
 pier there were small bays or inlets completely sheltered ^°°^- 
 and secluded, where the women and children of the town 
 and surrounding country freely bathed. But as it was 
 deemed necessary for the extension of the railway that it 
 should pass between these cliffs and the sea, the cliffs were 
 levelled and formed into a railway embankment across 
 the strand, and the poor were excluded from the benefit 
 of those prescriptive rights which they had previously 
 enjoyed unquestioned. Noblemen and gentlemen, whose 
 seaward boundaries this railway traversed, protected their 
 own rights, and for them the Dublin and Kingstown Eail- ' 
 way Company were compelled to erect splendid baths and 
 other costly works. Commodious baths were also erected 
 for those who paid for using them ; but for those who were 
 unable to pay — for the poor of Kingstown and the surround- 
 ing country — no accommodation whatever had been pro- 
 vided in lieu of that of which they were deprived.^ For 
 three whole years he laboured to obtain for the poor the 
 restoration of their rights, by private addresses to the rail- 
 way directors and others, but failing in his eff"orts, he had 
 recourse to the press. This publication, issued in 1847, is 
 entitled, " An Appeal to His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant 
 on behalf of the Labouring Classes," and in this he sets 
 
 'Ibid DP 7 8. '^ ^° publisher's name. It was 
 
 It was an'on'ymous and intended printed by P. D. Hardy and Son, 
 only for private circulation. There Dublin. 8vo,, pp. 54. 
 
XXXVl 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 On the state 
 of the Kings- 
 town poor. 
 
 Public offices 
 filled by C. 
 Haliday. 
 
 forth fully the steps by which the railway company had 
 contrived to deprive the public of their access to the shore. 
 On the title page of Mr. Haliday's copy is a note in his 
 own hand (written the very year of his death): — "This 
 Appeal procured for the Labouring Classes at Kingstown a 
 free bathing place for women, now in course of erection at 
 Salthill, and one for men at the West pier." The last 
 eiFort of his pen was still pleading for the poor. It was a 
 letter to the Commissioners for the Improvement of Kings- 
 town, urging them to improve the dwellings of the poor of 
 that town. 
 
 He had personally visited many of the worst parts of it, 
 and found the cottages in want of sewerage and accommo- 
 dations nefcessary to cleanliness, health and decency. He 
 showed the Commissioners that they could make main 
 drains, and could compel the owners to make house drains 
 into these from the cottages, and even might obtain public 
 money for building cottages. The inspections were made 
 at various hours of the day and in the evening, and being 
 carried on in the face of a new visitation of cholera, his 
 family believed that he fell by disease caught in the dis- 
 charge of his self-imposed public duty. While correcting 
 the proof sheets of this publication, he was seized with 
 illness, and carried from his study to his bed, and died in a 
 few hours.' 
 
 But these publications of Mr. Haliday's, though they in- 
 dicate his public spirit and humanity, were only the pro- 
 ducts of the spare moments of his life. 
 
 His occupation as a merchant absorbed his day. He had his 
 counting house and his clerks to attend to. He frequented 
 
 ' The editing of this last work of 
 Mr. Haliday's wag undertaken and 
 executed by Dr. Thomas M. Mad- 
 den. It is entitled, " A Statistical 
 Inquiry into the Sanitary Condition 
 of Kingstown, by the late Charles 
 Haliday, esq., m.r.i.a. Edited, 
 
 with some preliminary observations 
 on the connexion between the 
 sanitary defects of Kingstown and 
 the recent Epidemic Cholera, by 
 Dr. Thomas More Madden, m.b.i.a. 
 8vo., Dublin, pp. 33. John E. 
 Fowler, 1867. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. XXXVll 
 
 the Corn Exchange; he was a Director of the Bank of 
 Ireland, he was Honorary Secretary of the Chamber of 
 Commerce, and a Member of the Ballast Board. In each 
 employment he exhibited that energy and inteUigence that 
 were the characteristics of his life. 
 
 Often have I seen him at his counting-house, at Arran- 
 quay, seated on a high stool amongst his clerks, carefully 
 going over the large ledgers and other books, to see that 
 they were duly and regularly posted up. 
 
 At ten o'clock he would be found in the Directors' room 
 of the Bank of Ireland, attending to the business of that 
 great establishment. 
 
 He gave great attention also to the business of the Honorary 
 Chamber of Commerce, and on retiring from the office of c^^amber^of 
 Honorary Secretary of that Chamber, after a service of seven- Commerce. 
 teen years, he was presented by that society with a testi- 
 monial in recognition of the great benefits he had rendered 
 it. 
 
 He signalized his accession to the office by his energetic 
 investigation into the right of the owner of the Skerries 
 Lighthouse, off the coast of Anglesea, to levy tolls amounting 
 to three thousand a year off the shipping frequenting the 
 port of Dublin. It appeared that a charter or patent was 
 granted by Queen Anne, authorising one William Trench to 
 build a lighthouse on Skerries Rock, near Holyhead,i and to 
 levy specified dues on aU vessels passing by or near the 
 rock ; but as the patent was in many respects defective and 
 never had (and probably never was intended to have) effect 
 in Ireland, an attempt was made to do by an English statute 
 what could not be done by an English patent, and the 
 English Act of the third year of George II., cap. 36, enacted 
 
 lit was at this -rock, and not at drowned in company with the son 
 
 Skerries near Balbriggan, that on of Lord Dunboyne. See Calendar 
 
 the 15th of December, 1619, the of State Papers of King James I. 
 
 Viscount Thurles, father of the (Ireland) 1615-1625. p. 270. 
 
 great D uke of Ormonde was wreck- Carte's Life of Ormonde, p. 1 . 
 ed on his voyage to Ireland, and 
 
XXXVlil SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 that, the dues granted by the patent should continue in force 
 
 Ligiu^ihier f°^ ®^®'^' ^^^ *^^* o*^®'^ ^^^^ should be paid by vessels 
 trading to or from particular ports in Ireland. Under that 
 Act, the then proprietor of the Lighthouse, Mr. Jones, was 
 levying about £16,000 per annum, of which £3,000 per 
 annum, part of the gross amount, was levied on the trade of 
 Dublin, and was enforced from vessels that did not pass by, 
 or near, or in sight of Skerries, whether loaded or in ballast, 
 or sailing on any of the voyages mentioned in the Act ; and 
 in all cases fourfold as heavy, and in some eight times as 
 heavy, as the sums charged by the Irish Lighthouse Board 
 for any lighthouse on the coast of Ireland, 
 
 As these tolls were collected for the owner of the 
 Skerries Lighthouse by the Collector of Customs at Dublin, 
 who received a commission on the dues and would give no 
 clearance unless they were paid, there was no escape, and 
 resistance seemed hopeless. Masters of vessels from time to 
 time made opposition, but the labour and expense always 
 paralysed exertion, and after a brief period of struggle the 
 extra tax was submitted to. Ship owners frequenting the 
 Irish Channel also applied to the Trinity House Corporation 
 of London ; but the Trinity Brethren declined to interfere, 
 on the ground that the Skerries Lighthouse was private 
 property. The Chamber of Commerce however, in the year 
 1839, obtained the opinion of the Irish Law Officers, that no 
 tolls whatever could be legally levied in Ireland by the 
 proprietor of the Skerries Lighthouse, because at the estab- 
 lishment of the Legislative Independence of Ireland, in 1782 
 it was conceded that English Statutes did not bind Ireland, 
 and therefore that the statute of third George II. was of no 
 force, being an Act made in England, and thus the only 
 warrant for these tolls failed. This opinion being trans- 
 mitted to the Lords of the Treasury, they directed that the 
 Collector of Customs should no longer assist in collecting 
 the Skerries Li;^lifchonse tolls. 
 
 But as tlie Trinity Board were, in the year lh41, about to 
 
LIFB OF CHARLES HALIDAT. XXxix 
 
 purchase the interest of the owner of the Skerries Lighthouse, 
 and would then be able under another statute to fix Light- 
 house tolls with the assent of the Privy Council, the 
 Chamber of Commerce and the Directors of the Steamboat 
 Companies combined and brought an action in the Queen's 
 Bench, in the name of Mr. Boyce, a ship owner, against Mr. 
 Jones, the Skeriies Lighthouse owner, and obtained a verdict 
 that the tolls were illegal. This verdict and judgment were 
 obtained in the month of January, 1842, and since then all 
 ships sailing to or from Dublin to the southward, all Irish 
 coasting vessels, and all vessels in ballast are freed from this 
 charge.' This contest began in the year 1836, and con- 
 tinued for six years, conducted principally by Mr. Haliday, 
 until success finally crowned the efforts of the Chamber of 
 Commerce, 
 
 So highly were Mr. Haliday's services appreciated by Recognition 
 the Steamboat Companies that they presented him with a ^bout the"°^ 
 veiy costly and handsome piece of plate, with the following Skemes Light 
 inscription : — 
 
 " Presented by the Directors of the City of Dublia, the British 
 and Irish, and the Glasgow Steam Pactet Companies, to Charles 
 Haliday, esq., Honorary Secretary to Chamber of Commerce, in 
 testimony of his eminent services and of the untiring zeal and 
 ability successfully exerted by him in effecting the abolition of the 
 unjust impost for many years levied under the name of the 
 " Skerries LighfDiies," operating injuriously and vexatiously on 
 the coasting trade of Ireland, but most particularly on that of this 
 Port. 
 
 "DubUn, 17th March, 1842." 
 
 Encouraged by their success in the case of the Skerries 
 Lighthouse tolls, the Chamber of Commerce, in the year 
 1845, determined to resist the dues exacted by the Com- 
 missioners of the Ramsgate Harbour of Refuge on vessels 
 merely passing that harbour on their voyages to any port 
 in Ireland. This charge (which was two pence per ton) 
 was enforced at the Custom Houses in Ireland, and clear- 
 ances were refused to ships until the amount was paid. It 
 
 1 These particularshave been ob- the Chamber of Commerce, drawn 
 tained from the yearly Keports of up by Mr. Hahday. 
 
xl SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 ^vas levied under a local Act of 32nd George III. cap. 97, and 
 so little public was it, that though all the trade of Ireland 
 was taxed under it, not a copy of the Act was to be found 
 in any collection of the statutes, nor was any copy of it to 
 be found (said the Report of the Chamber of Commerce) in 
 The Eamsgate the Law Library of the Four Courts, or of the Inns of 
 Harbour tolls. QavLvi. On a casc submitted to the Law Officers of the 
 Crown in Ireland, they gave their opinion that the exaction 
 was illegal on the same grounds as that of the Skerries 
 Lighthouse dues, namely as being claimed to be levied in 
 Ireland under an English statute made in 1792, at a time 
 when these statutes did not bind Ireland ; and having sub- 
 mitted this opinion to the Ramsgate Harbour Commissioners, 
 the Chambers were in hopes that they would desist ; but 
 they persisted and submitted a case on their own behalf 
 to the Attorney- and Solicitor-General of England. The 
 case was framed that the answers might mislead ; for one of 
 the queries was, " Whether the Commissioners might appoint 
 collectors in Ireland ?" and the answer was that they might ; 
 and so they might (says the Chamber of Commerce in their 
 report) appoint collectors in any part of Europe. But a 
 very different question was whether these collectors or 
 others could go on board vessels to distrain or detain them 
 for these dues. Another of their queries was, " Whether they 
 could sue in the Irish Law Courts for tolls due to themi" 
 It was answered that they might ; so (say the Chamber of 
 Commerce) could any one else, provided they could prove a 
 debt legally due. 
 
 The Chamber then applied to the Attorney-General of 
 England, and having obtained his opinion, that these dues 
 were illegal, they forwarded the case and opinion to the 
 Ramsgate Harbour Commissioners. These Commissioners 
 then yielded ; and by the letter of their Secretary, dated Slst 
 March, 1846, informed the Chamber of Commerce that they 
 had given orders to their collectors at the several ports in 
 Ireland in future not to demand dues from vessels trading to 
 and from Ireland, and not touching at any British ports nor 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. xH 
 
 passing through or being detained in the Downs. Thus was 
 the Chamber of Commerce enabled to relieve the trade of 
 Dublin and of Ireland from another of those exactions to 
 which it had been long subjected, "exactions which, though 
 separately they might not be of a large amount (continues 
 the Report), were in the aggregate a heavy burden on the 
 foreign trade of Ireland, and particularly objectionable in 
 this instance, as the Legislature unquestionably did not 
 intend that this tax should be levied in Ireland for the 
 maintenance of an English harbour." 
 
 In these Reports will be found Mr. Haliday's careful state- Testimonials of 
 
 , i} ,1 • L jy '-i 1 I 1 ITT •• his conduct as 
 
 ment or the point, lorcibly put, and supported by convmcmg secretary of 
 evidence, showing a great amount of labour and an equal commerce"* 
 amount of intelligence. When he retired from the office of 
 Honorary Secretary to the Chamber, he received a handsome 
 present of silver plate, with the following inscription : 
 
 The Merchants of Dublin to Charles Haliday, Esq. 
 In testimony of their high sense of his eminent pubHc services 
 during the seventeen years in which he filled the oflice of Honorary 
 Secretary to the Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 Sur T.O'Brien,Bart,LordMayor. Wm. Murphy. 
 
 Arthiir Guinness. James Murphy. 
 
 Edward Atkinson. George M'Bride. 
 
 J. C. Bacon. John M'Donneh. 
 
 John Martin. Sir Edward M'Donnell. 
 
 Alex. Boyle. Denis Moylan. 
 
 Thomas Bewley. Valentine O'Brien O'Connor. 
 
 Joseph Boyce. V.^m. H. Pirn. 
 
 Peter Brophy. John Power. 
 
 Eobert Callwell. Sir James Power. 
 
 Francis Codd. Patrick Eeid. 
 
 Thomas Crosthwaite. George Roe. 
 
 Leland Crosthwaite. Philip Meadows Taylor. 
 
 Sir John Ennis, Bart. Thomas Wilson. 
 
 John English. Francis E. Codd. 
 
 John Darcy. T. L. Kelly. 
 
 James Fagan. J. B. Kennedy. 
 
 James Ferrier. Jonathan Pim. 
 
 James Foxall. Alex. Parker. 
 
 Benjm. Lee Guinness. George Pim. 
 
 Sir John Kingston James, Bart. H. Thompson. 
 
 Thomas Hutton. WilUam Digges LaTouche. 
 
dii 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 O'Connell's 
 dexterity. 
 
 Currency ,' 
 inquiry in 
 1857. 
 
 Losses of go sensible indeed were the mercantile community of 
 
 Merchants by . . . , 
 
 Custom House Dublin of his intelligence, that in public inquiries they were 
 willing and anxious that he should be one of their spokes- 
 men. He was thus selected to solicit the claims of the 
 merchants of Dublin to compensation from the Treasury for 
 the goods lost by the great fire in 1833, when a great part 
 of the Custom House stores were burnt down. The stores 
 had been let by the Government, but as the lessee was in- 
 capable of paying damages it was a matter of the utmost 
 moment to establish the liability of the Government. The 
 lawyer selected to advocate the case of the merchants, was 
 O'Connell, and Mr. Haliday and another were to be present 
 to supply him with information at the hearing of the cause. 
 In after years Mr. Haliday would give with much zest 
 an instance of O'Connell's dexterity. Having forgotten the 
 line he ought to have taken about one branch of the case, 
 he used an argument destructive of the cause. Haliday 
 was overwhelmed, but could not interrupt, when fortunately 
 the tribunal adjourned for a few minutes, and O'Connell 
 was then informed of his mistake. On returning, he at 
 once with the utmost coolness began "When we left off, I 
 was engaged in showing what might be said by my adver- 
 saries ; but " and then he answered his own argument 
 
 and undid the effect. 
 
 In 1857 and 1858 there was a Committee of the House 
 of Commons appointed to inquire concerning the operation 
 of the Bank Acts of Scotland and Ireland of 1845, and the 
 causes of the late commercial distress, and to investigate 
 how far it had been affected by the laws for regulating the 
 issue of bank notes payable on demand. In view of this 
 inquiry, the directors of the Bank of Ireland elected Mr. 
 Haliday to the office of Governor of the Bank, that he might 
 appear before the Committee of Inquiry with more dignity 
 and authority. He underwent a long examination, and 
 acquitted himself with great credit, the committee being 
 evidently much impressed with the extent and accuracy of 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. xliii 
 
 his knowledge, not merely of the concerns of the Bank, but 
 of currency and trade. I may here mention that he told 
 me on one occasion that the object of Sir Robert Peel's 
 Bank Act (in his opinion) making gold the common currency, 
 was that the Government, in case of a foreign war, might 
 find it in the country, and keep it for Government use 
 by an Act rendering paper notes a good tender, instead 
 of having to buy it abroad at heavy cost. 
 
 But, whilst Mr. Haliday paid such close attention to his Ballast Board 
 own affairs and to aU those public institutions he was con- 
 nected with, there was one which interested him beyond 
 aU others and that was the Ballast Board, afterwards named 
 the Corporation for Preserving and Improving the Port of 
 Dublin. The history of this Corporation will be found set 
 forth in detail in Charles Haliday's Essay, entitled, Obser- 
 servations Explanatory of Sir Bernard de Gomme's Map, 
 showing the state of the Harbour and E.iver at Dublin in 
 the year 1673. 
 
 Mr. Haliday became a member of this Board in the year 
 1833, and for thirty years and upwards, that is to say till 
 the time of his death in 1866, he constantly attended the 
 meetings of the Board and interested himself in all that 
 concerned it. 
 
 He made himself familiar with the many Acts of Parlia- attacked by 
 ment regulating its proceedings, and as he was certainly one comL^sioners. 
 of the best instructed members of c'l e Board, his advice was much 
 sought for and regarded. In theyear 1848, with theconsentof 
 the Board, he undertook the defence of their jurisdiction over 
 the lighthouses of Ireland, against the report made by Captain 
 Washington, E.N., one of the Tidal Harbour Commissioners, 
 which recommended that the management of the Irish 
 lighthouses and their funds should be transferred to a central 
 board to be established in London. Captain Washington 
 in his repoit to the Harbour Department of the Admiialty, 
 dated 10th of November, 1847, charged the Ballast Board 
 with two omissions ; one, that they had failed to improve 
 
xliv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 the quays and piers and similar works within harbours ; the 
 
 other, the neglect to provide Lights on the south coast of 
 
 His pamphlet Ireland. The defence of the Board was made by Mr. HaUday 
 
 in defence. 
 
 in a pamphlet in the form of a letter, as from Henry 
 Vereker, Secretary of the Ballast Board, to Sir William 
 Somerville, Bart., then Secretary of State for Ireland.' 
 
 To Captain Washington's first complaint there wa.s this 
 ready answer, that the Board were not authorized to expend 
 lighthouse funds on constructing harbour works ; the powers 
 of the Board being confined to erecting and maintaining 
 lighthouses, beacons, and buoys. 
 
 As to the second, the want of lights on the south and 
 south-west coast of Ireland, Mr. Haliday showed that since 
 1810, when the Irish Lighthouse Board was transferred 
 to the Ballast Board, sixty lighthouses and lightships had 
 been established, and twelve more were in progress, and all 
 this without increasing the light dues levied, without any 
 grant of public money ; whilst the Board had at the same 
 time made a reduction of twenty per cent, on the light dues, 
 which even previously were lower than those of either 
 England or Scotland, and further had commenced an 
 accumulation (then amounting to £100,000) which if per- 
 mitted to increase and act as a sinking fund, would not only 
 be sufficient to erect all the lighthouses required in future, 
 but would yield £4,000 a year, and ultimately relieve all 
 vessels from any charge of maintaining the lighthouses on 
 the coasts and harbours of Ireland. 
 
 Mr. Haliday in this pamphlet also complained much of 
 the inaccuracy of a printed map appended to Captain 
 Washington's report, lithographed and coloured for the 
 
 ' Letter to the Right Honorable Harbour Department of the 
 
 Sir William Somerville, Bart, m.p., Admiralty on the State of the 
 
 fromthe Corporation for Preserving Harbours and Lighthouses on the 
 
 and Improving the Port of Dublin, south and south-west of Ireland, 
 
 with Observations on the Report of 8vo. Dublin pp. 37. P. D. Hardy 
 
 Captain Washington, k.n., to the and Sons, 1849. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. xlv 
 
 purpose of exhibiting the " region of darkness," as Mr. 
 Haliday iro'dically calls it, through the want of lighthouses 
 on the south-west coast. And he answered it admirably by 
 a similar map, but correctly coloured, showing every light- 
 house and the range of its light, and how fully they served 
 their purpose. 
 
 " Honest Tom Steele," O'ConneH's Head Pacificator, a learned 
 man in spite of his strange political opinions and conduct, 
 educated at Cambridge, a member also, as he subscribes him- 
 self, of the Chamber of Commerce, bore testimony to the 
 ability displayed in this pamphlet, in a letter to the public 
 press, dated 6th January, 1847. " The letter of Mr. Vereker," 
 says Mr. Steele, " is in my opinion a most triumphant 
 refatation, written with exquisite good taste and good 
 temper, of the report of the Commission on the state of the 
 port of Dublin and the lighthouse system of Ireland. 1 do 
 not envy (he continues) Captain Washington, ' Examining 
 Officer of the Commission,' the bitter castigation he has 
 quietly received in the politest terms from the Secretary of 
 the Ballast Board. This Captain Washington may be a 
 ' General Washington ' of examining officers, but it would 
 do him no harm if he could infuse into himself a little of 
 the generous candour of Sir James Dombrain, r.n., or of 
 Captain Beechy, e.n." These were both public officers who 
 had borne testimony to the great merits of the Ballast Board. 
 
 It was this peculiar interest about the port of Dublin Engages to 
 shown by Mr. Haliday, added to the extensive knowledge „ Ahe^port'oT 
 he had acquired, concerning all that related to it in its then Dublin, 
 state, that pointed him out to his brother members of the 
 Ballast Board as the fittest person to write the history of 
 the port. They desired to show what changes had been 
 affected under the direction of the Board in the bed of the 
 river and in the harbour, by deepening and straightening 
 the bed of the Liffey and by lowering the bar. In this view 
 it was necessary to know the early state of the river and 
 harbour, and they considered that there was no one who 
 
xlvi SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 could investigate it with the energy and sagacity of Mr. 
 Haliday. ' 
 
 They accordingly requested him, about the year 1850, to 
 undertake the task. He joyfully acceded to their request. 
 When his brother directors of the Ballast Board engaged 
 him to undertake a history of the port, they probably 
 thought that his previous study of the varioiis Parliamentary 
 enactments and inquiries, added to the information to be 
 supplied by their own records or servants, would render 
 this a not very laborious undertaking to one of his energetic 
 habits. If such was their impression they little foresaw to 
 what extensive inquiries and searches into antiquity the 
 subject would lead him. The first notice the pubhc had of 
 the extent of his studies was his Essay on " The Ancient Name 
 of Dublin," read at the Royal Irish Academy in 1854, and 
 printed in the appendix to the present volume. And his 
 mode of treating this small branch of his subject givBS a 
 good idea of the method he employed throughout his study 
 concerning the port and harbour of Dublin. 
 
 The port of Dublin extended inland to the first bridge. 
 This was in ancient times at Church-street, just above the 
 present Four Courts, and the first Custom house was near 
 it, at the foot of Winetavern-street leading up Christ 
 Church Cathedral hill. 
 Bridge of the ^^ the published histories of Ireland he found it almost 
 Ostmen. invariably stated that the first bridge at Dublin was built 
 
 by King John, and his Charter of the 3rd of July, 1215, was 
 cited in proof of that statement ; and as William of Worcester 
 states that in the same year King John built the first bridge 
 at Bristol ("having shortly before sent to France for Isenbert 
 the architect to construct the first stone bridge at London) 
 his desire for bridge-building had led to the building of the 
 bridge at Dublin, the chief seat of his lordship of Ireland, 
 and the seat of his Bristol colony. But Mr. Haliday, not 
 content to rely on printed authorities went to the Tower of 
 London to examine the original rolls, and to the Corporation 
 
LIFE OP CHARLEa HALIDAY. xlvii 
 
 of Dublin for their muniments, and on referring to these, as 
 well as to the register of Thomas Court Abbey in his own 
 possession, he clearly showed that King John not merely 
 granted to his citizens of Dublin liberty to build a bridge 
 over the Liffey wherever they would, but that they might 
 take down the other bridge formerly made if they found it 
 to their advantage to do so. It was thus evident that 
 there was a bridge at Dublin, prior to the Charter of 1215. 
 By other evidence he showed that this bridge was standing 
 in A.D. ] 177, and even at an earlier date. Exaroinino- the 
 
 O 
 
 earliest grants he found this old bridge described in them 
 as the Bridge of the Ostmen, and gave grounds for presuming 
 that it was buUt by them. 
 
 It might perhaps be thought he had done enough in 
 tracing the erection of this bridge to the Ostmen or Scan- 
 dinavian occupants of Dublin. But as long as there was 
 any possibility of further evidence Mr. Haliday was not 
 content to rest. He wished for its earlier history. He had 
 therefore recourse to the native Irish records, and established 
 for it a much higher antiquity. 
 
 In these he found evidence that the name given by the 
 Irish to this bridge at Dublin was Droichet Dubhgall. 
 
 Thus in the nearly contemporary history of the battle of Droichet 
 Clontarf fought in A.D. 1014, where the Irish were victorious, 
 after a great slaughter of the flying Danes, it is stated that 
 only nine of them escaped, and it is added, that the house- 
 hold of Seigue O'Kelly followed these and slew them at the 
 head of the bridge of Ath-Cliath, that is DubhgaU's Bridge," 
 Dubhgall being probably as Mr. Hahday says, the name 
 given by the Irish to the Danish founder of the bridge. 
 
 Dubhgall (literaUj'^ "black stranger"), was a name, says Mr. 
 Haliday, the Irish frequently gave to their Danish invaders. 
 It was thus they called one of the Danish chieftains slain in 
 the battle of Clontarf. This is the earliest direct reference 
 to be found concerning this Droichet Dubhgall or Dublin 
 
xlviii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 bridge. But between the settling of the Danes at Dublin 
 and A.D. 1014 (the date of the battle of Clontarf), there is 
 an interval of about one hundred and fifty years. And Mr. 
 Haliday shows the great probability that the Danes must in 
 this interval have erected a regular bridge at Dublin, for 
 they had subjugated England and held frequent intercourse 
 with it. Godfred II., king of Dublin in A.D. 922, was also 
 king of Northumberland. They must therefore have been 
 familiar with the bridges there. For although (says Mr. Hali- 
 day) it may be doubtful if the Romans ever erected a stone 
 bridge in Britain, it is certain they erected many of wood, the 
 material most commonly used until the close of the twelfth 
 century when St. Benedict founded his order of Pontifices, 
 or stone bridge builders. 
 Baiiy-ath- Having thus assigned to the Danes the erecting of this 
 
 Hurdieford. * °^^ bridge he proceeds to prove that before ever the Danes 
 had a bridge here, the Irish had a fixed passage over the 
 Liffey at the very same place. The ancient name of Dublin 
 was Bally-ath-Cliath, pronounced Bally-a-clay, the town of 
 the Hurdieford. 
 
 Mr. Haliday exposes the mistakes of Stanihurst, Camden, 
 and others who thought that this meant that Dublin was 
 built upon hurdles, by reason of the soft, boggy site 
 requiring hurdles for the foundation of the houses. And 
 then shows the probability that the Hurdieford referred 
 to was a means of passing the Lifiey at this spot. Dublin in 
 his opinion was never a city or place of note until the time 
 of the Danes. And this may account for the fact that 
 between the close of the tenth century and the commence- 
 ment of the fifth century there are no notices of a bridge 
 here. But for the probability that there was one, he relies 
 upon the various proofs in the "Annals of the Four Masters," 
 that bridges over small rivers in Ireland were common, and 
 that a king of Ulster was celebrated for bridge-building in 
 A.D. 739. Even without these direct proofs of their 
 
LIFE OF CHAELRS HALTDAY. 
 
 xlix 
 
 knowledge of bridges they must have known of them through 
 their travel abroad, as it was within this period that the 
 Irish were noted as missionai-ies of religion throughout 
 Europe, then fuU of Roman structures. And as from 
 Ireland ecclesiastics travelled to teach, so to it European 
 scholars came to learn. " We may therefore rest assured," 
 he concludes, " that whatever of art or science was then 
 known elsewhere was not unknown in Ireland. "^ 
 
 1 Proofs of these travels and 
 knowledge are found in the work 
 of Dicuil (Kecherches Geogra- 
 phiques et Critiques sur le liyre, 
 "De raensura orbis terrse," compos(l 
 en Irlande au commencement du 
 heuvieme siecle, par Dicuil, suivies 
 du texterestitue, par A. Letronne. 
 Paris. 8vo. 1814"). Dicuil com- 
 pleted his work as he specifically 
 tells us in A..D. 825. For likening 
 himself after this labour to the ox 
 who had been in the plough, but 
 had rest at night, he says : 
 
 "Post octingentos viginti quin- 
 
 que peraetos, 
 Summi annos Domini . . . 
 Nocte bobus requies largitur fine 
 laboris,' ' 
 in other words, "After the year 
 of our Lord 825 had been com- 
 pleted, the ox at night was allowed 
 to rest from his labours." From 
 Dicuil one obtains a better notion 
 thanfrom other worksofthelearning 
 and study pursued in the Monas- 
 teries of Ireland in theninth century 
 when the peace that this island 
 alone in all Europe enjoyed, having 
 escaped both Roman conquest and 
 the irruption of the barbarians, 
 was interrupted by the descents of 
 the Northern sea-rovers on our 
 shores. Dicuil had studied Priscian 
 and " after composing," as he says. 
 
 " a treatise on the ten grammatical 
 arts .... determined to 
 follow it with a book on the measure 
 of the [Roman] world, as measured 
 by the Commissioners employed by 
 the Emperor Theodosius for that 
 purpose." 
 
 He deplores, however, the errors 
 of the manuscript, and says, "I 
 shall correct the text where faulty 
 as best I can, and where I cannot 
 I shall leave vacant spaces." He 
 Illustrates his work by extracts 
 coneei-ning the countries treated of, 
 from Pliny, Solinus, Pomponius, 
 Mela, Orosius, Isidore of Seville, 
 and Priscian, from which we may 
 see the libraries of these monasteries 
 were well furnished with manu- 
 scripts. But he gives in addition 
 the more curious information de- 
 rived in conversation from Irish 
 monks who had travelled to Egypt 
 and Palestine, to Iceland and the 
 Faroe Islands. 
 
 Thus Dicuil, when treating of 
 the Nile, and the account given of 
 it by the ancients, adds the follow- 
 ing curious information: — 
 
 "Although we nowhere find it 
 stated," he says, "in the books of 
 any author that part of the Nile 
 flows into the Red Sea, yet Brother 
 Fidelis, in my presence, told my 
 master, Abbot Suibhne (and it is 
 d 
 
1 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 The five 
 Slighes. 
 
 Thus they had the power to erect a structure for crossing 
 the Liffey if there was any road requiring it at this point. 
 And that there was such a road is curiously proved. 
 
 " In our oldest manuscripts it is stated," says Mr. Haliday, 
 "that in the first century Ireland was intersected by five great 
 roads, leading from the diflTerent provinces, or petty kingdoms, 
 to the seat of supreme royalty at Tara." 
 
 into the Red Sea at the city of 
 Clysma and the Camp of Moses." 
 
 Monsieur Letronne enlarges on 
 the value of this work of Dicuil's, 
 to prove that the canal made 500 
 years before the Christian era by 
 some of the Pharaohs, between 
 Babylon (Old Cairo) and Clysma 
 (Suez), had not only been cleared 
 by Hadrian after it had silted up 
 since its reopening by Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus 300 years before, but 
 that it was again opened and had 
 been sailed down by Brother Fidelis. 
 It had been doubted if Hadrian 
 cleared it, but Lucian (says 
 Letronne) speaks of a young man 
 who had gone by water from 
 Alexandria to Clysma, and Lucian 
 was contemporary with Hadrian, 
 and had held an important office in 
 Egypt. 
 
 This canal was actively used in 
 the fifth century, and was open at 
 the commencement of the sixth, but 
 then silted up, Gregory, of Tours 
 A.D. 590, says Letronne, who had, 
 no doubt, met pilgrims from Egypt 
 and theHolyLand, speaks of a place 
 where the Nile discharges into the 
 Pied Sea. In a.d. 640 the Arabs 
 conquered Egypt, and a famine 
 occurring in Arabia, Amrou, who 
 commanded in Egypt cleared out 
 the canal, and in six months, in 
 order to send grain to Arabia, says 
 
 to him, under God, I owe it if I 
 have made any progress in learn- 
 ing), that some clerks and laymen 
 from Ireland, going to Jerusalem 
 to worship there, suiled to the Nile, 
 and embarking on that river they 
 came, after a long voyage, to the 
 seven granaries of S. Joseph" 
 (being the name in the middle ages 
 of the Pyramids of Gizeh and 
 Sakkara). " From a distance they 
 looked like mountains. The same 
 brother," continues Dicuil, " who 
 gave this accoimt to Fidelis mea- 
 sured one side of one of the 
 granaries from angle to angle, and 
 found it to measure 400 feet. 
 
 " Then, embarking on the Nile, 
 they sailed to the entrance of the 
 Red Sea. It is but a short distance 
 across from that port to the eastern 
 shore to where Moses passed. The 
 same monk who measured the 
 granary wished to go by sea to the 
 port where Moses entered with his 
 people that he might see the tracks 
 of Pharaoh's chariot wheels, but the 
 sailors refused." 
 
 At a later part of his work he 
 announces a discovery he had made 
 confirming the truth of these tra- 
 vellers' story. "To-day," says 
 Dicuil, " I have found stated in the 
 'Cosmography,' compiled when 
 Julius Caesar and Anthony were 
 Consuls, that part of the Nile issues 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES IiALinAT. li 
 
 During the Ordnance Survey of Ireland the remains of Tara 
 were laid down according to accurate measurement on a map. 
 While the Royal Engineers were employed in the field, Dr. 
 Petrie and Dr. O'Donovan, who were then attached to the 
 Survey, made a careful search in all ancient manuscripts for 
 such evidence as might tend to identify or illustrate the 
 existing vestiges of Tara. 
 
 The result proved that descriptions previously regarded as 
 mere bardic fictions were perfectly accurate. 
 
 In the early manuscripts referred to by Mr. Haliday Siigh 
 concerning the five great roads, leading from difierent 
 provinces, or petty kingdoms, to the seat of supreme 
 royalty at Tara, the 'Slighe' or road called 'the SUgh 
 (Jualann,' was the one traced with the gTeatest apparent 
 certainty by the Ordnance Survey. It led by way of Ratoath 
 and Dublin, into Cualann, a district extending from Dal- 
 key southwards and westwards, part of which, including 
 Powerscourt, is designated in Anglo-Norman records as 
 Fercullen, or the territory of the men of Cualann. This road 
 must have crossed the Liffey and that it did so near Dublin 
 is confirmed by the fact that the passage across the river there 
 
 ail Arabian author, vessels sailed see the solitary hermits in the 
 
 from the Nile to the Red Sea. Thebaid and the "granaries of 
 
 But in A.D. 767 a revolt occurred Joseph," and the tracks of 
 
 at Mecca and Medina, and it was Pharaoh's chariots in the Eed Sea. 
 
 closed aiain to hinder the rebels In their travels, therefore, as 
 
 from getting supplies from Egypt. Mr. Haliday suggests, they must 
 
 There is no evidence that it was have seen temples and bridges, and 
 
 ever opened again, and Monsieur the masterpieces of Eoman archi- 
 
 Letronne shows how possible it tects. 
 
 was for these Irish monks to have Thus the Irish had the know- 
 travelled down it between a.d. 762 ledge and power to erect a 
 and 765. structure for crossing the LifFey if 
 But Fidelis was not the only there was any road requiring it at 
 travelled Irish ecclesiastic. It was this point, and that there was such 
 a common thing for pilgrims from a road is curiously proved both by 
 the latter end of the fourth century, record, and the still existing re- 
 says Letronne, to visit Jerusalem, mains of this road. 
 and to take Egypt in their way, to 
 
 d 2 
 
lii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 ia frequently termed Ath-Cliath-Cualann. To carry this 
 roadway across the Liffey unless by a bridge or structure of 
 some kind raised above ordinary highwater mark was im- 
 possible, and such a structure formed of timber or hurdles, 
 the only material then used for that purpose was doubtless 
 that which in the figurative language of the time was termed 
 an Ath-Cliath or ford of hurdles. 
 
 Mr.Haliday having thus traced the history of Dublin bridge 
 through all the English and Irish sources it now struck him 
 that perhaps something might be learned of it from the 
 Scandinavian records. 
 
 The bridge had been built by the Ostmen. He had found 
 a reference to it in the old Irish manuscript called the " Wars 
 of the Gaedhill and the Gaill " (or the Danes and the Irish), in 
 connexion with the battle of Clontarf, furnished him by hia 
 friend the Eev. Dr. Todd, who was then engaged in editing 
 this manuscript. Much more might be contained in the 
 Scandinavian records. He sent therefore to London, Paris, 
 and Copenhagen, and purchased every Scandinavian his- 
 torical work that he could hear of as likely to throw light on 
 the subject of his study. 
 Dublin as the The history of the Ostmen or Scandinavians in Ireland 
 Ostaen"* ^^^ ^'^^ hitherto been studied through Irish sources. 
 
 The ravages of the Danes were carefully recorded in the 
 Irish Annals. But no one almost had thought of having 
 recourse to Scandinavian sources. 
 
 By means of these a new world was opened to his view, 
 Dublin, the chief object of his studies, assumed a new 
 importance. It was always known to have been founded 
 by a Scandinavian king, and to have been the chief place 
 of Scandinavian power in Ireland. But why Dublin, 
 with its little river LiflFey issuing into the Bay through 
 a waste of land, should have been preferred by the 
 Scandinavians as their capital, to Cork, Waterford, or 
 Limerick, all Scandinavian cities, with noble harbours, does 
 not at first view appear. But when their settlements in 
 
LIFE OF CHARMS HALTDAV. liii 
 
 Scotland and England are kept in view, Dublin will be seen 
 to have held a very central and conveniexit position for the 
 Scandinavians. 
 
 About the time when Dublin was founded bj'' Aulaf the 
 White, in A.D. 85"2, the Scandinavians held not only 
 Sutherlandshire and Caithness on the mainland, but also all 
 the northern and western islands of Scotland ; as well as Man. 
 
 In England they held all north of the Humber. 
 
 For a maritime people like the Scandinavians, Dublin was 
 thus central and accessible. 
 
 It therefore naturally became a place of great importance 
 during the sway of the Scandinavians. 
 
 But besides the natural importance of Dublin in Scandi- 
 navian history, it so happens that all early Scandinavian 
 history is derived from Iceland, and Iceland being largely 
 colonized from Dublin, it received in these histories its due 
 share of notice, as will be found in Mr. Haliday's references 
 to Scandinavian literature. 
 
 It was in the j'ear 874 that Iceland began to be colonized Iceland first 
 by the Norsemen, and they have recorded that they found ^ish^'hefmiu. 
 on landing there that it had been pre^-iously inhabited by 
 Irish Christians, called Papae, who had left behind them 
 " Irish books, bells, and crosiers." Dicuil, in his work already 
 cited, when treating of Thule (Iceland), s&ys, that at mid- 
 summer there is scarcely any night there and at the winter 
 solstice scarcely any day ; and in proof of this statement 
 adds : — 
 
 "It is now thirty years since I was told by some Irish ecclesi- 
 astics who had d\velt in that island from the 1st of February to 
 the 1st of August, that the sun scarcely sets there in summer, but 
 always leaves, even at midnight, light enough for one to do any 
 ordinary business, such as to pick lice, for instance, from one's 
 shirt, and this as well as in full daylight " {pedicvlos de camisiA 
 abstraliere tanquam in pir^sentid solis). 
 
 These ecclesiastics who gave this account to Dicuil were 
 probably visitors to anchoiites already settled in Iceland, 
 
liv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 for a retreat to deserts in search of religious solitude and as 
 an escape from the world, after the manner of the monks of 
 the Thebaid, seems to have been a common custom in the 
 early ages in Ireland. 
 
 It was thus they made hermitages in the rocky islet of 
 Scelig Michil (Skelig rock) lying in the Atlantic some miles 
 off the coast of Kerry, in the isle of Inishmurry off the coast 
 of Sligo, in the island of Cape Clear off the coast of Cork, 
 and many others. They also sought for desert retreats on 
 the mainland. 
 
 Hence the names so common in Irish topography of Desert- 
 Martin, Desert-Creat, Desert-Serges, &c. 
 Irish hermits Thus, too, Cormac, pupil of Adamnan, in the 7th century, 
 and Shefland •'^a-iled three several times, once for fourteen summer days and 
 isles. nights in search of some such desert retreat in the Northern 
 
 Ocean. And when Dicuil comes to treat of islands in the 
 British Ocean he says : — " There are islands in this ocean 
 distant two long days and nights voyage from the northern 
 islands of Britain;" (the latter, the Shetland and Orkney 
 Isles); adding — "A faith worthy ecclesiastic told me that he 
 reached one of them in a two-benched (perhaps in a four-oared) 
 boat in two summer days and one night." These were 
 plainly the Faroe Isles, lying half-way between the Orkneys 
 and Iceland. He further adds — " some of these islands are 
 very small and separated from one another by narrow friths. 
 Within one hundred years they were inhabited by hermits 
 who had sailed thither from Ireland (ex nostra Scotia). 
 But they are now deserted, because of the Norwegian 
 pirates, and are swarming with sheep and sea-fowl." It is 
 probable therefore that it was by similar religious hermits 
 that Iceland was once inhabited, and afterwards deserted 
 for the same reason as were the Faroe Islands. 
 
 Having regard, then, to the religious ideas of that remote 
 age, there was an object to be obtained by Irish ecclesiastics 
 in seeking an abode in Iceland ; but what, it may be asked. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Iv 
 
 could induce Norwegians to settle in that inhospitable 
 region, at the utmost verge of the world, even though the 
 volcano of Hecla had not yet burst forth, and forests and 
 grass then grew where the land is now covered with lava or 
 ashes.' 
 
 It was in search of liberty. It was the same motive in Early Scandi- 
 one sense, as that which took the Pilgrim Fathers to America. to^XVrfaeyB 
 But it was not religious liberty they sought, but their 
 ancient liberties, destroyed or infringed by Harold Fair 
 Hair of Norway, who seems to have been led by the example 
 of Charlemagne to desire to make himself sole King of 
 Norway, and to reduce the other chiefs to the state of 
 vassals. This they resented and resisted, till Harold obtained 
 a complete victory over them at the battle of Hafursfiord, 
 A.D., 87^. 
 
 They then in disgust (or many of them) left Norway and 
 sought free abodes. 
 
 But long before the year 872 the Scandinavians had 
 colonies and settlements in the Orkneys and Shetland Isles, 
 and in the Hebrides. 
 
 In 795 they had from these regions begun their depreda- 
 tions in Ireland, and continued them with intermissions for 
 near one hundred years. So that the fugitives from Norway, 
 on account of Harold Harfagre's despotism, were only an 
 addition (and a late one) to the bands of these sea rovers. 
 Amongst those who left their native country disliking 
 the new order of things, were probably the two first settlers 
 in Iceland named Ingolf and Leif who settled there in a.d. 
 874. 
 
 The island had been seen and visited a few years before. Scaudinavi 
 The first who discovered Iceland was Gardar, a Swede. He 
 
 lans 
 reach Iceland, 
 
 ' It burst forth on 24:th of June, in Iceland at the end of the Tenth 
 
 A.D. 1000, celebrated for the re- Century, from the Icelandic Nial's 
 
 ception of Christianity by Iceland, Saga, preface, p. xci., and n Ibid. 
 
 and was thought by some to sig- By George Webb Dasent, d.c.i. 
 
 nify Thor's anger at being deposed. Demy 8vo ; 2 vols. ; Edinbiargh, 
 
 "Burnt Nial," or the Story of Life 1861. 
 
Ivi SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 sailed round it and found it to be an island. This was in 
 A.D. 8()4. Returning to Norway, he praised the island, 
 which from him was called Gardar's Island. '' At that time 
 the land between the mountains and the shores was a 
 wood."i 
 
 The next who went to look for Gardar's Isle was Floki. 
 In the ship with him was a Norwegian from the Hebrides. 
 He brought with him three ravens. The first being let go 
 came back to the ship, also the second, but the third flew 
 from the prow without returning, and Floki and his company 
 following in the same direction they found the land. 
 
 The spring was a late one, and Floki going up a high 
 mountain and seeing the sea to the northward all covered 
 with ice he named the island "Iceland," the name which it 
 has since retained.' 
 Scandinavians The next to look for Iceland were two friends, sworn 
 Iceland. brothers, named Ingolf and Leif, and they resolved to sell 
 
 their lands in Norway and seek the land discovered by 
 Raven Floki, " or Floki of the ravens." Getting to sea, thej' 
 reached Iceland; and returning to Norway the following 
 summer Ingolf sold his lands in order to settle in Iceland ; 
 but Leif took to sea-roving and piracy, and landing in 
 Ireland and entering a great dark subterranean dwelhng 
 could see nothing till he caught sight of the glitter of a 
 sword. It was in the hand of a man who had fled thither 
 from Leif, through terror. Leif killed the man and took 
 and carried off the sword and many precious things. Hence 
 Leif got the name of Hjorleif, or " Leif of the Sword," for the 
 sword was one of extraordinary value. During this summer 
 Leif took much other booty in the western parts, and there 
 he also took ten Irishmen as servants or slaves, the chief of 
 them being named Duffchack. 
 
 ' Hist. Olavi Tryggvii filii, Pars Society of Northern Antiquaries, 
 
 Prior, cap. 114, Vol. I. " Soripta by Sweinbibrn Egilsson. XII. 
 
 Historica Islandorum," trans- volumes; 12mo; Copenhagen, 
 
 lated from the original into Latin, 1822. 
 
 under the care of the Royal ''Ibid, cap. 115. 
 
lilPE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. Ivii 
 
 Then Hjorleif returned to Norway, and there met Ingolf, 
 and the following spring they set sail thence for Iceland, 
 Hjdrleif with his captives, and Ingolf with his stock.' 
 
 We here see already, at the very first peopling of Iceland, Mixture of 
 that it had a mixture of Irish as well as Scandinavians, Scandinavians 
 though the first Irish were captives who had been made ™ 
 serfs. But soon there came thither from Ireland many of 
 more distinguished rank of both nations. After King 
 Aulaf's death. Queen Auda, his widow, retired thither.^ 
 
 After his decease (says also Dr. Gudbrand Vigfusson) 
 and the death of their son, Thorstein, slain in what appears 
 to have been a rising of the Irish against their conquerors, 
 she left Ireland taking with her one grandson and six grand- 
 daughters, man-ying one after another on her journey. 
 
 She was followed by a large company of kinsfolk, 
 friends, and dependants, Norse and Irish. After staying 
 sometime at the Faroe Islands on her way she went to 
 Iceland. ° Her brothers, Biorn Austman and Helgi Beola, 
 
 ' Ibid, cap. 116. Ingolf and Leif men went here and there through 
 were the two first settlers. In the the wood looking for the bear, and 
 same chapter it is said that their were all easily killed while dis- 
 settlement took place seven years persed. The Irishmen then car- 
 after they first went in search of ried off the wives and goods of 
 Iceland, in the thirteenth year of those they had murdered to some 
 the reign of Harold Fairhair, and small islands to the south. Ingolf 
 two years after the battle of afterwards finding all out, sur- 
 Harfursfiord, four years after the [:rised them at supper, and slew 
 killing of Edmund, Saint and King all of them, e.\cept those that were 
 of England, and in the year of our killed by falling down precipices 
 Lord 874. The cause of Hjijrleif's trying to escape. Hence these 
 beino- murdered by his Irish ser- i.^lands are called (he Westmen's 
 vants was this : — The first spring, Islands. 
 
 he ordered these men, to draw his ' Ibid, Book II., chapter III. 
 
 plouo-h, though he had an ox, and 'Sturlunga Saga, including the 
 
 this they were to do while he and Islendinga Saga of Law-man. 
 
 his family were setting up a house. Sturla Thordson with prolego- 
 
 On Dufthack's advice, he and his mena, pp. xix, xx. Edited by Dr. 
 
 Irish comrades killed the ox, and Gudbrand Vigfusson. Clarendon 
 
 sent word to Hjbrleif that a bear Press, Oxford, 1S78. 
 had killed it. Iljiirleif and his 
 
Iviii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 with her brother-in-la-w, Helgi Magri, had previously settled 
 there, says Mi-, Haliday, 
 
 Nearly all the grandchildren of Aulaf and Auda also 
 settled in Iceland and established large families there. Olaf 
 Feilan, son of Thorstein the Ked, married Asdisa Bareysku, 
 daughter of Konal. Their son, Thordas Geller, became one 
 of the most distinguished of the Icelanders; and their 
 daughter Thora having married Thorstein, became the 
 mother of Thorgrim, whose son was Snorri, the celebrated 
 lag-man and priest.^ Thorskabitr son of Thorolf Mostrars- 
 kegg (the priest and founder of the first Pagan temple in the 
 colony). From this mighty kindred of Queen Auda (continues 
 Dr. Vigfusson) sprang the most distinguished Icelandic 
 families,'' and he attributes to the connexion of Iceland with 
 Ireland an Irish influence over the character of their litera- 
 ture. 
 Irish influence The Icelandic bards and saga makers, or professional oral 
 literature. chroniclers, were men who had dwelt for at least one gehera- 
 tiou among a Keltic population, and had felt the influence 
 which an old and strongly marked civilization invariably 
 exei'cises upon those brought under it. To this intercourse 
 with the Irish he attributes the fine artistic spirit manifested 
 in their sagas. And he remarks that it is precisely with 
 the west of the island, the classic land of Icelandic letters, 
 that the greatest proportion of these bards and chroniclers 
 is found. Irish names were borne, he says, by some of the 
 foremost characters of the heroic age in Iceland, especially 
 the poets, of whom it was also remarked that most of them 
 were dark men.° 
 
 Now, whatever may have been the influence of Ireland 
 upon the literature of Iceland, this literature is perhaps the 
 most wonderful in Europe. For is it not marvellous that 
 in this remote island without the aid of writing, the history 
 of the Scandinavian nations should ha.ve been preserved ? 
 
 ' Book II., chapter III., p. 193. " Ibid, p. 
 
 ' yturlunga Saga. Ibid. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. llX 
 
 It was not until the twelftli century that they made use of 
 written characters and surprised the world with the beauty 
 and accuracy of their sagas. 
 
 Critics of the most competent taste have praised their songs and 
 beauty ; their truth and accuracy is confirmed by contem- j*g^^|J^ 
 porary chi-onicles of Irelaud, England, and Wales. 
 
 Before the introduction of writing into their original 
 countrj'.or into the island of their adoption, thesettlei-s carried 
 with them thither the songs or rhymes ^rhich contained the 
 history of theii" country. For at first, in the days before 
 writing, everj-thing was necessarily in rhyme, as there was 
 no other way of recording the smallest history, memory 
 without such aid being too treacherous. 
 
 Such was the literature of the rhapsodists of ancient 
 Greece, and thus were recorded the genealogies of the gods, 
 and even precepts of morality by Hesiod, and thus was pre- 
 served the history of the early Greeks by Homer. After their 
 settlement in Iceland the Norsemen, theii- sons and descen- 
 dants, brought thither fresh news of the old countrj", acquired 
 in their yearly voyages to Norway as traders or otherwise.i 
 These they put into sagas or tales ; or the scalds, the profes- 
 sional oral chroniclers, recited them at banquets and public 
 meetings, interspersing in their recitals fragments of ancient 
 verse to adorn and enliven them, a practice the}- probably 
 learned in Ireland. For it wiU be seen how regularly this 
 was the Irish practice by turning to the Annals of the Four 
 Masters, or to the Wai-s of the Gaedhil with the GaUl. 
 
 But having learned so much from their intercourse with 
 the Irish, it may seem strange that they did not adopt the 
 practice of writing, which had been in use in Ireland fi-om 
 the introduction there of the Eoman alphabet by Saint 
 Patrick (a.d. 450). For that there was no use of writing 
 in Iceland, or even of an alphabet, is an admitted fact by all 
 
 1 See Series Dynastai-um et De historiarum Islandicarm funda- 
 Eegum Danis, &c., per Thormo- mentis ae authoritate, pp. 49-61; 
 dum TorfcEum, Liber I., cap. 6. 4to, Havnia;, 170:3. 
 
Ix SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 historians. A few Runes for inscriptions on monumental 
 stones, or on the margin of shields, or for epitaphs, is all that 
 can be alleged by the ,most zealous contenders for early- 
 letters, and Torfoeus shows that Adam of Bremen, and Saxo 
 Grammaticus had nothing to rely on but the Icelandic 
 sagas,! an(j ^jja,t they are found to be mistaken whenever 
 they go beyond them. 
 
 He ridicules, as false and impudent, Saxo's allegations that 
 he got some of his materials from Runes on rocks, for 
 Torfoeus says, that they can scarce be read and that they 
 supply no knowledge, and quotes Bartholinus (De antiqui- 
 tatibus Danicis) as being of the same opinion.^ 
 
 Ari, the historian (the Herodotus or father of Scandi- 
 navian history), was born A.D. 1067, and died A.D. 11 48, 
 He sprang from Queen Auda and Aulaf, the White King of 
 the Ostmen of Dublin, from whom he was eighth in descent. 
 He was the first who wrote in the Norse tongue histories 
 relating to his own times and the ancient historj' of the 
 Scandinavians. All preceding histories were sagas or oral 
 recitations. And the date of Ari's writing was about A.D. 
 1110, and not later than A.D. 1120.' 
 
 The first step taken others soon followed in Ari's steps. 
 Saga after saga was reduced to writing, and before the year 
 1 200 it is reckoned that all the pieces of that composition 
 which relate to the history of the Icelanders (and of Scandi- 
 navia) previous to the introduction of Christianity, had 
 passed from the oral to the written shape.* 
 Introduction of With the change of faith and conversion of the Icelanders 
 ^jeiani™ " ^o Christianity, continues Sir George Webb Dasent, came 
 writing, and the materials for writing about the year 1000. 
 With, the Roman alphabet too came not only a readier means 
 of recording thoughts, but also a class of men who were 
 wont thus to express them. "The Norseman's Life" he 
 
 ' Chap, vii., De vetustissimarum ^ Ibid., cap. 7. 
 
 rerum Danicarum Scriptorum " Sturlunga Saga, pp. xxviii. 
 
 auctoritate et fundamentis. * Burnt Nial, prefcce, pp. x-xii. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES IIALIDAY. Ixi 
 
 adds, called upon him for acts rather than words. Even 
 when acting' as priest his memory was only burdened with 
 a few solemn forms of words taken in the temples, nnd some 
 short prayers and toasts recited and uttered at sacrifices 
 and feasts. But the Christian monk was by the very 
 nature of his services and by the solitude of his cell thrown 
 into fellowship with letters.' 
 
 It thus appears clearly that whilst the Norsemen of 
 Iceland were familiar with writing, from their habitation 
 in Ireland and constant intercourse with it, they yet made 
 no use of it from the date of their settlement in a.d. 874 
 till the year 1000, the date of the introduction of Chris- 
 tianity, and with it of writing. 
 
 And for one hundred years after its introduction writing 
 was confined to ecclesiastics, the earliest fragments of MSS. 
 that have survived being portions of ecclesiastical legends 
 which the clergy had composed in the Icelandic language 
 for tire edification of their flocks." 
 
 This contempt of writing and of the use of scribes by a Early contempt 
 people so interested as the Icelanders evidently were in Europe, 
 the history of Iceland and Norway, as is proved by their 
 sagas, can only be accounted for by the life of daring and 
 warfare, of piracy and conquest, at sea and on land, begun 
 at the age of eleven and twelve and continued to old age. 
 These early centuries were an age of brute force. Whilst 
 the Norsemen fought and plundered at sea, the rest of the 
 northern hordes passed a similar life on land, overwhelming 
 the wealthier but weaker inhabitants of the ancient Roman 
 world. 
 
 In that age of darkness and violence letters and learning 
 were held in scorn by the strong, and thought fit pursuits 
 only for priests and monks. The highest warriors and 
 chiefs could not write, and appended only their marks or 
 seals to their charters and treaties. Clerk is only cleric (or 
 
 ' im. ' Burnt Nial, ibid. 
 
Ixii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 ecclesiastic), and to be able to read even was a proof of 
 belonging to the clergy, as proved by the practice of our 
 law courts, where a culprit saved himself from being 
 hanged upon a first conviction by reading a verse of a psalm, 
 and thus gaining his " benefit of clergy." The Norseman 
 whose life was passed in storms of wind on the ocean, and 
 in the storms of battle on land, who gloried in blood, wounds, 
 and death, must have had a particular contempt for this 
 priest-like, clerk-like occupation. He must have viewed 
 the Irish monks and their monastic occupations of reading, 
 writing, and praying with such feelings as the Irish 
 warriors must have regarded the preaching of Saint Patrick 
 in their unconverted state, when one of his converts. King 
 Leogaire, notwithstanding his professed adoption of the 
 saint's principles of peace and forgiveness, insisted on being 
 buried sword in hand in his rath at Tara with his face to 
 the east as in defiance of his foes of Leinster.i 
 
 1 Life of George Petrie, ll.d., by Whitley Stokes, m.b., p. 97, 
 8vo ; Dublin, 1868. 
 
 The following paraphrase of a Fenian tale well expresses such sentiments. It 
 represents Oisin contending with St. Patrick, and lamenting the Fenians slain. 
 
 Ol3IN. OlSXN. 
 
 Alas for Oisin ! dire the tale, 
 
 If lived the son of Mornfe fleet, No music in thy voice I hear ; 
 
 Who ne'er for treasure burned ; Not for thy wrathful God I wail, 
 
 Or Diunfe's son to woman sweet, But for my Fenians dear. 
 
 Who ne'er from the battle turned, Thy God! a rueful God I trow. 
 
 But fearless with his single glaive Whose love is earned in want and woe ! 
 
 A hundred foemen dared to brave. Since came thy dull psalm-singitig crew, 
 
 • • ■ How rapid away all our pastimes flew, 
 
 More sweetone breath of their's would be And all that charms the soul! 
 
 Than all thy clerks sad psalmody. Where now are the royal gifts of gold 
 
 Pateick. The flowing robe with its satin fold. 
 
 Thy chiefs renowned extol no more. And the heart-delighting bowl ? 
 
 Oh, Son of Kings ! nor number oer j Where now the feast and revel high, 
 
 But low on bended knees record And the jocund dance and sweet min- 
 
 The power and glory of "the Lord.'' strelsy — 
 
 And beat the breast and shed the tear, And the steed loud neighing iti the 
 
 And still his holy name revere ; morn 
 
 Almighty, by whose potent breath, And well armed guards of coast and 
 
 The vanquished Fenians sleep in death. bay ? 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Ixiii 
 
 Yet though the Norsemen of Iceland thus scorned to apply 
 themselves io make written chronicle, they gave themselves 
 up, as we have seen, to the composing of verse and sagas> 
 and to the singing and reciting of the history of their native 
 and adopted countries at their public feasts and Althings. 
 And thus is preserved a history more ancient and perfect 
 than in most other countries of Europe, except only in 
 Ireland, and there the record was in writing. 
 
 And this peculiarity and similarity arose probably from 
 the remarkable fact that in these two islands of Ireland and 
 Iceland only, lying at the western verge of the world, peace 
 prevailed. 
 
 Iceland being thus the fountain of northern history, (for Iceland the 
 nowhere else, says Laing, was the profession of scald and s°crndina'rian 
 sagaman (or poet and chronicler) heard of, not even in^'^'"?'' 
 Norway), and as from thence was derived all the intellectual 
 labour required in the north of Europe,i it is no wonder that 
 there are constant references to Ireland in the sagas. For 
 the intercourse with Ireland and its Scandinavian inhabi- 
 tants was continuously maintained. 
 
 But the sagas, whilst they give the public and more im- 
 
 But now we have clerks with their 'Tis he who calls fair fields to birth, 
 
 holy qualms, And bids each blooming branch ex- 
 
 And books and bells and eternal pand. 
 
 P'*'"'- ' ' Oiso' 
 
 Andfasting, that waster gaunt and grim, /.' . , 
 
 That strips of aU beauty both body To weeds and grass h,s pnncely eye, 
 - _. , M5' sire ne er fondly turned, 
 
 and limb. , . 
 
 ^ _ _ But he raised his country's glory high 
 
 r ATKICK. 
 
 Oh ! cease the strain, no longer dare When the strife of warriors burned. 
 
 Thy Fion or his chiefs compare To shine in games of strength and skill, 
 
 With him who reigns in matchless To breast the torrent from the hill, 
 
 . , . To lead the van of the bannered host — 
 
 might — 
 The King of Kings enthroned in light! These were his deeds and these his 
 
 boast.^ 
 
 ' The Heims Kringla, a Chronicle 2 The Chase : a Fenian tale- 
 
 of the kings of Norway, translated "Irish Penny Journal," Vol. I., 
 
 from the Icelandic of Snorro No. 13 (September 26th, 1840), p. 
 
 Sturleson, by Samuel Laing, Vol. I., 1 02. 
 p. 17, London, 3 vols., 8vo, 1844, 
 
Ixiv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 portant events occurring in their intercourse with the Irish 
 such as the invasion and battles, the intermarriages between 
 the Scandinavian kings and chiefs with the Irish, they omit 
 those details of social life which add such charm to the 
 accounts in the sagas of life in Iceland and Norway. 
 An Irish sheep It is not often they give such graphic accounts as that of 
 dog,(A.D 990). j^jjjcf Aulaf Tryggvesson and the Irish sheep dog. In one 
 of his plunderings in Ireland (A.D. 990, being then twenty 
 years of age) he had collected a great herd of cows, sheep, 
 and goats, and was driving them to his ships when a poor 
 Irishman rushed to Aulaf and begged of him to give him 
 up his cows and sheep to drive home. " How can I do it," 
 said Aulaf, " since neither you nor anyone else could separate 
 them from such a great herd ?" " Only let me send my dog 
 in," replied the poor man, "and he will find them out!" " If 
 your dog can do it you may send him in, but mind that he 
 does not delay us long." 
 
 On a sign from his master in rushed the dog, searched 
 through the herd and before half an hour had his master's 
 cattle out. Aulaf, astonished at the extraordinary sagacity 
 of the dog, asked for it, and the poor man immediately gave 
 it, whereupon Aulaf gave the poor man a heavy ring of gold, 
 and what was of greater value his friendship, and so they 
 parted friends.^ 
 Magnus of ' Magnus Barefoot, king of Norway, had been much in 
 Norway adopts jreland, and got his name from going barefoot, and wearing, 
 with many of his courtiers, short cloaks as well as shirts, 
 the custom of western lands (Ireland and the Erse or Irish 
 of the Scottish Islands).'' He seems to have been parti- 
 cularly fond of Ireland. In A.D. 1102, sailing from the 
 Orkneys, he took a great part of the city of Dublin and of 
 the Dyfflinarskiri by the aid of his ally, Miarkartan, king of 
 
 1 Historia Olayi Tryggvii filii, 2 Historia Magni Nudipedis, 
 
 cap. 13, p. 234, Scripta Histoiica Vol. VII., cap. 32, ibid. 
 Islandorum, &c., Vol. X. ; 18mo. 
 Havnisa, 1841. 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAT. IxV 
 
 Connaught. He passed the winter of that year in 
 Connaught with Miarkartan, and agreed upon a marriage 
 between his son Sigurd and Biadmyna, Miarkartan's 
 daughter, Sigurd being then nine years of age and she five. 
 The following summer he and Miarkartan reduced a 
 great part of Ulster. Miarkartan had returned to Con- 
 naught, and King Magnus's fleet stood at anchor off the 
 northern coast to carry him to Norway when a force of 
 Irish barred the way. Eyvind, one of his commanders, 
 advised him to break through, but Magnus saw no reason 
 for not retiring to safer ground. And then (says the Saga) 
 Magnus burst forth in the following verses :— 
 
 " Why ihould we hnrry home ? I am happy that a young woman 
 
 For my heart is at Dnblin ; Does not forbid my addresses, 
 
 And this autumn I will not visit For there is an Irish girl 
 
 The matrons of Drontheim.' That I love better than myself." 
 
 We are left to conjecture, as far at least as the Sagas are 
 concerned, about their building a bridge at their city of 
 "Dyfflin," or Ath-Cliagh, as the Irish called it, and Mr. 
 Haliday had heavy labour to seek for the proofs. Yet, 
 there would seem to be no great difficulty in believing that 
 the Scandinavians were the founders, if, as was no doubt 
 the fact, it was made of timber. ''We know from the 
 Gragas " (says Sir G. Webb Dasent) " that the bridges in 
 Iceland were commonly of timber." '^ In like manner we Danish Castles 
 
 in Ireland. 
 
 are left to discover from other sources than the Sagas 
 whether " the fortress of the foreigners at Ath-Chath," so 
 constantly referred to in the Irish annals, was a castle of 
 stone and lime or a structure of earth or wood. But, we 
 know from Giraldus Cambrensis, that the English advanced 
 with banners displayed against " the walls ' of Waterford, 
 and that M'Murrough led his allies to "the walls" of 
 
 1 " Matronas Nidarosienses," condita est . . . ad ostium anmis 
 
 iSirf. : " ' Mdarosia' hodiemum em- Nid® {Nidar 6s) sita. Eegesta 
 
 porium Norvegiae Throndhjem GeograpMca." Ibid, vol. xii. 
 
 dictum . . ab Olavo rege » iiBm.jj^;jfjai or Life in Iceland," 
 
 Norvegi* Tryggvii filio, principio &c., preface, p. cxxix. 
 
 e 
 
Ixvi SOME NOTICE OP THE 
 
 Dublin, and that it was Milo de Oogan who rushed to " the 
 walls " to the assault, and took the city.i Reginald's tower 
 at Waterford, still standing, stood there at the time of the 
 English invasion. And castles, built by the earliest 
 invaders, under Turgesius, were to be seen in Giraldus's 
 day, empty and neglected by the Irish, who, he adds, des- 
 pised stone walls, and made woods their strongholds, and 
 bogs their trenches.' 
 
 If the Ostmen have left few such monuments in England 
 they have left there strong evidence of their conquests by 
 the many names of places to be found with Danish termi- 
 nations. The contrast between the effects of their rule in 
 England and Ireland in this respect is striking. 
 Danish names Considering their long residence in Ireland it is surprising 
 EngUnd.™ how few names of places underwent a change such as took 
 place in the north and east of England, and in the Hebrides. 
 In the latter country the examination of 12,700 names of 
 places showed that they were nearly all Norse names ; and 
 that any Gaelic names were bestowed after the Gaelic 
 language was reintroduced, subsequent to the cession of the 
 Hebrides to Scotland in 1266.^ 
 
 1 " C onquest of Ireland , " chapters Celtic inhabitants of the Hebrides in 
 
 xvi.,xvii. TheNorman"Geste" of the ninth century? ' and answered 
 
 the Conquest also says (p. 129): — it in the affirmative. Altogether 
 
 " Li riche rei ad dune bailie Captain Thomas had examined 
 
 Dyvelin en garde, la cit^ : about 12,700 names and the re- 
 
 E le Chastel et le dongun suits of this elaborate inquiry were 
 
 A Huge de Laci le barun." considered conclusive. In the 
 
 " Topography of Ireland, cap. rentals of Lewis and Harris, for 
 
 xxxvii. instance, there are 269 entries of 
 
 '" The Nortlimen in the Hebrides. place names, and of these 200 are 
 
 — The usual monthlymeetingof the Scandinavian and sixty-four are 
 
 Society of Antiquaries of Scotland English, and three uncertain. Thus 
 
 was held last week at Edinburgh, the Scandinavian names are nearly 
 
 The first paper read was a com- four times more numerous than the 
 
 munication by Captain F. W. Gaelic. But this by no means 
 
 Thomas, k.n., p.s.a., Scotland, in represents the relative importance 
 
 which he discussed the question: of the places so named, for while 
 
 ' Pid the Northmen extirpate the on the Norse-named townlands 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAY. 
 
 Ixvii 
 
 In Ireland there are but few Scandinavian names of places. Ostman pia 
 The provinces Ulster, Munster, and Leinster have their j^and" 
 terrdination 'ster ' from 'stadr;' and there was a Kunnakster.i 
 We have also harbours, islands and headlands. Thus 
 there are the &ve ' fiords ' of Carlingfiord, Wexfiord, Water- 
 fiord, Strangfiord, and Ulfrickfiord (so long unknown, till 
 the Eev. W. Reeves, d.d., identified it as Larne Lough). The 
 islands of Lambay, with Skerries and Holmpatrick; the 
 headlands of Hoved (Howth), Wykinlo ( Wicklow), andArclo. 
 
 But the only well ascertained inland Scandinavian name 
 that readily occurs is " Gunnar " a name so distinguished in 
 the Nials Saga or Burnt Nial. In the suburbs of Waterf ord, 
 on the south, beside the river, lie BaUygunner, with Bally- 
 gunner Castle, Ballygunnermore, and BaUygunnertemple, 
 within the parish of the same name.^ 
 
 I had often wondered in earlier days when at Waterford 
 
 there are 2,429 tenants there are 
 but 327 on those with Gaelic names. 
 The facts brought out lead to the 
 conclusion that the Northmen ex- 
 tirpated the original inhabitants, 
 and settled upon the best lands to 
 which they gave descriptive names 
 and that the Gaelic names were 
 bestowed after the Gaelic language 
 was reintroduced subsequent to the 
 cession of the Hebrides to Scotland 
 in 1266. In Lewis and Harris 
 there is scarce an important place 
 bearing a Gaelic name. Gaelic 
 names are plentifully written on 
 the Ordnance Maps, but as a rule 
 they belong to minor features. 
 These names are entirely modern 
 in form and are such as would 
 naturally arise in the six centuries 
 which have passed since the islands 
 formed part of the Norwegian 
 kingdom. Captain Thomas in- 
 timated that the comparative tables 
 of names he had constructed would 
 
 be deposited in the library of the 
 Society." — Scotsman ; in Times of 
 17th March, 1876. 
 
 ■ Page 135. 
 
 ' These lands with Little Island, 
 wei-e the estate of Sir Robert 
 Walsh, of BaUygunner, knight and 
 baronet, and of Sir James Walsh, 
 knight, his father, who died in 1 650. 
 They were set out by the Crom- 
 wellians, but recovered by Sir 
 Robert in the Court of Claims (5th 
 November, 1663), under a decree 
 of innocence. But he was obliged 
 as a restored Papist to pay a heavy 
 new quit-rent, and he had lost 
 houses in Waterford which as a 
 Papist could not be restored to him. 
 He petitioned the Eling 9th July, 
 1 682, for a reduction of quit-rent. 
 His father, he said, served till the 
 surrender of the Royal forces in 
 Cornwall. In 1643,he (Sir Robert) 
 went over to Ireland by the King's 
 warrant, and raised horse and foot, 
 
 e3 
 
Ixviii 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 on circuit how such a name could have arisen before the 
 time of guns, gunpowder, and gunnery little thinking that 
 it would afterwards be my chance to know that this was 
 the seat of an Ostman or Dane named Gunnar, and probably 
 called by him and his countrymen "Gunnars stadr" or 
 " Gunnars holt " as the family settlement in Iceland was 
 named,' but changed by the Irish into Bally-Gunnar. 
 Oatmenandtiie It is also striking how few Scandinavian names of men 
 roll of Dublin, are found in a roll of freemen of some guild of Dublin, 
 containing about 1,500 names, made within thirty years 
 after the Conquest." 
 
 Except Walter s. of Edric, William s. of Godwin, Philip s. of 
 Harald, William s. of Gudmund, Robert s. of Turkeld, WilUam 
 Wiking, William s. of Ketill, Simund Thurgot, there are no 
 Scandinavian names to be found. 
 
 and brought them to England at a 
 charge of ^61,000, which force 
 fought at the Castle of Lesleadle 
 in Cornwall, Essex's army being 
 there. — Carte Papers, clxi., p. 2. 
 Ormonde backed the petition and 
 reminded the King ' that H. M. 
 said in his coach going towards 
 Bury St. Edmunds, Lord Bath 
 being also in the coach, that Sir 
 Robert Walsh should have com- 
 pensation for his services and 
 sufferings,' (ib.) Previous to this on 
 March 18th, 1 68 1 , he wrote a letter 
 to the King in indignation at being 
 commanded out of his presence as 
 a Papist by Mr. Secretary Lionel 
 Jenkins, reminding H. M. how he 
 had his blessed father's commission 
 to wear a gold medal with his 
 royal effigy, for services rendered 
 
 at the battle of Edgehill (Carte 
 
 Papers, vol. 216, p. 10.) In a 
 letter to Jenkins he complains that 
 he " with this medal on his breast 
 ehpujd be driven out of the royal 
 
 presence by any upstart suggester 
 like Dr. Titus Gates." (iiirf. p. 9). 
 And to Ormonde, recounting the 
 indignity and the warmth of his 
 temper, he says " the best man in 
 the kingdom once told me ' no 
 butter would stick on my bread.' 
 A bedchamber man (he added) once 
 said ' the best man in the kingdom 
 (meaning Ormonde) wasmy enemy.' 
 I had a mind to Culpepper him." 
 (ibid. p. 8) ; in allusion to this — that 
 about thirty years before, in 1 648, 
 when the King (then Prince of 
 Wales), and he and many more 
 were in exile at the Hague, Sir 
 Robert Walsh, by order of the 
 Prince, was imprisoned for a 
 bastinado he gave to Lord Cul- 
 pepper. 
 
 ' Index of names of places in 
 Iceland. Sturlunga Saga. 
 
 ^ Historic and Municipal Docu- 
 ments of Ireland in the Archives 
 of the City of Dublin, by J. T, 
 Gilbert. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. 
 
 Ixix 
 
 But this may arise from the fact recorded by Giraldus, Treatment of 
 
 Ostmen a1 
 ■ conquest. 
 
 that on the assault and capture of Dublin by Strongbow and ,°'""™ "' *''* 
 
 the English, "the better part of the Scandinavian inhabitants 
 under their king, Hasciilf; embarked in ships and boats 
 with their most valuable effects, and sailed (says Giraldus) 
 to the northern islands," or Orkneys.^ The rest, there can 
 be little doubt, were driven by the English over to the 
 north side of the Liffey, and compelled to dwell there, and 
 form the Ostmantown, while their conquerors seated them- 
 selves ia the original city, on the south side. For such was 
 the course taken with the Ostmen of Waterford,^ and those 
 of Cork and Limerick. 
 
 Or perhaps it was the heavy cost to be paid for English Ostmen claim- 
 liberty that hindered them, amounting it would appear, in freedom, 
 some instances to three thousand pounds, an enormous sum, 
 
 1" Conquest of Ireland," chap, 
 xvii. 
 
 ' The Plea Roll, third to seventh 
 Edward II. (Jl.d. 1319) contains 
 this interesting historical detail 
 concerning Waterford. Robert 
 Walsh was indicted at Waterford 
 for killing John, son of Ivor 
 M'Gilmore, and pleaded that the 
 said John was Irish, and that it 
 was no felony to liill an Irishman. 
 The King's Attorney (John fitz 
 John fitz Robert le Poer), replied 
 that M'GibnoJc-e was an Ostman of 
 Waterford, de-ceuded of Gerald 
 M'Gilmore, and that all his 
 (Gerald's) posterity and kinsmen 
 were entitled to the law of English- 
 men by the grant of Henry fitz 
 Empress, which he (Mr. Attorney) 
 produced. And issue beingjoined, 
 the jury found that on the first in- 
 vasion of the English, Reginald the 
 Dane, then ruler of Waterford, 
 drew three great iron chains across 
 the river, to bar the passage of the 
 
 King's fleet ; but being conquered 
 and taken by the English, he was 
 for this tried and hanged by sen- 
 tence of the King's court at \\'ater- 
 ford with all his officers. They 
 further found that King Henry the 
 second, banished all the then in- 
 habitants of the town (except 
 Gerald M'Gilmore), who joined 
 the English, and dwelt at that time 
 in a tower over against the church 
 of the Friars Preachers, very old 
 and ruinous at the time of the trial, 
 and assigned them a place outside 
 the town to dwell at, and there they 
 built what was then (a.d. 1310) 
 called the Ostman town of Water- 
 ford. There can be little doubt but 
 that the Ostmantown of Dublin, 
 and the " cantreds of the Ostmen " 
 of Cork and Limerick, got their 
 names from similar circumstances, 
 i.e., the driving out of the Ostman 
 inhabitants of each to an Ostman 
 quarter. 
 
ixK 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 IMaurice 
 MacOtere. 
 
 Philip Mac- 
 Guthmund. 
 
 considering the vahie of money in the twelfth and thirteenth 
 centuries. Thus Maurice MacOtere, on the 9th December, 
 1289 (18th of Edward I.),an Ostman dwelling (as he describes 
 himself) at the end (or back) of the world in Ireland (in fine 
 onundi in partibus Hibernice), petitioned the king in par- 
 liament on behaK of himself and 300 of his race, that they 
 might enjoy the liberties of Englishmen, granted him by 
 letters patent, under the King's Great Seal of Ireland 
 enrolled in Chancery " letters by which the king gained 
 three thousand pounds in one day." But as these rights 
 were denied him, he prays to have the Irish patent con- 
 firmed under the Great Seal of England.^ 
 
 For the lords of Ireland it seems were very much opposed 
 to these grants, as appears as well by the instance just given 
 as the following petition of Philip MacGuthmund, presented 
 also to the king in Parliament on the 23rd of April, 1296. 
 
 He describes himself as Philip MacGuthmund "Ostman and 
 Englishman of our Lord the King of the City of Waterford," 
 and complains that for the sake of the five marks payable 
 for every Irish(man) killed, the grasping lords of Ireland, 
 the kings' rivals, would make the petitioner and over 400 
 of his race Irish. He therefore prays in behalf of himself 
 and 400 of his race, for God's sake, and for the sake of the 
 king's father, that he may enjoy the liberties his ancestors 
 enjoyed, and that of Englishmen and Ostmen, they be not 
 made Irish, adding that it was better for the king, that there 
 should be more English than Irish. And in proof of his claim 
 that he and his ancestors had enjoyed these rights, tenders 
 the letters patent of the bailiffs and commons of Waterford, 
 and prays the king's letters to confirm his English hberty." 
 
 ' Petitions to the King in Par- 
 liament (in England) in the eigh- 
 teenth of Edward the First " Docu- 
 ments illustrative of English His- 
 tory, in the 13th and 14th centuries, 
 from the Records of the Queen's 
 Remembrancer of the Exchequer," 
 p. 69. By Henry Cole, Assistant 
 
 Keeper of Public Records. Folio, 
 London, 1844. 
 
 "Ibid. Sir John Davys gives 
 many sunilar instances in his " Dis- 
 coverie why Ireland was not sooner 
 reduced to complete obedience than 
 in King James the First's i-eign." 
 The following from the King's 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. 
 
 Ixxi 
 
 Oatmen. 
 
 For the laws being personal, that is to say, an Irishman 
 being undfer Brehon law (unless an Englishman was con- 
 cerned, when the case was ruled by the law of England), an 
 eric or pecuniary mulct was payable to the lord of the fee 
 for any Irishman of his slain ; whereas if an EngUshman or 
 any one having " English liberty " or the benefit of English 
 law were killed it was punishable with death, and the for- 
 feiture consequent went to the king. It was thus of course 
 a gain to the lords of the fee to have for their tenants Irish- 
 men, and to question the claims of Ostmen such as Maurice 
 MacOtere and Philip MacGuthmund to English liberty. 
 
 And it must be understood that the absence of Ostman Juries of 
 names from the guild roll above mentioned, was rather for 
 this want of English liberty probably than the want of 
 
 Bench Rolls and Plea Rolls in 
 Edward the First's reign are further 
 illustrations. Thus in a.d. 1278, 
 John Gai'get, Seneschal or Prior of 
 the Holy Trinity (now Christ 
 Church), Dublin, was indicted for 
 having sentenced a woman named 
 Isabel, and her daughter, who had 
 murdered Adam fitz Robert and 
 his brother — Isabel, the mother, to 
 be hanged, and her daughter to have 
 her ear cut off — a sentence which 
 was executed according to the said 
 judgment of the court of the Prior. 
 And the said Seneschal admitted 
 the sentence given . The jury being 
 asked if the said girl was English, 
 they said she was Irish. B at because 
 it was found by the oath of the 
 members of the Chapter that she 
 was English, the said John and the 
 Court of the said Prior aforesaid 
 were attached. — MS. transcript of 
 the Early Rolls by the Record Com- 
 missionei-s of 1810, Public Record 
 Office, Four Courts. There being 
 no such penalty by English law, she 
 ought to have been hanged as well 
 
 as her mother. At assizes and jury 
 trials for the county of Limerick, 
 held at Kilmallock on Tuesday 
 next a fortnight after Trinity Day, 
 A.D. 1300, it was found by a jury 
 in an action between Walter 
 Chappel, plaintiff, and John The- 
 baud, defendant, that the aforesaid 
 Walter, an Irishman of the Offyua 
 (de cognomine Offyus) was a miller of 
 the said John's, as was his father 
 before him, at Forsketh in the said 
 county, hut not an Irishman of the 
 said Johris ; and in a late quarrel 
 between the said Walter and a 
 mistress of the said John's (amicam 
 ipsius Johannis), she called him a 
 robber, whereupon he called her 
 a common whore (pupplicam mere- 
 tricem). And afterwards the said 
 John ran after him and tore his 
 eyes out (avulsit oculos ejus). The 
 said John Thebaud was aciordingly 
 committed to gaol and fined in a 
 hundred shillings. But if AA'alter 
 Chappel had been one of John 
 Thebaud's Irishmen he could not 
 have had an action against him, 
 
Ixxii SOME NOTICE OP THE 
 
 Ostman inhabitants, who were numerous enough to form 
 juries of inquest more than fifty years after the Conquest, 
 King John directing his justiciary to inquire by the English 
 and Ostmen of Dublin, if the Prior and convent of the 
 Holy Trinity (now Christ Church) had of ancient right a 
 boat (for salmon fishing) on the Liffej} 
 
 It has just been observed that frequent as are the notices 
 of the Scandinavian occupation of Ireland in the Icelandic 
 Sagas, almost all traces of them in the Irish records are lost 
 from the time of the English invasion. 
 
 Our early Chancery records to the end of the reign of 
 King Edward I., were aU burned in the time of Master 
 Thomas Cantok, Chancellor, when his lodgings in Saint 
 Mary's Abbey took fire, amongst them the very enrol- 
 ment referred to by Maurice MacOtere. This is recorded 
 on the patent roll of Chancery of the second of King 
 Edward II. (a.d. 1309), when Thomas Cantok's executors 
 delivered up to the Lord Walter de Thornbury, his successor 
 in office, such writs, bills, inquisitions, &c., as had escaped 
 with an inventory or schedule of them. — Calendar of the 
 Patent Rolls, p. 12, b. 
 
 But few as are the traces of the lives and actions of the 
 Ostmen to be found in the public records, fewer still are 
 the monuments of their past habitation of Ireland, such as 
 castles, towers, walls, and tombs. 
 
 Eeginald's Tower at Waterford is the only building that 
 remains as a subsisting memorial of their rule. Or, may we 
 say, was the only one until Mr. Haliday's energetic zeal in 
 research has revived and brought to light the Thingmount 
 and Long Stone of Dublin, which though swept away by 
 all-devouring time seem to be at length rescued from 
 oblivion, not only through the curious incidents and notices 
 
 ' Rot. Litt. Claus., 17° Jobann, the oaths of separate juries, one of 
 
 p, 224 (Folio Record Publications), twelve Englishmen, another of 
 
 In the "Registrura Decani- Limeri- twelve Irishmen, and a thii-d of 
 
 censis," there is a curious inquisition twelve Ostmen or Dfmes.-^Archceo- 
 
 concerning lands and churches, on logia, V. 17, p. 33. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Ixxiii 
 
 he has collected, but by the drawings which represent them 
 to the eye. ■ So fully has Mr. Haliday done his work, that 
 to this treatise might well be applied, with only a slight 
 change, the title which Richard Verstegah gave to his, 
 namely — a restitution of decayed intelligence in antiquities 
 concerning the renowned city of Dublin.^ 
 
 It appears from Mr. Haliday's commonplace books that The Thing- 
 before he engaged in the study of the Scandinavian origin 
 of Dublin he had collected aU such notices as are to be 
 found concerning the Steyne of Dublin and the Mound 
 of le Hogges in the printed histories and public records. 
 But these sources gave no notice of their Scandinavian 
 origin. Great then was his joy to find what a flood of 
 light was thrown upon these two monuments of the Ostmen 
 through his study of Scandinavian antiquities. The eluci- 
 dation of the history of the Steyne and Thingmount of 
 Dublin will be found in the third book of the following 
 work. I would only desire further to call attention to the 
 height of the Thingmount over the Steyne, and to show 
 what a lofty aspect it must have presented before the river 
 was banked out from the Steyne, the strand taken in, and 
 the ground raised and built over. Ifc appears from the 
 Ordnance Survey that the base of the Thingmount, which 
 stood at the same level as the base of the present Saint 
 Andrew's Church, was thirty-five feet above the level of 
 low water, so that the mount being forty feet high its 
 summit stood seventy-five feet above the Lififey when the 
 tide was lowest. Hoggen Green was then a pasture for 
 the cows of the freemen, and without any buildings till the 
 year 16('3, when Sir George Carey built his hospital.^ 
 
 At the rere Carey's Hospital was only separated from the 
 
 river by a lane along the Strand, the present Fleet-street. 
 
 ' "ArestitutionofDecayedlntelli- " This was afterwards purchased 
 
 gence in Antiquities concerning the by Sir Arthur Chichester, and 
 
 most noble and renowned English thus became Chichester House, 
 
 nation. By the Studie and Travaile From the time of the Restoration 
 
 of R. V." Small 4to, Antwerp, 1 605. the Parliament gat there. 
 
Ixxiv 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THll 
 
 Gilmeholmoc 
 and the 
 Thingmount, 
 A.D. 1172. 
 
 The water of the Liffey then covered all the lower end of 
 Westmoreland-street and Dolier-street, and was only shut 
 out in 1663 by Mr. Hawkins's wall.^ 
 
 Standing then on the strand the Thingmount would be 
 seen as a lofty mound, seventy-five feet high, overlooking 
 the level plain of the Steyne, part of which was College- 
 green. From the summit there must have been an 
 extensive view over the Steyne and river on one side, and 
 over Stephen's-green on the other. Tt was here that 
 Gilmeholmoc and his force sate, at the request of Strong- 
 bow, to view the battle between the English and the 
 Ostmen, for the possession of Dublin, with liberty to fall 
 upon the beaten party. And Mr. Haliday always con- 
 tended that it was considered by all sides as a wager of 
 battle, the event being held as the decree of God, as indeed 
 is stated in this interesting poem. 
 
 I shall give here Mr. Haliday's rendering of the Langue 
 d'Oc or Proven9al of the Geste into modern French, by 
 which it win be seen how like they are to one another : — 
 
 Vo3 Stages aurez par si 
 Que tu faces ce que [je] te dis 
 Par si que ne soyez aidant 
 Ni nous, ni eux, tant ni quant 
 Maie que a cote de nous soyez 
 Et la bataille regarderez ; 
 Et si Dieu le nous consent 
 Que soient deconfis ces gens 
 Que nous, avec ton pouvoir soyez 
 Aidant pour eux debarater : 
 Et si nous soyons recreans 
 
 Vous leur soyez en tout aidant 
 De nous trancher et occire 
 Et nous livrer h martyre. 
 Gilmeholmoc rejouissant 
 Dehors la cite maintenant, 
 Ce roi pour vrai s'est assis 
 Avec les gens de son pays 
 Desur le Hogges dessus Steyne 
 Dehors la cite en une plaine 
 Pour regarder la mel& 
 lis y se sont assemblees.'' 
 
 In the " Geste of the Conquest " the language, as printed 
 is " Desur le Hogges de Sustain," and I cannot easily forget 
 
 ' I have not been able to find 
 in the Assembly Rolls the history of 
 Hawkins' Wall ; but I have met 
 occasional notices that show the 
 line of it to be such as is above 
 stated. 
 
 ' The language of this geste is 
 sometimes called " Norman," but 
 
 wrongly. Of the Langue d'Oc, 
 Littrfe says, ' I'anoienne langue qui 
 se parloit au del^ de la Loire, 
 dont se sont servis les Trouba- 
 dours, que Ton connoit sous le 
 noin de Provengal et que dans le 
 temps on appeloit plus ordinaire- 
 ment ' langue Limousine.' (Oo 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. IxXV 
 
 the pleasure of Mr. Haliday when I showed him that the 
 true readiftg was ' De sur le Hogges dessus Stein/ the ' de 
 Sustein ' being plainly a trivial error of the scribe, in making 
 one word of what ought to be two. 
 
 Hoggen-green was only separated from Stephen's-green Hoggen Green, 
 in times before the dissolution of religious houses by 
 the Mynchen's fields, or lands of the Nunnery of Saint 
 Mary del Hogges, which ran side by side with the lands of 
 All Hallows Priory, now Trinity College Park, to the full 
 length of the Park. Leinster House and Kildare-place, as 
 we have shown, standing on part of the Mynchen's fields 
 and the Mynchen's Mantle. But as time flew on, and all 
 memory of Saint Mary del Hogges was lost the name was 
 corrupted into Mr. Minchin's and Menson's fields', in 
 like manner as we find Hoggen-green made into Hog's- 
 green and Hogan's-green, and Hoggen but made into Hog Hoggen but. 
 and Butts^. 
 
 Only for my intercourse with Mr. Haliday, I should pro- 
 bably have no more understood what was meant in Colonel 
 Michael Jones' report of the mutiny of the garrison of 
 Dublin in 1647, by the seizing of the "fortified hill near the 
 College " by the mutineers^, when I met with it in the Carte 
 Papers, than Lodge knew what was "hoggen but," (which 
 meant the same place)^ and being unintelligible to him he 
 dropped the " but." 
 
 Quitting now the prospect over Stephen's-green, and The Long 
 turning round again to the northward, or towards the river, gteyne! 
 
 veut dire Oui) ou Langue d'Oil (Oil * Ibid. p. 196, n. «. 
 
 vent dire Oui) ou langue d'Oui, s B. III., chap. II., p. 165, n. 
 
 Fancien Frangais-la langue Fran- i jj^ ^ jgg Q^g jg reminded 
 
 yaise qui florissait du xieme au ^^ Pope's lines : 
 
 xivifeme siecle, celle dans laquelle « -^^ commentator can more slily pass 
 
 on lit les trouveres. Dictionnaire de o'er a learned unintelligible place ; 
 
 la Langue Fran^aise par E. Littre. Or in quotations shrewJ divines leave 
 
 4 vols , quarto, Paris, 1868-1869. out 
 
 B. III. ctap. II., p. 164, infra. Those words that would against them 
 
 ' Book ill., chap. H., p. 193, n., clear the doubt." 
 
 infra. — Satires of Dr. Donne versified. 
 
Ixxyi SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 there would be seen the Long Stone, standing on the green 
 sward of the Steyne, near the bank of the Liffey. For it 
 appears by the transcript of Petty's map in the Down 
 Survey, made in 1654, that even at that late period there 
 were few buildings on the riverside between Dublin and 
 Eingsend. And there was a covenant, it may be remembered, 
 in the lease of the Corporation in 1607 to Sir James Carrol, 
 of the strand overflown by the sea from the Stain to Eings- 
 end, in order to its being taken in, that he should not erect 
 any building for habitation on the premises.^ 
 
 In this transcript of the Down Survey, if I am not deceived, 
 the Long Stone will be found represented. The scale is 
 unfortunately very small, but the map has been given in 
 facsimile instead of on an enlarged scale (which would have 
 made the stone more conspicuous), that it may be more true 
 and authentic. Mr. Haliday considered it as a memorial of 
 possession taken of the land by the Ostmen at their first 
 landing, just as we now set up an English flag and flagstafi", 
 or perhaps a monument to King Ivar, the first Ostman king 
 The port of o^ Dublin. For this was a well known landing place, and 
 Stayne. j^ early times a port, as appears by a regulation of the 
 
 reign of King Henry IV., entered on the Exchequer Memo- 
 randum Eolls, concerning goods exported from the ports of 
 Clontarf, Dalkey, Stayne, Dodder, and le Kay de Dyvelyne. 
 And in Speed's map of 1610, is shown a piU or small harbour 
 at this spot ; which it must be remembered, though now 
 surrounded by streets, was then nearly half a mile east of 
 the walls of Dublin, and has since been obliterated by the 
 building of Hawkins's Wall so far into the river beyond it. 
 It is at this port that Hasculf and his fierce bersaker. (or 
 champion) from Norway, are described as landing to attempt 
 the recovery of Dyveline from the English. 
 
 " A Steine etoit arrive 
 Hescul et Johan le devfe." 
 
 And here therefore the Ostmen probably first landed, and 
 set up the Long Stone as the mark of possession taken. 
 1 B. m., chap. I., p. 145, n.', infra 
 
LIFE OF CHARTiES HALIDAT. Ixxvii 
 
 After this sketch of Charles Haliday's course of study, 
 we now return to his personal history, first giving a short 
 notice of his father, and of some of his brothers. 
 
 The father of Charles Haliday was William Haliday, a WiiUam Haii- 
 medical practitioner, dispensing both medicine and advice, ^^ 
 who for many years dwelt in the house on Arran-quay at 
 the corner of West Arran-street, where his son Charles dwelt 
 also for some years, and had it as his house of business to 
 the time of his death. 
 
 Mr. William Haliday was born at Carrick-on-Suir, in the 
 county of Tipperary, where some of the family were origin- 
 ally engaged in the business of wool-combing and the mak- 
 ing of friezes and blankets. 
 
 It was a trade introduced by the Duke of Ormond, about 
 the year 1664, into his own town of Carrick, where he 
 assigned to the workmen half of the houses and 500 acres of 
 land contiguous to the walls, for three lives or thirty-one 
 years, at a pepper-corn rent, and afterwards at two thirds of 
 the old rent. 
 
 Mr. William Haliday was apprenticed by his father, in 
 the year 1777, to Thomas Lucas, apothecary, of Clonmel. 
 
 He completed his apprenticeship on the 14th of November, 
 1782, and soon after removed to Dublin. In the year 
 1792, he purchased from Nicholas Loftus, late Lieutenant- 
 Colonel of the Royal Irish Regiment of Dragoon Guards, the 
 house on Arran-quay where he so long resided, and his son 
 Charles Haliday after him. On 23rd December, 1795, he 
 became a Freeman of the city of Dublin. On the 31st 
 October, 1796, he had a commission from Earl Camden, 
 Lord Lieutenant, as Fourth Lieutenant in the Dublin 
 Infantry Corps, (Yeomanry) commanded by Humphry 
 Aldridge Woodward, esq. ; and on 17th September, 1803, he 
 received a commission from Earl Hardwicke, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant, as Second Captain in the first company of the armed 
 corps in the county of Dublin, called the Barrack Infantry. 
 
 A sister of WUliam Haliday's, Esther Haliday, was married 
 
Ixxviii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 to John Domville, of Clonmel, and the Domvilles were 
 connected with Lord Norbury, Chi et Justice of the Common 
 Pleas, a connection which was the means of getting the 
 appointment from Lord Norbury of Deputy Filacer in his 
 court for William Haliday, Charles Haliday's eldest brother. 
 In a letter to his father, Charles Haliday thus alludes to 
 
 the death of one of the Domvilles. 
 
 " London, 1812. 
 " My Dear Fathee. — To my last letter, sent through the Castle, 
 addressed to you, my mother, to William, and to Dan, I have 
 received no answer. My last' letter from you contained a post- 
 script by which I have been informed of the melancholy fate of 
 Henry Domville. His death I had some time looked for as an 
 event not far distant. The nature of hig disease had long left one 
 without a hope of his recovery. And yet his death seems to have 
 been sudden. Poor fellow ! When last we met, when last we 
 parted little did either of us think we parted for ever. He was 
 leaving town. He came to bid farewell. He was La health, 
 I was but sickly ; and could the idea have entered the mind of our 
 friends that either of us was so soon to have quitted this earthly 
 stage, no one could long have hesitated, I believe, to point to me 
 as the destined victim. Quickly indeed the scene has changed. 
 It is but one short year, and I am now as he was, and he is no 
 more. Another year may roll away, and I too may have passed 
 that bourne from whence no traveller returns. I pause to think 
 for what purpose existence was bestowed. I turn to my own 
 breast to ask has that purpose been fulfilled 1 " 
 
 When Charles Haliday left Dublin, it was his father's 
 intention that he should settle in London as a merchant. 
 In a letter to his father, of 8th October, 1812, he says that 
 it would be in vain to enter on any mercantile pursuit 
 whatsoever without more capital than he was possessed of, 
 and he proposes to his father, with evident embarrassment 
 arising from feelings of delicacy, an advance of some capital 
 to be employed in the way of partnership. 
 
 Before stating the terms, which he afterwards details with 
 great clearness and minuteness, he apologises for the strict 
 business like form that his letter is obliged to assume, "I 
 can offer," he says, " but one reason for doing so. I have long 
 since vowed to know no distinction of persons in aSairs like 
 this. I wish no one to know them towards me. To friendship 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Ixxix 
 
 I could grant almost anything. Unbending strictness is the 
 soul of business." 
 
 In allusion to the advance of capital suggested, he says, 
 " I cannot avoid seeing that I am placing the stepping stone 
 on which my weight must rest, the foundation on which my 
 hopes must rise ; and although (Heaven knows) the structure 
 appears but slight to my eyes, without this basis it must 
 vanish entirely.'' 
 
 It does not appear whether the suggestion was acted on ; 
 but it was of little consequence, for the death of his brother 
 William, in this very month of October, 1812, changed the 
 whole course of his career and brought him to settle at 
 Dublin, at the end of March, 1813, in an already established 
 business. 
 
 Among his father's guests at Arran-quay, were Surgeon 
 Benjamin Lentaigne (father of my friend, the present Sir 
 John Lentaigne, C.B.) and Major Sandys, keeper of " The 
 Provo," or Provost Martial's Military Prison, on Arbour-hill, 
 adjacent to the Royal Barracks. 
 
 Surgeon Lentaigne was a French Royalist who had escaped 
 from France in the year 1793, after losing two of his brothers 
 by the guillotine. He first fled to Flanders and there joined 
 a regiment of noblesse raised by the French Princes ; but 
 afterwards came to England, and took his degree as a 
 Surgeon, and was, in 1799, appointed to the 1st Dragoons. 
 He had the medical charge of " The Provo." 
 
 It was while hang a prisoner for high treason in this 
 prison that Theobold Wolfe Tone attempted to end his life 
 by cutting his throat with a penknife. 
 
 He wounded himself badly but did not effect his purpose, 
 and lay for a few days between life and death, though in the 
 end he succeeded in saving himself from a public execution. 
 It was the intention of the Government to try him and 
 execute him by martial law, an act it was contended that 
 could not lawfully be done where the King's courts were 
 sitting and had jurisdiction. 
 
IXXX SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 A Habeas Corpus was moved for in the King's Bench bj- 
 Curran, to be directed to the keeper of the Provo : but Tone 
 died, having contrived to loosen the bandages round his neck 
 placed there by Surgeon Lentaigne. 
 
 Haliday, who was at this time a boy and well remembered 
 both Lentaigne and Sandys, often heard his father tell, that 
 while Wolfe Tone was thus lying between life and death, 
 Sandys would say to Lentaigne. " Lentaigne, I will hang 
 your patient to-morrow morning — his neck is well enough 
 for the rope." " No, no, you must not stir him," said Lentaigne, 
 adding in his broken English, " By Gar, if you do, I will not 
 be answerable for his life ! " Grim jokes that best bespeak 
 the violent passions prevalent at that period of blood and 
 terror. 
 
 Mr. William Haliday passed the closing years of his life 
 at a viUa called Mulberry-hill, stiU to be seen, at the west 
 end of the village of Chapelizod, and was buried in the grave- 
 yard of the old church there, where may be seen his tomb- 
 stone, a large horizontal flag near the east window, with the 
 following epitaph : — "Beneath this stone lie the earthly 
 remains of William Haliday, Esq., late of Arran-quay, ia the 
 City of Dublin, who died the 7th day of September, 1830, 
 aged 76. Also of his sister, Margaret Haliday, spinster, who 
 died the 30th of March, 1836, aged 83." 
 William Haii- Charles Haliday's eldest brother was named William. 
 day, jun. Lord Norbury, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, was his 
 godfather, and having given the patent office of Filacer in 
 the Court to his eldest son, the Honorable Daniel Toler, he 
 made him appoint William Haliday his Deputy. 
 
 But the office being one of routine, he probably gave up 
 his leisure more to literature than to law. He could not 
 otherwise have made himself so distinguished a name as a 
 man of erudition, dying as he did at the early age of twenty- 
 four. 
 
 He had a passion for languages, and to the ordinary 
 subjects learned at schools, such as Latin and Greek, he 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Ixxxi 
 
 soon added a knowledge of Hebrew, Persian, Arabic, and 
 Sanscrit. THese were the fruits of his own unaided exertions ; 
 for there were not then those many books of instruction, and 
 accomplished teachers such as are abundant now. But he 
 made the study of all these tongues only subsidiary to a 
 perfect knowledge of the original language of hisown country, 
 Irish, being possessed of a patriotic ardour to revive its 
 ancient glory. In the year 1 808, when he was only twenty, 
 he published an Irish grammar under the fictitious signa- 
 ture of "E. O'C." 
 
 In the year 1811 he published anonymously the first Keatinge'a 
 volume of a translation from the Irish of Dr. Jefity HaUday.'jur'' 
 Keatinge's History of Ireland from the earliest time to the 
 English invasion, a work written in the first half of the 
 seventeenth century. He only lived to execute half the 
 work. A complete translation of Dr. Keatinge's work has 
 been since executed at New York by the late JohnO'Mahony, 
 and published there in 1857, and it is no small testimony 
 to the merit of William Haliday's work that so complete a 
 master of Irish as O'SIahony, should have selected it as the 
 best translation of Keatinge's history. 
 
 In this publication William Haliday gave the original 
 Irish text on one page, and the translation on the other, in 
 the manner since followed by Dr. John O'Donovan, ll.d., 
 in that great work, " The Annals of the Four Masters." 
 
 As the mode adopted by William Haliday was then new, 
 he gives the following account of its adoption. " The plan 
 here adopted," he observes in his preface, " has been olten 
 suggested and repeatedly wished for, heretofore, and among 
 the rest by our late illustrious countryman, Edmund Burke, 
 who in one of his addresses to General Vallaucey, expressed 
 his ardent wish 'that some Irish historical monuments 
 should be published as thej' stand, with a translation in 
 Latin or English ; for until something of this sort be done, 
 criticism can have no sure anchorage.' " "The great Leibnitz," 
 
Ixxxii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 continues William Haliday, " hesitated not to aver that the 
 language of Ireland, as being the most sequestered island in 
 Europe, must be considered as the purest and most unadul- 
 terated dialect of the Celtic now in existence 
 
 and the philosophers of Europe," he adds, " seem at length to 
 admit that no progress can be made in the genealogy of 
 language without a previous knowledge of Irish . . . 
 yet how is it possible " he also adds " to obtain any know- 
 ledge of a language, still enclosed within the sooty envelopes 
 of moth eaten, half rotten, illegible manuscripts ?" 
 
 " Though that inconvenience," observes William Haliday, 
 " had been often felt and lamented since the invention of 
 printing, little had been done through the agency of the press 
 for the Irish language ; a complaint which his work, he 
 hoped, would tend to remedy." Nor was he disappointed in his 
 expectations. For as this work of William Haliday's was 
 the first undertaken in this form, it may be considered as 
 the parent of that splendid undertaking, the Annals of the 
 Four Masters, fit rather for a national and governmental 
 project, than for the enterprise of a private firm of book- 
 sellers. Since the publication of the Annals of the Four 
 Masters, Parliament has given greater encouragement to the 
 printing of our earlier Irish historical manuscripts, and many 
 have been lately edited under the care of the Royal Irish 
 Academy in a manner worthy of a great country. So 
 that the press has at length done its services to the Irish 
 language. The plan of printing the Irish text on one page, 
 and the literal translation on the opposite, originated by 
 William Haliday, and followed in the Annals of the Four 
 Masters has been since adopted in the specimens of our 
 early national manuscripts, edited by J. T. Gilbert, in the 
 works of the Irish Archaeological Society, and in the Annals 
 of Loch C^, by W. M. Hennessy. 
 
 But this translation of Keatinge's History of Ireland, was 
 not William Haliday's only work. In the preface to it he 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAT. Ixxxiii 
 
 announced that he had then " nearly ready for the press a 
 complete Iri'sh Dictionary," but his death in the foHowing Engiish-irisb 
 year, interfered to prevent its pubhcation. Charles Haliday ^''^h",;^^ °* 
 always maintained that his brother's work had been appro- i™- *""^^^' 
 priated by another, and there is an admission of some por- 
 tion at least of his labours having been so used, in the 
 following extract taken from the preface to O'Reilly's Irish- 
 English Dictionary, which first came forth in the year 1817, 
 but was republished by the late John O'Donovan, ll.d., in 
 the year 1864. 
 
 O'Reilly says, "my collection of words from ancient 
 glossaries is copious, and several of those words which I have 
 added to the collections published in the dictionaries of my 
 predecessors, were collected with a view to publication by 
 the late Mr. WUliam Haliday, junior, of Arran-quay. That 
 young gentleman, after acquiring a knowledge of the ancient 
 and modern languages, usually taught in schools, enriched 
 his mind with the acquisition of several of the eastern 
 languages, and made himself so perfect a master of the 
 language of his native country, that he was enabled to pub- 
 lish a grammar of it in Dublin, in the year 1808, under the 
 fictitious signature of " E. O'C," and would have published a 
 dictionary of the same language, if death had not put a stop 
 to his career, at the early age of twenty-three." 
 
 Such is O'Reilly's admission. But it may well be doubted 
 if the entire obligation is confessed. Probably, Charles 
 Haliday's statement is nearer the truth. The manuscript of 
 the work got into other hands, and Charles Haliday never 
 recovered it. Besides these services rendered to Irish litera- 
 ture by WiUiam Haliday, he may be said to be entitled to 
 the further merit cf infusing his own zest for Irish history 
 and antiquities into the heart of the late George Petrie, that 
 learned Irish antiquary, whose life has been published by his 
 friend, WiUiam Stokes, M.D. Charles Haliday told me, that 
 in the year 1807, Petrie, whose father and mother kept a 
 
 /2 
 
Ixxxiv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 curiosity shop in Crampton-court, was engaged by his, Mr- 
 Haliday's, father, who then had a house at Dunleary, to teach 
 him drawing, " And while Petrie was teaching me drawing 
 (said Haliday) William was teaching Petrie Irish, and Irish 
 antiquities." 
 
 But whilst this gifted young man was engaged thus 
 zealously ia his literary labours, his frame was a prey to 
 that insidious enemy of life, consumption ; and the ardour 
 with which he pursued both learning and pleasure together 
 only hastened the progress of his disease. 
 
 In 1812, much to his brother's surprise, he married. The 
 following are portions of Charles Haliday's letters to his 
 brother on the occasion : — 
 
 "London, 3rd March, 1812. 
 
 " My dear William. — From tlie unvarying round of waste- 
 books, journals, and ledgers, I scarce can steal time soberly to 
 congratulate you on your late change. As to my last letter, an 
 impatient hand just held the pen while a brain nearly turned with 
 joy guided its flourishes over half a sheet of paper. You may 
 conceive with what sensations I read your letter, when I tell you 
 it was the first intimation I had of a thing of the kind. Here is, 
 said I, a revolution. However, like a loyal subject my cry shall 
 be, " Long live WilUam and Mary," and in due time I hope to 
 see their heir-apparent. I got a letter from your father a short 
 time SLQoe. It said you were dying. I got a letter from you, it 
 said you were married. Upon my word, said I to myself, he has 
 chosen a queer physician, yet one with whom there will be far 
 more pleasure to die than in the hands of any of that leaivned body 
 who scribble those big M.D.s at the end of then- names." 
 
 In the following letter he assumes a jocular tone, to 
 
 conceal probably the anxieties he felt concerning the state 
 
 of his brother's health. 
 
 '-London, 20th April, 1812. 
 
 " Dear William. — Your letter, which I received this day from 
 Mr. Martin, informs me that among other reasons for not writing 
 to me, it gives you pain to write. I am truly sorry to hear you 
 continue so unwell, and I sincerely wish you would follow the 
 advice that has been given, and try what the milder air of England 
 can do ia such a case. Of this, from experience, I am satisfied 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. IxXXV 
 
 that the air is not so moist as that of Ireland, and the respiration 
 of dry ail- is, I believe, a disidei-atum in comiilaints like yours. 
 
 " You say 'you are thin, I am thinner; and no doubt you have 
 heard I am not over corpulent. I believe we belong to Pharoah's 
 lean kine. I have done everything that could make a man fat 
 ■without improving, and everjrthing that coukl make him thin 
 without growing worse, that is worse than I was when I came to 
 London. For, since then 1 have been like the spirit of Loda that 
 Ossian makes appear to Fingall : you can almost ' see the stars 
 twinkle through me.' But I should not complain, for I have 
 lately enjoyed a greater continuance of good health than had for 
 some time before fallen to my lot. I tell you all this to support 
 you during the absence of your fine legs. I never thought fatness 
 in a young person a sign of health, nor the want of it a criterion 
 of the contrary. For I think a house may stand veiy well for a 
 sixty years lease (all I should 6ver wish for) without walls five 
 feet thick and Act of Parliament rafters. A comfortable inside is 
 all we want, either as lodging for body or soul. Apply yourself 
 then to the repairs of the inside, which I trust that your going to 
 Rathmines may be a means of alfecting. God bless you. And as 
 the whole tissue of our lives is but a scene of self-love, I long for 
 yoiu- getting rid of that pain in your side that I may have the 
 pleasure of hearing from you. Farewell." 
 
 But all these hopes were vain, William Haliday only Death of 
 survived his marriage six months. He died 26th October, <^^ " ^ ^^'' 
 1812, and was buried in the graveyard attached to the old 
 ruined church of Dundrum, otherwise Churchtown, in the 
 county of Dublin. He was long (indeed ever) deeply 
 lamented by his brother, Charles Haliday, who, after the 
 lapee of fifty years, always spoke of him in most affectionate 
 terms as '' Poor William," as if he had only lately lost him. 
 He has said to me at particular seasons, such as Christmas 
 or the beginning of the year, " Yesterday I rode to see poor 
 William's o-rave." After Mr, Haliday's death, I went to see 
 it. I found a monumental tomb about seven feet high, 
 surrounded by an iron railing, standing on the highest 
 point in the graveyard. 
 
 It had evidently been lately painted by his brother's care, 
 and the following inscription said to be the composition of 
 the Rev. Dr. Lanigan, whose Ecclesiastical History of Ire- 
 
Ixxxvi SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 land has been so often cited in the text of the present 
 work, may be easily read. The following is the epitaph :— 
 
 His epitaph. "Beneath this stone are deposited the remains of "Wilham 
 
 Haliday, cut off by a lingering disease in the early bloom of life. 
 He anticipated the progress of years in the maturity of under- 
 standing in the acquisition of knowledge, and the successful 
 cultivation of a mind gifted by Providence with endowments of 
 the highest order. 
 
 " At a period of life when the severer studies have scarcely com- 
 menced, he had acquired an accurate knowledge of most of the 
 European languages, of Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic. 
 
 " But of his own, the Hiberno Celtic, so little an object of attain- 
 ment and study to (Oh ! shame) the youth of this once lettered 
 island, he had fathomed all the depths, explored the beauties, and 
 unravelled the intricacies. He possessed whatever was calculated 
 to exalt, to enoble, to endear : great faculties, sincere religion, a 
 good son, and an affectionate husband, a steady friend. Carried 
 off in the twenty-fourth year of his age, his worth will be long 
 remembered and his death lamented. 
 
 "Obiit, 26th October, 1812." 
 
 To these few memorials of his youthful and lamented 
 genius it remains only to add the following letter from his 
 brother Charles, written shortly after his death. 
 
 " Charles Haliday to Thomas Martin. 
 
 " London, 27th March, 1813. 
 
 "My dear Sir, — By the receipt this evening of the accompanying 
 volumes from Ireland, I am enabled to gratify the wish you had 
 expressed of having in. your possession part of the works of my 
 lamented brother. Unhappily it Las fallen to my lot to gratify 
 this wish. Unhappily, I say, for had it pleased the Almighty to 
 have prolongued his life to this time, and had he known your 
 wish, I feel certaui from the sentiments I have heard him express 
 that there is no one to whom he would have had greater pleasure 
 in making such an offering. 
 
 " From my ignorance of our native language,- unfortunately, I 
 am unable to judge of their intrinsic merits ; nor, were I gifted 
 with that power would it well become me to panegerize the works 
 of so near a relation. To his friends, for any errors or omissions 
 they may discover in them, it is probable little apology may be 
 made ; to his countrymen I would make none. A life spent in 
 
 the service of Ireland — to redeem the memory of her past glory 
 
 again to place her in the list of nations, though unsuccessful in 
 the object, needs no apology for its exertions. To the more 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. IxXXvii 
 
 fastidious critic, if apology be due, he will find it in the youth of 
 the author (the grammar haviag been written in his 20th year) ; 
 in the strong prejudice which prevails with many to pursuits like 
 his, and the little encouragement they meet with from any ; in 
 the difficulties attendant on self instruction in the Hebrew, 
 Arabic, Persian, Syrian, Sanscrit and Irish languages. These 
 difficulties were increased by the necessary attendance on an 
 arduous profession and in other obstacles which those by whom 
 they were created have now far too much reason to regret they 
 had ever placed to obstruct his way. 
 
 " In elucidation of the motive by which he was influenced to 
 publish the present translation of Keatinge's History of Ireland, 
 in addition to those mentioned in his preface, was the wish to 
 render that respectable historian more familiar to his countrymen." 
 
 Besides William, Charles HaKday had a younger brother, Daniel HaMaj- 
 Daniel Haliday, who graduated as a physician at Edinburgh, 
 in August, 1819, as appears by his Latin thesis on Apoplexy, 
 dedicated to his father, with another dedication to the 
 memory of his brother William, " optimi, dilectissimi, morte 
 eheu immatura, abrepti." 
 
 Daniel settled at Paris, and practised his profession 
 principally among the English and Irish residents there. 
 His political sentiments were ' National ' and anti-Unionist. 
 He was famUiar with aU the '98 men living in exile in 
 France. 
 
 Mr. Haliday told me an anecdote of him expressive of 
 his feelings. Daniel on returning to his apartments one 
 day found that in his absence some one had called and left 
 his card, with a message to the servant that he would call 
 next day at noon, as he was particularly desirous of seeing 
 Dr. Haliday. It was the card of Thomas Nugent Reynolds, 
 through whose disclosures the plans of the United Irishmen 
 for insurrection in 1798 were defeated. Lord Edward Fitz- 
 gerald was arrested, and many of them were convicted and 
 suffered death, and more driven into banishment. Daniel 
 Haliday was indignant. So taking down a cabinet portrait 
 of Lord Edward, and sticking Reynolds' visiting card 
 between the canvas and the frame, he hung it up outside 
 
Ixxxviii SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 his door witli its face to the wall, and bade his servant tell 
 the visitor when he called next day that he would find his 
 answer if he turned the picture. On doing so, he of course 
 found himself face to face with the man he had betrayed, 
 and his card returned. 
 D. Haiiday Amonp'st Daniel Haliday's acquaintances at Paris was Sir 
 
 and Sir Jonah ^ i . i j_- i ■ i , , n 
 
 Barrington. Jonah Barriugton, then engaged m completing nis celebrated 
 " History of the Union, with authentic details of the bribery 
 used to effect that great political measure." Sir Jonah's 
 anti- Union sentiments harmonized with those of Daniel 
 Haiiday, and they formed such an intimacy that Daniel 
 Haiiday gave him a share of his apartments and even 
 supplied him with money, as appears by unpaid promissory 
 notes found amongst Daniel Haliday's papers after his 
 death. In fact, Sir Jonah's "Historic Memoirs of Ireland" 
 were completed and his "Personal Sketches" written in 
 Daniel Haliday's rooms at Paris. 
 
 Francis Plowden in his History of Ireland from 1800 to 
 1810, a work published in 1812 gives an interesting account 
 of the compilation of the Historic Memoirs by Sir Jonah. 
 Sir Jonah (says Plowden) had been always a devoted servant 
 of the Government up to the time of the debates upon tne 
 Union. 
 
 For his services he had been made J udge of the Court of 
 A.dmiralty, at £800 a year, a post which at that time neither 
 hindered his practice at the Bar nor his sitting in Parliament. 
 In the debates upon the Union he was a most violent 
 opponent of the measure, speaking often and with gi-eat 
 ability against it. 
 
 No sooner was it carried than he proceeded, while the 
 anti-Union fervour was still strong, to collect all the 
 authentic evidence he could of the corrupt means employed 
 to carry it, and was supplied with a great mass of proofs. 
 Amongst the rest, the Right Honorable John Foster, the 
 late Speaker of the Commons, then violent against Pitt and 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAT. Ixxxix 
 
 Castlereagh, on account of the Union, gave him many- 
 secret papers of the utmost importance. These Sir Jonah 
 got engraved in fac-simile, the better to authenticate them. 
 Such was his diligence, that, in 1803, he was able to 
 announce that his work, " comprising " (as the notification 
 stated) "secret records of the Union, illustrated with 
 curious letters in fac-simile," was ready for the press. At 
 the same time Sir Jonah went over ostentatiously to 
 London to bring out the work. All the world were eager 
 for its issue, except, of course, the ilinisters and those who 
 were to be exposed in its pages. But the work was 
 delayed during Addington's ministry from unexplained but 
 easUy imagined causes. 
 
 When Pitt succeeded Addington, Sir Jonah became active 
 again, and Foster, the late Speaker, having become recon- 
 ciled by this time to Pitt, he apprised him and Castlereagh 
 of the documents he had put into Barrington's power. The 
 result was that Barrington was to have a pension of 
 £2,500 a year, and orders were sent to Lord Hardwicke, 
 then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to give his warrant for 
 passing it. But at this time Lord Hardwicke was at 
 difference with Mr. Pitt, and he declined, as he said he 
 ought to have been consulted with, and he disapproved of 
 it. He was peremptorily ordered to pass it, and he as 
 peremptorily refused, and soon threw up his office. The 
 business having thus become public, and Pitt dying, the 
 proposed pension dropped.'' 
 
 Sir Jonah now tried what the actual publication might 
 do as a commercial speculation, and there were published, 
 between 1809 and 1815, five parts of the Historic Memoirs, 
 at a guinea each, on the largest and finest imperial quarto 
 
 ' "History of Ireland, from its by Francis Plowden. Vol. 2nd, 
 union with Great Britain, in pp. 229-233. 3 vols., 8vo, Dub- 
 January, 1801, to October, 1810," lin, 1811. 
 
XC SOME NOTICE Off THE 
 
 paper, and illustrated with finely etched portraits. And 
 there the work stopped, being about half way (for it was 
 announced as to be completed in ten parts), and so remained 
 for twenty years, when it was taken up by Henry Colburn, 
 and the publication completed in 1835, in the same 
 sumptuous style as the early parts, the unpublished 
 remainder having been purchased by him from Sir Jonah's 
 executors.! But, in the meantime, and before the publica- 
 tioD of the Historic Memoirs by Henry Colburn, that is to 
 say, in the year 1833, a comparatively mean edition of the 
 work, under another title, appeared at Paris, in one volume 
 octavo, being called the " Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation." 
 It was this work that Sir Jonah prepared for the press in 
 Haliday's rooms. Such was one of Daniel HaHday's anti- 
 Unionist friends. 
 D. iiaiiday Another friend of Daniel Haliday's, of a different stamp 
 
 i°h ^Aii°^^ from Sir Jonah Barrington, but more decidedly anti- 
 Unionist, was Colonel John Allen. He was son of a 
 wooUen draper, in Dame-street, and was deeply engaged in 
 the Rebellion of 1798. He was arrested in the company of 
 Arthur O'Connor and Quigley at Margate, trying to hire a 
 vessel to carry them to France, with an address to the 
 French Directory, encouraging them to invade England. 
 He was tried with them for High Treason, at Maidstone, 
 on the 21st of May, 1798, but had the good luck to be 
 acquitted with Arthur O'Connor, while Quigley was con- 
 victed and hanged. The address was found in the pocket 
 of Quigley's great coat, thrown over a chair, at the King's 
 Head, Margate, where they were arrested, and it sealed 
 Quigley's fate. AUen appeared as servant to Quigley, who 
 went by the name of " Captain Jones." He told a friend of 
 
 1 "Critical Dictionary of Eng- London. 3 vols., imperial 8vo, 
 lish and American Authors," by S. 1859. 
 Austin Alibone. Philadelphia and 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XCl 
 
 Haliday's, at Paris, that the address was carried each day 
 by a different one of the party, and it was thus in Quigley's 
 care the day of their arrest. Upon their fortunate escape, 
 Allen returned to Ireland, took part in the Rebellion of 
 1798, and escaped again ; and, in 1803, was active in 
 Robert Emmet's outbreak. 
 
 He escaped arrest and lay hidden with some young friend 
 in Trinity College until he was put into a cask, carried to 
 George's-quay and shipped for France. There he entered 
 the French military service and obtained a commission in 
 the Irish Legion. 
 
 This regiment was one of those that in April, 1810, most 
 closely invested the city of Astorga in Spain. The French 
 artOlery having made a breach. General Junot, who com- 
 manded the besieging army, ordered an assault. The 
 " forlorn hope," consisting of six companies of light infantry, 
 was led by Colonel (then Captain) Allen of the Irish regi- 
 ment. The breach was obstinately defended by the Spaniards, 
 but Allen succeeded in making with his Voltigeurs a lodg- 
 ment in the works, and throughout the ensuiug night 
 maintained himself there, and kept up an incessant firing to 
 intimate his existence and position. General Junot having 
 next morning determined on a general assault of the town. 
 Colonel Ware (another Irishman, a descendant of Sir James 
 Ware, the antiquary), with his grenadiers was to enter first, 
 but the garrison surrendered. 
 
 One who knew AUen well at Paris in the later years of his 
 life, said, a gayer, more light hearted, and agreeable man he 
 never met, and that the same might be said of Colonel Miles 
 Byrne and others of the band of Irish exiles, their com- 
 panions. 
 
 He often looked with admiration, he said, on these men 
 who had so long lived with their Hves in their hand, show- 
 ing such ease and hilarity. 
 
 Allen, he said, kept his whole substance ki coin in a box, 
 mistrusting all Government securities, being persuaded that 
 
XCll SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 there would be a fresh revolution, as there was, but it was 
 only of a dynasty. 
 
 For many years Charles Haliday was the hand employed 
 to pay a small annuity to two poor but highly, respectable 
 women, Allen's sisters, dwelling in an obscure and mean 
 place called Hoey's-court, near Werburgh-street. And when 
 Captain Allen died he secured for them the property, of 
 their brother. 
 
 It was, of course, by means of his brother Daniel, that 
 Charles Haliday became acquainted with Allen's affairs, 
 for Mr. Haliday differed in political sentiment, as has been 
 already stated, from his brother Daniel. Yet this in no 
 manner diminished his affection for him. Mr. Haliday 
 mingled the sentiments of a loyalist of the old stamp with 
 the more liberal views of a modern Conservative. And thus 
 recurring to the language so common in '98 and 1803, he 
 would sometimes say of him jocularly, " Dan was a rebel ; 
 if he had lived he'd have been hanged." 
 Death of D. Daniel died in the year 1836, at Paris, but his brother got 
 his remains brought over to Dublin, and buried them beside 
 his brother William at Dundrum. He erected a monument 
 over them within the enclosure encircling "William's grave, in 
 the form of a broken column, with the following inscription : 
 
 Danielis Haliday 
 
 Edinburgensis Parisiensisque 
 
 Medioinse Faoultatum Socius ; 
 
 Academise Regige Hibemise Sodalis 
 
 Natus Dixblinii 19 October, 1798, 
 
 Obiit Die none Mail, 1836, 
 
 ^tatis 38. 
 
 Translation : — 
 
 Daniel Haliday, Fellow of the Faculties of 
 
 Medicine of Paris and Edinburgh, Member of the 
 
 Royal Irish Academy. 
 
 Born at Dublin 19th October, 1798, 
 
 Died 9th May, 1836, 
 
 Aged 38. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. Xciil 
 
 In 1864 there was a project before Parliament for a central Chas. Haiiday 
 general railway terminus in Dublin. One part of the plan trl Railway' 
 was to run a viaduct diagonally across Westmoreland-street, T^™'""^. 
 at the height of about twenty feet above the pavement. It 
 was to pass from near the second house on the east side 
 nearest to Carlisle-bridge, to the middle house on the 
 opposite side, in other words about half-way down that side 
 between Fleet-street and the river. Mr. Haiiday, to whom 
 nothing that concerned the port or city of Dublin was 
 indifferent, saw that the finest view in Dublin wo aid be thus 
 sacrificed. He at once organized resistance to the scheme, 
 collecting witnesses of approved character to confront the 
 witnesses of the projectors, writing letters in the public 
 prints, stiiTing up the Corporation to protect the city. The 
 Corporation took the best way of bringing to the notice of 
 the citizens the disfigurement of the city that would follow 
 the completion of the plan. They erected a wooden frame 
 work, of the size of the proposed viaduct, across the street 
 in the exact line of its direction at the height intended, and 
 kept it there until after the Parliamentary inquiry was 
 over. It was at once plain to every eye that the huge 
 ungainly structure would spoil the finest architectural scene 
 in the city. Just as the only fine view of that noble build- 
 ing of St. Paul's Cathedral in London is ruined by the 
 railway viaduct crossing Ludgate Hill, obstructing the view 
 of Sir Christopher Wren's masterpiece, and cutting its front 
 in half; so by this project, Nelson's column and the bold 
 Ionic portico of the General Post Office adjacent, as viewed 
 from Westmoreland-street would have been ruined, and in 
 like manner, the fine grouping of the Corinthian columns of 
 the Lords' portico in connexion with the front of Triaity 
 Colleee as seen from Sackville-street. 
 
 Mr. Haiiday proceeded to London with his witnesses, 
 entertained them there, kept them together, attended their 
 examination before the Committee of the Lords, and the biU 
 for the scheme was thrown out, owing in a great degree to 
 
xciv SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 his energetic opposition. Lamentable as tlie effect of the 
 viaduct -would have been then, how much more to be 
 deplored would it have been now since the lowering of 
 Carlisle-bridge, and the widening of it to the full breadth of 
 SackviUe-street. 
 The Wenix. In the library at Monkstown Park there was a fine panel 
 picture over the fireplace by Wenix, the celebrated Dutch 
 animal painter. The picture had originally been much 
 larger, representing probably a farmyard, but what remained 
 represented little more than a gray and white goose stand- 
 ing on one leg. And a very fine object it was. Mr. Haliday 
 told me that he got it in this way. One morning in passing 
 through Trinity-street he called in at Jones's the auctioneer, 
 father of Jones, the worthy auctioneer of D'Olier-street, so 
 well known and respected, and only just dead. Jones came 
 in with a large roll of dirty canvas under his arm, and on 
 Mr. Haliday's asking him what he had got there, he said it 
 was a piece of old canvas that covered the top of a bed at 
 an old furniture broker's in Liffey-street ; that the bed, a 
 miserable one, had belonged to a caretaker of Tyrone House 
 in Marlborough-street. The caretaker it seems had cut the 
 picture out of one of the panels as a tester or cover for his 
 bed. " I'll give you ten pounds for it," said Haliday, " with- 
 out looking at it." It was handed to him, and at first he 
 feared he had made a bad bargain it was so dilapidated. 
 But he had judged rightly in guessing that nothing worthless 
 or common could come out of that splendid dwelling,^ a 
 model of architectural taste and elegance It proved to be 
 a Wenix, and what remained was well worth the price paid. 
 In showing the picture to his friends Mr. Haliday used 
 always to say jocularly, " That's a portrait of the head of the 
 family." 
 
 ' Tyrone House in Marlborough- Cassels, architect of the Parliament 
 
 street was built in 1740 for Sir House and Leinster House. It is 
 
 Marcus Beresford, Viscount, and now occupied by the National 
 
 afterwards Earl of Tyrone, by Education Commissioners. 
 
LIFE OI" CHARLES HALIDAY. XCV 
 
 I remember well accompanying Mr. Haliday in his 
 carriage to our friend James Frederic Ferguson's funeral, 
 from his lodgings in Rathmines to Mount Jerome Cemetery 
 at Harold's-cross." Talking of his own death, he said, " I often 
 think of what old Herbert the auctioneer said to Henry 
 Harrington, of Grange Con, near Baltinglass, in the county 
 of Wicklow, a gentleman of large fortune, with an ex- 
 tensive collection of objects of vertu of all kinds. "Mr. 
 Harrington," said Herbert, " what a fine catalogue you will 
 make."' 
 
 Akin to this was an anecdote he had from me of my 
 friend Colonel Robert O'Hara, Lieutenant-Colonel com- 
 manding the 88th or "Connaught Rangers." He said to 
 his mother, one day at dinner in Mountjoy-square, " Where 
 is the nice China dinner service you had ? Ah ! I know it 
 all. It is keeping for the auction." Often afterwards, Mr. 
 Haliday, when he missed something from the table, would 
 say, " Mary ! don't let us be keeping it for the auction." 
 
 Distant as we were at one time we grew close acquaint- 
 ances as years flew by, and we were mutually glad of 
 
 ' Mr. Harrington was descendant himself by buying pictures, porce- 
 
 and representative of Sir Henry lain, ivories, old curiosities of all 
 
 Harrington, a soldier of Queen kinds, which were all catalogued, 
 
 Elizabeth's day, who got large seized, and sold in the year 1832. 
 
 grants in the county of Wicklow. ..-^yj^^j ^^^^g^^ g^ yi^j^.^ ^.g^^ 
 
 It was then "the Tooles' and the wealth to waste ? 
 
 Byrnes' country," and was part of Some demon whispered, —Visto have 
 
 the county of Dublin. It was only a taste. 
 
 made into a separate county in the Heaven visits with a taste the wealthy 
 
 year 1606 by King James I. Sir fool"— 
 
 Henry Harrington was long Lines applicable to poor Har- 
 
 Seneschal of the Tooles' and rington in all but the getting of 
 
 Byrnes' country. Henry Harring- his wealth, for whatever may be 
 
 ton, of Grange Con, had literary gaid of being ill-got by his ancestor 
 
 tastes, was of most temperate through confiscation, a possession 
 
 habits, unmarried, and was between of 250 years by his descendants had 
 
 eighty and ninety when he died, cured at all events any original 
 
 about the year 1842, a prisoner for defect of title. 
 debt in the Marshalsea. He ruined 
 
XCVl SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 accidental meetings. Often, on my way home from the 
 courts, by the Southern quays, I have met Mr. Hahday, on 
 his way from the Bank of Ireland, Corn Exchange, or the 
 Ballast Board, to his counting house, on Arran-quay. He 
 would then turn back, and accompany me a good distance 
 for the pleasure of conversing. When we reached the 
 place where we ought to part, I, in return, would accom- 
 pany him back, but he was a man of such courtesy that he 
 would insist on leaving me to the parting point nearest to 
 my own house, and thus often took a third walk, and so we 
 spent our time in the escorting of each other. Mr. 
 Haliday always walked by the Southern quays, though his 
 house of business was on the other side, as being quieter, 
 and leaving him better opportunity to observe the LifFey. 
 Often was he meditating where " the Hurdle ford " was 
 placed, or contemplating the shelf of rock to be seen at low 
 water, above Essex-bridge, towards the Four Courts (sup- 
 posed to be the ford where Lord Thomas Fitzgerald passed 
 with his company on horseback to throw down his defiance 
 to the Council, in Mary's-abbey, and renounce his allegiance 
 to Henry VIII., in 1534), whilst he was supposed by the 
 citizens, who knew him, to be occupied with the price of 
 wheat or the rise or fall of public stocks. 
 
 When some special business would take him to London 
 his partner, Eichard Welch, his wife's nephew (since his 
 death his worthy representative), would say to him, " Now, 
 don't forget to go down at times to the ' Baltic Coffee 
 house,' among the Greeks, and see the Mavrocordatos, the 
 Ballis, the Castellis, the Rodocanachis, and try and pick up 
 a few commissions or some cargoes of wheat." While he 
 was away they could scarce get a word from him, and, 
 when he returned, he was obliged, somewhat ashamed, to 
 confess that he had spent more time at the Public Record 
 Office with his friend Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, Deputy 
 Keeper of the Recoi-ds, or at the British Museum, than 
 among the Greeks, at the Baltic Coffee House. But at 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. XCVU 
 
 home no such researches were ever allowed to interfere with 
 his business pursuits. 
 
 The Rev. James Graves, Secretary to the Royal Irish 
 Historical and Archaeological Society, told me that visiting 
 Dr. Todd, oue day at his chambers, in Trinity College, 
 Dr. Todd said to him, " Come here, Graves, and see 
 what that noble fellow, Charles Haliday, has done ; " and, 
 opening a box, he showed him some fine prehistoric gold 
 ornaments, amongst others two torques or twisted collars, 
 " the likes of which " (said Todd) " I never saw before. 
 They are part," said he, " of a find — a fifth part only — of 
 what five navvies chanced upon while working in a 
 cutting on the Limerick and Foynes Railway track. They 
 agreed to keep the secret of their discovery, and to divide it 
 amongst themselves. One of them sold his share to West, 
 the jeweller, of Dame-street, and Haliday, hearing of it, 
 went there, and West sold it to him for £160, the price he 
 had paid for it, which was only the value of the gold. 
 Haliday did this to secure it for the Royal Irish Academy, 
 and allowing them to select such articles as they* desired 
 for their museum of antiquities, sold the rest." 
 
 He, Lord Talbot, and Dr. Todd, contributed £25 apiece, 
 and secured for the Academy the Book of Fermoy, an 
 ancient Irish manuscript, sold at Monck Mason's sale. He 
 offered, he told me, £800 for Eugene O'Curry's papers, but 
 the Catholic University would not let anyone have them 
 but themselves. 
 
 Between the years 1854 and 1860 Monsieur Ferdinand Monsieur de 
 
 . . Lesseps and 
 
 de Lesseps came over to Dublin, and at a special meeting c. Haliday. 
 of the Chamber of Commerce, unfolded his scheme for a 
 canal through the Isthmus of Suez, so run down and 
 derided in Parliament by Lord Palmerston (who got 
 Stephenson, the great engineer, after an inspection of the 
 mouth of the canal, in the Mediterranean, in his yacht, to 
 declare it impracticable), that he would be scarce Hstened 
 
 9 
 
XCviii SOME NOTICE 01? THE 
 
 to in London. But, as M. de Lesseps stated in his speech 
 at the Vartry Waterworks, when afterwards he came over 
 here in 1871, as one of a deputation sent by Monsieur 
 Thiers, to thank the Irish for their aid of money and 
 surgeons sent to them in the Franco-German war — "In 
 Dublin," said de Lesseps, " I met a more intelligent, a more 
 sympathising audience, than almost anywhere else." Mr. 
 Haliday played a leading part at the meeting of the 
 Chamber of Commerce, and I remember my surprise at his 
 saying, when I met him coming away, and asked him did 
 he think the scheme feasible ? " Perfectly feasible," was 
 his answer. 
 
 Mention has already been made of his humanity and his 
 efforts to preserve or procure a bathing place for the poor 
 of Kingstown. I am myself a witness of similar efforts of 
 his for the poor of Dublin. They had a bathing place at 
 Irishtown (within the last two years destroyed by the 
 carrying of the great culvert for the drainage of the 
 Pembroke township across the sands), where, for a half- 
 penay, men and boys found a good plunging and swimming 
 bath, long established there as a private speculation, and 
 women and girls had a separate place equally cheap, or 
 both could bathe for nothing on the shore. In the year 
 1860, finding the soles of my shoes coated with sticky mud 
 in walking across the sands on my way home to Sandy- 
 mount, I told him I had discovered that it arose from the 
 Ballast Board discharging the dredgings of the Liffey 
 through gaps they had made for the purpose in the walls 
 of the road leading to the Pigeon House Fort, and that it 
 was spoiling the bathing place. He was distressed to hear 
 it, and instantly used his influence at the Board, and had 
 the practice stopped. 
 
 Talking with him of the pleasure a man of small means 
 may enjoy with a taste for letters, be said it was true : "A 
 lawyer, a soldier, a clergyman may be poor," said he, " and 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES H.VLIDAY. ' Xcix 
 
 yefc respectable," but a merchant was considered as a poor 
 creature unless he was supposed to have his pockets fall of 
 money. 
 
 " My brother merchants would think me mad,'' said he, 
 on another occasion, " if they knew I rose before day to 
 labour at these literary tasks." But the few who knew 
 the zest he felt in these pursuits could not doubt but that from 
 it came his habitual animation, like that of a sportsman in 
 a chase. 
 
 In truth one great prescription for happiness in life is to 
 
 have a hare to hunt. And " the sober sage " who would 
 
 call this ruling passion madness, might weU be answered in 
 
 the lines of the poet : — 
 
 " Less mad the wildest whimsy we can frame 
 Than e'en that passion if it has no aim : 
 For though such motives folly you may call 
 The folly's greater to have none at all." 
 
 Mr. Haliday was never confined to his bed by iUness, but 
 his health was impaired about ten years before his death by 
 an event curiously connected with the subject of his studies. 
 
 It was the custom of the Ballast Board, twice a year, to C. Haiiday 
 
 , , J, attempts a 
 
 send their fine steam yacht on a voyage round the coasts oi voyage round 
 Ireland to visit and view the several Lighthouses. Mr. 1"'*°*- 
 Haliday was seized with an ardent desire to avail himself 
 of such an opportunity of visiting the many isles or islets 
 lying ofi" the shores of Ireland, the scenes of the first plun- 
 derings of the northern sea rovers from Norway, the Orkneys, 
 and the Hebrides, when they fell upon the small monasteries 
 on these islets, or upon the solitary hermits like him who 
 occupied Skelig Michel, ofi the coast of Kerry, and carried 
 away, as they found nothing else to take, and he died in 
 captivity with them.i 
 
 Mr. Haliday had not been long at sea, when he found his 
 constitution so disordered, though he did not suffer from 
 ' " Wars of the Gaedhill with the Gaill," xxxv., xxxvi. 
 
 g2 
 
C ^ SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 sea-sickness, that he was obliged to abandon his scheme, and 
 I have often thought that his ailments had their first origin 
 
 from this voyage. 
 
 He was himself apprehensive of heart disease. "My cough," 
 said he to me one day, sitting after dinner tete-d-tete " shakes 
 parts that I do not like." 
 
 In the summer of 1865, he came down to Oxford, to visit 
 
 me there at work over the Carte Papers at the Bodleian 
 
 Library, bringing with him the first (and greater) part of 
 
 the vellum Register of Thomas Court Abbey, to compare 
 
 with the residue or the other part in that library. I rememT 
 
 ber his waiting with the volume under his arm at the 
 
 library door, until T brought the Librarian to him, lest he 
 
 might be suspected when going away of taking the property 
 
 of the Library with him. Later in the day he was on his 
 
 return thence to London, and while waiting at the station, 
 
 1 observed his necktie with its knot shifted under his left 
 
 ear — 
 
 " Just ^here the hangman doth dispose, 
 To special friends, the knot of noose ;" 
 
 and as his sight had greatly failed, I made a jesting 
 excuse of these lines out of Hudibras, for offering to be his 
 valet. He smiled and said that the throbbing was so violent 
 in his carotid artery, that he was obliged to leave his neck- 
 tie loose and liable to get out of place. 
 
 But all this' time he never allowed his family to suppose 
 he was ill, and would never use his carriage when sent, once 
 or twice only, by his wife to the train to meet him of a cold 
 winter evening, who knew too well that he would be annoyed 
 at it, yet was unable to forbear to send it in her anxiety for 
 his health, 
 c. Haliday'3 Just outside the western wall of his garden, lying at the foot 
 grave. of the knoll on which his house is built, is one of those small 
 
 ancient ruined churches and graveyards so common all over 
 Ireland, nothing of the church remaining but an ivied gable 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES FA.LIDAY. ci 
 
 or perhaps a chancel arch, and among the mouldering heaps 
 a few old battered or broken tombstones. As often as we 
 passed the scene, he would say " There I am to be laid ; and 
 I have left orders that I shall be borne thither by my own 
 servants, and that no stone shall ever be set up over my 
 remains." 
 
 He indulged in no complainings or regrets, unless once or 
 twice to say " Don't grow old P., don't grow old," hot sadly, 
 but with a smile, and in a jesting tone, as if to tell how he 
 felt the incommodities of age, though he would vsay no more 
 about it ; or on another occasion when he said " Ah, you 
 may do something, but I — I have no time left me at my age 
 to do anything in the literary line !" 
 
 He judged very accurately of the length of time he had 
 to live. On the 12th of November, 1865, he said to me 
 after dinner (as I find by a memorandum I made at the time) 
 " Another year will see me down." And he died on the 
 14th day di September, 1866. 
 
 Mr. Haliday married Mary Hayes, daughter of Mr. Hayes Mrs. Haiiday. 
 of Mountmellick, in the Queen's county. Her uncle was 
 General Hayes of the East India Company's Army, and the 
 following epitaph on the monument set up for him at 
 Mountmellick, is the composition of Charles Haliday : 
 
 Erected 
 
 To the Memory 
 
 of 
 
 Major-General Thomas Hayes, 
 
 Who departed this life the 2iid of September, 1831, 
 
 Aged 72 years. 
 
 Distinguished during a long period of 
 
 Active Military Service, 
 
 By Courage, Decision, and Perseverance. 
 
 He was in the retirement of private life beloved 
 
 From the Warmth of his Friendship, the Benevolence of his Actions, 
 
 and the integrity of his Conduct. 
 
 A liberal Benefactor to the Public Works and Private Charities 
 
 of this his native town, 
 
 He rendered Wealth estimable by the manner in which he used it. 
 
Cll SOME NOTICE OP THE 
 
 Her mother was Miss Hetherington sister of Richard 
 Hetherington, Secretary to John Philpot Curran, Master of 
 the Rolls, better known as Curran, the great forensic and 
 Parliamentary orator of his day in Ireland. Through this 
 connexion with the Hetheringtons Mr.Haliday was possessed 
 of a vast fund of anecdotes concerning this extraordinary 
 and, in private life, ill regulated character.^ 
 
 Mrs. Haliday was of delicate health and nothing could be 
 more admirable than the chivalrous and devoted attention 
 which her husband paid her, more like that of a youthful 
 lover than of a long-wedded spouse. Their love was 
 mutual. His death was too heavy a stroke for her to bear 
 up against in her enfeebled state and she died on the 10th 
 of April, 1868. Before she was laid beside him in the grave 
 she practised a little pardonable casuistry, evading the 
 directions he gave that no stone should be set up over his 
 grave by placing a tablet to his memory against the wall 
 of the ruined church, hard by but not over him. She could 
 not bear to think that his memory should be forgotten, 
 little knowing how soon such memorials perish —how soon 
 indeed oblivion covers all things. 
 Mrs. Haiiday's But she raised a more enduring monument to his memory 
 Eoyai Irish by the sumptuous gift she made of his rich library and all 
 cacemy. ^^^ treasures to the Royal Irish Academy whereby his name 
 will live as long as learning shall live in Ireland. She had 
 heard him sometimes say that he had thoughts of leaving 
 his collections where they would be kept together ; but he 
 did not carry out his design ; but left her everything he 
 was possessed of by his will, in the shortest and most com- 
 
 ' Curran was appointed in 1806, of their friendship, Hetherington 
 
 andresignedin 1814. Hetherington after Curran's retirement sent him 
 
 was indignant at Curran's conceal- back the picture in a dung cart to 
 
 ing from him his intention of his house called Hermitage, at 
 
 resigning, and more especially at Eathfarnham, in company with a 
 
 his not securing him some provision. pig ' the only fit company for such 
 
 Curran had presented Hcthering- a man,' he said. 
 ton with his portrait in the days 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. ClU 
 
 prehensive terms. In connexion with this gift there will 
 be found in the proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy' the 
 following letter : — 
 
 "Monkstown Park, 9tli of January, 1867. 
 " Dear Sir, — It is with much pleasure I have to announce to you 
 that Mrs. Haliday has decided on presenting intact to the Royal 
 Irish Academy the whole of the late Mr. Haliday's collection of 
 pamphlets, tracts, papers, &c., relating to Ireland. Having been 
 left all his property absolutely she is desirous to pay this tribute 
 to tlie memory of her late beloved and lamented husband, and at 
 the same time to preserve to the Royal Irish Academy so valuable 
 and unique a collection. 
 
 Believe me, &c., 
 
 Richard Welch. 
 Executor to the late Charles Haliday. 
 
 To the Rev. William Reeves, d.d. 
 
 Secretary of the Royal Irish Academy. 
 
 The extent of this priceless collection has been already 
 mentioned^ and it can now be seen and judged by the 
 literary world. It is kept as a separate library, the more 
 to honour the name and memory of the donor. And to 
 further perpetuate the recollection of him, the Academy had 
 a portrait of him painted by Catterson Smith and hung it 
 in the library or collection designated by his name. 
 
 Mr Haliday was tall and well proportioned. His Characteristica 
 
 •' • r. ,. • ,• J of C. Haliday. 
 
 countenance was expressive oi great animation and energy. 
 He had a fine head and regular features with a brow 
 indicative of capacity. His mien had something haughty, 
 his manners though courteous, were rather distant and 
 forbad familiarity ; but to friends he was free and cordial. 
 He was benevolent and ever ready to aid the deserving ; to 
 servants he was a good master. 
 
 He spoke with intelligence and precision. He seemed to 
 concentrate all the powers of his mind in discussion, and 
 he thoroughly investigated and mastered every subject he 
 took in hand. The most practised lawyer was not more 
 
 ^ Proceedings of the Koyal Irish ^ Page xviii. 
 
 Academy, Vol. x. 
 
CIV SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 diligent than he was in the search for evidence or more 
 capable of testing its value. 
 
 In reflecting on the gi-eat zeal for learning and accomplish- 
 ment displayed hy him and his brother one is inclined to 
 ask whence came this desire to shine and to excel ? His 
 eldest brother William Haliday was a prodigy of learning 
 before he was twenty-four ; for he was only that age when 
 he died. 
 
 We find the author of the present work giving himself 
 up to study, in a career so inimical to letters, with such 
 zeal as to hurt his health. " I feel it now," said he to me 
 one day not six years before his death. They had no com- 
 panions winning fame at the bar to stimulate their rivalry ; 
 they had no hopes of getting into Parliament ; competition 
 for the public service was not yet dreamt of The family 
 was not moving in so high a circle as to make such 
 accomplishments necessary or even acceptable — ^yet they 
 both dedicated all their efforts to training and exercising 
 their faculties. 
 
 It was a saying of one of the first masters of athletics in 
 ancient Greece that he could distinguish his pupils at a 
 distance even though only carrying meat from the market ; 
 so the sentiments of those who have received a polite 
 education exercise a similar influence over their manners. 
 
 And thus in the most trivial intercourse with Mr. 
 Haliday one could scarce fail to be sensible of the high 
 training his mind had undergone. 
 
 To me who enjoyed so much of his intimacy these 
 characteristics were most strikingly displayed. His reading 
 and recollection furnished him with a fuM of anecdote 
 about the public men of his time, particularly of the period 
 of ' 98 ; of this era he had read all the literature besides 
 knowing personally some of the families of those concerned 
 in that rebellion. His memory was so retentive and 
 accurate and the style of his conversation was so pointed 
 and animated that our Sunday dinners were to me a feast 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAY. CV 
 
 the day after. He owed none of these brilliant qualities to 
 association with the class he belonged to ; they were the 
 product of self-education. But whence the motive ? "Was 
 it not due to the period when the faculties of him and his 
 brother were opening ? May it not be traced to the 
 influence of the era of the French Revolution ? This gi-eat 
 event awakened and stimulated the minds of men, with the 
 hopes of a new and better world. 
 
 Added to this were the agitations of the Irish rebellion 
 and of the Union, which also powerfully exercised the 
 fapulties and passions. Though he and his brother were 
 then too young for public life, the houses they frequented 
 were full of the men of that day and their conversation had 
 its influence upon their minds. 
 
 Be the cause what it may it is an honour to this city and 
 country to have had such a citizen as the author of the 
 present work, and especially to the Merchants of Dublin, a 
 body he was proud to belong to. 
 
 For myself I count it a happy event of my life to have 
 enjoyed the friendship and intimacy of such a man ; and I 
 am glad to think that as Editor of his literary remains my 
 name will in future times be thus associated with his. 
 
 Of the Maps in this Work. 
 
 Mr. Haliday's original design was to write a history of 
 the port and harbour of Dublin, with a view to trace the 
 progress of improvement in the navigable channel of the 
 Liffey, but he was so seduced from his course by a search into 
 a history of its Scandinavian antiquities, that there would 
 have been left no monument of his proper object only for 
 his essay or paper on Sir Bernard de Gomme's map of the 
 port and harbour of Dublin in 1673. 
 
 One can only regret, considering the ability and research 
 he has displayed in this short essay, that he was not able, 
 through the late period of life when he entered on this 
 study, to accomplish as well his original design as that 
 
CVl SOME NOTICE Of THE 
 
 ■which he substituted for it. The amount of materials to 
 be found in his commonplace books will prove what a 
 supply he had collected for his work. They will yet 
 prove useful to others, and they, not he, will reap the 
 honours. 
 
 Whilst the history of the port of Dublin was still in his 
 mind he sought in the Assembly EoUs of the city for the 
 periodical reports made to it by the Ballast Board, which 
 was only a branch or committee of the Corporation. 
 
 But, besides searching the Corporation records and 
 other sources already mentioned, Mr. Haliday made inquiry 
 for all such maps as might throw light on the early state of 
 the port. 
 Sir B. de In this manner he obtained from the British Museum 
 
 1673!°^ ^™''^' copies of Sir Bernard de Gomme's map, made in 1673, of 
 Captain Greenvil Collins's map, made in 1686, and in his 
 own library he had Rocque's map of the city and bay, 
 made in 1756, — all reproduced on a smaller scale in the 
 present volume, except Sir Bernard de Gomme's, which is on 
 the scale of the original. 
 
 In addition to these are given three other maps of con- 
 siderable interest. 
 Down survey One is a facsimile from Betty's Down survey, made in 
 bom 1654 about 1655, being the earliest map made to scale of the 
 port and city. It is reproduced on the original scale, and 
 it is to be regretted that the scale is so small. The other 
 is Captain John Perry's map of the bay and harbour of 
 Dublin, engraved in 1728. A notice of this map is given 
 in Gough's " Topographical Antiquities," but as it is not to 
 be found at the British Museum Mr. Haliday inserted a 
 notice in Notes and Queries, inquiring for this map, and 
 also for information as to any other map of the city, either 
 in manuscript or printed, between Speed's map in 1610 
 and Brookin's map in 1728.^ 
 
 Mr. Haliday 's queries were never answered, nor were his 
 ' Appendix, p. 249, n. 2. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HAL! DAY. CVll 
 
 wishes gratified in his lifetime. But since his death I dis- 
 covered Petty 's map, made in the year 1654, in the 
 celebrated Down Survey at the Public Record OfBce ; and 
 it was my good fortune to meet with Captain John Perry's Capt. J. Perry's 
 map of 1728 by accident in the hands of my friend Richard 
 Bergoin Bennett, of Eblana Castle, Kingstown. It is a very 
 finely engraved map, printed by Bowles, of Cheapside, 
 London, the great map and print seller of that day. It 
 would have been particularly interesting to Mr. Haliday, as 
 exhibiting the canal (and pier) projected by Captain John 
 Perry as a new entrance to the harbour of Dublin to avoid 
 the bar. The canal was to be carried through the sands of 
 the North Bull, parrallel with the north shore of 
 Dublin Bay. He proposed that the seaward entrance 
 should be in the Sutton Creek, near Kilbarrack Old 
 Church, and the other to come out nearly opposite Rings- 
 end. The third is the ground-plan of Chichester House, pian of 
 made in 1723, which I met with, in the year 1852, when House?i723. 
 rooting among the Exchequer Records with my friend 
 James Frederic Ferguson, their then keeper, and copied it.' 
 
 ' Chichester House In 1602 Deputy St. John held councils 
 
 the city granted a plot of ground there, and dated his despatches 
 
 to Sir George Gary, knt., Trea- from " Chichester House " {ibid.^ 
 
 surer-at-War for Ireland, to build 1615-1625, -p. 204), as did Lord 
 
 an hospital for poor, sick, and Falkland, Lord Deputy, on 23rd 
 
 maimed soldiers, or other poor July, 1023 (ihid., p. 414). On 
 
 folk, or for a free school.— {City Sir .Vrthur's death, in 1623, with- 
 
 Assembly Bolls'). Sir George out issue, Chichester House 
 
 Gary sold his interest to Sir pa^std to his brother, Sir Edward 
 
 Thomas Kidgway. In 1611 Sir Chichester, who sold it to Sir 
 
 Arthur Chichester purchased Samuel Smyth. The following 
 
 Gary's hospital (ibid.), and in is a verbatim copy of Sir 
 
 1613 are found despatches and Edward's letter to Sir Samuel, 
 
 State papers, dated by him from who had contracted for the pur- 
 
 " Chichester House." — Calendar chase : — 
 
 of State Papers of James 1. {Ire- "Sib Samuel Smyth, 
 
 land), 1611-1614, p. 336. Sir "I understand, by Sir Thomas 
 
 Arthur did not die till 1 625, and, Hybbotts, that he hath acquainted 
 
 during his lifetime, in 1618, Lord you soone after my comeing from 
 
CVlll 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 The " Old shore, " marked under the present Lords' 
 portico, had the greatest interest for Mr. Haliday, and 
 
 Dublin that S'. Fra. Annesley 
 hath relinquisht my promise to 
 him for Chichester House, and 
 that therefore now the bargayne 
 betweene me and yo° for it (is) to 
 goe forward. As soone as the 
 conveyhances shall be drawen and 
 brought to S' Tho. Hibbotts hee 
 will p'use them and send them 
 to me to be perfected w* I will 
 hasten in respect my occasions are 
 urgent for money wh"" was the 
 cheife cause I sell at such a lowe 
 rate. And thus, not doubtinge 
 of yo'. p'formance herein, I doe 
 for this tyme, wishinge yo° much 
 happiness, bid yo° very hartely 
 farewell. 
 
 " Yo'. assured friend, 
 "(Signed), Edwakd Chichestek. 
 " Joymount, 29th Dec*"' , 1626. 
 (Addressed) '' To my very good 
 friend Sir Samuell Smyth, knt., 
 give theis." 
 
 ( Original with W. Monch Gibbon, 
 LL.D., Barrister.') 
 
 Sir Samuel Smyth made a lease 
 of the mansion-house, gate-house, 
 garden, and plantations to the 
 Rev. Edward Parry, d.d., who be- 
 came Bishop of Killaloe, and died 
 of the plague, the 28th . of July, 
 1650, in his house — " Chichester 
 House," On his death it passed 
 to his son, the Rev. John Parry, 
 D.D., afterwards Bishop of Ossory. 
 On 12th September, 1659, "the 
 Church of Christ meeting at 
 Chichester House," appointed Mr. 
 Thomas Hicks to preach and dis- 
 pense the Gospel at Stillorgan 
 and other places in the barony of 
 
 Rathdown as the Lord shall 
 enable him." — {Book of Establish- 
 ment, Record Tower, Dublin Castle.) 
 
 In 1 66 1 it was first made use of 
 for the sittings of Parliament. 
 On 5th April, 1661, £30 were 
 ordered to Mrs. Sankey on per- 
 fecting the writings on her part 
 concerning Chichester House, 
 " now to be made use of for the 
 Parliament." — Vol. L., ibid.) On 
 26th April, 1661, Richard White, 
 of Dublin, merchant, demised to 
 Sir Paul Davis, knt., Clerk of 
 the Council, the great hall in 
 Chichester House, and one 
 chamber adjoining to the end of 
 the said gallery for H.M.'s use, 
 from 25th March last past, for 
 two years, at £60 per annum ; 
 and the said lease having expired 
 on 25th March, 1663, it was 
 thought fit by the Lord Deputy 
 and Council (says their Concor- 
 dafum Order of April 3, 1669), 
 to continue the lease, and the rent 
 was ordered to be paid him from 
 time to time, half-yearly, before- 
 hand. Signed at head " Ossory ; " 
 and at foot: — "Michael Dublin, 
 Cane. ; Ja. Armach " (and other 
 Councillors). Dated at the Coun- 
 cil Chamber, Dublin, 3rd April, 
 1 669. — (Auditor-General's Records, 
 Records, P.R.O.). These were 
 portions of the house probably 
 demised by Chichester, Smyth, 
 or Parry. In 1675 (25th of King 
 Charles 11.) John Parry, Bishop 
 of Ossory, made a lease of 
 Chichester House to Sir Henry 
 Forde (Secretary to the Lord 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. 
 
 CIX 
 
 he refers to it in his essay on Sir Bernard de Gomme's 
 map.^ 
 
 By the aid of these maps and the information collected 
 by Mr. Haliday, from the Assembly Rolls of the Corporation, 
 a good conception can be formed of the extraordinary 
 changes effected in the channel of the Liffey in the course 
 of 200 years. 
 
 In Sir Bernard de Gomme's map, the northern shore of 
 the bay is now represented by the Une of Amiens-street and 
 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, for the 
 use of His Majesty, for ninety- 
 nine jears, at £180 a year, for the 
 use of the two Houses of Parlia- 
 ment. The premises are described 
 as "a large room wherein the 
 Lords sate ; two committee rooms 
 for- the Lords on the same floor ; a 
 robe room ; a waiascot room at 
 the stairfoot ; a conference room 
 below stairs wherein the Com- 
 mons sate ; a passage leading to 
 the committee room; two com- 
 mittee rooms above stairs for the 
 Commons ; the Speaker's room ; 
 two rooms below stairs for the 
 sergeant-at-arms ; three rooms 
 adjoining for the clerk ; two small 
 cellars ; a gate-house next the 
 street containing five small rooms ; 
 a courtyard, with an entry through 
 the house to the back-yard ; a 
 stable-yard (with buildings enu- 
 merated) ; a large garden with 
 an old banqueting house, and all 
 other rooms of the said house as 
 then in His Majesty's possession." — 
 {^Original in the possession of W. 
 Monck Gibbon, ix.d., Barrister.) 
 The care and preservation of 
 Chichester House, when Parlia- 
 ment was not sitting, was, in 
 1 C70, granted to William Robin- 
 
 son, esq., Superintendent of 
 Government buildings, for his 
 Ufe, and the use of the outoffices 
 and gardens, " except a terras- 
 walk, at the east end of the said 
 house, twenty-five feet broad, 
 and a terrras-walk, on the south 
 side, twenty feet broad, and a 
 back yard, forty feet deep," on 
 condition of keeping it in repair, 
 and paying the taxes. On 19th 
 May, 1677, the Earl of Essex, 
 being then Lord Lieutenant, he 
 recommended that a lease should 
 be made of the garden and out- 
 offices to Mr. Robinson, on similar 
 conditions, for ninety years, and 
 the use of the house for hfe, 
 except during the sittings of 
 
 Parliament {Earl of Essex to 
 
 Henry Gascoyne, esq. ; Carte 
 Papers, vol. ccxlii., p. 128.) In 
 pursuance of which a patent was 
 passed to that effect, dated 2nd 
 June, 1677. This demise to 
 William Robinson serves to ex- 
 plain the interest of him or his 
 representatives mentioned in the 
 return of the surveyors annexed 
 to the ground-plan of Chichester 
 House, made in 1723, given at 
 page 239. 
 
 ^ Appendix, p. 239. 
 
ex SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 the North- strand, the latter still preserving the original 
 denomination. 
 
 The site of the terminus of the Great Northern Railway 
 then was still covered by the sea. 
 River and har- The southem shore was Townsend-street, then known as 
 bour in 1673. j^g^^ais' (corruptly Lazy) Hill, and Denzille-street. Between 
 Lazy -hill and Ringsend is seen a wide waste of sand, with 
 the waters of the Dodder River spread over it in small 
 streams. It will be easily seen, that the building of Sir 
 John Rogerson's wall, from Lazy-hill towards Ringsend with 
 the making of other walls inland to the Barrack-hill at 
 Beggar's Bush, gained all the strand within them ; and that 
 the making of a new and straight channel for the Dodder, 
 which was done in 1796,i completed the work, so that the 
 sands previously overspread by the wandering waters of the 
 Dodder, are now meadows or streets, traversed by the Bath- 
 avenue, leading to Ringsend. 
 
 If these alterations of the southern side are striking, the 
 changes produced on the northern shore, since the making 
 of Sir Bernard de Gomme's map, are as remarkable. By the 
 making of the North WaU parallel to Sir John Rogerson's 
 Wall, as far as Ringsend, and by running other walls inland, 
 from the North Wall (all the work of the BaUast Board), an 
 equal, indeed a larger extent of land has been gained from 
 the sea. 
 
 In Sir Bernard de Gomme's map, all this land, both on 
 the north and south sides of the bay, was then sea. At 
 low water it was dry, with the Liffey divided into two or 
 three branches wandering through this waste of mud and 
 sand, and only uniting again at Ringsend. 
 
 And so the river remained until the commencement of 
 the eighteenth century, when the Ballast Board was erected 
 in 1708. The first work this Board designed was, to make an 
 entirely new channel for the Liffey, from Lazy-hill to Rings- 
 end. On looking at the waste of waters, as shown on Sir 
 ' Appendix, p. 242, 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. CXI 
 
 Bernard de Gomme's map, this was certainly a bold under- 
 taking. The river was to be made to flow in one straight 
 channel to Ringsend. 
 
 Their first work was to stake out this channel, and then 
 by piling and wattling in the sand on each side, to confine 
 the river current to that new channel. On this foundation 
 quay -walls were afterwards raised. 
 
 The Ballast Boaed and the New Channel. 
 
 The two operations of making a new channel for the 
 river and the walling-in of the river were distinct works, 
 and done by different agencies — the first being done 
 directly by the Corporation through the Ballast Board, for 
 this Board was only a branch of the Corporation ; whdst 
 the walling-in of the river was done by the Corporation for 
 the most part, indirectly, by making grants and leases to 
 persons on conditions of building the walls. 
 
 It will be found convenient to consider the making of the 
 new channel first. 
 
 As this was done by the Ballast Board, the foUowing short Origin of the 
 
 »,, .. 1 .. i-^ii-n 1- • Ballast Board. 
 
 summary oi the origin and creation oi that board is given. 
 
 In 1676, Henry Howard having petitioned the Lord 
 Lieutenant for a patent for a Ballast Office in all the ports 
 of Ireland, pursuant to the King's warrant under privy seal, 
 made five years before, the Corporation interposed to pre- 
 vent it. 
 
 By their charter they were owners, they said, of the 
 waters and strand within their bounds, and had lately revived 
 their ancient right to ballast, and by a by-law laid down 
 rules for ballasting, and hoped to have a ballast office them- 
 selves, the profits of which were intended for the King's 
 Hospital.^ And their opposition was so effectual, that in 
 1682, Howard ofiered to take a lease of the port of Dublin, 
 of the City at fifty pounds a year, and to surrender this 
 
 1 Appendix, p. 244, n, I. 
 
CXU SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 patent or warrant. The Corporation ordered him a lease for 
 thirty-one years.i But Howard having neglected to perfect 
 this lease, the Corporation at Christmas, 1685, prayed for a 
 patent to themselves.^ 
 
 Thirteen years elapsed apparently without their obtaining 
 their desire, for on 23rd November, 1698, they petitioned 
 the Parliament of Ireland for a Ballast Board to be governed 
 by themselves, to whom the river and strand belonged.^ 
 
 The river they said was choked up by gravel and sand 
 and ashes, thrown in ; and that by the taking of ballast 
 below Ringsend the river had carried great quantities of 
 loose sand into Poolbeg, Salmon Pool, Clontarf Pool, and 
 Green Patch, the usual anchoring places, so that barques of 
 any burden must unload, and the citizens bring up their 
 coals and other things by land." 
 
 Ten years more elapsed, and then in 1708 an Act of the 
 Irish Parliament^ passed, creating the Ballast Board. 
 New channel The Board lost no time, and on 20th of October, 1710, 
 begun^ A.i).^^ S^^^ orders to stake out the channel between Lazy HiU and 
 ^^^*^- Ringsend.^ But their first operations were on the north 
 
 side. For on 21st July in that year they gave orders for 
 dredging the channel and forming a bank on that side.' On 
 2nd May, 1712, they resolved to enclose the channel and to 
 carry it straight to Salmon Pool. This they effected by 
 laying down kishes filled with stones, on both sides of the 
 river which, was found by experience, so they said, to with- 
 stand all the force of the fioods.* Full details will be found 
 in the Appendix amongst the notes on Mr. Haliday's paper, 
 on Sir Bernard de Gomme's map. 
 
 But this new channel between Ringsend and the present 
 quays, and aU this work of enclosing it by kishes would 
 have been useless and never undertaken unless for the sake 
 
 ' Appendix, p. 244 n. 3. '6th of Anne, chap. xx. 
 
 'Tliid. « Appendix, p. 2.35. 
 
 'Appendix, p. 24.5, n. I. ^ Ibid. 
 
 ' Ibid. 8 Ihid. 
 

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LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. cxiii 
 
 of the harbour below Ringsend, that is to say, between 
 Ringsend and the bar. 
 
 The earliest printed account of the port and harbour, by 
 Gerard Boate, writing in 1649, describes the harbour amongst 
 " the barred havens of Ireland."^ 
 
 Over the bar there was at that time only six feet water Harbour in 
 at low tide. " With an ordinary tide you cannot go to the ^'°' ^^*^' 
 quay of Dublin (he says) with a ship that draws five feet of 
 water ; those of greater draught cannot come nearer than the 
 Ringsend, three miles from Dublin Bay, and one mile from 
 Dublin.^ This haven (he adds) faUeth dry almost all over 
 with the ebb as well below Ringsend as above it, so as you 
 may go dry foot round about the ships at anchor, except in 
 two places, one at the north side, half-way between Dublin ' 
 and the bar, and the other at the south side not far from it, 
 one called the Pool of Clontarf, and the other Poolbeg, where 
 it never falleth dry, but ships can remain afloat in nine or 
 ten foot of water. Besides its shallowness (adds Boate), 
 there is hardly any shelter, so that early in November, 1637, 
 ten or twelve barques were driven from their anchors and 
 never more heard of."^ 
 
 But these pools, as we have seen by the petition of the 
 Corporation to Parliament, had become greatly filled up in 
 1698. On both accounts the merchants of Dublin, in January, 
 1715, gave it as their opinion that the south side of the 
 channel below Ringsend should be piled in, which would 
 raise the south bank so high as to be a great shelter to 
 shipping.^ 
 
 The Ballast Board accordingly began to pile below Rings- New channel 
 end (that is to say, in the line from Ringsend towards the begun,°f d. 
 site of Pigeon-house) ; so that on 19th of October, 1716, ^''^^• 
 
 '"Ireland's Natural History; Samuel Hartlibj esq. ;" p. 29, 8to, 
 
 being a true and ample description, London, 1652. 
 &c. Written by Gerard Boate, ^ Ibid. 
 
 late Doctor of Physick to the State 'Appendix, p. 235. 
 in Ireland, and now published by 
 
 h 
 
South Bull. 
 
 CXIV SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 they were able to report that they had made some progress 
 in piling below Ringsend, adding that they intended going 
 on the South Bull next year — the South Bull being the 
 bank of sand between the Pigeon-house and the Lighthouse, 
 left dry at low water.i 
 Piling on the On 19th January, 1717, having continued the piling 
 below Eingsend, according to their report, as far as the sea 
 would permit, they purposed to go on with the South Bull, 
 and for that purpose they had oak timber for one set of 
 piles, but four sets were required.' Accordingly in 1717 they 
 began the work. By 19th July, 1717, they had driven ?00 
 piles on the South Bull, and had fiUed in the spaces between 
 the piles with hurdles and stones, with the expectation, 
 . since fully realized, that it would raise the bank and give 
 shelter to ships.^ 
 
 Having carried on the piling of the South Bull till 1720, 
 they found further progress difficult, as the sea scarcely ever 
 left the east or seaward end of the piles. They were there- 
 fore forced to change their method. Accordingly on 2 1 st of 
 April, 1721, they report that instead of piling by the engine, 
 which was found impracticable so far at sea, they had used 
 frames made of piles, twenty- two feet in length and ten feet 
 in breadth, twenty-four piles in each frame. These were 
 floated out from Blackrock accompanied by two gabbards 
 filled with stones, and the frames then filled with the stones 
 from the gabbards, and sunk.* 
 
 Captain John Perry's map of 1728, exhibits these works 
 very clearly. 
 
 He shows the piling on the South Bull, then carried but 
 to a certain distance, and at the end of the Bull, towards the 
 sea, " framed spur work," such, evidently, as is above de- 
 scribed. 
 
 But besides the piling on the South BuU, he shows the 
 piling "below Ringsend," before alluded to. This had 
 
 'Appendix, p. 235. "Ibid. 
 
 • (bid, f. 236. *Ibid, 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAY. CXV 
 
 advanced only as far as " Green Patch" (marked on Perry's 
 map), by reason of the depth of the water, which hindered 
 the piling from being carried to Cock (or Cockle) lake, as 
 intended. On 17th of July, 1731, the Ballast Board sugges- Pigeon-house- 
 ted, that instead of piles or frames, a double dry stone wall '"^ ' 
 should be built and filled in between with gravel. ^^ And 
 such is the origin and history of what is now known as the 
 Pigeon-house-road. 
 
 It remains to give some short account of the history of 
 the Pigeon-house itself, of the Lighthouse, and the long 
 low wall of granite from the Lighthouse to the Pigeon- 
 house, nearly three miles in length, through the sea. The 
 piling of the South Bull being completed about 1735, the 
 Ballast Board placed a floating light near the eastern or 
 seaward end of the piles in that year.^ On 23rd of February, 
 ] 744, there appears a notice from the Ballast Board in the 
 Dublin Chronicle, for proposals to build a lighthouse at 
 the end of the piles. But it will be seen by Rocque's map, 
 that in 1756 (the date of the map) the light ship was still 
 there, and no lighthouse built. It was in June, 1761, that 
 the Poolbeg Lighthouse, of cut granite, was begun, and at 
 the same time the building of the long stone wall, called the 
 Lighthouse wall.^ 
 
 The progress of the wall was at first slow, for it appears Lighthouse 
 by a plan engraved on copper, attached to a proposal to ^* ' 
 Parliament, dated 5th July, 1784, concerning the erecting 
 of a new bridge at Ringsend, that the length of wall was 
 only like a short spur attached to the Lighthouse at that 
 date. But on 10th January, 1789, there appears the following 
 notice in the Dublin Chronicle : — 
 
 " The wall to the Lighthouse is now in such a state of forward- 
 ness, that it is expected the whole will be completed in eighteen 
 months."^ 
 
 ' Appendix, p. 237. ' Ibid. p. 238, 
 
 ' Ibid. p. 238, n. * Ibid. 
 
CXVl SOME NOTIOB OF THE 
 
 And the notice adds ; — 
 
 " It will then form one of the finest moles in the world. The 
 stone for filling it up is brought from the nearest parts of the 
 eastern coast, but the granite flags to face it are quarrying at 
 Lough Shinney. It is but justice to mention that the indefatigable 
 exertions of Lord Eanelagh to this great undertaking has been the 
 principal means of its present forwardness." 
 
 By a notice in the same journal of 2nd June, 1791, it is 
 probable that it was completed in 1792. 
 
 This mention of Lord Eanelagh, one of the directors of 
 the Ballast Board named in the Act of 1789, whose abode at 
 . Monkstown became afterwards that of Mr. Haliday, leads 
 one to remark on the strange coincidence, that two members 
 of the Ballast Board, so warmly interested in all that 
 regards the port of Dublin, should have successively occu- 
 pied the same villa. Some of this information will be found 
 in Captain Washington's second report to the Tidal Harbours 
 Commission in 1846 ; but what appears here was taken as 
 well from Mr. Haliday's copies of entries on the Assembly 
 Rolls of the Corporation of Dublin, as from the information 
 of my friend, neighbour, and brother barrister of the 
 Leinster Circuit, William Monk Gibbon, ll.d., of "The 
 Cottage " Sandymount, who closely succeeded Mr. Haliday 
 as a member of the Ballast Board — sharing at once in Mr. 
 Haliday's earnest interest in all that concerned the port and 
 harbour of Dublin, and with the same historical tastes, 
 listory of the To him is also wholly due the following account of the 
 
 'igeon-house. -n- ^ 
 
 rigeon-house. 
 
 It appears from the journal of the Ballast Office that the 
 Commissioners of that Board had a servant, John Pigeon, 
 for on the 8th of June, 1786, he and another were ordered 
 to attend the Board on that day sennight, when the stores 
 adjoining the Pigeon-house were ordered to be cleared out, 
 to accommodate the workmen in working at the Ballast 
 Office wall (as the Lighthouse wall is here called), which 
 was then, as has been shown, approaching its completion. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAI. CXVll 
 
 There had previously been a block-house here for men 
 engaged in watching wrecks and wrecked property. And 
 John Pigeon being one of these men, it probably got its name 
 from him. In the following year (29th August, 1787), the 
 block-house was to be enlarged and improved for the 
 accommodation of the Board, and referring to a ground-plan, 
 they order some rooms for Francis Tunstal, Inspector of 
 Works for the Ballast Board, and others for the housekeeper, 
 Mrs. O'Brien, and her husband, she keeping the Corporation 
 rooms clean, and providing breakfast for any of the members 
 whenever directed, with a liberty of retailing spirits, but 
 without any salary. In the Dublin Chronicle of 3rd 
 August, 1790, it is announced that an hotel is to be built 
 there for passengers by sea between England and Ireland. 
 This was Mrs. Tunstal's, so well known to men of a former 
 generation. 
 
 In 1798 the Ballast Board sold their property in the 
 I'igeon-house and the newly constructed hotel to the 
 Government, for a, place of arms and a military post for 
 £130,000. 
 
 The hotel was still continued there, and much frequented 
 by good fellows for gay dinners. But in 1848, in Smith 
 O'Brien's rebellion, the Pigeon -house fort was made a close 
 garrison, and Mrs. Tunstal's hotel thrown down, and she 
 came to Sandymount to reside; and thenceforward to this 
 day the Pigeon-house remains merely as a fort, garrison, 
 and store for guns and ammunition. 
 
 The Walling-in of the Liffey. 
 
 The forming of walls to keep out the tide and take in Waiiing the 
 land on the southern side of the river, began probably with 
 the lease to Sir James Carroll, in the year 1607.^ 
 
 The limits of the grant are not defined, but it probably 
 included the space between Burgh-quay and Townsend- 
 
 ' P. 145, n. 1. 
 
CXVUl SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 street. In 1656, as appears by the Assembly Rolls, Sir James 
 Carroll's daughter had a remission of arrears of rent at 
 five pounds per annum, on a lease for 200 years of 1,000 
 acres of the strand,^ and at this time the strand reached to 
 the ground where the Theatre Royal stands, which is 
 built on the College property, formerly the land of the 
 Priory of All Hallows, and the shore of the LifFey was the 
 limit of the land of the monks in this direction. 
 
 In 1661 and 1662 Mr. Hawkins built the great wall to 
 gain the ground from the LifFey near the Long Stone. 
 This may have included part of Aston's-quay, Burgh-quay, 
 and George's-quay ; and the ground gained extended inwards 
 to Townsend-street. The name is continued in Hawkins'- 
 street.^ 
 
 The Long Stone stood about where the Crampton monu- 
 ment now stands. 
 
 It would seem that Sir James Carroll's lease was sur- 
 rendered or forfeited, for nothing more is heard of it or of 
 his representatives, and the lands subsequently dealt with 
 must have been included in bis lease. 
 
 The next extension of the wall in continuation of 
 Hawkins' was in 1683, when a lease was ordered to be 
 made to Philip Crofts, of part of the strand on the north 
 side of Lazy-hill (now Townsend-street), from Hawkins' 
 wall eastward 284 yards behind the houses on Lazy-hiU, he 
 walling-in the ground demised from the sea.^ And in 1713 
 a lease was made to Sir John Rogerson of the strand between 
 Lazy-hill and Ringsend, he informing the City Assembly 
 that he intended speedily to take in the strand; and desiring 
 to be furnished by them with gravel by their gabbards, he 
 paying three pence per ton,* 
 
 Between Sir John Rogerson's wall and the place called 
 Mercer's Dock, near George's-quay, there was a gap in the 
 
 ' Haliday'd abstracts. 'Assemblj Rolls— Haliday's Ab- 
 
 'P. 147, n. 3. straots. 
 
LIFE OF CHARLES HALIDAT. CXIX 
 
 line unbuilt of 606 feet in length. In the year 1715 the 
 City began to build this wall, and hence probably the name 
 of City-quay. 
 
 Such being the history of the walling of the southern waiiing of the 
 bank of the Liffey, we now turn to the northern side. The ^°''* ^"'^' 
 laying down of kishes on that side began, as already stated, 
 in 1710. As this work was to form a foundation for a 
 wall, which is shown in Brookin's map of 1728 as then 
 standing, it would be interesting to fix the date when it 
 was built. But it cannot be fixed very accurately. 
 
 On 22nd July, 1715, the Ballast Board reported that they 
 were laying down kishes to secure the north side of the 
 channel.^ In October of that year they report they had 
 made good the bank as far as opposite to Mabbot's Mill, and 
 that the remainder would be completed in the following 
 summer.^ But in 1716, 1717, and 1718, they were still at 
 work laying kishes.^ It does not appear when this kishing 
 was actually completed. It was probably in 1718 or 1720. 
 
 At all events it was so far advanced in 1717 that the 
 Corporation anticipated its early completion, and the conse- 
 quent building of the North Wall. They also anticipated 
 the gaining of the land behind the walL For in 1717 they 
 proceeded to a lottery among themselves of the land to be 
 thus gained. And there is a reprint of a map, by no means 
 scarce, showing the various lots as set out in Easter 
 Assembly, 1717, and perfected (by lottery) in the year 1718. 
 Hence the origin of the name of the " North Lots." By 
 this scheme each allottee had a small frontage, but a wide 
 allotment at the rere. 
 
 How valuable the whole has become may be judged from 
 this, that three great railway companies have lately built 
 their terminuses there, and the steam shipping have their 
 berths there. 
 
 The wall was uot completed in 1717, for in 1718 the 
 
 ' Appendix, p. 235. ' Ibid. 
 
 'Ibid. «/j!W, p. 248, n 2. 
 
cxx 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 Ballast Board were still laying kishes ; but in 1728 the wall 
 was finished, as appears by Brookin's map of that date. 
 The sea, however, is shown behind it and in front of it. 
 It required the dredging and filling-in behind it with the 
 rubbish and spoil of the river bottom of near 100 years to 
 make land of it as it is now. 
 
 In all this long journey about the port and harbour 
 of Dublin it has been my singular good-fortune to have 
 found such a companion as my friend William Monk 
 Gibbon, LL.D. 
 
 For, besides his antiquarian and historical tastes,^ he 
 
 ' He was in early life addicted 
 to seamanship. He had four 
 uncles in the Royal Navy, and 
 he passed much of his youth in 
 one or other of their ships. One 
 of them, after the close of the 
 war with France, in 1815, became 
 master of one of his father's 
 merchantmen, and, with this 
 uncle, two years after he was 
 called to the bar, he made voyage 
 to Leghorn with a cargo of Man- 
 chester goods. The crew they 
 shipped at Liverpool was so 
 worthless that Gibbon had to act 
 as able seaman. On nearing 
 Leghorn his uncle, seeing the 
 yellow or quarantine flag flying, 
 said, " I'll go in in the boat, and 
 you must take the command, and 
 bring the ship in whenever you see 
 the yeUow flag down." He did 
 so ; but scarcely had they 
 anchored when a spruce boat, 
 with as spruce a gentleman sitting 
 in the stern sheets, hailed him, 
 and said, " I know the master of 
 your vessel, and what I have to 
 say is, that 1 want you to take the 
 command of that ship there 
 (pointing to a very fine barque) 
 
 to-morrow, and take her to Lon- 
 don." " Oh, sir," answered 
 
 Gibbon, " I am not a seaman I 
 
 am only an amateur." He re- 
 plied, "I want no certificate, it is 
 quite enough that a man can 
 handle a ship as you have handled 
 yours. But (said he in con- 
 clusion), I'll meet you again in 
 Leghorn.'' Gibbon and his uncle 
 were at a restaurateur's the same 
 afternoon, when the stranger came 
 in. His uncle said to him, " Let 
 me introduce my nephew Coun- 
 sellor Gibbon." " Counsellor!" 
 said he, striking the table, and 
 using certain flowers of rhetoric, 
 thought as well by seamen as 
 Cicero to adorn oratory, "Why 
 then, sir, you have mistaken your 
 profession ! You are a seaman, 
 and now I repeat my ofi'er, and 
 undertake that you shall have the 
 command of a better ship even 
 
 than that I have shown you one 
 
 of the finest out of the port of 
 London— if you will only join the 
 service of our house. 
 
 Soon after this he was engaged 
 for the " Wild Irish Girl," before 
 a bench of magistrates, in the 
 
LIFE OP CHARLES HALIDAY. CXXl 
 
 has known Sandymount all his life, and Sandymount lay 
 in the "wash of the Dodder, a river which has had a great 
 influence on the port of Dublin, and has undergone such 
 changes that it required long investigation as well as the 
 aid of his local knowledge to comprehend its former state. 
 Thus when Gerard Boate, writing in 1645, describes the a.d. i645, 
 stone bridge, built over the Dodder, in consequence of the bunt where'' 
 drowning of Mr. John Usher, father of Sir Wilham Usher, E'lU's bridge 
 
 ° ' stands. 
 
 as upon the way between Dublin and Ringsend,i I doubt 
 if it could have been ascertained without his aid that this 
 bridge was where BaU's-bridge now stands, and that the 
 way from Dublin to Ringsend lay over Ball's-bridge. Mr. 
 Haliday even was mistaken on this point, for he makes 
 the way from Ringsend to Dublin, at high water, to be by 
 the line of Bath-avenue, then overflowed by the sea.''' But 
 it will be seen by Sir Bernard de Gomme's map by how 
 many devious streams, and through what a waste of sand, 
 the Dodder made its way to the Lifiey, though now 
 running in one straight stream between the artificial 
 banks made in 1796.^ He also supplied me, in illustration 
 of Mr. Haliday's statement, that, at the period of Sir 
 Bernard de Gomme's map, " the sea flowed almost to the 
 foot of Merrion- square,"* with the curious, and what to 
 many would seem the incredible fact of the Duke of 
 Leinster, so late as in the year 1792, shooting the breach 
 in the South WaU in his yacht, and landing safely at 
 Merrion-square ; ^ and the extract from the newspapers of 
 the year 1760 describing the bodies of two murderers as 
 
 county of Wexford, and succeeded Hunt, and Jeffares, and thus into 
 
 so well that the underwriters of equity business. 
 Liverpool, who were interested in ' Appendix, p. 233, n. 
 
 the case, made him their counsel- ' Ibid., pp. 241, 242. 
 
 in-ordinary. This brought him ' Ibid., p. 242, n. 
 
 into connexion with Mr. James * P. 231. 
 Watt, Queen's Proctor, a member . Ibid., n. 1. 
 of the great house of Barrington, 
 
CXXll 
 
 SOME NOTICE OF THE 
 
 having fallen from their gibbets on the river, and lying 
 tossed about by the waves among the piles."' 
 
 ' These were two of four 
 pirates, murderers, as he has since 
 informed me, part of the crew of 
 the " Sandwith," bound from the 
 Canary Islands, which she left in 
 Nov., 1765, for London, Captain 
 Cochran, Commander, and Cap- 
 tain Glas, and others, passengers. 
 They murdered the captain and 
 the passengers, and made for the 
 Waterford river. Near the Hook, 
 on the 3rd of December, they left 
 the ship scuttled, as they hoped, 
 and made off in a small boat 
 with about two tons of Spanish 
 milled dollars in bags, and other 
 treasure. They landed two miles 
 from Duncannon Fort, and buried 
 in the sand 250 bags Cat a bay 
 since called "Dollar Bay "2), 
 keeping as much as they 
 could conveniently carry, with 
 some ingots of gold, jewels, and 
 gold dust. They were soon after 
 arrested, and on Saturday, March, 
 1766, George Gidley, Richard 
 St. Quintin, Andrea Zekerman, 
 and Peter M'Kinlie, were tried at 
 Dublin, and found guilty, and, 
 on Monday, the 3rd, were exe- 
 cuted at St. Stephen's-green. 3 He 
 also furnished the following 
 note from the Dublin papers of 
 March 9, 1766 :— 
 
 " The bodies of the four mur- 
 derers and pirates — M'Kinley, St. 
 Quintin, Gidley, and Zekerman, 
 were brought in the black cart 
 from Newgate, and hung in 
 chains, two of them near 
 Mackarell'B Wharf, on the South 
 
 Wall, near Ringsend, and the 
 other two about the middle of the 
 piles, below the Pigeon-house, 
 The bodies of the four pirates 
 remained suspended on the wharf 
 and at the Pigeon-house till the 
 month of March following." The 
 same journal for the 29th March 
 has the following : — " The two 
 pirates, Peter M'Banley and 
 George Gidley, who hang in 
 chains on the South Wall, for the 
 murder of Captain Coghlan 
 (Cochran), &c., being very dis- 
 agreeable to the citizens who 
 walk there for amusement and 
 health, are immediately to be put 
 on Dalkey Island, for which pur- 
 pose new irons are making, those 
 they hang in being faulty. 
 Richard St. Quintin and Andrea 
 Zekerman, the other two con- 
 cerned in this cruel affair, are to 
 remain on the piles at the Pigeon- 
 house." Accordingly, the same 
 journal, on the 1st and 12th of 
 April, 1767, announces the re- 
 moval of the bodies from the 
 new wall, and that they were 
 carried by sea to the rock on the 
 Muglins, near Dalkey Island, 
 where a gibbet was erected, and 
 they were hung up in irons, said to 
 be the completest ever made in the 
 kingdom. 
 
 ' P. 238, u. 
 
 ^ In the parish of Templetown, 
 harony of Shelburu, near the Hoot 
 
 s From "A short account of the life 
 of Captain Glas, and execution of the 
 four pirates for his murder, at St. 
 Stephen's-green, Dublin." 
 
LIT'E OF CHARLES HALIDAT. CXXIU 
 
 The numerous maps have been lithographed on American 
 paper. Its fineness and tenacity, almost equal to that 
 of silk, gives hopes of its enduring the wear and tear of 
 handling and of reference.^ 
 
 ' From Colton and Co., pub- street, New York. The railway 
 Ushers of maps, atlases, and guide maps of this house seem to stand 
 books, &c., No. 172, William- constant use without giving way. 
 
THE SCiNDINAYIANS: 
 
 AND THE 
 
 katttrmatrian ^nttqwxfes of gxiblm. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 THE DYNASTY OF SCANDINAVIAN KINGS AT DUBLIN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 No cities among the early Irish. — The site of Dublin a place of no distinc- 
 tion amongst them. — Dublin founded by Scandinavians, and made their 
 capital. — Thence became the capital of the English. — Denmark filled 
 by Saxons who escaped thither to avoid forced baptism by Charle- 
 magne. — The Norsemen, infected by these exiles with their hatred, 
 
 ravage the coasts of France Their ravages of England. — They plunder 
 
 the islands and coasts of Ireland. — Their ravages on the mainland of 
 
 Ireland. — The Dubhgoill and the Finnghoill Aulaff of the Dubhgoill 
 
 settles at Dubhlinn of Ath Cliath, a.d. 852. 
 
 IT must surprise those who examine the history of book i. 
 Ireland that so little appears known respectinar — 
 
 ^^ . . r & Dublin Scandi- 
 
 the social position of those Scandinavians who, under navian for its 
 
 ^ f -rx • first 300 years. 
 
 the common name of Ostmen, or of Danes, occupied 
 our principal seaports from the 9th to the 12th 
 century, and that even local historians are sUent 
 respecting the civil and religious institutions, the 
 works and monumental remains, of a people, who 
 not only inhabited and ruled over Dublin for more 
 than three hundred years, but who, if not the 
 
THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. I. 
 
 No cities 
 among tlie 
 early Irish. 
 
 founders of the city, were unquestionably the cause 
 of its metropolitan supremacy. For notwithstanding 
 Ptolemy's supposed notice of Dublin under the name 
 of Eblana/ and the inflated description of its splen- 
 dour by Jocelyn,^ it is almost certain that before the 
 Scandinavian invasion the Irish had no cities or walled 
 towns in any degree resembling those spread over 
 England, France, Germany, and wherever the Romans 
 had penetrated. There were large ecclesiastical estab- 
 lishments at Armagh, Clonmacnois, &c.* At Emania, 
 Aileach, Tara, &c., there were cashels, duns, orraths, 
 in which kings and chieftains, with their attendants, 
 resided, the bulk of the population being scattered 
 over the territory inherited by each tribe, moving 
 with their cattle from pasture to pasture, having 
 little tillage, and ever ready to assemble at the call 
 of their chief, either to repel invasion or to invade 
 the territory of their neighbours. But cities they 
 had none. Consequently, in all our annals of 
 intestine warfare, although we have records of the 
 destruction of Armagh and Clonmacnois, of Emania^ 
 and Aileach,* and of duns, fortresses, and fastnesses, 
 
 ' Ptolemy, who wrote in the 2nd 
 century, never saw Ireland, but 
 gave from the report of others the 
 supposed latitude, longitude, and 
 names of eight or ten Irish cities. 
 — Ptolemy Geogr. Rome, 1490. 
 Dublin is not mentioned by Strabo, 
 who wrote his Geography in the 
 time of Augustus Caesar, but he 
 knew little of Ireland. 
 
 '^ Jocelin, Vit. S. Patricii, c. 69. 
 — His description is self-refuting. 
 Jocelin wrote in the 1 2th century. 
 
 ' Around these establishments 
 
 towns subsequently grew up, but 
 previously the term Civitas was fre- 
 quently applied to monastic estab- 
 lishments Bk. of Hymns, p. 156. 
 
 * [Anciently the seat of the Kings 
 of Ulster ; — " Emania UltoniEe re- 
 gum pulcherrima sedes." — Ogy- 
 gia, Preface, p. 14. NowtheNavan 
 fort, near the city of Armagh (a cor- 
 ruption of the Irish "An Emhain"). 
 (J. O'Donovan, ll.d., Ann. 4 
 Mast.)] 
 
 ' [Now Elagh, in the barony of 
 Inishovven, county of Donegal.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 3 
 
 there is no allusion to the siege of an Irish town, or book i. 
 the destruction of an Irish city. "^^ ^■ 
 
 And not only is there no Irish record of a " City The site of 
 of Dublin " before the 9th century, but before that ofVLport-"^ 
 period there is no record that the place where the S^h*™™^ 
 city now stands was a place of any importance.^ Our 
 annals refer to the Dublilinn or harbour, which was 
 the resort of ships, and to the Ath Cliath, or bridge 
 of hurdles, which crossed the river ; but if there 
 were a dun or rath near the harbour, that fortress 
 never was the seat of an Irish king, the capital of 
 an Irish territory, or the centre of Irish dominion ; 
 and as regards the present metropolitan supremacy 
 of Dublin, it is manifest that Henry the Second 
 made Dublin the metropolis of his royalty, not 
 because he considered it to be the capital of Ireland 
 (over which he only claimed a " lordship "), or becaiise Frombeingthe 
 
 . . T IIP capital of the 
 
 its position was more advantageous than that oi Danes became 
 either Wexford or Waterford (then the ports of the English, 
 communication with England),^ but because it was 
 the principal city of the Ostmen he had conquered, 
 and over whose subjugated territories he did claim 
 
 ' Colgan gives a list of Bishops Tara : the chief residences of the 
 
 of Dublin from the arrival of S. Kings of Leinster were Naas and 
 
 Patrick to the arrival of the Xorth- Ferns. 
 
 men. Most of his bishops died or ^ The communication was chiefly 
 
 were martj-red on the Continent. between Bristol and Waterford. 
 
 The list is evidently fictitious. It was not until Edward had con- 
 
 The only notice of Dublin in the quered Wales that there was any 
 
 Annals of the Four Masters — at communication with England 
 
 ^u. 765— records a battle at Ath through Holyhead and Dublin. 
 
 Cliath, and that "Numbers were The first notice probably of that 
 
 drowned at the fuU tide, return- line of communication is that in 
 ing." 
 
 The seat of the Kings of [all] navibus arrestandis ad Holyhead 
 Ireland, at an early period, was pro passagio regis in Hiberniam.' 
 
 Eymer, vol. iv., p. 524 : — " Pro 
 ad ] 
 Hibe 
 
 b2 
 
4 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. to exercise regal privileges.' Henry found that 
 Chap. I. j^yi^ii^ -^y^s the Seat of Ostman sovereignty; it 
 thence became the capital of his Irish dominion, and 
 from the extension of that dominion it has become 
 the capital of Ireland. 
 High qualities Yet evon if Dublin were not founded by the Scandi- 
 founders of naviaus, or that the Ostmen were not the cause of 
 its present pre-eminence, the silence of local and 
 general historians respecting the social position, 
 religion, laws, and monuments of those who occupied 
 Dublin for more than three hundred years on all 
 facts connected with the first Scandinavian invaders, 
 excepting such, as relate to their inroads and devas- 
 tations, has contributed to strengthen very erroneous 
 opinions respecting that remarkable people. And 
 although this silence may be justified, in some degree, 
 with regard to the first invaders, their history being 
 obscure, it certainly cannot be so justified with 
 
 1 Henry left Strongbow in pos- king was driven out of Ireland, 
 
 session of the territory he had and went to seek foreign aid: 
 
 acquired by marriage with the "Oh, Mary! It is a great deed 
 daughter of the King of Leinster, that is done in Erinn this day. 
 but he claimed, by right of con- Dermod, son of Donchadh Mac 
 quest, the Ostmen cities of Dub- Murchadha, King of Leinster and 
 lin, Wexford, Waterford, and Li- of the Danes, was banished by the 
 merick, and out of the lands which men of Ireland over the sea east- 
 belonged to the Ostmen [kings] of ward. Uch! Uch! Ohnow, what 
 Dublin he formed his four royal shall I do ?"_ War of the GaedhU 
 manors of Newcastle, Esker, Sag- with the Gaill, p. xii. " The Danes 
 gard, and Crumlin. meant the Danes of Dublin."- 
 
 [McMurrough ruled over the Note by Dr. Todd, &W. Yet King 
 
 city of Dublm and the town of Henry took from Strongbow Dub- 
 
 Wexford, as well as the rest of lin and Wexford, though equally 
 
 Leinster. This is evidenced by acquired by marriage with Eva, 
 
 the foUowing entry of his grief McMurrough's daughter. He 
 
 made by one of his followers in feared probably that they might 
 
 the Book of Lemster, on the very render him too powerful for a 
 
 day (1st August, 1166) when the subject.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 5 
 
 respect to the Ostmen who founded the Kingdom of book i. 
 Dublin in A.D. 852, as very shght research would *'^^- 
 have discovered the high position they held among founded by 
 
 T ,• Till n n 1 • Ostmen, a.d. 
 
 surrounding nations, and that so tar irom being a 352. 
 mere band of pirates, who only constructed a fortress 
 as a receptacle for plunder, and who left no monu- 
 ments which could indicate that either reHgion or 
 legislation existed among them, there was abundant 
 evidence to show that the Ostmen of Dublin were 
 colonists, who settled in the land they invaded, and 
 that Pagan and barbarian as they were their religion 
 was less idolatrous, their civil institutions not less 
 perfect, and their laws more consonant with human 
 freedom, than the religion, institutions, and laws of 
 those civilized Romans Avho invaded Britain. 
 
 To the history of these Dublin Ostmen we will origin of the 
 
 •^ . •n 1 Northern »ea 
 
 presently refer, but previously we will endeavour to royers. 
 mark the distinction between them and those ruthless 
 Pagans who first invaded Ireland, and who, under the 
 name of Northmen or of Danes, ravaged also the 
 coasts of England and France, at the close of the 
 eighth or at the beginning of the ninth century. 
 
 According to some French historians, the " barba- £^J«^^^*_ 
 rians " who sailed along the coasts of France in a.d. ^^^y^""^^ 
 800, were persecuted and banished Pagans, who, 772. 
 with aid from their allies, were in search of new 
 homes, and were seeking to avenge on Christian 
 clergy and Christian churches the destruction of 
 their temples and their idols by the Christian armies 
 of Charlemagne. The statement is, that before the 
 end of the 8th century the Franks had suffered much 
 from the hostility of their Saxon neighbours, and 
 
6 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. that Charlemagne, desirous to terminate these 
 Chap. I. j^Qg^iiities, and influenced by zeal for religion and 
 love of conquest, invaded Saxony in a.d. 772/ His 
 first attack was on the fortress of Eresbourg,^ which 
 contained the temple of Irminsul, the great idol of 
 the nation. He took and destroyed the fortress, 
 pulled down the temple, broke in pieces the idol; 
 and believing that the mild doctrines of Christianity 
 could alone restrain the barbarous habits of the 
 Saxons he had conquered, " he built monasteries and 
 churches, founded bishoprics, and filled Saxony with 
 priests and missionaries."^ But *the Saxons were 
 Revolt of the neither easily conquered or converted. In a.d. 774, 
 774. ' ' and again in 775,* they revolted; and although in 
 776 and 777 many came to Paderborn to be baptized,* 
 they again revolted in a.d. 782, and abjuring Chris- 
 tianity as a badge of slavery, they burned the 
 churches, slew the clergy, and returned to the 
 worship of the idols which Charlemagne had over- 
 turned. This outbreak, instigated by their beloved 
 chieftain, "Witikind, was soon suppressed, and 
 Witikind, with the fiercest of the Saxon idolaters, 
 fled into Denmark, where Sigefroi, his wife's father, 
 then reigned." Enraged by the conduct of the re- 
 
 ' Eginhardi de Gest. Carl. Mag. 
 Imp. ap. Du Chesne, a.d. 782 ; 
 Ann. Franc, a.d. 782. 
 
 2 Eresbourg, now Stradbourg, 
 between Cassel and Paderborn. 
 
 " Hist, de Charl., vol. ii., p. 246. 
 
 ^ Eginhard, a.d. 774, 775. 
 
 Ibid., 776, 777. To comme- 
 morate this supposed conversion 
 a medal was struck with this in- 
 
 scription, " Saxonibus sacro lava- 
 cro regeneratis, 777." 
 
 ^ Pontanus, Ker. Dan. Hist., 
 p. 9 1 . Witikind's wife was Geva, 
 
 daughter , of Sigefroi Hist, de 
 
 Danemaro, par Des Eoches. Paris, 
 1782. Vol. ii., p. 20':— "E y 
 mena aussi sa femme Geva, fille du 
 Roi de Dannemarc." Pontanus, 
 Rer. Dan, Hist., p. 89, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 7 
 
 volters, and the escape of Witikind, Charlemagne book r. 
 forgot the precepts of that Christianity he desired ^^^^• 
 to spread, and with unparalleled cruelty he beheaded Charlemagne 
 four thousand five hundred Saxons in cold blood, and Saxons m' one 
 in one day.' Yet, fearing that even this horrible ^^' 
 butchery would not secure the lasting submission of 
 the survivors, " he added to it a secret order to put 
 to death those who would excite the Saxons to 
 revolt."^ Still revolt succeeded revolt, and revolt 
 was ever accompanied by a return to idolatry, the 
 re-establishment of idols, the burning of churches, 
 and the massacre of priests. Charlemagne, however, 
 had decided that the Saxons should be Christians, 
 but unfortunately he decided on making them Chris- 
 tians by means which Christianity abhors. He 
 ordained that "Every Saxon- who refused to be 
 baptized should be punished with death ; " and that 
 "those who to avoid baptism should say that they 
 had been baptized should be similarly punished."^ 
 And subsequently he established a secret council, 
 composed of men whose duty it was silently to 
 traverse the country, to watch the actions and words 
 of the people, and instantly to put to death those 
 who renounced Christianity or excited revolt. Yet 
 even this was insufficient. The Saxons and their 
 neighbours still clung to their Paganism, and Char- 
 lemagne ultimately proceeded to banish the idolaters Banishes the 
 
 .-. Tx ij-^ Saxons, a.d, 
 
 from the scene of their idolatry. He spent part of 795-797. 
 the years 795, 796, 797 in destroying with fire and 
 sword the countries between the Elbe, Upper Saxony, 
 
 ' Annales Fuldenscs, a.d. 782 ; ^ Hist, de Charl., vol. ii., p. 241. 
 
 Eginhard, 782 ; Ann. Franc, 782 ; ' Hist, de France, par De Me- 
 
 Hist. de Charl., vol. ii., p. 253. zerai. Paris, 1643, p. 191,.a.d. 804, 
 
8 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. the German Ocean, and the Baltic,- the population 
 Chap. I. ^j[j^g into Denmark and the North. Ten thousand 
 tatolTmark^ famiHes of the Saxons were transplanted into Switzer- 
 land and the forests of Flanders f and in a.d. 795, 
 men, women, and children were transplanted into 
 France,' and their lands given to the Abrodites, the 
 inveterate enemies of the Saxons, and the faithful 
 allies of the Franks/ 
 The clergy In fact Charlemagiie's war was now a crusade. 
 
 serve in Charle- ^ i . , ti , i j. mi 
 
 magne'3 armies. Its oDjcct Yv'as alike to conquer and convert. Ihe 
 military and religious habit were united in his camp, 
 which was the scene of martial exercises, solemn 
 processions, and public prayers f and hence the 
 clergy, who crowded around his standard, partici- 
 pating in the objects and results of his victories, 
 sharing the gold and silver (plunder of the countries 
 he conquered),'^ and baptizing the infidels he captured 
 
 Hence hateful and Spared, that clergy became hateful to Pagans, 
 
 agans. ^.^^ attributed to them and the religion they 
 
 preached, the destruction of temples,^ the desolation 
 
 of homes, and all the means employed to extirpate 
 
 idolaters and to make Christians. 
 
 The Saxons Nor was Charlemagne's hostility confined to the 
 
 Debark. ° Pagans he subdued. Those who fled from his arms 
 
 ' Hist, de Charl., vol. ii., p. 267. liv.xxxi., cap.x.:— "The Normans 
 
 De Mezerai, p. 208, Medal xii. plundered and ravaged all before 
 
 ' Hist, de Charl., vol. ii., p. 268. them, wreaking their vengeance 
 
 Chron. St. Denis, lib. ii., cap. 3. chleflyonthepriests and monks, and 
 
 ' Ann. Bertiniani, a.d. 804. devoting every religious house to 
 
 ' Eginhard, a.d. 804. destruction. For they charged these 
 
 ^ Hist, de Charl., vol. ii. p. 280. ecclesiastics with the subversion of 
 
 " Hoveden, Eer. Ang. Scrip. their idols, and with all the oppres- 
 
 Lon., 1596, p. 233. Chron. Mail- sive measures of Charlemagne, by 
 
 ros, A.D. 795. which they had been successively 
 
 ' Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, obliged to take shelter in the north." 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 9 
 
 were pursued by his policy. Sigefroi could not obtain book i. 
 bis friendship, or rather his forbearance, except on ^^ ^" 
 condition that the refugee Saxons, Frizons, Soarbes, 
 &c., should be expelled from Denmark,' and his suc- 
 cessor Godfrey found it necessary to conclude a treaty 
 binding himself to drive out of his states the Pagans 
 who had sought an asylum there.^ 
 
 Thus compelled to seek other homes, these infuri- 
 ated Pagans, or, as De Mezeray writes, "The banished 
 and their descendants, burning with a cruel desire to 
 avenge their gods and their liberty, made continual 
 sorties, and principally exercised their rage on the 
 priests and on the monks who had destroyed their 
 temples and their superstitions."^ 
 
 The Danes, who saw with uneasiness the progres- The Danes 
 sive conquests of Charlemagne, quickly imbibed the ingsofthe 
 feelinars of their homeless kinsmen, and in a.d. 800 r^TTl 
 
 o ' Infesttne coasts 
 
 " they dared to infest the coasts of France."* Sailing g*,^^"''=^' '^■"• 
 
 ' Pontanus. Rer. Danic, p. 90. des Danois ou Xormands ; de- 
 
 ' Hist, de Charl., toI. ii., p. 273. marcheimportante,premik'eepoque 
 
 ^ " L'Idolatrie, &o., &c., etant d'une grande revolution dans 
 
 ■yivement pressee par les armes des I'Europe. Ce fut cette alliance de 
 
 Frangois, eUo s'etait jettee au-dela Vitikind avec Sigefroi, ce furent 
 
 de I'Elbe et en Danemarc comme ses continuelles instigations qui at- 
 
 en son dernier fort, d'ou ces ban- tirerent sur les cotes de la France 
 
 nis et leurs descendants brulant ces ICormands," &c. — Hist, de 
 
 d'un cruel desir de venger leurs Charlemagne par Gaillard, Paris, 
 
 Dieux et leur liberie, faisoient de 1782, vol. ii., p. 231. 
 continuelles sorties et exergoient * Depping Hist, des Expeditions 
 
 principalement leur rage sur les Marit. des Norniands, p. 66. Mo- 
 
 prestres et sur les moines qui avoi- nachi Sangall De Eeb. Bel., lib. ii., 
 
 ent destruit leurs temples et lem-s cxxii. Montesquieu, Grandeur et 
 
 superstitions." — Hist, de France, Decadence des Eomains, cap. 16. : 
 
 De Mezeray, Paris, 1685, vol. i., —"The conquests and tyrannies of 
 
 p. 423. "Vitikind (roi de Saxe) Charlemagne had again forced the 
 
 alia porter sa haine et sa doulew a nations of the south into the north, 
 
 la cour de Sigefroi son ami, Eoi As soon as his empire was weakened 
 
10 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. from sea to sea they approached the shores of Lan- 
 ^"flJ- guedoc, where Charlemagne, recognising their fleets 
 Charlemagne's from the windows of his palaco, wept for the misery 
 he foresaw they would bring on his descendants and 
 on France. Nor was it long until the destruction 
 of churches, the slaughter of clergy and of people, 
 justified the fears of the emperor. 
 
 On the English coasts the Northmen appeared 
 within five years after Witikind had fled into Den- 
 mark and carried the story of Charlemagne's cruelties 
 to the subjects of King Sigefroi. 
 They infest the Accordiug to the Saxou Chronicle, " a.d. 787, first 
 land, a!d. 787. camo three ships of the Northmen out of Hseretha 
 land," and it adds what is confirmed by every English 
 historian — that these were " the first ships of Danish 
 men which sought the land of the English race."' 
 Roger de Wendover says, " It may be suspected they 
 came to spy out the fertility of the land," and there- 
 fore sailed along the coast in search of some spot on 
 which to settle. But in 793 and 794 these "heathen 
 men " came with larger fleets and with other objects ; 
 for soon " they dreadfully destroyed the churches of 
 Christ."^ They trod down holy places with their 
 unholy feet ; they slaughtered priests and Levites and 
 multitudes of monks and nuns ; undermined the altars, 
 and carried off" all the treasures of Holy Church." 
 The great monastic establishment at Lindesfarne, 
 
 they passed a second time from the * Sax. Chron. a. d. 793, 794. 
 
 north into the south." Hen. Hunt. Eerum Anglicanarum 
 
 ' Sax. Chron. Mon. Brit., p. 257. Scriptores, Lon., 1596, p. 197. 
 
 Ingram in his Edition of the Saxon Simeon Dunhelmhelmensis Hist. 
 
 Chronicle, translates Haerethas land Ang. Scrip. Lond., 1682, p. 11. 
 " the Land of the Robbers,'' 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 1 1 
 
 celebrated for the sanctity and number of its inmates, book i. 
 lying directly opposite those Scandinavian districts ^^ff^^> 
 into which the Saxons and other Pagans had fled or 
 were driven, being easily accessible from the creeks 
 of Jutland, from the Baltic and the Elbe, became the 
 first objects of attack from Pagans seeking vengeance 
 on Christian communities. Lindisfarne was totally 
 destroyed in a.d. 793 ; and in 794, after the " heathen 
 men " had ravaged Northumberland, they destroyed 
 Ecgferth's monastery at Weremouth. 
 
 The Pagans who invaded Ireland probably sailed Their raids on 
 
 tllP COASTS Ol 
 
 from the fiords of Norway about the same time that Ireland, a.d. 
 
 79'5-812 
 
 those from Denmark had sailed for England; but, 
 sailing round the north of Scotland, and passing from 
 island to island, and probably forming settlements in 
 the Orkneys, Hebrides, and Shetland isles, they did 
 not reach the north-east coast of Ireland until a.d. 
 795.^ The words of the annals of Innisfallen are : 
 "a.d. 795. The Danes were first seen cruizing on 
 the coasts of Ireland prying out the country." They 
 attacked and plundered the ships of the Irish, and 
 then proceeded to plunder those Irish islands on which 
 the desire for a hermit life had led many ecclesiastics 
 to form small religious establishments. 
 
 According to the Annals of the Four Masters in They plunder 
 a.d. 795, " The ' heathen men ' burned the island of island retJeats. 
 Rechru " (between Scotland and the north coast of 
 Ireland), " and broke and plundered the shrines."^ In 
 
 1 Ogygia, p. 433. Brut y Ty- 7 vols., 4to., Dublin, )851 (here 
 wysogion, a.b. 795. Aim. Ulst. after quoted as Ann. 4 Mast.), vol. 
 give the date 794. i.,p.397,n. [« This was one of the 
 
 2 Annals of the Fdiir Masters, inany names of the island of Rath- 
 translated by J. O'Donovan, i,i..d., lin, off the north coast of Anteim ; 
 
12 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Their raids 
 retaliatory. 
 
 Not mere 
 piracy. 
 
 A.D. 798 they burned St. Patrick's Island (on the east 
 coast), and bore away the shrine of St. Dachonna.^ 
 In A.D. 807 they burned the churches in the island of 
 Innishmurry on the coast of Sligo ;^ and in a.d, 812 
 plundered the island of Scelig MicheP (off the coast 
 of Kerry), took the anchorites and kept them captive 
 until they perished for want of food.* 
 
 From proceedings so closely resembling those of 
 the invaders of France, commenced at the same period, 
 and by the same people, it might be inferred that the 
 invasion of Ireland originated in the same cause, and 
 had the same obj ect ; and that the sacrilegious devas- 
 tations on our coasts, so far from being unprovoked 
 aggressions on Christian lands, were acts of retalia- 
 tion and revenge for injuries inflicted on a Paganpeople 
 by a Christian Emperor, and his propagandist army. 
 
 Nevertheless, the love of piracy, which charac- 
 terized the Scandinavians of the 8th and 9th centuries, 
 and the Viking expeditions which closely followed, 
 and which perhaps, in some cases, were contempo- 
 raneous with the successes of the first invaders, has 
 apparently influenced the opinion, that they were 
 alike the effect of a desire for plunder and bloodshed. 
 
 but it was also the ancient name of 
 Lambay, near Dublin, wUch is 
 probably the place here referred 
 to." J. O'Donovan, Ibid. Such 
 also is Dr. Reeves' opinion. — 
 " Wars of the Gaedhil with the 
 Galll," p. xxxii., n. 5.] 
 
 ^ Id. 793 (= 798). ["Dr. 
 O'Donovan understood the Inis- 
 patrick here mentioned of the island 
 so called on the coast of Dublin. 
 But the mention of Dachonna, who 
 
 was Bishop of Man, proves that 
 Peel, on the west of the Isle of Man, 
 formerly called Insula Patricii, is 
 intended. See Colgan Actt. S. S. 
 (ad 13 Jan.), p. 50 j Chronicle of 
 Man, by P. M. Munch, p. 23, 
 Christiania, 1860." — Wars of th« 
 Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. xxxv., 
 n. 1.] This identification iadue to 
 the Rev. Dr. Reeves. 
 
 ^ Id. 807. 
 
 = Id. 812. * Ibid. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 13 
 
 It is urged that, when we read of clergy slaughtered, book i. 
 of churches plundered, and of relics shaken from their ^'!^ ^• 
 shrines, we should recollect that relics were worth- wiyf^eu^o,!^ 
 less to Pagans, pirates who only valued the gold or ""'y^^- 
 silver shrines in which these relics were enclosed ; 
 that churches were the repositories of coveted 
 treasure, and that the slaughter of clergy might not 
 be in all cases a religious martyrdom, as in the 8th 
 and 9th centuries the clergy fought and fell like 
 other soldiers in the ranks of armies opposed to the 
 invaders. 
 
 In France, where the bishops had large territorial But skin in 
 possessions, they voluntarily led their vassals to 
 battle, and the inferior' clergy followed their ex- 
 
 figiit. 
 
 ? Cap. Keg. Franc, p. 405. In 
 the first capitular)-, a.d. 769, p. 
 189, tlie clergy were forbid to fight 
 as soldiers ; but apparently they 
 disregarded the ordinance, as, in 
 A.D. 803, the chiefs of the army; 
 and the people solicited Charle- 
 magne to prevent bishops, abbots, 
 and clergy, from joining the army 
 and fighting in its ranks. The 
 Italian bishops and clergy also 
 fought against the Pagans at 
 the close of the Sth century, 
 although not compelled to do so. 
 Epist. ad Fastrad. ap. Du Chesno, 
 p. 187. Concilia Ant. Gall., vol. 
 ii., p. 158. Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 799, 
 (= 804). 
 
 In 832, when King Egbricht vras 
 defeated by the Danes, " Bishops 
 Hereferth and Wigfert, with two 
 dukes, were slain in the battle,"HeD. 
 Hunt.ap. Twysden, p. 198. InA.D. 
 868, King Buhred is said to have 
 thanked the bishops, abbots, and 
 
 others of lower rank, who, although 
 freed from all miUtary services by 
 King Ethelwulf, " yet had joined 
 the army of the Lord against those 
 most wicked Pagans" the Danes. 
 Ingulph. ap. GaU., vol. i., p. 20. 
 Codex Dip. Sax., vol. ii., p. 93. 
 Bishop Heahmund was slain 
 fighting against the Danes. Sax. 
 Chron., A.D. 871. And Cenulf, 
 the Abbot, met the same fate, a.d. 
 905. 
 
 In Ireland, so late as a.d. 915, 
 Archbishop !Maelmaedhog was slain 
 fighting against the Danes ; and 
 Fergus, Bishop of Kildare, and 
 Abbot Dunchadh, met the same 
 fate, A.D. 885. Cormac Mac 
 Cuileannan, King and Bishop of 
 Cashel, with the Abbot of Trian- 
 Corcaigh were slain fighting 
 against the King of Leinster, a.d. 
 903, Ann. 4 Mast. ; and it is even 
 recorded, ibid. a.d. 816, that the 
 monks of one monastery fought 
 
14 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. ample. In England and Ireland the clergy were 
 Chap. I. coijapelled to servc in the armies of their sovereign : 
 and from this military service the Irish clergy were 
 not relieved until a.d. 804 ; nor was it until a.d. 854 
 that the English clergy obtained a similar exemption. 
 Yet long after these periods they continued to wield 
 the temporal sword, and alternately to wear the 
 casque and the cowl. 
 
 These raids, however, are insufficient to show 
 that all the first invaders were mere pirates, and 
 plunder their sole object. Such a theory requires 
 to be sustained by stronger evidence, opposed as it 
 is to historical statements, supported by incontro- 
 vertible facts. 
 Raids of the Unquestionably, the invasion commenced almost 
 temporanMuT' immediately after Charlemagne had driven Witikind 
 ma^eWu" ^^^ ^^^ Saxou foUowcrs into the sterile regions of 
 sades. ^j^g North ; and whatever might have been the 
 
 piratical tendencies of the Northmen, they had never 
 invaded a Christian territory, destroyed a Christian 
 church, or slain a Christian priest, until Charlemagne 
 had destroyed the homes, the temples, and the idols 
 of the Saxons. It is questionable, indeed, whether 
 previously they had ever sailed out of the Baltic ; 
 but if they did, it is certain that previously they 
 never had attempted to colonize or dwell in Christian 
 lands, 
 totlriorof iJ*^ Those who came between a.d. 795 and 807, appear 
 
 land, A.D. 807. 
 
 with those of another, " 400 of lay Pope's Legate, came to England, 
 
 and churchmen being slain " in one and obtained from Henry II., 
 
 of these contests. Todd's Life of amongst other articles, that clerks 
 
 S. Patrick, p. 158-166. "About should not be compelled to go to 
 
 this time (U74) Peter Leonis, the war." Kogor de Wendover. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 15 
 
 to have had no other obj ect than devastation and book i. 
 pillage. They landed, plundered, and departed. ^"^' ^' 
 But whether these invaders were Norweaians, Danes, 
 Swedes, or Jutes, it is difficult to determine. In 
 A.D. 807 they began to make incursions into the 
 interior of the country.^ In that year, after burning 
 the Island of Innishmurry,^ they marched into Bos- 
 common.^ In 812 they landed again, and entered 
 Connemara, where they " slaughtered the inhabi- 
 tants." They also entered Mayo, where " they were 
 (defeated) by the men of Umhall ;"^ and in a.d. 813, 
 having again entered Mayo, and defeated " the men 
 of Umhall," they slew Cosgrach, son oP Flannabhrad, 
 and Dunadhach, lord of the territory. 
 
 Their course can be clearly traced. Issuing from Course of the 
 the fiords of Norway, they sailed along the east coast Ireland. 
 of Scotland to the Frith of Forth, and territory of 
 the Scottish Picts, and thence to Northumbria and 
 East Anglia, where the invaders first became settlers 
 in England. Theh course along the west side of 
 Scotland was among the Orkneys, the Hebrides, and 
 Western Isles, to the North of Ireland, and thence 
 by Larne (or Ulfricksford), Strangford, and Carling- 
 ford, down to Dublin ; the first settlement being in 
 Ulster, and the territory of the Irish Picts. There 
 is no record of any attempts made to settle for 
 twenty years after 795, when the Pagans first came 
 
 ' Ogygia, p. 433. " Hibemiam ' Ibid,, Ann. Clonmac, a.d. 804. 
 
 primiun incursionibus intrarunt." Ann. Ult., a.d. 806. 
 
 Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 802 (= * Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 812 [Um- 
 
 807). tall Lower was the barony of 
 
 ^ [An island off the coast of the Borrishool : UmbaU Upper was the 
 
 barony of Carbury, county of SUgo. barony of Mnrrisk] . 
 
 —J. O'D., I.L.D., ihid.'l 5 Ibid., a.d. 813. 
 
16 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. to Ireland. During that time they landed, plundered, 
 
 ^!1!:'- and departed. 
 
 List of raids, In 819 they plundered Howth, and the islands at 
 
 ' the mouth of Wexford Harbour.' In 820 they 
 
 plundered Cape Clear and Cork.^ In 821 they 
 
 spoiled and ransacked Bennchoir.' In 823 they 
 
 plundered Dun da-Leathghlas.* They defeated " the 
 
 Osraighi," but were worsted by " the Ulidians." In 
 
 824 they burned Lusk,^ and spoiled all Meath. In 
 
 825 they "destroyed Dun-Laighen,"and slew the "son 
 of Cuchongelt, lord of Forthuatha."^ In 826 they 
 were overthrown by the Ui Ceinnsealaigh,' and again 
 by the Ulidians."* In 827 they "burned Lannlere' 
 and Clonmor."'" In 829 they plundered Conaille, 
 and took " its king and his brother, and carried them 
 with them to their ships." In 830 they plundered 
 " Daimhliag,"^ and the tribe of Cianachta, with all 
 their churches ;" and took "Ailill, son of Colgan," and 
 plundered Lughmhadh,'^ and many other churches; 
 and "carried off Tuatal, son of Fearadhach," plundering 
 Ard Macha'^ thrice in one month, as it had never been 
 plundered by strangers before. In 8 3 1 they plundered 
 Eath Luirigh." In 832 they plundered Cluain Dol- 
 
 ' Ann. 4 Mast. " [Id., The ancient name of 
 
 2 {Id.'] Dunleer.] 
 
 = [Id., Bangor in the county of lo [j^,^ i;row Clonmore, a town- 
 Down.] land in the parish of Clonmore, in 
 
 * [Id., Downpatrick.] the barony of Ferrard, and county 
 
 ''[Id., Lusk, in the county of of Louth.] 
 Dublin, twelve miles to the north „ j- ^^^ ^^^^^^ .^ ^^^^^^ 
 
 ° ^[IdTin the county of Wick- " ^^'^■' ^""^t^' '^^ ^he county of 
 
 low, near Glendalough.] Louth.] 
 
 ' [Id., The Hy Kinshelas, now " [Id., Armagh.] 
 
 the county of Wexford.] '* [Id., rect^ Kath Luraigh (Lu- 
 
 °[M, The Ulster men] rach's fort) the ancient name of 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 1 7 
 
 cain ; ' and, although they were defeated with great book r. 
 slaughter at Doire-Chalgaigh- by Uiall Caille and *^^^ 
 Murchadh, they plundered Loch Bricrenn/ in opposi- 
 tion to Conghalach, son of Eochardli, whom they took 
 prisoner, and afterwards killed at their ships. In 833 
 they plundered " Gleann-da-locha, Slaine, and Fin- 
 nabhair,* but were defeated by Dunadhach, son of 
 Scannlan, lord of Ui Fidhgeinte, and many of them 
 killed." In 834 they plundered Fearna, Cluain-mor- 
 Maedhog, and Drum-h-Ing/ and burned "Mungairid/ 
 and other churches in Ormond." In 835 they burned 
 " Cluain-mor-Maedhog on Christmas night, slaying 
 many, and carrying off many as prisoners ; they like- 
 wise burned the oratory of Gleann-da-locha, desolated 
 all Connaught, plundered Cell-dara,'' and burned half 
 the church. In 836 Dubliter Odhar, of Teamhair, 
 was taken prisoner, and put to death in his gyves at 
 their ships." They had fleets on the Boyne and the 
 Liffey, out of which "they plundered and spoiled 
 Magh Liphthe^ and Magh Breagh,^ both churches 
 and habitations of men, goodly tribes, flocks and 
 herds ;" and, after being defeated by the " men of 
 
 Maghera, in the County of London- ster ; and Dromin (probably), near 
 
 derry.l Dunshaughlin, in Bleath.] 
 
 1 [Td., Clondalkin, six miles S.W. s [Ji., Mungret, in the county 
 
 of Dublin.] of Limerick.] 
 
 « lid., Deixy (Londonderry).] ' lid., Kildare.] 
 
 3 lid., Loughbrickland, in the * lid., Magh Liphthe, the plain 
 
 county of Down.] of the Liffey, now the county of 
 
 < lid., Glendalough, in the Kildare.] 
 
 county of Wicklow ; Slane, in ' lid., Magh Breagh, a great 
 
 Meath ; Fennor, on the river plain in the east of ancient Meath, 
 
 Boyne, near Slane, in Meath.] comprising five cantreds or bar- 
 
 5 lid., Ferns in the county of onies, lying between Dublin and 
 
 Wexford ; and Clonmore, in Lein- Drogheda.] 
 
 P 
 
18 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. Breagh," they defeated "the Ui Neill from the 
 chap^i. sinainn to the sea.'" 
 Arrival of Tur- In A.D. 815, howover, " Turgesius, a powerful Nor- 
 ges^iufl, A.D. ^Qg[g^^ chieftain, landed," and from that time it is re- 
 corded that the foreigners began to form settlements 
 in Ireland.^ Nevertheless, the same system of plunder 
 and bloodshed, which marked the earher invasions, 
 long continued ; and, year after year, we find records 
 of outrages by those Scandinavians, whose fleets 
 infested our coasts. 
 '';''®.,'.'°"]''^C Throughout these records of plunder and devasta- 
 
 gnoill and the " ■*• 
 
 Finnghoui." ^iou there is no intimation who the invaders were, or 
 whence they came. The Irish gave to those invaders 
 who came one common name of "Gaill,"^ or foreigners, 
 no distinction appearing in the Annals of the Four 
 Masters before a.d. 847, when it is__stated that " a fleet ' 
 of seven score ships of the king of the foreigners came 
 to contend with the foreigners who were in Ireland 
 before them,"* After the arrival of this fleet, and the 
 commencement of the contest which followed, two 
 tribes are recognised, and as enemies to each other — 
 the " Dubhghoill " (or Black foreigners), supposed to 
 be Danes, and the "Finnghoill" (or White foreigners), 
 supposed to be Norwegians. 
 AidafE of the In A.D. 849, "the Dubhghoill arrived at Ath Cliath, 
 founds Dublin, and made a great slaughter of the Finnafhoill.^ who 
 
 QfiO CD CJ O ' 
 
 had settled there." In the same year there was 
 " another depredation of the Dubhghoil on the Finn- 
 
 1 lid., Sinain, the Shannon.] sequently they are called Dubh 
 
 ^ [Ogygia, Part m.,c. 93, p. 433. Lochlannaigh and Finn Locb- 
 
 ' Ann.4Mast., A.D. 790,793, 797. lannaigh. 
 
 In the Annals of Ulster they are * Id., a.d. 847. 
 
 termed "Gentiles," or Pagans; sub- ^ Id., a.d. 849. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 10 
 
 glioill at Linn Duachaill." ' In a.d. 850 the Finnghoill, book i. 
 " with a fle'et of eight score ships arrived at Snamh ^'^^• 
 Eidhneach to give battle to the Dubhghoill, and they 
 fought with each other for three days and three nights, 
 and again the Dubhghoill gained the victory."^ But 
 in 852 their hostility was terminated. For in that 
 year ''Aulaff, son of the king of Lochlann, came to 
 Ireland (and) all the foreign tribes of Ireland sub- 
 mitted to him."' 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 The founding of Dublin. — The story of Turgesius discussed. — Aulaff, de- 
 scended of Eegnar Lodbrog, founds Dublin, a.b. 852 Legendof Aulaff, 
 
 Sitric, and Ivar, three brothers, founding, respectively, Dublin, Water- 
 ford, and Limerick, disproved. — Irish and Danish names of the site of 
 Dublin. — Dublin and Northumbria for a century under the same Danish 
 kings. — Legend of Eegnar's death in Northumbria. — Eegnar put to 
 
 death in Ireland by the Irish Eegnar Lodbrog, the Thurgils, or 
 
 Turgesius of Irish aimals. — Account of Turgesius from Dr. Todd's 
 " V7ar of the GaedhUl with the GaiU." 
 
 This young chieftain, mentioned at the close of chap. ii. 
 
 the first chapter as having defeated the Fingoill, and ^uiaf, the 
 ■■■ ^ ... White, de- 
 
 received the submission of all the Scandinavians in sceuded oi 
 
 Eegnar Lod- 
 
 Ireland, and settled at Dublin, was known by the brog, founds 
 
 Dublin, A.D. 
 
 852 
 
 1 [TZiirf. jSTot Magheralin in the Lough. Cearbhall, a.d. 873,assisted 
 
 county of Dovm, as at first supposed by the Danes under Gorm, attacked 
 
 by J. O'Donovan, il.d., but (as the Lochlans or Norwegians in 
 
 since ascertained by the Eev. Dr. Munster. Gorm then went to sea 
 
 Eeeves) a place near the village of and was killed by Euaidhri, king of 
 
 Annagassan, at the tidal opening the Britons — Three Fragments, 
 
 of the junction of the rivers Glyde 133. 
 
 and Dee, in the county of Louth. ° Ann. 4 Mast. 851 — Ann. Inisf. 
 
 Todd's " W^ar of the Gaedhil with 853— Ann. Ult. 852, " Aulaiv, king 
 
 the Gaill," p. Ixii., n. 1,] of Lochlann, came into Ireland, and . 
 
 2 Ibid. A.D. 850. Snamh Eidh- all the foreigners submitted to him, 
 peach or Aighneach is Carlingford and had rent from the Irish." 
 
 C2 
 
20 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. various names of Aulaf, Aulaiv, Amhlaeibh, AmalefF, 
 ^"'IL"- and Amlevus, was " Olaf the White," son of Inguald, 
 king of Uplands, a descendant of Eegnar Lodbrog, one 
 of the preceding invaders.' 
 
 Northern history states that in one of his viking 
 expeditions Olaf took Dublin, and was made king of 
 it, and of the " Dyflinarskidi,"^ a territory around 
 the city, and this statement is corroborated by Irish 
 annals — that he was made king of Dublin, and " of 
 the land in Ireland called Fingal " — that he built a 
 "Dun" at Clondalkin, and that he "exacted rent 
 (scatt) from the Irish." ^ Fingal being the northern 
 part of the Dyflinarskidi, and Clondalkin being in 
 the southern part, about four miles from the city 
 fortress. 
 Legend of the Modem history adds that, Aulaf was accompanied 
 
 brothers Aulaf, ri- • t i -i 
 
 Sitric,aaciivarbv his brothers, Si trie and Ivar — that "they built 
 
 founding Dub- " 
 
 im, Waterf ord, first the three cities of Dublin, Waterford, and 
 
 disproved. ' Limorick, of which Dublin fell to the share and was 
 
 under the government of Aulaf, Waterford of Sitric, 
 
 1 Eyrbyggia Saga, p. 5. " Oleifr- » Ann. 4 Mast. a.d. 866.— This 
 hinn Hvite," or Olaf the White, Dun or residence of Aulaf was 
 was son of Inguald, son of Thora, burned by the Irish during his 
 daughter of Sigurd Anguiooulus, absence in Scotland in a.d. 868. 
 son of Kegnar Lodbrog. [" Amlaff's fortress (loTl5po|Xt;) at 
 
 In Landnamabok, p. 106, he Clondalkin had been burned by the 
 
 is stated to be "son of King Irish (865=868, Jbur iMaii.), who 
 
 Inguald, son of Helgl (and Thora), gibbeted 100 heads of the slain, 
 
 son of Olaf, son of Gudrand, son The next year his son Carlus fell 
 
 of Halfden Whitefoot, king of Up- in battle. These outrages probably 
 
 lands. " excited his thirst for vengeance ; and 
 
 2 Landnamabok, Havnise, 1774, on his return in 870 he plundered 
 p. 106, " Dyflina a Irlandi oc and burned Armagh {Four Mast. 
 Dyflinarskidi." In Magnus Bare- 867=870)."— War of the Gaedhil 
 foot's Saga, c. xxv., it is called withthe Gaill, p. Ixxx. (Dr. Todd's 
 Dyiiinarskiri. Note.)] 
 
Chap. ir. 
 
 SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 21 
 
 and Limerick of Ivar ;"' but of tMs legend, wMcli book i. 
 apparently' originated witli Giraldus Cambrensis, 
 there is no trace whatsoever in the Annals of Ulster, 
 of Clonmacnois, or of the Four Masters, or in the 
 Chronicon Scotorum, or in the War of the Gaedhil 
 with the Gain, or in any Irish manuscript known to 
 us. There is no allusion in any of them to the 
 building of cities by Aulaf or his followers, or to his 
 having had brothers named Ivar and Sitric. On the 
 contrary, they record the building of a fortress at 
 Dublin^ twelve years before Aulaf came to Ireland, 
 and do not even mention the name of Sitric until 
 nearly forty years after, when they record the death 
 of a Sitric,^ who was (not the brother, but) the son 
 of Ivar ; and wliile we have an uninterrupted succes- 
 sion of Scandinavian kings in Dublin, there is no 
 record of any Scandinavian king in Waterford until 
 903, or in Limerick till 940. 
 
 In fact, if we except the interpolated Annals of 
 Innisfallen, the only Irish authority for stating that 
 Aulaf had any brothers, is Dudley M'Firbis's " Three 
 Fragments of Irish History," in which it is said that 
 he had brothers named Ivar and Oisile, and that, in 
 a fit of jealousy, he slew the latter."* 
 
 1 Giraldus Cambrensis.Top.Hib., ^ Ann. 4 Mast. a.d. 840. Ann. 
 
 lib. 3, cap. xliii. — Giraldus was Clonmac. 838. 
 
 copied by Higden, Polycbronicon, » jn^, a.d. 891 — " Sitric, son of 
 
 lib. I,Rer. Scrip., toI. iii., p. 182; Ivar, was slain by other Norse- 
 
 and Higden was avowedly copied men." 
 
 by Keating, Hist, of Ireland ; and ^ Ann. 4 Mast. a.d. 86 1 .— " Amh-- 
 
 M'Geoghegan, Histoire d'Irlande, laeibh, Imbar, and Uailsi, three 
 
 vol. i., p. 387- Ware (Ant. Irel., chieftains of the foreigners, and 
 
 Lon. 1705, p. 59), also copies from Lorcan, son of Cathal, Lord of 
 
 Giraldus the story of the three Meath, plundered the land of 
 
 brothers building the three cities. Flann." Ann. Ult. a.d. 861, 
 
22 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I, While, on the other hand, Scandinavian authorities 
 chap^ii. ^^^ ^^^ ^j^jy. g- jgj^^ respecting the brotherhood of Aulaf 
 with Ivar, Sitric, and Oisile, but supply conclusive 
 evidence that no such connexion existed : they dis- 
 tinctly state that Ivar, so frequently named in Irish 
 and English history, was the son of Eegnar Lodbrog, 
 and thus only allied to Aulaf, the probability being 
 that Ivar came to Ireland to avenge the death of his 
 father (who perished in a.d. 845), and that he came, 
 not with Aulaf in a.d. 852, but that his was " the fleet 
 of the king of the foreigners" which reached our 
 shores in a.d. 847.' The difference of age which this 
 implies suggests no difficulty. We know that Biorn 
 Ironsides and another son of Eegnar Lodbrog were 
 then invading France, and we know that military life 
 began so early and was continued so long, that three 
 generations frequently fought side by side. Nor 
 did Aulaf subsequently obtain any other Irish ter- 
 ritory from which he could have exacted tribute. 
 For although in 857 he invaded Meath with his com- 
 panion Ivar, and his ally Cearbhall, and plundered it 
 in 860, and again in 861, there is no trace' that 
 Aulaf obtained any dominion over it. If it be sug- 
 gested that it is shown by the statements respecting 
 Ivar and Sitric that Aulaf retained the power which 
 Turgesius possessed, and that he " named a , North- 
 man king for each province," it is sufficient to reply 
 that these statements, although very generally 
 adopted, are almost obviously incorrect. 
 
 "Th.& three kings of the foreigners, i Langebek, vol. 1, pp. 283-344. 
 
 Aulaiv, Ivar, and Auisle, entered Ibid. vol. i. p. S40; vol. ii. p. 14. 
 
 the land of Flann." Here there is Ordericus Vitalis apud Du Chesne, 
 
 no mention of Sitric. p. 458, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 23 
 
 The place where Aulaf fixed his residence the Irish book i. 
 called " Ath Cliath," or " the ford of Hurdles/'^ from ''''^"■ 
 the wicker bridge by which the great road from Damarnames 
 Tara was continued across the LiflPey into Cualann. oubUn.' 
 The Scandinavians called it "Dyflin," a corruption 
 of the Irish name for that inlet at the confluence of 
 the Poddle and the LifFey, which formed a harbour 
 where ships were moored, and which the Irish called 
 " Dubhlinn " or " the Black pool," from the dark 
 colour given to the water by the bog which extends 
 under the river. 
 
 The Anglo-Norman charter writers of Henry the 
 Second latinized its Ostman name into " Duvelina," 
 and those of King John brought it nearer the name 
 it has since retained. About ten years before the 
 arrival of Aulaf a body of foreigners, probably Nor- 
 wegians, landed at " Dubhlinn of Ath Cliath " and 
 erected a fortress near where Dublin Castle now 
 stands, and around this fortress the city grew and 
 continued to be the scourge of their Irish neighbours. 
 Out of it they " plundered Leinster and the Ui Neill, 
 both territories and churches ; "^ nor was their career 
 of spoliation checked until a.d. 845, when they were 
 defeated and " twelve hundred of them slain at Cam 
 Brammit by Cearbhall, son of Dunghal, lord of 
 Ossory."* 
 
 Weakened by this defeat and the death of Tur- 
 o-esius, they were unable to prevent Maelsechlainn 
 
 1 Irish writers celebrated it under linn of Ath Cliath," &c. 
 
 various names, while in possession ^ [Ann. 4 Mast., A.r. 840.] 
 
 of the Ostmen as "Ath Cliath of ' [-M., The situation of Cam 
 
 ships " " Ath Cliath of swords,'' Brammit has not been identi- 
 
 and call the harbour " The Dubh- fied.] 
 
24 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 CHAr. II. 
 
 Dublin and 
 Northnmbria 
 for a century 
 under the same 
 kings. 
 
 Legend of 
 Kegnar's death 
 in Northura- 
 bria. 
 
 and Tighearnach from " plundering Dubhlinn "' in 
 847; but if with the harbour the fortress also was 
 taken, it was not long retained, for new fleets having 
 arrived in a.d. 847, the Foreigners assisted " Cinaedh, 
 son of Conang, lord of Cianachta Breagh,"^ to rebel 
 against Maelsechlainn and to plunder the Ui Neill 
 from the Shannon to the sea ; nor did they permit 
 Maelsechlainn's ally to escape with impunity, they 
 entered the territory of Tighearnach, "plundered 
 the island of Loch Gabhor,^ and afterwards burned 
 it, so that it was level with the ground."^ 
 
 But the high position which Dublin held amid the 
 colonies of the Northmen, is more evident from its 
 connexion with Northumberland, which, extending 
 from the river Humber to Scotland, and having 
 York for its capital, was governed for nearly a 
 century by the kings of Dublin, or by kings of the 
 same race.^ 
 
 Northern and English historians concur in stating 
 that Ivar, son of Kegnar Lodbrog, King of Denmark 
 
 1 [The river Ainge (now the 
 Nanny) flows through the middle 
 of the territory of Cianaclita 
 Breagh, dividing the barony of 
 Upper Duleek from that of Lower 
 Duleek, in the county of Meath. 
 J. O'Donovan, ll.d., Ann. 4 
 Mast.] 
 
 " [Or Loch Gower, now Logore, 
 near the town of Dunshaughlin in 
 the county of Meath. Id., Ibid.} 
 
 In 849 " The people of King 
 Maelsechlainn and Tighearnach 
 lord of Loch G abhor, captured 
 Cinaedh, enveloped him in a sack, 
 and drowned him in the Ainge." 
 
 <• NorthumberlandincludedDeira 
 
 and Bernicia "Deira extended 
 from the Humber to the Tyne, 
 Bernicia from the Tyne to Scot- 
 land." — Caradoc, p. 26. Northnm- 
 bria was called in the Sagas " the 
 fifth part of England." Egils Saga, 
 Hafniffi, 1809, p. 266. Northum- 
 berland, Westmorland, Cumber- 
 land, and part of Lancashire, are 
 omitted in the Doomsday Book as 
 not being part of England. The 
 connexion between Dublin and 
 Northumberland, and the fact that 
 Northumberland was long governed 
 by the kings of Dublin or by kings 
 of the same race, is not mentioned 
 in any English history. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 25 
 
 and Norway, invaded England and conquered Nor- book i. 
 thumberland, but they differ widely respecting the ^^j^^^- 
 cause and consequence of that invasion. The 
 generally received legend is, that Regnar Lodbrog, 
 having invaded Northumberland with a small Danish 
 fleet and army, -was defeated and captured by Ella, 
 then the reigning sovereign, and by his orders 
 thrown into a cave where he was stung to death by 
 serpents ; and further, that Ivar, to avenge his 
 father's death, invaded Northumberland, seized Ella, 
 inflicted on him the cruelest tortures,' and then 
 became King of Northumberland.'^ Yet, generally 
 adopted as this legend is, it chiefly rests on the 
 authority of the Lodbrog Quida, the supposed death- 
 song of Regnar, and on an " Icelandic fragment " 
 not written before the twelfth century. Its story of 
 Ella's victory and Regnar's death in Northumber- 
 land is not to be found in more trustworthy Northern 
 history, nor is it to be found in any old English 
 Chronicle or early English history. The Saxon 
 Chronicle has no allusion whatsoever to the supposed 
 events. It neither alludes to the alleged cruelty of 
 Ella, or the consequent vengeance of Regnar' sons. 
 It neither mentions Regnar's name, nor does it 
 assign any cause either for the invasion of East 
 AngUa in 866, or for that of Northumbria in a.d. 
 
 867, neither does Ethel word, William of Malmes- 
 
 bury, Simeon of Durham, Florence of Worcester, or 
 Henry of Huntingdon ; and Asser, who lived at the 
 period, and wrote soon after it, only mentions Regnar 
 
 1 [Istendzkir Annal., p. 5. Tur- trans.) ii., p. 30.] 
 ner's Anglo-Saxons, second edition, « Langebek, Ker. Scrip., vol. ii., 
 
 i., 223. Lappenberg (Thorpe's p. 278.— Sax. Gram. 
 
26 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. Lodbrog as being the father of "Hinguar and Hubba," 
 caip^ii. neither assigning any cause for the invasion of Nor- 
 thumberland, or making any allusion to Ella's cruelty 
 or Regnar's death. 
 
 Apparently the first English historian who 
 assigned any cause for the invasion of Northumbria 
 by the Northmen, was Geoffry Gaimar, who wrote 
 about the middle of the twelfth century,^ but the cause 
 which he assigns has no connexion whatsoever with 
 Ella, or Regnar, or Regnar's sons. His statement 
 is, that the invasion originated from the revenge of 
 Buerno, an English nobleman, for an injury received 
 from King Osbright, and in this story Gaimar is 
 followed by Brompton. 
 
 But if Gaimar were the first to assign a cause for 
 the Danish invasion of Northumberland, Roger of 
 Wendover, a writer of the thirteenth century, was 
 probably the first to chronicle the death of Regnar 
 Lodbrog; yet in doing so he also wholly differs from 
 the Northern legend, his story being that Regnar, 
 while hawking on the coast of Denmark, was driven 
 out to sea by a storm and cast on the English coast 
 and murdered, not in Northumbria by Ella, but in 
 East Anglia by the huntsman of its king, Edmund. 
 Nor is it less conclusive of the Northern legend, that 
 although the almost universal testimony of English 
 history is, that Edmund, king of East Anglia, was 
 cruelly martyred by Hinguar and Hubba, the sons 
 of Regnar Lodbrog, there is not a line in English 
 history to show that Ella, king of Northumberland, 
 
 1 Monum. Britt. p. 795. Geffri ^ Brompton, Hist. Ang. Script., 
 Gaimar, 1, 2593, et icq, apud Twysden, p. 803. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 27 
 
 was tortured by them, or anyone else ; all testimony book i. 
 being that he was slain in battle in 867/ And <'■'^"• 
 further, if the Northern legend were true, Ella must 
 have captured Regnar Lodbrog some years before 
 Northumbria was invaded by Regnar's sons. But, 
 there is only one authority for the statement that 
 Ella reigned, except during the years 866 and 867 ; 
 and, even supposing that Simeon of Durham is correct 
 in stating that Ella's reign commenced in 862, Regnar 
 must have invaded Northumbria, and have been 
 captured by Ella between that year and 866. Yet, 
 not only is there no record of such events, but there 
 is no record of any invasion whatsoever, or any land- 
 ing in Northumberland by Regnar or any other 
 Scandinavian during that period.^ 
 
 Northern historians also dijQfer respecting the period 
 in which this celebrated leader lived. Nor do they 
 agree about his death — they either make no allusion 
 to it, or differ about the date of it. And so glaring 
 are their anachronisms that Torfoeus suggests the 
 existence of two Regnar Lodbrogs, and Suhm of three, 
 with two successive Ellas, by whom the three Regnars 
 were killed.^ 
 
 All English history being thus opposed to the story Regnar Lod- 
 
 of Regnar's death in Northumberland, and the torture death in Ire- 
 land by tbe 
 
 1 Chron. Jlailros, a.d. 867. until after the middle of the ninth ^™''' 
 
 2 Eafer, who was misled by the century, and was slain by Kegnar 
 statements of Turner, says, in a Lodbrog's sons in 866. 
 
 preface to the BJrakas Maal, Copen- ' Torfoeus Series Dynastarum, 
 
 hagen, 1826, p. 40— "Vers la fin &c., Hafiois, 1702, p. 346. Suhm, 
 
 du huitieme siecle de I'ere chre- Hist, of Danemark, Kiobeh, 1828. 
 
 tienne Kegnar Lodbrog, Roi de Mallet (Hist. Danemarc, Geneve, 
 
 Danemark, fut fait prisonnier par 1787, vol. iii., p. 35) also supposes 
 
 son ennemi Ella," &c., &c. But that there were two Regnar Lod- 
 
 Ella did not commence his reign brogs. 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 28 THE SOAUDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. of Ella by Eegnar's sons, and this story having little 
 support from Northern history, we may claim atten- 
 tion for the much more numerous Scandinavian 
 authorities, which state that Regnar Lodbrog perished 
 in Ireland, being captured and put to death by Hella 
 (Ailill), an Irish prince. It is distinctly stated by 
 Saxo Grammaticus' that Regnar Lodbrog invaded 
 Ireland, and, having killed its king, Melbricus, be- 
 sieged and took Dublin, where he remained a year. 
 Unfortunately, Saxo is not equally clear respecting 
 Hella — he says that "the Galli" having expelled 
 Ivar, Regnar's son, and conferred the authority of 
 king on Hella, son of Hamon, " Regnar landed, and 
 after a protracted battle, forced Hella to fly, although 
 supported by the valour of the Galli." 
 
 But whether these Galli were the people of Wales 
 or the Welsh of Cornwall, who were in constant com- 
 munication with the people of the south of Ireland, 
 and Hella, an Irish prince, who then ruled over them, 
 we are left to conjecture. Saxo, however, adds, that 
 " Hella, having repaired to the Irish, put to death 
 all who had joined Regnar;" and that "Regnar 
 attacking him with a fleet," was captured and thrown 
 into prison, where he paid the just penalty for his 
 persecution of Christians.^ 
 
 1 Saxo Grammat., Danica Hist., in opem filiis Hybemiam petit, 
 
 Frankfort, 1576, p. 158. — " Verum occiioque ejus rege Melbrico, Dy- 
 
 hanc moeroris acerbitatem Ivari flinam barbaris opibus refertissi- 
 
 regno pulsi repentinus detraxit ad- mam obsedit, oppugnavit, accepit ; 
 
 yentus. Quippe Galli, fugato eo, ibique annuo stativis babitifl," &c., 
 
 in Hellam quendam Hamonis filium 8eC., et seq. 
 
 falsam regis contiilerant potesta- tLangebek, vol. i., p. 268, a.d. 
 
 tern, &c., &c. 826 — "Persecutio Regneriana con- 
 
 "CumqueibidemRegnerus annum tra N'ovitios Christianos." Saxo, 
 
 rictorexplesaet consequenterexcitis p. 158, "Superveniens enim Regne- 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 29 
 
 The " Chronicle of Danish Kings "^ repeats these 
 statements of Saxo respecting Regnar's invasion 
 of Ireland, his "taking of Dubhn," and Holla's 
 actions among the Irish. Nor is the "Lodbrokar 
 Quida"^ more explict, for although it states that 
 Eegnar's final battles were in Ireland and in Wales 
 it neither names the place where Eegnar perished 
 or the kingdom where Ella reigned. 
 
 But in the Chronicle of King Eric we find the 
 explicit statement that Eegnar having conquered 
 many countries was " at length killed in Ireland,"^ 
 Hamsfort being equally explicit in stating that 
 Eegnar was captured by Hella, an Irish prince, and 
 put to death in prison.* 
 
 Let us now see how far these statements are con- 
 sistent with Irish history. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 rus inductaque per eum sacra teme- 
 rans, vera religione proscripta 
 pristino adulterinam loco restituit 
 ac suo ceremonias honore donavit." 
 Pontoppidan Gesta et Vestigia 
 Danorum, 1740, vol. ii., p. 301 et 
 298, quoting Saxo Gramm., has 
 the marginal note "Gesta Kegnari 
 Lodbr. et mors calamitosa in Hi- 
 bemia." Pontoppidan,vol. ii., and 
 Torfoeus Dynast, et Keg. Dan. 
 have collected much respecting 
 Kegnar Lodbrog, but were utterly 
 ignorant of Irish history, •which, in 
 fact, was almost a dead letter untU 
 the publication of O'Conor, Ker. 
 Hib. Script., and the translation of 
 the Four Masters by O'Donovan. 
 
 1 Chron. Keg. Dan. Langebek, 
 vol. 1, p. 110, et seq. 
 
 ^ Lodbrokar Quida, Copenhagen, 
 1782. Johnstone, Stroph.xx., trans 
 
 lates " Lindiseyri" Leinster, which 
 is probably correct, as "Erin's 
 blood" is mentioned immediately 
 after. Others have supposed it 
 to be Lindesness in Norway, or 
 
 Lindesey in England Vide Kra- 
 
 kas Maal, Kafer., Copenh,, 1826, 
 p. 135. Johnstone also surmises 
 that the Irish king, Marstan, of the 
 poem is the Melbricus of Saxo. 
 
 ' Langebek, vol. i., p. 156, 
 Kegneri Lothbroki : " Iste subju- 
 gavitAngliam,Scotiam,IIyberniam, 
 Norwegiam, Sweicam, Teutoniam, 
 Slaviam, Rusciam, et omnia regna 
 occidentis; ita quod ix. filios suos 
 in singulis terris reges fecit et ipse 
 de uno regno in aliud inter eos 
 pertransivit. Tandem in Hybemia 
 occisus est," &c., &c. 
 
 ^ Hamsfort, Series Kegum; Lan- 
 gebek, vol. i., p. 36. " Qui Keg- 
 
30 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Keguar Lod- 
 brog the 
 Thurgils or 
 Tnrgesius of 
 
 In our annals we find several princes of the Jiame 
 of Ella, or as written by Irish scribes/ Ailill ; and 
 one of these, Ailill, son of Dunlang, King of Leijister, 
 is stated to have been ''slain by the Norsemen" ou 
 the return of Ivar from Scotland in a.d. 870,^ but 
 with the exception of his having been put to death 
 by the Norsemen there is nothing to identify him 
 with the Ella of Saxo. 
 
 Of Regnar Lodbrog there is no mention by any 
 of our annalists, but they celebrate the actions of a 
 Irish Annaia. Danish or Norwegian king whom they call Turgesius ; 
 and the dates and facts in their history of this King 
 Turgesius correspond with -and strongly resemble 
 those in the Scandinavian history of Regnar. 
 
 Assuming that the authorities quoted by Torfoeus 
 are correct,^ and that Regnar Lodbrog began his 
 reign and conquests between a.d. 809 and 818, and 
 was put to death between the years 841 and 865, 
 we find in the Annals of Innisfallen that, a.d. 815, 
 " the Danish king Turgesius came to plunder and 
 conquer Ireland,"* he and his followers being cruel 
 enemies to Christianity. 
 
 nerus ab Hella-Hybernorum regulo 
 captus gravi supplicio affioitur, 
 anno 854." The account given by 
 Peter Olaus of Regnar's capture by 
 Ella, an Irish prince, and his death 
 in Ireland, is nearly similar to 
 that given by Saxo Grammaticus ; 
 Meursen and Kroeutzer give the 
 like accounts. 
 
 1 That Ella, was killed in battle 
 together with Osbright has been 
 already shown. Ella's death in 
 Northumbria is recorded thus in 
 the Annals of Ulster:— "a.d. 866." 
 
 Battle upon Saxons of the north, 
 &c., &c., wherein Ailill [Alii] 
 "king of Saxons was killed." — 
 Ann. 4 Mast., p. 503, n. 
 
 » Ann. Ult., 870. ; Ann. 4 Mast., 
 869. 
 
 8 Torfoeus, Ser. Reg. Dan., p. 
 389. — Huisfeldens gives Regnar's 
 reign 818 and death 865; Lys- 
 chander 812 and 841 ; and Sva- 
 ninguig 815, and his death 841. — 
 Langebek, vol. 1, p. 268-854. 
 
 * Ann. Innisf. a.d. 815 et 
 Ogygia, p. 433. Anno 807 Hiber- 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN, 31 
 
 The Annals of the Four Masters add that, a.d. 830, book i. 
 the Norsemen " took King Maelbrighde (the King C''^"- 
 Melbricus of Saxo) and carried him to their ships." ^ 
 That, in 836, they took Dublin,^ where Turgesius 
 subsequently reigned ; and that, in 843, King Mael- 
 seachlain captured Turgesius,^ and put him to death 
 by causing him to be thrown into Loch Uair,* where 
 he was drowned ; and, further, that, a.d. 846, " Tomh- 
 rair, earl, tanist (or chosen successor) of the king 
 of Lochlan, was killed in battle by OUchovar, king 
 of Munster, and Cellach, king of Leinster."' 
 
 From this coincidence of dates and facts, it might 
 be inferred that the Irish Turgesius and the Scandi- 
 navian Regnar were identical, Turgesius'' being the 
 Latin form ofThorgils (pronounced Turgils), literally 
 signifying " the servant of Thor ;" and Tomar, or 
 Thormodr, signifying "Thorsman," or one devoted 
 to Thor,^ the Scandinavian deity. Such names might 
 have been assumed by, or applied to, Begnar and his 
 
 niam primilni incursionibus intra- Keating and M'Geoghegan) is the 
 
 runt; deinde anno 812. Demum repetition of an old story. See 
 
 anno 815 Turgesius Norwegus Plutarch — Life of Pelopidas; see 
 
 in Hiberniam appulit et exinde also Herodotus, &c. 
 ibidem fixas sedes habere ccepe- * Thorgils is a common name in 
 
 runt. Chronologia Anschariana, Northern history, but there is no 
 
 Langebek vol. i., p. 531, as to the mention of any king, prince, or 
 
 death of Horrick vel Kegnar a.d. chieftain of the name of Turgesius. 
 
 846. It is a name unknown to aU history 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast. 830. Saxo Gram., except as used by the Irish. 
 
 p. 158. 'Thormodr was a very general 
 
 2 Ibid. 836. name of the priests of Thor, vid. 
 s Ibid. 843. Ann. Ult. 844. Landnam, p. 70. Thormod Godi,p. 
 ^ [Lough Owel, in the county of 19; Thormodr AUsheriar Godi; 
 
 Westmeath.— J. O'D., ll.d.J Thormodr Godi ; Thormodr pon- 
 
 5 Ibid. 846. Ann. L'lt. 847 — tifex, &c. Thors Rolf, who fled 
 
 The story of Turgesius captured by to Iceland, was Thorlf or Thors 
 
 young men disguised as women (see Rolf, from being priest of Thor. 
 
32 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK 1. successor, as worshippers of Thor and enemies of 
 ciij^ii. Christianity, these virulent Pagans being designated 
 as Thorsmen or foUovrers of Thor, in contradistinction 
 to Christsmen or followers of Christ. 
 
 This suggestion is rendered more probable when 
 
 we observe that those who are known to be the 
 
 descendants and successors of Regnar Lodbrog are 
 
 called, by the Irish, " the race of Tomar." The name 
 
 is given to the pagan kings of Dublin who succeeded 
 
 Ivar, the son of Eegnar. Their chieftains are called 
 
 "Tomar's chieftains," their subjects "the people 
 
 of Tomar"; the king of Dublin himself being called 
 
 " Prince Tomar," the badge of his authority " the 
 
 ring of Tomar," and a wood near Dublin, " Tomar's 
 
 wood," probably from having been devoted to the 
 
 religious services of Thor. Nor do the Irish confine 
 
 the name to pagan descendants of Regnar Lodbrog 
 
 in Ireland. His descendant, grandson of Gormo 
 
 Enske, king of Denmark, who renounced Christianity 
 
 and embraced the religion of Thor, is called " Tomar 
 
 mac Elchi " (Tomar, son of Enske) in the Book of 
 
 Rights and other Irish manuscripts.-' 
 
 But there are Irish legends which even more 
 directly tend to" identify these individuals. They 
 state that Turgesius had "a lord deputy" named 
 Gurmundus (the Latinized name of Gormo), and 
 Scandinavian history records that Gormo was deputed 
 to rule over Regnar 's dominions during the absence 
 of his sons.^ 
 
 1 Gormo Enske was succeeded by ' Fragm. Islandica, Langebek, vol. 
 
 Lis son Harold, and Harold by his ii., p. 280. " Sigurd Anguiocubs 
 
 son Gormo. Langebek, vol. i., p. (Regnar's son) Bloejam EUoe regis 
 
 16. filiam in matrimonio habui^, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 33 
 
 Nor should we omit to observe that the fact of book i. 
 Regnar Lodbrog's death, not in Northumberland but chap^ii. 
 in Ireland, would explain what otherwise appears 
 inconsistent in the proceedings of his son. For if 
 Ivar's object were to avenge his father's death, it 
 would show why Ireland, and not England, was the 
 country he first invaded ; and it would not appear 
 extraordinary that when he subsequently invaded 
 England, he landed in East Anglia, having sailed past 
 Northumbria without any attempt to molest its people 
 or their king, a course difficult to account for if it 
 were in Northumbria Regnar perished, and that there 
 his slayer reigned. 
 
 Note. 
 
 [The following particulars of the rule of Turgesius in Account of 
 Ireland are from " The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill," D"J!^Todd^s "™ 
 not published tiH after the death of Mr. Haliday :— G^dhii°4*a 
 
 Chapter vi. records the fii-st invasion of Ulster (a.d. 824) ; ^^^ GaiU." 
 Chapter vil. gives the invasion and plunder of Leinster ; Chapter 
 VIII. the arrival of a fleet at Limerick (a.d. 834) ; Chapter ix., is as 
 follows : — 
 
 " There came after that a great royal fleet into the north of Erinn Torgeis in the 
 ■with Turgeis, who assumed the sovereignty of the foreigners of Erinn; j^^^ assumes 
 and the north of Erinn was plundered by them ; and they spread tb em- the soTereignty 
 selves overLethChuinn" (the northern half of Ireland, as divided by ^jg ^d. 839. 
 a line drawn from Dublin to Galway) . "A fleet of them also entered 
 Loch Eathach (Lough Neagh), and another fleet entered Lughbudh 
 (Louth), and another fleet entered Loch Eae (Lough Eee, a swell 
 of the Shannon, between the co\uities of Longford and Eoscommon). 
 Moreover Ard Macha (Armagh) was plundered three times in the 
 
 Eorum filius fiiit Canutus, Hordak- Canuti exposititii qui totum regnum 
 
 nutus dictus qui in Selandia Scania pro Kegnari filiis administravit, 
 
 et HoUandia post patrem suum dum illi expeditionibus bellicis oc- 
 
 regnum nactus est. Vikia vero ab cupati e?ant. Olaf Trygv., vol. i., 
 
 illo tunc defecit. lUe fiUnm no- p. 72. DesRochesHist.de Damn., 
 
 mine Gormonem habuit. Hie de- vol. i., p. cxxv. 
 nominatus est a suo nutritio, filio 
 
 D 
 
34 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK 1. same montli by tlieiii ; and Turgeis himself usurped the abbacy of 
 
 Chap. II. j^^ Macha j and Farannan, abbot of Ard Maclia, and chief com- 
 
 harba of Patrick, was driven out, and went to Mumhain (Munster) 
 
 and Patrick's shrine with him ; and he was four years in Mumhain, 
 
 whUe Turgeis was in Ard Macha, and in the sovereignty of the 
 
 north of Erinn." 
 
 Tnrgeis enters Chapter XI. "There came now Turgeis of Ard Macha, and 
 
 plunders the brought a fleet upon Loch Eai, and from thence plundered Midhe 
 
 monasteries of and Connacht ; and Cluan Mic Nois " (Olonmacnois, on the left 
 
 Counaught bank of the Shannon, five miles south of Athlone), " and Cluan 
 
 A.D. 838-845. Ferta of Brennan " (Clonfert, in the county of Galway), " and 
 
 Lothra and Tir-dS-glass " (Lorrha and Tenyglas, on the banks of 
 
 Lough Derg, a swell of the Shannon, in the county of Tipperary), 
 
 "and Inis Celtra, and all the churches of Derg-dheirc" (the 
 
 churches in the islands of Lough Derg), " in like manner. And 
 
 the place where Ota, the wife of Turgeis, used to give her audience 
 
 was upon the altar of Cluan Mic Nois." — (pp. ix.-xiii). 
 
 Dr. Todd, after fixing the dates and series of the earliest ravages 
 of the Scandinavians, says : — 
 Invasion under " Finally, in A.D. 815, accordiag to the Chronology of O'Flaherty 
 gesius. ^^^ more probably, as we shall see, about 830), Turgesius, a Nor- 
 wegian, established himself as sovereign of the foreigners, and made 
 Armagh the capital of his kingdom." — (p. xxxvi.) " After this 
 our author says" (continues Dr. Todd), "came 'a great royal fleet 
 into the north of Ireland,' commanded by Turgeis or Turgesius, 
 ' who assumed the sovereignty of the foreigners of Ireland,' and 
 occupied the whole of Zeth Ghuinn, or the northern half of Ireland. 
 In addition to the party 'inder the immediate command of Tur- 
 gesius, three 'fleets,' probably in connexion with him, appeared 
 simultaneously. One of these took possession of Lough Neagh, 
 another of Louth, anchoring in what is now the bay of Dundalk, 
 and the third, having, as it would seem, approached Ireland from 
 the west, occupied Lough Ree. The chronology of this invasion 
 is fixed by means of the particulars recorded. Armagh was plun- 
 dered three times in the same month. This, the annalists all say, 
 was the first plim.dering of Armagh by the Gentiles, and is assigned 
 to the year 832." Dr. Todd then shows that, in A.D. 845, Turgesius 
 was made captive by Malachy, " and drowned in Loch TJair, now 
 Lough Owel, near MuUiagar, county of Westmeath." — {Ibid., pp. 
 xlii., xliii.) 
 
 This nnd another event " enables iis (Dr. Todd says) to ascertain 
 
SOANDINAVLVN ANTIQUITIES UF DUBLIN. 35 
 
 tlie duration of Turgesins' dynasty -witli tolerable certainty." He BOOK I. 
 fixes its commencement witli the seizing of Armagh after three Chap. ii. 
 assaults in one month, in a.d. 832. " For nine years afterwards he Duration o{ 
 seems to have remained content with his secular possession of the j"^^!)'^^ 
 country, or [was] unable to overthrow the power of the ecclesiastical 
 authorities. It was not until the year 8il that he succeeded in 
 banishing the bishop and clergy, and ' usurped the abbacy,' that is to 
 say, the full authority and jurisdiction in Armagh and in the north of 
 Ireland. From these considei-ations we may infer that the entire 
 duration of the tyi-anny of Turgesius cannot have been more than 
 about thirteen years, from 831 or 832 to his death in 845." — 
 {Ibid., xliii., xliv.) 
 
 " The times immediately preceding the arrival of Turgesius and Dissensions of 
 his followers -were remarkable for internal dissension amongst the ^.^j^^ j^ ^.j^^ 
 Irish chieftains .... It is not wonderful that these dis- ninth century, 
 sensions should have siiggested to Tugresius the expulsion of the temp^'the sub- 
 contending parties, for the piu-pose of taking the power into his jngation of 
 own hands. He seems to have had a higher object in view than 
 mere plunder, which iafluenced former depredators of his nation. 
 He aimed at the regular government or monarchy over his country- 
 men iu Ireland ; the foundation of a permanent colony, and the 
 subjugation or extermination of the native chieftaios. For this 
 purpose, the forces under his command, or in connexion with him, 
 were skilfully posted on Lough E,ee, at Limerick, Dundalk Bay, 
 Carliugford, Lough Neagh, and Dublin. He appears also to have 
 
 attempted the establishment of the national heathenism of his own Aims at re- 
 
 ,„,.-. i-nni. 1-Tii stonng ragan- 
 
 coimtry ia the place of the Christianity which he found m ii-eland. -^^^^ 
 
 This may be the significance of his usurpation of the ' abbacy ' of 
 Armagh. 
 
 "Tui-cesius was not satisfied with the fuU supremacy he had 
 acquired in the noi-th of Ireland. He aimed at the extension of 
 his power by the conquest of Meath and Connaught, as a step to 
 the subjugation of the whole country ; for this purpose he appears 
 to have gone to Loch Kee to take the command in person of the 
 ' fleet ' which had been stationed there. From this central position 
 he plundered, as our author tells us, the principal ecclesiastical 
 establishments of Connaught and Meath, namely, Clonmacnois, in 
 [West] Meath ; Clonfert, of St. Brendan in Connaught ; Lothra, 
 now Lorrha, a famous monastery founded by St. Ruadhan or Rodan, 
 in the county of Tipperary ; Tii--da-glas, now Terryglass, in the 
 same county ; Inis-Celtra, an island on which were seven chui-ches, 
 
 D 2 
 
36 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. and all the other cliitrclies of Lough Derg, in like manner. With 
 C hap. II. ^jjjg yibw he placed his wife Ota at Clonmacnois, at that time 
 second only to Armagh in ecclesiastical importance, who gave her 
 audiences, or, according to another, reading her oracular answers 
 from the high altar of the principal church of the monastery." — 
 {Ibid., xlvi.-xlix.) " At this period " (a.d. 839), continues Dr. 
 Todd, " our author says the sea seemed to vomit forth floods of 
 invaders, so that ' there was not a point of Ireland without a fleet.'" 
 In the same year (a.d. 845) "Turgesius was arrested in his 
 victorious course, and drowned in Loch XJair by Maelsechlainn 
 (Malachy I.), then King of Meath, who soon afterwards succeeded 
 to the throne of Ireland." — {Ibid., li.)] 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Ivar, conqueror and Bang of Northumbria, identified with Ivar, King of 
 Dublin. — Of the joint career of Aulaf and Ivar — Ivar's successors in 
 East Anglia and Northumbria. 
 
 Chap. III. TuRNiNG from this attempt to solve the difficulties 
 in Regnar Lodbrog's story we proceed to the easier 
 task of identifying his son Ivar, the conqueror of 
 Northumberland, with that "Ivar, King of the Norse- 
 men of Ireland and Britain,"^ who reigned and died 
 - in Dublin, a.d. 872, and whose descendants were its 
 .Joint mvasion succoeding tings. Ivar had invaded Ireland before 
 Dublin and the arrival of Olaf the "White, and was subsequently 
 mark of the his Companion in many expeditions, but did not 
 A.D. 865. ' accompany him in 865, when, with "his chieftains, 
 and followed by all the Galls of Ireland and Scot- 
 land," Aulaf went to Fortren, the capital of Pictavia, ^ 
 and spoiled the Picts.^ 
 
 1 [Wars of the GaedhU with the allied by marriage to Kenneth 
 Gain, p. Ixxx.] King of the Scots, who brought the 
 
 2 [Fortren, Fifeshire.] Picts under his government in 
 
 3 Ann. Ult., 865. Aukf was 843, and whose son Constantine 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 37 
 
 Ivar was at that time in Scandinavia, collecting book i. 
 there auxiliaries with whom he joined Aulaf in 865, chap^iii. 
 and then assumed the chief command/ Hence the 
 invading fleets were termed " the fleets of the tyrant 
 Igwares."^ 
 
 At the close of a.d. 866 "the Pagans landed in ivarandAuiaf 
 England and took up their winter quarters among Angiia, a-d. 
 the East Angles,"^ who supplied them with horses; 
 and thus "a great part of those who had been 
 infantry soldiers became cavalry."'' In 867 they Thence invade 
 
 n -n AT 1 t n t -N orthnra Dna, 
 
 " went from East Anglia over the mouth oi the and ivar is 
 Humber to York, in Northumbria,"® and having a.d, 867. 
 defeated and slain the two kings, Osbright and Ella,® 
 "Ivar was made king."' 
 
 Although Aulaf is not named in those English 
 narratives, we infer that he accompanied Ivar to the 
 end of the campaign, for in a.d. 868, when the army 
 
 obtained the crown in 863. Aulaf s norum Yvar filius Lothpardi (Lod- 
 
 invasion, whicli was opposed by brog) quern ferunt ossibus caruisse 
 
 Constantine, may have originated (Beinlause) ejus fratres Inguar et 
 
 in some claim to the kingdom of Ubi et Biorn et Ulf, &c., &c. Igi- 
 
 the Picts, the Irish Picts having tur Ivar Brittaniam classe petiit 
 
 submitted to Aulaf, and the Picts et crudele prelium cum Regibus 
 
 ■ of the Scottish Islea having been Anglorum conseruit." Langebek, 
 
 conquered by Eegnar Lodbrog's vol. i., p. 374. Anonymi Eoskild. 
 
 sons. Sax. Gram., p. 74. Chron. 
 
 1 The general practice of the ^ Sax. Chron., 866 ; Ethelwerd, 
 Northmen was to place united 866. 
 
 forces under one leader. ^ Ibid. 
 
 2 Ethelwerd, 866, is the only '^ Sax. Chron., 867 ; Asser, 867 ; 
 English authority in which the Ethelwerd, 867. 
 
 leader of the expedition is named, " Mat. Westm., 867 ; Hen. Hunt., 
 
 and the namelgwares is frequently 867 ; Flor. Wig., 867 ; Ethelwerd, 
 
 mistaken (from errors of tran- 867; Asser, 867; Sax. Chron., 
 
 scribers) for Inguares or Hinguar, 867, all state or imply that Osbright 
 
 Ivar's illegitimate brother. North- and Ella were killed in battle. 
 
 em historians write, " Eo tempore '' Langebek, vol. il., p. 279. 
 coUectis Rex crudelisimus Norman- 
 
38 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. " went into Mercia to Nottingham and there took up 
 
 chapjii. jj^q[y -vpinter quarters,"^ we find Aulaf returning to 
 
 to'ireUnd^d Ireland, landing in the north, plundering Armagh, 
 
 Armagh, A.D. ^nd "burning the town and oratories,"^ his "Dun," 
 
 ^^^" at Clondalkin, having been burned by the Irish,^ and 
 
 his eldest son, Carlus, slain in battle during his 
 
 absence.'' 
 
 ivarand In 869 the Danish "army again went to York 
 
 Aulaf s second ii/> ■ t ^ t f 
 
 invasion of the and sato there for a year, '^ at the end of which Aulaf 
 
 Scottish Picts, , •iif^oni ... 
 
 A.D. 869. and Ivar once more sailed lor bcotland to join m 
 another invasion, which, like the preceding, was 
 apparently a combined attack by fleets and armies 
 from Dublin and Denmark. According to Eoger 
 of Wendover, a. d. "870, an innumerable multitude of 
 Danes landed in Scotland, at Berwick-on-Tweed, 
 under the command of Hinguar and Hubba;" and 
 the Annals of Innisfallen state that in a.d. 870 Aulaf 
 and Ivar sailed from Dublin "with a fleet of 200 
 ships to assist these Danes in Britain." Berwick-on- 
 Tweed may be here a mistake for Berwick on the 
 Frith of Forth (Mare Pictum), one of those inlets 
 which would have facilitated the attack on the Picts 
 and Strathclyde Britons, whose capital, " Alcluit, was 
 besieged (in a.d. 870) by the Norsemen under these 
 two kings, Ivar and Aulaf, who took and destroyed 
 it after a siege of four months."® 
 
 ^ Sax. Chron., 868. country about as they had pre- 
 
 i8 Ann. int., 868; Ann. 4 Mast., determined to do." Neither Sax. 
 
 p. 51], n. Chron., HoTeden,norSim.Dunhelm. 
 
 ' Ann. 4 Mast., 865. mention the landing in Scotland, 
 
 * Ann. 4 Mast., 866. but state that, a.d. 870, many 
 
 ' Sax. Chron, 869. thousand Danes, under Hinguar 
 
 " Roger de Wendover, 870, who and Hubba, landed in England. 
 
 adds, that "they plundered the Ann. Innisf., 870, M'Geoghegan 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 39 
 
 Having plundered the country/ and subjected it book i. 
 to tribute, which " they were paid for a long time ^^^ 
 after, Aulaf and Ivar came again to Dublin out of ouburT^ " 
 Scotland, and brought with them great bootyes from pwe"!^. 
 Englishmen, Britons, and Picts in their two hundred 
 ships, with many of their people captives ; "^ Hinguar 
 and Hubba being left to carry on the war in East 
 Anglia and Mercia,^ and Northumbria being placed 
 under the Viceroyalty of Egbert, who governed it 
 until the death of Ivar.* 
 
 When Aulaf and Ivar returned to Ireland, the They ravage 
 " Lords of the foreigners " plundered part of Munster Connaaght, 
 "during the snow of Bridgetmas" in 870. Their '*^'"' 
 ally Cearbhall had plundered both Munster and 
 Connaught in the preceding year; and, in 871, "the 
 foreigners of Ath Cliath " again plundered Munster, 
 and CearbhaU again plundered Connaught. 
 
 The cause of these devastations is no where stated, 
 but they were the last committed by the united forces 
 
 Hist. d'Irlande, vol. i., p. 395, subjection to the Danes." "In 872, 
 
 Ann. Ult., 870. The Ann. Camb. the Northumbrians expelled from 
 
 and Brut y Tyw. record the de- the kingdom their king Egbert:" 
 
 struction of Alcluit in 870, but do and Hoveden, 867. 
 not name the destroyers. Hinguar and Hubba are never 
 
 1 The siege of Strath Cluaide styled kings : their title was that of 
 [Dumbarton] continued for four Earl (larl). Whether this arose 
 months, "at length after having from their illegitimacy is uncertain, 
 wasted the people who were in it Harold Harfagre subsequently 
 by hunger and thirst, having won- enacted that all his descendants in 
 derfully drawn off the well they the male line should succeed to the 
 had within, they entered the fort kingly title and dignity, but his 
 on them." Three Fragments, p. descendants by females only to the 
 193. rank of Earl (larl), A.D. 870. Olavi 
 
 2 Ann. Ult., A.D. 870. Trygvisson Saga, cap. 2, p. 5. 
 = Hoveden, 870. Scripta Historica Islandorum, 12 
 ^ Eoger Wendover— " Egbert vols., 8vo., Haihise, 1828-46, vol. 
 
 gOTemed the Jdngdom six years in i., p. 5, 
 
40 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. of Aulaf and Ivar, for a.d. 870 or 871 terminated the 
 chapjcii. g^j.ggj, Q^ Aulaf. He was slain in battle, and Ivar, 
 AuUf 'and Ivar who succeeded him as King of Duolin, did not long 
 872^"' ^° survive, the record of his death in the Annals of 
 Ulster being that " Imhar, King of the Norsemen of 
 Ireland and Britain, died," a.d. 872.' 
 Proofs that That Ivar, King of the Scandinavians of Dublin, 
 
 umbria and a,nd Ivar, King of the Danes of Northumbria, was the 
 were the same. Same individual is here clearly stated ; but fortunately 
 our evidence of the fact is not confined to Irish 
 annals. Irish annals are here confirmed by one of 
 the oldest and most important of the English chron- 
 icles ; for it must be admitted that the chronological 
 difference of one or two years between the chronology 
 of different English historians is so general that it 
 may pass unnoticed when the facts agree, ^ and here 
 Ethelward, after stating that King Edmund was de- 
 feated and slain by the Danes in a.d. 870,' adds that, 
 although "the barbarians gained the victory they 
 soon afterwards lost their king, for King Ivar died 
 the same year," not in battle, but from old age or dis- 
 ease, as stated in the Icelandic saga and Irish history.* 
 
 1 Laudnam. says, he was slain in Osten or Eystein, Aulaf s son, as 
 
 battle in Ireland. On the contrary, the Norsemen never called the son 
 
 Pinkerton Enquiry, vol. i., p. 495, by the father's name. Ann. Ult., 
 
 and Innes Apx. iii. Chron. Pict. 872. Ann. 4 Mast., 871. Ann. 
 
 say "Tertio iternm anno Amlleb Innisf., 873. 
 
 trahens cetum (exercitum) a Con- ^ " During long periods of years 
 
 stantino occisus est." This would the northern (English chronicles) 
 
 place his death in Scotland in 868, differ from those of the south and 
 
 and consequently inconsistent with west two whole years." Codex 
 
 the statement of his return to Dublin Dip. Sax., Ixxxv. 
 
 in 870, but would be consistent » Ethelwerd's Chronicle, Mon. 
 
 with the statement of the Annals Britt., p. 513. 
 
 of Innisfallen, that it was Aulaf, ■* Langebek, vol. ii., p. 281, Ivar 
 
 junior, who returned with Ivar, " in Anglia senex obiit." — Three 
 
 Aulaf being doubtless a mistake for Fragments, p. 199, "The King of 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 41 
 
 This, assuredly, is strong evidence to identify Ivar book i. 
 of Dublin with. Ivar of Northumbria ; yet, strong as ^°tlL?^^- 
 it is, we have to add the more conclusive evidence, 
 which must be deduced from the fact, that the sons 
 and descendants of this Ivar succeeded to the thrones 
 of both Dublin and Northumbria, and long continued 
 to govern the two kingdoms. 
 
 When Aulaf and Ivar left Scotland, the army ivar's army 
 under the command of Hinguar and Hubba set sail and Hubbf d" 
 for " East Anglia, and took up their winter quarters K^g of"the ' 
 at Thetford" in 870, and the same winter they ^.p^ sto!^""^ 
 defeated and slew King Edmund.^ 
 
 " After the death of St. Edmund," East Anglia Gormo, son of 
 was governed by Gormo, son of Frotho, King ofmark, mies 
 Denmark, another of Regnar Lodbrog's descendants,^ after Edmund's 
 and after the death of Ivar, his reputed brother, ivar's brother 
 Halfden and Bcegsec (whose genealogy is unknown) ceeds him in 
 
 1 1 • CT\ • TT-i ••jii T-- Northumbria. 
 
 became kings oi Ueira and xJernicia, the two divisions 
 of Northumbria. 
 
 Bcegsec was slain in 871,^ and in 873 and 874 the The Danes 
 
 11 111- 1 pn/r • 1 subdue Mercia, 
 
 Danes subdued the wnoJe kingdom oi Mercia, and a.d. 873. 
 placed it under the viceroyalty of Ceolwulf,* who gave 
 
 the Lochlan.' died of an ugly sudden Historite Anglicans Scriptores 
 
 disease sic enim Deo placuit." Antiquse, London, 1652, folio. Sax. 
 
 1 Sax. Chron. 870. — Also Asser Chron., 875, where he is called 
 
 and Ethelwerd say that Edmund Godrum, and subsequently at 878 
 
 was slain in battle; but Hen. Hunt., Guthrmn. Frotho, whose name is 
 
 Flor. Wig., and Sim. Dun. say he unknown to English history, is 
 
 was "martyred." They differ, styled "Victor Anglise" by Danish 
 
 however, respecting the manner in writers, Langebek, vol. i., pp. 56, 
 
 which he perished. Edmund was 58, 66. He was son of Swen, son 
 
 canonized. of Knut, by a daughter of Sigurd 
 
 ^ " Super regnum Estanglise Anguioculus, son of Kegnar Lod- 
 
 quidam Dacus, Godrim nomine, brog. 
 
 post Edmundum primo regnavit." ^ Sax. Chron. 871. 
 
 Brompton Chron., p. 807, apud. ^ lUd.,S1i. 
 
42 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIAKS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chat. III. 
 
 Gormo at- 
 tempts to 
 conquer King 
 Alfred, a.d. 
 S"5. 
 
 Treaty with 
 Alfred, a.d. 
 876. 
 
 Gormo, with 
 Kollo of Nor- 
 mandy, assails 
 King Alfred. 
 
 Gormo made 
 King of East 
 Anglia, a.d. 
 878; hence 
 called 'Enske* 
 or "English." 
 
 hostages, and swore "that he would be ready to resign 
 the kingdom " on whatever day they would have it. 
 Elated by this success, and contemplating further 
 conquests, ''the three kings, Godrum, Oscytel, and 
 Anwynd, went with a large army from Rep ton to 
 Grantabridge " ' to take possession of Wessex. There 
 they remained for a year, and Alfred, unable to expel 
 these invaders, " ratified a treaty of peace with them 
 (in A.D. 876), and gave them money, and they gave 
 him hostages, and swore oaths to him on the holy 
 ring, which they never before would do to any nation, 
 that they would speedily depart his kingdom."^ 
 Nevertheless these oaths were either violated by some 
 or not considered binding by part of the army, as war 
 again commenced between Alfred^'and Gormo, who was 
 now assisted by the celebrated Eollo of Normandy.' 
 In 878 another treaty was concluded, by which the 
 boundaries of East Angha were defined ;* and Gormo, 
 consenting to be baptized, "took the name of Athel- 
 stan as he came out of the baptismal font,"* being 
 called "Enske," or of England, by northern writers," 
 
 1 Sax. Chron. 875. Godrum ia 
 a corruption of the name Grormo, 
 and Oscytel of KeteU, a name cele- 
 brated in the Sagas. Anwynd is 
 called Annuth by Ethelwerd, 
 Amund by Asser, and Anwend in 
 the Saxon Chronicle. 
 
 2 Sax. Chron. 876. — Asser says 
 " they swore oaths on Christian re- 
 lics." Possibly Alfredrequired that 
 they should be bound both by the 
 Christian and Pagan form of swear- 
 ing. — Crymogoea, Hamburg, 1614, 
 p. 76.— Bartholini, De ArmiUis Vc- 
 terum, Aauterdam, 1676, p. 101, 
 
 8 Asser, 876. — WalKngford, p. 
 536. 
 
 ^ This treaty is still extant, mde 
 "Ancient Laws and Institutes of 
 England," London, 1840, p. 66. 
 and Lambard " Apxaionomia," 
 Cant. 1644, p. 36. There was 
 another treaty between Edward 
 and Gormo Danus — Ancient Laws, 
 p. 71, and Apxaionomia, p. 41. 
 
 « Sax. Chron., 890. 
 
 8 Langebek, vol. i., p. 29. 
 " Gorm Kunung-hin Enske, Frotha 
 sun." 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 43 
 
 and "ElcH" or "Elgi " ' by the Irish. The Christian book i. 
 Gormo now resigned his Pagan kingdom of Denmark chap^iii. 
 to his son, Harald/ and, settling in East Anglia, 
 " apportioned it among his followers."^ Eollo, who eoUo returns 
 refused to be baptized, retired into Normandy with *° ^°™'""'^'- 
 many of the Pagan Northmen,* including Oscytel, or 
 Ketell, and Anwynd, of whom we hear no more in 
 England. 
 
 When Gormo left Eepton with his division of the Haifdene 
 army, Haifdene, with the remainder, marched into Hcf8"o/s*ath- 
 Northumbria "and took up his winter quarters ]by '''^'^^'''■'^®^'^- 
 the Eiver Tyne," and having subdued all that part 
 " of the land " he afterwards spoiled the Picts and 
 Strathclyde Britons."^ His object may have been to 
 conquer all the territory overrun by Ivar, or he was 
 provoked by the Picts who had attacked the Danes 
 in 874," and by the treachery of the Scots, who had 
 slain Eystein (or Ostin), the son of Aulaf, for it is 
 recorded in the Annals of Ulster that, " Osten Mac 
 Aulaf, King of the Normans, was killed by a stra- 
 tagem of theAlbanaich."^ In this expedition Haifdene Coiumkiii's 
 compelled " Euaidhri, son of Mormend, King of the to Maud for 
 Britons, to fly into Ireland,"* whither the shrine of ^''*'^'^" 
 Colum Cille and his relics in general were brought 
 for safety."" 
 
 1 Book of Rights, p. xl. Ann. « Ann. 4 Mast., 874. Ann. Ult., 
 Clonmac, a.d. 922. 876, Euaidhri returned to Scotland, 
 
 2 Langebek, vol. i., p. 39. and '' was killed by the Saxons." 
 s Sax. Chron., a.d. 880. Chron. P. of Wales, 877. 
 
 * Ingulph, " The rest who re- ^ Ibid. 875. — Kenneth, king of 
 
 fused to be baptized left England the Scots, had removed the relics of 
 
 and sailed to France.'' Columba from lona, in a.d. 850, 
 
 ' Sax. Chron., 875. and placed them in a church built 
 
 8 Ann. Dlt., 874. for their reception at Dunkeld, 
 
 ' Rid., 874. from thence they were brought into 
 
44 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. HI. 
 
 Having thus subdued his enemies in Scotland, 
 Halfdene returned into England, and following the 
 practice of Scandinavian conquerors, "apportioned 
 the lands of Northumbria (amongst his followers), 
 who thenceforth continued ploughing and tilling."' 
 In 876 he appears to have sailed into Ireland^ to 
 claim that dominion over the "Finnghoill" which 
 land, A.D. 876. Ivar possessed ; but from thence he never returned, 
 i3 slain at for in a battle between the Danes and Norwegians, 
 
 Lougli Strang- i z-i -i j> 
 
 ford. or as they are termed " the White and Black Gentiles. 
 
 Alban, chief of the Black Gentiles, was slain at Loch 
 Cuan.^ 
 
 Halfdene at- 
 tempts to re- 
 cover Ivar's 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 At Ivar's death, his sons, Godfrey and Sitric, were in France. — Cearbhall 
 (Carrol) ruled at Dublin. — Sitric slays his brother Godfrey, and embarks 
 for Dublin. — Recovers Dublin. — His attempt on Northumberland 
 defeated.— Dies, and his son, Aulaf, succeeds. — Aulaf recovers North- 
 umberland, — Dies at York. — Famine in Ireland through locusts.— 
 Emigration of Danes to Iceland. — The Irish expel the Danes from 
 Dublin. 
 
 Chap. IV. ALTHOUGH Ivar's succossors in East Anglia and 
 Cearbhall Nofthumbria can thus be traced through English 
 
 (Carroll) reigns . . • f> 1,T 
 
 in Dublin, histonaus, his immediate successor m JJublm can 
 only be discovered through Icelandic history, which 
 
 Ireland, when Halfdene invaded 
 Pictavia. 
 
 1 The Scandinavians considered 
 their conquests as common property 
 in which all had a title to share as 
 all had contributed to acquire. 
 Asser, p. 479.— Sax. Chron. 876, 
 Mercia was also " apportioned." 
 
 2 Ann. Ult. 876, calls him Alban. 
 Four Masters, a.d. 874, Alband; 
 and Ann. Innisf., a.d. 877, Albhar. 
 
 There is no notice of Halfdene in 
 Sax. Chron. Ethelward, &c., after 
 876 and until9U, when the "three 
 kings, Halfdene, Ecwils, and 
 Inguar," were killed, but probably 
 this was that Halfdene, who was with 
 Ivar's song, Sitric and Godfrey, at 
 Haslou in 882 — Ann. Fulden, ap. 
 Duchesne, p. 574. 
 
 ° [Loch Cone, or Strangford 
 Lough.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 45 
 
 states that, in 874, Ivar's ally, Cearbhall, was book i. 
 King of Dublin,' where, possibly, he ruled from 872 ^''^'^■ 
 until his death in 885,^ as during that period no 
 Scandinavian king of Dublin is named in Irish annals 
 or elsewhere, and his rank as a sovereign is manifest 
 from the fact, that with the exception of Maelsech- 
 lainn. King of Ireland, Cearbhall is the only Irish 
 king named in the Welsh annals throughout the 
 ninth century.^ 
 
 When Halfdene apportioned Northumbria, Ivar's ivar's sons 
 
 Godfrey and 
 
 sons probably went to France, which previously had Sitncweretiicu 
 been invaded by their uncle, Biorn Ironsides, and Fiance, 
 which was then a field of plunder for the Northmen. 
 There is no trace of them in Ireland or England 
 between the years 872 and 885, nor do the meagre 
 details of French chronicles afford much assistance 
 in tracing them among chiefs of the same name in 
 France during this period. We infer, however, that 
 the brothers, Godfrey and Sitric,^ who plundered 
 France in 881,® and who are called "sons of Regnar 
 Lodbrog," were the sons of Ivar, and grandsons of 
 Eegnar,'' Eegnar not having any son named Godfrey. 
 
 1 Landnamabok, p. 4. " Kiarva- Godafrid, and Ivar." Langeb, 
 Ins Dublini in Hibemia," &c. Lan- vol. ii., p. 17- Ann. Esromenses 
 gebek, vol. ii., p. 32, " Dublini in Langebek, vol. i , p. 230. 
 Irlandia Kiarfalus," &c. ' Ann. Bartholin, a.d. 88 1 . 
 
 2 Ann. 4 Mast, place Cearbhall's " Langebek, vol. ii., p. 29. 
 death 885 Fragmentum vetus Islandicum, and 
 
 s Ann. Cambrise, 887. " Cerball Pet. Olai Excerpt. Kormannica et 
 
 deftmctuB est." Chron. P. of Danica. Ibid., p. U. Sigefray or 
 
 Wales 887 ^Maelsechlainn died Sitric could not have been Sitric 
 
 „□» Anguioculus, the son of Eegnar 
 
 i This Godfrey was slain 885, Lodbrog, as we have his history in 
 
 and Sitric left France. But in a.d. various sagas and chronicles. They 
 
 888 the Emperor Arnulf fought were the sons of Ivar, and grand- 
 
 against the brothers, " Sigafrid, sons of Kegnar. 
 
46 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. In 882 the ''two kings, Sitric and Godfrey, and 
 
 "^ ■ the princes Gormo and Half,"^ conveyed their plunder 
 
 leave France into the strong fortress of Haslou,^ where they were 
 
 i°2,ooo'rb8."cf besieged by the Franks under Charles the Fat, but 
 
 3Mcr,A.n. ^' • ^j^]^Qy^^ success, the Northmen refusing to leave 
 
 France until paid the enormous tribute of 12,000 
 
 pounds of silver f on the payment of this sum it was 
 
 arranged that Godfrey should renounce Paganism 
 
 and marry Giselda, daughter of the Emperor Lothair. 
 
 Godfrey, son of Thus Subsidized, baptized, and married, Godfrey 
 
 Ivar slain by _ 
 
 his brother retired towards the Hhme, and, according - to the 
 
 Sitric, A.D. 1 1 1 ■ • 
 
 885. French annals, was treacherously slam m a.d. 885, 
 
 as some say by Count Everhard, but, according 
 to the Annals of Ulster (in which the year 887 
 corresponds with 885 of the Four Masters), "Jeffrey 
 Mac Ivar, King of the Normans, was treacherously 
 slain by his brother."^ 
 Sitric embarks When Sitric received his share of the tribute he 
 for^ubii?!^ burned his camp and marched to Boulogne, part of 
 A.D. 885. j^^ army embarking for Flanders,^ and the remainder, 
 probably, for Dublin, where the throne had become 
 vacant by the death of Cearbhall in 885, Cearbhall's 
 son Cuilen having been slain in the preceding year 
 " by the Norsemen " amid the lamentations of the 
 Irish, " who thought he would be king." 
 
 The re-establishment of a purely Scandinavian 
 
 1 Aiin.Fuldenges,ap.Du Chesne, ? Ann. Franc. Metenses ap. T)u 
 Hist. Franc, p. 574 ; they are Chesne, vol. iii., p. 321. 
 
 there called Sigefrid and Godefrid, ^ Ann. Ulst., a.d. 887 ; but it is 
 
 Wrm. and Half. not said where he was slain. 
 
 2 Langebek, vol. v., p. 134. " Chron. Kheginon. Hist. Nor- 
 8 Ann. Rheginon, Hist. Norman, man. apud Duchesne, p. 11. Sitric 
 
 apud Duchesne, p. 1 1 . Ann. Ful- is said to have been killed in Frisia, 
 dens, say 2,080 livres in gold and 887. Gesta Nord., p. 6. 
 silver. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 47 
 
 dynasty was not, however, quietly effected. Flann, book i. 
 King of Ireland, the son of Cearbhall's sister, and a ^'^^'^■ 
 relative of Aulaf, disputed the sovereignty j^ but "the i^.ft'J.o^'t^e''^" 
 foreigners of Ath Cliath " defeated Flann, and slew ^"*- 
 " Aedh, son of Conchobhar, King of Connacht, 
 Lerghus, son of Cruinden, Bishop of Cill-dara, and 
 Donchadh, son of Maelduin, Abbot of Cill-Dearga," 
 "and many others." 
 
 This battle affords further evidence of the pre- 
 vious existence of an Irish dynasty in DubHn, as, 
 from the death of Ivar in 872 to that of Cearbhall 
 in 885, it is the only conflict between the Irish and 
 the " foreigners of Ath Cliath " of which there is any 
 notice in the Annals of the Four Masters,^ although 
 after that period their contests were frequent. 
 
 In A.D. 890, Gormo Enske or ^'Godrum, the Danish sitric invades 
 king who governed East Anglia, departed this life,"^ 
 and " the Gaill left Erin and went into Alba under 
 Sitric, the grandson of Imhar,"* to claim Gormo's 
 dominions, or to assist Hastings in the invasion of 
 Wessex; but whatever was Sitric's object he failed 
 to attain it, for Ethelwerd says that, " a.d. 894, Sige- 
 
 1 Lann, daughter of Dunghal, that, a.d. 878, "Barith.afiercecliam- 
 Lord of Ossraische, and sister of pion of the Norsemen, was slain and 
 Cearbhall married Maelseachlaim, afterwards burned at Ath Cliath 
 King of Ireland, who died 860, through the miracles of God and St. 
 and by whom she had Flann, King Cianan." Ann. 4. Mast., a.d. 878. 
 of Ireland, who died 916. After " Hen. Hunt., 890; Sax. Chron., 
 the death of Maelseachlaim, 860, 890 ; Hamsfort Chron., Langebek, 
 she married Aedh Finnlaith, King vol. i., p. 269, places his death in 
 of Ireland, who died 879, and by 894, and adds that he was suc- 
 whom shehadNiaU Glundubh, King ceeded in Denmark by his brother 
 of Ireland, killed in 919. Aedh Harald, and in East Anglia by 
 Finnliath's daughter married Aulaf, Harald's son Gormo. 
 
 the first king of Dublin. * Book of Danish Wars MSS. 
 
 2 Indeed the only intervening [Wars of the Gaedhil with the 
 notice of Dublin is in the statement Gaill, pp. Ixxxi. and 29. ] 
 
48 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 Eeturus to 
 Dublin, A.D. 
 894. 
 
 Sitric slain, 
 A.D. 895. 
 
 Godfrey, son of 
 Sitric succeeds, 
 A.D. 895. 
 
 Becomes King 
 of Northum- 
 berland also, 
 A.D. 895. 
 
 Dies and is 
 buried at York, 
 A.D. 896. 
 
 frith, the pirate, landed from his fleet in Northum- 
 berland and twice devastated the coast, after which 
 he returned home/'^ or in the words of the Ulster 
 Annals, " a.d. 894, Ivar's son came again into 
 Ireland ;"^ and in the following year " Sitric mac 
 Ivar was slain by other Norsemen.^ In the absence 
 of Sitric his son Aulaf governed Dublin until a.d. 
 891, when he and Gluntradhna,the son of Gluniarain," 
 were slain in battle.* Aulaf's brother, Godfrey, then 
 claimed the throne and was opposed by Ivar, son of 
 that Godfrey who had been treacherously slain. 
 Hence arose " great confusion among the foreigners 
 of Dublin (who) divided themselves into factions, the 
 one part of them under Ivar, the other under Godfrey 
 the Erie."* In this contest Godfrey was successful, 
 and Ivar fled into Scotland, where he was killed by 
 the men of Fortrenn, or Pictavia. 
 
 Godfrey, now King of Dublin, became King of 
 Northumbria also by the death of his father in 895. 
 He then went into England, the Northumbrians 
 having "made a firm peace with King Alfred,"^ and 
 Godfrey being thus assured of quiet possession. But 
 his reign was short, for, "a.d. 896, Guthfrid, King of 
 Northumbria, died on the birthday of Christ's 
 Apostle, St. Bartholomew, and was buried at York 
 leaving three sons, Neale,* Sitric, and Eeginald. 
 
 "7 
 
 1 Ethelwerd Chron., a.d. 894. 
 
 2 Ann. Ult., 893 (=894). 
 
 8 Ann. Ult., 895 ; Ann. 4 Mast., 
 891. In Chron. Norm. ap. Du- 
 chesne, vol. ii., p. 529, it is said 
 that, A.D. 887, Sigfrid, King of the 
 Norsemen, went into Frisia, -where 
 he was killed; and Ann. Bartholin. 
 "a.». 886, Sigfridus Rex in Frisia 
 
 interfectus.'' If this were Sitric, 
 King of Dublin, there are six years 
 difference in the chronology of 
 these annals. 
 
 i Ann. Ult., 892 (=893.) 
 
 5 Ihid. 
 
 « Sax. Chron., 894. 
 
 ' Ethelwerd Chron., 896. 
 This name of Niall was intro- 
 
SCANDINAVIAX ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 49 
 
 Godfrey's death having left the throne of Dublin book i. 
 vacant, the Irish, who, since the defeat of Flann in ^^fl^^- 
 885, had watched an opportunity to restore a native 
 dynasty, considered this a moment favourable to the 
 attempt. 
 
 The year of Godfrey's death Ireland was visited i''«ia°'i 
 
 . . wasted by 
 
 by a strange calamity. Wafted by an unusual wind locusts ; many 
 a flight of locusts came to our shores, and spreading iceiand,A.D. 
 over the land " consumed the corn and grass through- 
 out the country."^ 
 
 The dearth thus caused influenced many to emi- 
 grate from Dublin to Iceland, and the garrison, 
 further weakened by the departure of numbers who 
 had followed Godfrey into England, and by the loss 
 of those who had joined Thorstein the Red in Scot- 
 land, became inadequate to repel the assaults of the 
 Irish. 
 
 Our annals record that, a.d. 897, "the foreigners The Danes 
 
 driven from 
 
 were expelled from Ireland," " from the fortress of Dublin, a.d. 
 Ath Cliath by Cearbhall, son of Muirigen," king of 
 the adjoining territory of Leinster, and that, " leaving 
 great numbers of their ships behind them, they 
 escaped half dead across the sea " to Ireland's Eye, an 
 island near Dublin, where they were "besieged"^ 
 until, hopeless of regaining their city fortress, they 
 sought a residence on the opposite coast. 
 
 duced among the Xorsemen by the married Olaf, King of Dublin, 
 
 connexion with the Irish, amongst J Ann. Cambr., 896 ; Chron. 
 
 ■whom the name was common, and P. of Wales, 896; Caradoc, 897, 
 
 the possession of it by the son of p. 42 ; where they are described as 
 
 Godfrey shows his connexion with "vermin of a mole-like form each 
 
 them. jSTiaU Glundubh was son having two teeth, which fell from 
 
 of Aedh . Finnliath, by Maelmur, heaven." 
 
 daughter of Kenneth, King of ^ Ann. 4 Mast,, a.d. 897- 
 Scots. Niall Glundubh's sister 
 
50 
 
 THE SGAXDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. These fugitive " Lochlans (who) went aw^ay from 
 HAP^ ■ Erin under the conduct of Hinaramund "^ or Igmond, 
 Danes fly to landed in Anglesea, and " fought the battle of Eos 
 cwferthence, Meilor," in A.D. 900/ and being there defeated, "and 
 A.D. 900. forcibly driven from the land of the Britons,"^ entered 
 Mercia, where Ethelflced governed during the illness 
 of her husband. " Hingamund," as a suppliant, 
 neTr ChesTen " ^^^^^ ^^"^^^ of the queeu, ou which to Settle, and 
 on which to erect stalls and houses, for he was 
 at this time wearied of war," and " Ethelflced, pity- 
 ing his condition, gave him lands near Chester, where 
 he remained for some time."* 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Gormo, King of Denmark, rules East Anglia. — Reginald and Sitric, sons 
 of King Aulaf, rule in Northumberland. — On the settlement of Nor- 
 mandy fresh fleets of Danes come to England from France. — Part 
 settle at Waterford. — Sitric of Northumberland recovers Dublin. — His 
 brother Reginald sails to Waterford, and rules there and at Limerick. — 
 Defeats of the Irish by Reginald and Sitric. 
 
 Chap. V. In England Scandinavian prospects were not much 
 brighter. Hastings and his allies had been repeatedly 
 defeated, and, in a.d. 897, he was compelled to return 
 to France with the remnant of his army.^ Alfred, 
 the heroic monarch of the Saxons, died in 901," and 
 
 1 Three Fragments, p. 227. " Alfred's death is another in- 
 
 ^ Penros near Holyhead, Chron. stance of the discordance of Chro- 
 
 Princesof Wales, A.D. 900) Garadoc, nology in English history. This 
 
 p. 42. remarkable event Sim. Dun. and 
 
 8 Three Fragments, p. 227. Hoveden place in a.d. 899 ; In- 
 
 ^ Three Fragments, p. 227, gulph, p. 28 ; Chron. Mail., p. 146 ; 
 
 Ethelflced was not queen, but lady Higden, p. 259; Mat. West., and 
 
 (Hloefdige) of the Mercians. others place it a.d. 900 ; Flor, Wig. 
 
 =^ Sax. Chron., A.D. 897. arid Sax. Chron, 01. 
 
SCANDIXAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 51 
 
 tis son Edward, who "was elected to be king," book i. 
 found his right to the throne disputed by Ethelwald, C'^'^- 
 the son of Alfred's elder brother. Etheiwaid 
 
 disputes the 
 
 Ethelwald, who had carried off and married ai!f' 1 
 
 Jiawaru, sou or 
 
 nun,i first seized the town of Wimburn,- but not ^"'■"^• 
 receiving homage from the Saxons he turned to the Ethdwaid 
 Danes, and flying ''to the army in North umbria Danes!''* 
 they received him for their king."' This, however, 
 did not satisfy the ambitious Ethelwald ; he collected 
 ' a large fleet of ships,"* and inducing Eric, King of 
 the East Angles, to join in the invasion of Essex, 
 they conquered it, "and ravaged Mercia"; but, The Danes 
 returning laden with plunder in 905, both Eric and Etheiwaid"'^ 
 Ethelwald were slain.^ ''^^• 
 
 Eric, in East Anglia, was succeeded by " Gormo The sons of 
 Danus," King of Denmark,^ with whom "King?e°^Tn 
 Edward, from necessity, concluded a peace,"'' and beriLd^A-o. 
 Noithumbria received the sons of Godfrey, who also 
 
 ' Sax. Chron. A .d. 90 1 . Anglorum Regis filiam, eognomine 
 
 ^ Ibid. DaneBot habuit in matrimonio," 
 
 ' Ibid. Lang., vol. i., p. 37- 
 
 <Flor. Wig., A.D. 904; Hen. Langebek, vol. i.,p. 14, "Frotho 
 
 Hunt., A.D. 904. Kex Danorum et Anglorum reg- 
 
 ^ S.ix. Chron., a.d. 90.5 ; Ethel- navit 904." English history has 
 
 werd, 902 ; " Eric king of the bar- no account of this Frotho : he is 
 
 barians then descended to Orcus." possibly the same with Eric, King 
 
 Langebek, vol. i., pp. 157-173. of East Anglia, who was killed a.d. 
 
 Eric Barn died 90-2. 905. Sax. Chron., a.d. 906 ; Sim. 
 
 " Langebek, vol. i., p. 1 6, says, Dun., 906 ; Hen. Hunt., 906. 
 "Gormo Enski was succeeded in '' The treaty between Edward and 
 
 Denmark by his son Harald, and Gormo is printed in the " Ancient 
 
 Ilarald by his son Gormo." Ibid. laws and institutes of England," 
 
 p. 158, " Gorm hin Enske,'' then p. 71. 
 
 Harold, then Gorm Gamle, " cujus Hamsfort Chron., p. 268, says, 
 
 uxor fait Thyre Danebot,'' this Gormo left Denmark to his brother 
 
 Thyra being the daughter of Harald. Gormo III. was son of 
 
 Edward. '' Hie, Thyram, Edwardi Harald. 
 
 E 2 
 
 907. 
 
52 THE SCANDINAVIANfe, AXU 
 
 BOOK I. made peace with Edward. This peace, however, 
 — 1 ' was of short duration. 
 They invade In 911 "the armv amonsr the Northumbrians 
 
 King Edward's , J b> 
 
 kingdom; are DroKe the peace " '' and overran the land of Mercia,"' 
 
 defeated, a.d. t i ,, t • 
 
 911. but on their way homewards " were overtaken by 
 
 the West Saxons and Mercians, "who slew many 
 thousands of them "; among others " King Ecwils 
 (Ulf ) and King Healfden, and Other the Earl " and 
 "Guthferthhold" and "Agmund hold. "^ Possibly 
 that Igmond who had gone away from Ireland in 
 897, and who secretly "prompted the chiefs of the 
 Lochlans and Danes" to invade Mercia, "take 
 Chester, and possess themselves of its wealth and 
 lands."^ 
 
 Contemporaneously with this outbreak of part of 
 the Northumbrian army a new enemy appeared. 
 
 Accession of The Northmen who entered France with EoUo 
 
 Danes through 
 
 settling of had wrung from Charles the Simple the treaty of 
 
 Normandy, ^ J. «> 
 
 A.D. 910. St. Clair-sur-Epte, by which Normandy was ceded 
 to their chief, and he apportioned it among his 
 followers according to the custom of Scandinavian 
 conquerors;* but there were some unquiet spirits 
 who disdained to be mere cultivators of the soil — 
 chiefs, for whom war alone had attractions, and new 
 conquests a charm ; and these they sought in other 
 
 1 Sax. Chron., 911. -whict had been destroyed by the 
 
 ^ Ibid. 911. Langebek, vol. ii., Danes, was rebuilt by Ethelfload." 
 
 p. 53, thinks the name Harold ; and * KoUo submitted to be baptized, 
 
 Ingulph Hist. Croy., p. 21, has it and Dudo (apud Duchesne, p. 82) 
 
 " Hamond." [" Hold," a noble- adds, that Charles ratified the 
 
 man who was higher than a thane, treaty by giving his daughter Gisle 
 
 governor, or captain. Bosworth's in marriage to Rollo ; but the 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Dictionary.] statement is doubtful. — Vide Von- 
 
 8 Three Fragm., p. 229; Cara- toppidan Gest. et Vest. Dan., 
 
 doc, p. 45, says that " Chester, vol. i., p. 285, et seq. 
 
SCx\.NDIXAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 53 
 
 climes, in conjunction with. Scandinavians from that book i. 
 part of Brittany which had been colonized by the ^'^J^^ 
 Welsh, and which had been the scene of Ketell's 
 exploits. 
 
 " A great fleet came from the south from the land Danes from 
 
 PIT"!' >/Tk' \ 1 1 1 France witli 
 
 01 the Lidwiccas (or Jonttany) under the command Reginald of 
 of Harold, and of Attar/ probably the son of Kidby- land invade 
 
 11 1 (•-r->ni T-i- ■> 1 Scotland, a.d, 
 
 orga, granddaughter of Eollo by Helgi, a descendant 9ii. 
 of Cearbhall, and relative of Aulaf of Dublin.^ 
 
 Simeon of J3urham says, that in conjunction 
 with Keginald, King of Northumbria, and " Osulf 
 Cracaban,"^ they first landed in the country of the 
 Picts, and destroyed Dunblane beyond the Forth. 
 
 They then landed "at the mouth of the Severn, They spoU 
 
 North Wales. 
 
 and spoiled the North Welsh everywhere by the sea- 
 coast ; "* but being defeated, and Ottar's brother and 
 Harald his companion slain,'' Ottar " went thence to 
 Dromod (South Wales), and thence out to Ireland, 
 and with a sfreat fleet of foreiefners came to Water- BuUd a fortress 
 
 ° ° _ at Waterford, 
 
 ford'' and placed a stronghold there " in a.d. 912. In ^.d. 912. 
 
 1 The date of this invasion is wold rex et Oter comes, et Osvul 
 variously given. Sax. Chron. a.d. Cracaban irruperunt et vastaverunt 
 910. Another cop7 has it A.D. 918. Dunblene." — By a strange miscon- 
 Chron.Princ. ofWales9I0(=:9) 1). ception in a note in Lappenburg, 
 Ann. Camb. 913. Sim. Dun. 910. Hist. Eng., vol. ii., p. 94, Cracaban 
 Flor. Wig. 915 (adding that they has been mistaken for the name of 
 were the same "who had left a place (Clackmannan) in Scotland. 
 England xix years before "). Cracaban was the cognomen of 
 Ethewerd913. Caradoc, p. 45,911. Osvul, who is called "Gragava" 
 
 2 Landnamabok, p. 90. Attar, in the Ann. Ulst., ad. 917, vid; 
 grandson of Ketell Flatnef, was Langebek, vol. ii., p. 153, for Olaf 
 father of Helgi, "who made war in Cracaban, and Adam Brem. p. 07, 
 Scotland, and carried off Nidby- for " Olaph filium Cracaben." 
 orga, daughter of King Biolan and ' Sax. Chron. 910 ; another copy 
 of Kadlina, daughter of Ganga 918. 
 
 Kolfr," by whom he had a son i^ Ibid. Caradoc 911, " Eahald 
 
 Ottar. (Harald) was slain," p. 45. 
 
 » Sim. Dun. A.D. 912. " Keing- 'Ann. 4 Mast. 012 ''Loch 
 
ra 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I 
 CHAr. V. 
 
 Ravage 
 Munster. 
 
 Reginald 
 spoils the ItJe 
 of Man, A.D. 
 913. 
 
 Sitric recovers 
 Dublin, 
 A.D. 919. 
 
 the following year "great and frequent reinforce- 
 ments of foreigners arrived in Loch-Dachaech. ; and 
 the lay districts and churches of Munster were con- 
 stantly plundered by them."^ Cork, Lismore, and 
 Aghaboe being likewise "plundered by strangers."^ 
 
 These proceedings directed the attention of God- 
 frey's sons to their Irish dominion. 
 
 In A.D. 913, Reginald crossed over to the Isle of 
 Man, where he found a fleet of the Scandinavians of 
 Ulster, and in a " naval battle between Ragnall (the 
 grandson of Ivar) and Barrid mac Octer, Barrid, with 
 many others, was slain," the "navy of Ulster" having 
 previously been defeated " on the coast of England."^ 
 While Reginald was thus engaged Sitric directed 
 his attention towards Dublin, which had remained 
 under dominion of the Irish since the expulsion of 
 the "foreigners" in 897, and was now probably under 
 the dominion of Niall Glundubh, monarch «f Ireland, 
 whose sister had married Olaf the White, the nephew 
 of CearbhalL* 
 
 " An immense royal fleet came with Sitric and the 
 children of Imar, i.e., Sitric, the blind grandson of 
 Imar, and forcibly landed at Dubhlinn (the harbour) 
 of Ath Cliath."^ Having gained possession of the 
 city, Sitric proceeded to occupy the territory attached 
 
 Dachaech," the Irish name for 
 Waterford. 
 
 1 Ihid. 913. 
 
 2 Ann. Ulst. 913. 
 
 8 Ann. Ulst. 913, " Kagnall h- 
 Ua Tmair,'' Barid vel Barith. 
 Chron. Princes of Wales, 914, 
 Ireland and Man devastated by the 
 Pagans of Dublin, 914. 
 
 * For thii'teen years, between 899 
 and 912, there is no notice in the 
 
 Annals of the Four Masters of any 
 OstnianKingofDublin,butCearbh- 
 all is called " King of Liffe of 
 Ships." Cearbhall was slain by 
 "Ulf, a black pagan," in 909; 
 during his life there is no record 
 of any battle between the Irish 
 and the Ostraen of Dublin. 
 
 ^ [Wars of the Gaedhil with the 
 Gain, chap, xxxi., p. 35.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 55 
 
 to it, and, sailing up the Liffey, " encamped at Cenn book i 
 Fuait," now Confey, near Leixlip, tlie extreme ^^^^' ^' 
 boundary of the Dyflinarskiri/ while " Ragnall, Reginald 
 grandson of Imhar, with another fleet went to the Waterford. 
 foreigners of Locli-Dachaech('Waterford),"over whom 
 and the foreigners of Limerick, Ragnall, or Reginald, 
 apparently claimed dominion. 
 
 Thus assisted, " the foreigners " of Waterford Reginald 
 spoiled all Munster. They slew "Gebennach, son of Danes of 
 Aedh," and these pagan descendants of Ivar, who are spon Mim- 
 there termed " the people of Tomar, carried away his 
 head " ; " Munster " being so completely ravaged by 
 them " that there was not a house or a hearth from 
 the river Lin [Lee] southward" that year.* 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the Irish tamely sub- ^"sh ric- 
 
 ■*■-*• ^ ^ "^ tories in 
 
 mitted to this devastation of their country. In 915 Munster, 
 
 c T n ■ A.D. 915. 
 
 "a slaughter was made of the foreigners by the 
 Munstermen." "Another slaughter was made of 
 (them) by the Eoghanachta, and by the Ciarraighi," 
 
 i["CennFuait," "Fuat'sHead." valley over Tigh Moling," which. 
 
 This place, Dr. O'Donovan con- may signify either Timolin, in the 
 
 jectures (Four Mast.'915, notes, pp. south of the county of Kildare, or 
 
 589, 590) is now Confey, in the St. Mullin's on the Barrow, in the 
 
 county of Kildare, near Leixlip, south of the county of Carlow. The 
 
 (the Danish Zffic-Ze/), Salmon Leap), latter place may have been ap- 
 
 in the barony of Salt (Saltus Sal- preached by water, from Waterford, 
 
 monis). But the Annals of Ulster, and as it is situated at the foot of 
 
 at 916 (Four Mast. 915), tell us Brandon Hill, the battle may have 
 
 that Cenn Fuait was i tiaiyiitiia been in some " valley over Tigh 
 
 lamn "in t^ie East, or anterior Moling," and the Danish fortress 
 
 partof Leinster," and it must have <=aUed Cenn Fuait on some head 
 
 been near the sea, as Sitric " with i-^ *e mountain, accessible to light 
 
 his fleet " settled there. A poem s^ps by the Barrow.— A^'ars of the 
 
 quoted by the Four Mast, seems to ^aedhil with the GaiU, p. Ixxxix., 
 
 speak of the battle (if it be the ^- ^-l 
 same) as having taken place in "a ? l^'''^- ct^ip. -^^viu, p. 31 .] 
 
56 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. V. 
 
 Irish defeated 
 by Reginald 
 at Tober 
 Glethrach. 
 
 Defeated by 
 Sitric at the 
 battle of 
 CeanFnait, 
 A.D. 915. 
 
 or men of Kerry," and Niall Glundubh led the army 
 of the Ui Neill of the south and north to assist in 
 resisting the invaders. On the 22ntl of August Niall 
 "pitched his camp at Tobar Glethrach," ' and, as if to 
 try their rights by battle, " the foreigners went into 
 the territory on the same day," fought and were de- 
 feated ; but " reinforcements set out from the fortress 
 of the foreigners," and "the Irish turned back to 
 their camp before the last host, that is, before Kagh- 
 nall, king of the black foreigners, and his army."^ 
 
 Niall, however, " and a few with him, went against 
 
 the Gentiles" expecting their "fight by battle," 
 
 and " stayed for twenty nights after in camp," until 
 
 the Leinstermen " on the other side with their camp" 
 
 compelled Sitric to try his rights by the " battle of 
 
 Cenn Fuait,"' on the boundary of the territory he 
 
 claimed. But this battle was more disastrous to the 
 
 Leinstermen than thatof Tobar Glethrach to thepeople 
 
 of Munster. Their army was defeated, Ugaire, King 
 
 of Leinster, and Maelmordha, brother of Cearbhall, 
 
 " and many other chieftains, with Archbishop Mael- 
 
 maedhog, a distinguished scribe, anchorite, and an 
 
 adept in the Latin learning," &c.,* were slain. Leinster 
 
 being left defenceless by this disaster, the victors 
 
 plundered Kildare, and in the following year it was 
 
 again plundered " by the foreigners of Ath Cliath.' 
 
 '5 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast. 915. This place 
 has not been identified. 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 "Ann. 4 Mast. 915. 
 * Ibid. 915. 
 ^ Ibid. 916. 
 
SCAXDIXAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIX. 57 
 
 BOOK I 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 CHA.PTER VI. ~ 
 
 Reginald and Sitric, sons of Godfrey, King of Dublin, return to North- 
 umberland,— In their absence the Irish attempt to recover Dublin. — 
 Reginald and Sitric made Kings of different divisions of Northumbria. 
 — Death of Reginald. 
 
 These victories were followed by events which left 
 to Sitric the sole dominion of " the foreigners of 
 Ireland." For Reginald sailed into Scotland to assist 
 Ottar in founding a kingdom there, and from thence 
 into England to pursue his own designs on Mercia. 
 
 It was in 916 that Beginald, with " Ottar and the EeginaWs 
 foreigners, went from Waterford to Alba'," where Scotland, a,d. 
 they were encountered by Constantino, son of Aedh, 
 King of the Scots, and in the battle Ottar was slain. 
 
 Ottar's death terminated the attempt on Scotland. 'His attempt on 
 
 ^ , Mercia, a.d, 
 
 Eeginald's attempt on Mercia was equally unsuccess-9i 7. 
 ful. Intending to add Mercia to his Northumbrian 
 kingdom, Reginald had privily contracted marriage 
 with Alfwyn, daughter of Ethelfloed, " the Lady of 
 the Mercians." After Ethelflced's death in 917 the 
 contemplated marriage became known to King Ed- 
 ward (Alfwyn's guardian), who, jealous of the power 
 of the Danes, sent her prisoner into Wessex, and, 
 alleging that the marriage had been contracted 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., 916; Ann. Ult. and Gragava), the third by the 
 
 917_ young lords, and the fourth by 
 
 The Ann. Ult., describing the Raghnall" (or Reginald). That 
 
 battle, says, that "the army of the night terminated the conflict, in 
 
 Gentiles " was formed into four which, according to one authority, 
 
 divisions — " one commanded by both Ottar and Reginald were 
 
 Godfrey O'Hivar (son of Reginald), slain; but others only meation the 
 
 another by the two Earls (Ottar death of Ottar. 
 
fiS THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. ■Rritliout his consent, " deprived her of her birth- 
 Chap. ti. '■ . 
 
 — right,'" and added the Mercian territory to his own. 
 
 Sitric sails Either to support the pretensions of his brother, 
 
 to support or to assert his own, Sitric then left Ireland, and 
 ''^^^ ' entering Mercia besieged Devenport, while " Leofrid, 
 a Dane, and Gruffyth ap Madoc, brother-in-law to 
 the Prince of "West Wales, came from Ireland with 
 a great army, and overran and subdued all the 
 country (about Chester) before King Edward was 
 certified of their arrival." It was not long, however, 
 until Edward overtook the invaders, and having de- 
 feated and slain Leofrid and Gruffyth, he " set up 
 their heads on the town gates of Chester."^ 
 The Irish Sitric and Reginald being thus engaged in England, 
 
 under Niall _.^-. „, , _,. 
 
 Giundubhtry the Irish claimants oi the throne or JDublm again 
 
 to regaia ^ -, , . 
 
 Dublin. attempted to obtain it. 
 
 Assembling a large army Niall Glundubh advanced 
 towards the city, near which he was confronted by 
 the Scandinavian garrison, commanded by the sons 
 of Sitric and of Reginald. 
 
 Confident of success Niall had promised the 
 plunder of the fortress to his followers, saying " before 
 the battle," — 
 
 " Whoever wislies for a speckled boss, andr a sword of sore-inflicting 
 
 ■wounds, 
 And a green javelin for wounding wretclies, let Mm go early in tho 
 
 morning to Atli Cliath ; "3 
 
 but the result was fatal to him and his allies. 
 
 1 Caradoo, p. 47 ; Ann. Ulst., 2 Lappenburg, vol. ii., page 96 ; 
 
 A.D. 917; Sax. Chron., a.d. 918 ; Tyrrell's Hist, of England, vol. i., 
 
 another copy a.d. 922; Chron. p. 321. 
 
 Princesof Wales places Ethclfloed's 3 Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 917. 
 death A.D. 914. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 59 
 
 " The battle of Atli Cliath, {i.e., of Cillmosamhog, ^^^^^\ 
 by the side of Ath Cliath), was gained over the Irish, ^^^ — 
 by Imhar and Sitric Gale on the l7th of October," Jefeatedat 
 A.D. 919, "in which were slain Niall Glundubh, son oi^-^- ^i^- 
 Aedh Finnliath, King of Ireland;"^ "the King of 
 Ulidia, the King of Breagh,"^ with many other nobles, 
 including "Conchobhar, heir apparent to the sov- 
 ereignty of Ireland."* 
 
 So disastrous a defeat had seldom been sustained. 
 Deeply deplored by the Irish, and lamented by their 
 bards, it was termed a day sorrowful for " sacred 
 Ireland," a battle which 
 
 " Shall be called till Judgment's day 
 The destructive morning of Ath Cliath ;" 
 
 and one in which 
 
 " Many a countenance of well-known Gaeidhil, 
 Many a chief of grey-haired heroes 
 Of the sons of queens and kings, 
 Were slain at Ath Cliath of swords. "< 
 
 Donnchadh, the brother of Conchobhar, partially 
 avenged it in the following year by "an overthrow 
 of the foreigners," wherein " there fell of the nobles 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., A.D. 917 (=919}. the Gaill,Introd., p. xci., n. I.] 
 
 ICill Mosamhog. The Church 2 Ann. Ult., 918 (=919); Ann. 4 
 
 of Mosamhog, now liilmashogue, in Mast., 917 (=919).Ogygia, p. 434, 
 
 the mountains, near Rathfarnham, gives the date of Niall's death 
 
 about six miles from Dublin. The 919. 
 
 remains of a very large cromlech 3 Conchobhar was son of Fhinn, 
 
 are still to be seen on Kilmashogue who disputed the possession of 
 
 mountain, in the grounds of Glen Dublin with the Scandinavians in 
 
 Southwell, near St, Columba's 885, and whose mother was now 
 
 College. This, in all probability, the wife pi Kiall Glundubh. 
 
 marks the grave of the chieftains < Ann. 4 Mast., 919; Ann. Clon- 
 
 and kings slain in the battle. Dr. mac, 917. 
 Todd, Wars of the Gaedhil with 
 
60 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Sitric and 
 Reginald 
 become kings 
 of different 
 divisions of 
 Northunaber- 
 land, A.». 920. 
 
 Death of 
 Reginald, a.d. 
 923. 
 
 of the Norsemen as many as had fallen of the nobles 
 and plebeians of the Irish in the battle of Ath 
 Cliath." This, however, was the only result ; Donn- 
 chadh made no attempt to obtain possession of 
 Dublin, but to preserve the sovereignty of Ireland 
 slew his brother Domhnall. 
 
 Secure in his Irish kingdom "Sitric forsook 
 Dublin"^ in 920, and to maintain their English 
 dominions he and his brother Keginald "with the 
 English and Danes of North umbria and the King of 
 the Strathclyde Britons and the King of the Scots" 
 submitted to the victorious Edmund and "acknow- 
 ledged him for their father and lord."^ Secured by 
 this submission Sitric took possession of one division 
 of Northumbria and " Reginald won York"^ the 
 capital of the other, the claim of their brother Niall 
 to some share of dominion being settled after the 
 barbarous manner of the times, for "a.d. 921, King 
 Sitric slew his brother Niall." 
 
 The dates of these events are variously given 
 in English chronicles which contain no further 
 account of Reginald. It is supposed that he went 
 to France,* and was that "Ragenoldus Princeps 
 Nordmannorum"' who fell in battle in a.d. 925 ; the 
 
 1 Ann. Ult., 919 al. 920. 
 
 2 Flor.Wig. and Math. Westtn., 
 give the date 921 ; also Chron. 
 Mailros., where Sitric is named 
 ■with Reginald ; Hen. Hunt., 923, 
 and Roger de Hoveden, 917. 
 
 8 Sax. Chron., 922 ; Sim. Dun., 
 919; "Inguald irrupit Ebora- 
 cura." Hen. Hunt., 92.3; Sax. 
 Chron., 920; Sim. Dun., 914; 
 
 Hoveden, 923. 
 
 * Ann. Bartholin, ap. Langebek, 
 vol. i., p. 3S7. " Ragenoldus Nor- 
 mannus Franciam vastat a.d. 923." 
 liist. S. Cuthberti ap. Twysden, p. 
 74, says he died same year as King 
 Edward, a.d. 924. 
 
 5 Chron. Frodoard, ap. Du- 
 chesne, Historiffi Franeonem Scrip - 
 tores, p. 595, vol. ii. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 Gl 
 
 021 BOOK I. 
 '^ Chap. VI. 
 
 only record in Irish annals being that "a.d 
 
 Eeginald O'Hivar, King of the Black and White ""— 
 
 Gentiles, died."^ 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Godfrey, son of Reginald, through Sitric's absence, assumes the rule 
 
 at Dublin His conflicts with the Danes of Limerick and their allies 
 
 Canute and Harold, sons of Gormo, King of Denmark. — Sitric dies, and 
 
 Athelstan annexes Northumberland Sitric's sons come to Ireland. — 
 
 Godfrey vainly attempts to recover Northumberland. — His renewed 
 conflicts with the Danes of Limerick aided by the sons of Sitric. — 
 Death of Godfrey. — Athelstan makes Eric Blod-Ax, A'^iceroy of Nor- 
 thumberland. 
 
 Reginald's death and Sitric's residence in Xorthum- chap, vii. 
 bria, gave to Reginald's son Godfrey the Kingdom g^^^^^C" °* 
 of the Ostmen,and a.d. 921/ "Godfrey, grandson of ^^^^"^f j^i^,i„_ 
 Imhar, took up his residence at Ath Cliath," and ^■^- ^^^■ 
 immediately commenced hostilities against the 
 Irish. 
 
 He plundered Armagh but spared " the oratories ^^ plunders 
 
 •*■ _ _ '^ ^ _ Armagh. 
 
 with their Ceile Des (Culdees) and the sick/'^ who 
 appear to have been lepers." His army then plun- 
 dered "the country in every direction, west, east, 
 and north, until they Avere overtaken by (the Irish 
 under) Muircheartach, son of Niall Glundubh," and 
 
 lAnn. Ult., A.D. 920 (=921). 
 "Eeginald O'Hivar, King of the 
 Dubhgalls and Finngalls, killed." 
 Antiq. Celt. Norm. pp. 66, 77, 
 "Keginaldus regno Ostmannorum 
 Dublinii defuncto," &c., a.d. 
 921. 
 
 2 Ann. 4 Mast., 919; Ann. 
 Ulst.,920 ( 921). At this period 
 
 there is a difference of two years 
 between the chronology of the 
 Four Masters and that of the 
 Annals of Ulster, the latter being 
 correct, as the eclipse of the moon 
 mentioned, occurred in 92 1 . 
 
 8 Ann. Ulster, 920 (=921). 
 
 * Ann. 4 Mast., 919 (=921). 
 
0-J THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. gQ signally defeated, that " the few who escaped owed 
 ^ , , — , ^ their safety to the darkness of the nisfht."^ 
 
 Is defeated by "^ ° 
 
 Muircheartach, ]S[or was it the Irish alone who engaged Godfrey's 
 Giundubh, a.d. attention. 
 
 921. 
 
 Gormo.Kingof " Gormo-hin-Gamle,"^ grandson of Gormo Enske, 
 his sons to aid at this time reigned in Denmark and held dominion 
 
 the Danes of _, a i • tt t n 
 
 EastAngiia, ovor ii,ast Anglia. He had married Thvra, the 
 
 A.D. 921. . •! ' 
 
 daughter of King Edward/ and when Edward sought 
 to subjugate East Anglia in 921, Gormo's sons, 
 Canute and Harald, went to England,* and, doubtless, 
 were those termed in the Saxon Chronicle " the 
 pirates whom (the East Anglians) had enticed to 
 aid them."* But the East Anglians been defeated, 
 and having accepted Edward as their sovereign, 
 swearing "oneness with him, that they all would 
 Canute and that he would,"® Canute and Harald left East Anglia 
 thence to and Sailed for Limerick where sons of Reginald and 
 
 Limerick, A.D. p o-j. • it, -J J 
 
 "■jTi. 01 bitric then resided. 
 
 Their father, Gormo, who had renounced Chris- 
 tianity and returned to the worship of Thor, was 
 called by the Irish "Tomar" or Thorsman, and 
 " Mac Elchi " as the son (recte grandson) of "Gormo 
 Enske. "^ 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., 919 (^ 921). morituro heredes scribuntur." 
 
 2 Gormo III., called Gormo ' Sax. Cliroii., -where the date is 
 Grandoevus, or the old : he was son 921 . 
 
 of Harald the grandson of Gormo ^ IVid. 
 
 Enske. LaDgebekjVol.i., pp. 17-20. 'Gormo, "Hie Christianis in- 
 
 8 Langebek, vol. i., p. 37. She festissimns fuit, renovavit Idola- 
 
 was called Dana Bota. triam, Ecelesiam constructam circa 
 
 * Ihid. A.u. 923, p. 37, "Canutus Sleswic funditus destruxit." — Lan- 
 
 et Haraldus, principes juventutis, gebek, vol. ii., p. 345, et vol. i., 
 
 in Angliam profecti, Gormonis iii., p. 158, Ann. Bartholini, a.d. 934— 
 
 Uanorum tyranni, filli, ab avo " Gormoniana persecutio." 
 matcrno Edivardo.Eege Anglorum 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 63 
 
 When his fleet with his sons Canute and HarakI ^ook i. 
 came to the harbour of Limerick in a.d. 922, its °— 
 
 - . Canute and 
 
 arrival Avas designated as that of "the licet of Tomar if'^aid styled 
 
 ^r "oi 1 ' jn IT /-^ "MacElchi" 
 
 Mac Jtilchi, and when Canute and Harald plundered i>7 t^e Irish, 
 the adjacent county, the record in our annals is, that 
 ' the shipping of Limerick, that is to say, of the Mac Tiiey ravage 
 Elchi, came to Lochri (Lough Ree) and'^spoded CI on- lllT^Jn. 
 macnois and all the islands (in Lough Eee) carrying 
 away great booty of gold and silver." 
 
 The " Mac Elchi " were aided in these depreda- The Danes of 
 
 ,_,^ Limerick aid 
 
 tions by CoUa, Lord of Limerick, tne son of Barith,"- 'hem. 
 a Scandinavian chief, who had married the daughter 
 of an Irish prince. But their forays were not always 
 successful; " twelve hundred of the foreigners were 
 drowned " at the mouth of the Erne in Donegal,^ 
 and one of their pagan associates, Tomrar, the 
 son of Tomralt, was slain b}^ the people of Conne- 
 mara.* 
 
 Godfrey in vain attempted to check the progress Godfrey 
 of these plunderers. He " led an army from Dublin cubun against 
 to Limerick,^" but " many of his men were killed by 
 
 1 After that came Tomar, son of p. 173, that, a.d. 866, "Barith the 
 Elce, king of an immense fleet, Earl and Haimer (Ivar), two of the 
 and they landed at Inis Slibhtonn noble race of the Lochlainns, came 
 in the harbour of Limerick, and the through the middle of Connaught 
 chief part of Munster was plun- towards Limerick." The Four 
 deredbythem. "Warsof theGaed- Masters, in a.d. 878, record the 
 hil with the Gaill, p. 39. death of "Barith a fierce champion 
 
 2 This Barith had another son of the Xorsemen." and that, a.d. 
 called after his grandfather Ua- SS8, his son, Eloir, was killed in 
 thinharan, Ann. 4 Mast., 919. Connaught, another of the family, 
 Barith's genealogy is unknown. "Eric, or Aric mac Brith," being 
 In the Three Fragments, p. 197, killed at Brunanburg in 937. 
 
 we find that •' Barith, tutor to King » Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 922. 
 
 Aedh's son, di-ew mion}- ships from ■* Ibid.. 023. 
 
 the sea westwai-d to Loch Ri ; and * Ann. Ult., S3 2. 
 
04 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. VII. 
 
 Is defeated. 
 Muireadach, 
 King of 
 Leinster, 
 attempts Dub- 
 lin, but fails. 
 
 Godfrey's sons 
 in Ulster. 
 
 Are defeated 
 by Muirchear- 
 tagh, son of 
 Niall. 
 
 Edward, King 
 of the Anglo- 
 Saxons, dies, 
 A.D. 925. 
 
 MacAilclie,"' and he was forced to return to " Ath 
 Cliath," which during his absence had been attacked 
 by the Irish. The garrison, however, was sufficient 
 to repulse the assailants, and " Muireadhach, king of 
 Leinster, with his son Lorcan, were taken prisoners,"* 
 and although subsequently released, clemency had 
 little effect, for some years after Lorcan " was slain 
 by the Norsemen as he was plundering" the city/ 
 At this time Godfrey's sons had joined the Danish 
 fleet at Strangford, and plundered Dunseverick in 
 Ulster;* but this fleet was taken at Magheralin, on 
 the river Lagan,^ and, at the bridge of Cluain-na-g 
 Cruimhther, Muircheartach, son of Niall, with the 
 Ulstermen, defeated the Scandinavians, slaying 
 " eight hundred men, with their chieftains, Albdarn 
 (or Halfdan), son of Godfrey, Aufer and Roilt 
 (Harold),* the other half of them being besieged for 
 a week at Ath Cruithne, until Godfrey, lord of the 
 foreigners, came to their assistance from Dublin."' 
 Sach was the situation of affairs in Ireland when 
 Edward, king of the Anglo-Saxons died in 925,' and 
 was succeeded by his illegitimate son ..^thelstan, 
 who to secure the throne drowned his legitimate 
 brother Edwin,^ and entered into an alliance with 
 the Northumbrian Danes, then governed by Sitric. 
 
 1 Ann, Ult., 93-2. 
 
 2 Ann. 4 Mast., 923. 
 'Ibid., 941. 
 
 ^ Ann.4Mast., "DunSobliairce," 
 A.D. 924 ; Ann. Ult, 925 (=926) ; 
 Ann. Clonmac, 921. 
 
 5 Ann. Ult., 925.—" Linn Dua- 
 chaill,"now Magheralin. [Perhaps 
 a place near Annagassan at the tidal 
 opCring of the rivers Clyde and 
 
 Dee in the county of Louth. See 
 supra., V. i., p. 19.] 
 
 6 Ann. 4 Mast., 924 ; Ann. Clon- 
 mac, 921, " Alvdon, Awfer, and 
 Harold." 
 
 "> Ann. 4 Mast., 924 ; Ann. Ult., 
 925. 
 
 8 Sax. Chron., a.d. 925. 
 
 " Hoveden, a.d. 924 ; Sim. Dun., 
 A.D. 933 ; Hen. Hunt., a.d. 933. 
 
SCANDIXAVIAX ANTIQl'ITIES OF DUBLIN. 65 
 
 The alliance between the Saxon and the Dane book i. 
 was doubly cemented, for when "King Athelstan ^°t^^'"- 
 and King Sitric came together at Tamworth, on the succeeds, and 
 3rd of the kalends of February, Athelstan gave him witt Sitdc. 
 his sister in marriage,"' and Sitric consented to be 
 baptized ; but neither matrimony or Christianity 
 were ties which could bind Sitric, for, unsteady in 
 bis faith and forgetful of his vows, he soon repu- 
 diated his wife, " rejected Christianity, aTid returned 
 to the worship of idols "^ he had abandoned. 
 
 The apostate did not long survive. In 926 Sitric, sitric dies, and 
 grandson of Ivar, " lord of the Dubhghoill and Finn- annexes^Xonh- 
 ghoill,"^ or as he is called in the Ulster Annals, a". 926? ' 
 '■ Sitric O'Himar, prince of the New and Old Danes,"* 
 died, leaving three sons, Reginald, Godfrey, and 
 Aulaf, who came to Ireland, not being permitted to sitric and sons 
 
 . , .--,_,_. ^- ., f 1 ' r -I 1 come to Ire- 
 
 inherit the English dominion 01 their lather, whose land. 
 brother-in-law, King Athelstan, obtained the kingdom 
 of Northumbria. 
 
 This annexation of Northumbria to the Ang^lo- Godfrey, King 
 
 c-i . • 1 ■ 1 1 ■ 1 of Dublin, 
 
 Saxon crown was not m accordance with the right attempts to 
 
 rscover Nortli- 
 
 of succession claimed by Godfrey, King of Dublin, umberiand. 
 the son of Reginald. Godfrey, therefore, "with his 
 foreigners left Ath Cliath,"' and accompanied by the 
 
 1 Sax. Chron., a.d. 925. Editha " The plundering of GUI dara by 
 was daughter of Edward and sister the son of Godfrey of Port Lairge." 
 of Thyra, who had married Gormo. Ann. Clonm., 923 (=928). " Kil- 
 
 2 Matth. ^Vestm., a.d. 925. dare was ransacked by the son of 
 
 3 Ann. 4 Mast., 925 (=926). Sax. Godfrey of Waterford." Ann. 4 
 Chron. also gives 926 as the date Mast, 929. "Godfrey (son of Regi- 
 of Sitric's death. nald) went into Oeraiglie, to expel 
 
 * Ann. Ult., 92G. They appear the grandson of Imhar" (that is 
 to have landed at "Waterford, Godfrey the son of Sitric from 
 where their uncle Reginald had MaghRoighne). 
 been. Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 920. = Ann. 4 Mast., 925 (=926). 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. Vir, 
 
 Is expelled in 
 six months, 
 and returus to 
 Dublin. 
 
 Godfrey 
 ravages Kil- 
 dare. 
 
 Defeats the 
 eons ot Sitric, 
 and Danes of 
 AVaterford and 
 Limeiick, a.d, 
 929. 
 
 "foreigners of Linn Duachaill"' (probably the rem- 
 nant of his son Halfden's army), he sailed for 
 England, where for a brief period the King of Dublin 
 became King of Northumbria also. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon monarch, however, was too 
 powerful; "Athelstan expelled King Guthfrith,'" 
 who "came back to Dublin after six months,"^ and 
 renewed his warfare with the Irish. " On the festival 
 day of St. Bridget " in 927^ he plundered her sacred 
 fane at Kildare, and on the death of Diarmaid (the 
 last of the sons of CearbhalP) " Godfrey, the grand- 
 son of Imhar, with the foreigners of Ath Cliath, 
 demolished and plundered Dearc Fearna " in Ossory, 
 "where one thousand persons were killed."* Per- 
 haps the people of Ossory had shown some partiality 
 for the sons of Sitric, who were then joined with 
 the " foreigners " of Waterford and Limerick, as we 
 find that in a.d. 928 " the foreigners of Luimneach " 
 entered Ossory and " encamped in Magh Koighne,"^ 
 under the command of Aulaf Ceanncairech of 
 Limerick, and that in 929 Godfrey went into Ossory 
 to expel the grandson of Imhar from Magh Raighne,"' 
 in which he succeeded, and compelled Aulaf to seek 
 another field of action.' 
 
 lAnn. 4 Mast., 925 (=926). 
 Linn Duachaille. See supra, p. 1 9, 
 n. 1. 
 
 a Sax. Chron., 927. 
 
 8 Ann. 4 Mast. 925 (=926). 
 
 * JUd., 927. 
 
 « Ann. 4 Mast., 928 ; Ann Ult., 
 927 (r=930). Dearc Fearna, i.e., the 
 Cave of Fearna, probably the 
 ancient name of the Cave of Dun- 
 more near Kilkenny. (See the 
 
 Dublin Penny Journal, vol. i., p. 73 ; 
 Dr. J. O'Donovan, Ann. 4 Mast., 
 vol. ii., p. 623, note 3.) 
 
 " Ann. 4 Mast., 928. 
 
 ' Ibid., 929. 
 
 8 Ann. 4 Mast., 931. "The 
 victory of Duibhthir was gained by 
 Amhlaeibh Ceanncairech of Luim- 
 neach, -where some of the nobles of 
 Ui Maine were slain." 
 
SCANDINAVIAN AXTIQUITIES OF DUIHLIN. 67 
 
 While Godfrey was thus engaged the sons of book i. 
 Gormo, that is to say, "the Mac Elgi," aided by ^^''ilj"- 
 " the sons of Sitric took Dubhn on Godfrey,"' an HaroU, aided 
 aggression qtiickly followed by the death of Canute, sftrkftTe " 
 the eldest of the Mac Elchi, who was slain near the 927. '"' 
 city by the arrow of a native king.'' As one of the 
 pagan worshippers of Thor, Canute's death is recorded Canute siaia 
 
 ■ in a battle 
 
 m Irish annals by the statement that " Torolbh the near Dublin, 
 Earl was killed by Muircheartach," son of Niall f 
 and the statement of Northern historians that Gormo, His father. 
 King of Denmark, died of grief for the loss of of Denmark, 
 his son Canute killed in Ireland,^ is charitably '^'°^''" 
 recorded in the Annals of Clonmacnois, by the state- 
 ment that " Tomar ]\Iac Alchi, King of Denmark, is 
 reported to have gone to hell with his pains, as 
 he deserved."* 
 
 In 931 Aulaf, son of Godfrey, imitating the bad Aniaf, son of 
 
 ^ , King Godfrey, 
 
 example of his father, plundered Armagh, and being plunders 
 joined by Matadhan, son of Aedh, with some of the 931. 
 Ulidians, he continued to spoil Ulster until his army 
 was "overtaken by Muircheartach, son of Niall," 
 and defeated with the loss of " 200 heads besides 
 
 1 Ann. Clonmac, 922 (=927). ( = 930). 
 
 2 Saxo Gram. lib. ix.,p. 162, et ' Langebek, vol. i., p. 37, et vol. 
 Langebek, vol. ii., p. 346. " Deinde ii., p. 346. "Gormo tyrannus, 
 Hyberniam adeuntes, Dubliniam audito mortis Canuti filii in bello 
 caput provincie obsederunt. Kex Hybernico obtruncati nuncio, in 
 autem Hybernie nemus circa Dub- apoplexin incidit et moritur." 
 liniam cum sagittariis ingressus, " Ann. Clonmac, 922 (^927). 
 Knutonem inter milites nocturno Northern annals say that Gormo 
 tempore ambulantem, cum sagitta died a.d. 930, and Canute in 
 letaliter vulneravit." 930, in which they agree ivith 
 
 8 Ann. 4 Mast., 930. He is the Four Masters. 
 called "Torch," Ann. Clonm., 925 
 
 F 2 
 
GS 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. VII. 
 
 King Godfrey 
 dies, A.D. 932. 
 
 Athelslan 
 (■cizc.i North- 
 umberland. 
 
 JIakes Eric 
 Blod-ax 
 Viceroy of 
 Xortliumber- 
 land. 
 
 Eric Blod-ax 
 dwells at York. 
 
 prisoners."' In 932 "Godfrey, King of the Danes, 
 died a filthy and ill-favoured death,^ and Aulaf, King 
 of Dublin, became by right King of Nortliumbria 
 also. But this claim was not admitted by Athelstan, 
 who, although he permitted Heginald to remain 
 at York, had determined to govern Northumbria 
 by a Scandinavian viceroy of his own selection. 
 
 English chronicles do not refer to the facts 
 detailed in Northern history, but there is every 
 appearance of truth in the Saga narrated, that 
 Athelstan was "foster father" to Hakon the illegiti- 
 mate son of King Harald Harfagre, and that in 
 A.D. 933,^ Athelstan sent Hakon to Norway where 
 Hakon's legitimate brother, Eric Blodaxe,had become 
 obnoxious to his subjects, it being subsequently 
 arranged " that King Eric should take Northumber- 
 land as a fief from King Athelstan," and " defend it 
 against the Danes or other Vikings,"'' and further 
 that " Eric should let himself be baptized, together 
 with his wife and children and all the people 
 who followed him." "Eric accepted this offer," 
 came to England, received baptism, and took up 
 " his residence at York, where Regnar Lodbrog's sons 
 it is said, had formerly been."* 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 931. 
 
 2 Ann. Ult., A.D. 933 (=934) ; 
 Ann. 4 Mast,, a.d. 932. 
 
 " Ann. Island., a.d. 933 ; Lang, 
 vol. iii., p. 32, vol. ii., p. 188. 
 "In Historia Norvegica Ilacon 
 'Adelsteins fostre' appellatur." 
 
 Saga Hakonar Goda, cap. i., p. 
 12.5. 
 
 ■■ Heimsk., vol. i., p. 127, Saga 
 Hakonar Goda. 
 
 5 Jbid., p. 128 ; Torfoeus Hist. 
 North., Pars Sccunda, p. 18-1. 
 
SOANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 69 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. BOOK t. 
 
 Chat- Vlll. 
 Aulaf, King of Dublin, attempts to recover Northumberland. — Is defeated 
 
 by Athelstan at Brunanburg. — Returns to Dublin The Irish besiege 
 
 Dublin. 
 
 While Athelstan was thus providing for tlie govern- Auiaf prepares 
 melit of Northumbria Aulaf, King of Dublin, was pre- Northumber- 
 paring to assert his right to it. ' ' The foreigners of Loch 
 Erne,"' under the command of " Amhiaeibh Geann- 
 chairech,^ had crossed Breifne (Cavan and Leitrim) to 
 Loch Ribh, and had remained there for seven months 
 plundering the country on the banks of the Shannon.' 
 Their assistance, however, was now required, and 
 in 936 " Amhiaeibh, the son of Godfrey, lord of the 
 foreigners, came at Lammas from Ath Cliath, and 
 carried off Amhiaeibh Ceannchairech from Loch Eibli, 
 and the foreigners that were with him."^ Aulaf 's pre- 
 parations being complete " the Danes of the North '"'Mi his aUies, 
 
 ^ ■"• sails from 
 
 of Ireland "* and " the foreigfners of Ath Chath left Dublin, a.d. 
 
 their fortress, and went to England,"® where they 
 
 were ioined by Howel Dha/ King of Wales, They lard at 
 
 ■J J > » ' ^^^^ mouth of 
 
 " Hryngr " (Eric), son of Harald Blaatand,' and the number. 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 934 (=935) ; " The foreigners deserted Ath- 
 Crymogaea, p. 127- cliath by the help of God and Mac- 
 s' Aulaf Ceannchairech— that is, tail." Ann. Dlst. a.d. 931 (=937). 
 "of the scabbed head." Aulaf is 'Harald Blaataud was son of 
 called the Red King of Scotland. Gormo Grandaevus, King of East 
 s Ann. 4 Mast., 934. Anglia, who died a.d. 931 (=935). 
 * During the absence of Aulaf on H.arald reigned fifty years. — Hams- 
 this or some othere.\pedition, Dublin fort Chron. ; Ann. Barthelin, 935. 
 was burned by Donnchadh, son of ^ Langebek, vol. ii., p. 1 48. It 
 Flann, King of Ireland. The Annals adds that Hrynkr (or Ilerich or 
 of the Four Masters places Aulafs Eric) was killed in Northumbria : 
 expedition to Loch Kibh in 935, doubtless he was killed at Brun- 
 -and the burning of Dublin in 934. anburg. See Egil's Saga, and 
 3 Ann. Clonmac., a.d. 931 Ann. Ulst., a.d. 931 (=937), where 
 /_937^ he is called " Imar, the King of 
 •5 Ann, 4 Mast., a.d. 937, sav - Denmark's own son." 
 
70 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. Constantine, King of the Scots,^ whose daughter 
 "*Zl. ■ Aulaf had married, and whose dominions Athelstan 
 had made tributary. Aulaf was also joined by some 
 Irish and Orkney allies, and from the assembled 
 " fleet of 615 ships " he landed " at the mouth of the 
 Humber"A.D. 927.' Athelstan was not inattentive 
 
 k.rces^'"'*^ to the preparations of the invaders. He also collected 
 a formidable host, having the assistance of his tri- 
 butary king, Eric, with many of the Danes of 
 Northumbria, and among his foreign auxiliaries 
 Thorolf and Egils, two celebrated Vikings, who 
 joined his standard with 300 warriors on hearing of 
 large rewards offered for such mercenary assistance.^ 
 Aulaf here showed that he combined the caution of 
 a general with the courage of a soldier. With equal 
 credibility it is told of him, as of Alfred,^ that on 
 the eve of the battle, and in the disguise of a harper, 
 he entered and examined the camp of his enemy ; 
 
 Aulaf defeated but fortune was unMnd — Aulaf was defeated in the 
 
 at lininati- 
 
 burg, A.U. 938. terrific struggle at Brunanburg, and fled 
 
 "O'er the deep water 
 Dublin to seek 
 Again Ireland 
 Shamed in mind."* 
 
 Langtoff's Chronicle says that -he returned at 
 
 1 Flor. Wig., p. 578, says Con- (Egil's Saga., p. 285), and in the 
 stantine urged Aulaf to this attack battle was opposed to the Scotch 
 on Athelstan. auxiliaries of Aula, and defeated 
 
 2 Sim. Uunelm., p. 686 ; Flor. them. 
 
 Wig., 587 ; Chron. Mailros, p. 147. * Ingulf, a.d. 872, p. 26 ; Will. 
 
 " Egil's Saga Hafnia;, 1 825, pp. Malmsb., p. 23 ; Sax. Chron., a.d. 
 
 264, 266. Thorolf was killed in 938, p. 385 ; Ann. 4 Mast,, 938, 
 
 this battle, to the success of which where he is called "Aulaf, son of 
 
 he contributed. With his ''two- Sitric." 
 
 handed sword " he killed Hryngr « Hen. Hunt, gives the date 945 ; 
 
 in the night attack before the battle lib. v., p. 204. 
 
SCAXDINAVIAX ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 71 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Easter, and, after the custom of the Northmen, chal- book i. 
 lenged Athelstan to try his right to Northumhria by ^''''— 
 wage of battle, for which purpose he selected a 
 redoubtable champion ; but his champion was van- 
 quished,^ and " Aulaf turned again, he and all his King Aukf 
 to their ships," and after plundering the Isle of Man, Dublin 
 " Aulaiv mac Godfrey came to Dublin " in 938.''' 
 
 Brunanburg, however, had destroyed his power.'^ The Irish 
 The Irish took advantage of his weakness [or were ^.d. 938. 
 the allies of another line of Ostman kings]* and 
 "Donnchadh (King of Ireland) and Muircheartach 
 (of the Leather Cloaks) went with the forces of both 
 
 weakened, 
 A.D. 938. 
 
 1 Peter LangtofTs Chron. ; 
 Ilearn's Collect., Oxford, 17-25. 
 
 " Aulaf sent messengers mto 
 
 Athelstan, 
 And bad him yeld the lond, or 
 
 f ynd another man 
 To fight with Colehrant, that 
 
 was his champion, 
 ■\Vho felle to haff the lond, on 
 
 them it suld be don." 
 
 This "trial by battle " continued 
 among the Anglo-Normans in all 
 disputes of title to land, until 
 Henry II. instituted " Trial by 
 great Assize ;" yet his son, Richard 
 I., was challenged by King Philip 
 to try his right to the crown of 
 France. Previously Canute fought 
 Edmund in single combat for the 
 crown of England. William the 
 Conqueror challenged Harald for 
 the same purpose. So it was 
 offered between John of England 
 and Lewis of France {vide Selden 
 Duello, Lond., 16)0). Olaf Tryg- 
 vesson, with twelve champions, 
 fought Alfen withan equal number. 
 
 Heimskr. Olaf Trygvesson's Saga, 
 chap. 34, vol. i., p. 126 ; and 
 throughout the Sagas we find 
 numerous instances of single combat, 
 or of combats with a stated number 
 on each side, to try not only titles 
 to land, but claims of other kinds. 
 
 = Ann. 4 Mast., 936 ; Ann. Ult. 
 938. 
 
 ' Sax. Chron., a.d. 937, and all 
 English historians describe the 
 battle of Brunnanburgh as one of 
 the bloodiest conflicts of the age. 
 Of Aulaf 'a aUies the slaughter was 
 great. The Ann. Clonmacn. name 
 " Sithfrey, Oisle, the two sons of 
 Sithrick Gale, Awley Fivit, and 
 Moylemorey the son of Cossawara, 
 Moyle Isa, Gellachan, King of the 
 Islands, Ceallach,princeof Scotland, 
 with 30,000, ^together with 800 
 about Awley mac Godfrey, and 
 about Aric mac Brith, Hoa, Deck, 
 Omar the King of Denmark's son, 
 with 4,000 soldiers in his guard, 
 were all slain." Ann. 4 Mast., v. ii„ 
 p. 633, n. 
 
 * [Of Godfrey, son of Sitric.J 
 
72 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. fully assembled to lay siege to the foreigners of 
 
 — ■ Ath Cliath," and although they failed to take the 
 
 city, " they spoiled and plundered all that was under 
 
 the dominion of the foreigners from Ath Cliath 
 
 Kebridef *" ^^^ Truisten.'" Either in retaliation for this 
 
 ilTretoif''^^* aggression or as a mere piratical expedition, the 
 
 Northmen of the Scottish Isles, the subjects or allies 
 
 Muirchear- of Aulaf, plundered Aileach and carried Muircheartach 
 
 tach s capture ■*• 
 
 and escape, prisoner to their ships. The captive, however, es- 
 caped, and fitting out a fleet pursued his captors 
 to their island homes from which he returned laden 
 with plunder. Nor was he content with this exhibi- 
 tion of his power, he marched from Aileach with 
 a thousand chosen men, prepared for a winter 
 campaign by sheep skin mantles (an improvement 
 in military costume, which gained for him the name 
 
 His "Leather- of " Muii'cheartach of the Leather Cloaks"), and 
 
 cloaked '' ^ 
 
 warriors, and " keeping his left hand to the sea," " he made 
 
 circuit of .. r t ^ ^ -i -i 
 
 Ireland. the circuit of Ireland until he arrived at Ath 
 Cliath," from whence "he brought Sitric, lord of Ath 
 Cliath," or more probably the son of Sitric, ''as a 
 hostage."^ 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., 936; Ann. Ult., southern part of the county ot 
 
 937 (=938). Ath Truisten, a Kildare. 
 
 ford of the river Greece near ^ Ann. i Mast., a.d. 939, vol. ii. 
 
 the hill of Mullaghmast, in the P- 643. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIX. , 3 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. BOOK r. 
 
 King Edmund dies a.d. 946. — Aulaf Cuaran, King of Dublin, contests 1 
 
 Xortliumberland with King Eadred, Edmund's successor. — Aulaf, 
 after four years' possession of Northumberland, is expelled. — He returns 
 to Ireland. — His extensive Irish connexions. — His throne at Dublin 
 
 disputed by his nephew. — Aulaf recovers it Goes a pilgrimage to 
 
 lona Abdicates. — Maelsechlain overthrows Reginald, Aulaf's son. 
 
 — Maelsechlain proclaims the freedom of Ireland. 
 
 Contemporaneously with the deatli of Blacaire in K.Edmund diea 
 
 AD 946 
 
 Ireland was tliat of Edmund in England. He was 
 
 assassinated "on St. Augustin's mass-day,'" 946, and 
 
 was succeeded by his brother Eadred, who " subdued is succeeded by 
 
 all Northumberland under his power."' In 947 Eadred. ^"^ 
 
 " Walstan, the archbishop, and all the Northumbrian 
 
 ' Witan ' plighted their troth to " him, with oaths 
 
 which they did not long remember, for " within a 
 
 little time they belied it all, both pledge and also 
 
 oaths " by taking Eric (of Danish extraction) to be The Northum- 
 
 their king.' Enraged by this perfidy " Eadred Eric son of 
 
 ravaged all Northumbria" in 948, and "would have king. 
 
 wholly destroyed the land" if the Witan had not . ^ 
 
 ■J '' ^ _ Kmg Eadred 
 
 "forsook Eric, and made compensation" to their expels Eric 
 Saxon lord." 
 
 The dethronement of Eric left Northumberland 
 again open to Aulaf Cuaran, Avho since the death 
 of Blacaire had retained undisputed possession of 
 Dublin. 
 
 In 948 Aulaf sailed for England,^ leaving Dublin KingAuiaf 
 to the care of his brother Godfrey. Scarcely, how- Dublin to 
 
 Northumber- 
 land. 
 
 ' Sax. CLron., 946. * " Quant il regnout el secund an 
 
 'Ibid., 947. This was Eric, son Idunckes vint Aulaf Quiran." 
 
 of Harald Harfagre. (Gcflrei Gaimar, I., 3550). 
 
 « Ibid., 948. 
 
74 THE SCANDINAVIAKS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. ever, had he left Ireland until Ruaidhri Ua Canan- 
 
 HAP^ix. jjg^^^^ taking advantage of his absence, attacked and 
 
 Leaves Dublin defeated Conghalach in Meath. " Plundering all 
 
 hia brother Breagha, Ruaidhri reduced Conghalach to great 
 
 ^' straits," encamping " for six months " in the midst 
 
 of the country until "the dues" payable to Con- 
 
 glialach as " King of Ireland, were sent to him 
 
 (Huaidhri) from every quarter." Godfrey, with 
 
 " the foreigners of Dublin," endeavoured to^ arrest 
 
 / his progress, and a sanguinary battle was fought, in 
 
 which " the foreigners of Ath Cliath were defeated," 
 
 with the loss of "six thousand mighty men, besides 
 
 boys and calones." " Godfrey, the son of Sitric," 
 
 escaped from the field, but " Imhar, tanist of the 
 
 foreigners," was slain ; and on the other side 
 
 " Ruaidhri himself fell in the heat of the conflict."' 
 
 Godfeypiun- In 949 "Godfrey, the son of Sitric, with the 
 
 9i9. ' ' ' foreigners of Ath Cliath, plundered Ceanannus " 
 
 " and other churches in Meath," carrying " upwards 
 
 of three thousand persons with them into captivity, 
 
 besides gold, silver, raiment, and various wealth, 
 
 and goods of every description,"^ which (say the 
 
 Annals of Clonmacnois) " God did soon revenge on 
 
 them,"^ for there broke out great disease, " leprosie 
 
 and running of blood, upon the Gentiles of Dublin"* 
 
 in that year. 
 
 Auiaf Cuaran In 949 Aulaf Cuarau arrived in Northumberland,^ 
 
 recovers North- 
 umberland, 1 ^nn. 4 Mast. died in 946, and was succeeded by 
 A.D. 9i9. J ^^^_ ^ ^^^_^ g^g . j^^^ ^j^__ Eadred, and 
 
 950. " Quant 11 regnout el secund an 
 
 8 Ann. Clonmac, 946 (=93]). Idunokes vint Aulaf Quiran 
 
 * Ann. Ult., 950 ; Ann. 4 Mast., Northumberland seise e prist 
 
 949. Ne trouvat ki le defendist." 
 
 « Sax. Chron., 949. Edmund (Geff. Gaim., I., 3350.) 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 75 
 
 and " held it by the strong hand for four years."' book i. 
 At the termination of this period the Northumbrians, '^°^^- 
 with their usual fickleness, " expelled Kin? Aulaf, i3expeiied,A.D. 
 
 J- to » 953^ and Eric 
 
 and received Eric, Harold's son,"^ whose reign was ^''=<='<=<i ^y ^^^ 
 
 ' ° Danes. 
 
 short, for in 954^ the Northumbrians dismissed him TheyexpeiErio 
 as carelessly as they had received him, and inviting f^d^ ^ EX'Ii 
 King Eadred, voluntarily replaced him on the ^•^- '•'^^^ 
 throne.'* 
 
 Eric,' "with his son Harekr, and his brother ehc skin in an 
 
 -r\ ' T ^ T , . T T attempt on 
 
 Reginald, was treacherouslv slam in a desolate Nonhumber- 
 place called Steinmor, through the treason of Count 
 Osuif, and by the hand of Maccus,"^ the son of 
 Aulaf ; but the Sagas say that Aulaf himself fought 
 Eric, and that " towards the close of the day King 
 Eric, and five kings with him, fell — three of them 
 Guttorm and his two sons, Ivar and Harekr. There 
 fell also Sigurd and Rognvalldr, and with them Tor 
 Einar's two sons, Arnkel and Erland," whom Eric 
 had brought from the Orkneys. 
 
 From this period Northumbria ceased to be a On Eric's death 
 kingdom. " What became of Aulaf, the last king " to Ireland, 
 (says Drake) " I know not. It is probable he died 
 
 ' Hen. Hunt., " quod in forti- given in charge to Osulf, whose 
 
 tudlne tenuit quatuor annis." sister had married Aulaf," &c. Saga 
 
 2 Sax. Chron., 962; Hen. Hunt., Hakon Goda, c. iv., p. 129. Saga 
 
 953. of Olafi Hinom. Helga, o. 99, p. 
 
 ' Sax. Chron., 954. 145. Harald's Saga ens Harfagra, 
 
 ■* Hen. Hunt., 954. cap. xlvi., p. 12 — "Eric was a 
 
 * Brompton ap. Twysden, p. 862, stout, handsome man, strong, and 
 
 " Iricio rege super ipsos Scotos very manly — a great and fortunate -* 
 
 Btatuto," &c., &c. man of war, &c. His wife, Gun- 
 
 ^ Hen. Hunt., 950 ; Mat. West., hild, was a most beautiful woman ; 
 
 950; Koger Wendover, 950. Ho- their children were Gamle, the 
 
 veden says " The Northumbrians oldest, then Guttorm, Harald, 
 
 slew Amaccus, the son of Aulaf, Kangfred, Eagnhild, Erleng, Gud- 
 
 and that the province was then rord, and Sigurd Sieve." 
 
/ 6 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. 
 Chap. IX. 
 
 Aulaf s Irish 
 connexions. 
 
 Divorces fre- 
 quent among 
 the Scandin- 
 avians. 
 
 abroad, no author making any mention of him after 
 Edred's last expedition into the North."' But if the 
 historian of York had referred to Irish, annals, he 
 would have ascertained that, after Eric's death, 
 Aulaf returned to Ireland, where his matrimonial 
 alliances with native royalty had secured to him a 
 safe asylum. To some of these alliances we have 
 already referred, but they deserve more distinct 
 notice, as furnishing a curious illustration of the 
 manners of the times, and of the cause of many of 
 the confederacies and wars between the Ostmen and 
 the Irish. 
 
 In the eleventh century Lanfranc, Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, wrote to Turlougb O'Brien, King of 
 Ireland, that it was reported to him that within 
 Turlougli's dominions "there are men who take to 
 themselves wives too near akin, both by consan- 
 guinity and affinity ; others who forsake at will and 
 pleasure such as are lawfully joined to them in holy 
 matrimony, and some who give their wives to others 
 in matrimony, and receive the wives of such in return 
 by an abominable exchange."^ 
 
 If such were the practices in the eleventh century 
 tbey do not appear to have been very different in 
 the tenth. 
 
 Among the Scandinavians repudiation and poly- 
 gamy were royal privileges. Polygamy continued 
 in Norway down to the thirteenth century, and 
 Harald Harfagre put away nine wives when he 
 
 ' " Eboracum, or Hist, and filium Harold qui fuit ultimus 
 
 Antiq. of York, by F. Drake: Rex, &c. 
 Lend., 1736, p. 81. According to ' Ware's Bishops, p. 307. 
 
 Chron. Mailros, p. 148 — " Ericum 
 
SCAXDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 77 
 
 married " Eaughill tlie Mighty."^ We find no trace book i. 
 of polygamy among the royal families of Ireland ; "1I_ 
 but in their alliances with Aulaf there is evidence 
 that repudiation and divorce were not unknown to 
 them. 
 
 Maelmhuire, daughter of Kenneth, King of the Princely Scan- 
 
 ' <^ ' o dinavian and 
 
 Scots/ married Aedh Finnlaith, by whom she had i"* '"t^™'"'- 
 
 •' nages. 
 
 Niall Glundubh, King of Ireland. After Aedh's death 
 Maelmhuire married his successor, Flann Sinna, by 
 whom she had Gormflaith, who first married Cormac 
 Cuilennan, King and Bishop of Cashel, and being put 
 away by him she married Cearbhall, son of Murigen, 
 King of Leinster, and then married Niall Glundubh, 
 her step-brother, by whom she had Muircheartach 
 of the Leather Cloaks, King of Ireland.^ 
 
 Maelmhuire's daughter, Dunlaith, first married Auiaf Cuaran's 
 
 ° Irish connex- 
 
 Domhnall Donn, son of Donnchadh Donn,^ by whom ions, 
 she had Maelseachlainn, and then married Aulaf 
 Cuaran, by whom she had Gluniarain ; thus Mael- 
 
 ' Harald Harfagre Saga, c. xxi. Finnlaith, who was his mother's 
 
 2 Opiygia, p. 48-t. Maelmhuire, second husband. Three Frag- 
 
 the follower of Mary; she died ments, pp. 157 and 179. Flann 
 
 A.D. 910. married a third time Gaithen, by 
 
 ' Ann. Clonmac. gives the order whom she had Cennedigh, and 
 
 of her marriages differently — First, according to Ann. Ult., "in peni- 
 
 she married Cormac CuUeannain ; tontia dormivit," a.d. 889. 
 second, Niall Glundubh ; and third, * Dunlaith was probably in 
 
 Cearbhall ; but this would imply that Aulaf's "strong fortress"of Dublin 
 
 she was also repudiated by Niall in 939, when her father came to it, 
 
 Glundubh, as he lived ten years and was that " Damsel whose soul 
 
 after Cearbhall. Aedh Finnlaith the son of Niall was, and who came 
 
 was also married to Flann or Lan, forth until she was outside the walls, 
 
 daughter of Dunlang of Ossory, the although the night was constantly 
 
 widow of Maelseachlainn I., by bad." — Circuit of Ireland, p. 33. 
 
 whom she was the mother of Flann (Archajolog. Soc. of Ireland's 
 
 Sinna; and Flann Sinna married Tracts.) 
 Maelmhuire, the widow of Aedh 
 
i THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. seachlainn, King of Ireland, and Gluniarain " were 
 
 Chap. IX. 
 
 mother's sons,"' and Maelseachlainn having married 
 Maelmhuire, Aulafs daughter, the connexion 
 became closer, 
 
 Aiilaf Cuaran, however, had other alliances, for 
 Aulaf also married Gormflaith, daughter of Murchadh, 
 son of Finn, King of Leinster, by whom he had 
 Sitric.^ She then married Brian Borumha,^ by whom 
 she had Donnchadh, and being repudiated by Brian,* 
 who married Dubhchobhlaig, daughter of the King 
 of Connaught.^ Gormflaith married Maelseachlainn, 
 by whom she became mother of Conchobhar. 
 
 Aulafs royal connexions were further extended 
 and complicated by the marriage of his daughter 
 Radnalt with Conghalach, King of Ireland.® Con- 
 ghalach being the son of Maelmithigh, by Ligach, 
 daughter of Flann Sinna,'' and step-sister of Niall 
 
 ' Ann. 4 Mast., 982 ; Ann. 4 she married Brian. Ihid.^ p. clxi. 
 
 Mast., 1021 — Maelmhuire died; n. 1] 
 
 Ann. Clonmac, 1014. ' Nial's Saga, cap. civ., p. 590, 
 
 [2 Wars of the Gaedhil with says that Gormflaith had been 
 
 the Gain. Introduction, cxlviii., n. ; Brian's wife, hut that they were 
 
 ibid., cxlix., n,] then parted (1012), and that she 
 
 P For a history of Gormflaith sent her sou Sitric to induce the 
 
 see " Wars of the Gaedhil with Norsemen to attack Brian at Clon- 
 
 the Gaill," p. cxlviii., n. 88. tarf. 
 
 "The three 'marriages' of Gorm- s Ann. 4 Mast., 1008 Dubh- 
 
 llalth are described in some verses chobhlaig died. 
 
 quoted by the Four Masters (a.d. o Book of Leinster, MS. 
 
 1030), as three ' leaps,' ' or jumps' ' Ann. 4 Mast., " Lighach died," 
 
 which a woman should never 921. Miall's Saga, cap. clv.,p.590, 
 
 jump." This seems to hint that says she was first married to Brian 
 
 three leaps were not legitimate and then to Aulaf Cuaran, Mur- 
 
 marriages. They were a " leap at chadh, Gormflaith's father, died in 
 
 Ath Cliith, or Dublin," when she 928. If she were born that year 
 
 married Olaf Cuaran; " a leap at and died 1030 she was then 102 
 
 Tara," when she married Malaehy years old. It is not improbable 
 
 II. and "a leap at Cashel," when that she was first married to Brian, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 79 
 
 Glundubh and Gormflaith ; and by the marriage of book r. 
 Aulaf's son Sitric with the daughter of Brian ^'''^^^■ 
 Borumha; Brian subsequently marrying Sitric's 
 mother. 
 
 While Aulaf Cuaran was in England his brother Auiaf Cuaraii's 
 Godfrey, King of Dublin, was slain by the Dal-cais,^ auputls the 
 and was succeeded by his son Aulaf; but when Aulaf DubM^with 
 Cuaran was expelled from Northumbria, he again ""''^•°' 
 claimed the throne of Dublin to the exclusion of 
 his nephew, and in this as in previous efforts he 
 was assisted by his son-in-law Conghalach. Auiaf is aided 
 
 ^ by his son-in- 
 
 On his return to Ireland in 953 Aulaf Cuaran law CongaUch. 
 plundered Inis Doimhle and Inis Ulad ; and in 954 
 Conghalach entered Leinster ; but the young King 
 of Dublin, Aulaf, the son of Godfrey, laid a battle 
 ambush for Conghalach by means of which strata- 
 gem he was taken with many of his chieftains,^ " and 
 slain with many others."^ 
 
 In 968 Kells was plundered by Aulaf Cuaran and Auiaf Cuaran 
 the Lemstermeni and m 9/9 this Aulaf Cuaran, age to lona, 
 
 A.D. 979 
 
 or, as he is termed, Amhlaeibh, son of Sitric, chief 
 
 lord of the foreigners of Ath Cliath, went (to lona) 
 
 on his pilgrimage and died there after penance and 
 
 a good life."' Oar annals do not give the date of Date and place 
 
 his death, but if we could rely on the statement of uncertain 
 
 the Sagas he must have returned to Dublin and 
 
 survived his pilgrimage many years ; for when 
 
 i Ann. 4 Mast., 968. 
 
 and that divorced by him she then 955. 
 
 married Aulaf [See note 3, ^ Ibid., 954. 
 supra]. 
 
 • Ann. Inisf., 951 ; Ann. 4 Mast., « Ibid., 979. The Four Masters 
 
 951 ; Ann. Ult., 952 ; the true year record Aulaf's pilgrimages both in 
 
 being 953. 978, recte 979, and in 979 (=980) ; 
 
 » Ann. 4 ifast,, 954; Ann. Ult., possibly.he went to lona twice. 
 
80 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK I. messengers were sent from Norway to seek Olaf 
 
 chap^ix. Xryggrasson they are said to have found him in 
 
 Dublin, at the court of his wife's brothei', Aulaf 
 
 Auiaf the first Cuaran.^ Aulaf was the first Scandinavian pilgrim 
 
 Scandinavinn , _ , ^ ^ 1 T x 1 
 
 pilgrim to lona. from Ireland, and the year in which he abdicated, 
 Aulaf abdicate!! X)omhnall, Kinsf of Ireland, died, and was succeeded 
 
 the throne of ' & ' ' 
 
 Dublin, A.D by Maelseachlainn, Aulaf Cuaran's step-son and son- 
 in-law. On this relationship Maelseachlainn possibly 
 founded some claim to the throne of Dublin, and 
 having defeated the garrison and slain "Ragnall, 
 Maelseachlainn son of Aulaf, hoiv to the Sovereignty," he laid siege 
 sonandtakes^ to the city " for three days and three nights," and 
 980. '"' ^^ ultimately succeeded in reducing it to subjection.^ 
 Maelseachlainn It was then Maclseachlainn issued his famous pro- 
 Freedo™of * clamatiou, " that as many of the Irish nation as lived 
 in servitude and bondage with the Danes (which 
 was at that time a great number) should presently 
 pass over without ransom and live freely in their 
 own countries according to their wonted manner." 
 The captivity of these unfortunate Irishmen being 
 described in our annals as " the Babylonian captivity 
 of Ireland (and) until they were released by Mael- 
 seachlainn, it was indeed next to the captivity of 
 hell."^ 
 
 'Saga Olafl Tryggva Syni, Neill. Two thousand was the num- 
 
 chap. lii. This was about the year ber of the hostages, besides jewels 
 
 994. and goods, and the freedom of the 
 
 2 Ann. 4 Mast., A.D. 979 (=980), Ui-Neill from the Sinainn to the 
 
 vol. ii., p. 713. See also Ann. Clon- sea, from tribute and exaction. It 
 
 mac. iijc?, p. 712, n. X. was then Maelseachlainn himself 
 
 ^ Ann. Clonmac, 974 (=980). issued the famous proclamation in 
 
 ["He carried thence the hostages which he said, 'Every one of the 
 
 of Ireland, and among the rest Gaedhil who is in the territory of 
 
 Domhnall Claen, Ivingof Leinster, the foreigners in servitude and 
 
 and all the hostages of the Ui- bondage, let him go to his own 
 
 Ireland, A.D 
 980. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN 81 
 
 This sketch of the connexion, which long existed ^^^k i. 
 between Dublin and Northumberland, is given as ^"i^^- 
 lar as possible in the words of the authorities 
 quoted; and although the narrative may thereby 
 have been made less attractive than it might other- 
 wise have been rendered, yet it must be considered 
 desirable to have distinct reference to well-known 
 authorities, where the subject is one of much his- 
 torical interest, heretofore unnoticed in any history 
 of England or Ireland. 
 
 We trust, however, that the narrative, such as it Dublin and 
 is, embodies conclusive evidence that Dubhn and iT^g ^de"i"the 
 Northumbria were sometimes governed by the same ^^"^ ^'"®^" 
 king, and almost always by kings of the same race. 
 That it not only shows the high position which Dublin's high 
 Dublin held among the Scandinavian colonies, but ScandkL^vian 
 that it discloses the origin of confederacy and wars '" °^^' 
 between the Ostmen and the Irish, and, as a matter 
 of local interest, it tends to explain why our early 
 Danish coins, although minted for Dublin, were 
 coined by Anglo-Saxon moneyers, and only bear the 
 names of Ivar, Sitric, Reginald, or Aulaf, " the high 
 kings of the Northmen of Ireland and England." 
 
 territory in peace and happiness.' indeednext the captivityof hell." — 
 
 This captivity was the Babylonian Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 979 (=980), 
 
 captivity of Ireland until they were vol. ii., p. 713]. 
 released by Maelscachkinn. It was 
 
82 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 OF THE SCANDINAVIANS OF DUBLIN AND THEIR RELATIONS 
 WITH NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Man, an Irish 
 island for 
 Ptolemy. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 DUBLIN AND THE ISLE OF MAN. 
 
 Man for the Romans an Irish island. — Man yields tribute to Baedan, 
 King of Ulster, a.d. 580. — Thenceforth said to belong to Ulster. — 
 Conflicts between the Norwegians of Ulster and Danes of Northumbria 
 about Man. — Claimed by Reginald, brother of Sitrio, King of Dublin, 
 
 from Barid of Ulster Magnus, King of Man, grandson of Sitric, with 
 
 the Lagmen, sails round Ireland doing justice.— rMagnns, one of the 
 
 eight kings who rowed King Edgar's barge on the Dee The ground 
 
 probably of the forged charter of King Edgar pretending dominion in 
 
 Ireland In the eleventh century intermarriages make it hard to say 
 
 whether the kings of Dublin are to be called Danish or Irish. — 
 De Courcy's claim to Ulster through his wife, daughter of the King of 
 Man. — King Henry Second's jealousy. — De Courcy's fall. 
 
 UT Northumberland vras not tlie only realm 
 which had been subject to the Scandinavian 
 kings of Dublin ; the Isle of Man, with " The 
 Kingdom of the Isles," was also at intervals 
 governed by the descendants of Ivar. 
 
 Lying within view of the north-east coast of 
 Ireland, the Isle of Man, like the islands surrounding, 
 was known to the Irish at an early period, and was 
 by Ptolemy considered to be an Irish island.' 
 
 1 Between Manx traditions and 
 Irish historical legends there is a 
 curious coincidence respecting the 
 early connexion of the Isle of Man, 
 the Orlaieys, and Hebrides, with 
 Ulster and Connaught. 
 
 • View of the Isle of M; 
 
 B 
 
 Sacheverell* says — " The uni- 
 versal tradition of the Manks nation 
 ascribes the foundation of their 
 laws to Manannan MacLir, whom 
 they believe the father, founder, 
 and legislator of their country, and 
 n : Lond., 1702, p. 20. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 83 
 
 In A.p. 254, Cormac MacArt drove some of the 
 Cruithne, or Irish Picts, from Ulster into the Isle of 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. I. 
 
 place him about the beginning of 
 the fifth century. They pretend 
 he Tvas the son of a king of Ulster, 
 and brother to Fergus II., who 
 founded the kingdom of Scotland, 
 A.D. 422" (recte 503). Johnson* 
 adds, " That the Manks in their 
 ancient records call him (Manannan) 
 a paynim, and that at his pleasure 
 he kept by necromancy the land of 
 Man in mists, and to an enemy 
 could make one man appear one 
 hundred." 
 
 In Irish historical legends we 
 find four Manannans, three of 
 whom are thus noticed—" jNIan- 
 annan, the son of AUoid," " Manan- 
 nan, the son of Athgus," and 
 " Manannan, the son of Lir." 
 
 Of the last, that is Manannan 
 MacLir, the Book of Fermoy says, 
 that he was a pagan, that he was a 
 law-giver among the Tuatha De 
 Danann, and that he was a necro- 
 mancer (a Druid), possessed of 
 power to envelope himself and 
 others inamist (or "FethFiadha"), 
 so that they could not be seen by 
 their enemies, (Druids were sup- 
 posed to possess the power of rais- 
 ing mists. — See Todd's "Life of 
 St. Patrick," p. 423.) 
 
 Of Manannan, the son of Alloid 
 (also a Druid), it is saidf that his 
 real name was Orbsen — that he was 
 a skUful seaman, and traded between 
 Ireland and Britain, being com- 
 monly called Manannan Mac Lir— 
 Manannan, from his commerce with 
 the Isle of Man, and MacLir, that 
 
 is " son of," or " sprung from 
 the sea," from his skill in navi- 
 gation. The Yellow Book of 
 LecanJ adds "that he was killed in 
 the battle of Cuilleann, and buried 
 in Connaught, and that when his 
 grave was dug Loch Oirbsen burst 
 over the land, so that it is from 
 him Loch Oirbsen (now Loch 
 Corrib) was named." 
 
 Of the other Manannan the 
 Yellow Book of Lecan says, "That 
 Manannan, son of Athgus, King 
 of Manain (Man) and the islands 
 of the Galls (the Hebrides, &c.), 
 came with a great fleet to pillage 
 and devastate the Ultonians, to 
 avenge the children of Uisnech," 
 an Ulster chieftain. These children 
 of Uisnech when compelled to fly 
 "from Erinn" had sailed east- 
 wards, and conquered " what was 
 from the Isle of Man northwards of 
 Albain," and " after having killed 
 Gnathal, king of the country," 
 were induced to return to Ireland 
 under a pledge of safety from 
 Conchobhar, King of Ulster. The 
 sons of Gnathal, who also sought 
 the protection of Conchobhar, 
 •'killed the sons of Uisnech," in 
 consequence of which Gaiar, the 
 grandson of Uisnech, banished 
 Conchobhar to the Islands of Ore 
 and Cat (the Orkneys and Caith- 
 ness), and Gaiar having reigned 
 over Ulster for a year, went into 
 Scotland with Manannan, and died 
 there.§ 
 
 In these Manannans we find a 
 
 • Jurisprudence of the Isle of Man : Edin., 1811, p. 3. 
 t Ogj'gia, p. 179. t MS. T. C. Dublin. § Ibid. 
 
 Q 2 
 
84 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Fergus of 
 Ulster invades 
 Man, A.D. 503. 
 
 Man pays 
 tribute to 
 Baedan K. of 
 UlBter,A.D.680. 
 
 I\Ian said 
 tlienceforth to 
 belong to 
 Ulster. 
 
 Man and the Hebrides/ and his son, Cairbre Riada hav- 
 ing taken possession of the territory from vi'hich they 
 had been expelled, it thence obtained the name of Dal 
 Biada, or the territory of the descendants of Riada.' 
 
 Fergus, son of Ere, lord of Dalriada, sailed from 
 Ulster into Scotland,' and in a.d. 503, founded a 
 Dalriadan kingdom there. ^ He also visited Man 
 and the Hebrides, and about a.d. 580, Baedan, king 
 of Uladh (or Ulidia) cleared Man of the foreigners, 
 and received tribute from Munster, Connaught, Sky, 
 and Man. From this time it is said that the island 
 belonged to Ulster.* 
 
 While the Romans were in Britain Man was an 
 Irish island,® and it will be seen that a connexion 
 
 long existed between them. 
 
 strong resemblance to the Manx 
 legislator, but as they all lived 
 before the Christian era, none of 
 them could have been the brother 
 of Fergus II. 
 
 Fergus, the son of Ere (or Eric), 
 king of the Dalriads of Ulster, 
 left Ireland with his brothers. 
 Loam and Angus, and became 
 King of the Scots, a.d. 503,* and 
 ruled from " Brunalban " to the 
 Irish Sea, and Inse Gall,t until 
 A.D. 506. 
 
 It is likely, however, that the 
 Manx tradition embodies several 
 legends, and that the island having 
 been visited at a very early period 
 by Manannan MacLir, or Manan- 
 nan MacAUiod, was subsequently 
 formed into a kingdom by Loarn, 
 or Angus, the brother of Fergus. 
 
 1 Tighernach, a.d. 254 ; Ogjgia, 
 p. 335. 
 
 * Innes'Crit. Essay, Tab., p. C90 
 t Ogygia, 
 
 " Ogygia, p. 332. Dalriada, 
 sometimes written " Ruta," and 
 still called the Route, extended 
 thirty miles from the River Bush to 
 the cross of Gleann-finnaght in 
 Antrim. Dal Aradia joined Dalri- 
 ada, and comprehended the greater 
 part of the present county of Down. 
 (Reeves's Life of St.Columba,p. 67.) 
 
 ' Ogygia, pp. 323, 466 ; Ussher 
 Primordia, p. 1117, Dublin, 1639. 
 
 * Innes, p. 690, says, Fergus, son 
 of Ere began to reign a.d. 503, 
 and died 506. 
 
 6 Reeves's Life of St. Columba, 
 p. 373, extracted from the Book of 
 Lecan, fo. 139. 
 
 ^By Ptolemy (Lib. ii.) called 
 Monada, or the further Mona, to 
 distinguish it from Anglesea, the 
 Mona of the Romans ; by Pliny 
 Monabia ; Menavia by Orosius and 
 Bede ; and Eubonia by Gildas. 
 
 Pinlcerton, Enquiry, vol. ii.,p. 88. 
 p. 323. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 85 
 
 The Scandinavians invaded Mann in a.d. 798. ^^^^ "■ 
 ThosewhocametoDublilinnof AthCliathinA.D. 836, — '■ ' 
 had doubtless visited Man. In 852 they devastated 
 Mona. 
 
 Nevertheless, the earliest notices connecting our Reginald of 
 Ostmen of Dublin with the island is, that in 913 "a attacks Barid 
 naval engagement was fought at Man between Barid 913. ^ ^' '''"' 
 Mac-n-Oitir and Eagnall Mac-hUa Imair, in which 
 Barid, with almost his entire army, was slain. "^ 
 
 Eagnal, or Reginald, was king of part of North- Reginald was 
 umberland, and brother of Sitric, then king of sitric, k. ot 
 Dublin, and Barid, or Baidr, was chief of the Nor- 
 wegians who had settled in Dal Aradia, on the north- 
 east coast of Ulster, and probably grandson of that 
 Barid' who in a.d. 873, "drew many ships from the 
 sea westward to Loch E.i," and thence sailed down 
 the Shannon to Limerick, where he married the 
 daughter of Uathmharan,- and thus their son CoUa 
 became Lord of Limerick in a.d. 922.' 
 
 (Rolt's Hist, of tte Isle of Man, p. naught, and died 920 (Ann. 4 
 
 3, Lond., 1773.) Mast.). Barith, who married his 
 
 ^ Ann. Ij It., 913, aZias 914. In daughter, had by her a son named 
 
 O'Connor's Ker. Scrip., vol. iv., p. Uathmharan, who came with a 
 
 247, he is called Barid MacNoitir, fleet of twenty ships to Ceann 
 
 and his opponent Ragnall-h-Imair. Maghair in 919 (Ann. 4 Mast.). 
 
 In Johnston's Antiq. Celto-Nor- He had another son, Colla, who 
 
 man. p. 66, this sea fight was was Lord of Limerick, and had n. 
 
 between Barred O'Hivar and Reg- fleet on Loch Ree in 922 (Ann. 4 
 
 inald O'lvar ; and the " black Mast.). By an earlier marriage 
 
 pagans " who devastated Mona in Barid had a son named Elir, who 
 
 852 were probably part of the fleet was killed in Mayo in 887 (Ann. 4 
 
 of Aulaf , who came to Dublin in Mast.). The Scandinavians trans- 
 
 that or the following year. ported their light-built ships over- 
 
 ' Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 878, " Ba- land from the sea to inland waters, 
 rith a fierce champion of the and the Irish followed their ex- 
 Norsemen, was killed, &c." ample. In a.d. 953, " Domhnall, 
 
 3 Uathmharan was son of Do- son of Muircheartach,'' carried 
 
 bhailcn, Lord of Luighne in Con- boats from the River Bunu over the 
 
8G 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Plunders 
 Downpatrick 
 and is slain. 
 
 BOOK II. The cause of warfare is not stated, but " the fleet 
 — '■ ' of Ulster" had made a descent on the Danes of 
 Man, invades Northumberland, of whorn Reginald was king ; and 
 9io. ' ' " Reginald, perhaps for himself, or for his brother, 
 Sitric, claimed the Isle of Man from the Scandi- 
 navians of Ulster, of whom Barid was chief. 
 
 The son of Reginald, however, remained de facto 
 King of Man, and in a.d. 940, he landed from 
 thence on the opposite coast of Ulster, the territory 
 of Barith, and plundered Downpatrick, " for which 
 deed," the "Four Masters" say, that ^'God and 
 Patrick quickly took vengeance of him, for foreigners 
 came across the sea, and attacked him and his 
 people on their island, so tha,t the son of Raghnall, 
 their chief, escaped to the mainland (where), he was 
 killed by Madudhan, King of Ulidia, in revenge of 
 Patrick, before the end of a week after the plun- 
 dering."' 
 
 The immediate succession of the son of Reginald 
 is uncertain. 
 
 Shortly after this period, however, a king of the 
 lun,"l'.D^dn. name of Maccus, or Magnus, was sovereign of Man. 
 The signature " Ego Maccus rex insularum " appears 
 to a charter of King Edgar in 966. This charter, 
 however, is alleged to be a forgery;^ but the signature 
 of " Maccusius Archipirata " appears to a charter of 
 
 Magnus or 
 Maccus, K. of 
 
 Dabhall (Blackwater), and over 
 Airgliialla to Loch Erne, and Loch 
 Uachtair.— Ann. 4 Mast. 
 
 1 Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 940. The 
 foreigners here mentioned were 
 probably from the fleet of King 
 Eric, son of Harald Goefeld, who 
 had left Northumberland in a.d. 
 
 947, " on a Vikingr cruise to the 
 westward," and had visited the 
 Orkneys, Hebrides, and isles of 
 Scotland.^ before he steered for 
 Ireland. 
 
 ^ Codex Diplomaticus Anglo 
 Saxonicus, vol. ii., p. 412. J. T. 
 Komble. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 87 
 
 971/ the latter title bein^ that of admiral or chief of ^^^'^ "■ 
 
 . . ° Chap. I. 
 
 seamen,' derived from the command of some portion — 
 of the fleet ^^hich Edgar had organized^ for the pro- 
 tection of his kingdom, and which annually sailed 
 round its coast. Maccus, however, was one of the Jiaccus attends 
 eight tributary kings who attended Edgar at Chester cheste°r, a!d. 
 in A.D. 973, and rowed his barge on the Dee,' the 
 name being placed next after that of " Kenneth, 
 King of the Scots, and Malcolm, King of Cumber- 
 land, as Maccus, King of Man, and many other isles;"* 
 nor can there be much doubt that the connexions of 
 this tributary king with Dublin, Waterford, Limerick, 
 etc., and his exploits in Meath and on the Shannon, 
 were the grounds for Edgar's forged claim to domi- Forged claim 
 nion over " all the kingdom of the islands of the dgminioa m 
 ocean, with their fierce kings, as far as Norway, and 
 the greater part of Ireland, with its most noble city 
 of Dublin." Maccus, like Eeginald, was a descendant 
 of Ivar. He was the grandson of Sitric, King of Maccus grand- 
 Dublin, and " son of Harald, Lord of Limerick," who of Dublin. "" 
 was slain in 938. Nor would he have been unjustly 
 styled " archi-pirata," supposing that title synony- 
 mous with the Scandinavian term " Vikingr," for, 
 according to Welsh historians, "Mactus, the son of 
 Harald, with an army of Danes, entered the island 
 of Anglesea (Mona), and spoiled Penmon " in 969,' 
 and although he could not retain possession, " being 
 forced to return home,"® yet in the following year 
 
 1 Ego, Maccusius, Archipirata, ' Will. Malmesbur., cap. viii. 
 
 confortaol. Codex Diplomatlcus * Matth. Westmonast., a.d. 964, 
 
 Anglo Saxonicus. J. T. Kemble, p. 375 ; Flor. Vigom., p. 78. 
 
 vol 3, p. 69. ' Caradoc, p. 37. Chron. Princes 
 
 = Spelman, Glossar. in voce of Wales, a.d. 969. 
 
 Pii:ita p. 460. 'ibid. 
 
THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 CriAP. I. 
 
 Jfaccus with 
 the Lagmen 
 sails round 
 Ireland, a.d. 
 972. 
 
 Executes 
 justice at 
 Limerick. 
 
 Death of 
 MaccnSj A.D. 
 978. 
 
 his brother, "Godfrey, the son of Harald, devastated 
 Mona, and by great craft subjugated the whole 
 island."' 
 
 In 972 " the son of Harald sailed round Ireland 
 with a numerous fleet,"^ and visiting his father's 
 territory in Limerick, carried off the reigning chief- 
 tain, this expedition forming a remarkable record in 
 the Annals of the Four Masters, as again referring to 
 " the Lagmanns of the islands,"^ and showing that 
 Magnus, claiming to be supreme chief, accompanied 
 by the " lawmen," or judges, made the " circuit" of 
 Ireland, according to the Scandinavian custom, for 
 the settlement of rights or punishment of criminals ;* 
 and, as in the former case to avenge the murder of 
 Ain, so in this case " Magnus, the son of Aralt, with 
 the Lagmanns of the islands along with him," came to 
 Inis Cathaigh, one of the islands in the Shannon, 
 " and Imar, lord of the foreigners of Luimneach, was 
 carried off from the island, and the violation of (St.) 
 Senan thereby."* He was, however, soon released 
 from captivity, for in 974 the celebrated Brian 
 Borumha went to Limerick and " slew Ivar, King of 
 Luimneach, and two of his sons,"" and Harald, 
 another of Ivar's sons, being then elected king, 
 " Brian slew Harald also, and returned home loaded 
 with immense spoil."^ Maccus probably died about 
 this time, or may have been slain in the battle of 
 
 1 Chron. Princes of Wales, a.d. 
 970. 
 
 " Ann. 4 Mast., 972. ; Ann. Inis- 
 fal., A.D. 973. 
 
 = Ann. 4 Mast, a.d. 972. 
 
 * It Tvas customary in Scandi- 
 navia for a cliief and his J^agmen 
 to make a circoit at stated inter- 
 
 vals round the province to dispense 
 justice, whence these circuits ob- 
 tained the significant name of 
 " Circuit Courts." Hibbert's Tings, 
 p. 182. 
 
 ^ Ann. 4 M.ist., A.D. 972. 
 
 " Ibid., A.D. 974. 
 
 ' Ihid. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 89 
 
 A.D. 978, which Maelseachlainn gained " over the book ii. 
 foreigners of Ath Cliath and of the islands/" and ^«_^i- 
 Avas succeeded by his brother Godfrey. brotK' 
 
 In 979 Godfrey, son of Harald, devastated Llyn^r*^'"* 
 and Mona ;"^ and again in 981 "Godfrey, son of 
 Harald, devastated Dyved and Menevia,"' his services 
 having been "hired" by Constantin, son of lago, 
 against his cousin Howel. 
 
 But the Isle of Man, although now under the 
 dominion of Scandinavians, was not exempted 
 from Viking ravages. The Sagas relate that Olaf oiaf Trypves- 
 Trygvesson, to dissipate grief for the loss of his a.d. 985 ; 
 queen, sailed on a Viking expedition, and after 
 plundering in England, Scotland " and the Hebrides, 
 he sailed southwards to Man, where he also fought, 
 and thence steered to Bretland (Wales), which he 
 laid waste with fire and sword."* 
 
 This expedition, which occupied Olaf four years, 
 is apparently confirmed by the agreement of Icelandic 
 Sagas with English chronicles and Irish and Welsh 
 annals. The coincidence of dates and facts furnishes 
 strong grounds for supposing that the " three ships 
 of pirates" which, according to the Saxon chronicle, 
 landed in Dorset and ravaged Portland, in 9 82,'^ was 
 the fleet of Olaf Trygvesson, and were " the three ' 
 ships of Danes " which, according to the Annals of 
 Ulster, came to the coast of Dalriada in 986,"^ and also Dairiada 
 sailing thence to the Scottish isles, plundered Hi-Hy-Coium- 
 Choluim-chille, and in the following year, according 
 
 1 Ibid., A.D. 978 (=979). ' Olaf Trygvesson's Saga, cliap. 
 
 2 Chron. Princes of Wales, a.d. xxxi. 
 
 979. ^ Anglo-Sax. Cliron., a.d. 982. 
 
 2 Ibid., A.D. 981 . " Ann. 4 Must., a.d. 985, note "- 
 
90 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. to the chronicle of Wales, the pagans " devastated 
 Chap. I. Lianbadam, Menevia, Llanilltut/' &c./ having pre- 
 viously (that is, in 986) visited the Isle of Man, when 
 "the battle of Manann was fought by Mac Aralt 
 and the foreigners."^ 
 Godred s. of For later events we are generally referred to the 
 Man^A.D.i066. " Chronicle of Man," an authority which cannot be 
 implicitly relied on, either for facts or dates. This 
 chronicle, which commences a.d. 1000, contains 
 nothing relating to the island until a.d. 1065, when 
 it states, that "Godred Crovan, son ofHaraldthe 
 Black of Ysland (Ireland), fled to Godred, the son of 
 Sytric, at that time King of Man,"^ and after his death 
 Godred Crovan is said to have conquered Man, and 
 His apocryphal in A.D. 1066 (=1075), to havc "reduced Dublin, and a 
 Dubiirand great part of Laynester."^ Godred Crovan probably 
 emster. ^^^ ^^^ ^£ jj^ggJQ^ld (whose son was elected King of 
 the Galls in a.d. 1046),^ as many of the Scandina- 
 vians of Ireland had been at the battle of Stamford- 
 bridge with Earl Tostig and King Harald Hardraad, 
 in A.D, 1066^; but whoever he was, or whatever 
 conquests he may have made elsewhere, there is no 
 allusion in Irish annals, or contemporary history, to 
 any conquest of Dublin, or of any portion of Leinster. 
 Intermarriages When the Ostmeu of DubHu were converted to 
 iri8h'in\ith Christianity, their intermarriages with the Irish 
 cen ury. became so frequent, and the morality of the period 
 was so lax, in repudiation, divorces, and marriage of 
 
 ' Chron. Princes of Wales, 987- Antiq. Celto-Norm., Copenhagen, 
 
 2 Ann. Ulst., 986 in Ann. 4 1786. 
 
 Mast., vol. ii., p. 720, n. ". ' Camden's Britt, vol. iii.,p. 705. 
 
 " One copy was published, Cam- ^ Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 1046. 
 
 den, 1607, another by Johnstone, ^ Anglo-Saxon Chron., a.d. 1066. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 91 
 
 kindred, that it is doubtful whether the kings of book ii. 
 Dublin during the eleventh century should be called ^^^^ 
 
 T • 1 c( J • • Hence hard to 
 
 Irish or bcanoinavian. say if the kings 
 
 Thus we find that Aulaf Cuaran, whose double ^ri^^*™^ " 
 connexion ^vith Conghalach, King of Ireland, has 
 been already noticed, was also married to Gormflaith, 
 daughter of Murchadh, son of Finn, King of Leinster, 
 by Avhom he had a son, Sitric/ Gormflaith then 
 married Brian Borumha, and by him had a son, 
 Donnchad, step-brother of Sitric, who was succeeded 
 by Diarmid, subsequently "King of the Danes of 
 Dublin,"- and Brian having repudiated Gormflaith, 
 she married Maelseachlainn, King of Teamhair, by 
 whom she had a son, Conchobhar,* Maelseachlainn 
 having been previously married to Maelmary, 
 daughter of Aulaf Cuaran,* Gormflaith's first husband/ 
 Aulaf Cuaran was succeeded by his son Sitric, 
 and Sitric, mindful of the example of his father 
 (who had been a pilgrim at lona), and urged by the 
 clergy, undertook a pilgrimage to Eome (now 
 become the frequent practice of Christian kings) in 
 A.D. 1028.* In his absence his son Aulaf was taken 
 prisoner by Mathghamhain Ua Eiagain, but regained 
 his liberty by payment of a heavy ransom.' 
 
 Aulaf also undertook a pilgrimage, but " was slain 
 by the Saxons on his Avay to Eome," a.d. 1034.^ He 
 
 1 Supra, p. 78, and notes 3 and ^^ Gormflaith diedA.D. 1030 (Ann. 
 
 7 ibid. Ann. 4 Mast., A.D. 1030. 4 Mast.), which supports the state- 
 
 * Ann. Clonmac, a.d. 1069 ment of the Sagas that Aulaf 
 
 /^^=1Q72) in Ann. 4 Mast., vol. ii., Cuaran was King of Dublin until 
 
 n 904 n '. after a.d. 994. Olaf Trj^gvesson's 
 
 3 Wars of the Gaedhil with the Saga, chap. lii. 
 
 Gaill. Introd., p. xlviii., n '. = Ann. 4 Mast., a.d. 1028. 
 
 « Ann. Clonmac, A.D. 1014 (rect^ ' Ibid., a.d. 1029. 
 
 1021) in Ann. 4 Mast., vol. ii., p. ' i5"^-, a.d. 1034. 
 SOO, n. /.. 
 
92 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. "was succeeded by his son Sitric, who endowed Christ 
 c.|AP^i. ojmrch, Dublin, a.d. 1038.' Sitric, too, "went 
 beyond the seas, and was succeeded by Eachmarcach, 
 son of Raghnall," in a.d. 1036.^ Eachmarcach also 
 "went beyond the seas," a.d. 1052' (probably to aid 
 Earl Godwin) , and " Diarmid, the son of Maelnambo, 
 assumed the kingship of the foreigners,"^ in right of 
 his descent from these kings, he having married 
 " Dearbhforghaill, daughter of Donnchadh,"® son of 
 Brian Borumha by the widow of Aulaf Cuaran. 
 
 When the sons of Earl Godwin were restored to 
 
 the Earldom of Northumbria, " Eachmarcach, the 
 
 son of Kagnall,"^ retired to the Isle of Man, of which 
 
 his brother Godfrey is said to have been king. 
 
 Possibly alarmed by this, Diarmid, son of Maelnambo, 
 
 Man yields Sent his SOU Murchadh to the island, a.d. 1060, and 
 
 Diarmid'k. of " Murchadh carried tribute from thence, and defeated 
 
 1060."''^'"' the son of Ragnall."* Eachmarcach died a.d. 1064, 
 
 Diarmid slain, and Diarmid, son of Maelnambo, who is styled 
 
 " King of Leinster, of the Innse Gall (Danish isles), 
 
 and of Dublin," was slain in battle a.d. 1072,* and 
 
 his sons, Gluniarn and Murchadh, having died pre- 
 
 Godfrey K. of viously, " Godfrey, son of Ragnall,"'" apparently he 
 
 K-^ot^DuMin who was King of Man, assumed the sovereignty of 
 
 also, A.D. 1073. j)^jblin. Godfrey was banished beyond the seas by 
 
 ' Sitricua, King of Dublin, son ^ Ogygia, p. 437- 
 
 of Ablef, Earl of Dublin, gave to ' Ann. 4 Mast., a.d, 1060. 
 
 the Holy Trinity and Donatus, 'Ann. Inisf., a.d. 1072; Ann. 
 
 first Bishop of Dublin, a place to Clonmao. calls him "King of 
 
 build a church to the Holy Trinity, Leinster, Wales, and Danes of 
 
 &c. Ware, Antiquities (from the Dublin." 
 
 Black Book of Christ Church). a Ann. 4 Mast., ad. 1070. 
 
 2 Ann. Tigem., a.d. 1033. » Ihid., a.d. 1072. 
 
 ' Ann. 4 Mast,, a.d. 1052. " Ann. Ulst., a.d. 1075 in Ann. 
 
 ' Ibid. 4 Mast., vol, ii,, p. 904, n. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 93 
 
 Turlogh O'Brian, but returned soon after with a book ir. 
 great fleet, and died a.d. 1 075,' whereupon "Mortogh, ^'!^ '' 
 son of Turlogh O'Brian, became King at Athcliath,"^ 
 and Godfrey's son, Fingal, became King of Man.' 
 
 Here we can trace a connexion between the King- 
 dom of the Isles and that of Dublin, but we can find 
 no trace of Godred Crovan's conquest of the city, on 
 the contrary, there is much to justify an opinion 
 that the Godred, or Godfrey, whom Lanfranc styled 
 " King of (the Ostmen of) Ireland " (while at the 
 same time he styled Turlogh O'Brian " the mighty 
 King of Ireland"), was that Godfrey, the son of 
 Eagnall, who died a.d. 1075, the year after Lan- 
 franc's letters were written. It was this connexion Manx nobles 
 between the Kings of Dublin and Man which o'Brian to send 
 induced the Manx nobles in a.d. 1089 to request a.d. i089. ' 
 Murchard O'Brian to send one of his lineage to reign 
 over them duringthe minority of Olave, Godred's son,* 
 and which subsequently led De Courcy to emulate De Courcy 
 the example of his leader, Strongbow, and by marry- "^tGoihly k '^ 
 ing the daughter of Godred, Eng of Man,' to acquire ° 
 a claim to Godfrey's Irish territory, the yet un- 
 
 1 Ann. Ulst., A.D. 1075 in Ann. Earl of Ulster 1181, and in 1 182 
 4 Mast., vol. ii., p. 908, n. K entered the territory of Dalriada, 
 
 2 Chron. Scotorum., a.d. 1072. and defeated Donald O'Loghlin. 
 
 3 Chron. of the Kings of Man. Godred was legally married in 
 Camden, vol. iii., p. 705. Gough's 1176 by the Pope's Legate, Car- 
 edition, London, 1 789. dinal Vivian, to Fingala, daughter 
 
 * Ibid. Camden has this under of Mac Lauchlan, son of Muir- 
 
 the date of 1089. Chronicon cheard, King of Ireland. — Chron. 
 
 Mannife, by Johnstone, has it a.d. Man., Johnstone. Vivian came to 
 
 1075. Down in 1177, met De Courcy 
 
 ' Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, there, and endeavoured to render 
 
 Dublin, 1789, vol. vi., p. 139. He it tiibutary to the Anglo-Nor- 
 
 married in a.d. 1180 ; was created mans. 
 
94 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. conquered territory of the Scandinavians around 
 
 Chap. I. gtrangford, Carlingford, &c. Nor is it improbable 
 
 daims ulter. but that this alliance gave to De Courcy the title of 
 
 Earl (Jarl) of Ulster, and led De Courcy after he had 
 
 entered Dalriada, and conquered the territory of 
 
 the Northmen, to avow pretensions and claim privi- 
 
 Henryii. leges vphich provoked Henry to seize hia person 
 
 jealous seizes in- ■ iii -ii • n 
 
 his person and and his property, as he had previously done vrith 
 
 territory. ^ , 
 
 Strong DOW. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 DUBLIN AND NORWAY. 
 Notices of Dublin frequent in Norwegian and Icelandic history. — 
 Constant intercourse between Dublin and Norway. — Ostmen from 
 Dublin figbt for Norwegian liberty at tbe battle of Hafursfiord. — 
 Led by Cearbhall, King of Dublin, or his son-in-law, Eyvind Austman. 
 — Every King of Norway (almost) visits Dublin. — Biorn, son of 
 Harold, King of Norway, visits Dublin as a merchant; also King 
 
 Hacon Dublin the port for sale of Scandinavian prizes, or cargos of 
 
 merchandise. 
 
 Chap. II. Ip the rank of Aulaf's colony among surrounding 
 
 kingdoms were to be judged by reference to English 
 
 chronicles and English historians, a very low estimate 
 
 of its importance should be the result. 
 
 Silence of the Until after the commencement of the eleventh 
 
 jhroniciraTto coutury there is not a single record relating to Dublin 
 
 Dublin. ^^ ^-^g Saxon Chronicle, even the name is not to be 
 
 found, except in the poem on the battle of Brunnan- 
 burg, in a.d. 937, and then only in the statement 
 that the Northmen fled " Dublin to seek." 
 
 Yet it must not be supposed that because Dublin 
 is unnoticed, it therefore was unknown. Ireland 
 itself is seldom named by the Saxon monks who 
 wrote this chronicle, although from the number of 
 Irish monks taught in England, their disputes with 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 95 
 
 the Irisli clergy, who dissented from the doctrines or book it. 
 practices of the Church of Eome in the celebration chap^ii. 
 of Easter, the form of tonsure, the consecration of 
 bishops, &c., they must have been well acquainted 
 with the state of the country. 
 
 If, however, we cannot estimate the importance Constant 
 of Aulaf 's colony from English chronicles, we have Dublin in 
 abundant evidence respecting it in Icelandic Sagas Literature. 
 and Irish annals, nor can the importance of Dublin 
 be more strongly marked than by this, and it is 
 worthy of observation, that although Dublin is 
 frequently named, and in almost all the Sagas, yet 
 throughout this entire range of Icelandic literature 
 and history, with one or two exceptions, Limerick 
 is the only city in the British Isles that is named as 
 one with which the Northmen had intercourse or 
 connexion. We find that between Dublin and 
 Norway the intercourse was frequent and varied. 
 In 872 the Ostraen of Dublin fought for Norwegian Ostmen of 
 
 Dublin at 
 
 liberty at the fatal battle of Hafursfiord, where the battle of 
 
 . •iiiji- Hafursfiord, 
 
 Irish allies, or " Westmen, distmguished by their a.d. 872. 
 " white shields,"' were probably led by Eyvind Aust- ted perhaps 
 man,^ son-in-law of Cearbhall, King of Ossory, or by of^'oss^.' 
 Cearbhall himself, as after their defeat Cearbhall 
 was met in the Hebrides, and accompanied to Ireland 
 by Onund, surnamed "Trefotr," from his wooden 
 substitute for the foot or leg he had lost in the 
 engagement.* 
 
 1 Heimsk., vol. i., p. 95. The » Landnamab., p. 374. 
 Valscra, or people of Valland, also » Grotle's Saga, cap. i. ; Land- 
 named the Galli-Bretons, or West namab., Part H., chap, xxxii., p. 
 Welch, inhabiting Bretagne, Com- 168. " Trefotr," wooden foot, 
 wales (Cornwall). This is not a singular instance of 
 
BOOK II. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 All the Kings 
 
 9G THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Subsequently, either as friends to the colonists, or 
 
 as foes to the natives, almost every King of Norway 
 
 of Norway ° visited Ireland, or sent his sons there. King Harald 
 
 (almost) visit . a i /• 
 
 Dublin. Harfager, who was of the same family as Aulaf, gave 
 ships to his sons Thorgils and Frode, with which 
 they visited Dublin.^ His son, Eric,^ and Eric's 
 sons' after him, marauded in Ireland. Kings Trygve 
 Olafson,* Harald Grafeld,^ Olaf Trygvesson,* and 
 Magnus Barefoot/ all visited Ireland. Olaf Try g- 
 vesson married a sister of Aulaf Quaran, King of 
 
 Their visits Dublin, and was in Dublin when he was called to 
 
 enumerated. 
 
 the throne of Norway. Barefoot attempted to take 
 possession of Dublin, and after remaining a year in 
 Ireland, was killed there. His son. King Sigurd, was 
 to marry Biadmynia, daughter of the King of Con- 
 naught.' King Harald Gille was born and bred 
 in Ireland, and Guttorm,'" King Olaf the Saint's 
 sister's son, had " his winter quarters at Dublin, 
 Ireland being to him a land of rest." Although it 
 must be admitted that the quietude he enjoyed was 
 of a very ambiguous character, as the Saga adds 
 that " in summer Guttorm went with King Margad 
 (Murchadh) on an expedition to Bretland (Wales), 
 where they made immense booty," for which they 
 
 supplying the loss of a limb. The ^ Kormak's Saga, cap. xix. 
 Eyrbyggia Saga, p. 67, mentions ° Heimsk., vol. i. Olaf Tryg- 
 
 Thorer VIdlegg, or wooden leg, vesson's Saga, cap. xxxi. 
 from the substitute he used for a ' Ihid. Olaf Trygvesson's Saga, 
 
 leg lost in battle. cap. xxxiv. 
 
 1 Heimsk., vol. i. Harald Haar- ^ Ibid. Magnus Barefoot's Saga, 
 
 fager's Saga, cap. xxxv. cap. xxv., xxvii. 
 
 ^J.bid. Hakon's Saga, cap. iv. ^ Ihid. Cap. xii. 
 
 3 iJirf., cap. V. ^'' Und. Harald Hardrada's Saga, 
 
 ' Ibid., cap. ix. cap. Ivi. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 97 
 
 quarrelled, the Irish kinor claiming the whole, and ^*^°^ ^'• 
 
 . • • 1 • n , • . • Chaf. II. 
 
 only giving his ally the choice to resign it or fight — 
 for it, an alternative which, after three days' consi- 
 deration, Guttorm decided by fighting his Irish 
 friend, killing him, " and every man, old and young, 
 who followed him." Thus relieved from a claimant, 
 Guttorm made his own division of the " booty," for 
 having registered a vow to his uncle the saint, and 
 believing that victory was due to miraculous inter- 
 position, the Saga further adds, that " every tenth 
 penny of the plunder was given to St. Olaf 's shrine ; 
 and there was so much silver that Guttorm had an 
 image made of it, with rays round the head, which 
 was the size of his own, or of his forecastle man's 
 head ; and the image was seven feet high," and long 
 remained in St. Olaf's church " a memorial of 
 Guttorm's victory and the saint's miracle.'" 
 
 Nor were these friendly or hostile visits the only Dublin the 
 intercourse between Dublin and Norway. The two vikings for 
 countries had also commercial relations, many of the merehandise 
 chief men being both traders and warriors. Biorn, *°''p"''^'- 
 King Harold's son, had merchant ships, and was 
 called " the Merchant."^ "Lodin, rich, and of good 
 family, often went on merchant voyages, and some 
 times on Viking cruises."^ Plundering in one 
 country, these " merchant princes '' sold the produce 
 of their piracy in another, and Dublin was frequently 
 
 1 Heimsk., vol. i., Harald Hard- there. The Annals of the Four 
 
 rada's Saga, chap. Ivii. The Chron- Masters and those of Ulster state 
 
 iele of the Princes of Wales says that Murchard was killed in 1042, 
 
 "a.d. 1042, Howell, son of Edwin, butkilledbyGilpatricMacDonogh. 
 
 meditatedthe devastation of Wales, 2 Harald Harfagr's Saga, chap, 
 
 accompanied by a fleet from Ire- xxxviii. 
 
 land;" and that Howell was killed ' Olaf. Tryggv. Saga, chap. Iviii. 
 
 H 
 
98 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. their place of sale. Hence we find that Thorer, the 
 chap^ii. fj.jgQ^ Qf King Hacon, who had long been on Yiking 
 expeditions, went on a merchant voyage to Dublin, 
 " as many were in the habit of doing.'" 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 DUBLIN AND ICELAND. 
 
 Iceland visited by Irish previous to its discovery in a.d. 870 by Lief and 
 Ingolf, Norwegians. — Lief bringing captives from Ireland is saved by 
 their device from perishing of thirst. — Many descendants of Cearbhall, 
 an Irishman, King of Dublin, follow his son-in-law, Eyvind Ostman, 
 
 and settle in Iceland Auda, widow of King Aulaf, founder of Dublin, 
 
 retires thither. — Auda becomes a Christian like her brpther-in-law, an 
 emigrant from Ireland. — Descendants of Aulaf and Auda settlers in 
 Iceland. — Other emigrants from Ireland. — America discovered long 
 before Columbus by Norsemen connected with Dublin.— Ari, a 
 descendant of Cearbhall's, wrecked on the coast of Florida a.d. 983. — 
 Gudlief from Dublin driven by storms to America a.d. 936.— Is ad- 
 dressed in Irish. — Finds it is Blom, long banished from Iceland. 
 
 chap^iii. But the importance of Dublin as a Scandinavian 
 
 kingdom is more strongly marked in its connexion 
 
 with other colonies of the Norsemen. 
 
 Iceland visited Of these One of the most celebrated was Iceland, 
 
 Christiana, A.r>. an island which, although known to the Irish at an 
 
 Discovered by early period, was not discovered by the Norwegians 
 
 I'lf 861'^''°'' until ten years after Aulaf had become King of 
 
 Dublin,^ nor did they attempt to settle there until 
 
 1 Olaf Tryggv. Saga, chap. li. previously (in 725), in consequence 
 
 " Dicuil De Mens. Orb. Terrae, of the incursions of the Northmen 
 
 Letronne, Paris, 1814, cap. vii., s. (quere, Picts). Island. Landna- 
 
 ii., gives the statement of Irish mabok, Havnise, 1774, p. 5, e< sej. 
 
 monks who spent six months in Naddad, a Norwegian pirate, in 
 
 Thule (Iceland) about a.d. 795, a voyage to the Foeroe islands was 
 
 or thirty year.i before Dicuil wrote, driven by a tempest on the coast 
 
 and (cap. vii., s. iii.) he says, other of Iceland, a.d. 861. It was again 
 
 Irish isles were inhabited by Irish seen by Gardar, a, Swede, in a d. 
 
 eremites nearly a hundred years 864, and subsequently by Floki, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 99 
 
 A.D. 870, when Inefolf and Lief landed, and found book ii. 
 
 ' *= _ _ ' Chap. III. 
 
 that some Irish Christians called "Papse,"^ had left — 
 behind them " Irish books, bells, and croziers." 
 
 Ingolf returned to Norway to prepare for the 
 intended settlement, and Lief sailed on a Viking- 
 cruise to Ireland, where, in pursuit of plunder, he 
 entered a dark cave or underground retreat, and 
 there discovered one of the natives by the glittering 
 of his sword ; killing the sword-bearer, and seizing 
 the bright weapon, he thence obtained the name of 
 Hior Lief, or Lief of the Sword.^ 
 
 Inarolf and Lief did not meet again until a.d. 874, Lief brings teu 
 
 ° '^ _ _ Irish captives 
 
 when Lief brought to Iceland ten Irish captives/ to to Iceland, a.d. 
 whom he owed his safety during the voyage, as the 
 stock of fresh Avater in the ship being exhausted they 
 
 another pirate. Crymogoea, Am. 
 Jonas, Hamburg!, 1614, p. 20. 
 Specimen IslandiEe, Amstelodami, 
 1643, p. 4. Heimskringla, Havnise, 
 1777. Harald's Saga, vol. i., p. 96, 
 says that in the discontent at 
 Harald's seizing the land of Nor- 
 way (after the battle of Haf ursfiord) 
 great numbers fled from their 
 country, and the out- countries of 
 Iceland and the Foeroe islands were 
 discovered and peopled. This refers 
 to later colonization, as, according 
 to Schoning's chronology, Harald 
 began to reign in 863, and the 
 battle of Haf ursfiord was in 885. 
 
 ' Landnamab., p. 2 ; Crymogsea, 
 p. 21. Every bishop was styled 
 papa, or father, and the books, 
 bells, and croziers belonged to some 
 of this order, this island, lying to 
 the east of Iceland, being called 
 Pap-ey after its Irish Christian in- 
 habitants. Irish missionaries or 
 
 anchorites had given their names to 
 many of the islands, as Papa 
 Stronsa, or Papa Westra. 
 
 * Landnamabok, p. 13. " The 
 plundering of the caves "' by the 
 Norsemen is mentioned by the Four 
 Masters in a.d. 861, and Ann. Ult., 
 862, out of their navy ; but these 
 appear to have been subterranean 
 chambers, such as those under the 
 Tumulus at New Grange and else- 
 where. Lief's adventure some 
 years later may have been in some 
 of these chambers, of which there 
 are many still in Ireland. 
 
 5 [Multis in HiberniEe locis pira- 
 ticam exercuit et magnam praedam 
 reportavit ; ibi decern servos cepit 
 quorum nomina sunt Dufthakus, 
 Grirrandus, Skiardbibrn, Hallthor, 
 Drafdritus ; ceeterorum nomina ad 
 nos non pervenerunt.] Landna- 
 mab., p. 13. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK 11. 
 Chap. III. 
 
 Westmen's or 
 Irishmen's 
 islands of 
 Iceland. 
 
 taught the crew to allay thirst after the manner of 
 the Irish, by the use of meal and butter kneaded 
 into a substance termed " Mynnthak ;"^ yet the life 
 they had saved they did not preserve, for not long 
 after their arrival in Iceland they slevp their captor, 
 and flying to neighbouring islands, yet called West- 
 men's, or Irishmen's, islands, were pursued and slain 
 by Ingolf ^ 
 
 The Landnamabok, which minutely describes the 
 colonization of Iceland, states that when the Nor- 
 wegians took possession of the country Alfred the 
 Great reigned in England, and " Kiarval "was King 
 at Dublin."^ Through the disguise of Icelandic 
 orthography there is no difiiculty in discovering that 
 Descendants of this King Kiarval was Cearbhall, King of Ossory, 
 K^of Dublin, who govomed Dublin from the death of Ivar in 8 72 
 land! '° °^' until his own death, and the restoration of a Scandi- 
 navian dynasty in 885. Plis children had inter- 
 married with the Scandinavians ; and the voyage of 
 Lief having attracted the attention of the Ostmen of 
 Dublin and their Irish friends, the family of Cear- 
 bhall furnished many emigrants to the new settle- 
 ment. 
 
 Of these, Snoebiorn, who inhabited Vatnsfiord,'' 
 
 1 Landnamab., p. 15: from the 
 Irish kijn, meal. [" Dufthaksker 
 nomen est loco ubi ille mortem 
 appetiit : plures per saxa precipites 
 se dederunt, quae ab iis nomen 
 trahebant, insulje autem ab illo 
 tempore Westmanna-eyar appel- 
 lantur, quia ibi occisi Westmanni 
 erant," &c.] 
 
 * JIM., p, 17. " Vestmanneyar," 
 the island where the " Vestmenn " 
 were slain by Ingolf . 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 3. It also names 
 the other sovereigns of Europe, 
 and by including Kiarval of 
 Dublin among them, marks the 
 importance of that kingdom. The 
 Landnamabok was begun by Ari 
 Froda about the year 1075, and 
 may be termed the Doomsday Book 
 of Iceland. Ann. Clonmac, a.d. 
 929, calls him Cerval. 
 ' Ibid.,y. 159. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 101 
 
 and his brother Helgi Magri. who took possession of book ii. 
 a large tract of the country, were grandsons of *^°^iii- 
 Cearbhall, being sons of Eyvind Austman by Eafarta, Kiufcrrou, 
 Cearbhall's daughter/ Helgi being more closely con- JoiSs^ 
 nected with Dublin by marrying Aulaf's wife's sister.^ 
 
 Thorgrim was another of Cearbhall's grandsons, 
 his father Grimolf having married " Kormlod," or 
 Gormflaith, Cearbhall's daughter.' His brother's son 
 Alfus, with his uterine brother Onund, both settled 
 in Iceland/ and his daughter having married his 
 slave, or freedman, Steinraud, son of Maelpatric, an 
 Irish noble, Steinraud also formed a settlement, to 
 which he gave his name.^ 
 
 Among the great grandsons of Cearbhall who Carroirs great 
 settled in Iceland were Vilbald and Askel Hnokkan.*^ settlers m ice- 
 They were the " sons of Dufthach, son of Dufnial, ated. 
 son of King Kiarwal,"^ and had large possessions, 
 which their descendants continued to occupy. 
 
 Baugus, also a great grandson of Cearbhall, settled 
 at Fliotshild. He was " the son of Raude,'" son of 
 Cellach, who succeeded his father Cearbhall as King 
 of Ossory, and was kiUed in tlie same battle with 
 the King of Cashel a.d. 903.' 
 
 1 " Eyrindus postea in Hibemia from Ireland in his ship Kuda, 
 Rafortam, filiam Karvialis Regis and the river, at the mouth 
 Hiberniae, uxorem duxit." Land- of which he landed, was thence 
 namab., p. 228. called " Kudafliotsos." 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 229. Helgi married ' Ibid., p 350. Askel's settle- 
 Thorunna Hyrna, Ketel Flatnef's ment was Askellshofda. The Ice- 
 daughter, and sister of Auda, wife landic Dufthackis the Irish Dubh- 
 of Aulaf, King of Dublin. thach, &c. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 375. " Ibid., p. 334. Baugus was 
 * Ibid., pp. 372, 374. father of Gunnar of Gunnar.sholt, 
 « Ibid., pp. 372, 373. His and foster-brother of Ketel Hengs. 
 
 settlement was Steinraudarstad. ' Ann. Four Mast. a.d. 839, 900, 
 
 6 Ibid., p. 312. Vilbald came 903. 
 
102 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. III. 
 
 Auda widow 
 of K. Aulaf 
 of Dublin, 
 retires to 
 Iceland. 
 
 Another of the great grandsons of Cearbhall was 
 Thordus, who settled at Hofdastrondam.-' He was 
 fifth in descent from Regnar Lodbrog, and married 
 Fridgerda,the daughter of ThorisHyrnobyFridgerda, 
 Cearbhall's daughter.^ Thordus, son of Yiking, who 
 settled at Alvidro, married Theoldhilda, daughter of 
 Ey vind Austman f Ulf Skialgi, who colonized the 
 whole promontory of Reykeanes, married Beorgo, 
 another of his daughters/ consequently both were 
 great grandsons of Cearbhall ; and Thrandus Miok- 
 siglandi, who colonized the country between Thiorsa 
 and Laxa, was son of Biorn, the brother of Eyvind 
 Austman.' 
 
 The family of Aulaf, the Ostman king, no less 
 than that of the Irish Cearbhall, contributed to con- 
 nect Iceland with Dublin. After Aulaf s death his 
 widow and her son, Thorstein, left Dublin, to which 
 kingdom Ivar and the Irish Cearbhall succeeded. 
 The Laxdsela Saga'' relates that "Auda while in 
 Caithness heard that her son Thorsfeinn the Red 
 was betrayed by the Scots and killed, and her 
 father, Ketill Flatnef, being also dead, she deemed 
 that her prosperity was at an end. She (Auda) 
 therefore caused a ship to be secretly built in a wood, 
 and when the ship was completed she furnished it, 
 placed all her wealth on board, and, with all those 
 of her kindred who remained alive," she sailed away 
 to the Orkneys, thence to the Fceroe islands, and 
 ultimately to Iceland, where her ship was wrecked.^ 
 
 1 Landnamab., p. 219. 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 8 TUd., p. 149. 
 *iJirf., p. 132. 
 
 « Ihid., pp. 228, 363. 
 ' Laxdsela Saga, p. 9 ; Land- 
 namab, p. 107, et seg. 
 ' Landnamab., p. 1 06, et seq. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIKS OV DUBLIN. 103 
 
 Her bi'others, Biorn Austman and Helgi Beola, with book ii. 
 her brother-in-law, Helgi Magri, had previously chap^ih. 
 settled in Iceland. There Auda fixed her residence Auda becomes 
 
 , , 1 n T p TT p 1 • 1 -TV 1 1 ^ Christian, like 
 
 at the head ot Huainmsnord, m the Dale country, her brother-in- 
 
 and influenced by the example of Helgi Magri, who ireiaad. 
 
 had been educated in Ireland,^ and who, with his 
 
 family, had become Christians,' Auda also became a 
 
 convert, and opposite the Pagan temple she set up 
 
 the emblem of her faith on the hill still called " Kross- 
 
 holar," where she and her household worshipped.* 
 
 Although her descendants relapsed into Paganism/ 
 
 Auda died firm in her faith, and unwilling that even 
 
 her bones should lie in heathen ground, she directed 
 
 her burial to be on the sands^ below high-water mark, Has her grave 
 
 under the 
 
 and, after the manner of her Viking forefathers, her water, not to 
 
 „ lie in heathen 
 
 ship was turned over her, and "a. standing stone soU. 
 (yet visible) was raised to mark the place of her 
 interment. 
 
 Nearly all the grandchildren of Aulaf and Auda Auiaf and 
 also settled in Iceland, and established large families children settlers 
 there. OlafFeilan, son ofThorstein the Ked, married''' °''°^° ' 
 Asdisa Bareysku, daughter of KonalL' Their son, 
 Thordus Geller, became one of the most distinguished 
 of the Icelanders, and their daughter Thora, having 
 married Thorsteinn Thorskabitr, son of Thorolf 
 Mostrarskegg (the priest and founder of the first 
 
 1 Eyrbyggia Saga, p. 15, gives aries. Hakon's Saga, cap. xxvii. 
 the date a.d. 890. King Hakon made many of the 
 
 2 Landnamab., pp. 229. ships be drawn up to the field 
 
 3 Ibid., 231. * Ibid., p. 110. of battle. He ordered that all the 
 6 Ibid. p. 117. men of his army who had fallen 
 « Kristni Saga, Hafiiiae, 1773, should be laid in the ships, and 
 
 p, 17. Fridgerda was a violent covered with earth and stones, &c. 
 opponent of the Christian mission- ' Landnamab., p. 116. 
 
iu4 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK ir. 
 Chap. IIL 
 
 Other Irish 
 settlers in 
 Iceland. 
 
 Pagan temple in the colony), became the mother ol 
 Thorgrim, whose son was Snorri, the celebrated lag- 
 man and priest.' Of Thorsteinnthe Red's daughters, 
 Oska married Haltsteinn, also a son of Thorolf 
 Mostrarskegg, and another daughter, Thorgerda, 
 married KoUus, who took possession of the whole of 
 the Laxdeele, and thence obtained the name of Dal- 
 KoUus.^ After Dal-KoUus's death, Thorgerda 
 married Herjolf, and became mother of Hrut, a 
 patriarchal chief, whose family may be estimated from 
 the statement that he rode to the " Althing " meeting 
 a,ttended by fourteen full-grown sons on horseback. 
 
 Such were among the emigrants furnished by the 
 royal families of Aulaf and Cearbhall ; but, added to 
 these we find a large number of settlers of Irish 
 extraction. According to the Landnamabok, one 
 of the slaves brought to Iceland by Auda was " Erps, 
 son of Meldun, a Scotch earl, slain by Sigurd the 
 Powerful." The mother of Erps was Mirgeol, 
 daughter of Gljomal, King of Ireland. Sigurd took 
 Mirgeol and Erps and enslaved them,"^ but being 
 enfranchised by Auda, Erps married, and fixed his 
 residence at Saudafels, where a numerous progeny 
 sprung from this mixture of Irish and Scandinavian 
 Wood.* 
 
 Thormodr Gamli and Keltic, sons of Bresii, came 
 
 ' Landnamab., 95. Niall's Saga, 
 «i. ij85, says she married Thorolf 
 Cu'mself. 
 
 2 Ibid., 113. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 108. 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 112. Gliomal was 
 probably Gluniaran, who reigned 
 in Dublin with Aulaf in 890. His 
 
 son, Gluntradhna, and Aulaf were 
 killed in battle in 891. Mirgeol 
 is the Irish Muirghael. One of 
 that name was wife of the King of 
 Leinster in a.d. 852, and Gluniaran, 
 connected with the Irish, may have 
 given the name to his daughter. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 105 
 
 from Ireland, and colonized the promontory of bookii. 
 Akranes.' Edna, the daughter of Ketil Bresii, was chwil"' 
 married in Ireland to " Konall," or Conal, and their 
 son, Asolfus Alskek, came to Osas, on the east coast 
 of Iceland. - 
 
 Avangus, an Irishman, settled at Botn.^ Kalman 
 or (Colman) came from the Hebrides and took pos- 
 session of a large tract of country.* His brother, 
 Kylan, was another settler, and we may assume from 
 their names that Kylan and Kiaran were also Irish.^ 
 
 The connexion between Dublin and Iceland thus y^semen con- 
 cemented by family ties continued throughout the Dubii!i^is^^ 
 ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, and the voyaees '=°^«''8d 
 
 ' ' •JO America m 
 
 for friendly intercourse, or commercial objects, led ^°"^ <=™'"'-^'- 
 to the discovery of America by Norsemen connected 
 with Dublin centuries before it was seen by 
 Columbus. 
 
 About the year 983 Ari, the son of Mar, a descen- 
 dant of the Irish king Cearbhall,'' was Avrecked on 
 the coast of Florida, which he called "Irland er 
 Mikla," or Great Ireland,it being also termed "Hvitra 
 Manna Land," or Whitemens Land.' Subsequently 
 Gudlief, sailing from Dublin, lauded on another part 
 of the American continent, the incidents of his 
 voyage forming one of the most interesting episodes 
 in the Eyrbyggia Saga. 
 
 Bork the Eat and Thordis, Sur's daughter, had a 
 daughter named Thurida, who married Thorbiorn> 
 
 1 Landnamab., p. 30. ^ Landnamab., p. 132. Ulf Ski- 
 
 2 md., p. 31. alge, the father of Mar, married 
 tibid., p. 29. Beorgo, daughter of Eyvind Aust- 
 * Ibid., p. 51. man, son-in-law of Cearbhall. 
 !Jbid., p. 52. ■ Ibid., p. 133." 
 
l06 THE SCANDINAA'IANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. who dwelt at Froda.^ Thorbiorn, with many of his 
 chap^iii. followers, was slain by Thorar.^ Thurida then became 
 the wife of Thorodd/ a Viking merchant, who, 
 coming from Dublin,* had fixed his residence in 
 Iceland f but unfortunately for the matrimonial 
 Story of Biorn happiness of Thorodd, Biorn Asbrand, " the hero of 
 to America, Broidviking," ^ a military Lothario, becoming en- 
 amoured of Thurida, an intimacy ensued, which 
 led common fame to assert that he was the father 
 of her son Kiartan.' After a desperate efibrt of the 
 husband to destroy the lover,* Snorri, scandalized by 
 the conduct of his sister, attempted also to assas- 
 sinate Biorn, but failing in this, made a compact 
 under which Biorn left Iceland in a.d. 908,^ and it 
 was supposed that overtaken by storms, he had 
 perished at sea. 
 Gudiief sailing Somo yoars after these events Gudlief, a merchant, 
 
 from DuWinto .... . . ... -iii 
 
 Iceland ia who traded to JJublin and occasionally resided there, 
 being on his return from thence to Iceland, was 
 driven by contrary winds to an unknown land, where 
 he and his companions going on shore were sur- 
 rounded by people speaking a language which 
 Gudlief could not understand, but which he thought 
 " resembled Irish." While the natives were deli- 
 berating on the fate of the Icelanders, a number of 
 horsemen approached with a banner, and headed by 
 an old man of noble mein, to whom the subject of 
 
 1 Eyrbyggia Saga, p. 43. "BreidvikingaKappi." "Kappi" 
 
 5 Ibid., p. 61. a hero. Landmabok., p. 85. 
 8 Ihid., p. 141. '■ Ihid., pp. 203, 287. 
 
 * iiirf., p. 141. 'ii'rf., pp. 147, 141. 
 
 ' iSifi., p. 1 43. ^ Muller's Bibliothek., vol. i. 
 
 6 lh\d., ibid., and p. 198, et sequ. p. 193. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN A^'TIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 107 
 
 discussion was referred.' To the astonishment of book n. 
 Gudlief, the old man addressed him in Norse, and, "^^tlJ"- 
 after various disclosures, which left no doubt that he 
 was that Biorn whom Snorri had induced to leave Discovers 
 Iceland, he gave Gudlief a gold ring for Thurida, and 
 a sword for her son Kiartan, at the same time re- 
 questing that, as he was aa old man, neither friends 
 nor relatives would incur the danger of seeking him 
 in this foreign and savage land. Biorn had pre- Biom refuses 
 viously decided that the strangers should be freed, *° '^"™' 
 and Gudlief thus sa-s'ed from captivity or death, 
 returned to Dublin, where he passed the winter, and 
 in summer sailed for Iceland, the bearer of Biorn's 
 presents and message.^ 
 
 Passing over the narratives of other voyages to 
 America by the Norsemen,^ we will extract from the 
 Laxdale Saga another episode connected with the 
 history of Dublin, and illustrative of the manners 
 and customs of the period. 
 
 Early in the tenth century HoskuUd, a great story of 
 grandson of Aulaf, first King of Dublin, went from her son oiaf 
 Iceland to the Brenneyar Islands, where King Hakon gei 
 had convened that popular assembly denominated a 
 " Thing."'' The meeting combined festivity with 
 business, political and judicial labours being en- 
 
 ' Eyrbyggia Saga, chap. Ixiv. *" A fragment of Irish history or 
 
 p. 328, et seq. a voyage to Ireland undertaken 
 
 -Ibid. The closing chapter of from Iceland in the tenth century." 
 
 the Eyrbyggia Saga is altogether Fragments of English and Irish 
 
 occupied with this tale. history in the ninth and tenth 
 
 3 America was visited by Eric centuries. Translated from the 
 the Red in a.d. 986, by Lief, Eric's original Icelandic by Grimes John- 
 son, in A.D. 1 000, and by Thorwald son ThorkeHn, 4to. : London, 1 788. 
 Ericson in a.d. 1002. 
 
lOH THE SCAMDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. livened by all the atti-actions of a Norwegian fair. 
 HAP^iii. gj^g^ygg were then articles of commerce in Scandi- 
 daughter^'of navia., a,s they long after continued to be in England ; 
 of Mand"soid ^^^^ Hoskulld, desirous to purchase a female slave, 
 as a slave. entered the tent of Gille, a wealthy slave merchant, 
 who was distinguished by a " Russian hat."' Behind 
 a curtain which divided the tent twelve young 
 maidens were arranged for sale. Eleven of these 
 were valued at one mark each, but the twelfth, who 
 was valued more highly, was purchased by HoskuUd. 
 As money had not yet been coined in Norway, he 
 y paid for her from " a purse which hung at his girdle" 
 Pretends to be three marks of silver, "weighed in a scales."^ The 
 girl was beautiful, but apparently dumb, and Hos- 
 kuUd gave her to his wife as a handmaid, having by 
 her a son, whom he called Olaf, after his grandfather, 
 Olaf the White,' and "Fa," or the Peacock, from his 
 Is heard to stateliness and beauty. After a lapse of years Hos- 
 epea to er ^^^^S. was Surprised by overhearing the supposed 
 dumb mother speaking to her son. The discovery 
 led her to confess that, from a sense of degra- 
 dation she had remained mute, that her name was ' 
 Melkorka, and that her father was Miarkartan, King 
 of Ireland, from whence she had been carried captive 
 when fifteen years of age.* Hoskulld, by repeating 
 
 ^ A Russian hat appears to have purpose, 
 
 been a valuable article. It was one ' Hoskuldwas son of Thorgerda, 
 
 of the presents made by King daughter of Thorstein the Ked, son 
 
 Harold to Gunnair. Niall's Saga, of Olaf the White, otherwise Aulaf, 
 
 p. 90. King of Dublin. Landnamab., p. 
 
 ^ In the Museum of Antiquities 43. 
 
 of the Royal Irish Academy at ''"Many were the blooming, 
 
 Dublin may be seen several pairs lively women, and the modest, 
 
 of small scales, found with Danish mild, comely maidens, &c., whom 
 
 armour, used probably for this they carried off into oppression 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 109 
 
 this story to his wife, so far excited her jealousy that book ir. 
 she struck her attendant, who indignantly returning ^°^^^^- 
 the blow, rendered it necessary that Hoskulld should is driven from 
 
 her master's 
 
 provide a separate residence for Melkorka and her son. house. 
 As soon as Olaf had passed the age of Scandinavian 
 manhood, Melkorka became anxious that he should 
 visit his Irish relations, and Hoskulld declining to 
 assist in this project, she clandestinely married Sends her son 
 another, on condition that he would provide means 
 for the prosecution of Olaf s voyage. The stipulation 
 was fulfilled, and Olaf, then eighteen years old, 
 sailed for Norway, where he was graciously received 
 by King Harald Groefeld and Queen Gunhild, who 
 gave him a vessel, which had the appearance of " a 
 ship of war, having a crew of sixty men."^ Sailing oiaf Pa is 
 for Ireland they lost their course during a storm, and coast. 
 came to a part of the Irish coast "which strangers 
 could not frequent with safety," not being in posses- 
 sion of the Ostmen. Here they anchored, but when 
 the tide ebbed the Irish came towards the vessel 
 intending " to draw her ashore ;" and we thus obtain 
 an idea of the size of their ships, for it is added that 
 " the water was not deeper than their armpits, or the 
 girdle of the tallest," but yet deep enough to keep 
 the ship afloat. Olaf, who had been taught the He addresses 
 
 ^ ^ the natives in 
 
 Irish language by his mother, began to parley with Irish, 
 the assailants, who insisted that, according to their 
 laws, vessels in such a position could be claimed as 
 
 and bondage over the broad green well-armed men. Olaf Tryggva- 
 
 sea."— Chap, xxxvi., p. 43, Wars son's Saga, c. xli. Turner's Hist, 
 
 of the Gaedhil with the Gaill. of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i., b. iv., 
 
 ' Each Fylki furnished twelve c. i., p. 425. 
 ships, having each sixty or seventy 
 
110 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK. II. wreck. Olaf admitted that such might be the law 
 CHAPjn. j£ foreigners had not an interpreter on board, but as 
 he spoke Irish, his property was not liable to seizure, 
 and he was prepared to defend it. Olaf and his 
 companions, therefore, seized their arms, " and 
 ranged them along the sides of the vessel," which 
 ''they covered with their shields as a bulwark." 
 Olaf himself ascended the prow, "having on his 
 head a golden helmet," in his hand a spear, his 
 breast being covered with a shield "on which a lion 
 was emblazoned," and thus prepared, awaited the 
 attack. At this critical moment the King of Ireland 
 arrived, an explanation ensued, as evidence of iden- 
 tity Olaf produced " a gold ring " which Miarkartan 
 had given to his daughter Melkorka " on the appear- 
 is recognised auce of her first tooth,'" and the King recognising 
 fatter S-' the tokeu, acknowledged his grandson, and invited 
 ofTrdand.^' O^^^ ^^^ ^^^ Companions to land, having first 
 appointed proper persons to take charge of his ship, 
 and " draw it upon the beach," the usual practice 
 when the voyage was ended. 
 
 Olaf, now in favour with the king, accompanied 
 him everywhere. Miarkartan being desirous to 
 punish the Vikings, who continued to ravage the 
 coast of Ireland, Olaf attended the king on board his 
 Olaf Pa goes own ship in pursuit of these pirates. He also accom- 
 to Dublin. paj^ied him to Dublin, and the citizens on being 
 informed of his parentage received him with joy. 
 
 1 The appearance of the first at which time the friends and 
 
 tooth was celebrated in Scandi- relations presented it with a gift 
 
 navia by a feast. "It appears to called Tandsel." Baden's Hist, 
 
 have been a solemn occasion when Norw., p. 78. 
 the child received its first tooth, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. Ill 
 
 In spring ^'a Thing" was assembled, at which book n. 
 Miarkartan proposed to make 01 af heir to his king- — 
 
 . _ . . " Muircheartach 
 
 dom, as being fitter to mamtain its dignity than his wisiies to make 
 own sons. Olaf, however, declined the honour, and kingdom, 
 loaded with presents, returned to Iceland, where " he 
 drew his ship ashore," and was visited by his mother, 
 who during his absence had given another son to 
 her new husband. Nial's Saga adds that Olaf brought 
 from Ireland an Irish dog of huge size, equal to a 
 second man as a follower, and endowed with sagacity 
 which enabled him to distinguish friends from foes. 
 This dog, which he called " Samus," Olaf gave to 
 his friend Gunnar/ but, like the celebrated Irish 
 dog "Vig," which Olaf Tryggvasson had brought 
 from Ireland,^ Samus was killed defending his 
 master. Thorkelin says that the facts here related 
 " took place between 936 and 962,"^ and if his 
 chronology be correct, there is little difficulty in 
 deciding that the King Miarkartan of the Saga was 
 Muircheartach, King of Aileach, or the northern 
 part of Ireland, and his daughter Melkorka, the Irish 
 Maelcorcah. Our annals state that the fortress of 
 Aileach was plundered by " Foreigners " in a.d. 900,* 
 and again in a.d. 937,^ when Muircheartach himself 
 was captured and carried off to their ships, from 
 which he was redeemed. But the foray in which 
 Melkorka was carried off may have been that of the 
 
 1 Niall's Saga, p. 217, chap. 82. says Harald Greskin was born 934, 
 
 " Olaf. Trygg. Saga, chap. xxxv. and died 977 ; other chronologies 
 
 » Niall's Saga, p. 237- place his death in 969. 
 
 * Thorkelin's Fragments, Lond., = Ann. Four Mast., a d. 9U0. 
 
 1788, p. X. Schbning Chronology » Ann. Ulst., a.d. 931 (=937). 
 
 in Heimskringla, vol.1., p. 411, 
 
112 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 [BOOK II. foreigners who came to Loch Foyle, and plundered 
 
 ^— ■ around Aileach, in a.d. 91 9.' According to the Saga, 
 
 tach's offer about twenty years after the capture of Melkorka, 
 
 consistent with /-vt c ,i • t , • i iiiii 
 
 the law of flat, then eighteen or nineteen years old, landed 
 anis ry. ^^ Ireland, and attended King Miarkartan on board 
 his own ship in an expedition against the pirates 
 who had infested the coasts of Ireland. This date 
 corresponds with a.d. 939 of the Four Masters, when 
 Muircheartach fitted out a fleet, and pursued the 
 Scandinavian pirates into the Hebrides, from which 
 " he carried off much plunder and booty,"^ and the 
 visit to Dublin in the same year by Olaf and Miar- 
 kartan may have been that in which " Muirchear- 
 tach and his Leather Cloaks " entered the city, where 
 The Ostmen of Olaf must havc been "joyfully received" by the 
 have willingly Scandinavian citizens, as a descendant of their 
 king. founder. King Aulaf, Muircheartach's proposal that 
 
 Olaf, one of his family, should succeed to the throne, 
 being consistent with the Irish law of Tanistry. 
 
 1 Ann. Four Mast., 919 2 Ann. Four Mast., 939. 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 113 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DUBLIN AND THE SCOTTISH ISLES. 
 The Hebrides and Orkaeys visited by Irish ecclesiastics long before their 
 occupation by the Scandinavians — Saint Columba retired from Ireland 
 to Hy (one of the Hebrides), a.d. 563. — Founded a monastery there— 
 
 The Scandinavians plunder Hy-Colum-Cille, a.d. 802. From the 
 
 Orkneys and Hebrides they plunder in Ireland, Scotland, and Nor- 
 way — Harald Haarfagr, King of Xorway, sends Ketill Flatnef against 
 them — KetiU becomes their leader. — Allies himself with Aulaf, the 
 White, King of Dublin. — ^Marries his daughter.— Scandinavian ravao-es 
 in Spain and Africa. — They land their Moorish captives in Ireland. — 
 Spanish, Irish, and Scandinavian histories confirm this account. 
 
 The intercourse between Dublin and Iceland neces- 
 sarily increased that previously existing between ^hap^iv. 
 Dublin, the Hebrides, Orkneys, and Scottish isles, .^{"el ocS 
 Like Iceland, the islands to the west and north of ^^^^L^"'^'"" 
 Scotland were known to the Irish, and had been 
 visited by Irish ecclesiastics long, prior to the 
 earhest accounts of Scandinavian invasion. St. 
 Columba, one of the royal family of Ireland, and 
 allied to that of the Dalriada of Scotland, being 
 banished from Ireland, went to the Hebrides, and in 
 A.D. 563 founded a monastery at Hy, where his monks 
 peacefully resided until the close of the eighth 
 century, when " the Pagan Norsemen laid waste the 
 islands between Ireland and Scotland," and in a.d. 802 
 again plundered and burned " Hy-Colum-Cille," and 
 slew sixty-eight of the clei'gy."^ Lying in the track 
 of the invaders, the Hebrides and Orkneys became 
 the resort of all who sought new homes or the 
 excitement or plunder of Viking expeditions. Before 
 
 Colgan, Actt., S.S., p. 241, con- c. vii., s. ii., pp. 38, Ixxv., Le- 
 ceming St. Albens. tronne, Paris, 1814. 
 
 Adamnan's Life of St. Columba 'Ann. Four Mast., 801, 802; 
 
 by "William Reeves, d.d., 1857. Ann. Ult., a.d. 801. 
 
 Dicuil De ^.lensura Orbis Terrae, 
 
 I 
 
114 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. the close of the ninth centuiy the Scandinavian 
 chap^iv. pij-ates of the isles, being joined by kindred spirits 
 kaguewith froHi Scotland and Ireland, "made war, and plun- 
 UubUn!"'™ °* dered far and wide," ' wintering in the Orkneys and 
 Hebrides,^ and in summer infesting the coasts of Ire- 
 land, Scotland, and Norway."^ King Harald Haar- 
 fagr attempted to terminate their depredations, and 
 Harald Haar- having fitted out a great fleet, pursued these plun- 
 
 f agr sends i • • i i p 
 
 Ketiii against derers to their island fastnesses. Many he slew, 
 but scarcely had he returned to Norway ere those 
 who had escaped by flight returned to their old 
 haunts, and Harald, tired of such warfare, sent 
 Ketill Flatnef * to reconquer the islands, and expel 
 the Vikings. But when Ketill had subdued all the 
 
 Ketill joins southcm islcs he made himself king: over them, and 
 
 them. . . ° ' 
 
 refusing to pay Harald the stipulated tribute, endea- 
 voured to sustain his usurpation by alliances with 
 neighbouring chieftains, of whom one of the most 
 influential was Olaf, the White, King of Dublin, who 
 married Auda, Ketill's daughter. 
 OrkneyVikings Prior, howevcr, to the Vikings being driven from 
 Spain.'''™ '° the isles they had brought into Ireland a race of 
 people previously unknown to the Irish. In one of 
 their expeditions from the Orkneys they landed 
 among the Moors in Spain, and having defeated and 
 Land their capturcd a number of these Moors, they retired to 
 their ships, and sailed for Ireland, where they landed 
 their swarthy captives. This curious incident, which 
 
 1 Landnamabok, p. 22. Skottar still survives in " Soder and Man," 
 
 oc Irar heruindu oc rsentu vida. » Harald Haarfagr's Saga, cap. 
 
 ^ The Hebrides were termed the xx. 
 
 " Sudreyar," or Southern Islands, * Landnamabok, p. 22. Ketill 
 
 in contradistinction to the Ork- Flatnef means Ketill Flatnose. 
 neys, or Northern Isles. The name 
 
 Moorish 
 prisoners in 
 Ireland. 
 
SCANPIN^AVIAN- ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 115 
 
 is not alluded to in any modern Irish history, we find book ii. 
 recorded ia one of the " Three Fraofments of Annals" *^^t!:^^" 
 preserved in the Burgundian Library at Brussels/ Ssh^a^fotifer 
 and it appears to be corroborated by various state- ^™*'^- 
 ment« of Scandinavian, French, and Spanish writers. 
 The words of the Annals are that^" Not long before 
 this time " (a.d. 869) ^ " the two younger sons of 
 Albdan (Halfdan), King of Lochlann, expelled the 
 eldest son, Raghnall, son of Albdan, because they 
 feared that he would take the kingdom of Lochlann 
 after their father ; and Raghnall came with his three 
 sons tolnnsi Ore (Orkney), and Raghnall tarried there 
 with his youngest son. But his elder sons, with a 
 great host, which they collected from every quarter, 
 . rowed forward across the Cantabrian Sea, 
 i.e., the sea which is between Erin and Spain, until 
 they reached Spain, and they inflicted many evils in 
 Spain, both by killing and plundering. They after- 
 wards crossed the Gaditanian Straits,^ i.e., where the 
 Mediterranean Sea goes into the external ocean, and 
 thev arrived in Africa, and there they fought a battle 
 with the Mauritani, in which a great slaughter of the 
 Mauritani was made." " After this the Lochlanns 
 passed over the country, and they plundered and 
 burned the whole country ; and they carried off a 
 great host of them [the Mauritani] as captives to 
 Erin and these are the blue men [of Erin], for Mauri The Moorish 
 
 ■*-' ' . . - prisoners the 
 
 is the same as black men, and Mauritania is the same blue men of 
 
 Erin. 
 
 as blackness." And " long indeed were these blue 
 men in Erin." 
 
 1 Three Fragments, p. 159, Irish LThe Stmts of Gades in the 
 
 ArchEelogical Society, 1860. south of Spain. The modern Cadiz 
 
 » This time ' ' the capture of York preserves the name. 
 
 by the Danes," a.d. 869. 
 ' I 2 
 
116 
 
 THE SCAKl;INAVlAirS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 Blue men the 
 Norsrf name 
 for Africans. 
 
 Identification 
 of King 
 Halfdan. 
 
 The term blue men here applied to the Moors 
 affords some evidences of a Scandinavian connexion 
 with parts of the narrative. The term, which is not 
 Irish, was doubtless adopted by the Irish from 
 those Scandinavian Vikings who first brought these 
 coloured men into Ireland, for in the Icelandic Sagas 
 and Swedish history Bluemen is the name always 
 given to Moors or Africans,' and "Great Blueland" 
 the name by which Africa^ is designated. 
 
 The very confused history and unsettled chrono- 
 logy of the reigns of the early kings of Scandinavia, 
 and the immber of kings of the name of Halfdan, 
 renders it difficult clearly to identify the King 
 Halfdan referred to in the Annals. It may be 
 asserted, however, with some degree of confidence 
 that he was Halfdan the Mild/ son and successor of 
 King Eysteinn, According to Schoning's chronology* 
 Halfden was born in a.d. 738, and was succeeded by 
 his son Gudrod, who died in a.d. 824. The names 
 of liis other sons are not recorded, but there are 
 reasons to suppose' that one of them was called 
 Bognvald, or Raghnal, and, if the supposition be 
 correct, it is not improbable that he may have been 
 driven into the Orkneys by his brothers when they 
 
 1 Ynglinga Saga, cap 1. — " Bla- 
 land hit Mikla," or Great Blue- 
 land, being the name of Africa, and 
 Blae men the name for Africans. 
 
 ^ Sigurd Jorsalafain Saga, cap. 
 ■24 — Blalande, Saracen's land, and 
 Blamenn, Saracens. Tuyell's Swe- 
 den, Blamenn, negroes, &c. 
 
 " Ynglinga Saga, cap. 411 — Half- 
 dan " had been long on Vilting 
 expeditions." " He died on a bed of 
 sickness, and was buried at Borre." 
 
 He was called Halfdann hinn Mildi 
 oc hinn Malar illi (the bad enter- 
 tainer). 
 
 ■• Schoning's Chronology, Heims- 
 kringla, vol. i., p. 411. 
 
 '> The Norsemen never named the 
 son after the father, but generally 
 after the uncle, granduncle or 
 grandfather, and Gudrod's grand- 
 son was named Rognvald (Eagh- 
 nal), the son of Olaf, the son of 
 Gudrod. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 117 
 
 saw their father suffering from that sickness of which book ii. 
 he died. . <^^^' ^^• 
 
 But whatever difficulty there may be in identify- 
 ing the King Halfdan who was the father of Rogn- 
 vald, there is none in estabhsliing the fact that at the 
 time mentioned in the Annals a fleet of Scandi- 
 navians came to the coast of Spain, and after plun- Expedition to 
 
 \ • ■\ nc 1 Spain 
 
 dering the country, captured and carried oflP a number confirmed 
 of Moors, the blue men of the narrative. The French 
 Chronicle of Bertiniani states that, the Norsemen 
 invaded Spain in a.d. 844." Depping more explicit by Bertiniani's 
 says that they plundered the coasts of Galicia, 
 Portugal, and Andalusia, made a descent on Cadiz, 
 and infested the borders of the Mediterranean. 
 "That it was in the month of September, 844, they 
 sailed up the Guadalquiver," and having defeated the 
 Moors who opposed their attack on Seville, they 
 burned the faubourgs, pillaged the city, and retired 
 to their ships, " bringing with them much booty and 
 a crowd of prisoners, who perhaps, never again 
 beheld the beautiful sky of Andalusia." 
 
 The Spanish history by Mariani is equally in and by 
 accordance with our annals. It relates that the 
 Normans "overran and pillaged all the coasts of 
 Galicia till near Corunna" ; " that in a.d. 847, having 
 gathered new forces, they laid siege to Seville, 
 plundered the territory of Cadiz and Medina Sido- 
 nia, taking great numbers of men and cattle, and 
 putting many Moors to the sword." "They then left 
 Spain, having gained much honour and great riches/'' 
 
 1 Annals Bertiniani apud Du- 1844, pp. 107, 108. 
 
 chesne, vol. iii., p. 201, a.d. 844. » Mariani Hist. Spain, Lond. 
 
 2 Depping Hist, des Expeditions 1699, p. 112. 
 Maritimes Des Normans, Paris, 
 
Il8 THE SCAKDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 DUBLIN AND THE MAINLAND OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 Difference between the Scandinavian invasions of Scotland and Ireland 
 
 In Scotland they were as conquerors. — The Scandinavians at Dublin, 
 colonists. — Aulaf, King of Dublin, intermarries into the families of 
 
 Irish Kings. — Enumeration of Aulaf's connexions with Irish royalty 
 
 His connexions with the Scandinavian Lords of the Isles. — Marries 
 Auda, daughter of Ketill, Lord of the Hebrides. — Keneth M'Alpin, 
 King of Scots, calls to his aid, Godfrey, Chief of Ulster — Godfrey 
 
 becomes Lord of the Isles Aulaf's expedition with his son Ivar, 
 
 against the men of Fortrenn Aulaf slain there, a.d. 869 His son, 
 
 Ivar, returns, and reigns at Dublin. — Ivar dies, a.d. 872. — Ivar's 
 
 grandson driven out of Dublin- by the Irish, a.d. 962 Invades 
 
 Pictland, and is slain at Fortrenn, a.d. 904. 
 
 BOOK II. But the connexion between Dublin and the Main- 
 — '- land of Scotland was of a different character from 
 
 Intermarriages ititi h /~\ 
 
 ofOstmen that established between the Ostmen of that port 
 
 and the inhabitants of Ireland. In Scotland the 
 
 Scandinavians of Dublin were conquerors, not 
 
 colonists, as the Ostmen of Dublin quickly became 
 
 in Ireland by intermarriage with the Irish. Thus 
 
 shortly after his arrival, Aulaf became closely con- 
 
 Auiaf, King of nectod with Irish royalty. Aedh Finnliath, King of 
 
 ftfdiTto'' Ii'eland, had married Maelmurrie, daughter of 
 
 of teiand"^ Cinnaedh (Kenneth), King of the Scots and Picts;* 
 
 and Aulaf having married another of Kenneth's 
 
 daughters,^ he thus became brother-in-law to the 
 
 reigning monarch. Subsequently Aulaf also married 
 
 one of Aedh Finnliath's daughters,^ and thus became 
 
 1 Ogygia, seu Rerum Hiberni- Annals, edited by J. O'Donovan, 
 
 carum Chronologia. Koderic ll.d., p. 173. Irish Archasological 
 
 O'Flahwty. 4to : London, 1685. Society. 4to: Dublin, 1860. 
 
 p. 484. ' ^bi'^-1 P- 151- 
 
 ' Three Fragments of Irish 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN, 119 
 
 that king's son-in-law, and brother-in-law of Neal bookii. 
 
 ° \ Chap. V. 
 
 Glundubh, the succeeding monarch. Nor was these — 
 his only connexions with Irish royalty. 
 
 Scandinavian kings were polygamists, marrying 
 and repudiating without controul. And notwith- 
 standing their Christianity, some of our Irish 
 monarchs were tainted by the manners of the age, 
 as even Charlemagne, the anointed champion of the 
 Church, was a bigamist, and worse. Certain it is 
 that their matrimonial connexions were of a most 
 complicated character. Thus Aedh Finnliath, who 
 had married Maelmurrie, had (possibly after her 
 death) married Flauna, daughter of Dunlaing, and 
 sister of Cearbhall, Lord of Ossory.' This Flauna 
 had previously been the wife of Maelsachlain, King 
 of Ireland, by whom she became the mother of 
 Flann Sinna/ and likewise had been the wife of 
 Gaithen, by whom she had Cennedigh,' Lord of 
 Laighis, her brother Cearbhall'' being mari-ied to a 
 daughter of her first husband, Maelsachlain.' Nor 
 was this all. After the death of Aedh Finnliath, 
 his widow, Maelmurrie, married Flann,® the son of 
 Maelsachlain,'' by whom she had King Donnchadh,* 
 Aedh's sister' having been married to Conaing, Lord 
 of Breagh, i.e., Meath.'" 
 
 ' Three Fragments, p. 179. O'Flaherty, p. 435. 4to: London, 
 
 ' Annals of Four Masters, a.d. 1685. 
 
 886. ' Three Fragments, p. 179. 
 
 ' Three Fragments, p .179. Annals of Four Masters, a.d. 886. 
 
 * Annals of Four Masters, a.d. ' Annals of Four Masters, a.d. 
 
 862. 942. lUd, a.d. 919. 
 
 ' Three Fragments, p. 129. ° Three Fragments p. 177. 
 
 « Ogygia, sen Kerum Hiberni- '» Ibid. 
 carum Chronologia, by Koder'o 
 
120 THE SCANDINAVIANS, ANH 
 
 BOOK II, rpj^^g ^^.g^ ^^ ^^g g--^gg ^£ Scotland and Ireland, 
 Auiarson-in- ^^^^^ ^^so Connected himself with the Lords of the 
 LOTdrf\he Isles. He married Auda,' daughter of Ketil 
 Isles. Flatneff,^ Chief of the Hebrides; and their son, 
 
 Thorstein the Red,' married Thurida,'' whose Scan- 
 dinavian father, Eyvind Austman,* was husband of 
 Rafarta, one of Cearbhall's daughters.* 
 
 "We have already seen that the Picts of Scotland 
 had a common origin with those on the sea coast of 
 Ulster, where the Northmen first settled." While 
 they were thus plundering and settling among the 
 Irish and Irish Picts, they were pursuing the same 
 course with the Scots and Picts of Scotland. 
 Ravages of the The Northern Picts had been the victims of the 
 
 Norsemen on 
 
 the Scottish early invaders ; so had been the Scots, or Men of 
 
 Picts. -^ . . T • r 
 
 Alba. In a.d. 835, Cinaedh, son of Alpin, King of 
 the Scots, sought assistance from his kindred in 
 Ireland, and Godfraidh, son of Fearghus, Chief of 
 Orghialla (Ulster), went to Alba to strengthen the 
 Dalriada,* and thence, perhaps, at the request of 
 Cinaedh, son of Alpin, became Chief of the Hebrides 
 also. 
 
 In A.D. 839 the Southern Picts were invaded, and 
 in "a battle by the Gentiles against the Men of 
 Fortren, Eogannen M'CEngus (King of the Picts), 
 and his brother Bran, were slain with a multidude 
 
 ' Olaf Trygvasson's Saga. Harfagr's Saga, cap. xxii. 
 Scripta Historica Islandorum * Landnamabok, p. 109. 
 
 Latine reddita, vol. i., p. 224, cap. ' Ibid, ibid. 
 
 95. Twelve vols., 12mo: Hafnias, " J6?c?, p. 228. 
 
 1828-1832. ' '§'«?'•«, PP- 83, 84. 
 
 2 Landnamabok, p. 107. * Annals of Four Masters, a.d. 
 
 3 Nial's Saga, p. 389. Harald 835. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 121 
 
 of others,"' this being possibly the expedition men- ^^^^ "■ 
 tioned by Saxo Grammaticus, in which Kegnar — 
 Lodbrog slew the Chiefs of Scotia, Pictavia, and the 
 Western Tsles.^ 
 
 It might be suggested that when " all the foreign Auiaf invades 
 tribes of Ireland" had submitted to Aulaf,^ he may Scotland, a.d. 
 have desired to extend his dominion over the Picts 
 of Scotland also. Certain it is that he proceeded to 
 subdue them in a.d. 865 ; for in that year according to 
 the Annalists of Ulster, "Amlaiv and his nobility 
 went to Fortren together with the foreigners of 
 Ireland and Scotland, and spoiled the Cruithne (the 
 Picts), and brought. all their hostages with them."^ 
 
 In A.D. 869, Aulaf in conjunction with Ivar, again 
 invaded Pictland, and after a siege of four months 
 took and destroyed its capital ; but Aulaf being slain 
 while leading an army against Constantiue, King of gggj'*'"'*'"' 
 the Scots, Ivar returned to Dublin, where he died, ivar dies at 
 
 ' Dublin, A.D. 
 
 A.D. 872.* 872. 
 
 The sons of Aulaf, however, did not abandon the 
 conquests of their father. Oslin remained in Pict- 
 land, where he was slain by a stratagem of the 
 Albanenses, in a.d. 875.^ 
 
 But though the Kings of Dublin ceased to have a 
 
 ' Bellum a gentilibus contra Lx., p. IS4, line 33. 
 
 viros Fortrenn in quo cecidernnt ' Supra, p. 19. 
 
 Eoganam MacCEngusa et Bran * Annals of Ulster, cited in the 
 
 MacCEngus, et Aedh MacBoanta footnote of J. O'Donovan, ll.d., 
 
 et alii pene innumerabiles ceci- in the Annals of the Four Masters, 
 
 derunt. Ann. Ulton. See Reeves's vol. i., p. 5U2. 
 
 Adamnan, p. 390. (Wars of the ° Supra, pp. 38-40. 
 
 Gaedhel with the Gaill. Pref. p. ' Annals of Four Masters, a.d. 
 
 li ii_ 1) 874. Ibid, A.D. 865, p. 519. Cit- 
 
 ' Saxo Grammaticus Hist. Lib. ing Annal Ulton. 
 
122 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. V. 
 
 Ivar's grand- 
 eon falls in 
 Pictland, a.li. 
 904. 
 
 dominion in Scotland, their connexion with it con- 
 tinued throughout the tenth century. Nor is it 
 impossible that when the foreigners were driven out 
 of Dublin, in a.d. 901,' Ivar, the grandson of Ivar, 
 attempted to reconquer Pictland ; but was killed by 
 the men of Fortrenn with a great slaughter about 
 him, in a.d. 904.^ 
 
 About this period it is somewhat difficult to decide 
 whether the Kings of Dublin should be termed 
 Ostmen or Irish. After their conversion to Chris- 
 tianity, intermarriages with the Irish became much 
 more frequent, but not less irregular. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Beligion of the Ostmen of Ireland. 
 
 Few details in Irish Annais concerning the form of Paganism of the Ost- 
 men of Ireland. — Date of their conversion to Christianity. — The 
 conversion of King Aulaf Cuaran in England. — The first Ostman 
 bishop of Dublin consecrated there. — King Aulaf Cuaran's conversion 
 in England decides the religion of many of his subjects in Ireland.— 
 The rest remain worshippers of Thor. — Proofs of this worship in Irish 
 Armals. —Whether the prefix Gille be Scandinavian or Irish discussed. 
 ^Deductions drawn from its use in Scandinavian and Irish names. — 
 The division of Ireland into four provinces, not Scandinavian, but 
 of ecclesiastical origin. — The Dyfflinarskiri or Scandinavian territory 
 around Dublin. — Its bounds co-extensive with the early Admiralty 
 jurisdiction of the j^ayor and citizens of Dublin. 
 
 BOOK II. Of the form of paganism professed by the Ostmen 
 
 — of Ireland, Irish annals furnish no direct evidence. 
 
 They do not even inform us of the religious tenets of 
 
 ' Supra, p. 49. Annals of 
 Ulster. This date in the Annals 
 of the Four Masters, in a.d. 897. 
 
 ' Annal. Ulton. O'Connor's 
 Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores, 
 vol. iv., p. 243. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 123 
 
 the Irish previously to the introduction of Christi- ^°°^ ^'■ 
 
 ^ '' , Chap. VI. 
 
 anity ; nor are they singular in this respect, Saxon — 
 chronicles being equally silent respecting that which 
 existed in England until the lltli century, when Conversion of 
 Canute prohibited heathenism by law. To the of DubS!" 
 Christian Monks who wrote their annals and 
 chronicles (and they were almost the only writers 
 and Latin their only language), it seemed profane to 
 mention the names of Thor or Frega or of any 
 heathen deity, or to allude to their temples or 
 worship. We are told only that our Ostmen were 
 pagans, and they remained pagans for 500 years after 
 all Europe was christianized. The Welsh chronicles 
 state that they Avere pagan to the middle of the 1 1th 
 century, the Annals of Cambria and Brut y 
 Tywysogain recording that "a.d. 1040 Grufudd 
 (King of Wales) was captured by the pagans of 
 Dublin."! 
 
 This statement of the Welsh chronicle however First Ostmau 
 
 Bishop of 
 
 would prolong the existence of Scandinavian paganism outiiu 
 
 in Dublin much beyond the period usually assigned 
 
 for its termination ; for although it was not until a.d. 
 
 1038 that the first Ostman bishop of Dublin was 
 
 consecrated, we may confidently assert that some of 
 
 our Ostmen had been previously converted ; and that 
 
 they had been converted in England ; and hence their Consecrated at 
 
 connexion with Canterbury and Eome instead ofA.D. i038. 
 
 with Armagh and the Irish Church, and thence also 
 
 it was that their bishops were consecrated in 
 
 1 Ancient Laws and Institutes of pagan superstition among the Irish 
 Wales, Record publication, 1841. in a.d. 1014, " War of the Gaedhil 
 There were some remnants of with theGaill,"p. 173. 
 
124 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Sitric, King of 
 Dublin, con- 
 verted in Eng- 
 land, A.D. 925. 
 
 Aulaf Cuaran, 
 Si trie's son 
 converted 
 there. 
 
 Hia subjects 
 conversion, 
 A.D. 944. 
 
 England after the Roman formula and tliat an Ost- 
 man bishop vs^as the first Papal Legate in Ireland.' 
 
 Among our Ostmen, the first recorded conversion 
 is that of Sitric, King of Dublin, who was baptized in 
 England, and then married to King Athelstan's 
 sister in a.d. 925,^ but the influence of his conver- 
 sion did not extend to Dublin, for unsteady in his 
 faith and forgetful of his vow he soon abjured Christi- 
 anity, abandoned his wife, and died pagan where he 
 had been baptized. His successor, Aulaf the son of 
 Godfrey, was opposed to Athelstan and remained 
 pagan until death ;' but Sitric's son, Aulaf Cuaran, 
 on visiting England was there converted and in a.d. 
 943 was received at baptism by King Edmund,* 
 Aulaf's sister, Gyda,° being subsequently married to 
 Olaf Tryggvasson in England, where Olaf also had 
 been baptized.*^ 
 
 It was this conversion of Aulaf Cuaran and his 
 family' which decided the religion of his subjects in 
 a.d. 944. When Aulaf returned to Dublin,* his 
 example, aided by the efforts of the Anglo-Saxon 
 
 ' Sir James Ware's Works, vol. 
 ii., p. 306. Ibid, vol. L, p. 504, 
 " Gilleor Gilletert, Bishop of Lim- 
 erick, and first Apostolic Legate 
 in Ireland a.d., 1139." 
 
 2 Sax. Chron., 926. 
 
 3 Flor. Worcest., 938, calls him 
 "rex paganus Aulafus,'' he died 
 942, Sax. Chron. 
 
 « Sax. Chron , 943. 
 
 » Erat autem ilia potens domina 
 (Gyda) soror Olavi, Scotorum 
 regis, qui Kuaran est nominatus, 
 Hist. Olavi Try gvii Alius, vol. 10., 
 p. 236. Scripta Historica Island- 
 
 orum, Studio Sveinbiomis Egilson 
 12 vols. 12mo, Havniffi, 1841. 
 
 " Heimsk Olafs Saga, cap. 
 XXXIII., Toi-feus Hist. Norv., 
 vol. 2., p. 340. Olaf, like many of 
 the Northmen, was baptized several 
 times. 
 
 ' Aulaf remained steady in his 
 faith, and in a.d. 980 " went to Hi 
 on his pilgrimage, and died there 
 after penance and a good life." 
 Ann. Four Mast., a.d. 980. 
 
 = Sax. Chron., 944.; Ann. Ulst., 
 944. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 125 
 
 monks (who followed him from Northumberland), cha^vi' 
 led to that " conversion of the Danes " which Irish 
 writers date from about a.d. 948.^ There is no proof, Thisconversio. 
 however, that this conversion was general, and the °° ^ ^"'"' ' 
 progress of Christianity among the Scandinavians 
 elsewhere, would lead us to infer that it was partial, 
 as we find, that although Hakon (Athelstan's foster 
 son) introduced Christianity into Norway in a.d. 
 956 ;' and although Olaf Tryggvasson established it 
 there by law, in a.d. 1000 (it being legally established 
 in Iceland the same year),^ yet many Norwegians 
 remained pagan at the close of the ^llth century, 
 refusing to submit even to the nominal Christianity 
 then required, districts and armies being baptized 
 without any instruction whatsoever.* The forms of 
 pagans and Christians were in some respects similar, g^^^^^ p^ . 
 pouring water over the head and giving a name, * "^a'aUke*" 
 being ceremonies of Odinism f " Thor's hammersign " 
 being used like that of the cross (and sometimes 
 mistaken for it) in religious rites and blessings.^ 
 Our evidence therefore only proves that the Ost- 
 
 ' Ware's Antiq.,p. 61. Lanigan cap. xi. ; introduced a.d. 981. 
 
 Eccl. Hist., vol. i., p. 75, says, * Heimsk, vol. ii., p. 340. 
 
 Sitric had tliree sons, Reginald, ' Heimsk, vol. i. p. 72. Saga 
 
 Aulaf, and Godfrid, "• and it is very Halfdanar Svarta, cap. vii. 
 
 probable that Godfrid followed this ° Ibid, vol. i., p. 143. Saga 
 
 example of his father and became Hakon Guda, c. xviii. " The king 
 
 Christian," but Lanigan probably then took the drinking hom and 
 
 overlooked the fact, that Godfrid's made the sign of the cross over it. 
 
 son, Reginald, was a pagan until What does the king mean ? said 
 
 A.D. 943, when he also was con- Kaare of Gryting" — Earl Sigurd 
 
 verted in England ; Sax. Chron., replied — " He is blessing the full 
 
 943, goblet in the name of Thor by 
 
 ' Heimsk, vol. i. ; Chronologia, making the sign of his hammer over 
 
 p. 411. it." 
 
 ' Kristni-Saga, Hafniae, 1773, 
 
126 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. \I. 
 
 men of Dublin were not exclusively pagan in a.d. 
 1040, as the Welsh chronicles seem to imply. 
 
 But that those who remained pagan adhered to the 
 worship of Thor,then the religion of Norway, can only 
 
 in Ireland. '^ ^6 inferred from the few events, which are recorded 
 in our Annals. For instance, we know that the 
 Scandinavians sometimes sacrificed their prisoners to 
 Thor or Odin, by "crushing the spine" (or "break- 
 ing the back on a stone"),' or by plunging the victim 
 head foremost in water, and auguring from the sacri- 
 fice future victory or defeat. Such sacrifices may be 
 alluded to in the statements, that, " a.d. 859, Mael- 
 gula Mac Dungail, King of Cashel, was killed by the 
 Danes, i.e., his back was broken with a stone -"^ and 
 A.D. 863, that, " Conor Mac Dearmada, half King of 
 Meath, was stifled in water at Cluain Iraird, by Aulaf, 
 King of the foreigners " of Dublin.^ 
 
 Again, we find it stated, that after the death of 
 
 and sword of Aulaf Cuaran, which is supposed to have occurred in 
 A.D. 992, there was a contest for succession between 
 Imar and " Sitric, the son of Aulaf,"'' and taking ad- 
 vantage of this dispute in "a.d. 994, the ring of 
 Tomar, and the sword of Carlus were found carried 
 
 ' Thordus Gallus mentions the 
 Thorstein on whicli men were 
 sacrificed (broken), and where also 
 is the circle of stones, " Domhring," 
 or place of justice. Landnamabok, 
 p. 94. And the Eyrbyggia: — 
 " Here (at a spot in Iceland) was 
 set up (A.D. 934), the place of 
 judgment ; and here is seen to this 
 day (a.d. 1250), the judicial circle 
 of stones where human victims were 
 offered up to the gods ; and con- 
 
 spicuous in the centre of the circle, 
 Thor's Stone, where the backs of 
 the victims were broken, still show- 
 ing signs of blood." Eyrbyggia 
 Saga, cap. x., p. 27 ; 4to, liavniae, 
 1787. 
 
 ^ Ann.FourMast.,A.D.857. "Was 
 
 stoned by the Norsemen till they 
 
 killed him." Ann. Innisfall, a.d. 
 
 859. Ann. Four Mast., a.d. 867. 
 
 ' Ann. Four Mast., a.d. 862. 
 
 ' Ann. Four Mast., A,D. 992,993. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OT DUBLIN. 127 
 
 away by Maelseachlain from the foreigners of ^°°^ ^^■ 
 Ath CHatli.'" ''^—^' 
 
 It has been already observed that the ' godar ' significance 
 were princes, judges, and priests. The emblem of''*""ss- 
 military jurisdiction being a sword, and the marks 
 of the ' godi's ' sacredotal dignity being a massive 
 ring,^ generally kept at the temple of Thor, but 
 sometimes worn attached by a smaller ring to the 
 armilla of the godi, and having some mystery con- 
 nected with it.* 
 
 When the " godi " acted in his judicial capacity, 
 witnesses were sworn on this " holy ring," and the 
 " godi " gave solemnity to the oath by dipping the 
 ring in the blood of a sacrifice. Such was " the 
 great gold ring " which Olaf Trygvasson, when he 
 became a Christian, took from the temple door of 
 Lade," and sent to Queen Sigrid,'' and such was "the 
 holy ring " whereon the Danes " swore oaths " to 
 King Alfred.^ Of these " great gold rings with the 
 smaller ring attached " there is a splendid specimen 
 in the museum of the Royal Irish Academy.^ 
 
 We therefore infer that the "ring" and sword Ring and 
 which Maelseachlain carried away, had been pre- emWems of 
 served by the Ostmen as tokens of the investiture, temporal*" 
 spiritual and temporal, of their two races of kingly "'''^*' ""' 
 
 ' Ann. Four Masters, A.D. 994. Veterum, Amst., 1676, p. 47, et 
 
 ''■ This ring -was sometimes of seq. 
 
 silver weighing " two ores or more," * Heimsk, vol. i., p. 264. Saga 
 
 and was placed on the altar of Thor. af Olafi Tryggvasyni, cap. Ixvi. 
 
 For its use in judicial and religious ' Sax. Chron,, a.d. 876. 
 
 matters, see Landnamabok, p. 299, » This ring with a large number 
 
 also Eyrbyggia Saga, cap. x., p. of other gold articles was found in 
 
 27. the county of Clare, and pur- 
 
 ' Bartholinius De Armillis chased by me for the Academy. 
 
128 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Vicissitudes 
 of ttie ring 
 and sword. 
 
 Last notice of 
 the sword of 
 Carlus. 
 
 worshippers of Thor, Carlus, slain in a.d. 866, 
 being the eldest son of Aulaf, then King of Dublin, 
 and Tomar (Thormodr or Thorsman), " Earl tanist of 
 the King of Lochlann.^ After A.D. 994, when the 
 power of the Ostmen kings was restored, the sword of 
 Carlus again came into their possession. But in 
 A.D. 1028,' Sitric abandoned his kingdom, and with 
 Flannagan Ua Cellaigh, King of Bregia, went to 
 Rome. In their absence Sitric's son was captured 
 by Mathgainhain Ua Riagain, then Lord of Breagha, 
 who exacted for his ransom " the sword of Carlus," 
 and other articles of value.* 
 
 Again, however, the sword of C'arlus was restored 
 to the Ostmen of Dublin, but soon again they were ^ 
 depi-ived of it ; the last notice of this emblem of 
 temporal sovereignty, being, that it " and many other 
 precious things were obtained by the son of Mael- 
 nambho " in a.d. 1058.'' But the " ring of Tomar"' 
 never reappeared among the regalia of the Ostmen. 
 Christianity had severed the authority of the priest 
 
 ' Ann. Four Mast., a.d. 866. 
 
 2 Ihid, A.I). 846. 
 
 ' Ann. Four Mast., 1028. Sitrie's 
 son, Aulaf, also commenced a 
 pilgrimage, but " was slain by the 
 Saxons on his way to Rome." Ibid, 
 1034. 
 
 * Ibid, 1029. 
 
 • Ann. Four Mast., a.d. 1058. 
 
 ° " A bull of excommunication 
 was given to William's messenger, 
 and to it was added a consecrated 
 banner of the Roman Church, and 
 a ring containing one of St Peter's 
 hairs set under a diamond of great 
 price. This was the double emblem 
 
 of military and ecclesiastical in- 
 vestiture." Thierry. Conquest 
 of England by the Normans, vol. 
 i., b. iii., p. 159. (Bohn's Trans- 
 lation, 12mo, London, 1847.) " By 
 a bull in favour of Henry, and 
 another ring, a valuable emerald, 
 &c." Macaria Excidium, being a 
 secret (allegorical) history of the 
 War of the Revolution (1 689-1 69 1 ) 
 in Ireland, by Colonel Charles 
 O'Kelly, edited by John Cornelius 
 O'Callaghan, for the Ij-ish Archaeo- 
 logical Society : 4to, Dublin, 
 1850. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 129 
 
 from that of the prince ; the spiritual and temporal ^°°J^ "• 
 jurisdictions were no longer united in the same — 
 individual, and the pagan relic of priestly office 
 ceased to be used by the Ostman kings of Dublin. 
 
 We think that the appearance of the name " Gille " 9* *« _ 
 
 ^ ^ ScandinaTian 
 
 in Irish Aimals, also affords evidence that the ^■s™ c^'"«- 
 worship of Thor was the paganism of our Ostmen. 
 Heretofore, Irish scholars have considered the word 
 Gille to be of Irish origin, notwithstanding the opinion 
 of an eminent etymologist, who, in recently tracing 
 the derivation of the modern Scotch term " Gilly," 
 assumes as " more than probable that the term has 
 been borrowed from the Scandinavian settlers in 
 Ireland and the Isles, as there is no similar term in 
 Cambro Britannic, and as the Icelandic Gilla and 
 GioUa both signify a boy (servant), it is more likely 
 that the Irish received it from their Norse con- 
 querors than that they borrowed it from them, and 
 incorporated it into the Gothic language."' 
 
 Our suggestion, however, extends a little farther. oiUeasa 
 There can be no doubt the word 'Gille' was used by T^nii 
 the Scandinavians as a proper name, as we read of 
 "Gille the Lagman [or Law maker] of the Faroe 
 Islands,"^ " Gille, Count of the Hebrides,"^ " Gille 
 
 i Jamieson's Etjm. Die. Sup- proper names." 4to, Clarendon 
 plement, Edinburgh, 1825, on the Press, Oxford, 1874. The state- 
 word Gillie. At a later period the ment of Jamieson's as to the use 
 term Gille was also used by the of the words Gilla and Giolla 
 Irish to signify a boy, servant, see in the Icelandic language does 
 Ann. Four Mast., 1022. "Muiren not seem to be borne out by any 
 was slain by two Gillies of the other dictionary.] 
 Luighni. " ^ " Gille Logsogomadr, " Heimsk, 
 
 [In Cleaseby and Vigfusson's vol. ii., p. 208. 
 
 Icelandic English Dictionary at s Nials Saga. Havnise, 1809, p. 
 
 the word Gilli " Gilli, [Gaelic, 590. 
 Gillie], a servant, only in Irish 
 
 K 
 
 name among 
 inavians. 
 
130 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Gille as a 
 
 religious 
 adjunct to 
 Scandinavian 
 names. 
 
 the back thief of Norway,'" " Gille the Russian 
 Merchant,"'^ and we might even add to our list " St. 
 Gille of Caen in Normandy," whose history appears 
 to have perplexed the BoUandists. 
 
 And the Scandinavians not only used the name 
 ill this manner, but they also used it as a religious 
 adjunct, in the same sense in which it is used 
 among the Irish, as it appears, that many Scan- 
 dinavians who dedicated themselves to Thor, and 
 were " godar " in his Temples, took the name of the 
 deity they served adding to it some epithet indicative 
 of their connexion with him. Among others they 
 added the words, Kal or Gil, that is to say " man" 
 or " servant of," as Thorkel or Thorgil the man 
 or servant of Thor. We therefore venture to 
 suggest, that not only is the term' Gille, of Scan- 
 dinavian origin, but that it was introduced into 
 Ireland by the Scandinavian worshippers of Thor." 
 
 Northern Archaeologists assert that when Christi- 
 anity was established in Scandinavia, the "godi insome 
 
 renounced his Hof and built and endowed 
 upon his demesne a Christian Church of which his 
 
 degree 
 
 ' " Gilli Bakrauf." Heimsk, vol. 
 iii., p. 204. 
 
 * " Gilli enn gerzke," Laxdla 
 Saga Hafuise, 1816, p. 28. 
 
 ^ActaSarct, Antw., 1746, vol. i. 
 p. 280," St. ^gidio Abbate "vulgo 
 St. Gilles." " In 940 Danish was 
 still spoken by the ISTormans of 
 Bayeux." Gibbon, Dee. and Fall, 
 Lon. 1807, vol. 2, p. 230. 
 
 * [In .Cleasby and Vigfusson's 
 Icelandic — English Dictionary, 
 Thorgil is stated to be " the same 
 as Thorketil (by contraction). '• In 
 
 poets of the 10th century the old 
 uncontracted form was still used ; 
 but the contracted form occurs 
 in verses of the beginning of the 
 nth century, although the old 
 form occurs now and then. The 
 frequent use of these names, com- 
 binations of Ketil, is no doubt 
 derived from the holy cauldron at 
 sacrifices as is indicated by such 
 names as Vekeli (holy kettle). 
 Compare Kettleby in Yorkshire." 
 P^ 337. 4to, Clarendon Press, 
 Oxford, 1874.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DCBLIN. 131 
 
 herred became the parish."' Over this (apart from ^°o^ " 
 
 f ^ ^ Chap. VI. 
 
 the temple) he continued to exercise a civil juris- — 
 diction, and we suppose that when the worship of 
 Thor was abandoned in Ireland, Scandinavian chiefs 
 renounced the name of the deity, to whom they and 
 their hof had been dedicated, each chief building a 
 Christian Church and dedicating it to a Christian 
 saint, took the name of the patron saint," affixing the 
 same mark of devotions to his service, which had been 
 added to the name of the pagans' object of worship. 
 
 And that the Gall Gaedhl (Irish who had become ouieasan 
 Pagans)^ and Irish hereditary chiefs, who occupied, ^^^names. 
 to some extent, the position of "godar" within the 
 territories of the Ostmen, followed the example of 
 their Scandinavian lords, and hence the names of 
 Gilla Mocholmog, Gilla Colm, Gilla Chomghaill, &c. 
 Norcan we doubt the readiness of Irish chiefs to adopt 
 Scandinavian customs and Scandinavian names in the 
 10th century, as we tind many of them called Magnus, 
 iiagnal, Imar, &c.* The difference in the mannei of 
 using the term Gille in Scandinavia and in Ireland, 
 arising frf)m the construction of the languages, the 
 Irish prefixing the patronymic mark which the Scan- 
 dinavians affixed, — the " Mac" or " " always pre- 
 ceding the Irish name, while the equivalent " Son" 
 of the Northmen always followed, and hence when 
 the Irish adopted the adjunct "Gille" it was placed 
 
 ' Hibbert's Tings of Orkney, one of the strongest proofs of con- 
 
 Archaeologia Scotica, vol, iii,, p. version. 
 
 153, 4to, Edinburgh, 1829. ' Three Fragments, p, 128. 
 
 ' Ann. Four Mast , 984, GillaPha- * Book of Rights, J, O'Donovan, 
 
 draiw, son of Imar of Waterford. ll.d., Dublin, 1847, p. xli. 
 Taking a name was considered 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Gille first used 
 as an Irish 
 adjunct in 
 Ostman 
 districts, 
 
 BOOK II. before the Saint's name in Ireland, the " Gil " hav- 
 
 Chap, VI. . 
 
 — - ing been placed after Thor's name in Scandinavia. 
 This is exemplified in the life of Harold who suc- 
 ceeded his father, Magnus Barefeet, on the throne of 
 Norway, for, when he landed from Ireland, where he 
 was born, " he said his name was Gille Christ but 
 his mother Thora (who accompanied him) said his 
 other name was Harold,''^ and hence Norwegian 
 historians always call him " Harold Gille," the Gille 
 which was prefixed to his name in Ireland being 
 affixed to it in Norway. 
 
 The suggestion may be strengthened by observing 
 that the name " Gilla," as a religious adjunct, is first 
 found in or adjoining the territories of the Ostmen, 
 and at the period when the Ostmen began to be 
 converted. In the Annals of the Four Masters the 
 earliest notice of the name Gilla is a.d. 978, record- 
 ing the death of " Conemhail, son of Gilla Arri, and 
 the orator of Ath Cliath." The first notice of Gilla 
 Mocholmog, chief of the O'Byrnes, in the southern 
 district of Dublin, being a.d. 1044, and of Gilla 
 Chomghaill, chief of the Mndred sept of O'Tuathail 
 (O'Toole), being a.d. 1041 ; nor can we trace any- 
 where, before the year 981, the name of Gill Colen, 
 and not until wlio appears to havo been the chief of the Scandina- 
 century. vian district of sea-coast north of Dublin.^ 
 
 And this argument derived from the period and 
 
 ' Heimsk. vol. iii., p. 280, ''Gilli, 981. Gilla Caeimhghen, son of 
 Kristr." Ihid, " Saga af IMagnusi 
 Konongi Blinda oc Haralli Gilla." 
 
 ^ The earliest notices of the 
 name Gilla in the Index !N^omiuuni 
 of the Four Masters, are : — 
 979. Gilla son of An-in died, 
 
 son 
 Dunlag, heir of Leinster. 
 
 982. Gilla Phadraigh, son of Imar, 
 of Port Large (Waterford). 
 
 991. Gilla Chommain, son of the 
 Lord of UI Diarmada. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 133 
 
 place, when and where, the name first appeared, may c^°°\"' 
 be enforced by the question, If the name Gilla were — 
 of Irish origin, why did it not appear among the 
 Irish in the first instance, and appear at an earlier 
 period, the Irish having been converted 500 years 
 prior to the conversion of their invaders ? Nor 
 should it be unobserved, that although the term 
 Gille is not found among the Irish until the tenth 
 century, the nearly synonymous Irish term " Mael" *^??' ''5, »" 
 
 '' ' ^ ^ J Irish religious 
 
 was in use amone- both their cleroy and laity as ^^^ "s^d in 
 
 => f •' •' 6tli century. 
 
 early as the sixth century,' and continued to be used 
 long after the term Gille came into use in Ireland.^ 
 
 The names ]\Iaelphadriag and ^iaelbrighde are of 
 frequent occurrence. The name Maelbrighde, in 
 particular, appears in a.d. 645,' and subsequently in 
 almost every page of Irish history, having connected 
 with it the remarkable circumstance (seemingly cor- 
 roborative of our theory of the Scandinavian origin 
 of the term Gille), that although the Gillephadraig, 
 Gillechommain, &c., frequently occur, there is no 
 early trace of the name Gillebrighde in the terri- 
 tories of the Ostmen ; doubtless owing to the well- 
 
 993. Gill.a Cele, son of Cearb- Dublin, on having his sight re- 
 hall, heir of Leinster. stored. The name is rendered 
 
 995. GUla Phadraigh, son of Dun- more uncertain by finding Gill- 
 chad, Lord of Ossraighe. Caeiinlighin, son of the heir of 
 Gill-Colom is the name given to Leinster, blinded in a.d. 981, the 
 
 the chief of Clonlyffe, llatheny, period when Maelseachlain v.'as 
 
 Kilbarroch, &c., in a grant of part king of Meath. 
 
 of his lands made by Strongbow to ^ Ann. Fourilast., a.d. 538— Tua- 
 
 Vivian de Curcy. — Register of All thai ^^.laelgarbh slain by Maelmor. 
 
 Hallows. ' Ibid Maelbrighde, bishop of 
 
 In the Pocock :\ISS., Brit. Mus., Cill dara, died, 1042 ; Maelbrighde, 
 
 No. 4813, he is called Gill Mohol- son of Cathasach, fosoii-chinneach 
 
 moc, a blind chief, who, with IMael- of Ard Maeha, died, a.d. 1 070. 
 
 seachlain, king of Meath, is said ' Ann. Four Mast., a.d. 645.— 
 
 to have built St. Mary's-abbey, ^Maelbrighde, sou of Methlachlen. 
 
\U 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. TI. 
 
 known fact, that the Anglo-Saxon Church and its 
 Scandinavian converts utterly ignored the Irish 
 Virgin,' and other Irish saints. 
 Division of Havine these details relating to the religion and 
 
 Ireland into ° . . 
 
 four Provinces, laws of Iceland and Norv/ay, it remains to support 
 by facts the conjecture that the same laws and 
 religion were introduced into Ireland, the settlers 
 modifying their civil institutions from the peculiar 
 circumstances of the country. For instance, not- 
 withstanding the allegation of Irish historians, that 
 Turgesius had absolute dominion over all Ireland, it 
 is not likely that the Scandinavians could partition 
 hostile Ireland in the manner in which they had 
 divided Iceland ; and that because Ireland, like 
 Iceland, is divided into four districts, that division 
 was Scandinavian.^ 
 
 We know that it was not made by the Irish, for 
 they divided Ireland into five cuige (or fifths), of 
 which Meath was one.' We also know that the 
 termination of the names of three of the provinces 
 
 Irish division 
 ■was into 
 Fiftlis. 
 
 ' A St. Bridget was subsequently 
 canonized for the Scandinavians, 
 and the very curious " Eevela- 
 tiones St. Brigidse, alias Brigettse 
 de Suetia," were printed at Nu- 
 remberg in 1521, and at Rome in 
 1556. 
 
 ' " In Iceland, the whole land 
 was politically divided into fiord- 
 ungar or quarters, a division made 
 A.D. 964, and existing to the pre- 
 sent day. Thus Austfirdiuga, 
 Vestfirdinga, Nordlendinga, Sunn- 
 lendinga fiordungar ; or East, 
 West, North, and South quar- 
 ters."— Icelandic-English Diction- 
 ary, by Cleasby and Vigfusson. 
 
 See also " The Story of Burnt 
 Nial ; or. Life in Iceland at the 
 End of the Tenth Century." 
 From the Icelandic Sagas, by 
 George Webb Dasent. Intro- 
 duction, p. Ixi. 2 vols., 8vo, 
 Edinb., 1861. 
 
 ' Keating, Hist. Irel. (W. Hali- 
 day's Edition), Dublin, 1811, p. 
 123, says that Ireland was divided 
 by the Irish into five fifths or 
 provinces, Thomond, Desmond, 
 Leinster, Ulster, and Conacht; 
 but the later division was Mun- 
 ster, Leinster, Ulster, Connaught, 
 and Meath. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN, 135 
 
 is Norse, the Norse word " ster "' beinsr added to the ^°^^ "■ 
 Irish name, as Mumha-ster or Munster, Ulad-ster or — 
 Ulster, and Leighin-ster or Leinster ; and that Con- 
 naught had a similar termination, although it was 
 not retained by the Auglo-Normans, the Scandina- 
 vian name being Kunnakster. 
 
 Nevertheless, it is much more likely that the The four 
 
 T • • • 1 1 1 A 1 AT 1 Provinces from 
 
 division retained by the Anglo-JN ormans, and now the four PaUs 
 used, was an ecclesiastical one, and that it originated Rome a.d. 
 
 1151 
 
 with Pope Eugenius III., when he sent four "Pails" 
 into Ireland in a.d. 1151. This Roman investiture 
 was then a novelty to Irish archbishops, and had 
 been first solicited in a.d. 1124, and subsequently in 
 1148,^ by St. Malachy, whose preceptor Ivar' (pro- 
 bably connected with the Ostmen and Anglo-Saxon 
 monks) had inculcated the opinions on which Gille, 
 the Ostman bishop of Limerick, and first Papal 
 legate in Ireland, was acting, and which, according 
 to Dr. Lanigan, led Malachy, " instead of Irish 
 practices to introduce Roman ones."^ 
 
 When Malachy undertook his mission to Home, 
 Ireland was, ecclesiastically, divided into two Arch- 
 dioceses — Armagh and Cashel, and for these only 
 Malachy solicited Palls,* but after the death of 
 
 ' Stadr, locus. " The plural Rome, 13 August, 1134. 
 stadir is frequent in local names ■" Ibid, p. 87. 
 
 of the heathen age, as Ilaskields- ' St. Malachy also applied (to 
 
 stadir, Aloreksstadir, &c. Land- Pope Innocent II.) for the con- 
 
 namabok, passim. See also map firmation of the new Metropolital 
 
 of Iceland."— Cleasby and Vig- see of Cashel," Lanigan Ecc, His., 
 
 fusson's Icelandic-English Die- vol. iv., p. 112., although Ca^riiel 
 
 tionary. ^^^ ^^^"- previously recognized 
 
 2 Lanigan, Ecc. Hist., vol. iv., by the Irish Church, ihid 37, and 
 pp 111-129. "manyof the Irish were displeased 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 60 :— Ivar O'Hegan, at Palliums being intended for 
 who died on a pilgrimage to Dublin and Tuam." lbid,-p, HO, 
 
BOOK IL 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 136 THE SCANDINAVJANS, AND 
 
 Malachy, Pope Eugenius sent four instead of two, 
 yet why he sent more than the two solicited, or 
 why he divided Ireland into four archbishoprics 
 instead of five (the number of the Irish divisions') 
 cannot be discovered. Nor can it be denied that if 
 there had been any fourfold division by the Ostmen 
 he might have known it, for when he sent Cardinal 
 Paparo with these four Palls to Ireland, Nicholas 
 Breakspeare, an English monk, was his Cardinal 
 Legate in Norway, and in the same year brought 
 the first Pall into that country, Breakspeare, assum- 
 ing to know so much oi the state of Ireland also, that 
 in two years after, when he became Pope Adrian 
 IV., he conferred the lordship of the Island on 
 Henry II., in order to, as his bull states, " extir- 
 pate the vices which (had) there taken root/'^ and 
 to enlarge " the bounds of the church " of Home, or 
 as decreed at th.e synod held by the Pope's Legate at 
 Cashel, that " all divine matters (might) be hence- 
 forth conducted agreeably to the practices of the 
 
 ' Thence also arose the long in (the civil divisions of) Ireland — 
 
 pre-eminence of the diocese of Meath being the fifth. The Palls, 
 
 Meath. ' The Bishop of Meath," however, and consequent pre- 
 
 says De Burgo, " is always first of eminence were accorded to four 
 
 the suffragans of the province of provinces only, an ordinary pre- 
 
 Armach; for although he may be eminence iw<ej' /lores, in recognition 
 
 junior in consecration among the of her former greatness, being the 
 
 other bishops of Ireland, he has only privilege granted to Meath. 
 
 precedence of them." Hibernia This, however, has long smce been 
 
 Dominicana, p. 86. Also, " Diocese abolished, and Meath now ranks 
 
 of Meath, Ancient and Modern," according to seniority as all the 
 
 by the Rev. A. Cogan, vol. i., p. other bishops." (Communicated 
 
 2. Two vols., l-2mo, Dub., 1862. to Sir Bernard Burke, C.B., Ulster 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Moran, Bishop of King of Arms, a.d. 1874.) 
 Ossory, says, " As regards Meath, ''■ Pope Adrian's Bull, Littleton's 
 
 when the Archiepiscopal Palls were Hen. II., vol. iv., p. 45. 
 granted, there were five provinces 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 137 
 
 holy church as observed by the Church of England,"' "^°p^vi' 
 a decree, among others, so offensive, as disclosing 
 the real cause of the invasion, that the synod is not 
 even alluded to in the Annals of the Four Masters. 
 
 Rejecting then the idea of any general division of The four 
 Ireland by the Scandinavians, can we discern the 
 appearance of organiza,tion in their settlements on 
 the eastern coast. Doubtless, it is there we find the 
 only four " Fiords " marked on the map of Ireland — 
 Wexford and Waterford on the south of Dublin, 
 and Carlingford and Strangford on the north, Dublin 
 being the chief settlement, as it was when Wexford 
 and Waterford, Cork and Limerick were the settle- 
 ments occupied. It is also true that the names of 
 these fou]- inlets of the sea are wholly Scandinavian, 
 and that the Northmen who occupied them some- 
 times acted in concert, supplying ships and men as 
 " Shiprathes " might have been required to do, and 
 uniting these ships into one fleet and invading 
 England, Scotland, and Wales under one king or 
 military chief.* 
 
 Nevertheless, we think, that it is only in the The Dyfflinars- 
 Ostman territory around Dublin we should seek for 
 analogy to the government of Norway and Scotland. 
 
 We do not refer to the f.djoining district called 
 
 ' Lanigan Ecc. Hist., vol. iv., p. Helga," cap. Ixxxvii., p. 117., we 
 
 207 Dowling's Annals, Arch. find the name of another Fiord, at 
 
 Soc, Dub., 1849, p. 12, has it, which a battle was fought, but 
 " That the Chui'ch of Ireland is to there is no record of any settle- 
 observe uniformity with the Church ment, nor was the position of it 
 of England according to the rites known until Dr. Keeves (Down and 
 and ceremonies, &c., of the Church Connor, p. 265) showed that, 
 of Salisbury.'' " Ulfricksfiord " was a name for 
 
 2 In the " Saga af Olafi Hinon Larne Lough. The Irish name 
 
138 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Bounds ofthe 
 Dj'flinarikiri. 
 
 Finga], or to tlie district of Ostmantown, which was 
 like " the cantred of the Ostmen " at Limerick/ " the 
 cantred of the Ostraen " at Cork/ and " the cantred 
 ofthe Ostmen " at Waterford/ but to the more exten- 
 sive territory frequently mentioned in the Sagas 
 under the name of " the Dyflinarskiri,"'' from Dyflin 
 the Scandinavian name of the city. 
 
 The boundaries of this territory are not defined, 
 but occupying the central position between the four 
 fiords the Dyflinarskiri extended from Arklow on 
 the south to the small river Delvin, above Skerries on 
 the north, and conformable with the Norwegian law 
 extended inwards along the Liifey " as far as the 
 salmon swims up the stream," that is to the Salmon 
 Leap at Leixlip, the name " Laxlob," or (Salmon 
 Leap) being purely Scandinavian, and most of the 
 names of places along the coast as Skerries, Holin- 
 patric, Hofud (now Howth). Bio wick (now Bullock), 
 Bre, Wicklow (the Wikinglo of our old records), 
 
 of Wexford is Locli Garman, of 
 \Vaterford Loch Dachaech, of Car- 
 lingford Snamh Eidhneach, and of 
 Strangford Loch Cuan. The Anglo 
 Normans, in almost all cases, 
 adopted the Scandinavian instead 
 of the Irish names of places. 
 
 [But this termination " ford " 
 must not be confounded with 
 "fiordanger," or fourths. It is 
 fromflordr. " Fiordr,' say Cleasby 
 and Vigfusson, " is a frith, or bay, 
 while a small crescent formed inlet, 
 or creek, is called Vik, and is less 
 than fiordr. Hence the saying 
 ' let there be a frith (fiordr) between 
 kinsmen, but a creek (Vik) between 
 friends,' denoting that kinship is 
 
 not always so trusty as friendship." 
 — Icelandic-English Dietionaiy.] 
 
 ' Rot. Chart. Turr. Loud., 2 
 John, m. 15. 
 
 ^ Littleton's Hen II., Dub., 
 1768, vol. iv., p. 408. 
 
 ' Davys (Sir .fohn). Hist. Relat. 
 Dub., 1733, p. 60. 
 
 ' Island. I.andnamabok, Hafnis, 
 1774, p. 106, calls it Dyflinars- 
 kidi, and it is so called in Egils 
 Saga, Hafniae, 1809, p. 15, but in 
 the "Saga-Magnusar Konongs-iiis- 
 BerefvBtta, Heinisk., vol. iii., p. 
 226, and most of the other Sagas, 
 it is called Dyflinarskiri, the 
 Danish being "Dublins Herret," 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLINt. 139 
 
 Arklow, &c., &c., and all the names of islands and "^o^"- 
 
 . . . . . Chap. VI. 
 
 headlands evincing a Scandinavian origin.' — ■ 
 
 But these limits are chiefly assigned to the DyfF- Admiralty of 
 
 _ -^ ° "^ Dublin and 
 
 linarskiri from other circumstances connected with Dyfflinarskiii 
 
 had the same 
 
 them. In the first place, we find that the specified hounds. 
 extent of the sea coast became the maritime j uris- 
 diction of the mayors of Dublin. We are unable to 
 trace the origin of this jurisdiction or to ascertain 
 why it was defined by these limits, unless by sup- 
 posing that it had previously belonged to the Ost- 
 men. 
 
 It is not alluded to in the early charters of the 
 city, and could not have been exercised before the 
 thirteenth century, owing to the power and hostility 
 of the Irish; but, in 1332, we find Sir Anthony Lucy, 
 and a party of the citizens taking possession of the 
 castle of Arklow ; and in 1875, a grant made to the 
 city of the customs of all ports between "le 
 Skerry and Alercornshed, otherwise Arklow ;"^ other 
 records showing that it was an ancient duty of one 
 of the sheriffs, accompanied by two citizen merchants, 
 to ride to all the creeks and inlets, and take cogni- 
 zance of all offences along this line of coast.^ This 
 extent of maritime jurisdiction was also recognised 
 
 ' The Irish name of Dalkey is fires, which every district like the 
 Del" Inis ■ of Ireland's Eye, Inis Dyflinarskiri was required to main- 
 Erin ■ of Lambay, Inis Rechra, the tain — Landvarnar Bolkr., cap. iv., 
 Norse " ey " being used instead of Leges Gulathingenses Havnise, 
 the Irish word ''Inis" for island. 1817, p. 85. 
 
 The Irish name of Wicklow is ' Lett. Pat 49 Ed. Ill , Chart. 
 
 Cill .Martin, and of Arklow, Inbher Dub. MS. 
 
 Mor the Norse termination (Lue 'Municipal Records, 3 Eliz., 
 
 a flame, a blaze) being from the a.d. 1361. 
 use of these headlands for beacon 
 
140 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK II. ]-,y ^ charter, granted by Queen Elizabeth, to the 
 
 Chap. VI, •' ' o . . 
 
 — citizens in 1582, when they petitioned for " authority 
 to exercise the rights of Admyral within (their) 
 streams, as far as (they) recyve custom."' The 
 charter constituted the mayor, &c., "Admiral be- 
 tween Arklow and Nannie water," the boundary river 
 below Skerries f and Edward II, apparently referred 
 to some such district when commanding the mayor, 
 &c., in A.D. 1324, "to make ready all ships in the 
 port and liberties of Dublin," for the war in which 
 he was then engaged with France, and " to arrest all 
 the ships and goods of the men of the king of France 
 within the bailwick aforesaid."^ 
 Bounds of the We find that the boundaries of the united diocese 
 
 diocese of 
 
 Dublin and of Dublin and Glendalough, are the same as those 
 
 Glendalougli . . . . ^-, . . „ 
 
 same as tiie here assigned to the Dyflinarskiri. Originally eccle- 
 
 Dyfflinarsltiri. ° . . "^ • ? , p i 
 
 siastical jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the 
 civil ruler. We have seen that the Scandinavian 
 chief was both priest and king ; in this case, however, 
 we find two bishops in the one territory. This origi- 
 nated in the decrees of the Irish Synod of Rath 
 Breasail, by which dioceses were defined, in a.d. 
 1110. For the Ostman bishops, not being conse- 
 crated as Irish bishops were, but consecrated accord- 
 ing to the Roman ritual by the archbishops of 
 Canterbury or York, the Irish clergy refused to 
 recognize their authority, and part of this Ostman 
 territory being inhabited by Irish Christians, the 
 synod decreed that the whole should be placed under 
 
 ' Brit. Mus. Cotton MSS., Vesp. nie water was Inblier Ainge. 
 F. XII., fo. 107. 'Ret. Glaus 18. Edw. II., m. 
 
 " Charter 24 Jan., 1582, the 24th 10, in Cane, Hib. 
 Eliz. The Irish name of the Nan- 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DITBLIN. 141 
 
 the Irish bishop of Glendalouarh ; the Ostman ^°°^ "■ 
 
 \ _ Si ' Chap. VI. 
 
 bishopric of Dublin not being even named, and when — 
 subsequently mentioned, only mentioned as being 
 in the diocese of Glendalough. 
 
 The diocese remained until a.d. 1151 in this state, Origin of two 
 when it was certified to Pope Innocent III., that the Sict°of 
 '' Master John Papiron, the legate of the Roman 
 church, coming into Ireland, found a bishop dwelling 
 in Dublin, who at that time exercised his episcopal 
 office within the walls. He found in the same diocese 
 another church in the mountains, which likewise 
 had the name of a city, and had a certain Chore pis- 
 copus." But the legate delivered the Pall to 
 Dublin, " which was the best city," and doubtless, 
 also, because its bishop was already in connexion 
 with Rome. " And he appointed that that diocese in 
 which both cities ivere, should be divided ; that one 
 part thereof should fall to the metropolis." "And 
 this he would have immediately carried into execu- 
 tion, had he not been obstructed by the insolence 
 of the Irish, who were then powerful in that part of 
 the country," and who denied the authority of the 
 Roman legate.' 
 
 It is also to be observed that the ecclesiastical juris- 
 diction of the united bishoprics still extends from 
 beyond Arklow, along the sea shore, to the Delvin 
 rivulet, a little south of the Nanny water, and 
 inwards along the Liffey, to the " Salmon Leap," 
 at Leixlip. The church, " De Saltu Salmonis," 
 being its limit in that direction. 
 
 That this ecclesiastical jurisdiction has been made 
 
 ' Harris's Ware, Vol. I., pp. 376, 377. ' Bishops of Glendalough.' 
 
BOOK II. 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 142 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 concurrent with that of the civil ruler is confirmed by 
 finding that all grants of land made by the Ostmen 
 and subsequently by the Anglo-Norinans, of land 
 "which was of the Ostmen," were within the diocese ; 
 nor do we find any possessions of the Ostmen outside 
 its boundary. 
 
 The residence which Aulaf had at Clondalkin in 
 A.D. 866, and Sitric's town and lands of Baldoyle,- 
 Portrane, and Ratheny, in 1038, were all within it. 
 So was the territory ''from Ath Cliath to Ath 
 Truisten,' which Donnchad, king of Ireland, and 
 Muircheartach spoiled and plundered, a.d. 936, as 
 being " all under the dominion of the foreigners of 
 Ath Cliath." So, likewise, was Swords, Luske, and 
 all the country of Fingal,^ which we find in the pos- 
 session of the Northmen, in a.d. 1035 ; and in 1135, 
 devastated by the king of Meath, to revenge his 
 brother, " killed by Donnough Mac Gill mo cholmoc, 
 and the Danes of Dublin."^ 
 
 '"2.e. from Dublin to Ath Mael na mbo, and they burned the 
 
 Truisten, a ford of the river country from Ath Cliath to Al- 
 
 Grieoe, near the hill of Mullagh- bene. Keeves' Life of St. Columba, 
 
 mast, in the south of the county of p. 108, fixes the Delvin llivulet 
 
 Kildare." Ann. Four Masters, (Irish Albene) as the boundary of 
 
 Vol. II., p. 635, n. Fingal. 
 
 ' iL.v. 1052, a predatory exour- 'Ann. Clomac a.d. U35. 
 
 sion into Finn Gall, by the son of 
 
 END OF BOOK SECOND. \ 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 143 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 OF THE STEIN OF DUBLIN. 
 
 Bounds of the Stein. — Priory of All Hallowes, founded on the Stein. — 
 Neck of land at the Stein formed by the confluence of the Liffey and 
 the Dodder. — The favourite landing-place of the Northmen of Dublin. — 
 Bridge and mill of the Stein. — Long Stone of the Stein. — Site of the 
 
 Long Stone The Stein (or Stain) named from this Stone References 
 
 to the Long Stone in city leases. — Scandinavian tombs on the Stein. 
 
 If the preceding statements do not show that the bookiii. 
 laws' and religion of Norway governed the North- '^— 
 men of Ireland, they may be found a desirable 
 introduction to the following description of hitherto 
 unnoticed monuments, which monuments in them- 
 selves are evidence of the social position of the 
 Ostmen of Dublin, and of the civil and religious 
 institutions which prevailed among them. 
 
 Fortunately, in describing these monuments, we 
 liave not to encounter difficulties which elsewhere 
 impede the identification of Scandinavian remains. 
 In Ireland there is no admixture of Roman and 
 Saxon earthworks, nor are we embarrassed by the 
 greater obstacles which the affinity of Danish and 
 Saxon customs and language present to the identifi- 
 cation of Danish monuments and names of places in 
 England. 
 
 It is now acknowledged that the charter of Edgar charter of 
 (a.d. 964), on which alone rests the claim of Anglo- (aJ" 64) 
 
 spurious. 
 1 Air. Haliday meditated a chap- but had scarcely commenced it. 
 ter on the Laws of the Northmen, 
 
144 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap I. 
 
 Saxon conquest of the greater part of Ireland, 
 " cum su4 nobilissima civitate Dublinia,"' is one 
 of those forgeries by which Anglo-Saxon monks not 
 unfrequently sought to obtain, or retain, possession 
 of lands which they coveted for their monasteries ; 
 and as regards language, we have the authority of 
 the sagas for stating that, although the Northmen 
 could communicate with the Saxons in England, the 
 language of the Irish was so wholly dissimilar that 
 they could only trade in Ireland through an inter- 
 preter.^ This absence of Saxon monuments, and of 
 the Saxon language, are facts of much importance 
 to the elucidation of our antiquities, and should 
 be held in recollection throughout the following 
 statement. 
 The Stein. Our oldest Auglo-Normau records frequently refer 
 
 to an extra mural disi.rict, east of Dublin, denomi- 
 nated " The Stein," or " Staine," a flat piece of 
 ground extending southwards from the strand of 
 
 ' Tyrrell's Hist, of England, vol. Hafnioe, 1826, On reaching the 
 
 i., p. 12, Folio, Lend. 1698. Chartce coast two men approaching the ship 
 
 Anglo-Saxonicoe, Codex Diploma- in a boat called out, " Who is in 
 
 ticus iEvi Saxonici, J. M. Kemble, command of this ship ? " Olaf 
 
 4 Vols., London, 1839-1848. (It answered in Irish, "Norwegians.'' 
 
 is marked by Kemble as spurious)- The Irish thereupon claimed the 
 
 ^ When Olaf, who was born in ship. But Olaf said, "That might 
 
 Iceland, was embarking for Ireland be if there was no interpreter with 
 
 to visit his grandfather, Miarkiar- the merchants.'' Ibid. See also 
 
 tan, King of Ireland, his mother, " Commentary of Paul Vidalin, 
 
 Melkorka, thus addressed him : — Jurist of Iceland, concerning the 
 
 " I have brought you up," she said, Danish Language translated out of 
 
 " with the greatest care at home, Icelandic into Latin. Appendix to 
 
 and have taught you Irish to be of Gunlaugi Saga, pp. 259, 260, 4to, 
 
 use to you wherever you land." Hafnise, 1775, 
 Laxdcela Saga, 73, 74, et sequ, 4to, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 145 
 
 the Liffey to " the lands of Kath," and eastward, ^^^^ "' 
 from near the city walls, to the river Dodder.' — ■ 
 
 It was on this plain the priory of All Hallowes ^u HaUowes 
 and other rehgious establishments were founded st^ynr 
 before the arrival of Strongbow,' whose followers 
 took possession of all that the Church could not 
 claim. About the year 1200, Theobald Walter, 
 pincerna (or butler) to Henry II., and ancestor of 
 the Butlers of Ormond, exercised ownership by 
 granting to Eadulf and Hichard Glut " all his land 
 of Stayn, except what the canons of All Saints 
 ought to have."^ 
 
 From these tenants a portion of it soon reverted Grants of parts 
 to the Butler family, as, about the year 1 223, the ° ' * '^^°^ 
 
 ' This word seems formerly to 
 have been pronounced stain, stane, 
 the Scotch for stone. Thus in 
 17th & 18th Chas. n., chap. 7 
 (Irish Statutes), 1665, "Whereas 
 the parishioners of St. Andrew's and 
 of Lazers alias Lazie Hill have 
 no place of worship, St. Andrew's 
 Church being long ruinous, be it 
 enacted that the ambit and tract 
 of ground commonly caOed The 
 Stane alias Lazars alias Lazie 
 HiU be made part of the parish of 
 St. Andrew. 
 
 ^In 16U7 Sir John Carroll pe- 
 titioned the city for a grant of so 
 much land as is overflown by the 
 sea between the point of land that 
 joineth the Staine near the College 
 and the Eingsend, and reacheth 
 southward to the land of Bagot 
 Rath. Granted. But petitioner 
 not to erect any building for habi- 
 tation on the premises, and that 
 the land shall not extend but to the 
 
 Dodder water on the east. Acts 
 of Assembly, Easter 1607, Memo. 
 13, Corporation Records. 
 
 * The Charter of Henry II. con- 
 firms to the Church of All Hallows 
 at the east of Dublin, and to the 
 canons serving God there, all their 
 lands with their tithes and ancient 
 boundaries and their other free 
 customs, as fully and freely as 
 Dermot, King of Leinster, gave the 
 said lands to the said Church before 
 his, King Henry's, arrival in Ire- 
 land. Confirmation and luspexi- 
 mus of King Edward I., a.d., 1290, 
 in which this charter is set forth. 
 Registrum Prioratus Omnium Sanc- 
 torum juxta Dublin. By Rev. 
 Richard Butler, m.e.i.a., p. 12, 
 4to, Dublin, 1845, Irish Archaj- 
 ological Society. See this charter 
 in Historic and Municipal Docu- 
 ments of Ireland, a.d., 1 172-1320, 
 edited by J. T. Gilbert, f.s.a., p. 
 206, n. i., 8vo, Dublin, 1870. 
 L 
 
146 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. I. 
 
 second Theobald Walter granted to the priory of 
 All Saints the whole of- the tithes, together with 
 that part of his land of Stein which was near the 
 said Church ;' a patent of Henry IV., also, reciting 
 that James Bottiler, Earl of Ormond, then granted 
 the pasture called the Stein, near Dublin, to Kobert 
 Lughteburgh for life, the said pasture being held of 
 the king in capite.^ At a later period, a portion of 
 the Stein must have belonged to St. Mary's Abbey, 
 James I, having granted it, among other possessions 
 of the suppressed monastery, to William TaafFe ;' 
 but forty acres of the Stein, which lay on the south 
 side of the road, now called Townsend-street, re- 
 mained in the kiug's hands in 1626, and in 1659 
 
 ' By this charter Theobald 
 Walter gives to the Church of All 
 Hallowes " a certain part of my 
 land of Stein lying to the east of 
 the said church, containing two 
 acres and a half, together with the 
 tithes and issues of the whole of 
 the Stein." Inspeximus of King 
 Edward III., a.d. 1349. Re- 
 gistry of All Hallows, by Rev. 
 Kichard Butler, p. 16. These 
 two acres and a half got the 
 name of the " Little Steyn " ; 
 the rest was called the " Great 
 Steyn." A lease to Giles Allen, 
 made Easter Assembly, a.d. 
 1572, refers to " the Little Steyn 
 part of the possessions of All 
 Hallowes." Corporation Records. 
 A decree of John Allen, Judge of 
 the Metropolitan Court of Dublin, 
 concerning tithes of the Steyn, 
 speaks of " the Great Steyn." 
 Registry of All Hallowes, by Rev. 
 Richard Butler, p. 82. 
 ' Patent Rolls of Chancery, 26th 
 
 of July, 4th Henry the IV. 
 Record Commission Publication, 
 folio, Dublin, 1826, p. 171. 
 
 = Grant to W. Taaffe of a field 
 called the Staine, part of the 
 possessions of the House of the 
 B.V.M., near Dublin, demised 1st 
 March, 17th Elizabeth (a.d. 
 1575), to Thomas, Earl of Ormond 
 and Ossory, for sixty years, at 
 20s. (within the franchises of the 
 city of Dublin), 20th .January, 
 1° Jas. I., Art. ix., Callendar of 
 Patent Rolls, Jas. I. Record 
 Commission Publication, folio, 
 p. 2. 
 
 These forty acres " of land, 
 called Stayne," had been held by 
 Abbey of St. Mary's from the 
 City of Dublin, at the annual rent 
 of 44 shillings, and were taken by 
 the Crown at the dissolving of 
 religious houses. Inquis. 32nd 
 Hen. VIII. See MS. additions, 
 &c., Archdale's Monasticon in 
 Royal Irish Academy. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 147 
 
 were held by Dowcra, Brooke, and others as heirs to ^'^^^ "^ 
 
 'I Chap. I. 
 
 Lord Dowcra.' — 
 
 We further find that the Decrees of Innocence in The taking in 
 
 Til T 1 T\ f /-^^ • of the strand 
 
 1663 adjudged to Lord Dungan, of Clane, nineteen adjoining the 
 acres of ground " commonly called Staine, being 
 upon the strand side of the College ;" for previously 
 to 1607 the whole of the north side of the Townsend- 
 street, now covered with streets and quays, was the 
 tidal strand of the Liffey, and, as such, was granted 
 in that year to Sir William Carroll, under the 
 description of " the strand overflown by the sea 
 between the point of land joining the Staine, near 
 the College, and Kingsend ;"^ and by him this 
 strand was partly reclaimed. 
 
 Another portion was taken in in 1663, when Mr. Hawkins' great 
 
 '■ ^ _ wall. 
 
 Hawkins built a great wall, carrying the shore 
 further towards the centre of the river.' 
 
 The embankments raised by Sir WiUiam Carroll, 
 Mr. Hawkins, and Sir John Eogerson, together 
 with subsequent encroachments on the strand of 
 the river, have so greatly altered the outline of the 
 
 ' Inquis. Lagenise, 20 Car. I, Brief occurrences touching Ire- 
 
 Com. Civit., Dublin. Record land, began 25tli March, 1661 
 
 Commission Publication, foUo, Carte Papers, Bodleian Library, 
 
 Dublin, 1826, and Registry of All vol. 64, p. 446.] The city, on 
 
 Hallows, p. 107. Acts of Assembly, 16th April, 1708, demise to 
 
 Midsummer, 1659. Corporation Thomas Singleton, all that ferry 
 
 Records. over the river Anna Liffey, at 
 
 ^ Acts of Assembly, Easter, a.d. Hawkins's wall, near Aston's quay; 
 
 1607, memb. 13, Corporation from the said Hawkins's wall to 
 
 Records. the new slip near the watch tower 
 
 2 [" July, 1663. This year and on the north side of the said river, 
 
 the precedent year the great wall and from thence [back again] to 
 
 was built to gain in the groundfrom the said Hawkins's wall. Register 
 
 the River Liffey, near the Long of City Leases "Ancient Revenue." 
 
 Stone, on the east side of the City Records.] 
 
 city of Dublin, by Mr. Hawkins." 
 
148 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK in, s^gijj Qj^ ^i^Q north side, that, without reference to 
 
 Chap. I. ' ' 
 
 maps, it is impossible to convey an accurate idea of 
 its state previously to the seventeenth century ; but 
 the point of land here referred to may be described 
 as an elevated ridge near the confluence of the 
 Liffey and Dodder, forming what the Scandinavians 
 termed a " Noes," or " neck of land between two 
 streams," and was the place" where the Dublin 
 Northmen generally landed. 
 Lazers'-hiii on Qu this elovated ridsfe, about the vear 1220, an 
 
 theSteyne. ... " . . 
 
 hospital is said to have been founded for pilgrims 
 intending to embark for the shrine of St. James of 
 Compostella, the patron saint of lepers, and from 
 which the termination of Townsend-street received 
 the name of Lazar's-hill. Pope Innocent III., when 
 confirming the union of Glendalough with the See 
 of Dublin, enjoined an appropriation of revenues to 
 the support of an hospital, and Archbishop De 
 Loundres, therefore, with the assent of-the chapters 
 of the Holy Trinity and St. Patrick's, assigned 
 the lands of Killmohghenoc and other lands, with 
 the church of Delgany, &c., to maintain this 
 hospital " on the sea shore outside Dublin, called 
 Steyn, where pilgrims to St. James' shrine awaited 
 an opportunity to embark,'" Theobald Fitzwalter 
 granting two acres of " his land of Stein " as a 
 further endowment. But if this hospital were ever 
 built no remains of it can now be discovered, the 
 Lepers' hospital of Dublin, which was dedicated to 
 
 ' There were to be ten chaplains breast. " Chartse, Privilegia et 
 to perform Divine service and Immunitates,"p. 18. Record Corn- 
 superintend the household j they mission Publication, folio, [about 
 and the brethern to wear black 1826]. 
 cloaks with a white cross on the 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 149 
 
 St. Stephen, having been built on another pai't of ^°^^^ "^' 
 the Stein, between Stephen' s-street and Stephen's- 
 green. 
 
 The point of the Stein, however, long continued J*^® p^"^' »* 
 to be used for landing and embarking' passengers, 
 and for purposes of trade, the Memoranda Rolls of 
 Henry IV. mentioning, " tlie Stayne and Dodyr," 
 with " the key of Dublin," as places from whence 
 merchandise was exported. 
 
 But the Northmen had a peculiar object in select- 
 ing their landing place. Their ships were long and 
 shallow, lightly built, and for the greater part with- 
 out decks. These they ran ashore, when about to 
 land, and in winter drew them up the beach, there 
 to remain until summer enabled them " to keep the 
 sea." The bank of a river, a flat sandy strand, such 
 as the north side of Stein presented, was, conse- 
 quently, best adapted for their purposes, and at all 
 times was preferred to a deep-water anchorage.' 
 
 On the west side of this landing place was a creek, The river and 
 
 . bridge of the 
 
 the mouth of a little river which there entered the steyne. 
 Liffey. This was the river of the Stein, and on it 
 was built the mill of the Priory of All Hallows. The 
 mill was of early date as we have on record a grant 
 made to the Prior in 1298 of " four large oaks from 
 
 1 It is to this landing place that They there left their ships to 
 
 the old Norman French poem -'The combat Milo de Cogan who had 
 
 Conquest of Ireland " refers, when treacherously taken the City dur- 
 
 relating that Hasculf Mac Torkil ing a truce. Anglo-^Torman poem 
 
 having returned to Dublin with on the Conquest of Ireland by 
 
 his " Berseiker," or furious cham- Henry II. Edited by Francisque 
 
 pion (called in the Ulster Annals Michel, p. 108, 12mo, London, 
 
 » John of the Orkney's) :— 1837. 
 
 " A Stein erent arive 
 
 Hescul et Johau le Deve." 
 
150 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 chap.T ^^^ king's forest of Glencree to repair his mill and 
 
 bridge of Stein,"^ and a grant which I have found, 
 
 and to which I must refer for another purpose, also 
 
 very clearly fixes the position of the mill. 
 
 The Mill of the Thi's grant made in 1461 when the mill was re- 
 
 Steyne. . . 
 
 built recites that, "Whereas the Prior and Convent 
 of All Saints besydes Dy velin of old times had a 
 mill near the gate between the Green bank and the 
 Long Stone on the Stayne, it is granted that they 
 have it lyke as they had it of old time, provided 
 that the said mill be made within a year next 
 following the Act made, and that all men go over 
 into the Stayne dry on the said war (weir) of the 
 mill without any let or other impediment."^ The 
 mill stream which is marked on Speed's map as of 
 considerable extent in 1610, but is now greatly 
 diminished, runs in a covered sewer in front of 
 Trinity College, and until flood-gates were affixed 
 at its entrance into the Liffey the tide flowed as far 
 as Graffcon-street, where, not many years since, a 
 female servant was drowned in the basement story 
 of a house, the water having burst up during a flood 
 in the river, and more recently, in preparing to 
 build at this part of College-green, a high tide 
 flooded the foundations which were with difficulty 
 cleared. But the original importance of the rivulet 
 is shown in the statement of Lodge that, in a.d. 
 139-1, William Fitzwilliams, the sheriff of the county, 
 had custody of the Staine near Dublin, in order to 
 
 1 Plaoita Parliamentaria, 27th tion, and Early Parliaments of 
 
 of Edward I. Eecords of Birming- Ireland, p. 272, 8vo, Dublin, 1834. 
 
 ham Tower. Sir Willian Betham's ^ Acts of Assembly. City Ee- 
 
 Origin and Hist, of the Constitu- cords. 
 
Ttte 
 ;^^: - /Halve Bakkon^} 
 
 .■ .;< ■■ ('/r.V .■■•.--■.■•-. •;--v.r..-.1";.'".--V-.:-.;:'l:;-v ^^~> 
 
 CM . Pv-s' '"^ ~- -^ 
 
 ^"•'-"'- ,s' • \ 
 
 ■/^ .,.■•■■ ■■■■ -\'i^\ 
 
 -I'T . .■ ■■■' 4, ' 
 
 'll,:i'' ^>^"-- .^:'S^> 
 
 if: >^ ^ / ^" ""^^J ^''^-^^- 
 
 iil . / 
 
 Du/fbU.-. ^- If" i •'^^pfto 
 
 jr, ji ■■■■■■■..,_ ■-....,. ,•■ 'SrJ-3\ 
 
 ... ^ fi ■'•■■ ' ■■. -RatA^'"'' 
 
 ^i/^^y ) "M - '"--...m/ II -p- 
 
 . ; \ / J f i M ■ 
 
 I* ■ 'i ■ ,^ /f 
 
 e_y4 JidoU i Co (ti^c£>6 
 
 *»- i-h, l-f^-^<^^uuu 
 
 FROM 
 
 7%^ J) own Sffjvef^ made ,A.D.1654', 
 
 -'».>" .\.B.BrtM-ceiLLoi-/Z(^ llill' and t/ieCottec/qt: os seeftlke I'On n -^(r'ne o/^thr .'-'tr//!. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 151 
 
 preserve the watercourse free and clean, " for the ^^^^ "i- 
 
 T n n /~H Chap. I. 
 
 benefit of the City."* These minute references to — 
 the Stein and its possessors^ become necessary to 
 shovp^, that anciently it was a well-known place of 
 considerable extent although not even the name is 
 now to be found on any of our maps, or any refer- 
 ence to it in any modern history of the city. 
 
 But the document referring to the mill of the The Long 
 
 . . ° . . stone of the 
 
 Stem points to another facjt more intimately connected steyne. 
 with our subject. It was from the " Long Stone," 
 mentioned in this record, that the Stein derived its 
 Scandinavian name. This remarkable pillar stone 
 stood not far from the landing place near where 
 Hawkins-street and To wnsend-street now j oin. From 
 the rough outline drawing which I possess it does 
 not appear that the stone was in any manner inscribed, 
 but it appears to have stood about twelve or fourteen 
 feet above ground,^ and it remained standing until the 
 surrounding district was laid out for streets and 
 houses when it was overturned to make room for 
 them. That it continued to be an object of some 
 interest, long after the Northmen were expelled from 
 Dublin, we find from municipal records and from 
 reference to it when the citizens began to build on 
 the adjoining strand. We have a lease made by the 
 City in 1607 to James Wheeler, Bean of Christ 
 Church, of " void ground at the Long Stone of the 
 
 1 Peerage of Ireland by John tioii of Petty's Down Survey of the 
 
 Lodge, vol. iv., p. 307, 8vo, Dub- Half Barony of Rathdown (made 
 
 lin 1789. about a.d. 1655), may be observed 
 
 ' This sketch has not been found what is plainly meant to represent 
 
 among Mr. Haliday's papers, but the Long Stoiie at the point above 
 
 on the annexed fac-simile of a por- assigned for it. 
 
15- 
 
 THE SCANniXAVIANS, AND 
 
 Scandinavian 
 origin of tlie 
 Long Stone. 
 
 BOOK III. Stein,'" another in 1641 to William Kirtly, of "a 
 
 Chap. I. ' . 
 
 — small plot near the Long Stone of the Stein/" agam 
 in 1679 to William Christian of ground at Lazers 
 Hill, " near the Long Stone of the Stein,"' and from 
 the Earl of Anglesey of "a parcel of the strand 
 at the Long Stone of the Stein over against the 
 College."^ 
 
 The name of "the Stein" connected with the 
 pillar stone may not be considered sufficient evidence 
 of Scandinavian origin, that name not being found 
 in Irish manuscripts, or in any record earlier than 
 the Anglo-Norman invasion. But it should be re- 
 collected that there are no Hiberno-Danish writings 
 extant, and that the Irish who called it " the Green 
 of Ath Cliath," and allude to it as a place of council,* 
 never used the Scandinavian name for it, or for any 
 part of Ireland, while on the contrary the Anglo- 
 Norman monks, the charter writers of their country- 
 men, rarely, if ever, used an Irish name when any 
 other existed, and invariably called the city, and 
 even the provinces by their Scandinavian names. 
 
 As we proceed, however, to the other monuments 
 
 ' Acts of Assembly. Corpoi'ation 
 Records. 
 
 ^ lUd. 
 
 ' Acts of Assembly. Kaster, 
 1602. aid. 
 
 * " Brian was then on the plain 
 of Ath Cliath in council with the 
 nobles of the Dkl Cais (Wars of 
 the Gaedhil with the Gaill, chap. 
 Ixxxviii, , p. 1 55), and again ' 'After 
 this the men of Mumhan and of 
 Connacht came to the Green of 
 Ath Cliath and made a siege and 
 
 blockade round Ath Cliath.'' Ibid, 
 chap. Ixxxvi., p. 151. [Mr.Haliday 
 cites " Book of Danish Wars, MS. 
 T.G.D.," and obtained this infor- 
 mation no doubt from his friend 
 the Rev. Dr. Todd, then editing 
 this MS., published only in 1867 
 after Mr. H.'s death. It is only , 
 right to say that the latter passage 
 in full is "and he (Brian) came to 
 Cill-Maighnenn (Kilmainham) to 
 the Green of Ath Cliath." Mr. H. 
 had never seen this.] 
 
SCAXDINAVIA>' ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 153 
 
 on the Stein, it will be perceived that such evidence ^^n^^" 
 of Scandinavian origin is not indispensable. 
 
 Of these monuments the tumuli are the first to 
 claim attention. 
 
 In 1646 an attempt Avas made to fortify Dublin Scandinavian 
 
 ■■■ •' tumuli on the 
 
 by earthworks, at which Carte sa3's the Marchioness steyne. 
 of Ormonde and other noble ladies " condescended 
 to carry baskets of earth." To procure this earth they 
 levelled one of the tumuli on the Stein, of which 
 there is an engraving in ^.lolyneus's Discourse on 
 Danish Mounds in Ireland.' and another with the 
 following description which we copy from Ware's 
 Antiquities. 
 
 "In November, 1646, as people were employed 
 in reniovinsc a little hill in the East Suburbs of 
 Dublin, in order to form a line of fortification, there 
 was discovered an ancient sepulchre, placed S.W. 
 and N.E., composed of eight black marble stones, 
 of which two made the covering, and was supported 
 by the others. The length of this monument was 
 six feet two inches, the breadth three feet one inch, 
 and^ the thickness of the stone three inches. At 
 each corner of it was erected a stone, four feet high, 
 and near it, at the S.W. end, another stone was 
 placed in the form of a pyramid, six feet high, of a 
 rustic work, and of that kind of stone which is 
 called a millstone. The engraving given is a 
 draught of the monument taken before it was 
 demolished. Vast quantities of burnt coals, ashes, 
 and human bones, some of which were in part 
 burned, and some only scorched were found in it, 
 
 1 Discoiu-se coDcerning Danish Jlounds, &c., in Ireland : 4to, Dublin. 1 723. 
 
154 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 ^cni^i"' which was looked upon to be a work of the 
 Ostmen, and erected by that people, while they 
 were heathens, in memory of some petty prince or 
 nobleman."^ 
 The Long This SO closely resembles descriptions given of 
 
 marks the the burial places of Scandinavian kings^ as to leave 
 of^Kingivar, little doubt that it was the tumulus of some dis- 
 tinguished Northman, and we might almost venture 
 to identify him if we could rely on the statements 
 of northern historians, that Ivar, the son of Reguar 
 Lodbrok, who reigned and died in Dublin a.d. 872, 
 had ordered his body to be buried at the landing 
 place, and that his orders were executed, and a 
 mound so reared on the spot.^ But without enter- 
 ing into the question of identity it may be observed 
 that the custom of burying near the landing place 
 jjrevailed among the Northmen, the greater number 
 of their tumuli being found on the sea shore or in 
 places commanding a view of the ocean, and that 
 several Danish or Norwegian kings were slain in 
 the neighbourhood of Dublin to whom sepulchral 
 mounds had doubtless been raised. Of these tumuli 
 we have not any description, but we find traces of 
 them in late discoveries. 
 
 ' Works of Sir James Ware, by time. Ynlinga Saga, cap. viii. 
 
 Walter Harris, vol. ii., p. 145, ' There is some difference be- 
 
 folio, Dublin, 1745. tween the Nordymra sive Historia 
 
 ' Odin established a law that rerum in Northumbrian a Danis 
 
 for men of consequence a mound Noi-vegisque sreculis ix°., x''., 
 
 should be erected to their pp. 8, and 29 Grimr. Johnson 
 
 memory ; and for all warriors Thorkelin, 4to, London, 1788, and 
 
 who had been distinguished for the Fragmenta Islandica De 
 
 manhood, a standing stone, which Regibus Danicis, Norwegicis, &c. 
 
 custom remained long after Odin's Langebek, vol. ii., p. 281 . 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 155 
 
 In Suffolk-street, formerly part of the Stein, a ^22L^l^' 
 skeleton was recently exhumed, the skull of which — 
 being stained by contact with metal supposed to be 
 a helmet, gave rise to the opinion that the owner 
 had been buried in his armour. In the same locality Scandinavian 
 an urn was subsequently found, and previously they -^Suffolk? "^ 
 had dug up one of the most valuable Danish swords t^^steyne' "* 
 discovered in Ireland, the gold ornaments of the 
 handle having been sold for £70 ; and, according to 
 the Saga, a gold hilted sword' was a distinguishing 
 mark of a Scandinavian chieftain, and a chieftain's 
 arms and armour being frequently buried with 
 him.- In excavating the foundations of the Eoyal 
 Arcade, in College-green, where the National Bank 
 of Ireland now stands, several weapons and other 
 relics of the Xorthmen were thrown up, Two of 
 the swords, which are of iron, and of a form mark- 
 ing them to be Scandinavian, are now in the 
 museum of the Koyal Irish Academy, and two 
 spear heads, the rembo of a shield, and some silver 
 fibulae, said to have been found in the same place, 
 were sold in 1841 with the late Major Sirr's 
 collection of antiquities. 
 
 ' " Kvernlstr," the sword of how, a mound, a cairn over one ' 
 
 Hakon, king of Norway, had both dead. It is there said "The 
 
 hilt and handle of gold. Heims- cairns belong to the burning age 
 
 kringla of Snorro-Sturleson, vol. as well as to the later age, when 
 
 i,, p. 121, 3 vols., folio, HavniaB, the dead were placed in a ship 
 
 1777-1826. " Hneitn," the sword and put in the how with a horse, 
 
 of King Olaf the Saint, had the hound, treasure, weapons, and the 
 
 handle wrought with gold. Ibid, like,'' and in proof various refer- 
 
 vol. ii-, p. 352. Olaf s sword was ences to works are there given. 
 
 gold hilted. Laxdoela Saga, p. 79. Icelandic and English Dictionary, 
 
 ' In the Icelandic Dictionary, by Cleasby Vigfusson, 4to, Ox- 
 
 lately published, Haugr (pro- ford. Clarendon Press, 1874. 
 nounced Hogue), is translated a 
 
156 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS,, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Thingwall 
 mount and 
 Pillar Stones in 
 Isle of Man. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OF THE THINGMOUNT OF DUBLIN. 
 
 The monuments of the Stein shown to be Scandinavian Custom of the 
 
 Northmen to set up a Stone at their first landing place And to erect 
 
 temples to Thor and Freija adjacent Also a Thingmount or place of 
 
 public meeting and judicature The Thingmount of Dublin erected 
 
 on the Stein Remained till a.d., 1682 Account of its removal. — 
 
 Church of St. Andrew Thengmotha. -Built probably on the site of a 
 
 Temple of Thor or Freija Jleeting of King Henry the 2nd with 
 
 Irish princes on the Stein near the Church of St. Andrew. — Under- 
 stood probably by the Irish as either a Thing-mote or a Festival meet- 
 ing — ivTot as a submission or surrender of independence. — Hoges 
 
 IIoge-Tings " Hoggen Green," "Hogen butts," and "St. Mary 
 
 del Hogges," all called from this adjacent Hoge or Tingmount. 
 
 The Isle of Man retains many relics of the North- 
 men. We find the Thingwall mount with its "doom- 
 sters," or " lagmen." On the sea-shore at Dalby- 
 point is a large tumulus said to be that of a king of 
 the Island, and on other parts of the sea-shore other 
 tumuli. Near Kirk Stanton is a pillar stone above 
 ten feet high. Two more near Mount Murray, and 
 two more at the landing place on the sea-shore near 
 Port Erin. Others stand in various parts of the 
 island, some having Runic inscriptions, undoubted 
 memorials of the Northmen. But the Orkneys 
 being longer subject to Norway and comparatively 
 uncultivated and thinly peopled, their Scandinavian 
 monuments remain much more distinct, and com- 
 paring their monument with those of the Stein, and 
 referring to the topography and name of the place 
 where they are found, we have all the evidence we 
 could require to prove that both were works of the 
 same people, and that people, Scandinavian. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 157 
 
 The publications of Wallace, Brand,' Barry/ and ^ook hi. 
 
 TT-i 1 ■ f 1 • -T-> Chap. II. 
 
 Hibbert inform us that in Romona, the chief island „ — 
 
 rillav Stones iu 
 
 of the Orkneys/ there is a parish called Steinnis^ *^^ ^'■'^"''y^- 
 bordering a lake of the same name into which the 
 sea flows from Steinness. On a point of land jutting 
 into this lake is a pillar Stone standing nearly six- 
 teen feet above ground/ from which stone the dis- 
 trict attained the name of Steinness, compounded of 
 the Icelandic or old Norse words Steinn a stone, and 
 " ness " a tongue (or nose*') of land. 
 
 This pillar, probably a stone of memorial, or mark Pniav stones 
 
 . and temples to 
 
 of possession taken by the first settlers, was, accord- Thor and 
 ing to Hibbert, a stone raised to Thor the Soandina- Scandinavian 
 
 i-\ • 1 n l^ TIT 1 1 • landing places. 
 
 vian Deity, the custom ot these JN ortiimen being to 
 set up a Stone, and to erect temples to Thor and 
 Freyja at their landing place.'' Olaus Magnus, how- 
 ever, mentions another purpose, thus, he says, there 
 are high stones without writing, set up by the in- 
 dustry of the ancients to inform mariners that they 
 may avoid shipwreck,* and we find that the custom 
 of placing pillar stones at the landing place, for 
 whatever object or design was not peculiar to the 
 
 1 A new description of Orkney, '^ Memoir on the Tings of Ork- 
 
 Zetland,Pightlan(l firth, and Caith- ney and Shetland, by S. Hibbert, 
 
 ness, by John Brand, Edinburgh, m.d,, ArohaBologia Scoiioa, vol. 
 
 1700, 8vo. iii., p. 118, Edinburgh, 1828. 
 
 " History of the Orkney Islands, " Icelandic and English Die- 
 by the Kev. George Barry, d.d., tionary, by R. Cleasby and Gud- 
 Minister of Shapinshay, 4to, Edin- brand Vigfusson, m.a., 4to, Ox- 
 burgh, 1805. ford, Clarendon Press, 1874. 
 
 ^ Heimskringla edr Noregs Kon- ' Description of the Shetland 
 
 inga Saga, vol. ii., p. 147, Hafniae, Isles, by Samuel Hibbert, m.d., 
 
 1777. In Nial's Saga it is called p. 109, 4to, Edinburgh, 1822. 
 
 Kossy, pp. 267-587. ' Compendious History of the 
 
 * In the Sagas called " Steins- Goths, Swedes, and Vandals, trans- 
 
 nessi." lated, Book I. chap, xviii., p. 12. 
 
158 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. Scandinavians, as there was a monument of the 
 
 Chap. II. ' 
 
 — kind, the " Lapis titiili," or Folkstone, at the land- 
 ing place of the Saxons in Kent ;^ and some fancy- 
 that the antiquity of the custom may be carried back 
 to the days of Joshua, who caused stones to be set up 
 to mark the landing place of the Israelites, when they 
 went dry over Jordan, and first set foot on the land 
 they were to conquer and dwell in.' Near the pillar 
 TempieTaud stoue at Stoinnoss were tumuli, in one of which were 
 ™j^'j^^g°1^^^' found nine silver fibulse.' Not far from these 
 Orkneys. tumuli was another artificial mount of two feet in 
 diameter, and thirty-sis feet high, of a conical out- 
 line, occupying the centre of a raised circular plat- 
 form, which formed a terrace around it. This was 
 the Thingmount for which the Scandinavians gener- 
 ally selected a plain near their landing place, the 
 terrace or steps being used as they yet are in the 
 Tingwall mount of the Isle of Man.^ Within view 
 of the Thingmount was a circle of upright stones 
 alleged fo have been a temple dedicated to Thor, 
 and a semicircle of similar stones, a temple dedicated 
 to the Goddess Freyja, or the moon.' It is unne- 
 cessary at the present moment to discuss the various 
 opinions respecting these circular temples, or to 
 enter into the labyrinth of Celtic and Northman 
 mythology to ascertain the form of worship to which 
 
 ' Antiquitates Kutupinse, Ox- Orkney, by the Rev. James Wal- 
 
 onije, 1745, p. 17. lace, d.d., p. 53, 8vo, Edinburgh, 
 
 '■' Borlase'a Antiquities of Corn- 1693. 
 
 wall, p. 164. ■• Hibbert's Memoir on the Tings 
 
 Joshua, chap, iv., verses 6, 7, of Orkney and Shetland, Archfeo- 
 
 Holy Bible. logia Scotica, vol, iii., p. 197. 
 
 ' Description of the Isles of ° Ibid, p. 106. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 159 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 they belonged. It has been observed already that 
 near to the Lawhill in Iceland there yet remains a — 
 circular range of stones which is unmistakably des- 
 cribed in the Eyrbyggia Saga as the Temple of Thor, 
 this circle having within it one larger stone than the 
 rest which was the Thor Stein, and our chief object 
 here is to show that some place for religious cere- 
 monies was an inseparable adjunct to the place of 
 legislative and judicial assembly, and either that the 
 Thing itself, with its circular enclosure was used as 
 a temple, or that a temple was erected near it.* 
 
 If this description of the monuments at Steinness BUck stone of 
 
 . . , „ Odin in the 
 
 were not sufficient lor our purpose we might reier Orkneys. 
 to the standing stone and tumuli of the Island of 
 Shapinshay, another of the Orkneys, to its wait or 
 watch hill and adjoining church, and to the " Black- 
 stone of Odin," atthe landing place on its sandy beach,^ 
 but the similarity is so apparent, and the evidence 
 so strong in favour of the Scandinavian origin of 
 our mount, that we may proceed to describe the 
 Thino-mount on the Stein of Dublin, which like the 
 mount at Steinness we find in proximity to the 
 pillar stone and tumuli. 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to state that every act of Scandinavian 
 the Northmen from the election of a king and the pro- Tingr °'^ 
 mulgation of a law to the trial of a criminal, or the 
 decision of a title to land, was governed by the 
 iudgment of the people assembled at a Thing. 
 Hence we read in the Sagas of Court Things, House 
 
 1 Hibbert's Memoir on the Tings vol. xvii., pp. 234, 235. Descrip- 
 of Orkney and Shetland, Archseo- tion of the Orkney Isles, by the 
 logical Scotica, vol. iii. p. 143. Rev. George Barry, d.d., p. 51, 
 
 2 Statistical account of Scotland, 4to, Edinburgh, 1805. 
 
160 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 [BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Stone Circles 
 round Thing- 
 mounts. 
 
 Things (the origin of our Hustings), and of District 
 Things, and of the Fimtardom being the fifth su- 
 preme court or Althing. At Things, assembled qn 
 an emergency, the chieftain then present presided, 
 but at the permanent court a "godi," or hereditary- 
 magistrate sat." The form of the court also varied 
 with circumstances. 
 
 On sudden emergencies an open space was fenced 
 by stakes round which the verbond, a sacred chord, 
 was tied. Sometimes the fence was a circle of stones, 
 the centre being reserved for those who were to be 
 the " Lagmenn," and who alone were permitted to 
 enter. But all permanent settlements appear to 
 have had fixed places of judicature raised on plains 
 like the Stein accessible by water, a facility for 
 attending meetings of primary importance with a 
 maritine people in countries where roads were yet 
 unformed or but few. On such plains a mound of 
 earth was sometimes raised whereon the godi sat 
 with his " lagmen," the armed " bonders," and free- 
 men standing around. Not far from this mound 
 
 ' " Godi, a priest, and hence a 
 liege lord or chief of the Icelandic 
 Commonwealth. The Norse chiefs 
 who settled in Iceland finding the 
 country uninhabited solemnly took 
 possession of the land (Land-nam), 
 and in order to found a community 
 they built a temple and called them- 
 selves by the name of Godi or Hof- 
 godi, ' temple-priest '; and thus 
 the temple became the nucleus of 
 the new community, which was called 
 ' Godard.' Hence Hof-godi, temple 
 priest, and Hof-dingi, chief, became 
 synonymous, 
 
 " Many independent Godi and 
 Godard sprung up all through the 
 country, till about a.d. 930, the 
 Althingi was erected, where all the 
 petty sovereign chiefs (Godar) 
 entered into a league, and laid the 
 foundation of a general government 
 for the whole island. . . . On 
 the introduction of Christianity the 
 Godar lost their priestly character, 
 but kept the name. Icelandic-Eng- 
 lish Dictionary, by Cleasby and 
 Vigfusson ; word Gndi ; 4to, Clar- 
 endon Press, Oxford, 1874. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 161 
 
 was another hill used as a place of execution, for ^^^^ ^^^■ 
 when these Things were used for criminal trials, and — 
 that " capital punishments were doomed it was 
 ordered that the criminals should be conveyed for 
 this purpose to a stony hill, where there should be 
 neither arable land nor green fields. In Unst, one 
 of the Shetland Islands, such a place is still seen near 
 the site of " three Things." It is a barren serpentine 
 rock where scarcely a blade of grass will grow, and is 
 named the Hanger Hoeg. ' To the south of the island 
 is a similar place of execution, with the more modern 
 name of the Gallows Hill. In another of the Shet- 
 land Isles, on a tongue of land at Loch Tingwall, is 
 the " Law ting " from which it is stated that ac- 
 cording to the "custom of the Northmen it was 
 allowed to the condemned criminal to endeavour 
 to make his escape to the kirk of Tingwall ; in 
 attempting this his way led through the crowd of 
 spectators, and if he effected his escape, either by 
 their favouring him or by superior swiftness or 
 strength, and reached the kirk he was freed from 
 punishment, this was a kind of appeal to the people 
 from the sentence of the judge. "^ 
 
 Of these Thingmounts or places of judicature on Thing voiir in 
 the sands of rivers or lakes, or near the sea-shore, 
 we have many examples in Scandinavian settlements 
 connected with Dublin, besides that already de- 
 scribed at Steinness, such as the Logbergit or Law 
 mount of Thing voUr in Iceland.' The Law mount 
 
 ' Hibbert's Memoir on the Tings 3 Iceland, or a Journal of a Rcsi- 
 
 of Orkney and Shetland. Archse- dance in that Island during 1814- 
 logia Scotica, Vol. iii., p. 195. 1815. Vol. i., p. 86 ; 8vo, 3 vols. 
 
 » Statistical account of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1818. 
 Vol. xxi., pp. 274 and 284. 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 St. Andrew's 
 Thengmotha. 
 
 BOOK III. g^^ Tinffwall in the Isle of Man ; the terraced mount 
 
 Chap. II. ° 
 
 — of Isla -^ the Mount of Urr f and such I hope to 
 show -was the Thingmote of DubHn. But here again 
 we must enter into minute details in collecting facts 
 from original documents, for strange as it may 
 appear there is no known publication which men- 
 tions this ancient relic of Scandinavian law. 
 
 In the register of the Priory of All Hallows we 
 have some indication of the site of the Thingmote 
 of I^'ublin. It records a grant made to the priory 
 about the year 1241, the land granted being de- 
 scribed as situate in " Thingmotha, in the parish of 
 St. Andrew Thingmote,"^ and an enrolled deed of 
 1.575 gives a further clue by describing the property 
 conveyed, as bounded by the road leading to Hoggen 
 Green, called Teigmote,* thus showing that the 
 Thingmotha of the preceding document was that 
 part of the Stein called Hoggen Green. If then we 
 assume that Thingmotha had its name from the 
 Thingmote these records show that the Thingplace 
 of Dublin was on Hoggen Green in the parish of St. 
 Andrew. But other documents leave no doubt that 
 the precise position was at the angle formed by 
 Church-lane and Suffolk-street nearly opposite the 
 present church of St. Andrew, and about 40 perches 
 east of the old edifice. It was here this remarkable 
 
 ' M'CuUagh's Western Isles. 
 London, 1819, p. 234. 
 
 ^ Grose's Antiquities of Scotland. 
 London, Vol. 2, p. 181. 
 
 ^ Sciant presentes, &c., quod ego 
 Johannes Thurgot dedi, &c Deo et 
 domui Omnium Sanctorum, &c., 
 quandam terram meam, &c,, in 
 Suburbio Dublin. scilicet in 
 
 Thengmotha in parochia S. Andree 
 de Thengmotha. Kegistrum Pri- 
 oratus Omnium Sanctorum juxta 
 Dublin. By Rev. Richard Butler, 
 p. 26, 4to, Dublin, 1845. 
 
 * Enrolled 22nd of James I., 
 Calendar of the Patent Rolls of K, 
 James I., p. 685, 
 
e/=>^ 
 
 J^^'Ar.l 
 
 renr-j- 
 
 Qh^LLr en. yard. 
 
 — s 
 
 3(T •' JT nr^eL^ 
 
 w 
 
 -ruLX^r- 
 
 
 CU. 
 
 '^ 
 
 DuM 
 
 tru 
 
 ^rtfnd' ^^dhf. 
 
 omJ : 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 163 
 
 mount the Thingmote of Dublin stood until the year ^"if^. i"' 
 1685. From the drawing and survey, which I have 
 been so fortunate as to discover, the mount is shown 
 to have been a conical hill about 40 feet high and 
 240 feet in circumference. 
 
 The drawing of which a facsimile is here given Drawing of 
 forms part of a survey made in 1682, and it may be Thi^moteof 
 observed that the indented outline gives to the mount " '"' 
 the appearance of having had those terraces or steps 
 already described on some other Thingmounts. That 
 this mount remained so long undisturbed was partly 
 attributable to its position within theline of fortifica- 
 tion for which the tumulus was levelled, but chiefly 
 to the care of the municipal authorities for the health 
 of the citizens. Down to the year 1635 there were 
 numerous edicts decreeing that " the common pas- 
 tures of the city (among which Stanihurst places the 
 Stein')" should be reserved for the citizens to walk 
 and take the air by reason as the last ordinance 
 adds that the " city, was growing very populous."^ 
 These ordinances preserved the ground, surrounding 
 the Thingmote, uninclosed until 1661. 
 
 ' Holinshed ; Chronicle, vol. vi., town Green, might not from henoe- 
 
 p. 28. forth be sett or leased to any per- 
 
 2 '' An Act established at Easter son, but that the same may be 
 
 Assembly, a.d. 1635, to be pub- wholly kept for the use of the 
 
 lickly reade every Michaelmas Cittizens and others to walk and 
 
 Assemblie Daie. Whereas the take the open aire by reason this 
 
 Commons petitioned unto this Cittie is at this present growing 
 
 Assembly praying that some course very populous." The Mayor is 
 
 might be taken in the said As- not to give way to the reading of 
 
 sembly whereby no part or parcel any petition for the leasing or dis- 
 
 of the Greens and Commons of posing of auy of the said Greens 
 
 this Cittie, viz. : — Hoggin's Green, or Commons under pain of 40 
 
 St. Stephen's Green, and Oxman- pounds. City Records. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BooKiu. In that year Dr. Henry Jones (then Bishop of 
 Covers to Meath) obtained a portion of this ground, on lease 
 preserve the from the Corporation of Dublin, for a small rent and 
 
 mount for the '^ 
 
 use of the city, the soHiewhat curious consideration that he should 
 give for the use of the city the "Book of Ancient Sta- 
 tutes of the Kingdom," but the lessors, anxious for the 
 recreation of the citizens to which the Thingmount 
 was ancillary, inserted a proviso that " a passage six 
 feet wide and thirty feet square from the top to the 
 bottom of the hill should be reserved to the city for 
 their common prospect, and that no building or other 
 thing should be erected on the premises for obstruct- 
 ing of the said prospect."' When this lease was made, 
 St. Stephen's-green also being uninclosed and few 
 buildings erected in the neighbourhood of the Stein, 
 the prospect from this mount, like that from the 
 mount at Steinness, must have been extensive, par- 
 ticularly over the Bay of Dublin,"'* andgave this Thing- 
 mount the advantages which the watch mounts or 
 
 ' Michaelmas Assembly, a.d. them nor us, but stand aside with 
 
 1661. City Records. your people and look on at the 
 
 battle. And if God grants us to 
 
 ^ [It is on this mount that the defeat these people (the Danes) do 
 
 Norman Geste of the Conquest you help us to follow them; if we 
 
 represents Gylmeholmoc, a chief be recreant do you join them in 
 
 of the O'Byrnes, who had given cutting us up and killing us." 
 hostages to Milo de Cogan to be " Vos ostages averez par si 
 
 at peace with the English, as seated Que tu faces 50 que tu di ; 
 
 by Milo's appointment thence to Par si que ne seez aidant 
 
 watch the impending battle be- Ne nus, ne euz, tant ne quant : 
 
 tween him and the Danes, newly Mes que encoste de nus seez, 
 
 landed on the Staine, in order to E la bataille agarderez : 
 
 recover Dublin from the English. E si Deus le nus consent, 
 
 " You shall have back your host- Que seient deconfiz icele gent ; 
 
 ages (says Milo) if you do what I Que nus seez od tun pber, 
 
 say : that is, be neither aiding Eidant pur euz debarater ; 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 165 
 
 ward hills of the islands possessed, rendered it a fit ^^^^ ^"• 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 station from whence the city could be warned of the — 
 approach of an hostile fleet. But in 1 6 7 1 , the founda- 
 tion of the new church of St. Andrew having been 
 laid, and the Bishop of Meath having surrendered his 
 lease, a new lease was made to William Brewer, with- 
 out any reservations of " prospect " from the mount 
 which shortly after was encompassed with buildings.' 
 In 1682 the mount itself was demised to Sir William 
 
 E si nus selmiz recreant, 
 Vus lur seez del tut eidant, 
 De nuz trencher e occire 
 Le noz livrer a martire.'' 
 Gylmeholmoc having granted this 
 and pledged his faith and oath, 
 quits the city to take up his post 
 on the mount : — 
 
 " Gylmeholmoth aitant 
 Dehors la cite meintenaat, 
 Se est cil reis pur veir asis 
 Od eel gent de sun pais, 
 De sur le Hogges, desus Steyne 
 Dehors la cite en un plein 
 Pur agarder la melle 
 Se sunt iloque asemble." 
 That is, Gylemeholmoc gaUy 
 (went) out of the city, and now is 
 this king for a truth seated with 
 the people of his country upon the 
 Hogges, over Steyne, on a plain out- 
 side of the city, to view the melee, 
 pp. 109, 110, Anglo-Norman 
 Poem on the Conquest of Ireland 
 by Heni-y the Second. Edited by 
 Francisque Michel, 12mo, London, 
 1837. This Gylmehomoc ruled 
 over the territory between Bray 
 and Dublin. It was he that gran- 
 ted KUruddery to the Abbot of 
 St. Thomas's for his country seat, 
 find from this abbey it passed at the 
 
 Dissolution of Religious Houses in 
 the reign of King Henry YIII. to 
 the ancestor of the Earls of Meath. 
 See the grant in the Register of 
 S. Thomas's Abbey, R. I. A. j 
 
 ' [This was the "fortified hill near 
 the College," referred to in the fol- 
 lowing:— On the 6th of July, 1647, 
 the Commissioners of Parliament, to 
 whom the Marquis of Ormonde had 
 just then surrendered Dublin, 
 give an account to the Parliament 
 of a mutiny. " On Friday last (they 
 write) many of the soldiers fell into 
 a high mutiny, and, cashiering their 
 officers, marched directly to Da- 
 mass Gate, adjacent to the place 
 where we have our usual meetings 
 for despatch of public affairs." 
 They then describe Colonel Jones, 
 the new made Governor of Dublin, 
 as marching with several troops of 
 his own regiment of horse against 
 the mutineers, " the greatest part of 
 them being of Colonel Kinaston's 
 regiment, accustomed to like prac- 
 tices in North Wales, and after 
 some skirmishing and coming to the 
 push of pike, wherein some of them 
 were killed, several hurt on both 
 sides, the Governor endangered, 
 and Colonel Castles's horse shot 
 
156 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. j)ayig . i^e jia^(j jje^n Kecorder of the city, and was then 
 
 Chap. II. ' '' 
 
 The mount 
 levelled. 
 
 Chief Justice of the King's Bench. He had a subur- 
 ban residence adjoining the mount and a fee-farm 
 grant was made to him with the avowed object of 
 clearing the ground. His petition for this grant 
 states that " the ground on which the mount stands, 
 being very small and the mount itself being very high 
 the cost of levelling it and carrying it away would be 
 a vast charge." A mass of earth, 40 feet high and 
 240 feet in circumference, could notbe removed with- 
 out great expense,' but the site was valuable and the 
 earth was useful in raising Nassau-street, then called 
 Saint Patrick's Well-lane, the street being elevated 
 8 to 10 feet above it. Although these documents 
 indisputably fix the position of the mount within the 
 district of Thingmotha, a doubt whether the word 
 Thingmote in 1241 designated a mount, or merely a 
 place of meeting, the want of early records to identify 
 the mount I have described with the ancient Thing- 
 mote and the ambiguity of modern descriptions of 
 the vicinity leave room for controversy, which we 
 must endeavour to anticipate. 
 Hoggen butt. Harris in describing Hoggen Green says that " a 
 place on this Green was anciently called Hoggen butt, 
 where the citizens had butts for the exercise of arch- 
 "^ and Daines Barrington,in his " Observations on 
 
 ery, 
 
 under him, the mutineers betook 
 themselves to a place of advantage, 
 a fortified hill near the College, and 
 with them many of those called out 
 to subdue them. After they had 
 defended the said hill till midnight 
 they were received to mercy upon 
 their humble submission and pro' 
 
 mises of amends." (Signed) Arthur 
 Annesley, Robert King, Michael 
 Jones. Carte Papers, Bodleian 
 Library, vol. Ixvii., p. 133.] 
 
 ' Michaelmas Assembly, a,d. 
 1 683. City Records. 
 
 'ffistory of Dublin, p. 108. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 16? 
 
 the Statute for the Encouragement of Archery,"^ says ^^^^ "j" 
 "That the butts erected for archery may have been the 
 occasion of some of those round hills of earth near towns 
 which have often amused and puzzled antiquaries." 
 Barrington's observation coupled with Harris's refer- 
 ence to archery butts might lead to the supposition 
 that the mount here described had been raised for 
 archery practice, and particularly as there is an Irish 
 statute of 5th Edward IV., which ordains that in 
 every English town in this land of Ireland there shall 
 be " one pair of butts for shooting, within the town or 
 near it, and every man of the same town between the 
 ages of 60 and 16 shall muster at said butts and shoot 
 up and down three times every feast day " between 
 Marchand July.^ Thereis also the curious coincidence 
 that one of what are proved to be tumuli at Stein- 
 ness is also said to have been raised for archers to 
 shoot at " for while Edward was encouraging archery 
 in Ireland, James I. of Scotland was similarly em- 
 ployed in his dominions, the Scotch Act of 1425 re- 
 quiring every man from 16 to 60 years of age, to 
 shoot up and down three times every holyday at bow 
 marks erected near the parish churches." 
 
 It is, however, manifest that Harris did not mean 
 that the mount which he calls Hoggen butt had been 
 used for a target. His words clearly imply the re- 
 verse. He says that at Hoggen butt the citizens Tib and Tom. 
 had butts for archery and that near them (that is 
 the archery butts) was a place called Tib and Tom 
 where possibly the citizens amused themselves at 
 
 'Observations on the most '5th Edward IV., cap. 4, a.d. 
 
 ancient Statutes, p. 426, 4to, Loa- 1465, 
 don, 1775. 
 
168 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. leisure times by playing at keals or nine pins.' It 
 — is manifest also that the Thingmount would not 
 meet the requirements of the statute, which enacts 
 that there shall be not one but a pair of butts and 
 that there was more than one of what are termed 
 butts is rendered probable by an ordinance made 
 for the preservation of " Hogges butts," about three 
 years after the Act of Parliament. This ordinance of 
 A.D. 1469 decrees in the quaint language of the 
 times, that " no manner of man take no clay from 
 Hogges butts upon pain of XX. shillings as oft as they 
 may be found so doing. "^ A stronger argument how- 
 Musters at the ever may be deduced from the size of the mount. We 
 find that the city forces were periodically mustered 
 on Hoggen Green, that the mayor and principal 
 citizens sat at these musters under a pavilion or tent 
 erected on the top of Hoggen butt,' and we know 
 that after the mount was levelled this tent was an- 
 nually set up in Stephen' s-green for these military 
 reviews. Now it is utterly irreconcilable with any 
 description given of archery butts elsewhere to sup- 
 pose that a high circular mount on the top of which 
 a pavilion could be erected had been piled up for the 
 mere purpose of archery practice. 
 
 But in addition to these arguments there are cir- 
 cumstances connected with the mount which strongly 
 tend to identify it with the Scandinavian Thingmote. 
 
 ' History of Dublin, p. 108. upon occasion of a general hosting, 
 
 ' Acts of Assembly. Midsummer, the Sheriff to cause a new tent to 
 
 A.D. 1469. City Records. bemade, &c., and Mr. Bellewtobe 
 
 ' Harris's MSS., p. 116, answerable for the old tent if he be 
 
 Pococke Collection, Brit. Mus., found chargeable." Acts of As- 
 
 MSS. 4823. "Forasmuch as the sembly, Christmas, 1593. City 
 
 City is destitute of a tent to serve Becorda. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 169 
 
 The customs of a people frequently survive their do- ^°°^ ^"• 
 minion. Those of the Northmen of Dublin were not — 
 all abolished by the Anglo Normans. And we find 
 that the Bowling Green, the archery butts, the place 
 for those games, which Harris calls Tib and Tom, 
 and for the miracle plays and pageants were at the 
 mount, and that on this mount the Mayor of Dublin Mayor and 
 sat with his jurats under a tent, presiding over the mount.°° 
 armed musters of the citizens.' 
 
 We should recollect that it was at the Thinof- 
 mount the public games of the Northmen were always 
 held,' and that on the Althing, under a tent, the 
 " Godi " or chief magistrate of the district sat with 
 his " lagmen," surrounded by armed freemen. Nor The mount 
 should we forget that this custom apparently preserved wau of the 
 in Dublin continued until recently in the Isle of Man ' ^ " *°" 
 where the chief of the island or his representative sat 
 under a canopy on the Thingwall mount with his 
 
 [' At this mount, too, was held corder of the City, and Eichard 
 
 the election for the Parliament, Barr Alderman." Calendar of 
 
 which met in a.d. 1613. " The 27th State Papers of King James I., a.d. 
 
 of April the Mayor (Sir James 1611-1614, p. 441. The editor of 
 
 Carroll), taking the first election to Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica 
 
 be void, about 10 o'clock in the having no knowledge of this mount 
 
 forenoon gave directions for pro- or these butt?, and the enrolment 
 
 clamation to be made in several with the account of this election 
 
 parts of the City that at 2 o'clock having no capital letters nor punc- 
 
 in the afternoon of that day he tuation, he could not understand 
 
 would proceed to election at a "hoggen but," and dropped the 
 
 place called Hoggen but near the latter word and wrote " at a place 
 
 City and within its liberties, which called Hoggen." Vol. I., p. 244, 
 
 was made accordingly, at which 8vo, Dublin, 1773.] 
 time and place in a great assembly ' Histoire de Suede par Erik 
 
 of the inhabitants as well free of Gust. Geyer traduit par J. F. de 
 
 the City as not free the Mayor Lundbhad, p. 31, 8vo, Paris, 1840. 
 nominated Bichard Bolton, Re- 
 
IfO THE SCANDINAVIANS, AMd 
 
 ^cb^™' "doomsters" or "lawmen," the armed attendants 
 standing around, and that a like custom long pre- 
 vailed at the "hill ol pleas," the Thingmount of 
 the Norwegian settlers in Iceland. 
 Hangr Hoeg These facts and circumstances we think may be 
 near the Dublin safcly relied ou as proof of the identity of the mount 
 ingmoun. ^^^^ described with the Scandinavian Thingmote. 
 Ai;d we have now to add that about 200 perches 
 eastward of the mount was the Hangr Hoeg or Gal- 
 lows hill of Dublin, the usual accompaniment to the 
 Thingmount. Here on a rocky hill, surrounded by 
 a piece of barren ground, the gallows was erected 
 and here criminals were executed until the beginning 
 of the last century, when the gallows was removed 
 farther south to permit the rock to be quarried for 
 building purposes, the city then rapidly extending in 
 this direction. The " Gallows hill " is marked on the 
 maps of Dublin until after 1756,' and the quarry is 
 yet to be traced between Rock-lane and Mount- 
 street, both places being very probably named from 
 this rocky gallows mount. 
 Search for a If wc could uow discovor the site of any hof or 
 
 pagan hof or i • i i m • 
 
 temple near the temple connocted With the Ihmgmount, the 
 similarity of the Scandinavian monuments of the 
 Stein and Steinness would be complete, but here 
 great difficulties occur. No vestiges of such temples 
 remainj nor have we the local indications which else- 
 
 ' In the "Survey of the City and " Gallows Road." On the north side 
 Suburbs of Dublin," by Jean of this Gallows-road near Lower 
 Rocque, Folio, London, 1756, the Pembroke-street is shown a Quarry- 
 road leading from Stephen's-green and over it a Windmill ; opposite 
 to Ball's-bridge (now known as on the south side of the road is the 
 Lower Bagot-street) is styled Gallows.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 171 
 
 where show where the religious ceremonies connected ^°^^ "^• 
 with the Thingmount there performed.' °— 
 
 ~, __ 1 1 T-> 1 Pagan templei 
 
 Ine Venerable Bede has preserved a letter from turned to 
 
 cliurcli6s 
 
 Pope Gregory to the Abbot Mellitus, directing him 
 to tell St. Augustin in England that he (the Pope) 
 had on mature deliberation determined '' that the 
 temple of the idols in that nation ought not to be 
 destroyed but let the idols that are in them be des- 
 troyed ; let holy water be made and sprinkled in the 
 said temples, let altars be erected and relics placed," 
 " That the nation seeing that their temples are not 
 destroyed may more familiarly resort to the places 
 to which they have been accustomed. And because 
 they have been used to slaughter oxen in sacrifices 
 to devils, some solemnity must be exchanged for them 
 on this account, as that on the day of the dedication 
 or the nativities of the holy martyrs, whose relics 
 are there deposited, they may build themselves huts 
 of the boughs of trees about those churches which 
 have been turned to that use from temples, and cele- 
 brate the solemnity with religious feasting, and no 
 more offer beasts to the devil, but kill cattle to the 
 praise of God in their eating, and return thanks, &c., 
 &c."=' 
 
 Almost universally theChristian missionaries every- 
 where pursued this course. At Upsala, in A. D. 1026,' 
 the great temple of Odin was converted into a Chris- 
 tian Church, and in Scandinavian settlements, where 
 
 ' In each temple was a ring ot ings at the Thing. Landnamabok, 
 
 two oras or more. Such a ring p. 299. 
 
 each Godi had. He dipped it in ' Bedse, Historia Ecclesiastica. 
 
 the blood of the victim sacrificed, Lib. I., cap. xxx., p. 141. 
 
 and all parties were sworn on it ' Laing's Sea Kings of Norway, 
 
 before there could be any proceed- Vol. I., p. 88. 
 
172 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK in. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Holy wellg 
 from pagan 
 become 
 Christian. 
 
 no enclosed temple existed, churches wei'e dedicated 
 to St. Michael, to St. Magnus, to St. Olave, or to the 
 Virgin Mary, at the places previously consecrated to 
 the worship of Thor and Freyja, other pagan memo- 
 rials or monuments being sanctified with Christian 
 emblems. Hence we frequently find the pillar stones 
 or bowing stones either marked with a cross, or over- 
 thrown and stone crosses raised where they stood, 
 and the sacred wells of Baldur, the son of Odin, with 
 the sacred wells of other heathen deities, becoming 
 the holy wells of St. John or St. Patrick." With 
 similar views the great Saxon and Scandinavian 
 festivals were exchanged for Christian festivals occur- 
 ring at the same period of the year, the slaughter of 
 oxen to idols, and the feasts which followed, being 
 exchanged for innocent banquets and revelry. Never- 
 theless the pagan practices which Gregory endea- 
 voured to turn to Christian purposes were not wholly 
 eradicated." The Christian converts still knelt at 
 the holy wells and went southwards round them, 
 following the course of the sun, and yet continue to 
 do so in many parts of Ireland, where they still place 
 bits of rags as votive offerings on the sacred ashtree 
 or hawthorn which overhang these wells,^ They 
 
 ' Ancient Laws and Institutes of 
 England from JEthelbert to Cnut, 
 p. Glossary. Record Publication, 
 Folio, 1840. Pigot's Scandinavian 
 Mythology, p. 290. 
 
 ' Thus in the Laws of Canute — 
 "3th. And we forbid every heathen- 
 ism. Heathenism is that men 
 worship idols, and the sun or the 
 moon, fire, or rivers, or water 
 wells, or stones, or forest trees of 
 
 any kind." Ancient Laws and In- 
 stitutes of England, &c., p. 162. 
 
 ' The learned Dr. Charles 
 O'Connor says, " That well wor- 
 ship was a part of the Pagan 
 system which prevailed in Ire- 
 land before the introduction of 
 Christianity is clear from Evinus, 
 or whoever was the author of the 
 Vita Septima S. Patricii . . . 
 He expressly states that the Pagan 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 173 
 
 . continued and still continue to light their May fires ^^^^ "i- 
 and to pass through or leap over them. They con- ''— - 
 tinued to place boughs of evergreen trees in their 
 places of worship at Christmas, and in some instances, 
 they even continued to the Christian commemoration 
 the pagan name. The great feast of Yiolner or Odin Yioiner or 
 was superseded by the Christmas festival, yet to this ChHs'trnt"'''*' 
 hour there are many parts of England and Scotland, 
 as well as of Denmark and Norway, where Christmas 
 is termed Yioletide. The Paschal festival of other 
 
 Irish adored fountains as divini- 
 ties, and his authority is confirmed 
 beyond a doubt by Adamnan. 
 
 " I have often inquired of your 
 tenants what they themselves 
 thought of their pilgrimages to the 
 wells of Kili-Aracht, Tubbar- 
 Brighde, Tubbar-Muire, near El- 
 phin, Moor, near Castlereagh, 
 where multitudes annually assem- 
 bled to celebrate what they, in 
 their broken English, termed 
 Patterns (Patron's days), and, when 
 I pressed a very old man to state 
 what possible advantage he ex- 
 pected to derive from the singular 
 custom of frequenting in particular 
 such wells as were contiguous to 
 an old blasted oak or an upright 
 unhewn stone, and what the yet 
 more singular custom of sticking 
 rags on the branches of such trees 
 and spitting on them, his answer, 
 and the answer of the oldest men 
 was, that their ancestors always 
 did it, that it was a preservative 
 against the Geasa-Draoidecht, i.e., 
 the sorcery of the Druids . 
 and so thoroughly persuaded were 
 they of the sanctity of these pagan 
 
 practices that they would travel 
 bareheaded and barefooted from 
 ten to twenty miles for the pur- 
 pose of crawling on their knees 
 round these wells and upright 
 stones and oak trees westward as 
 the sun travels, some three times, 
 some six, some nine, and so on, in 
 uneven numbers, until their volun- 
 tary penances were completely ful- 
 filled." Columbanus' Third Letter 
 on the Liberties of the Irish Church 
 or a Letter from the Rev. Charles 
 O'Conor, D.D., to his brother, 
 Owen O'Conor, esq., pp. 82, 83, 
 8vo, London, 1810, vol. i. 
 
 Dr. O'Connor adds, "A passage 
 in Hanway's travels (Lond., 1753, 
 vol. i., pp. 177 and 260) leads 
 directly to the oriental origin of 
 these druidical superstitions, ' We 
 arrived at a desolate Caravanserai 
 where we found nothing but 
 water. I observed (continued 
 Hanway), a tree with a number of 
 rags on the branches. These were 
 so many charms which passengers 
 coming to GhUan had left there,' " 
 Columbanus, ibid., p. 85. 
 
174 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 countries is with us called after the goddess Easter,, 
 whose festival was coincident, and the days of the 
 week dedicated to Woden or Odin, to Thor and to 
 Freyja, retain their names nearly unchanged in 
 Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. But at Stein- 
 ness, Hibbert asserts that the early missionaries 
 proceeded much farther in their anxiety to conciliate 
 Semicircular the prcjudiccs of couvcrts, induciug them to give to 
 
 belfries in imi- . . . - , , , „ 
 
 tation of pagan a portion 01 the Christian church the outward form 
 ot the pagan temple for it appears that not only did 
 they build their church adjoining the semicircular 
 temple but they built the belfry of that church in 
 the extraordinary form of a semicircle.^ It may be 
 reasonably doubted whether the hypothesis on which 
 this assertion is founded be correct, although its 
 advocates might attempt to support their theory by 
 showing that at Egibsly and Birsa (two other of the 
 Orkney Islands) the churches had round towers close 
 to them,^ which round towers are supposed to have 
 been erected by Irish monks introducing Christianity, 
 only the theory may be supported by pointing out that 
 The circle a a largcnumbcr of churchcs in Norfolk and Suffolk built 
 for°Scandin™ beforothe Couquost, and ascribed to the Danes, were 
 built with circular belfries,^ that it was a favourite 
 
 vian temples. 
 
 ' Description of the Shetland 
 Isles, 4to, Edinburgh, 1822. 
 
 ^ Celtic antiquities of Orkney, 
 by F. W. L. Thomas, R. N. 
 Archseologia, vol. 34, p. 117. 
 
 ' Gale's History of Suffolk, Pre- 
 face, p. 24. Worthing, Norfolk : 
 the steeple which was round is in 
 ruins. Essay towards a Topogra- 
 phical History of the Co. of Nor- 
 
 folk, by Rev. Francis Bloomfield, 
 continued by Rev. Charles Parkin, 
 London, 1805-1 810, ten vols. Roy. 
 Svo. Hist, of Norfolk, vol. viii., 
 p. 198. Grynhoe, at west end, 
 a tower of flint, round to roof, and 
 then octagon. Ih., vol. vi., p. 103. 
 St. Ethelred's, Norwich round 
 steeple, vol. x., p. 280, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 175 
 
 form in Scandiaavian buildings, and that Torsager '"^^^ ™- 
 (the field of Thor) in Jutland and at Bornholm, where — 
 the pagan temples of Thor and Odin stood. For 
 present purposes, however, we need not refer to any 
 peculiarity in the form of the buildings or to the 
 motives for it. It is only necessary to observe that 
 among efforts to attract the pagan from his old 
 superstitions to a pure worship was that recommended 
 by Pope Gregory, of either converting the temple 
 into a church or of placing the church in proximity churches 
 to it, a practice which is said to have originated the stone cMes 
 Gallic term, used in the Orkneys, of going to the ""^ 
 " dachan" (or stones), for going to the church, con- 
 necting this fact of the church being placed where 
 the temple stood,' with the statement of northern 
 Archaeologists, that religious ceremonies preceded all 
 legal or legislative acts of the Scandinavians, and that 
 the Thingplace itself was used as a temple, or that a 
 temple was erected near it, we should expect to find 
 the site of the " hof " or temple near that of a church 
 adjoining the Thingmote, where the heathen rites 
 which attended the election of a chief or a trial by 
 combat were exchanged for the Christian ceremonies 
 of an inauguration and of an ordeal. At the Ting- 
 waldmount of the Isle of man, and we believe invari- 
 
 ' From this circle of stones the where it is probable that such 
 
 Highlanders, when speaking of the circles did or do still exist. Statis- 
 
 kirk of Aberfayle (Co. of Perth), tical Account of Scotland, vol. x., 
 
 uniformly make use of the term p. 1'29. The place where the 
 
 Clachan, i.e., the circle of stones ; Parish Church stands was pro- 
 
 and the same term is used when bably the site of a Clachan or 
 
 speaking of many other places of " circle of stones." Ihid., vol. viii,, 
 
 worship both in the Highlands p. 135. 
 and the Low Country, - places 
 
176 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II, 
 
 ably at every other Thingmount, remains of such 
 TempieT churches are found.' In some places we can trace 
 always near jj^th the church and the temple. Close to the Thing- 
 mount of Upsala we find the temple of Odin con- 
 verted into a church. At Thing vollr in Iceland, the 
 church retains the name of " the hof." At lialliowen 
 in Man, we see the circle of stones, the church, and 
 the mound, and at Steinness, the church close to the 
 semicircular and circular temples adjoining the watch 
 mount. 
 If St. Michael's If then it be suggested that, as at Steinness, there 
 BHd'gef 3 were two temples on the Stein, and that the churches 
 temples to built near these supposed temples of Thor and Freyja 
 F^eyja? Were the churches of St. Michael and St. Bridget, we 
 
 are met by the denial that these churches could have 
 been built by the Scandinavian converts or by the 
 clergy who converted them, as neither the one nor 
 the other would have dedicated a church to St. Bridget. 
 For it has not escaped observation that when the North- 
 men in Ireland dedicated a church to a female saint, 
 they never dedicated to the Irish St. Bridget or to 
 any Irish virgin, but always to the Virgin Mary. 
 Whereas the Irish clergy who were not so intimately 
 connected with Rome, if they called any church ex- 
 cept by the name of the founder (and they called 
 many after St. Bridget) never dedicated a church to 
 The idea cUs- the Virgin Mary until after Northmen set the ex- 
 ample'' ; indeed, St. Bridget is styled " The Mary of 
 
 ' " 'The stones forming this in diameter, wticli had probably 
 
 temple, called in Gaelic' Clachan' some connexion with the circle." 
 
 are large irregularly shaped masses Train's Isle of Man, vol. ii., p. 26. 
 of granite.'" " A little to the south '"The earliest record ot a 
 
 of the temple is a mound, 100 feet dedication of a church to St. 
 
 missed. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 177 
 
 the Gaeidhil " or Irish, in one of the oldest manu- ^ook hi. 
 
 T f> Chap. II. 
 
 scripts of her hfe, nor has the research of any Irish ^j^^ — ^^^ 
 scholar, so far as I can ascertain, as yet discovered a •i^* "i"' '°''°- 
 
 '' cate St. 
 
 single church dedicated to the Virgin Mary in Ireland Bridget, 
 until the middle of the tenth century, when the North- 
 men converted to Christianity, began to dedicate 
 churches to her within their own territories, the 
 earliest being that of St. Mary's Ostmanby,' better 
 known as St. Mary's Abbey Dublin, alleged to have 
 been founded about the year 948. 
 
 As regards the Anglo-Saxon missionaries who 
 converted the Northmen, they were not likely 
 to dedicate a church to an Irish Saint, their connec- 
 tion being with Canterbury and Rome, but not with 
 Armagh and the Irish Church. For it is to be re- The Ostmeu 
 collected that the Northmen did not acknowledge the nise the Irish 
 authority of the Irish Church until the Irish arch- 
 bishops received the palls from Rome through 
 Cardinal Paparo, in 1152 ; Laurence O'Toole in 1163 
 being the first Bishop of Dublin (under the Ostmen) 
 who was consecrated by the Archbishop of Armagh, 
 all previous bishops of the Ostmen being consecrated 
 by the Archbishop of Canterbury.^ 
 
 Mary in Wales is that of a church November, 2° Johan. (a.d. 1201) 
 
 near the Cathedral of Bangor, a.d. Eotuli Chartarum in Turre 
 
 993, by Edgar, king of England. Londinensi asservati, p. 788, folio, 
 
 About 140 churches were after- London, 1837. 
 
 wards built to her honour (chiefly ' Lanigan says that Waterford 
 
 in the 12th century, and chiefly and Limerick had been placed 
 
 in the parts of Wales subject to under the Archbishop of Cashel by 
 
 English and Flemings)." Ecclesi- the Synod of Rathbreasil, a.d. 
 
 astical Antiquities of the Cymry, 1118; but admits that the Danes 
 
 by the Rev. John WUIiams, m.a., of Limerick, in opposition to that 
 
 p. 1 84, 8vo, London, 1844. decree, succeeded in getting their 
 
 ^ " Et deinde usque ad Ecclesiam Bishop consecrated at Canterbury. 
 
 Sancte Marise de Osmaneby." Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, 
 
 Confirmatio Civitat, Dublin. 7 vol. iv., p. 42. 
 
 N 
 
THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 St. Andrew's 
 Theng}riOtha 
 stands (per- 
 haps) on the 
 site of a 
 
 On the other hand if it be suggested that such 
 temples stood on the east side of the Thingmount, 
 we are reminded that All Hallows and St. Mary del 
 Hogges were built between the years 1146 and 1 166/ 
 and although many of the Northmen retained pagan 
 customs until nearly that time, yet it is scarcely 
 possible that their temples remained objects of so 
 much veneration in the middle of the twelfth century 
 as to induce the Christian clergy to erect churches 
 near them. 
 
 Rejecting these suppositions there is yet another 
 which may be offered ; it is, that if there were temples 
 to Thor and Freyja on the Stein as at Steinness, the 
 temp e o or. Q]-^j.jg^^g^j^ missionaries as they built only one church 
 at Steinness, only built one church at Dublin, and 
 that church may have been the church of St. Andrew 
 Thengmotha. We do not find any notice of this 
 church before the arrival of the Anglo-Normans, but 
 it is mentioned in a Charter of John, while lord of 
 Ireland, and the name of Thengmotha attached to 
 it, apparently justifies the conjecture that it was 
 built prior to that period, and may have been then 
 dedicated to some other saint, as we have the names 
 of several churches in the east suburbs of Dublin of 
 which we cannot now find any other trace. It may 
 also strengthen the conjecture, to observe that at this 
 
 ' In the Annals of Leinster there 
 19 mention made of this Priory; 
 how it was founded by Dermot 
 M'Murrough, king thereof ; and 
 that he came to Dublin in the 
 year 1166, when he fell sick, and, 
 calling all his priests about him on 
 the eve of the Feast of All Saints, 
 made a vow, if he recovered, to 
 
 build a religious house where he 
 lay sick; so it is probable that 
 Dermot lay there when the Priory 
 was first founded. Robert Ware's 
 Collections, Pococke MSS., No. 
 4,813, Brit. Museum. St. Maryle 
 Hogges was founded by one of 
 the kings of Leinster, a predecessor 
 of Dermot M'Murrough. Ibid, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 179 
 
 churchyard the ceremonies, attending the election ^^"■'^"^ 
 of the " mayor of the bullring "' were performed ; — 
 and to this may be added the remarkable fact that 
 when the church was rebuilt it was built in an 
 elliptical form which gave it the name of " the Round 
 Church." Whether this form, singular as regards the 
 churches of Dublin, was adopted on any tradition 
 respecting the form of the old edifice, we cannot 
 ascertain, but Speed's map of 1610 although it marks 
 the old church (then standing) like all other churches, 
 yet unlike any other church, shows a semicircular 
 enclosure attached to it, and this form of the pagan 
 temple given to the new church of St. Andrew, and 
 given to the outward wall of the old church, as it was 
 to the belfry of the church of Steinness, is one of those 
 curious coincidences which sometimes are adduced in 
 support of a theory but to which no importance should 
 be attached without strongly corroborative circum- 
 stances. Disappointed in this attempt to discern the 
 site of the pagan temple on the Stein, I revert to 
 monuments previously described for the purpose of 
 obviating doubts which might arise respecting 
 them. 
 
 With regard then to the Long Stone of the Stein, The Long 
 it is not to be supposed that the " Long Stone " had stein. 
 reference to any boundary or jurisdiction of the city. 
 This is particularly to be observed lest it might be 
 inferred that because the celebrated stone at Staines 
 
 ' A.D. 1575. The Mayor and who used to be elected in St. 
 Sheriffs did not go to Cullen's- Andrew's Churchyard was noiv 
 wood on Black Monday according chosen in the Tholsel. \Valshe 
 to custom, the weather was so foul ; and Whitelaw, History of Dublin, 
 and the Mayor of the Bulbing, p. 200. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 ^ch^a^ i"' "®*i" Windsor now marks the jurisdiction of London 
 on the Thames, the " Long Stone of the Stein " 
 might have marked the jurisdiction of Dublin on the 
 Liffey. To support an inference of this kind there 
 is no perceptible evidence. There is no allusion 
 whatsoever to the "Long Stone of the Stein "iu 
 any charter wherein the metes and bounds of the 
 city are described, nor is there any existing boundary 
 or jurisdiction which it could have defined. The 
 evidence is really on the other side, for there are 
 facts clearly showing that " London Stone " was 
 neither set up at the alleged time nor for the alleged 
 purpose,' and circumstances connected with it sup- 
 The Long port the opiuious respecting the Long Stone of the 
 of Scandina- Steiu and tend to show that the Stone at Staines 
 
 vian possession , , p •i-iio t • 
 
 taking. was also a stone of memorial raised at a Scandinavian 
 
 landing place and probably mark of possession taken. 
 Unquestionably Staines near Windsor was so named 
 from some pillar stone erected there long before the 
 year 1285, the date inscribed on London Stone. It 
 was called " Stane " in the Domesday Book 200 
 years prior to that date,^ the first notice of the place 
 combined with an event, in which the name probably 
 originated, being found in one of the manuscripts of 
 the Saxon Chronicle,' which states that a.d. 993 
 
 ' On the pedestal is, " This an- notebook it appears he visited this 
 
 cient stone above this inscription stone to take the inscription the 
 
 is raised upon this pedestal exactly 20th of August, 1855. He has 
 
 over the spot where it formerly given a. very good sketch of this 
 
 stood, inscribed ' God preserve y° monument.] 
 
 City of London, a.d., ] 285,' and ^ Domesday Book, p. 1 28, Lon- 
 
 on the other side, 'To perpetuate don, 1816. 
 
 and preserve this ancient monu- ' Monumenta Historica Britan- 
 
 ment of the jurisdiction of the City nica, Folio, London, 1848. 
 ofLondon,&c."' ByMr.Haliday's 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 181 
 
 BOOK in 
 
 " came Aulaf -witli ninety-three ships to Stane and chap. ii, 
 ravaged thereabout," the Aulaf who thus sailed up 
 the Thames and made " Stane " his landing-place staines near 
 being the Norwegian Olaf Tryggevesson who was perLpTsite of 
 married to a sister of the king of Dublin.' To this ™^^'^"^s- 
 we may add that the plain of Runymede, famous 
 in connexion with Staines, was like the Stein of 
 Dublin, the title of a Scandinavian Althing, probably 
 so made by Aulaf and Swein, and so remaining while 
 Canute and other Danish sovereigns governed 
 England. Mathew of Westminster tells us it was 
 called "Runymede, that is, the Meadow of Eunnymede(or 
 "Counsel," because of old times councils about the Meadow of 
 peace of the kingdom were frequently held there,^ 
 Staines apparently being the general name of the 
 place, the letters of safe conduct from King John 
 when the Barons demanded his assent to the laws 
 subsequently embodied in Magna Charta specifying 
 " Staines " and not Runymede as the place of meet- 
 ing.^ But if the inquiry be pursued it will be found 
 that all the places called Stane in the Domesday 
 Book were on the banks of rivers, and that most of 
 them had been Scandinavian landing-places, and it 
 is of some importance as connected with the name 
 of the Stein of Dublin that we should do so. 
 
 It will be found that Humber Stane, at the mouth The various 
 of the Humber, was the landing-place of the brothers EngCd! 
 Hinguar and Hubba in a.d. 800, Aulaf, " the pagan 
 king of Ireland," also landing there a.d. 927, and 
 
 1 King Aulaf Cuaran. ' Rotuli Litterarum Patentium 
 
 'Flores Historiarum, a.d. 1215, in Turri Londinensi asservati. 
 Folio, London, 1567. a.d. 1215, 17th Johan., Mem. U. 
 
BOOK rir. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 182 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Aulaf in 993 when returning from Staines near 
 Windsor. So Mede Stane (now Maidstone), on the 
 Medway, where the Danish fleet came a.d. 839, and 
 again a.d. 885, " The Mote " being on one side of the 
 river and Pennenden Heath, " a place of counsel " 
 being on the other. 
 
 Stanes, at the head of Southampton water, wher§ 
 the Danes came a.d. 860, and where Aulaf, the king 
 of Dublin with his fleet passed the winter of a.d. 
 993. 
 
 Stanes (Estanes), at the mouth of the Thames 
 near Swanscomla (Swinescamp), where Swein landed 
 and encamped in 994, when he and Aulaf were about 
 to besiege London. 
 
 Stanes, Hertfordshire, where the Danish fleet came 
 A.D. 896, forming a work twenty miles above London 
 on the River Lea. 
 
 Stanes, Herefordshire, a.d. 1055, Earl Elgar, 
 assisted by the Danes of Ireland with eighteen ships, 
 landed here and burned Hereford. 
 
 Stanes, Buckinghamshire, hundred of Stanes on 
 the River Thame. 
 
 Stanes, "Worcestershire, on the River Stour. 
 
 Stane, Northamptonshire, near Staneford, all 
 places which had been frequented by the Danes, and 
 we may add to these their landing-places at Stane in 
 the Isle of Oxney (Kent) Stane in the marsh division 
 of Lindsey. 
 
 Stane, near Faversham, having on the opposite 
 side of the river " the Mote." 
 
 This meeting of John with the English Barons at 
 Stanes for the purpose of sanctioning the laws by 
 
Scandinavian antiquities of Dublin. 183 
 ■which he was to govern England, introduces our i^ookiii. 
 
 ,. „ ,1 . to ' Chap. II. 
 
 notice ot the meeting of his father, Henry II., — 
 with the Irish chiefs on the Stein of Dublin, a.d. 
 1172, an event bearing on previous statements that 
 this was the place where the Scandinavian kings 
 were elected and the laws which governed their 
 territories promulgated. 
 
 When, therefore, as Hoveden tell us, Henry The Christmas 
 "ordered to be built, near the Church of St. KTlnd* to 
 Andrew, without the City of Dublin, a royal palace, ItThewlt 
 constructed with wonderful skill, of peeled osiers, 
 according to the custom of the country,"' and that 
 there, that is, at Thengmotha, he held the festivities 
 of Christmas, feasting the Irish chieftains, entertain- 
 ing them with military spectacles, and dismissing 
 them with presents, we are not to suppose that his 
 only object was pleasure, or that the Irish chieftains 
 came to do homage to Henry, and considered it 
 a badge of servitude to partake of his festivities or 
 to accept his gifts. It has been already noticed 
 the Irish had widely intermarried with the North- 
 men, hence they were accustomed to attend the 
 Yuletide feasts, to accept the Yuletide presents, and 
 to join in the warlike exercises of their Scandinavian 
 kinsmen, who, in pagan as well as in Christian 
 times, celebrated Yuletide with feastings, games, 
 and gifts ; and, at this Thingmount, annually 
 
 ' '' Ibique fecit sibi construi, ipse, cum regibus et principibus 
 
 juxta ecclesiam Sancti Andreae Hibernicis festum solenne tenuit 
 
 apostoli, extra civitatem DivelinsB, die Ifatall Domini." — " Rerum 
 
 palatium regium miro artificio de Anglicanarum Scriptores post 
 
 virgis levigatis ad modum iUius Bedam," p. 302, Folio, London, 
 
 patriae constructum. In quo 1595. 
 
184 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 ^cha^."i' erected these palaces of peeled osiers, which Henry 
 "built after the custom of the country." Henry 
 and his advisers were well aware of this, and that 
 the Irish chieftains would not hesitate to come 
 to the Green of Ath Cliath to join in the similar 
 festivities of a Norman king, yet, if we can believe 
 the statement of Cambrensis, the meeting assumed 
 a very different appearance to Henry's followers. 
 Neither party understood the language of the other. 
 Probably the only interpreters were the clergy 
 called " Latiniers "' from their language of inter- 
 communication ; and the clergy were the devoted 
 friends of the Anglo-Normans, bound by Pope 
 Adrian's and Alexander's Bulls actively to promote 
 Henry's designs on the lordship of all Ireland. 
 From Norman times it had been the custom of 
 English monarchs to receive the homage of the 
 great tenants of the Crown at Christmas, and to 
 feast them for eight days, and then courteously to 
 bestow presents. Henry's barons and retainers may 
 have considered this the chief object of the meeting, 
 and much was not required to induce the belief 
 that the Irish chieftains had come for the like pur- 
 pose. BMt, although the clergy may have bowed 
 before Henry in obedience to the command of their 
 ecclesiastical superior, although Strongbow may 
 have done homage for his Irish lands, although the 
 
 ' The Anglo-Norman poem on Again, 
 the conquest of Irelandbegins thus— ' ' Morlce Regan fist passer, 
 
 , , » * * * Son demeine latinier." 
 
 " Par soen demeine latinier Ibid., ip. 21. 
 
 Que moi conta delui Testorie."- 
 p. 1, 12mo, London, 1837. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 185 
 
 Ostmen may have acknowledged their conqueror, book in. 
 and the Norman barons their feudal lord, yet that — 
 any Irish chieftain who came to the meeting and 
 took part in the ceremony (except possibly those of 
 Leinster) supposed that he thereby " did yield him- 
 self to King Henry," as Cambrensis says, is rendered 
 more than doubtful by the facts disclosed. 
 
 It is manifest that Henry himself had no idea No submission 
 that he had been elected king of Ireland by the the irisii chiefs, 
 chiefs assembled at the Thingmote or that they had 
 yielded to him dominion over the country. The 
 most diligent research has not discovered a single 
 charter, granted by him in Ireland or in England 
 (not even in that by which he granted to his men 
 of Bristol his new gotten city of Dublin), nor a • 
 single instance in any other record in which he has 
 styled himself " King " or even "Lord of Ireland" 
 although he rarely if ever omitted his minor titles 
 of Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and Count of 
 Anjou. While he remained in Ireland he exercised 
 no legal prerogative except over that territory the 
 royalty of which Strongbow had surrendered to him, 
 and over that from which the Ostmen enemies of 
 Dermot M'Morrough had been driven, and where it 
 was indifferent to the Irish, whether the Ostmen or 
 the Anglo-Normans were the rulers. The only laws 
 he made were for his English subjects' and for the 
 
 [' In the confusion of races that personal, each race in actions 
 
 followed the irruption of the between one another, being ruled 
 
 northern barbarians, and intro- by its own code i Thus Roman, 
 
 duced the feudal system, the laws Frank, Burgundian, had each his 
 
 administered were not territorial law. (See Robertson, Hist, of 
 
 as in more modern times, but Charles V., Von Savigny on 
 
186 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AN!) 
 
 BOOK III. Ostmen towns, and these he promulgated at the 
 — Thingmote, and possibly after the manner of the 
 Scandinavians. 
 Henry 2na not There is no trace of an attempt to make laws for 
 even Lord of all Ireland. Even at the Synod of Cashel the only 
 proceeding was to modify the Irish ecclesiastical 
 law in accordance with that of the Church of Rome ; 
 and this was done through the introduction of the 
 clergy, who were his supporters. The Irish chiefs 
 and people retained their Brehon laws, and acknow- 
 ledged no other, and according to these laws they 
 continued to elect their own magistrates, and to 
 judge, punish, or pardon all criminals.' Neither 
 did Henry coin money in Ireland or for Ireland, 
 although the Ostmen had mints in Dublin, Water- 
 ford, and Limerick.^ Nor had he a seal for Ireland, 
 nor has there been discovered a single record on 
 which the word " conquest " is used by him, 
 although Strongbow's barons, who had conquered 
 the Ostmen, used that word in grants of their thus 
 acquired lands.' 
 
 Roman law, &c.) And in Ireland of the State of Ireland and the 
 
 the English did not admit the true causes why it was never 
 
 Danes or the Irish to use English entirely subdued till the beginning 
 
 law unless they paid largely for of H. M. (K. James the First's) 
 
 the privilege. Between them- most happie raigne ; " 12mo, Lon- 
 
 selves the latter were ruled (even don, 1613.] 
 
 before English seneschals) by ^ Simon on Irish Coins, p. 1 0, 
 
 Danes' law or Brehon law, Dublin, 1749. 
 
 which last was only abolished in " " Sclant presentes et futuri, 
 
 the 12th year of King James I., &c., quod ego Thomas le Martre 
 
 That the laws of England were dedi, &c., ecclesiae S. Thomse apud 
 
 not given to the meere Irish, Dublin, &c., quandam terram de 
 
 was one of the defects of English conquestu meo, &c." Chartulary 
 
 rule in Ireland. of S.Thomas Abbey, M.S., R.I. A., 
 
 1 Sir John Davy's " Discoverie Nicholas St. Laurence granted 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 187 
 
 The claim to dominion over Ireland on which chap. ii. 
 Henry relied was evidently Pope Adrian's bull, and 
 even had the title of Lord of Ireland which it 
 granted been then admitted Henry was not ignorant 
 of the limited authority which it conferred, for in 
 his own person he had but recently done homage to 
 the King of France, acknowledging the King as his 
 feudal Lord for Normandy, Aquitain, and Anjou ; 
 and subsequently received the homage of William, 
 king of Scotland, who acknowledged Henry to be 
 his Lord.' 
 
 In meeting the Irish Kings at the Thingmote of Death of Pope 
 the Stein it was doubtless Henry's great object to made his title 
 ascertain how far the authority extended. Bat °" "' 
 that even this claim was not fully recognised at the 
 Thingmote, and that Henry did not assume this 
 title of " dominus Hibernise " might appear extra- 
 ordinary if it were not observed that when he 
 came to Ireland with Adrian's bull, Adrian was 
 dead, and the question arose whether for so great a 
 charge there should not be authority from a living 
 Pope. This authority Henry subsequently obtained tm confirmed 
 from Pope Alexander III.,^ and sent by William Alexander iii. 
 Fitzaldelm and the Prior of Wallingford to a synod 
 of bishops at Waterford.^ How far this served, as 
 
 to his son Almeric his lands of Domino suo Henrico, Rege Anglise, 
 
 "Houvede" and "all my con- &c., a.d. 1174." Rymer Foedera, 
 
 quest in Ireland," Hardiman's vol. i., part i., p. 30, London, 
 
 Irish Minstrelsy, vol. i., p. 390. 1818. 
 
 [" Conquest " here means acquest ^"BullaAIexandriIII.,pap£e, de 
 
 as opposed to title by inherit- adsistendo Anglorum regi," &c. — 
 
 ance.] Rymer Foedera, &c. Ibid, p. 45. 
 
 1 " Conventio, &c., quae WUliel- " " On their arrival " (says Dr. 
 
 mu3 Rex Scotorum fecit cum Lanigan) " a meeting of bishops 
 
188 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Second Bull of 
 Alexander II. 
 to his Legate, 
 the Ostman 
 Bishop of 
 Limerick. 
 
 The Irish 
 Church to 
 preach sub- 
 mission to 
 England. 
 
 Dr. Lanigan says, " to convince these prelates that 
 the king was the rightful sovereign of the island we 
 are left to conjecture, but the next year O'Connor 
 (the king of Connaught) sent the Archbishop of 
 Tuam to Windsor, where a treaty was concluded 
 by which O'Connor acknowledged Henry as lord of 
 Ireland, and Henry acknowledged O'Connor to be 
 king of Irelatid, except the parts occupied by 
 Strongbow and the Ostmen towns and territories."' 
 Lest, however, one bull should not be sufficient to 
 induce obedience to Henry in temporal matters 
 Alexander sent a second bull to his Cardinal Legate, 
 the Ostman Bishop of Lismore, directing the 
 bishops of Ireland to assist the King of England, 
 while Vivian, another Cardinal Legate sent from 
 Rome, and who, according to the Abbe Mac- 
 Geoghegan, " seems to have come to Ireland only to 
 hasten its subjugation,"^ not only enjoined the Irish, 
 under pain of excommunication, to acknowledge and 
 obey the King of England, but, in a synod which he 
 convened at Dublin, decreed permission to the 
 English soldiers to take whatever victuals they 
 might want in their expeditions out of the churches, 
 into which as sanctuaries the Irish used to remove 
 them, and thus be enabled to traverse the country. 
 
 was held at Waterford, in which 
 those precious documents were 
 publicly read. This is the first 
 time that they were so in Ireland j 
 and although Henry, undoubtedly, 
 had Adrian's bull in his hands 
 when he was in Ireland, he 
 thought it unadvisable to announce 
 it publicly." Ecclesiastical Hist, 
 of Ireland, vol. iv., p. 222. 
 
 ' By which O'Connor was to 
 hold his land in the same manner 
 as before '• dominus rex Angliae 
 intraverat Hiberniam" (not sub- 
 dued Ireland). Bnd., p. 30. 
 
 ^ Histoire d'Irlande, par I'Abbe 
 MacGeoghegan, vol. ii., pp. 19, 
 21, Paris, 1762. Lanigan's Eccle- 
 siastical History of Ireland, vol. 
 iv., p. 233. 
 
SOANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 189 
 
 It was this active interposition of the clergy in ^c*^°p "/" 
 carrying out the Pope's bull for the subjugation of p^j^^ J^"",^^ 
 Ireland which led to the appointment of John Earl Lo"d™^ireiand 
 of Moreton, who immediately assumed the title of '^^ ^''^ ^"p**- • 
 Dominus Hibernise, had a seal, and coined money 
 with that title.' 
 
 Nor was the Pope in promoting Henry's interests 
 unmindful ot his own. The tribute which the Irish 
 previously paid to the see of Armagh by " The Law 
 of St. Patrick "^ was now to be paid for the first 
 time to the see of Rome as "Peter pence," and we 
 find Henry III. urging his tenants in Ireland to send 
 the money to him, being, as he says, indebted to our 
 lord the Pope in our annual tribute of 300 marks 
 due to him from our realm of Ireland which yet re- 
 mains unpaid for the two last years.^ 
 
 Neither was the Pope ignorant of the limited 
 extent of authority which this lordship conferred. 
 He knew that the early kings of England could 
 exercise no legal authoritj'' until their claim to the 
 crown was acknowledged by the ceremony of a coro- 
 nation, and recently discovered documents show that 
 Richard I. merely styled himself " dominus Anglise" 
 between the decease of his father and the day on 
 
 1 " Et in generale Concilio by Rev. W. Reeves, d.d., 4to, Dub- 
 ibidem celebrata Constituit Johan- lin, 1850. Preface, p. v., Irish 
 nem filium suum, regem in Hiber- Archaeological Soc. Publications, 
 nia concessione et confirmatione 'Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum 
 Alexandri Sumrai pontificis " in Turri. Londin. 2° Hen. III., 
 Roger de Hoveden: Scriptores memb. 14, dors. Calendar of Docu- 
 post Bedam, p. 323. See also ments relating to Ireland in the 
 p. 316, ibid. Public Record Office, London, by 
 
 ' Archbishop Colton's Visitation H. S. Sweetman, p. 191; 8vo, Lon- 
 
 of the Diocese of Derry, a.d. 1397, don, 1875. 
 
190 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 „' which he was crowned.' This distinction between the 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Pope Paul IV. lordship and the kingdom of Ireland was acted on at 
 and'Mi!r'"K* 1^0™^ at a subsequent period, as appears from the 
 irda^ii"* course pursued by Pope Paul IV. in a.d. 1555. For 
 "^^y- when at the Reformation Henry VIII. renounced his 
 
 allegiance to Rome, and was by an Act of Parlia- 
 ment declared king of Ireland, and that his successors, 
 Philip and Mary, although ROman Catholics, con- 
 tinued to use that title, the Pope refused to see their 
 ambassadors under that title until he had first pre- 
 pared and published a bull making Ireland a king- 
 dom and had authorized Philip and Mary to assume 
 the legal title, and thus for ever surrendered his 
 asserted claim to the land. The importance of such 
 a bull was well known to the Privy Council of Eng- 
 land, for it is stated by the eminent Roman Catholic 
 historian, Dr. Lingard, that " as the natives of Ire- 
 land had maintained that the kings of England origi- 
 nally held Ireland by the donation of Adrian IV. 
 and lost it by their defection at the Reformation, the 
 Council delivered the bull to Dr. Cary, the new 
 (Roman Catholic) Archbishop of Dublin, to be de- 
 posited in the treasury, after copies had been made 
 and circulated throughout the island."^ This is strong- 
 evidence, but yet more conclusive testimony is to be 
 found among our unpublished statutes that the cause 
 of Henry's anxiety to meet the Irish kings and chief- 
 tains at the Thingmount of Dublin was to impress 
 
 ' Rotuli, Chartarum in Turri. Folio, London, 1837. Record 
 Londin.,asservati. Introduction by Publications. 
 Thomas Duffus Hardy, p. 17. ^ History of England, vol, vii., 
 
 p. 235. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 191 
 
 upon them the religious claim he had acquired to ^°^^ ^^^ 
 their obedience and the right to the lordship of Ire- — 
 land, a title which he wished to assume. Here we 
 find the Act of Parliament held at Dublin, 7th of 
 Edward the IV. (a.d. 1467), which recites, "As our 
 holy father Adrian, Pope of Rome, was possessed of 
 all the sovereignty of Ireland in his demesne as of 
 fee in right of his church of Pome and to the intent 
 that vices should be subdued he alienated the said 
 land to the king of England for a certain rent, &c. 
 by which grant the said subjects of Ireland owe their 
 obedience to the king of England as their sovereign 
 lord as by said bull appears." It enacts that all 
 archbishops and bishops shall excommunicate all dis- 
 obedient Irish subjects, and that if they neglect to 
 do so they shall forfeit £100.' 
 
 This meeting of Henry II. with the Irish Chieftains 
 is too important in connexion with the history of 
 the Thingmount and the Stein to be passed over ; 
 but to refer to all the memorable events in which 
 the Stein is connected with the history of Dubhn 
 would far exceed the limits of a paper like this ; and 
 I have yet to uotice the Scandinavian origin of the 
 Scandinavian name of Hoggen butt, Hogshill, and 
 Hoggen green in connexion with the nunnery of St. 
 Mary del Hogges. 
 
 The nunnery of St. Mary del Hogges stood near Meaning of 
 the church of St. Andrew, and Harris asserts that it m^ dfi'" 
 took its name from " Ogh " in the Irish language, ^"sses-" 
 which signifies a " virgin," and he adds, " that re- 
 moving the aspirate ' h,' the word, by an easy cor- 
 
 'ParLament Roll, 7th Edward IV., Public Record Office, Ireland. 
 
192 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 ^ai*A^"i ^iiptioHj ^^J P^-ss into Hogges, as much as to say the 
 NotsTlia place of the virgins." ' Stevens in his Monasticotf 
 of the Virgins. gj[yes the authority of Llhuyd for his derivation, 
 which Archdale also gives/ and that learned ecclesi- 
 astical historian, Dr. Lanigan, says, " that Hoggis 
 was not originally the name of the spot, but that it 
 signified virgins through an English corruption of 
 the word Ogh, a virgin, so that St. Mary de Hogges 
 was the same as St. Mary of the Virgins."'' Hitherto 
 this derivation has been implicitly adopted, nor can 
 we discover a single objection made or the shadow 
 of a doubt cast on it ; we feel some hesitation, there- 
 fore, in questioning its correctness, and can only 
 expect to justify ourselves by the strong evidence 
 we are about to give. In the first place I find that 
 the nunnery was not exclusively for virgins. A 
 manuscript in the British Museum states that " the 
 The nuna not uuus wero uot of the youuger sort but of elderlike 
 l\Zfy.'"^ persons, and for those who desired to live single 
 lives after the death or separation from their 
 husbands," and the manuscript adds, "that Alice 
 O'Toole, near to the Archbishop of Dublin, in one 
 night's time left her husband and conveyed all his 
 Avealth into this abbey, and it was not known for 
 seven years' time where she went or how she con- 
 veyed away his wealth" till Laurence O'Toole^s death, 
 when she appeared at the funeral, and so was dis- 
 covered.' The Alice O'Toole here mentioned was 
 
 ' History of Dublin, p. 109. ' Ecclegiastical History of Ire- 
 
 'Monasticon Hibernicum, 12mo, land, vol. 4, p. 187. 
 
 London, 1722. 'Pococke Collection, MSS., No. 
 
 'Archdale's Monasticum Hiber- 4,813, British Museum. 
 
 nicum, p. 172, 4to, London, 1783. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 193 
 
 the sister of the archbishop, married to the profligate book ni. 
 Derinot M'Murrogh, the founder of the nunnery, who ^^j^^^- 
 abandoned her and married the daughter of O'CarroU. 
 And the statement respecting the class of females 
 inhabiting the nunnery is supported by the fact that 
 ground on which the nunnery stood was called 
 " Mynechens mantle " and its possessions, Mynechens 
 fields^ thereby making it as the residence not of young 
 nuns but of those elderly nuns of the superior class St. Mary del 
 termed '' mynechens " by Du Cange. And, secondly nuiufCTy*of 
 we find that the old churches in the eastern suburbs ^"^ ^'^' 
 of Dublin were almost invariably distinguished by 
 local names, and those names Scandinavian. St. 
 Andrews was called Thengmotha, from proximity to 
 the Thingmote, St. Peters del HuUe, or " of the Hill " 
 from its situation on the rising ground above Ship- 
 street, St. Michaels del Pol from " the pool " or 
 puddle adjoining, and St. Mary's " del Dam " from St. Mary del 
 the dam or mill-pond close to which it stood. This of.*"' ™*"™^ 
 latter derivation nevertheless is rejected by Harris, 
 who denies that the place took its name from the 
 mill-dam near it, as some have conjectured, and avers 
 
 ' Johannes Cosgrave .... depth, which said premises are part 
 seizitus de nuper abbatia de le of Minchin's ilantle,near Stephen's- 
 Hoggs et de una shoppa et camera green (Registry of Deeds). In a 
 in Mensions fields jnxta Hoggen rental of sale of the estate of Chris- 
 Green . . . et de pecia terrse topher O'Connell Fitzsimon, owner 
 vocatse Mensions mantle. Inquisi- and petitioner, to be sold in the 
 tiones Lagenise, 19th February, Landed Estates Court, on 2 1st 
 15th James 1st (a.d. 1618), Folio. November, 1871, is named a per- 
 Record Publication. [Joseph petual annuity of £11, "issuing out 
 Leeson in 1 735 demises to Edward of part of Menson's fields, being 
 KnatchbuU for lease of lives re- part of Klldare-street and Kildare- 
 newable for ever, part of his place near Stephen's-green, inclu- 
 (Leeson's) garden, 40 feet wide dingpart of the grounds of Leinster 
 from east to west, and 231 feet in House and Shelburne-place."] 
 
 
 
194 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Del Hogges, 
 meaning of. 
 
 that the church was called " St. Mary les Dames," 
 
 but Harris probably was in error. In all ancient 
 
 documents the church is called '' St. Mary del Dam,"^ 
 
 the south gate of the city being called " Pol gate " 
 
 or gate of the pool, and the eastern " Dam gate " or 
 
 gate of the dam. Even on the opposite side of the 
 
 river St. Mary's Abbey was called " St. Marys del 
 
 Ostmanby" from its situation in Ostmans town. 
 
 From these facts it might be inferred not only that 
 
 St. Mary del Hogges was not so called from being 
 
 the residence of virgins, but that it was so called 
 
 from connection with the place where it stood. Of 
 
 this we now adduce evidence. If those who alleged 
 
 that the name came from the Irish word " ogh" had 
 
 suspected that, like the neighbouring churches, it 
 
 might have been called from the Scandinavian name 
 
 of the [hogue or] place where it stood, any glossary 
 
 would have guided them by a correct derivation. Du 
 
 Cange and Spelman* refer to places so called in that 
 
 ' " De quadam placea vacua 
 contra portam del Dam.'" White 
 Book of Dublin. "De quadam 
 particula terrie, ex opposite 
 ecclesise B. V. M. del Dam, con- 
 cessa Eicardo de Horham." Ibid. 
 King Edward II. (8 June, 1319), 
 by writ to Walter de Islip.Treasurer 
 of Ireland, being informed that 
 the belfry of S. Mary's church 
 adjacent to the Castle had been, 
 on the invasion of the Scots, taken 
 >down and the stones used to fortify 
 the Castle, directs that it be re- 
 built at the king's cost. It is there 
 called "Ecclesia B. V. M. del 
 Dam." Historic and Miinicipal 
 
 Records of Ireland, A.r. 1172-1320, 
 p. 406. J. T. Gilbert, 8vo, Dub- 
 lin, 1870. An Inquisition of the 
 same date speaks of the " predicta 
 porta del Dam," Ibid., p. 445. 
 "Dam Street, anciently le Dom 
 Street. Here was molendiniun 
 castri Episcopi." Hist, and Anti- 
 quities of Lichfield, p. 503, Glou- 
 cester, 1806. [Del dam is mascu- 
 line, of the dam. " B. V. M. la 
 Dame " (which would be the pro- 
 per form) is tautologous. 
 
 ' Voce Hoga, Hoghia, et Hogum. 
 Henrici Spelman Glossarium, folio, 
 London, 1626. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 195 
 
 part of England which the Northmen had inhabited book m. 
 as Grenehoga in Norfolk and. Stanhogia, the gift of ^"^^ 
 Canute to Edwin ; and on the borders of the county 
 of Dublin we find a townland having on it a remark- 
 able mound or moat called Greenoge, the derivation 
 of Hoga and Haghia being from " hogue " or " hog," 
 a hillock or mount, the Icelandic and Norwegian 
 " Hauge " (Hogge), a mound or Tumulus " being in 
 this case the direct derivation, and St. Mary del 
 Hogges being really St. Mary's of the hogges or 
 Mount, close to which it stood. 
 
 Olaus Wormius tells us that the Scandinavians Hogues 
 distinguished three ages by the mode in which the Z^s. 
 dead were treated. The first was the Roisold or 
 age of Burning. The second was the Hoighold or 
 age of tumuli, in which the body of the chieftain 
 with his arms and ornaments was placed under a 
 mount. And the third was the age of interment or 
 Christian burial.^ Hence the name of Hogges so 
 frequent in all the settlements of the pagan North- 
 men. Their descendants, the Anglo-Normans, in 
 whose records we first find the name of St. Mary 
 del Hogges, were not ignorant of its meaning. In 
 their own settlements, in the Channel Islands, the 
 name is given to such mounds of earth as " La 
 Hougue Hatenas " and " La Hougue Fongue," in 
 Guernsey, and in documents relating to La Hogue Le Hogges 
 in Normandy it is spelled " Le Hogges "^ precisely ™ °™"' ''' 
 as we find it in their Latin documents relating to 
 
 ' Monumentorum Danicoriim, quo apud Hogges in Normannia 
 &c., p. 40. guerne nostras Franciae appli- 
 
 ' Kex Thesaurario, &c. : Qui^ cuimus &c. Close Roll 36" Edw. 
 dilectus et fidelis noster Ricardus III., m. 6. (Engl.), 22 Jfovember, 
 Damory nobiscum . , tempore a.d. 1362. The following is from 
 
 02 
 
196 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. the nunnery on the Stein. But more remarkable 
 chap^ii. authority is found in the dictionary De Trevoux :' 
 there Hogue is stated to be an old word signifying 
 a " mound or tumulus," and a port in Normandy, 
 the name of the place being " Hoga, Hogo, or Oga, 
 Ogo," thus removing the aspirate " h," and leaving 
 the name, as our Tiish authorities have done, when 
 stating that the nunnery of St. Mary del Hogges 
 was so called from the Irish word " Ogh, a Virgin." 
 We might rely on this evidence as conclusive 
 against the derivation heretofore given for St. Mary 
 del Hogges, Hoggen Green,^ Hogs Hill,' Hoggen 
 
 the Proceedings and Ordinances 
 of the Privy Council, 28 Novem- 
 ber, A.D. 1423. "Et auxi pur 
 les gages de luy mesmes, xxxix. 
 homes d'armes, et Ixxx. archiers 
 . . pur salve conduer les niefs 
 et veissells en les queux le Count 
 de Marche et autres sieurs se 
 transfreterent d'Engleterre jesques 
 le Hogges en Normandy." Pro- 
 ceedings and Ordinances of the 
 Privy CouncU of England, 10 
 Richard H.— 33 Henry VIH. 
 Vol. iii., p. 125. 7 vols, royal 8vo. 
 (1834-1837). Record Publication. 
 ' Hogue ; Collis, tumulus, locus 
 editus. Vieux mot qui signifie 
 une coUine, un lieu cleve. Dic- 
 tionnaire Universel, Francois et 
 Latin, vulgairement appel^ Dic- 
 tionnaire de Trevoux, Paris, 1752. 
 '• Haugr ; a How, a mound, a 
 cairn over one dead: Names of 
 such cairns,— Korna-Haugr, Mel- 
 korka-Haugr. Hauga-thmg, an 
 assembly in Norway." Icelandic — 
 English Dictionary by Gudbrand 
 Vigfusson, M.A., 4to, Oxford, 
 Clarendon Press, 1874. 
 
 ^ " Hogges ' 
 Saxon plural 
 
 changed for the 
 became Hoggen 
 (as oxen, hosen, &c.), hence 
 " Hoggen Green." Reconverted 
 into modern English it became 
 " Hog's Green," as in the follow- 
 ing order of the year 1613: " Or- 
 dered that the Provost and Fellows 
 of Trinity College, Dublin, shall 
 have the precinct of a house called 
 Bridewell, upon Hog's Green, at 
 y" rent of 2 shillings, to be con- 
 verted by them to a Free School 
 only." Easter Assembly, 1615, 
 City Records. The memory of 
 the origin of Hoggen Green 
 being lost it became " Hogan's 
 Green " : Thus the City having 
 demised (6 November, 1764) a 
 lot of ground near Hogan's Green, 
 for three lives renewable for ever, 
 to Garret Earl of Mornington, 
 the said Garret (13 May, 1766) 
 sold his interest to Peter Wilson, 
 bookseller, (Registry of Deeds) . 
 
 ^ In A.D. 1605 a lease is ordered 
 to be made to Jacob Newman of 
 a lot near the end of Hog-lane. 
 Assembly Roll. In Brooking's 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 197 
 
 Butt,' and all those places situate in the vicinity of book hi. 
 the Hogges or Tumuli of the Stein, nevertheless we ^"j^"- 
 must add from its bearing on the Thingmount of 
 Dublin that the Scandinavians not only called their 
 Tumuli Haugr or Hogs ; but sometimes using these 
 mounds of earth as Thingmounts they gave to the 
 mounds or tumuli so used the name of Tinghoges. 
 
 In Peringskiold's " Monumentorum Sveo Gothico- Meetings held 
 rum " we find that the great Althing the judicial mounds and 
 mount where the national councils of Sweden h^gts. ™^ 
 were held was called the Tingshoge. This 
 mount stands outside Gamla Upsala, on the 
 plain near the river close to the Temple of Odin, 
 and to what he calls the Kings Hogges (the 
 three great Tumuli of the kings). Peringskiold 
 states that it was raised originally for the Tumulus 
 of Freyer "and on account of the community being 
 anciently congregated there to elections, and to 
 sacred and judicial business, it was called the 
 judicial mount or Tingshoge."^ The Sagas fre- 
 quently refer to this practice, and mention several 
 instances of Tings held on tumuli or hills which 
 from thence were called Tingshoge, nor are we 
 without traces of the prevalence of this custom 
 
 map of Dublin, 1728, the con- preyiously Commonwealtli) Printer 
 
 tinuation of Trinity-street towards in Ireland, by bis will, made 26 
 
 William- street is Hog-hill. In April, 1662, bequeaths to his 
 
 1779, when Curran came to prac- wife " a piece of ground in 
 
 tice at the Bar at Dublin, he had Dublin near the Hogg and Butts." 
 
 his " lodging on Hog-hill." Phil- (Prerogative Probate, Public Ke- 
 
 lips's Recollections of Curran, 8vo, cord Office, Ireland.) 
 
 London, 1818. ^ Monumentorum Sueo-Gothi- 
 
 ' In 1662 Hoggen Butts had corum, Liber Primus, Johannes 
 
 become the Hogg and Butts : Thus Peringskioldi, pp.217, 219, folio, 
 
 Alderman Bladen, King's (and Stockholm, 1710. 
 
198 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 BOOK III. 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Tlnghoges in 
 England. 
 
 The Dublin 
 TMngmount 
 perhaps a 
 burial mound. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 amongst the Northmen in England. Gale in his 
 History of Suffolk states that the Hundred of 
 Thinghoge was so called from " the spot within its 
 limits where the placita for the whole jurisdiction 
 were held, Thinghoge," he adds, "signifying the 
 Hill of Council," being the artificial Mount near 
 which the Church of St. Edmundsbury had been 
 erected.' In the Domesday Book^ and in Ely 
 Inquisition the name is spelled variously Tingoho, 
 Tingohan, and Thinghow, &c., the Saxon or Norman 
 scribes endeavouring to give a Latin form to the 
 Scandinavian word, but throughout we can trace 
 the derivation to the Tinghoge or Thingmount, this 
 mount at the Church of St. Edmundsbury, giving 
 the name of Tinghoge to the Hundred as the mount 
 near the Church of St. Andrew gave the name of 
 Thengmotha to the district in which it stood. 
 
 Nor is it improbable that the Thingmount of 
 Dublin also may have been a Tumulus from the 
 remains found close to it if not on the spot where it 
 stood. 
 
 On these details I fear I have dwelled too long, 
 and in the effort to compress within a moderate 
 space so many facts and statements connected with 
 the Scandinavian remains of Dublin, I may have 
 rendered, the description of its monuments of the 
 Stein less clear than could have been wished, and 
 have omitted to refer to doubts and objections 
 which further statements would have removed. I 
 trust, however, that the novelty of the subject will 
 
 ' History and Antiquities of 4to, London, 1838. 
 Suffolk, Introduction, pp. ix., x., ' Ibid. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 199 
 
 be some apology, and that, even apart from anti- book iit. 
 quarian objects, it will be considered interesting cnAr^ii. 
 that, at a moment when the ancient Laws of Ireland 
 are about to be published,' we should have before 
 us some of those facts which show that the Scandi- 
 navian settlements of Ireland were governed by 
 Scandinavian Laws, and continued to be so governed 
 until Anglo-Norman conquest extinguished Scandi- 
 navian dominion. England has preserved the 
 written code under which Canute ruled the amalga- 
 mated nations of Britons, Saxons, and Danes.* We 
 do not believe that the Irish and the Northmen at 
 any time obeyed the same Laws. But in the Gragas 
 of Iceland,^ and embodied in the Leges Gula- 
 thing of Norway,* we apparently possess the Code 
 which governed the Scandinavians of Ireland. We 
 see that the popular assembly of the Thingmount 
 was the source of all political power, and the trial 
 by jury the protection of civil rights, and we have 
 now to learn how far our Celtic institutions were 
 modified by the spirit of freedom which characterized 
 their Ostmen neighbours, that remarkable nation 
 who for three centuries occupied the principal sea- 
 ports of Ireland, and, as allies or enemies, were ever 
 in contact with the native inhabitants. 
 
 '[Since published under the folio (1840), or 2 vols, royal 8vo, 
 
 title " Ancient Laws and iDstitutes cloth. Record Publication, 
 
 of Ireland or Senchus Mor, 3 toIs., ' Grdg^s Logbok Islendinga seu 
 
 imperial 8vo, 1865-1873.] Codex luris Islandorum, 2 vols, 
 
 4to, HavnisB, 1829. 
 
 Ancient Laws and Institutes of ' Gulathings laus, MagnusLaga- 
 
 England ; comprising Laws enacted Baeters, seu Regis Magni Leges 
 
 under the Anglo-Saxon Kings, Gula Thingenses, sive Jus Com- 
 
 from .ffithelbirht to Cnut, &c. mune Norvegicum, 4to, Havnisei 
 
 Edited by Benjamin Thorpe, I vol. 1817. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I. ON THE ANCIENT NAME OF DUBLIN, 
 
 n OBSERVATIONS EXPLANATORY OF SIR BERNARD 
 DE GOMME'S MAP, SHOWING THE STATE OF 
 THE HARBOUR AND RIVER AT DUBLIN IN THE 
 TEAR 1673. 
 
202 THE SCANDINAVIANS, ANt) 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ON THE ANCIENT NAME OP DUBLIN.' 
 
 Shallowness of the navigable channel of the Liffey in early times — Fords 
 at Dublin — Bally- Ath-Cliath, the Town of the Hurdleford, the 
 original name of Dublin — Mistakes of Stanihurst, Ware, and others 
 as to the origin and meaning of the name — ^Circumstances misleading 
 them — The true meaning of Bally-Ath-Cliath stated in the 
 Dinn Seanchus — Nature of the structure of the Hurdleford — Tochers 
 or wooden causeways distinguished from Droichets or bridges — 
 Droichets or regular bridges distinguished from Droichet-Cliaths — 
 A regular bridge at Dublin before the English Invasion — Bridge of 
 the Ostmen or Dubhgall's bridge — Early bridges in England — Re- 
 building of London bridge in stone in King John's reign — Site of the 
 Hurdleford of Dublin discussed — Dr. Petrie's identification of the 
 fire great Slighs or roads leading from Tara in the first century of 
 the Christian era — The Hurdleford at Bally.Ath-Cliath shown to be 
 in the line of the Sligh Cualan. 
 
 At the request of my colleagues in the Commission for Pre- 
 serving and Improving the Port of Dublin,! undertook some- 
 time since to collect materials for a history of the harbour, 
 principally with a view to trace the progress of improvements 
 in the navigable channel of the Liffey, and to preserve some 
 record of the various plans proposed and of the effect of works 
 executed for deepening the river and rendering the port com- 
 modious for shipping. 
 
 In pursuit of these objects it became necessary to contrast 
 
 the ancient with the present state o£ the river and harbour. 
 
 Sites o( early It is generally known that until 1791, when the new 
 
 Horses. Custom House was opened on the north side of the river, 
 
 there was a custom house and quay at the south-east side 
 
 ' The text of this paper without Academy, vol. xxii., having been 
 the notes was printed in the read there on the 12th of June, 
 Transactions of the Royal Irish 1854. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 203 
 
 of Essex-bridge/ where vessels trading to our port discharged Appendix. 
 their cargoes ; and previously to 1620 vessels unloaded at 
 Merchants'-quay and "Wood-quay, the custom house or 
 crane being then opposite to the end of Winetavem-street.'' 
 Hence it might be inferred that when vessels ascended the 
 river nearly a mile above the wharfs where they are now 
 moored, the channel must have been deeper than at present ; 
 but independently of the facts that the ships which formerly 
 
 1 [At the accession of James I., 
 the customs were for the most part 
 in the hands of the several port 
 (or walled) towns of Ireland under 
 grants from the Kings for the 
 purpose of walling them and 
 defending them against the "Irish 
 Enemy." King James I., resumed 
 them. (Calandar of State Papers 
 (Ireland) of King, James I., a.d. 
 1611-1614, pp. 140, 194.) By 
 letter under Privy Seal of 29th 
 of July, 1619, the King ordered 
 ground to be purchased in the 
 different ports for cranes and 
 wharfs. ( Printed Patent Rolls, 
 17th of James I., p. 435, exxviii., 
 36.) By letter of 20th Septem- 
 ber, 1620, he directed a lease of 
 ninety years to be taken from 
 James Newman, of 120 feet in 
 front to the Liffey, and in depth 
 from north to south about 160 feet 
 for a crane and wharf. (Jb. Roll 
 18th James I., xxxv., 18, p. 483.) 
 The lease in pursuance is dated 
 lOth November, 1620. (iJ. xxxvi., 
 19, p. 483. Enrolled also in Com- 
 munia roll of the Exchequer, 
 1626.) In 1639 the premises were 
 enlarged and the New Custom 
 House built. For by indenture 
 between the Corporation and King 
 Charles L, in order that the King 
 might have room convenient for 
 
 building of a New Custom House 
 and the enlargement of the wharf, 
 the Corporation grants to the King 
 a plot for that purpose therein 
 described. ( Exchequer Com- 
 munia roll, Michaelmas 1 640.) The 
 house then built would seem to 
 have been taken down and rebuilt 
 in 1707. (City Annals, Thom's 
 Directory.) A view of the Custom 
 House is given among the vignettes 
 round "Brooking's Map of Dublin," 
 published in 1 728.] 
 
 'In 1651, Richard Heydon and 
 four others pray a lease from the 
 Corporation for sixty-one years 
 from Michaelmas 1652, of the plot 
 of ground on Wood Kea formerly 
 demised by the city for an Exchange 
 thereon to be builded. (Acts of 
 Assembly, Michaelmas, 1651.) In 
 1701, amongst the properties sold 
 after the route of the Boyne, at 
 Chichester House \i College-green 
 was ' one backside and garden, 
 commonly called ' the Royal Ex- 
 change,' claimant John Weaver, 
 executor of Daniel Hutchinson ; 
 Proprietor Christopher Fagan by 
 lease dated 20th April, 1648, for 
 ninety-nine years to Daniel Hutch- 
 inson. ( Book of claims at 
 Chichester House, No. 178, p, 
 19.) 
 
264 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix, traded to the port -were not only differently constructed but 
 were much smaller than those now employed, there are 
 historical incidents which show that at an early period the 
 Liffey was so shallow near the city that it presented no 
 great obstacle to predatory incursions from the southern 
 parts of Leinster into Meath. 
 
 Unfortunately, however, no map could be found older than 
 the small outline of the city published under the date of 
 1610, in "Speed's British Theatre'" and as it gives no 
 information respecting the position of the fords or shallow 
 places in any part of the river it becomes necessary to seek 
 that information from documents of another kind. 
 Shallowness oi In the State Paper Office, London, there is a report, made 
 
 the Liffey ii , , 
 
 1690. about the year 1590, which very minutely describes the 
 
 circuit of the city walls, with its other defences, and states 
 that the depth of water in the Liffey opposite Merchants'- 
 quay and Wood-quay varied from 3 to 6^ feet.^ This sur- 
 vey, however, only refers to that part of the river front- 
 ing the city walls. But among our unpublished records I 
 found two with more important information respecting 
 the state of the river, and in the preceding century. 
 Apparently these documents had been heretofore unnoticed. 
 Their contents are not specified in the list of unpublished 
 statutes made by the Record Commissioners, nor are they 
 to be found in the list printed in the " Liber Hibemise."' 
 
 ' Theatre of the Empire of Keeper of H. M. Pub. Records, 
 Great Britain, by John Speed, ^vo, 1867, pp. 590-392. 
 London, folio, 1610. ' Liber Munerum Publicorum ab 
 
 = A note of the whole circuit of ^TJI'^ ""^?t^'^, ^^fl' °' *' 
 the City walls of Dublin from the f tf'lf ^f"*^ ^^ Iceland from the 
 towercalled "Bremegham'sTowre" V^* °^ Kjng Stephen to the 7th 
 
 of the Castle unto the East gate f'^'Tl^S ;, ' ' . f 1 
 
 „„ii„.i<'rk • r- ^ ,. r.i_ ., from the Public Records by special 
 
 called Dame is Gate " of the said n ■ ■ , • „ t. r 
 
 r,.^ ,. , ,, ,. . , Commission, being the Report of 
 
 City according to the direction of n , t n r .i ,.-jji 
 
 ti. T A T, . /-, , , t Rowley Lascelles of the Middle 
 
 the Lord Deputy. Calendar of m„ ,\ n ■ <. . t 
 
 fL„ ai ^ T> /T 1 ,» „ J.emple,J3arrister-at-Law .pursuant 
 
 the State Papers (&eland) of to an address of the Commons 
 
 Ehzabeh, A.D^ 1574-1585, by ordered to be printed a. d. 1824, 2 
 
 Hans Claude Hamilton, Assistant ygij, fg^j^^ 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 205 
 
 The first is an ordinance of a Great Council held in April, Appendix. 
 
 1455, before Thomas Earl of Kildare (Deputy to Eichard 
 
 Duke of York) enacting that the landholders of the barony 
 
 Castleknock and of the cross of Finglas shall stop all the 
 
 fords on the LifFey between the bridge of Lucan and city of 
 
 Dublin — the landowners of the baronies of Balrothery and 
 
 Coolock and the crosses of Lusk and Swords stopping 
 
 the fords and shallow places between the bridge of Dublin 
 
 and the island of Clontarf ' The other is an Act of a 
 
 Parliament held Friday before the feast of St. Luke, being 
 
 October in the 34 Hen. VI. This Act recites in French Ford near St. 
 
 that many Irish enemies and English rebels coming by inYlsa ^^ 
 
 the ford at the pier of St. Mary's Abbey, &c. ("la vade 
 
 par le pier de Seint Mary Abbay ") enter Fingal by night 
 
 and rob and destroy the liege people of the King, and for 
 
 remedy enacts that a wall 20 perches long and 6 feet 
 
 high and also a tower shall be built at Saint Mary's Abbey 
 
 to stop the ford there (" une toure ove une mure del XX. 
 
 perches de longour et vi pees del hautesse soient faitz par le 
 
 mure de Seint Mary Abbay avantdit"), and that 140 marks 
 
 shall be levied on lands in the vicinity to defray the expense 
 
 of this and similar works.^ It appears, however, that these 
 
 measures were not effective, as we find it elsewhere stated 
 
 that in 1534 Lord Thomas Fitzgerald, the celebrated Silken 
 
 Thomas, with a troop of armed men rode through Dublin 
 
 and passing out at Dame's Gate went over the ford to St; 
 
 Marj^'s .A.bbey: Some of his adherents who had besieged 
 
 the Castle subsequently effecting their escape by folding the 
 
 river at the same place.' This decisive evidence of a ford 
 
 nearly opposite the city momentarily diverted attention from 
 
 the immediate subject of investigation by creating doubt 
 
 iThirty-tliirdofHenryVI.,chap. ' Thirty -fourth of Henry VL, 
 
 4. [See also translations of the chap. 28, Ibid. 
 
 early Statute Roll of Ireland made s Holinshed's Chronicle, 4to, 
 
 by the Record Commissioners of London, 1807, vol. vi., p. 292. 
 1810, MS. Public Record Office 
 Ireland.] 
 
206 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 ' Bally- Ath- 
 Cliath,' where- 
 fore the name. 
 
 Mistakes of 
 Stauihurst. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Speed. 
 
 Ware. 
 
 whether the derivation very generally given of the ancient 
 name of Dublin might not be erroneous. 
 
 Almost without exception every published history of 
 Dublin asserts that the Irish name " Bally- Ath-Cliath, or 
 the town on the ford of hurdles," originated in pecularities 
 of the site on which the city was found, and that it had no 
 reference to a ford or passage across the LifFey: 
 
 Stanihurst, writing in 1570, says that "the Irish called 
 Dublin ' Bally- Ath-Cliath,' that is a town planted upon 
 hurdels, for the common opinion is that the plot upon which 
 the city is builded hath been a marsh ground, and that 
 by the art or invention of the first founder, the water 
 could not be voided and he was forced to fasten the 
 quakemire with hurdels and upon them to build the 
 Citie," and adds " I heard ot some that came of building of 
 houses to this foundation."' 
 
 Nearly the same derivation is given by Camden ; who 
 states that "the Irish call it the town on the Ford of 
 Hurdles, for so they think the foundation lies, the ground 
 being soft and quaggy like Sevile in Spain, that is said by 
 Isidore to be so called because it stood upon piles fastened 
 in the ground which was loose and fenny."^ 
 
 Speed says that the Irish name was " the Ford of 
 Hurdles " for it is reported that the place being fennish 
 and moorish when it first began to be builded the foundation 
 was laid upon hurdles." ' 
 
 That great authority on Irish History, Sir James Ware, 
 says it was called " the town on the ford of hurdles because 
 being on a marshy or boggy soil the town was first raised 
 on hurdles." * 
 
 its antiquities, by Sir James Ware. 
 ''Of places of Ancient Ireland 
 mentioned by Ptolemy, chap, x." 
 " Second edition, London, 1 658. 
 Eeprintad among a collection of 
 tracts illustrative of Ireland prior 
 to the present century," by 
 Alexander Thom, 2 vols., 8vo 
 Dublin, 1860, p. 193. 
 
 ' Stanihurst, Ibid, p. 21. 
 
 " Camden, ' Britannia,' vol. ii., 
 p. 1366, London, 1733. 
 
 ' Theatre of the Empire of 
 Great Britain, by John Speed, 
 London, folio, 1676, b. iv., chap. 3, 
 p. 141. 
 
 * Disquisitions upon Ireland and 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 207 
 
 Harris differs in some degree by stating that " before the Appendix. 
 Liffey was embanked by quays people had access to it by Harril 
 means of hurdles laid on the low marshy parts of the town 
 adjoining the water, from which hurdles it took its name 
 and not from the foundation of it having been laid on piles 
 or hurdles as some have asserted." ' 
 
 Whitelaw and Walsh in this as in many other instances 
 adopt the words of Harris without any acknowledgment of 
 their source of information.^ 
 
 O'HaUoran is singular in the opinion that it was the 
 north side of the river which was called " Ath Cliath," and 
 that it communicated with Dublin, which was on the south 
 side, by a ford of hurdles,^ and Vallancey asserts that the 
 name was " Bally Lean Cliath " from being built in or near 
 a fishing harbour where certain weirs made of hurdles 
 were used. 
 
 It thus appears that with the exception of O'HaUoran o'Haiioran 
 these historians concur in ascribing the name " Ath Cliath," jo^^ct" ^^ 
 to some peculiarity in the site of the city differing on the 
 manner in which hurdles were employed whether in the 
 foundations of houses or in roads on the river banks or in 
 fishing weirs but agreeing in not tracing the name to any 
 passage across the river, and that they are correct in one 
 portion of their statement, that is, in asserting that Dublin 
 
 ' History and antiquities of the called from ' Dubh,' black, and 
 
 city of Dublin, by the late Walter 'lin,' a port, because built down 
 
 Harris, pp. 10, 11, 8vo, Dublin, Patrick-street and Kevin's-port, 
 
 1766. and the Peddle, which last pi'obably 
 
 2 History 'of the City of Dublin, gotits namefrom its low, dirty situa- 
 by the late J. Warburton, Kev. tion, quasi Puddle. The north side 
 John Whitelaw, and the Rev. was called Atha Cliath or the Ford 
 Robert Walsh, 2 vols. 4to, Dublin, of. Hurdles, communicating with 
 1818. Dubhlin by that means, and from 
 
 3 Dubhlin, for so this city was its contiguity to the water was more 
 called in those days, lay on the convenient for traffic. 'General 
 south side of the Liffey and History of Ireland,' by Silvester 
 seemingly at some distance from O'HaUoran, 2 vols., 4to, London, 
 the river, and would seem was so 1778. ' Introduction,' p. 120. 
 
208 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appekdix. is built on a marshy soil, was recently placed beyond 
 
 doubt. 
 Dublin of late At the closeof the last year.inmaking a large sewer through 
 fo,mrt built on jjjgjj_g^^ggj._ Castle-Street, Winetavern and Fishamble- 
 street, the ground was opened to the depth of 8 to 14 
 feet, and a section was thereby exposed of the elevated 
 ridge and one side of the hill on which the old city stood. 
 
 The work was nearly complete before my attention was 
 directed to it, but Mr. Neville, the city Engineer, having 
 kindly accompanied me I had facilities for examining a 
 part of the excavation and of hearing from him and the 
 contractor for the work an account of its progress. 
 
 From the middle of High-street to the Castle wall, at 
 depths varying from 8 to 10 feet, the workmen found 
 a stratum of black boggy soil, generally soft but in some 
 places so compact that one of the labourers asserted that 
 he had used it for fuel during the time he was employed in 
 the work. Above this stratum was found one of leaves, 
 and branches, &c., of trees (to which I will presently refer) 
 the stratum immediately under the roadway being soft clay 
 or mud intermingled with shells. 
 
 In Fishamble-street, at the depth of 12 to 14 feet, 
 was found a quantity of squared oak timber apparently 
 portions of frame work with piles 4 to 5 feet long, and 
 in Christ Church-place were found foundations of houses, 
 and below those soft mud mixed with shells, leaves, pieces 
 of trees, and black boggy stuff or peat. 
 
 The stratum of peat terminated near St. Audoen's Church, 
 where blue or yellow clay (the very general substratum of 
 bogs in Ireland), was found below the roadway, the 
 foundations and vaults of Newgate being discovered a 
 short distance westward, thus marking the portion of High- 
 street, &c., within the city walls. 
 
 From proprietors of houses in the same district I 
 ascertained that nearly similar results had followed 
 excavations for new buildings. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 209 
 
 When rebuilding part of the " Irish Woollen Warehouse " Appendix. 
 in Castle-street, in 1838, the ground was excavated about Houses on bog 
 20 feet, but foundations so deep did not secure the^j^^j^"^" 
 superstructure, the front wall fell, the stack of chimneys 
 sank nearly 4 feet and ultimately it became necessary to 
 place a frame of timber with concrete to build on. In this 
 excavation the workmen found black turf covered by a 
 stratum of leaves and portions of trees, the upper stratum 
 being soft clay or mud with shells intermixed. 
 
 When rebuilding the Artists Warehouse in Fishamble- in Fishambie- 
 street, it was Kkewise found necessary to lay the foundations "'^*®'' 
 on a frame of timber. The soil had been excavated or 
 pierced with boring rods upwards of 30 feet without 
 touching firm ground. The under stratum was nearly pure 
 black turf and above it loose clay, the upper stratum being 
 soft and intermingled with sheUs, but the shells found here 
 were of cockles and muscles which appeared to have been 
 opened for food being probably the refuse of the ancient 
 fish shambles which occupied this site and from which the 
 street is named. 
 
 During alterations in the basement of No. 3, High-street, in High-street, 
 it was ascertained that the house had been built on a frame 
 of timber and other houses in that and Castle-street were 
 ascertained to have been erected in the same manner. 
 There can be no doubt therefore that Dublin, within the 
 old walls, stands on a plot of marshy ground and that in 
 laying the foundations of houses it is necessary to fix the 
 quagmire with hurdles or fra.mes of timber. Previously 
 however to observations on these facts so connected with 
 the name Ath Cliath, the evidence obtained respecting other 
 peculiarities of the site may be stated. 
 
 Harris, in his " History and Antiquities of Dublin," says, orom ChoU 
 the site on which the city was founded was called " Drom ^f™"; Ha^ei^ 
 ChoU Coill " (the Brow of the Hazelwood),i and a consider- ■"ood. 
 able quantity of hazel nuts having been found intermingled 
 
 ' Pp. 10-11. 
 
 p 
 
210 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appenuix. ^itji the stratum of leaves and portions of trees already 
 mentioned, I had ten specimens of trees which had been 
 dug vip in different parts of Castle-street excavation, sub- 
 mitted for the inspection of Professor AUman. Dr. AUman 
 found the fibre of one of these specimens so much injured 
 by lying in the wet bog or otherwise, that the species of 
 tree to which it belonged could not be determined ; but he 
 ascertained that three of the others were willow and five 
 hazel — this, and the number of hazel-nuts found, supplying 
 presumptive evidence that at a remote period a hazel-wood 
 grew on this hill, and that Harris, or rather the Irish 
 authority on which he relied, was probably correct in 
 stating that " The Brow of the Hazelwood " was a name 
 for the ridge of the hill on which Dublin was built. 
 
 But as regards the name of the city itself, although these 
 excavations furnished incontrovertible evidence that Stani- 
 hurst and others had correctly stated that Dublin is built 
 on a marshy soil, where some security is necessary to the 
 foundations of modern houses ; it did not follow that they 
 were equally correct in asserting that the Irish name " Ath 
 Cliath " originated from the use of hurdles in building the 
 city. 
 Mistakes as to " Ath Cliath " is a name of high antiquity. We find it 
 Ath-diath. ^^ conucxion with transactions anterior to the fifth and 
 sixth centuries, and we are aware that prior to that period 
 the dwellings of the natives were almost universally con- 
 structed of timber, or of timber and wickerwork, plastered 
 with clay.^ As such habitations did not require the firm 
 
 ' [" The poorer Irish who follow custom ; for such are the dwellings 
 
 'creaghting,' or running up and of the very lords amongst them." 
 
 down the country after their herds Fynes Moryson, p. 164, London, 
 
 of cattle, dwell in booths made of folio 1617. The following descrip- 
 
 hurdles or boughs covered with tion was written in 1644. "The 
 
 long strips of green turf instead of towns are built in the English 
 
 canvas, run up in a few minutes, fashion ; but the houses in the 
 
 and even the higher classes in Ulster, country are in this manner; two 
 
 who, some of them, follow the same stakesarefixed in the ground, acros? 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 211 
 
 foundations indispensable for the brick and stone, or high Appendix. 
 cage-work, houses of the period when these histories of 
 Dublin were compiled, is it not doubtful that previously to 
 the sixth century the city should have been named from 
 the use of hurdles in the foundation of houses ? Is it not 
 much more probable that the statements of Stanihurst and 
 Ware originated in the very common practice of deriving 
 ancient names from modern facts ? The suburbs of the 
 city furnish a remarkable instance of this mode of proceed- 
 ing. Ringsend is alleged to be so called because the of Ringsend. 
 mooring rings for shipping in the Liffey ended there ;^ the 
 more probable derivation being from the Irish word fRin) 
 Rinn, a point or tongue of land, corrupted into ring, as in 
 Ringrone, Ringagonal, Ringhaddy, or other points of land 
 jutting into rivers or into the sea. Another instance may 
 be found in the alleged origin of the name Pill-lane, which of Piil-iaue. 
 is stated by De Burgho (ia his " Hibernia Dominicana") to 
 be from some fancied connexion with the English Pale,^ 
 instead of being from a way leading to the " PiU " or little 
 
 which is a transverse pole to support which inconvenience might be 
 
 rows of sloping stakes, on the two avoided if there were an house buUt 
 
 sides, which are covered with straw for an officer ... at the place 
 
 and leaves. They are without called ' the Ringsend.' " — Letter of 
 
 chimneys. . . " — Travels of the King James I., under Privy Seal, 
 
 Sieur De La Boullaye le Gouz, 29th October, 1620. Printed Patent 
 
 ' Gentilhomme Angevin,' in Italy, RoUs of King James I. Art. i., p. 
 
 Greece, Anatolia, Syria, East Indies, 506. /6jrf., 12th Oct., Art. cxxx- 
 
 Great Britain, and Ireland, &c., ii., p. 512. 
 
 &c. 4to, Paris, 1657. Edited by ^ ..Qn the north side (of the river) 
 
 Crofton Croker for Camden Soc, j^ Pale-lane (Viculus Pali), com- 
 
 1837, p. 40.] monly gaUe^ 'PUl-lane,' being a 
 
 '"And whereas . . • the corruption ofthe word Pale, meaning 
 
 place where ships do ride at anchor enclosure, as I have already ex- 
 
 . is so far from our Custom plained when treating of the English 
 
 House that many goods . . . Pale in Ireland." — Hibernia Domi- 
 
 may be conveyed from said ships nicana, Thomas De Burgo, Colonia 
 
 at night without the knowledge of Agrippina, p. 189, 4to, 1762. 
 
 our Officers of Customs, 
 
 p2 
 
212 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix, harbour of St. Mary's Abbey/ where the Bradogue river'' 
 
 entered the Liffey. Nor should we feel much surprise at 
 
 Stanihurst, a citizen of Dublin, unacquainted with the Irish 
 
 language, and knowing nothing of Irish manuscripts, should 
 
 think that he had sufficient authority for his derivation of 
 
 the name of " Ath Cliath,'' when he saw the houses around 
 
 him built on hurdles or frames of timber ; neither should it 
 
 excite surprise if Harris, the biographer of King William III, 
 
 knowing that the king's troops, like those of Cromwell under 
 
 ' This Pill was filled up, and Or- Pill laid out for Ormond market, 
 mond Market occupies the site, as and the city having lately taken in 
 
 appears from the following entries 
 on the Assembly Rolls : — 
 
 "Michaelmas, 1617 The Eight 
 
 Corporations prayed for a lease for 
 99 years upon the Pill beyond the 
 water, at the yearly rent of ten 
 
 pounds. Midsummer, 1619 The 
 
 Commons petitioned that foras- 
 much as the void ground called the 
 Pill is long void, and might yield 
 rent — Ordered, that if the Eight 
 Corporations do not take a lease it 
 may be let to the best advantage. 
 It seems to have been afterwards 
 leased to James Barry and others. 
 20th June, 1657 — Committee ap- 
 pointed to compromise a long suit 
 between the City and James Barry 
 (made Lord Santry in 1661), Sir 
 Robert Meredith, Alderman Charles 
 Forster, and others, for arrears of 
 rent due for the land called the 
 Pill, near St. Mary's Abbey. 22nd 
 
 January, 1674 Jonathan Amory, 
 
 merchant, to have a lease of that 
 part of the strand on the north side 
 of the Liffey, between the wall of 
 the Pill in the possession of Lord 
 Santry, and the watermill lately 
 built by Gilbert Mabbot. Easter, 
 1684 Sir John Davys being in- 
 terested in the ground lying on the 
 
 some of the bed of the river adjacent, 
 he prayed for a lease for 99 years 
 of the ground thus taken in ; but 
 the city resolved to have the new 
 ground for a quay, and considering 
 that the fish market there would 
 hinder the beautifying of the quay, 
 and ought to stay where it was, 
 would only grant the lease on con- 
 dition of Sir John keeping it as a 
 quay, and further undertaking to 
 flag the market " — City By-Laws, 
 Haliday MSS. R. I. Academy. 
 
 ^ "It rises in the suburban dis- 
 tricts and enters the city boundary 
 where Grangegorman-lane joins the 
 Circular-road, continues under 
 Upper Grangegorman-lane, under 
 the Penitentiary, the canal near the 
 terminus of the Midland Great 
 Western Railway, along the rear of 
 the houses at the west side of New 
 Dominick-street, and by Bolton- 
 street, South Halston-street, Boot- 
 lane, East Arran-street, to the 
 Liffey. A branch of the stream 
 also passes under the Richmond 
 Hospital, and joins the Red Cow- 
 lane sewer.'' Neville's Report to 
 the Corporation of Dublin on the 
 Sewers, 1853. 
 
SOAIJDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 213 
 
 Ludlow,' had laid hurdles along the marshy banks of the Appendix. 
 Shannon, should suppose that similar means had been used 
 to pass along the banks of the Liffey, and that from this 
 "fording of hurdles" the town was named. 
 
 But it should not be necessary to resort to conjectures Origin of the 
 for, apart from any consideration arising out of the antiquity "S.'*'*''" 
 of the name, or from the fact that the word " Ath " is almost 
 invariably connected with the Irish name for fords of 
 rivers, the '' Dinn Seanchus" (one of the oldest of the Irish 
 topographical tracts) distinctly asserts that the City was 
 named from a contiguous ford on the Liffey, which ford 
 was called "Athcliath," or the ford of hurdles, because 
 hurdles were placed there in the reign of King Mesgedhra 
 to enable the sheep of Athairne Ailgeaseah to pass over 
 the river to Dun Edair, a fortress on Howth.'' 
 
 There are few countries in which an ancient authority 
 of this kind would not be preferred to the surmises of a 
 recent historian, or where such a manuscript would not be 
 considered sufficient to establish an etymology, but Irish 
 authorities on the ancient state of Ireland are not so freely 
 received. The Chronicles of Bede, Hoveden, "William of 
 Malmsbury, or Mathew of Westminster, although burdened 
 with enormous fictions, prodigies, or miracles are, notwith- 
 standing, implicitly relied on as the groundwork of English 
 history, while the statements of the greater portion of our 
 Irish Annalists are utterly rejected, because these annalists, 
 like the early historians of all nations, embellish narratives 
 of fact with tales of romance, and ascribe to the founders 
 of National royalty some remote and seemingly fabulous 
 origin. I wiU, therefore, adduce other authorities to corrobo- 
 rate that of the " Dinn Seanchus," at least so far as to 
 show that at a very early period there was an artificial passage 
 across the Liffey at Dablin. 
 
 ' Memoirs of Edmond Ludlow, "Dublin Penny Journal,'' 17 
 folio, London, 1751 ; pp. 133, 134. November, 1832., vol. i,, p. 157. 
 2 John O'Donovan, ll.d.. 
 
214 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. Being without those aids which coins and medals else- 
 where supply, it is difficult to discover the precise character 
 of many of our ancient structures. Our early writers are 
 seldom explicit in their descriptions of Irish structures, and 
 in the present instance we have no information from them 
 what this " Ford of Hurdles " really was. It is probable, 
 however, that it was a passage formed by hurdles and stems 
 of trees laid on piles of stone placed at intervals in the 
 stream. Vestiges of such rude structures yet exist, and 
 whether across rivers, swamps, or bogs, are denominated 
 " tochars," or causeways, in contra-distinction to the more 
 regular structure which is termed " droichet" or bridge. 
 Droichead- But even in more regular structures, hurdles appear to have 
 hurdle' bridges, been used, as Irish writers distinguish as " droichet," a 
 in Ireland. ]3ridge of timber or stone, and a " di'oichead cleithe," or 
 bridge of hurdles^ and there are circumstances whichjustify 
 
 1 A.D. 1116 this year (the Four 
 Masters say 1120), three principal 
 bridges were built by Toirlheach 
 Ua Conohobair (Turlough O'Con- 
 nor), viz. : — the bridge of Athluain 
 (Athlone), and the bridge of Ath 
 Crocha (near Shannon Harbour), 
 and the bridge of Dunleodha 
 (Dunlo). Chronicum Scotorum : 
 A Chronicle of Irish Affairs from 
 the earliest times to 1135, with a 
 Supplement from 1141 to 1150. 
 Edited with a Translation by 
 William Maunsell Hennessy, 
 M.B.i.A., 8vo., Dublin, 1866 (Master 
 of the Roll's Series), a.d. 1125: 
 The bridge of Athluain and the 
 bridge of AthCroich were destroyed 
 by the men of Meath. Annals of 
 the Four Masters, by John 
 O'Donovan, ll.d., 7 vols., 4to 
 Dublin, 1851. a.d. 1129: The 
 Castle of Athluain and the bridge 
 were erected by Toirdhelb Ua Con- 
 chobhair in the summer of this year 
 " in the summer of the drought." 
 
 Ibid. A.D. 1133: The wickei 
 bridge of Athluain and its Castle 
 were destroyed by Murchadh Ua 
 Maelseachlainn and Tighearnan 
 UaRuairo. a.d. 1155: The bridge 
 of Athluain was destroyed, and its 
 fortress burned by Donnchadh, 
 son of Domhnal Ua Maelseachlainn. 
 Ibid. A.D. 1 159 : A wicker bridge 
 (Cliath Droichet) was made at 
 Athluain by Ruaidhir Ua Con- 
 chobhair for the purpose of making 
 incursion into Meath. The forces 
 of Meath and Teathba. . . 
 went to prevent the erection of the 
 bridge, and a battle was fought 
 between both parties at Athluain. 
 Ibid. A.D. 1170: The Ua Maine 
 plundered Ormond on this occasion, 
 and destroyed the wooden bridge 
 of Cille Dalua (Killaloe) lUd. 
 A.D. 1140: A wicker bridge was 
 made by Turlough O'Connor 
 across Athliag (Ballyliag, near 
 Lanesboro'). 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 215 
 
 the suggestion that our hurdle bridges were somewhat Appehdix. 
 
 similar tp those which are still used in the East, wherein 
 
 the words of Dr. Layard in the " Nineveh Researches" — 
 
 " Stakes are firmly fastened together with twigs, forming a Hurdle bridges 
 
 long hurdle reaching from one side of the river to the other, 
 
 the two ends are laid upon beams resting upon piers on 
 
 the opposite banks. Both beams and basket-work are kept 
 
 in their places by heavy stones heaped upon them." And he 
 
 adds — " Animals, as well as men, are able to pass over this 
 
 frail structure, which swings to and fro, and seems ready to 
 
 give way at every step."^ Apparently it was a structure of 
 
 this kind to which the Four Masters refer, when recording 
 
 that " O'Donnell ordered his army to construct a strong 
 
 hurdle bridge [across the Mourne], which being done, his 
 
 whole army, both infantry and cavalry, crossed over," and, 
 
 " They then let the bridge float down the stream, so that 
 
 their enemies could only view them from the opposite side.^ 
 
 Assuming, therefore, that the " Ath Cliath," or Ford of 
 Hurdles, mentioned in the " Dinn Seanchus," was a species 
 of bridge, I will proceed to show that the received opinions 
 respecting the first bridge at Dublin are wholly incorrect. 
 
 In our published histories it is almost invariably stated Bridge at 
 that the first bridge at Dublin was built by King John ; KkigJoiin'T^ 
 and his charter of the 3rd July, 1215, is considered to afford "'sn- 
 proof of the fact. By that charter (which greatly increased 
 the privileges conferred by Henry II., and also those given 
 in 1192 by John, when Earl of Morton), the King grants to 
 his citizens of Dublin that they " may make a bridge over the 
 water of the Avenlithe wherever it may appear most expe- 
 dient for them."' The inference deduced being, that as there 
 was no similar grant in any preceding charter, there had 
 
 '"Nineveh, its Remains, '■ By ^ jjotuli Litterarum Clausarum 
 
 Austin H. Layard, 2 vols., 8vo., in Turri Londinensi, asservati, 2 
 
 London. 2d Edit., l'849, p. 192. vols., folio (1833-1844). Edited 
 
 2 AD. 1483. Annals of the Four by Thoa. Duffus Hardy, vol.1., 
 
 Masters. 
 
 p. 219. 
 
216 THE SCANDINAVIAJfS, ANl) 
 
 Appendix, not been previously any bridge at Dublin ; and, as William 
 of Worcester states, that in the same year King John built 
 the first bridge at Bristol (having shortly before sent to 
 France for Isenbert, the Architect, to complete the first 
 stonei bridge at London)," his desire for bridge-building 
 had led to the building of the bridge at Dublin, the Chief 
 City of his lordship of Ireland, and the seat of his Bristol 
 colony. 
 
 This assumption is, however, negatived ; in fact, if there 
 had been any reference to records in the Tower of London 
 v/hich relate to this charter, it never could have been urged. 
 King John Amongst the " Close rolls " of King John, are his instruc- 
 
 ts half of the tions to the archbishop of Dublin, dated 1st February, 1215, 
 Liffey. jj^ which he says : — " The burgesses of Dublin have offered 
 
 us 200 marks to have their town to farm in fee by charter, 
 with the part of the river which belongs to us. You may 
 take that fine, or a greater, as shall seem to you most ex- 
 pedient for us, and then they may send for our charter, which 
 we will make as you may devise." " A subsequent letter, dated 
 Devizes, the 5th July, shows that the archbishop was an 
 able negotiator, as he extracted from the citizens 100 marks 
 more than they had offered to the King,^ the important 
 document relating to the bridge being dated the 23rd Auo-ust 
 1214, that is in the year before the charter was granted or 
 negotiated for. Here the king informs the archbishop that 
 he has authorized his citizens of Dublin to build a bridge 
 ' London Bridge (then of wood), by the diligence of our faithful 
 
 •was destroyed by fire a.d, 1136. clerk, Isenbert, master of the 
 
 It is supposed to have been erected schools of Saintes 
 
 between a.d. 993 and a.d. 1016. have been constructed. We have 
 
 History of London by William urged him. . . to come. 
 
 Maitland, r.B.s., folio, London, and use the same diligence in 
 
 1739, p. 33. building your bridge. . . Wit- 
 
 s' " John, by the grace of God, ness, &c.. 18th day of April, in the 
 
 &c., to the Mayor and Citizens of 3rd of our reign (a.d, 1202). 
 
 London, greeting. Considering in s Rot. Litt. Glaus., 16 Johan, p. 
 
 how short a time the bridges of 186. 
 
 Saintes and Rechelle '-TWd., 17 Johan, p. 129. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 21? 
 
 over the water of the Avenlithe, where it shall seem most Appendix. 
 expedient for the use of the city, and that " they may cause The citizens 
 the other bridge over that water, formerly made, to be des- ne^toMge^or 
 troyed if it shall be expedient for their indemnity (in- ^^^P *® "^^ 
 dempnitati),"^ thus incontestably proving that there was a 
 bridge at Dublin prior to the charter of 1215. Nor is the 
 evidence of this fact confined to a single document. There 
 is in the Tower another charter of King John confirming a 
 grant to Hugo Hosee of land " at the stone gate near the 
 bridge," a document which through the kindness of Thomas 
 Dufius Hardy, esq.. Keeper of the Tower Records, I had 
 also an opportunity to examine, leaving no doubt respecting 
 the date, which is the 4th June, 1200 j'^ and further, if 
 it were necessary to add to such instances, we might refer 
 to the transcript of Urban the Third's bull in Alan's Re- 
 gister (in the Archiepiscopal Library, Dublin) to show that 
 the bridge existed in 1186, or to the chartulary of St. 
 Thomas's Abbey, known as Coppinger's Register (which is 
 now in my possession), to show from a grant by Thomas 
 La Martre that the bridge existed in 1177,' and to other 
 ecclesiastical documents which refer to this bridge at an 
 earlier date. Nor is it devoid of probability that the bridge 
 thus referred to was one which had been erected by the 
 Danish possessors of Dublin. It must be recollected that 
 although John permitted the citizens to build a bridge in 
 1215, we have no evidence that in 1215 the citizens des- 
 troyed "the bridge formerly made," or that they built 
 
 ^ Ibid. 16 Johan, p. 172. had granted to the Hospital of 
 
 ' Datum Apud Falesiam, 4to die Ealmamhara. Witnessed by God- 
 
 Junii, regni nostri anno secundo. frey of Winchester in the latter end 
 
 Ibid. p. 69. of K. Hen. II. Coppinger's Re- 
 
 3 Thomas La Martre gave to the gister of St. Thomas's Abbey, p. 
 
 Abbey of St. Thomas (Thomas- 88. Haliday MSS., Roy. Irish 
 
 court, Dublin), a plot of ground at Academy, Monasticon Hibemi- 
 
 jDublin Bridge, situate between the cum, by Mervyn Archdall, p. 182, 
 
 ground which he had given to his 4to, Dublin, 1786. 
 wife, Margaret, and that which he 
 
218 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Bridge of the 
 Ostmen. 
 
 another bridge at that period, although permitted to do so. 
 As yet the assumptioij that any bridge was built at Dublin 
 during King John's reign rests solely on the fact that per- 
 mission was then given to. destroy one bridge and to build 
 another, whilst we have records to prove that both before 
 and considerably after that period there was a bridge at 
 Dublin called " the Bridge of the Ostmen." In a grant to 
 Ralph la Hore in 1236, the land is described " in capite 
 pontis Ostmannorum."! The name is repeated in a grant to 
 WiUiam de Nottingham solate as 1284, which describes a 
 stone tower as being " juxta pontem Ostmannorum," and as 
 these records also refer to " the gate of the Ostmen,"^ to 
 " the old quarry of the Ostmen " (" a veteri quadrivio Ost- 
 manorum"), &c.,^ there are grounds for supposing that the 
 works so denominated had been executed by the Ostmen, 
 and were not works thus called from proximity to the 
 suburb of Ostmantown. However, having proved from 
 Anglo-Norman documents that there was a bridge at Dublin 
 prior to the year 1200, I will now trace it through native 
 records, and establish for it a much higher antiquity. And 
 here I may observe that whatever may have been the name 
 
 1 " Know all men that we, the 
 citizens of Dublin, have by this our 
 charter granted and confirmed to 
 Ralph Hore, our fellow-citizen, a 
 tower of ours with its appurten- 
 ances, situated at the head of Ost- 
 men's bridge on the south, to be 
 held of us by him and his heirs for 
 ever." — Historic and Municipal 
 Documents of Ireland, a.d. ) 172- 
 1320. From the Archives of the 
 city of Dublin, by J. T. Gilbert, 
 8vo, London, 1870, p. 488 (Master 
 of the Rolls' Series). 
 
 ' " Know ye that we, the Mayor 
 and Commonalty of Dublin, have 
 given by this our charter to William 
 Nottingham, our fellow citizen, a 
 
 certain stone tower near the Ost- 
 men's bridge, and joined to the 
 tower beyond the Ostmen's gate, 
 &c. Dated Sunday next after the 
 Feast of St. Bartholomew, 12th 
 Edward I. (a.d. 1285)."— White 
 Book of Dublin, p. 54. 
 
 ' " Know all men that we, the 
 citizens of Dublin, have by this our 
 charter granted and confirmed to 
 Ralph Hore and William Russell, 
 our fellow-citizens, a meadow of 
 ours extending in length from the 
 Old Quarry of the Ostmen to 
 
 Kylmehanok," &c WhiteBookof 
 
 Dublin, J. T. Gilbert, ibid., p. 
 486. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 219 
 
 of this bridge after the Danes were expelled from Dublin, un- Ap3?endix. 
 questionably it was previously called " Droichet Dubhghall," DubhgaU-s 
 Dubhghall being the name of a man, probably that given by ^^j^fe q*"'^ ^^^ 
 the Irish to the Danish founder of the bridge, as Dubhghall ciontarf. 
 (literally the black foreigner) was a name which they fre- 
 quently gave to their Danish invaders. They so called one 
 of the Danish Chieftains killed at the battle of Ciontarf,^ 
 who is mentioned in the Annals as " Dubhghall son of 
 Amahlaeibh,"^ the brother of Sitric, Danish King of Dublin 
 in 1014.^ We find that the bridge is thus called in the 
 " Four Masters," where it is stated that " A.D. 1112, a pre- 
 datory excursion was made by Domhnall, grandson Lochlan 
 across Fine-Gall, that is to say, as far as Droichet Dubhghall." 
 And that eminent Irish scholar, Mr. Eugene Curry, has fur- 
 nished me with extracts from Irish manuscripts in the 
 Library of Trinity College, Dublin, and in the Royal Library 
 of Brussels, from which we can trace this bridge under the 
 name of " Droichet Dubhghall " to the commencement of the 
 eleventh century. 
 
 In Brussels there is a copy of the " Book of the Danish 
 Wars," * containing an account of battles in which the Danes 
 had been engaged. Relating incidents of the celebrated 
 battle of Ciontarf in 1014, it states that the confederate 
 army of the Danes having been routed, some of the fugitives 
 were driven into the sea ; whilst of the Danes of Dublin 
 who were in the engagement only nine escaped from it, 
 and " the household of Tiege O'Kelly followed these and 
 slew them at the head of the bridge of Ath Cliath, that is 
 Dubhghall's bridge." The older fragment of the manuscript 
 of the same tract, in Trinity College library, merely states, 
 
 iWar of the GaedhU with the Norsemen. The original Irish 
 
 r 'U T) 207 '*''* ^f^^^s"^ ^y J*ni6s Henthorn 
 
 2 /A D 165. ^li., p. 35. Todd,D.D.,M.B.i.A.,F.s.A. Published 
 
 * Since published under the title by the authority of the Lords of 
 
 of " The War of the Gaedhil with the Treasury under the direction 
 
 the Gaill or the Invasions of of the Master of the Kolls, 8to, 
 
 Ireland by the Danes and other London, 1867." 
 
^20 THE SCANDINAVIANS, ANi) 
 
 Appendix. " they were Overtaken and slain at the head of the bridge 
 of Ath Cliath ; " but " The Book o£ Leinster " recording the 
 death of Maelmordha, on his retreat from the battle, 
 expressly states that he was drowned at "Dubhghall's bridge."' 
 befOTe^the^lme Beyond this period, that is, 150 years prior to the Anglo- 
 of the Ostmen. Norman invasion we cannot produce distinct evidence of 
 " a droichet " or bridge at Dublin, although it is highly 
 probable that there was, previously, a regular structure of 
 that kind across the Liffey. We know that these Northmen, 
 who had only established their sovereignty on the sea-coasts 
 of Ireland, had subjugated all England, and held frequent 
 intercourse with it. Godfred II., who was King of Dublin 
 in 922, was also King of Northumberland ; and the " Saxon 
 Chronicle " states that Anlaf (the Danish King of Dublin), 
 after his defeat at Brunanburg, by Athelstan in 937, fled 
 with his Northmen in " their nailed barks over the deep 
 waters, Dublin to seek." ^ We might, therefore, infer that 
 these Danish or Norwegian Kings having territory on both 
 sides of the Liffey, did not omit to establish at Dublin the 
 mode of crossing rivers which they must have seen in 
 England. For although it may be doubtful if the Romans 
 ever erected a stone bridge in Britain, it is certain that they 
 erected many of wood,^ the material most commonly used 
 until the close of the twelfth century, when St. Benedict 
 founded his order of " Pontifices " or stone bridge builders.'' 
 Yet if we cannot find the term " bridge " applied to any 
 
 ' /5iy., Appendix C,p 25 1, chap. York, by Francis Drake, Folio, 
 
 cv. Ibid., Introd., p. clxxxii. London, 1736, p. 53. History and 
 
 2 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in Antiquities of New Castle upon 
 Monumenta Historica Britannica. Tyne, by John Brand, r.s.A. 4to 
 Prepared by Henry Petrie, f.s a., London, 2 vols., 1789. 
 
 and the Rev. John Sharpe. Pub- * A secular order of Hospitalers 
 
 lished by command of Her Maj esty. was founded by S. Benezet towards 
 
 Folio, London, 1848, p. 385. the close of the twelfth century 
 
 3 Archseologia, vol. x., p. 34. under the denomination of Ponti- 
 Alsot6ty,vol. vii.,p. 395,Eboracum fices or Bridge builders. Rees's 
 or the History of the Antiquities of Encyclopcedia. Article ' Bridges.' 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 221 
 
 structure at Dublin prior to the year 1014, we have no Appendix. 
 difficulty in finding evidence that a roadway had been 
 formed across the river before that period. Again referring 
 to the " Annals of the Four Masters " we find that in the 
 year 1000, " the Tochar," or Causeway of Athluain (Athlone) 
 was made by Maelseachlainn, son of Domhnall, King of 
 Ireland, and Cathal Ua Conchobhair, King of Connaught, 
 and that they made the Tochar or Causeway of Athliag 
 (Ballyliag near Lanesboro') in the same year, each carrying 
 his portion to the middle of the Shannon.i This is referred 
 to as illustrating the statement of the " Chronicon Scotorum" 
 that in the year 999 King Malachy made a tochar at Ath 
 Cliath (Dublin), until it reached " one half of the river,"^ 
 apparently the custom being that when a tidal or non-tidal 
 river divided the territories of Irish kings, each claimed 
 one-half of it and only built to the middle of the stream, 
 and to this (irrespective of the division of land made by 
 Mogh Naudhat and Conn) we may attribute that the 
 earliest charters of Dublin only granted to the citizens the site of the 
 southern half of the Liffey being that within the kingdom of acrosHhe 
 Leinster (Strongbow's portion with M'Morrough's daughter), i-'^'y- 
 the other half of the river being in the territory of Meath. 
 
 It is not necessary to the present inquiry to ascertain the 
 precise position of this tocher (a.d. 1001.) Whether it had 
 been made at the ford opposite St. Mary's Abbey, and was 
 the origin of the well known tradition of an ancient com- 
 munication between the Abbey and Christ Church. (St. 
 
 1 Annals of the Four Masters, at this time subject to O'Brien, 
 vol. ii., p. 744, and note ibid. and neither that monarch nor his 
 
 2 [" The causeway of Ath Cliath Danish subjects of Dublin would 
 was made by Maelseachlainn as tolerate such an assumption of 
 far as the middle of the river.'' authority on the part of Maelseach- 
 Chronicon Scotorum, p. 239. lainn who had recently been forced 
 But the editor says in a note that to resign the supremacy in his 
 the Annals of Clomnacnois and the favour. Note ibid. This work 
 Four Masters specify Athliag and was not published till after Mr. 
 are probably correct as Dublin was Haliday's death.] 
 
222 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. Mary's, on the north bank of the Liffey, alleged to have been 
 built in 948, and the arches under Christ Church built on 
 the south bank at as early a date) — or whether this tocher 
 led to the old "bothyr," or road, now anglicised into 
 Sioii) batter. " Stonybattsr ; "' or had occupied the site of that which 
 long continued to be called the " old bridge "^ — although 
 
 1 ["A remarkable instance of this 
 hardening process occurs in some 
 of theLeinster counties, where the 
 Irish word bothar [boher] a road 
 is converted into batter. This 
 word "batter," is, or was well 
 uuder.stood in these coimties to 
 mean an ancient road; and it was 
 used as a general term in this sense 
 in the patents of James I. It 
 signifies in Wexford a lane or 
 narrow road. " Bater, a lane lead- 
 ing to a high road." (" Glossary 
 of the dialect of Forth andBargy," 
 by Jacob Poole ; edited by 
 William Barnes, b.d.") "As for 
 the word Bater, that in English 
 purpozeth a lane bearing to an 
 highway. I take it for a meere 
 Irish word that crept unawares 
 into the English through the daily 
 intercourse of the English and Irish 
 inhabitants." (Stanyhurst, quoted 
 in same.) '-The word occurs in 
 early Anglo-Irish documents, iu 
 the form of bothir or bothyr, which 
 was easily converted into hotter or 
 batter. It forms part of the follow- 
 ing names : — Batterstown, the 
 name of four townlands in Meath, 
 which were always called in Irish, 
 Baile-an-bhothair, i.e., the town of 
 the road . Near Drogheda, 
 
 there is a townland called Green 
 Batter, and another Yellow Batter, 
 which are called in Irish, Boherglas 
 and Boherboy, having the same 
 
 meanings as the present names, 
 viz., green road and yellow road. 
 We have also some examples, one 
 of which is the well known name of 
 Stonybatter. Long before the 
 city had extended so far, and while 
 Stonybatter was nothing more 
 
 than a country road it was as it 
 
 still continues to be — the great 
 tlioroughfare to Dublin from the 
 districts lying west and north-west 
 of the city, and it was known by 
 the name of Bothar -na-gcloch 
 [Bohernaglogh], i.e., the road of 
 the stones, which was changed to 
 the modern equivalent, Stoney- 
 batter, or Stony-road." — The origin 
 and history of Irish Names of 
 Places, by P. W. Joyce, ll.d., 
 M.B.I.A., pp. 43-45. 1 2mo. Dublin, 
 M'Glashan & Gill, 1871.] 
 
 2 " In the year 1428, the Friars 
 Preachers of this convent of St. 
 Saviour's had a school in an old 
 suburb of Dublin, now called 
 Usher's Island, with a large recourse 
 of scholars of philosophy and 
 theology. As the professors and 
 students from Ostmantowu could 
 not conveniently come and go 
 because of the river LifFey, a bridge 
 of four arches, still standing, was 
 built at the cost of the Friars' 
 Preachers, being the first of the six 
 bridges of Dublin, called every- 
 where to this day, the Old Bridge. 
 To repay the cost, a lay Domini- 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 223 
 
 the old bridge had been destroyed in 1314,i its substitute Appendoc 
 
 swept awdy in 1385,2 and at least twice subsequently re- oid bridges of 
 
 built — it is sufficient to have traced so far the existence of °''^^'''- 
 
 an artificial passage across the Liffey at Dublin; but 
 
 between this link and the next, by which we should form our 
 
 chain of corroborative evidence, there is a long interval. 
 
 We have records of bridges over small rivers in Ireland, 
 
 in 924, and are told that a king of Ulster was celebrated 
 
 for bridge-building in 739 ; but we cannot refer to any 
 
 incident connected with the existence of a bridge or tochar 
 
 at Dublin, between the commencement of the fifth centurj' 
 
 and the close of the tenth. This, however, is an interval in 
 
 which we may safely rely on circumstantial evidence. It 
 
 was within this period that Ireland was celebrated as the 
 
 school of ecclesiastical learning. it was the Island of 
 
 Saints, and from it ecclesiastics travelled throughout Europe 
 
 to teach ; and to it European scholars journeyed to learn. 
 
 We may therefore rest assured that whatever of art or 
 
 science was then known elsewhere, was not unknown in 
 
 Ireland, and that when there was sufficient art to build 
 
 churches and round towers, to construct " nailed barks," 
 
 and to supply a.ll that ships required for long voyages, 
 
 can, by leave of the City Council, Gate and Audoen's Arch, with a 
 
 took a toll, and I myself, when a wallrunning from one to the other." 
 
 boy, have seen the holy water — Annales Hibernica, MSS. in 
 
 vessel (as tradition had it) for Marsh's (St. Patrick's) Library, 
 
 sprinkling the passengers."— -Hi- Class 3, Tab. 2, No. 7. 
 bernia Dominlcana, by Thomas De 
 
 Burgo. 4to, 1762, p. 189. ^"A.D. 1386. The king con- 
 
 i"In the year 1315, Edward sidering the losses of the citizens of 
 
 Bruce, with his army advanced Dublin through the late breaking 
 
 to Castleknock, only three miles down of Dublin bridge, has granted 
 
 from Dublin northwards. Whereat them a ferry over the Liffey, there 
 
 the citizens being alarmed broke for four years. (Table of tolls 
 
 the bridge of Dublin, and burned annexed.) 9th of January, in 9th 
 
 the suburbs, and also demolished year of King Richard IL" Calen- 
 
 the monastery of the Dominican dar of Patent KoUs of Chancery, 
 
 Friars in Oxmantown Green, and Ireland. Folio. Dublin. (Record 
 
 with the stones built Winetavern Publications) Art. 93, p. 124. 
 
224 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix, there was mechanical art sufficient to make any needful 
 passage across such a river as the LifFey. It was at the 
 close of this period, that an Irish saint (Mowena) had 
 visited Croyland, celebrated for the most curiously con- 
 structed bridge in England,' and at the commencement 
 of it, that Irish traders, in Irish ships had carried St. 
 Patrick and others as slaves into Ireland out of Gaul, then 
 covered with remains of Roman art. Passing, therefore, 
 over this interval, and again taking up our chain of evidence 
 theTiffeTr" ^* *^® ^^^^ century, we find that between this period and 
 fifth century, the first century there must have been a roadway across 
 the Lifley. For this highly interesting evidence I am 
 indebted to the research of my friend Dr. Petrie for his 
 " History and Antiquities of Tara."^ 
 
 The Ordnance Survey of Ireland having presented the 
 long-desired opportunity for making a correct plan of the 
 remains of Tara the existing vestiges were laid down, 
 according to accurate measurement on a map by Captain 
 Bordes of the Royal Engineers, who had charge of: the 
 Survey. While this was in progress Dr. Petrie and Dr. 
 O'Donovan who were then attached to the Survey, made a 
 careful search in all ancient Irish manuscripts accessible, 
 for such documents of a descriptive or historical character 
 as would tend to identify or illustrate the existing vestiges. 
 The result was eminently successful in corroborating the 
 statements of our early writers ; works, the description of 
 which had been previously regarded as mere bardic fictions, 
 were traced with a degree of accuracy, which, so far, placed 
 beyond doubt the truthfulness of these ancient authorities. 
 
 1 Saint '^Modwena expelled from and substantially repaired in the 
 
 his monastery in Ireland in the reign of King Henry the Second." 
 
 ninth century, obtained an asylum Lewis's Topographical Dictionary of 
 
 from King Ethelwulf, and erected England. 
 
 a chapel (at Burton-on-Trent). ^ Head May, 1837, and published 
 
 Over the river is a noble bridge of in the Transactions of the Royal 
 
 freestone, 512 yards long, of 37 Irish Academy, vol. xviii., a.d. 
 
 arches, built prior to the Conquest, 1839, 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 225 
 
 There is, however, only one of these identifications to which appendix. 
 
 it will be necessary, for the present inquiry, that I should 
 
 refer. 
 
 In our oldest manuscripts it is stated that, in the first The five siigUes 
 century, Ireland was intersected by five great roads, leading Tara. 
 from different provinces, or petty Kingdoms, to the seat of 
 supreme royalty at Tara. ' Of these " slighes," or roads, 
 the " Slighe Cualaun " was one traced with the greatest 
 apparent certainty by the Ordnance Survey. It struck ofi 
 from the Fan-na-g-carbad, or " Slope of the chariots," and 
 led via Eatoath and Dublin into Cualaun ; a district ex- 
 tending from Dalkey, southwards and westwards, and part 
 of which, including Powerscourt, is designated in Anglo- 
 Norman records, as Fercullen, or " the territory of the men 
 of Cualaun." This road, consequently, must have crossed 
 the Liffey, and that it did so near Dublin is confirmed by 
 the fact, that the passage across the river there is frequently Slighe Cualaun 
 
 crosssd tlis 
 
 termed " Ath Cuath Cualaun." ^ Now it is impossible Liffey at 
 that a roadway for any general purpose could be carried '^ ""■ 
 across a river like the Liifey, subject to winter floods and 
 the daily flow of the tide, unless that roadway was formed 
 by a bridge, tochar, or structure of some kind raised above 
 the ordinary high water mark. Such a structure, formed 
 of timber or hurdles, the only material then used for that 
 purpose, was doubtless that which, in the figurative language 
 of the time, was termed an " Ath Cliath " or Ford of 
 hurdles. ^ 
 
 ' See Map of the Monuments viz., that called Slighe- Cualaun 
 of Tara Hill, restored from Ancient passed through Dublin by Ratoath 
 Documents, Ibid, plate 7, p. 152. and on towards Bray, under the 
 2 2bid, p. 229. nKmeot BealachDuibhlinne.Buihh.- 
 ' Mr. Joyce in continuation of linn was originally the name of 
 his remarks on the name of Stony- that part of the Liffey on which 
 batter (sMjwa, p. 222, and note ifti'rf.), the city now stands (the road or 
 says " One of the five great roads pass of the [river] Duibhlinn), it is 
 leading from Tara which were mentioned in the following quota- 
 constructed in the second century, tion from " the Book of Eights "_ 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 From the 
 Slighe- 
 Cualaun 
 cro-^sing the 
 Liffe;' at 
 Dubi in came 
 the name 
 Bally-Ath- 
 CUath. 
 
 Adding this evidence of a passage across the river to the 
 distinct statements of the Diun Seanchus, I hope I may 
 appear justified in the opinion I now venture to express, 
 that those great authorities on Irish history, Stanihurst, 
 Camden, and Ware, are incorrect in asserting that Dublin 
 was called " Bally Ath Cliath," because the ancient city 
 was built on a marshy soil, where hurdles were necessary to 
 secure the foundations of houses ; and that in this, as in 
 other cases, we may more safely rely on Irish annalists than 
 on modern historians, and assert that the name "Ath 
 Cliath " originated from a passage across the Lifiey, that 
 passage being made by hurdles, so laid as to form an 
 artificial ford or bridge. I am aware that there was a ford 
 on the Shannon, which also was called " Ath Cliath " ; but I 
 am likewise aware that Ii'ish manuscripts expressly state that 
 it was so called, not from hurdles being placed (as they 
 were at Dublin), in order to form a passage, but because 
 stakes were driven in the river, and hurdles placed as a 
 barrier to prevent an enemy from crossing." Thus 
 
 " It is prohibited to him (the King 
 of Erin), to go with a host, on 
 Monday over the Bealach Duihh- 
 linne." "There can be, I think, no 
 doubt (continues Mr. Joyce), that 
 the present Stonybatter formed a 
 portion of this ancient road, a 
 statement that is borne out by two 
 independent cii'cumstances. First, 
 Stonybatter lies straight on the line 
 and would, if continued, meet the 
 Liffey exactly at Whitworth bridge. 
 Secondly, the name of Stonybatter, 
 or Bot!iar-n'i-gcloch, affords even a 
 stronger confirmation. The most 
 important of the ancient Irish roads 
 were generally paved with large 
 blocks of stone, somewhat like the 
 old Roman roads, a fact that is 
 proved by the remains of those 
 that can now be traced. It is 
 
 exactly this kind of road that 
 would be called by the Irish even 
 at the present day, Behernaglogh ; 
 and the existence of this name, on 
 the very line leading to the ancient 
 ford over the LLSey leaves scarcely 
 any doubt that this was a part of 
 the ancient Slighe Cuahmn. It 
 must be regarded as a fact of great 
 interest that the modern-looking 
 name of Stonybatter, changed as 
 it has been in the course of ages, 
 descends to us with a history 
 seventeen hundred years old written 
 on its front." Joyce's Origin and 
 History of Irish Xames of Places, 
 part i., chapt. 2, p. 45. 
 
 ^ Ath Cliath Meadrighe, now 
 Clarensbridge in the county of 
 Galway. " When the Seven 
 Maines carried off the cattle of 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 227 
 
 disclosing a remarkable coincidence in the mode of defensive appendix, 
 warfare practised by the ancient inhabitants of Ireland and 
 of Britain, Caesar informing us that the Britons, in a similar 
 manner, had endeavoured to prevent his Army from cross- 
 ing the Thames, by driving stakes in the river and on its 
 banks and thereby obstructing the ford. ^ And it is further 
 suggestive of similarity of habit with a considerable amount 
 of mechanical art (also apparent in our huge monuments 
 of stone), that in the first century, when the Fan-na-g- 
 carbad, or " Slope of the chariots " existed at Tara, Caesar 
 was describing his contests with the Britons in their 
 chariots consti-ucted for war. 
 
 If this attempt to correct erroneous opinions respecting 
 the origin of the ancient Irish name of Dublin should lead 
 to further investigation by others more competent for the 
 task and having more leisure for it, much of my object 
 wiU be attained. I know that there are in various 
 depositories and libraries in the United Kingdom and on 
 the Continent, unpublished and almost unnoticed records 
 and manuscripts relating to Ireland. And I feel coniident 
 that an examination of their contents would tend to remove 
 many obscurities in the early history of our country ; might 
 correct many opinions respecting its aboriginal inhabitants 
 and their connexion with other nations ; and conjointly 
 with the discoveries daily made, of long buried monuments, 
 might enable us to verify many of these statements, which 
 continue to be viewed with suspicion because as yet they 
 rest solely on the authority of Irish annalists and bards. 
 
 Dartaidha, &c., they were over- to them from Aitill and Meane." 
 
 taken byEochaidBeag,&c., where- Information of Eugene O'Curry. 
 upon the Maines placed a barricade i Csesar^ Commentaries, book v. 
 
 of hurdles of whitethorn and black ^iv. 
 in the ford until relief should come 
 
 Q 2 
 
ApprNDix. 
 
 228 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 II. 
 
 Obsekvations explanatory of Sir Bernard de 
 Gomme's map, made A.D. 1673.' 
 
 Alarm produced by the entry of the Dutch fleet into the Thames in 
 1667— Sir Bernard de Gomme's plan for the defence of the Harbour 
 of Dublin in 1673 — His project for a fort near Merrion-square — 
 Kingsend then the chief landing place — Meaning of 'Eingsend' — The 
 Pigeon House — Its history — Extent of ground overflown by the sea 
 in 1673 — The making of the North and South walls — Sir John 
 Rogerson's wall — Double wall and road from Eingsend to the 
 Pigeon House — Piles in the sand thence to Poolbeg— The building 
 of the Long wall — The lotting for the North Lots — The erecting 
 of the Ballast Board — Earty history of the Bar at the Harbour 
 Mouth — The deepening of the River and reducing the Bar the work of 
 the Ballast Board. 
 
 Sir Bernard de The map, it will be observed, is entitled "An Exact Survey 
 
 jL.b^Teia. of the Citty of Dublin, and Part of the Harbour belowe 
 
 Ringsend," and seems to have been formed by Sir Bernard 
 
 de Gomme to exhibit the jiosition of the citadel projected 
 
 by him for the protection of the city and river. 
 
 This map, plan, and estimate, never published, and wholly 
 overlooked by local historians,^ is historically interesting, 
 as showing the earliest design probably for the defence of 
 
 ' "Observations explanatory of isindorsed: — "An estimate madeby 
 
 a plan and estimate for a Citadel Sir Bernard de Gomme, His 
 
 at Dublin, designed by Sir Bernard Majesty's Chief Engineer, for 
 
 de Gomme, Engineer- General, in building of a Royall Citadell at 
 
 the year 1673, with his map, Ringsend, near the citty of Dublin, 
 
 showing the state of the harbour in His Majesty's kingdom of 
 
 and river at that time, exhibited Ireland, 1673," and is signed by 
 
 to the Royal Irish Academy, him. This Map being four feet long 
 
 at their meeting on Friday the bytwoandahalf wide, could not be 
 
 15th of March, 1861," now first printed in this work; but a fac- 
 
 printed. simile is given of part. There 
 
 ' [The original of this map and will be observed a fort depicted on 
 
 estimate for the projected citadel this map as standing on the neck 
 
 is to be found in the King's Library, of land at Ringsend near the point. 
 
 British Museum. The map is It does not appear when this fort 
 
 marked " A crown," liii., 9. The was first built or finally destroyed, 
 
 estimate for the citadel at Dublin In 1655, Colonel Oliver Pitzwilliam 
 
MORISON&C»LITH DUBLIN 
 
 
 FROM 
 
 /// Exact Survey of the Cittj of DabU/v. a/td/hart of the Hcorboiir beto 
 
 (Jfade df Sir Bemcurd de (^ainrrhe in tlve Year 167Jj 
 
 W 
 
FROM 
 
 Exact Survey of tJve Cittj of DabUru. and/bart of the Hcirboiir beloweJUnf^sFnd. 
 
 (jfade hy Sir Bernoyrd de 6^ojn>me i/v tlve Year 167J,) 
 
 /; 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 229 
 
 Dublin against an enemy approaching from the sea, and Appendix. 
 derives a further local interest from the means which it 
 affords for contrasting the then state of the harbour of 
 Dublin with its present condition. 
 
 Axid first as to the causes prompting the design of 
 fortifying Dublin from an attack by sea at this particular 
 period. 
 
 The defenceless state of the chief ports of England and Alarm at the 
 
 T111T1 j> 1 • r i-^ Dutch raid in 
 
 Ireland had been forced upon the attention of Government the Thames, 
 shortly before, in consequence of the success of the Dutch ^'^' 
 fleet, which entered the Thames in 1667 ; and after breaking 
 a chain drawn across the mouth of the Medway, took 
 Sheerness and Chatham, and having burned the English 
 ships of war stationed there, sailed out again with scarcely 
 any loss. This successful invasion spread alarm throughout 
 the kingdom, and the consternation was so great in London 
 that nine ships were sunk at Woolwich, and four at Black- 
 wall, to prevent the Dutch from sailing up to London-bridge 
 and destroying the city. 
 
 In these circumstances Sir Martin Beckman and Sir 
 
 of Merrion, second viscount, hav- disposal as was desired (A. 88, p. 
 
 ing won the favour of Cromwell, 143). Books of the Commissioners 
 
 was ordered a restoration of his of the Parliament of England for 
 
 estates though a devoted Catholic Ireland ; Record Tower, Dublin 
 
 and Royalist; and the Ringsend Castle. But such hindrances were 
 
 fort being found, on ] 1th October, given to his getting back his lands, 
 
 1655, on a reference to Attorney- first by the Cromwelliams ;^27th 
 
 General Basil (A. 8. 224), to be October, 1658, A. 30, p. 328), and 
 
 built on part of his estate of after the King's Restoration by the 
 
 Merrion and Thorncastle, and not Forty-nine Officers (Protestants), 
 
 necessary to be continued as a fort that it was not until the passing of 
 
 (A. 9, 167), he had liberty on 19th the Act of Explanation 23rd 
 
 February, 1656, to demolish the December, 1655, containing a 
 
 four bulwarks of "the fort, under- special enactment in his favour 
 
 taking to bring into the stores all (sec. 67), that he could have got a 
 
 the iron work belonging to the secure possession; and thus had 
 
 drawbridge upon demolishing the no opportunity probably to demolish 
 
 fort, and for his charges therein the fort.] 
 the [other] materials to be at his 
 
230 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Citadel to 
 protect the 
 mouth of the 
 Liffey. 
 
 To be placed 
 near Merrion 
 square. 
 
 Bernard de Gomme,' the Royal Engineers, were ordered to 
 construct works for the defence of the Thames. These 
 officers prepared plans for strengthening the fortifications 
 at Sheerness and Tilbury ; the works at Tilbury fort being 
 entrusted to Sir Bernard de Gomme, who had previously 
 been employed on the fortifications at Dunkirk ; and his 
 plans, with specifications, are now among the manuscripts 
 in the British Museum. 
 
 Peace with the Dutch was shortly afterwards concluded, 
 but did not last long ; and at the commencement of another 
 war, in 1 672, Sir Bernard de Gomme was sent to Ireland 
 to ascertain what works were necessary for the defence of 
 ports in that Kingdom ; and after a survey of Dublin and 
 Kinsale, the plan and estimates now exhibited were presented 
 to His Majesty King Charles the Second, on the 15th of 
 November, 1673. 
 
 The citadel at Dublin was designed to be a pentagon, 
 occupying a space of 1,946 yards, with ramparts, ravelins, 
 curtain, and bastions, the walls being intended of brick, 
 faced with stone, and built on a frame of timber, and piles. 
 It was to contain barracks for 700 men and officers, with a 
 governor's house, and store houses for munitions of war, a 
 chapel, a prison, a clock-tower, and gateway and draw- 
 bridges similar to those at Tilbury fort and Portsmouth, 
 the estimated cost being, £131,227 5s. 9d. ; the estimate for 
 constructing a fort at Rincurran, to defend Kinsale, being 
 £10,350. 
 
 The site chosen for the Dublin citadel was near the space 
 now occupied by Merrion-square, and it would be difficult 
 to understand the grounds assigned for this choice, viz. its 
 being capable of being relieved by sea without realizing to 
 1 [Sir Bernaxd de Gomme, was Ruperfs life and actions. Memoirs 
 
 Engineer General to Prince Rupert 
 at the Prince's siege and capture of 
 Bristol in 1 643, and -wrote a journal 
 of the siege intended to form a 
 chapter in an account of Prince 
 
 of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, 
 by Elliot Warburton, vol. ii. pp 
 236-267, 3 vols., 8vo. London, 
 1849.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 
 
 231 
 
 the mind the fact, that at that day the sea flowed almost to appindix. 
 the foolf of Merrion-square. ' That such however were the 
 grounds for the selection, appears in the letters of the Earl 
 of Essex, Lord" Lieutenant of Ireland, the report of Mr. 
 Jonas Moore, in the year 1675, stating, " that if his Majesty 
 shou-ld think fit to proceed in the design of building a fort 
 royal on the strand, near Ringsend, as was designed by Sir 
 Bernard de Gomme, it is doubtless the only proper piece of 
 ground where a fort can be built so as to be relieved by sea, 
 although for arms the sea air will be very prejudicial " ^ an 
 objection, however, which did not prevent a fort being 
 subsequently erected at the Pigeon House, nearly a mile 
 seaward of the site selected by the royal engineer. ^ 
 
 In considering the grounds for selecting this site, it must 
 
 ' [" 26th January, 1792 : A part 
 of the South-wall suddenly gave 
 way and a dreadful torrent broke 
 into the lower grounds inundating 
 every quarter on the same level as 
 far as Artiohoke-road. The com- 
 munication to Ringsend and Irish- 
 town is entirely cut off and the 
 inhabitants are obliged to go to 
 and fro in boats. " Dublin 
 Chronicle, 26th January, 1792: 
 " Yesterday his Grace the Duke of 
 Leinster went on a sea party and 
 after shooting the breach in the 
 South-wall sailed over the low 
 ground in the South Lots and 
 landed safely at Merrion-square." 
 Ibid., 28th January, 1792, 
 W. M. G.] 
 
 2 " Letters of the Earl of Essex, 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the 
 year 1675," 8vo, Dublin, 1723, p. 
 132. 
 
 3 [The Pigeon House, first as an 
 hotel, and then as a fort or 
 magazine was preceded, by a block 
 house for storing wreck. The 
 
 Dublin newspapers of 1766 mention 
 that a vessel being wrecked, a, 
 number of ' rockers ' who always 
 came down for plunder, were by 
 this means disappointed. It got 
 perhaps the name of I'igeonhouse 
 from John Pigeon employed there. 
 " 8th June, 1786, ordered that 
 John Mullarky and John Pigeon do 
 attend on Saturday next." Journal 
 of Ballast Office. '' 25th August, 
 1 787 : Your committee have pro- 
 vided a ground plan of the block- 
 house which accompanies this 
 report," and thereby aUot one 
 portion to Mr. Francis Tunstall, 
 the inspector of the works of the 
 Ballast Board, and other part of, 
 O'Brien and his wife during 
 pleasure as housekeeper" without 
 salary but with liberty to retail 
 spirits, they undertaking to keep 
 the Corporation rooms clean and 
 in good order and provide breakfast 
 when directed for any members of 
 the Board." Ibid. In 1790, was 
 built an hotel, and in 1798, arose 
 
232 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 North side of 
 the harbour. 
 
 appenbix. be borne in mind that any landing by an enemy on the 
 north bank of the River, was nearly impossible by reason 
 of the shoals of slob or sand extending to a great distance, 
 and preventing access to the shore ; but had an enemy 
 been ever able to disembark, they would have the river 
 between tliem and the object of their attack, as the city 
 then lay althogether on the south side of the river, except 
 the district called Ostmantown (the ancient settlement of 
 the Danes or Ostmen), adjoining St. Michan's Church and 
 Smifchfield, the latter being long familiarly known under 
 the corrupted name of Oxmantown-gi'een. 
 
 Upon the South side of the river, Ringsend was the chief 
 landing place at the period of Sir Bernard de Gomme's 
 design. The river not being yet quayed and deepened, as 
 it has since been, flowed at low water in streams, winding 
 in devious courses through a labyrinth of sands, as may be 
 seen on Sir Bernard's map. ■' 
 
 South side of 
 tho harbour. 
 Its state. 
 
 beside the hotel a magazine of arms. 
 3rd August, 1790 : " A house is 
 intended shortly to be built on the 
 present site of tho Pigeon House, 
 and IS to be fitted up for the 
 accommodation of persons having 
 occasion to pass and repass between 
 this city and England." Dublin 
 ChronieleSrd August, 1790. A.D., 
 1798 : "An unexpected event has 
 taken place in this city, namely a 
 cession made by the Corporation 
 for the Improvement of Dublin 
 Harbour of their property in the 
 Pigeon House dock, and newly 
 constructed hotel, to Government, 
 for the purpose of a place of arms 
 and military port, if not for ever 
 at least during this present war," 
 Gentleman's Magazine, part i., 
 p. 4 35 . In 1 8 1 4 the Board received 
 from Government £100,183 as 
 purchase-money of the Pigeon 
 
 House basin and premises. Tidal 
 Harbours Commission Report, vol. 
 1, p. 39a. Mrs. Tunstall's hotel 
 was thought inconvenient and 
 unsafe and she was obliged to 
 retu-e about thirty years ago. 
 W. M. G.] In the Dublin Penny 
 Journal for September, 28th 1832, 
 is tobefoundalegend entitled "The 
 Pidgeon House, a tale of the last 
 century." It is stated that there 
 was then living at Ringsend one 
 who had resided there near a 
 century, and is vouched as the 
 author of the story, of which it is 
 enough for the present to say that 
 from Ned Pidgeon, living in the 
 house built "at the pile ends," 
 the Pigeon House is alleged to 
 have got its name. Dublin Penny 
 Journal, vol. ii.. No. 65, p. 99. 
 
 ' Boate writes a.d. 1645, "Of 
 dangerous brooks there are two 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 233 
 
 Above Ringsend the navigation became still more intricate 
 and difficult. The long line of South Wall, nearly three 
 miles and a quarter in length, from Ringsend to Poolbeg, 
 
 ' Appendix. 
 
 hard by Dublin, both running into 
 the haven . the one at the 
 
 north side a little below Drum- 
 conran [the Tolka] . . . the 
 other at the south side close by the 
 Ringsend. This called Kafernam 
 water from the village by which it 
 passeth [the Dodder.] ... is 
 far the worst of the two, as rising 
 out of those great mountains south- 
 wards from Dublin, from whence 
 after any great rain . . it 
 
 groweth so deep and violent that 
 many persons have lost their Hves 
 therein ; amongst others Mr. John 
 Usher, father to Sir WUliam Usher 
 that now is, who was carried away 
 by the current, nobody being able 
 to succour him although many 
 persons and of his neerest friends, 
 both a foot and horseback, were by 
 on both the sides. Since that time 
 a stone bridge hath been built over 
 that brook upon the way betwixt 
 Dublin and Ringsend." Ireland's 
 Naturall History, written [a.d. 
 1 645], by Gerard Boate, late Doctor 
 of Physick to the State in Ireland, 
 and now published by Samuel 
 Hartlib, Esq., and more especially 
 for the benefit of the Adventurers 
 andPlanterstherein, London, 1652; 
 chapt. vii., sec. 7. " Of the Brooks 
 of Drumconran and Kafernam by 
 Dublin.'' Reprinted in a collection 
 of Tracts illustrative of Ireland, by 
 Alexander Thorn, 2 vols., 8vo. 
 Dublin, 1850. Mr. Usher was 
 drowned in the beginning of the 
 year 1629. For letters of adminis- 
 trations "of the goods of Mr.^John 
 
 Usher, Alderman of Dublin,'' were 
 granted forth of the Prerogative 
 Court, DubHu, 16th of March, 
 1629, to " Sir William Usher, son 
 of the deceased." Grant Book, 
 Public Record Oflice, Four Courts, 
 Dublin. It must be remembered 
 that the only way to Ringsend on 
 those days when the tide was m 
 was to cross the ford of the Dodder 
 where Ball's Bridge now stands 
 (for the sea then flowed to the foot 
 of HoUes-street). And at this ford, 
 without doubt, Alderman Usher 
 was drowned. The Dodder, it may 
 be observed here, divides the lands 
 of Baggotrath on the Dubhn side, 
 from Simmons-court on the other. 
 The stone bridge mentioned by 
 Boate occupied the site of Ball's 
 Bridge, and must have been built 
 between 1629 and 1637. It was 
 suggested in 1 623. " Easter 1 623. 
 To the petition of Richard Morgan 
 playing an allowance for erecting 
 of a bridge going to Ringsend, 
 Ordered that as private men have 
 a lease upon the land it therefore 
 convenienceth themselves to build 
 the said bridge.'' Assembly Rolls. 
 •' jVIidsummer 1640. Certain of the 
 Commons petitioned, that in the 
 year of Mr. Watson's mayoralty 
 [a.d. 1 637], there were some charges 
 expended in the repairing of the 
 bridge of Symons-court alias 
 Smoothescourt, since which time 
 the same has fallen to much decay, 
 ordered that ten pounds be ex- 
 pended." C. Haliday's abstracts 
 of City Assembly Rolls. Haliday 
 
234 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 appindix. carried over the South Bull, i through the water towards 
 the bar, and terminated by the Poolbeg lighthouse, marking 
 the entrance of the river, was not then thought of,^ the sea 
 
 MSS., Royal Irish Academy.) 
 Even at low water there was no 
 passing on foot between Ringsend 
 and Dublin. Dunton writes as 
 follows in 1 698 : " The first ramble 
 I took this morning was to take 
 my farewell of Ringsend . . . 
 T'is about a mile from Dublin. 
 . . . After an hour's stay 
 in this dear place (as all seaport 
 towns generally are.) I took my 
 leave of Trench, Welstead, and 
 three or more friends and now 
 looked towards Dublin ; but how 
 to come at it we no more knew 
 how than the fox at the grapes ; 
 for, though we saw a large strand 
 yet t'was not to be walked over 
 because of a pretty rapid stream 
 which must be crossed. We in- 
 quired for a coach and found ihat 
 no such thing was to be had there 
 but were informed we could have 
 a Ringsend carr, which upon my 
 desire was called and we got upon 
 it, not into it. It is a perfect carr 
 with two wheels and towards the 
 back of it a seat is raised crossways 
 long enought to hold three people 
 . . . The fare to Lazy Hill 
 
 is four pence .... we were 
 told that there were a hundred and 
 more plying .... " Some 
 account of my conversations in 
 Ireland," p. 419. The Dublin 
 Scuffle, by John Dunton, 12mo. 
 London, 1699. 
 
 ' [There are two great wastes of 
 sand on the north and south sides 
 of Dublin bay called Bulls, from the 
 roaring of the surf against them 
 
 when uncovered at low water. 
 They were so called by the Irish. 
 In Irish ' tarbli ' (pronounced tarf) 
 means a bull. Hence Clontarf, the 
 bull's meadow or pasture. See the 
 Origin and History of Irish names 
 ofplaces by P. W. Joyce, m.r.i.a., 
 12mo., Dublin, 1871.] 
 
 ^ The following particulars con- 
 cerning the forming of a new- 
 channel for the river Liffey, from 
 near the site of the present Carlisle 
 bridge to the Poolbeg Light House, 
 a distance of nearly four miles, are 
 derived from Mr. Haliday's <!ol- 
 leotions. 16th January, 1707-8: 
 Three Aldermen and Six of the Com- 
 mons appointed by the Corpora- 
 tion to be a Quorum [Committee 
 of Directors of the Ballast Office] 
 to give directions to Ballast Master. 
 (BaUast Office Journal). 26th 
 January, 1707-8 : That two iron 
 Tormentors be made, and that the 
 first fair day it be tried what depth 
 of sand or gravel there is in places 
 (to be pointed out) in the Channel. 
 (lb. ) 29th January, 1707-8: C om- 
 mittee went to Cock [Cockle] lake 
 and found that the water which 
 was there when the tide is out 
 may be prevented that course. The 
 manner how not decided. River 
 tried from Mr. Vanhomrigh's house 
 to Ringsend point ; found 5 feet 
 depth of sand and gravel. Thence ' 
 to Clontarf bar, i feet deep ; No 
 rocks (lb.) 1 3th February, 1 707-8 : 
 Mr. Morland, City Surveyor, to 
 draw a map of the channel of the 
 river from Essex bridge to the bar j 
 

 
 ScitCe of one Mife, 
 
 . >.M t f f.-J 
 
 Buhlvro Bay and' Harhowr, 
 A.D.16S6. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 233 
 
 Note — continued. 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Mr. Morney, and two or three 
 others best experienced in the 
 channel from Vanhomrigh's house 
 to the bar, to give their opinions 
 in writing. {lb.') 20th February, 
 1707-8: Mr. Holt brought the 
 opinions (as ordered), that the 
 Channel should run from Mr. 
 Mercer's (formerly Vanhomrigh's) 
 house directly with Green Patch, a 
 little without Eingsend point, {lb.) 
 21st July, 1710: Eeport of Com- 
 mittee of Ballast Office : Had 
 conferred with persons interested 
 in the gi-ound on the north side of 
 the Channel relative to piling there, 
 who would not contribute to the 
 expense. Directions for dredging 
 the channel and to make a bank on 
 the north side. (City Assembly 
 RoUs). 20th October, 1710: The 
 Committee appointed to stake out 
 the mears and bounds [of the 
 Channel] between Eingsend and 
 Lazy Hill have not done so : The 
 old channel will soon be filled up. 
 The mears and bounds to be staked 
 out, (City Assembly Rolls). 13th 
 April, 1711 : Instructions given 
 for bringing great quantities of 
 stone and faggots which will make 
 good that part of the banks not 
 already secured on both sides of 
 the channel, and fill up the mouth 
 of the old, andwiUkeep the freshets 
 within the bounds of the new 
 channel, and will make the new 
 channel deeper (lb.) 2nd May, 
 1712 : It is necessary to enclose 
 the channel to carry it directly to 
 Salmon Pool. Had consulted 
 many who are of opinion that the 
 best way will be by laying kishes 
 filled with stones and backing them 
 
 with sand and gravel, which is 
 found by the experience of some 
 years past to withstand all the force 
 of the floods that come down the 
 river (7i.) 22nd July, 1715 : Are 
 laying down kishes to secure the 
 north side of the channel and when 
 a sufficient number of kishes are 
 made will go on with the piling 
 below Ringsend as formerly pro- 
 posed : are now raising stones at 
 Clontarf (76.) 1 4th October, 1715: 
 Are laying down a quantity of 
 kishes on the north side which has 
 made good the bank as far as 
 opposite Mabbot's mill. The 
 remainder will be completed next 
 summer, (Ibid). 4th Friday after 
 Christmas, 1715 : It is the opinion 
 of merchants that the south side of 
 the channel below Ringsend should 
 be filled in, which will raisethe south 
 bank so high as to be a great 
 shelter to shipping in the harbour, 
 (Ibid). Same day : Petition that 
 the strand between that taken in 
 by Mercer and that granted to Sir 
 John Rogerson be taken in, being 
 now overflowed : that a wall be 
 built to the east : sand and rubbish 
 would fix it: length of wall 606 
 feet : Sir J. Eogerson would then 
 be encouraged to take in his strand: 
 Ordered that the work do proceed, 
 and that the Ballast Office do back 
 said wall {Ibid). 20th January, 
 1715-16: Have not been able to 
 go on with the piling below Rings- 
 end for want of oak timber: 
 propose to carry the kishes up to 
 Momey's dock {lb.) 19th October, 
 1716: Have made some progress 
 in piling below Ringsend with an 
 Engine made here, and intend 
 
236 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 going on the South Bull next year, 
 Find a difficulty in being supplied 
 with oak timber for piles : Suggest 
 fir for two or three rows. The 
 engine from Holland is shipped, 
 {lb.) 19th January, 1716-17 : Have 
 continued piling below Ringsend 
 with an engine as far as the sea 
 would permit : Propose going on 
 the South Bull : Have oak timber 
 for one set of piles ; but four rows 
 of piles required, (i6.) 19th July, 
 
 1717 : Three hundred piles driven 
 onSouth Bull : On North sidehave 
 laid 258 kishes since last report of 
 18th January, 1717. Have filled 
 the spaces between these with 
 hurdles and stones, {lb.) 18th 
 October, 1717 : On South Bull 
 have driven 567 piles in three 
 rows, since last report : the intei-vals 
 filled with stones. On the North 
 side have laid and filled 400 kishes 
 this summer {lb.) 17 January, 
 1717-18 : Have laid 348 kishes on 
 north side since last report {lb.) 
 25th April, 1718 : Have filled up 
 the breaches made in the South 
 Bull by last winter's storms with 
 furze and stones, {lb.), 13th July, 
 
 1718 : Are proceeding with the 
 wall on the South Bull. On the 
 north side have laid kishes as far 
 as opposite Ringsend ; and are 
 laying down kishes in a line from 
 the east end of the aforesaid kishes 
 towards the Island, {lb.) 16th 
 January, 1718-19 : The piling of 
 the South Bull is proceeding. Have 
 agreed for one hundred tons of 
 long piles from Wales, {lb.) 20th 
 July, 1 720 : The sea scarcely 
 leaves the East End of the piles 
 which makes the work slow : Are 
 
 Note — continued. 
 
 wattling between the piles which 
 
 they hope will in time raise a bank 
 {lb.), 21st April, 1721 : Instead 
 of piling by the Engine which is 
 found impracticable so far at sea, 
 have used frames made of piles 
 abouttwenty-two feet in length and 
 ten feet in breadth twenty-four 
 piles in each frame. These are 
 floated out from Blackrock accom- 
 panied by two gabbards filled with 
 stones quarried there, and the 
 frames are then filled with stones 
 and sunk, (ii.) 23rd April, 172-3 : 
 Have not proceeded as yet with 
 the piling on the South Bull ; but 
 the season being proper, propose 
 now to proceed, having 1225 pieces 
 of timber for that pui-pose, (/J.) 
 20th January, 1726 : The thirteen 
 frames mentioned in the last report 
 have withstood all the storms, 
 except one frame sent a drift {lb.) 
 1 9th January, 1 727-8 : Have set 
 down four more frames, {lb.) 19th 
 July, 1728 : Have set down eight 
 frames more ; about 300 feet in 
 length, (7J.) 13th October, 1728: 
 To protect the float men raising 
 stones at Blackrock, suggest that 
 two frames be set down at Black- 
 rock. 14th October, 1726: four 
 more frames made since the last 
 report which together with the 
 former nine are set down on the 
 South Bull extending in length 
 eighteen perches. The floats are 
 now securing the same with stones 
 fromBlackrock,(i6.) 20th October, 
 1727 : Have this season made 
 seven frames all of the new model, 
 containing 400 feet in length, {tb.) 
 17th January, 1728-9: One frame 
 of piles for piling the channel of 
 
SOANDINA.VIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 237 
 
 Note — continued. 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 the Liffey went adrift. Some of 
 the piles which composed it are in 
 possession of Lord Howth, and 
 some of Mr. Vernon who refuse to 
 deliver them : Mr. Recorder to 
 advise, (lb.) [They were after- 
 wards given up], 1 0th April, 1729 : 
 Could not proceed with the work 
 at Blackrock by reason of the 
 stormy weather, nor with the new 
 firames at Cock [CockleJ Lake, {lb.), 
 8th July, 1729: The work having 
 been left incomplete a deep gut 
 has been formed between this 
 summer and last winter at the 
 east end of the frames which has 
 carried a spit a great way into the 
 Channel and is dangerous for 
 shipping ; and will be worse if the 
 carrying on of the frames be longer 
 delayed : Suggest an Act of Parlia- 
 ment giving power to borrow, {lb.), 
 17th October, 1 729 : Find the old 
 frames very much decayed by 
 worms and will require repair: 
 Have no other dependance for 
 stones, but Blackrock. The gut 
 at the frames, and spit north- 
 eastwards increasing. The bank 
 above the west end of the frames 
 is much carried away through Cock 
 (Cockle) Lake. Propose a work 
 across the same, {lb.), 16th 
 October, 1730: Have finished 
 twenty-five frames : in length about 
 thirty-seven perches. The work 
 across Cock (or Cockle) Lake is 
 proceeding (iJ.), 15th April, 17.31 : 
 Have paid ^£38 1 2^. id., for repairs 
 of the west end of the north wall, 
 {lb.), 17th July, 1731 : The bank 
 at the west end of Cock (or Cockle), 
 Lake called Salmon Pool bank, 
 running southwards to the Brick- 
 
 fields is very high, and is not under 
 water above two feet with common 
 tides, whereas on the line leading 
 to Eingsend there is above six feet 
 on the same sands so that the work 
 cannot be continued thither without 
 frames. Are of opinion that if the 
 work from Cock (or Cockle) Lake 
 be carried towards the Brickfields 
 with only a double dry stone wall 
 filled in between with gravel it 
 would not only be more lasting 
 and cheaper, but also make the 
 bank in said angle rise faster, but 
 chiefly make the basin within the 
 bar the larger and able to contain 
 more water, and consequently by 
 the flux and reflux of the tide will 
 deepen the bar which they fear is 
 abeady prejudiced by shutting the 
 water out of the harbour by the 
 taking in of Sir John Eogerson's- 
 quay ground, and the North Wall ; 
 Ordered that the said wall be 
 carried on towards the Brickfields 
 as proposed by the Commissioners, 
 {lb.), 19th October, 1733: Find 
 deeper water by a new channel at 
 the east end of the frames since 
 the stopping up of Cock (or Cockle) 
 Lake whicli, as it becomes broader, 
 carries the spit further north- 
 wards, (76.) (From C. Haliday's 
 Abstracts of the City Assembly 
 Rolls. Haliday, MSS. Royal 
 Irish Academy.) The double 
 dry stone wall filled between 
 with gravel (which now forms 
 the road from Ringsend to the 
 Pigeonhouse fort ) was com- 
 pleted in 1735, (Tidal Harbour 
 Commissioners second report. 
 Captain Washington's report and 
 evidence to the report annexed, 
 
238 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 not banked out from the south side of the city by Sir John 
 Rogerson's-quay,' apread itself over ground now laid out in 
 
 Ixiii., No. 6488, W. 
 
 Parliamentary Papers, vol., xviii.. 
 Part I.) In October, 1735, a 
 Floating Light was placed at the 
 east end of the Piles. In June, 
 1761, (he long wall of cut stone 
 from the present Pigeonhouse was 
 begun by erecting the present 
 Poolbeg Lighthouse (Ibid.) This 
 wall was completed in 1790. " 28th 
 August, 1788 : So great is the 
 progress already made in the Mole 
 or Jettie in our harbour, commonly 
 called the South Wall or Ballast 
 Office Wall that besides the mile 
 and a quarter from Eingsend to 
 the Block house, there are upwards 
 of 3,000 feet in length of it com- 
 pleted from the new work from 
 the Lighthouse westwards" (Dublin 
 Chronicle), " lOth January, 1789 : 
 The work is in such forwardness 
 that it wiU be completed in about 
 eighteen months." {Jbid.,) W. M. 
 G.] I am further indebted to 
 my friend William Monk Gibbon, 
 I.I..D., for the following curious 
 notices connected with the Piles 
 on the South Bull. " 25th 
 February, 1744 : On Wednesday 
 last were tried in the King's Bench 
 (amongst others), Peter Pagan and 
 James Flanagan and were (as 
 .sentenced), whipped on Thursday 
 from Irishtown to Merrion for 
 digging up piles at the Strand, 
 Dublin News Letter," " I7th May, 
 1766 : The two murderers who 
 were hung in gibbetts at a little 
 distance from the new wall were 
 put up in so scandalous a manner 
 that they fell down on Tuesday, 
 and now lie on the piles, a most 
 shocking spectacle. " Pue's Occur- 
 
 rences, vol., 
 M. G.] 
 
 ^ Lease in fee farm by the 
 Corporation of Dublin to John 
 Rogerson, Esq., A.D. 1713, (Printed 
 Rental of the Estates of the Cor- 
 poration of Dublin, by Francis 
 Morgan, Law Agent, Folio, Dublin 
 1867.) Acts of Assembly 17th July, 
 1713: John Rogerson, Esq., in- 
 forms the City Assembly that he 
 intends to speedily take in the 
 Strand between Lazy Hill and 
 Ringsend which the Assembly hope 
 will improve the new channel, and 
 iMr. Rogerson desires to be furnished 
 with sand and gravel by the gab- 
 bards when they have not work with 
 shipping, he paying three pence per 
 ton. City Records. [23rd August, 
 1741: Died at his house in Mary- 
 street of a fever the Right Hon. 
 John Rogerson, Esq., Chief Justice 
 of the King's Bench. He came to 
 the Bar in 1702. Was made 
 Recorder of Dublin, 3rd November, 
 1714. Same year became Solicitor- 
 General ; and Attorney -General 
 May, 1720, and Lord Chief Justice 
 May, 1727. (Dublin News Letter, 
 Richard Reilly's No. 485, 23rd 
 Jlarch, 1744.) To be sold that 
 part of the South Strand in the 
 city of Dublin which lies eastward 
 of the arch on the High road from 
 Dublin to Ringsend, containing 
 133 acres plantation measure the 
 estate of the late Right Hon. Chief 
 Justice Robinson whereof 2a. 2b. 
 are bounded by Rogerson's-quay, 
 and laid out for building, Dublin 
 Journal, No. 1883, W. M. G.] 
 
-^ toir^/l 
 
 ^ ^(Ti^^n^ ^ '" 
 
 Refference. 
 
 Is T/t^e residue of t/ui AacA^ yst-z-ci ocrc€^ Stocile- ya-rc/-. eirclU'Sire p:/' ao /x-ick- ifocrc/y or Court 
 cf-s -n^as p^xcej-vted in^ l^jfc-e Gra-rvt to Si-r fi^.Roiin^sorv.Ifn-ve^/iyt. 
 
 TIi.e old Tanae lyriy tJie Stayht& -uccroL Tvhiych' yras sooicZ f-o corot€x.in J rooms . 
 
 ■vgfe 
 
 'y 
 
 Is tTfye Cfoofclens 6elon<^inq to C'Jvi^ch ester- Ifoj/^se, exclitsiy e o/' l/hye Terrace WooLJc-- vtlvCa/i. 
 woi,s exce/vted in. t/ie Oro/riyt to Svr rfi^ll^'^ Rohinsorv a^nd exclti'SCve o/' JVi'cIvolce^s's Ave, 
 hojji^.ses and' ccl't other inXerests aZrea^oty fvurc/va^sed 6if oj~ for Mi-s ^'^Ict/es^if . \ 
 
 •-■UL the- rest of the /^remises we conceive to he UjuqitestioMyO^ite ctnd ifv of/ settted state . 
 
 Giverv u,ncler ouj~ Ji-O'n/ds tJvis // . otO'if of^ 3 epytemtfer //^-^ . 
 
 jve 
 
 O'rvt/' 
 
 (rdbri^t Stohes ■ 
 
 Surveyors. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN, 
 
 239 
 
 streets,! so that Kingsend true to its name Ein or Reen appendix. 
 meaning a ispit or point presents itself in Sir Bernard de Ringsend. 
 Gomme's map as a long and narrow tongue or spit of land 
 running out into the sea, the water on its western side 
 spreading over all the low ground between Irishtown and 
 the slightly rising ground on which stand the barracks at 
 Beggar's Bush, and under Sir Patrick Dunne's hospital, 
 along the line of Denzille-street and Great Brunswick-street, 
 to Townsend-street, called Lazey, otherwise Lazar's Hill, 
 and flowing even to that front of the Parliament House 
 called the Lord's entrance, facing College -street, as may be 
 seen on the ground plan of Chichester House (the site of 
 which the Parliament House occupies), where ground under 
 this face is described as " the Old Shore." ^ At Lazar's hiU Frigate 
 
 launched at 
 
 . , , . . , 1 Lazar's Hill, 
 
 pursuance 01 the before recited Act. 
 
 1 Sir Bernard de Gomme's Map 
 of 1 673. 
 
 ^ [Attached to the plan is the 
 following return : " To the Right 
 Honourable and honourable the 
 Commissioners appointed by Com- 
 mission under the Great Seal of 
 Ireland in pursuance of an Act of 
 Parliament made in the third year 
 of His present Majesty intitled an 
 Act to enable His Majesty to 
 purchase the respective interests 
 of the several persons entitled to 
 the houses and grounds adjoining 
 to the New Parliament House. 
 May it please your honours, in 
 obedience to your honours' order to 
 us directed dated 28th of May last, 
 whereby we were required joyntly 
 to survey all and singular the out- 
 grounds and gardens belonging to 
 a certain house demised to Sir 
 William Robinson, Knt., by His 
 late Majesty King Charles the 
 Second excepting such parts of the 
 premises thereby demised as hath 
 been purchased by His Majesty in 
 
 And having given due notice in 
 writing to Mr. John Williams, 
 Agent to your honours and to the 
 other parties concerned in interest 
 to attend said survey, and having 
 heard what was offered by said 
 John Williams in behalf of His 
 Majesty and what was offered by 
 Mr. Hutchinson on behalf of him- 
 self and of Richard Gering, Esq., 
 did proceed to survey the same and 
 having then and at sundry times 
 informed ourselves by divers 
 witnesses, persons capable to give 
 us true information of the mears 
 and bounds thereof. We have 
 made a true survey ; a Map where- 
 of we have hereunto annexed, and 
 do find that of all and singular the 
 premises in the said Letters Patent 
 contained and demised as aforesaid 
 nothing now remains to be pur- 
 chased by His Majesty in pursuance 
 of the said Act, except the follow- 
 ing parcels, viz., No. 1, No. 2, 
 and No. 3, whose boundaries and 
 
240 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix, jn the year 1657, we find a frigate built and launched. 
 Among the Treasury warrants issued by the Commissioners 
 of England for the affairs of Ireland, is an order dated the 
 24th March, 1657 : " That James Standish, Receiver- 
 General, do issue forth and pay unto Mr. Timothy Avery 
 the sum of £100, on account, the same being to be by him 
 issiied out towards the finishing and speedy fitting to sea 
 the new ifrigatt, called the Lambay Catch, now rebuilt and 
 lately launched, att Lazey Hill, Dublin, according to such 
 orders as he shall receive in writing under the hand of 
 Captain Edward Tomlins, and Joseph Glover, who is to 
 command the said shipp, for payment whereof this is a 
 dimentions are described in the [In 1784, when makingthe present 
 
 said Map and Table of Reference 
 thereto belonging. All which is 
 most humbly submitted to your 
 honours, this Eleventh day of 
 September, 1734, by 
 
 Your Honours MostdutyfuU and 
 Most Obedient Servants. 
 Thomas Cave. 
 Gabhiel Stokes. 
 
 From the Original, Public Record 
 Office, Four Courts. 
 
 Lord Mountmorres says, " I re- 
 member to have heard from a clerk 
 of the House of Lords, Mr. 
 Hawker, that Chichester House 
 was very inconvenient ; and so it 
 was reported by a Committee in 
 Queen Anne's reign. I cannot 
 help lamenting (he continues I , that 
 a Map of the disposition of the 
 apartments and grounds of 
 Chichester House which about 
 twenty years ago was hung up in 
 the House of Commons Coffee- 
 house was unaccountably lost." 
 History of the Irish Parliament 
 from A.D. 1634 to 1666, by Lord 
 Mountmorres, Vol. 2, p. 100, 2 
 vols. 8vo., London, 1792.] 
 
 portico in Westmoreland-street for 
 a separate entrance to the House 
 of Peers it was found that the 
 buildings on this east side of the 
 Parliament House stood on ground 
 with declivities so sudden and so 
 great as to make it difficult to bring 
 the line of cornices, windows and 
 rustic basement of the new portico 
 into harmony with the lines of the 
 original building ; for here on the 
 east the foundation was the ' Old 
 Shore ' line marked on the plan of 
 Chichester House. It was only 
 overcome by James Gandon the 
 architect employing Corinthian 
 Columns which are taller than the 
 Ionic Order used in the main 
 building, and even then the portico 
 was ascended by steps. Life of 
 James Gandon, architect by his 
 son. Edited bvMulvany, pp. 83-85. 
 Hodges and Smith, Dublin, 8vo., 
 1846. In Speed's map of 1610, 
 there is a pill or narrow inlet from 
 the Liffeyrunning up to this eastern 
 front. The regular course of the 
 shore line seems to have been Fleet- 
 street by the same map.] 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OV DUBLIN. 
 
 241 
 
 warrant," &c. • Ringsend was then a place of arrival, and Api-e>i>i'c. 
 departure fc* Lord Deputies with their attendant trains ; ^ 
 and here, it may be remembered, Oliver Cromwell, as Lord 
 Lieutenant, landed in the month of August, 1 649, with an 
 army of 13,000 men, to commence his memorable nine 
 months' campaign in Ireland. 
 
 From Ringsend the direct approach to Dublin lay across Way from 
 ground overflowed by the tide, but passable at low water DuWi^'iai673, 
 for man or horse about the place where the Ringsend 
 bridge now stands. At full tide the way lay more inland, 
 through the fields of Baggot Rath, the line of approach 
 
 1 Book of Treasury "Warrants, 
 A.D. 1656-1657. Record Tower, 
 Dublin Castle. [As late as 1744 
 there was another launch. " Last 
 Thursday, 'the Boyne' privateer 
 was launched at Geoi"ge's-quay, 
 at which vast numbers of spec- 
 tators were present who wished her 
 a good voyage and to take her 
 enemies," SQth September, 1744. 
 The Dublin Journal, W. il. G.] 
 [In A.D. 1663 in Hie et Ubique, a 
 Comedy " Trust All " addresses 
 "Bankrupt." — ."That's strangel 
 There's not a Frigott hardly that 
 lies moored up at Lazy Hill, 
 Kilmainham, or the rest of the 
 docks, that properly belong to that 
 fleet, but they're all foul in the 
 gun-room." 'Hie et Ubique' a 
 Comedy 'by Richard Head, Dublin 
 1663." Among the First Earl of 
 Charlemont's collection of Old 
 Plays, lately in Charlemont House, 
 Dublin. These expressions are 
 allegorical, and mean ladies of a 
 certain class satirised in this 
 Comedy.] 
 
 '' Be it remembered that on 
 Saturday the 12th of March, 1614, 
 the Honorable Sir Arthur Chi- 
 
 chester, Lord Chichester of Belfast, 
 Deputy General of Ireland, after 
 holdingthe sceptreof that Kingdom 
 for nine jears, five weeks and up- 
 wards, embarked in the King's 
 Sloop called 'the Moon,' Beverley 
 Newcomen, son and heir of Sir 
 Robert Newcomen, Commander, 
 on his voyage to England, being 
 escorted from his house called 
 Chichester House to the place 
 called 'the Ringe's Ende' where 
 the Sloop's boat awaited him, by 
 the Lords Justices, Privy Council 
 and others. Officers of the Army, 
 Pensioners, and Members of Parlia- 
 ment, and the Mayor and Sheriffs, 
 and the greater part of the Citizens 
 of Dublin, all anxious to show their 
 love, &c., &c. Exchequer Roll, 
 11 th James I., (translation). Lord 
 Berkely landed here, 1679, De 
 Ginkle sailed hence, 1691. (Story's 
 Warof Ireland, p. 285). Earl Whar- 
 ton landed here, 1709. [The great 
 guns were sent down to Ringsend 
 to wait the arrival of the Duke of 
 Devonshire our Lord Lieutenant, 
 who is hourly expected here, 
 Dublin News Letter, 29th Septem- 
 ber, 1741. W. M. G.J 
 R 
 
242 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Plan for a 
 Harbour at 
 Hiiigseiid in 
 1674, 
 
 being through Irishtown, nearly along the course of Bath- 
 avenne, and by the line of Mount-street and Merrion- 
 square to the castle.^ 
 
 In the 3'^ear 1674 — that following the visit of Sir Bernard 
 do Gomme — Andrew Yarranton/ the publisher of some 
 plans for the improvement of harbours in England, came to 
 Dublin, and was, as he states, " importuned by Lord Mayor 
 Browster to bestow some time on a survey of the port," 
 the result of which was, that considering it impossible to 
 deepen the water on the bar, he offered suggestions for an 
 artificial harbour and fort for its defence on the strand 
 (then covered by the tide) between Ringsend and " the 
 Town's End street ; " the want of some protection for the 
 trade of Dublin being then a subject which engaged public 
 
 ' The ground for Bath-avenue 
 was only recovered from the sea 
 about 1792. [" 31st May, 1792: 
 The marsh between Beggar's- 
 bush and Ringsend, through which 
 runs the Dodder on its way to 
 Ringsend-bridge, is, we hear, taken 
 by Mr. [Counsellor] Vavasour 
 from Lord Fitzwilliam, for 150 
 years, at £190 per annum. This 
 tract, which is inundated every 
 tide, Mr. Vavasour will (it is said) 
 reclaim by a complete double em- 
 bankment of the Dodder . 
 The river is to be turned to its 
 own channel, which is the centre 
 of the piece of ground south of 
 Ringsend-bridge ..." Dub- 
 lin Chronicle. W. M. G.] 
 
 [1796. The branch of the 
 Dodder which ran out between 
 Tritonville and Irishtown was 
 diverted by the Ballast Board 
 into the New Channel. Ballast 
 Board Books. W. M. G.] 
 
 ^ "I being at Dublin in the 
 month of November, 1674, there 
 happened a great storm which 
 
 blew one [ship] to sea, where ship 
 and men perished, and blew 
 another upon the rocks near the 
 point of Howth ... I also 
 found from Lord Mayor Brewster 
 and others that the badness of the 
 harbour did occasion the decay of 
 trade. I then acquainted him 
 with my thoughts as to a good 
 harbour at Ringsend. Upon 
 which he did importune me to 
 bestow some time in a survey . . . 
 If there were a harbour at Rings- 
 end, as in the map described, this 
 advantage would be gained. At 
 present there is at least £500 per 
 annum paid to persons that carry 
 and recarry people in the Rings- 
 end coaches to and from the 
 ships ; all this would be saved . . 
 and, by the ships coming up 
 boldly to Lazy-hill, trade will be 
 made easy." England's Improve- 
 ment by Land and Sea to outdo 
 the Dutch without fighting, to set 
 at work all the poor of England 
 . . . pp. 150. By Andrew 
 Yarronton, gent., small 4to, Lon- 
 don, 1677. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 243 
 
 attention, in consequence of a French privaieer having appendix. 
 entered the bay, and captured and carried off a Spanish 
 ship from near the bar of the river.^ 
 
 Yarranton's plan appeared in a treatise entitled " Eng- 
 land's Improvement by Sea and Land, to outdo the Dutch 
 without Fighting," published in 1677. 
 
 The plan of a citadel, as projected by Sir Bernard de FortatMerrion 
 Gomme, though not executed, seems not to have been intended in 
 wholly laid aside, for in a fine collection, in folio, of plans ^'^^^' 
 of all the forts existing in Ireland, in the year 1684, with 
 their elevations beautifully executed in water colours, 
 together with projects for additional defences, preserved at 
 Kilkenny Castle, tlie same design reappears. This volume 
 of plans is entitled "A Report drawn up by direction of 
 His Majesty King Charles the Second, and General Right 
 Hon. George [Legge] Lord Dartmouth, Master-General of 
 His Majesty's Ordnance in England, and performed by 
 Thomas Phillips, anno 16S5 ;"'' and it contains several plans 
 and details "for a citadel to be built over Dublin," the 
 site being apparently the same as that chosen by Sir 
 Bernard de Gomme, and the form similar. 
 
 The plans of Yarranton and De Gomme directed attention 
 to the improvement of the port of Dublin, the trade of 
 which was then carried on by vessels of from fifty to one 
 hundred tons burden. 
 
 As there was no corporate or other body in Dublin History of the 
 
 Ballast Board 
 I May 29th, 1675. "One matter 2 See the print of a very fine 
 
 of some moment I have to acquaint map by this artist, entitled " The 
 
 you with ... A Spanish ship Ground Plan of Belfast, per 
 
 was taken by a French privateer Xho. Phillips, Anno. 1685," 
 
 close to the bar of this harbour, giving elevations of the Castle, 
 
 and carried away on Thursday, Churches and priucipal Houses, 
 
 in the evening .. . This accident in the "History of Belfast," by 
 
 has much disturbed the merchants George Benn, 8vo, Marcus Ward 
 
 of this town." Earl of Essex's and Co., London and Dclfast, 
 
 State Letters, Lord Lieutenant of 1877. 
 Ireland. Sto, Dublin, 1773,2nd 
 edition, p. 242, 
 
 E 2 
 
lU 
 
 THE SCANDINAYfANS, AND 
 
 entrusted with the conservancy of the river, and especially 
 empowered to raise ballast, Henry Howard petitioned the 
 Lord Lieutenant in 1676 that a patent might be granted to 
 him, pursuant to the king's letter, which he had obtained, 
 for establishing a ballast office.^ This, however, was 
 opposed by the Lord Mayor and citizens, on the ground 
 that the charter of King John gave to them the strand of 
 the river,2 where ballast should be raised,*^ and they, there- 
 fore, prayed that permission to establish a ballast office 
 might be granted to them, they applying the profits thereof 
 to the maintenance of the intended " King's Hospital " 
 (since better known as the Blue Coat School),' The Lord 
 Lieutenant neither granted the prayer of the one petition 
 or the other, nor did Howard execute a lease which he had 
 proposed to take from the city. 
 
 ' Acts of Assembly, 1676. 
 Henry Howard petitioned the 
 Lord [..ieutenant for order to pass 
 Letters Patent for a Ballast Office 
 in all the ports of Ireland pur- 
 suant to Letters under the King's 
 Privy Seal granted him five years 
 since. The Corporation answer 
 that by the Charter of King John 
 they own the LiflTey and the 
 strand within the franchises of the 
 city ; that they have, by acts of 
 Assembly, laid down rules for 
 ballasting ; and by a late Assem- 
 bly, in July last, have revived 
 their ancient right to said ballast, 
 and hope to have a Ballast Office, 
 the profits whereof are intended for 
 the King's Hospital. City Assem- 
 bly Roll. 
 
 ^ A.D. 1200. King John con- 
 firms former charters, and grants 
 to the citizens the fishery of one 
 half of the Liffey, with liberty to 
 build on the banks at their will, 
 Pated at Upton, 6th of November, 
 
 in the 2nd year of his reign. 
 Historic and Municipal Docu- 
 ments from the Archives of the 
 City of Dublin, &c., 1172-1320. 
 Edited by J. T. Gilbert, f.s.a., 
 8vo, Dublin, 1870. a.d. 1215. 
 Confirms to them the city in fee- 
 farm with that part of the Liffey 
 which belongs to them together 
 with one part of the said river, 
 except such fishings as we have 
 granted in free alms [to St. Mary's 
 Abbey, &c.], and such others as 
 are held by ancient tenure. 
 Dated at Marlbrege, 3rd of July, 
 in the 17th year of his reign. 
 
 ' Acts of Assembly. Nativity of 
 St. John, 1 682 : Thos. and Henry 
 Howard petition to the city ; 
 that the king had granted them 
 his Letters for a Patent for erect- 
 ing a Ballast Office in Ireland ; 
 that they are willing to take a 
 lease of the Port of Dublin from 
 the city at fifty pounds a year, 
 and to surrender their title. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 245 
 
 The Corporation of Dublin, still anxious to improve the Appendix. 
 port, petitioned the House of Commons in 1698, stating Corpo^on 
 that "the river had become so shaUow, and the channel so Sfof " 
 uncertain, that neither barques nor lighters of any burden i^'^l'eas^"^"' 
 could get up except at spring tides, much merchandise 
 being unloaded at Eingsend, and thence carted up to 
 Dublin ;" and, therefore, prayed that they might be per- 
 mitted to establish a Ballast Office.' 
 
 On this petition the " Heads of a Bill," were prepared and 
 transmitted to England, conformable with Poyning's law,^ 
 but the Bill was stopped in England by some persons 
 there (as was alleged), who endeavoured to get a grant from 
 the Admiralty for the benefit of the chest at Chatham."^ 
 
 Ordered a lease for thirty-one years, 
 at i£50, covenanting to take such 
 rates only as the Corporation shall 
 think fit. City Assembly Eoll. 
 Christmas, 1685. The Howards, 
 having neglected to perfect their 
 lease, order for lease therefore 
 declared void, and petition to the 
 Lord Lieutenant that H.M. may 
 direct Letters Patent to pass to 
 the city for a Ballast Office. City 
 Records. 
 
 ' 23rd Nov., 1698. Petition of 
 
 Lord Mayor, &c., to the Commons 
 
 in Parliament that the river is 
 
 choked up . . .by gravel and 
 
 sand brought by the fresh-water 
 
 floods and ashes thrown in . . . 
 
 and, by taking ballast from the 
 
 banks below Ringsend, which so 
 
 breaks the banks that the river has 
 
 carried great quantities of the 
 
 loose sands thereof into Poolbeg, 
 
 Salmon Pool, Clontarf Pool, and 
 
 Green Patch, which were the usual 
 
 anchoring places, but are now 
 
 become so shallow that no number 
 
 of ships can with safety bide 
 
 there, and the river, also between 
 Rings End and the Custom House, 
 by this means, and by the building 
 of several bridges which has 
 shifted the sands, has become so 
 shallow that the channel is of 
 little use, and barks of any burden 
 must unload, and the citizens 
 bring up their coals, &c., by land ; 
 they, therefore, pray for a Ballast 
 Board, to be governed by peti- 
 tioners, to whom the river and 
 the strand belongs. Commons 
 Journals, vol. ii., p. 274. 
 
 2 22nd July, 1707. Petition x)f 
 John Eccles, Nathaniel Whitwell, 
 and Robert Chetham, merchants, 
 on behalf of themselves and others, 
 showing that the port and channel 
 in the harbour of Dublin are 
 almost destroyed by the irregular 
 taking in and throwing out of 
 ballast, &c., insomuch that Clon- 
 tarf pool and Salmon pool have 
 lost, within a few years, above two 
 feet of their former depth of water, 
 &c. For remedy whereof sover;il 
 merchant.^ of Dublin formerly 
 
246 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 It is more likely, however, that the opposition originated 
 in some jealousy respecting the Admiralty jurisdiction of 
 the Port, the Lord Mayor being " Admiral of Dublin,'" over 
 
 King's Bench. In that year Sir 
 John Davys, Attorney-General, 
 filed an information against the 
 city of Dublin for (amongst other 
 things) usurping Admiralty juris- 
 diction. The city pleaded a Charter 
 of Edward VI., and a grant by 
 Queen Elizabeth, dated at Weald 
 Hall [in Essex] , the 1 3th of August, 
 in the 27th year of her reign (a.d. 
 1585), confirming the charter of 
 Edward VI., and giving the city 
 the office of Admiralty, with a 
 court of Admiralty, water bailiffs, 
 &c., between Arclo and Nanny- 
 water, "in order that they may 
 the better apply themselves to the 
 defence of the city." Judgment for 
 the crown. King's Bench Roll, 
 4th to 19th Jas. I., Exchequer. 
 But the Corporation still claimed 
 anchorage fees. In 1708, Easter 
 Assembly — That water bailiffs of 
 the Lord High Admiral of England 
 exact fees for anchorage in the 
 port of Dublin. Ordered that the 
 Lord Mayor prevent such exactions 
 in future by prosecuting such as 
 pretend to exact anchorage fees. 
 City Records. 
 
 15 th February, 1727-8 The Cor- 
 poration addressed Lord Carteret, 
 Lord Lieutenant, alleging that 
 Queen Elizabeth, by charter dated 
 26th of June, in the 24th year of 
 her reign, granted them the office 
 of Admiralty, which they always 
 exercised until the reign of King 
 James II., " and the government 
 of the city being then in the hands 
 of Papists, the Protestants who suc- 
 
 applied to Parliament for a Bal- 
 last Office, &c., and heads of a 
 Bill passed the House, but same 
 was stopped in England by some 
 persons who endeavoured to get a 
 grant thereof from the Admiralty 
 Office there for the benefit of the 
 Chest at Chatham. Ordered, That 
 leave be given to bring in Heads 
 of a Bill, &c., and that it be 
 recommended to the Lord Mayor, 
 Mr. Recorder of Dublin, Mr. 
 Connolly, and Mr. Serjeant Neave, 
 to prepare and bring in same. 
 Common's Journals, vol. ii., pp. 
 603, 504. 
 
 1 21st March, 1372. Upon an 
 inquisition ad quod damnum the 
 jury find that it would be of no 
 damage to the king or others to 
 grant to the Mayor and citizens of 
 Dublin, the customs of all merchan- 
 dise brought for sale, either by land 
 or sea, between Skerries and Aler- 
 cornshed, otherwise Arclo. 46 
 Edward III. "White Book of City 
 of DubHn." 
 
 A.D. 1582, 25 January, (24 
 Elizabeth) the Queen, by her 
 charter, granted the office of Ad- 
 miralty to the Mayor, &c., of 
 Dublin, wherever the sheriffs of 
 the said city may lawfully receive 
 customs, namely — between Arclo 
 and the Nannywater. Exchequer 
 Mem. Roll 24th, 25th, 26th of 
 Elizabeth, membrane 11th. [Three 
 years later the Corporation ob- 
 tained an amended charter ; but in 
 1615 the city lost this jurisdiction 
 by a judgment of the Court of 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 247 
 
 which the Lord High Admiral of England claimed to be appendix. 
 supreme. 'This obstacle was removed in 1708, when the' '^aikst Board 
 
 , , _, created by 6th 
 
 Ballast Utnce was created by an Act of the 6th of Queen of Q. Anne, 
 Anne : for the city had privately promised the Queen's 
 Consort, Prince George of Denmark, then Lord High 
 Admiral of England, an annual tribute " of one hundred 
 yards of the best Holland duck sail cloth, which shall be 
 made in the realm of Ireland," although there was no 
 clause to that effect inserted in the bill ; and this tribute 
 was for a time regularly sent to London, and on one 
 occasion when it was omitted it was formally demanded by 
 the Admiralty, and then forwarded by the Corporation.' 
 
 To the establishment of this Ballast OflSce in 1708, and 
 the remodelling of it in 1787, under the name of " The Cor- 
 poration for Preserving and Improving the Port of Dublin," 
 we owe the extraordinary improvement manifested by an 
 inspection of the map. 
 
 It will be observed that the high water mark was " the Improvements 
 Towns-end-street " on the one side, and what yet retains the Board, 
 name of " the North Strand " on the other ; and a curious 
 illustration of the state of the harbour is found in the fact 
 
 ceeded were unacquainted with ' '2iih lSla.y, 1708 Acts of As- 
 
 their privileges, and have but sembly. — Committee of Ballast 
 
 lately discovered that the said Office petition the General As- 
 
 power was vested in them. Hali- sembly for liberty to render to the 
 
 day's Abstracts of City Assembly Lord High Admiral, Prince George 
 
 rolls. Haliday MSS., Koyal Irish of Denmark, the Prince Consort, 
 
 Academy. according to promise 100 yards of 
 
 28th October, 1761. — Petition the best Holland duck sailcloth 
 
 to Parliament of the Corporation of that should be made in Ireland. 
 
 Dublin, stating that from time im- Ordered that it be paid for out of 
 
 memorial the harbour of Dublin the Ballast Office fund, and deliver- 
 
 was the petitioners' inheritance : ed at the Admiralty at London, 
 
 that Queen Elizabeth, by her City Assembly Roll, 
 charter in the 24th year of her Acts of Assembly— 17 July, 
 
 reign, granted them the Admiralty 173 1 .—The Admiralty demand the 
 
 of the ports and harbours from 100 yards. There being no clause 
 
 Ardo to Nannywater, and prayed in the Act ordering it ; Ordered— 
 
 additional powers. Common's To be furnished and sent regularly 
 
 Journals, VII,, 22. in future.— /ijU 
 
248 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIANS, AND 
 
 New land 
 made. 
 
 that, during a storm in 1U70, the tide flowed up to the 
 College,^ and at a later period, that a coUier was wrecked 
 where Sir Patrick Dunne's Hospital now stands. 
 
 The soil raised by dredging the river during 130 years has 
 contributed to fill up the space now occupied by the Custom 
 House, Commons-street, Mayor-street, &c., to the north ; and 
 Great Brunswick-street, &c., to the south ; and so late as 
 1728, when "Brooking's map of Dublin" was published, 
 the whole ground known as the " North and South Lotts " 
 was still covered by the tide, the name of " Lotts " origina- 
 ting in the resolution of the Lord Mayor and citizens to 
 apportion them out, " and draw lots for them,"^ with the 
 stipulation that they should be enclosed from the river by 
 a wall, and filled up. 
 
 1 " Marcli, 1670. A great storm; 
 windatS.E. The water overflowed 
 the bank at Ringsend, Lazar's hill, 
 and over Mr. Hawkins's new wall, 
 and up to the College." Hist, of 
 the City of Dublin, by Walter 
 Harris. Annals, p. 353. 8vo, 
 Dublin, 1766. 
 
 ^ This was done in the year 1717. 
 The following is a title of a printed 
 map : " A map of ye strand of ye 
 north side of ye channel of ye River 
 Life, as it was granted and set out 
 in Easter Assembly, 1717, by the 
 R,ight Hon. John Bolton, esq., 
 Lord Mayor of ye City of Dublin, 
 W. Empson and David King, 
 sherifPs ; and the deeds and this 
 map perfected in the mayoralty of 
 Anthony Barker, esq., Lord Mayor 
 [a.d 1718] ,Iohn Reyson and 
 Valentine Kidde, sheriffs. 
 
 [The corporation adopted this 
 system of lotting when taking in 
 portions of Stephen's-green and 
 Oxraantown-gi-een : thus, Michael- 
 mas Assembly, 16U3. "The(-om- 
 
 mittee of City Revenue report 
 that seventeen acres plantation 
 measure of Stephen's-green may 
 be set to the advantage of the city." 
 Bergin's Index to the Assembly 
 Rolls, p. 180. 
 
 August, 16C4. "Memorandum 
 of the several lotts of land set out 
 in Stephen's-green, and the respec- 
 tive tenants of each.'" On the 
 west and east sides are shown 
 eighteen and fifteen lots respec- 
 tively ; on the north and south sides 
 thirty-three and twenty-four lots. 
 " The fines for each lease to be 
 applied in walling in and paving 
 the Green for the ornament and 
 pleasure of the city." — Ibid. 
 
 Christmas Assembly, 1664 — 
 " Order that part of Oxmantown- 
 green be taken and set by lots in 
 feefarm, reserving a highway and 
 large market place [Smithfield]. 
 Order for staking out the lots to be 
 disposed of by lottery." The lots, 
 ninety-seven in number, here follow. 
 —Md.} 
 
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SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 
 249 
 
 But the greatest improvement as regards the trade of the Appendix. 
 Port has been the partial removal of the bar at the mouth Bar lowered. 
 of the river. For the removal of this bar the most eminent 
 engineers had been consulted. In 1713 the BaUast Office 
 procured the services of Captain John Peny/ who had 
 been employed at Dover harbour, and at the Daggenham 
 breach in the Thames ; but, although he suggested plans 
 by which it was conceived that the depth of water might 
 be increased, the task was considered as hopeless, that to 
 render the port fit for vessels drawing even twelve feet 
 of water, it was proposed that an artificial harbour should 
 be constructed near Ringseiid, one engineer suggesting that 
 this harbour should be accessible by a ship canal, along the 
 Sutton shore f and another, that the canal should be 
 
 ^"Proposals for rendering the 
 Port of Dublin Commodious." 
 By Captain John Perry. 8vo, 
 London, 1720. 
 
 ^ This would seem to have been 
 a plan of Perry's. For the rare 
 and finely engraved map of 
 Captain John Perry's scheme, 
 here photographed and litho- 
 graphed, I am indebted to my 
 friend Richard Bergoin Bennett, 
 esq.., of Eblana Castle, Kingstown. 
 The original engraving measures 
 'i feet 2 inches by I foot 9^ 
 inches. In the Appendix to the 
 Second Report of the Tidal Har- 
 bours Commissioners will be found 
 a full account of this project. In 
 July, 1725, the Lord Lieutenant 
 and Council ordered a map and 
 soundings to be made of the 
 harbour, and that Captain Burgh, 
 Engineer and Surveyor-General, 
 and Captain John Perry, should 
 assist those appointed by the Bal- 
 last Boar d to examine the har- 
 
 bour. On 31st August, 17?5, the 
 survey was made, and on 29th 
 September, 1725, Perry published 
 his account of a new approach 
 with a plan. On 29th November, 
 ] 725, the plan was referred by 
 the Lord Lieutenant and Council 
 to the Ballast Board ; and they, 
 on 3rd February, 1726, reported 
 against it. Their objections are 
 given in the Tidal Harbours Com- 
 missioners' Second Report. Ibid. 
 Parliamentary Papers, vol. xviii., 
 part i., pp. 13, 14. Perry anxious, 
 probably, to enlist the favour of 
 the public towards his scheme, 
 may have published this map at 
 his own expense in 1728. Mr. 
 Haliday sought in vain for a sight 
 of this map as appears by the 
 following : — 
 
 " In G-ough's Topographical 
 Antiquities of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, p. 689, it is stated there 
 is a map of the city and suburbs of 
 Dublin, by Chas.Brookin, 1728,and 
 
250 
 
 THE SCANDISAVIANS, AND 
 
 Appendix. fj-Qjjj Dalkey or Kitigstown, SO as altogether to avoid the 
 bar.' 
 acTommodaled. '^^^ works executed by the Ballast Office have, however, 
 so far removed the bar, that at the spot where Nicholas 
 Ball pi'oposed, in 1582, "to build a tower like the Maiden 
 tower at Drogheda,"^ there is now twenty-five feet of water 
 at spring tides ; and the river, which in 1713, could only 
 be used by vessels of 50 to 100 tons burden, is now used 
 by vessels of 1,000 to 1,100 tons register, and drawing 
 twenty-one feet of water ; the effect of the improvement 
 being such that the Ballast Office must construct new 
 docks for the large vessels now frequenting the port, as the 
 Custom-house docks, planned by Sir John Eennie so late 
 
 a map of the bay and harbour of 
 Dublin with a small plan of the 
 city, 1728. I have Brookin's map, 
 but I have never seen or heard of 
 any person who had seen the map 
 of the bay and harbour of 1 728. 
 Possibly some of your corres- 
 pondents could give information 
 on the subject, and also if there be 
 any map of the city, either printed 
 or manuscript, between Speed's 
 map of 1610 and Brookin's of 
 1728, and where? 25 February 
 1854, (Signed) C. H." Notes 
 and Queries, vol. ix., 174. 
 
 1 In a " Plan for Advancing 
 the Trade of Dublin," printed by 
 William Watson & Son, Capel- 
 street in 1800, it was proposed to 
 avoid the Bar, at a cost of 
 £102,144, by enclosing Dalkey 
 Sound, and to come thence by a 
 canal direct to Dublin. Parlia- 
 mentary Records of Ireland, vol. i., 
 p. 188. 
 
 ' Midsummer, 15G6, Acts of 
 
 Assembly. Agreed, that Gerald 
 Plunket, for his great charges in 
 maintaining bowyes (buoys) or 
 marks at the bar of the haven, 
 shall have of every boat of 6 tons 
 to 20 tons four pence per ton, 
 of 20 to 30 six pence, of every 
 ship twelve pence. City Assembly 
 Roll, 8th Elizabeth. 
 
 Midsummer, 1582 Nicholas 
 Duff and Nicholas Ball, who had 
 undertaken to keep a perch at the 
 bar, are to build a tower at Rings- 
 end. Ibid., 24th Elizabeth. 
 
 A.D. 1588. Forasmuch as 
 Nicholas Ball hath surrendered, 
 &c., in respect of a tower which 
 by him should be builded on the 
 bar, and, the perches having fallen, 
 Captain George Thornyn to have 
 [ ] years' interest on the 
 
 perquisites, he building up a tower 
 on the bar at Michaelmas next. 
 The water bailiffs to put up a 
 perch or buoy at their own charge. 
 Ibid. 
 
SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OP DUBLIN. 251 
 
 as 1821, are incapable of receiving steam or other large appendix. 
 vessels, the'sill of the lock gates being now four feet above 
 the deepened bed of the river in front. 
 
 CHARLES HALIDAY, m.e.i.a. 
 
 Monkstown Park, county Dublin, 
 15th March, 1861. 
 
[ 253 ] 
 
 TABLE OF CHAPTERS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Page 
 
 No cities among the early Irish. — The site of Dublin a place of no 
 distiaction amongst them. — Dublia founded by Scandtaavians, 
 and made their capital. — Thence became the capital of the 
 English. — DenmarK filled by Saxons "who escaped thither to 
 avoid forced baptism by Charlemagne. — The Norsemen, infected 
 by these exiles with their hatred, ravage the coasts of France. — 
 Their ravages of England. — They plunder the islands and coasts 
 of Ireland. — Their ravages on the mainland of Ireland. — The 
 DubhgoiU and the FinnghoUl. — Aulaflf of the DubhgoUl settles 
 at Duhhlinn of Ath Gliath, a.d. 852, ..... 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The founding of Dublia. — The story of Turgesius discussed. — Auks', 
 descended of Regnar Lodbrog, founds Dublin, a.d. 852. — Legend 
 of Aulaif, Sitric, and Ivar, three brothers, founding, respectively, 
 Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick, disproved. — Irish and Danish 
 names of the site of Dublin. — Dublin and Northumbria for a 
 century under the same Danish kings. — Legend of Regnar 's death 
 in Northumbria. — Regnar put to death in Ireland by the Irish. — 
 Regnar Lodbrog, the Thurgils, or Turgesius of Irish annals. — 
 Account of Turgesius from Dr. Todd's " War of the Gaedhill 
 with the GaUl," 19 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Ivar, conqueror and King of Northumbria, identified with Ivar, 
 King of Dublin. — Of the joint career of Aulaf and Ivar. — Ivar's 
 successors in East Anglia and Northumbria, . . . .36 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 At Ivar's death, his sons, Godfrey and Sitric, were in France. — 
 Cearbhall (Carrol) ruled at Dublin. — Sitric slays his brother 
 Godfrey, and embarks for Dublin. — Recovers Dublin. — His 
 attempt on Northumberland defeated. — Dies, and his son Aulaf, 
 succeeds. — Aulaf recovers Northumberland. — Dies at York. — 
 Famine in Ireland through locusts. — Emigration of Danes to 
 Iceland, — The Irish expel the Danes fi-om Dublin, . . .44 
 
254 TABLE OF CHAPTERS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Page 
 
 Gormo, King of Denmark, rules East Anglia.— Reginald and Sitnc, 
 sons of Kiag Aulaf, rule in Northumberland.— On tlie settle- 
 men; of Normandy fresh fleets of Danes come to England from 
 France.— Part settle at Waterford. - Sitric of Northumberland 
 recovers Dublin. — His brother Reginald sails to Waterford, and 
 rules there and at Limerick.— Defeats of the Irish by Reginald 
 and Sitric, 50 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Reginald and Sitric, sons of Godfrey, King of Dublin, return to 
 Northumberland. — In their absence the Irish attempt to recover 
 Dublin. — Reginald and Sitric made Kings of different divisions 
 of Northumbria. — Death of Reginald, 57 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Godfrey^ son of Reginald, through Sitric's absence, assumes the rule 
 at Dublin. — His conflicts with the Danes of Limerick and their 
 allies Canute and Harold, sons of Gormo, King of Denmark. — 
 Sitric dies, and Athelstan annexes Northumberland. — Sitric's 
 sons come to Ireland. — Godfrey vainly attempts to recover North- 
 umberland. — His renewed conflicts with the Danes of Limerick 
 aided by the sons of Sitric. — Death of Godfrey. — Athelstan 
 makes Eric Blod-Ax, Viceroy of Northumberland, . . .61 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Aulaf, King of Dublin, attempts to recover Northumberland. — Is 
 defeated by Athelstan at Brunanburg. — Returns to Dublin. — 
 The Irish besiege Dublin, . . . . . . .69 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 King Edmund dies a.d. 946, — Aulaf Cuaran, King of Dublin, 
 contests Northumberland with King Eadred, Edmund's successor. 
 — Aulaf, after four years' possession of Northumberland, is ex- 
 pelled. — He returns to Ireland. — His extensive Irish connexions. 
 — His throne at Dublin disputed by his nephew. — Aulaf recovers 
 it. — Goes a pilgrimage to lona. — Abdicates. — Maelsechlain over- 
 throws Reginald, Aulaf s son. — ilaelsechlain proclaims the free- 
 dom of Ireland, ......... 73 
 
TABLE OF CHAPTERS. 255 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 OF THE SCANDINAVIANS OF DUBLIN AND THEIR RELATIONS WITH 
 NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS. 
 
 CHAPTEH I. 
 
 DUBLIN AND THE ISLE OF MAN. 
 
 Page 
 
 Man for the Romans an Irish, island. — Man yields tribute to 
 Baedan, King of Ulster, a.d. 580. — Thencefoi-th said to belong 
 to Ulster. — Conflicts between the Norwegians of Ulster and 
 Danes of Northiunbria about Man. — Claimed by Reginald, 
 brother of Sitric, King of Dublin, from Barid of Ulster. — 
 Magnus, King of Man, grandson of Sitric, with the Lagmen, sails 
 round Ireland doing justice. — Magnus, one of the eight kings 
 who rowed King Edgar's barge on the Dee. — The ground 
 probably of the forged charter of King Edgar pretending dominion 
 in Ireland. — In the eleventh century intermarriages make it hard 
 to say whether the kings of Dublin are to be called Danish or 
 Irish. — De Courcy's claim to Ulster through his wife, daughter 
 of the King of Man. — King Henry Second's jealousy. — De 
 Courcy's fall, . 82 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 DUBLIN AND NORWAY. 
 
 Notices of Dublin frequent in Norwegian and Icelandic history. — 
 Constant intercourse between Dublin and Norway. — Ostmen 
 from Dublin fight for Norwegian liberty at the battle of 
 Hafursfiord. — Led by Oearbhall, King of Dublin, or his son-in- 
 law, Eyvind Austman. — Every King of Norway (almost) visits 
 Dublin. — Biorn, son of Harold, King of Norway, visits Diiblin 
 as a merchant ; also King Hacon. — Dublin the port for sale of 
 Scandinavian prizes, or cargos of merchandize, . . . .94 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 DUBLIN AND ICELAND. 
 
 Iceland visited by Irish previous to its discovery in a.d. 870 by 
 Lief and Ingolf, Norwegians. — Lief bringing captives from 
 Ireland is saved by their device from perishing of thirst. — Many 
 descendants of Cearbhall, an Irishman, King of Dublin, follow 
 his son-in-law, Eyvind Ostman, and settle in Iceland. — Auda, 
 widow of King Aulaf founder of Dublin, retires thither. ^Auda 
 becomes a Christian like her brother-in-law, an emigrant from 
 Ireland. — Descendants of Aulaf and Auda settlers in Iceland. — 
 Other emigrants from Ireland. — America discovered long before 
 
256 TABLE OF CHAPTERS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Columbus by Norsemen connected with Dublin. — Ari, a 
 descendant of Oearbhall's wrecked on the coast of Florida a.d. 
 983. — Gudlief from Dublin driven by storms to America a.d. 
 936. — is addressed in Irish. — Finds it is Biom, long banished 
 from Iceland, ......... 98 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DUBLIN AND THE SCOTTISH ISLES. 
 
 The Hebrides and Orkneys visited by Irish ecclesiastics long before 
 their occupation by the Scandinavians. — Saint Columba retired 
 from Ireland to Hy (one of the Hebrides), a.d. 563. — Founded a 
 monastery there. — The Scandinavians plunder Hy-Oolum-Cille, 
 a.d. 802. — From the Orkneys and Hebrides they plunder in 
 Ireland, Scotland, and Norway. — Harald Haarfagr, King of 
 Norway, sends Ketill Flatnef against them. — Ketill becomes 
 their leader. — Allies himself with Aulaf, the White, King of 
 Dublm. — Marries his daughter. — Scandinavian ravages in Spain 
 and Africa. — They land their Moorish captives in Ireland. — 
 Spanish, Irish, and Scandinavian histories confirm this account, 113 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 DUBLIN AND THE MAINLAND OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 Difference between the Scandinavian invasions of Scoland and 
 Ireland. — In Scotland they were as conquerors. — The Scandi- 
 navians at Dublin, colonists. — Aulaf, King of Dublin, inter- 
 marries into the families of Irish Kings. — Enumeration of Aulaf 's 
 connexions -nath Irish royalty. — His connexions with the 
 Scandinavian Lords of the Isles. — Marries Auda, daughter of 
 Ketill, Lord of the Hebrides. — Keneth M'Alpin, King of Scots, 
 calls to his aid, Godfrey, Chief of Ulster. — Godfrey becomes 
 Lord of the Isles. — Aulaf's expedition with his son Ivar, against 
 the men of Fortrenn. — Aulaf slain there, a.d. 869. — His son, 
 Ivar, returns, and reigns at Dublin. — Ivar dies, a.d. 872. — 
 Ivar's grandson driven out of Diiblin by the Irish, a.d. 962. — 
 Invades Pictland, and is slain at Fortrenn, a.d. 904, . . 118 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RELIGION OP THE OSTMEN OP IRELAND. 
 
 Few details in Irish Annals concerning the form of Paganism of 
 the Ostmen of Ireland. — Date of their conversion to Clu-istianity. 
 — The conversion of King Aulaf Cuaran in England. — The first 
 Ostman bishop of Dublin consecrated there.— King Aulaf Cuaran's 
 conversion in England decides the religion of many of his subjects 
 in Ireland. — The rest remain worshippers of Thor. — Proofs of 
 
TABLE OF CHAPTERS. 257 
 
 Page 
 this worship in Irish Annals. — "Whether the prefix Gille be 
 Scandinavian or Irish discussed. — Deductions drawn from its 
 use in Scandinavian and Irish names. — The division of Ireland 
 into four provinces, not Scandinavian, but of ecclesiastical origin, 
 — The Dyfflinarskiri or Scandinavian territory around Dublin. — 
 Its bounds co-extensive with the early Admiralty jurisdiction of 
 the Mayor and citizens of Dublin, . . . , , .122 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIAN ANTIQUITIES OF DUBLIN. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 OF THE STEIN OF DUBLIN. 
 
 Bounds of the Stein. — Priory of All Hallowes, founded on the 
 Stein.— Neck of land at the Stein formed by the confluence of 
 the Liffey and the Dodder. — The favourite landing place of the 
 Northmen of Dublin. — Bridge and mill of the Stein. — Long 
 Stone of the Stein. — Site of the Long Stone. — The Stein (or Stain) 
 named from this Stone. — References to the Long Stone in city 
 leases. — Scandinavian tombs on the Stein, . . . .143 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OF THE THINGMOUNT OF DUBLIN. 
 
 The monuments of the Stein shown to be Scandinavian. — Custom 
 of the Northmen to set up a Stone at their first landing place. — 
 And to erect temples to Thor and Freija adjacent. — Also a 
 Thingmount or place of public meeting and judicature. — The 
 Thingmount of Dublin erected on the Stein. — Remained till 
 A.D. 1682. — Account of its removal. — Church of St. Andrew 
 TKengmotha. — Built probably on the site of a Temple of Thor 
 or Freija. — Meeting of King Henry the 2nd with Irish princes 
 on the Stein near the Church of St. Andrew. — Understood pro- 
 bably by the Irish as either a Thing-mote or a Festival meeting. — 
 Not as a submission or surrender of independence. — Hoges. — 
 Hoge-Tings. — " Hoggen Green," " Hogen butts," and " St. 
 Mary del Hogges," all called from this adjacent Hoge or Ting- 
 mount, ........... 156 
 
258 TABLE OF CHAPTKRS. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ON THE ANCIENT NAME OF DUBLIN. 
 
 Page 
 
 Shallowness of the navigable channel of the Liffey in early times. — 
 Fords at Dublin. — Bally- Ath-Cliath, the Town of the Hurdleford, 
 the original name of Dublin. — Mistakes of Staniliurst, Ware, 
 and others as to the origin and meaning of the name. — Circum- 
 stances misleading them. — The true meaning of Bally- Ath-Oliath 
 stated in the Dinn Seanchus. — Nature of the structure of the 
 Hurdleford. — Tochers or wooden causeways distinguished from 
 Droichets or bridges. — Droichets or regular bridges distinguished 
 from Droichet-Oliaths - — A regular bridge at Dublin before the 
 English Invasion. — Bridge of the Ostmen or Dubhgall's bridge. — 
 Early bridges in England. — Eebuilding of London Bridge in stone 
 in King John's reign. — Site of the Hurdleford of Dublin discussed. 
 — Dr. Petrie's identification of the five great Slighs or roads lea d- 
 ing from Tara in the first century of the Christian era. — The 
 Hurdleford at Bally-Ath-Cliath shown to be in the line of the 
 Sligh Oualan, 202 
 
 II. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS EXPLANATORY OF SIR BERNARD DE GOMME'S MAP, 
 MADE A.D. 1673. 
 
 Alarm produced by the entry of the Dutch fleet into the Thames in 
 1667. — Sir Bernard de Gomme's plan for the defence of the Har- 
 bour of Dublin in 1673. — His project for a fort near Merrion- 
 square. — Ring send then the chief landing place. — Meaning of 
 'Ringsend.' — The Pigeon House. — Its history. — Extent of 
 gi-ound overflown by the sea in 1673. — The making of the North 
 and South walls. — Sir John Rogerson's wall. — Double wall and 
 road from Ringsend to the Pigeon House. — Piles in the sand 
 thence to Poolbeg. — The building of the Long wall. — The lotting 
 for the North Lots. — The erecting of the Ballast Board. — Early 
 history of the Bar at the Harbour Mouth. — The deepening of 
 the River and reducing the Bar the work of the Ballast Board, . 228 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Aberfayle (Perthshire), 175, n. 
 Abrodites, 8. 
 
 Acquitaine, K. -John, Duke of, 185. 
 Adam of Bremen, Ix., 53, n. 
 Adam fitz Robert, mui-der of, Ixxi., n. 
 Ad Quod Damnum (inquisition), 
 
 246, n. 
 Adamnan, iv., 113, n., 121, to., 172, n. 
 Addington, Ixxxix. 
 Admiral, The Lord High, claims 
 
 anchorage fees in Port of Dublin 
 
 (1708), 246, n., 247. 
 Admiralty of Dublin. 
 jurisdiction of, granted to 
 
 Mayor, &c., of Dublin, 140, 24G. 
 between Arclo and Nanny 
 
 water, n., ib. 
 — customs between these limits 
 
 granted to them (46 Ed. III., ib. 
 admiralty jurisdiction in (27 
 
 Elizabeth), ib. 
 -annulled (12 James I.), by judg- 
 
 ment of King's Bench, 
 Aedh, 57, 63, n. 
 Aedh, son of Conchobar, King of 
 
 Connaught, 47. 
 Aedh Pinnlaith, King of Ireland, 
 
 47, TO., 59, 77, 118, 119. 
 Africa, 115, 116. 
 
 Agar House, on Arran-quay, viii., n. 
 Aghaboe, 54. 
 Aighneach, or Snam Eidhneach (Oar- 
 
 lingford), 
 Aileach, 2,72, 111, 112. 
 AiUU, 28, 30. 
 Ailill, s. of Colgan, 16. 
 Ain, 88. 
 
 Ainge, river (Nanny), 24, n. 
 AirghiaUa, 86, n. 
 Aitill, 227, n. 
 Akranes promontory, 105. 
 Alan's register, 217. 
 Alba, 47, 57, 120. 
 Albain, 82, w. 
 
 Alban Alband, or Halfdan, 44, n. 
 Albanaioh, 43. 
 Albanenses, 121. 
 Albdarn (Halfdan), 64. 
 Albene, or Delvin rivulet, 142, n.^ 
 Alcluit, 38, 39, n. 
 Albdan, 115, see Halfdan. 
 Alder, Mr., vii., viii. 
 Alercronshead (Arklow), 139. 
 Alexander the Great, xi. 
 
 the Third (Pope), ib. 
 
 Alexandi'ia, 1., n. 
 
 Alfred, King, 42, 48, 50, 70, 100,127. 
 
 Alfus, 101. 
 
 Alfwyn, daughter of Ethelflced, 57. 
 
 All Hallows, Priory of, Ixxv., cxviii., 
 
 145, 146, n., 149, 150, 178, and 
 
 see All Saints. 
 
 Register of, 162. 
 
 Allen, Giles, 146, n. 
 
 John, Judge of Metropolitan 
 
 Court, 146, n. 
 
 Colonel, John, xc, xcii. 
 
 AUman, Professor, 210. 
 
 AUoid, Manonnan, s. of, 82, n. 
 
 Alorekstad, 135, n. 
 
 Althing, 104, 160, 169, 197. 
 
 Alvdon, see Halfdan. 
 
 Amaccus, and see Maccus, son of 
 
 Aulaf Oueran, 75, n. 
 Amhlaeibh Ceancaireoh (Aulaf Cean- 
 
 cairech), 66, n., 69. 
 America, 105, 107. 
 American map paper, cxxiii. 
 Amiens-street, cix. 
 Amory, Jonathan, 212, n. 
 Amrou, L, n. 
 Andalusia, 117. 
 Anglesey, Earl of, 152. 
 Anglesea, Isle of, xxxvii., 50, 87. 
 Ajiglo Saxons, 64. 
 Angus, s. of Ere, 82, n, 
 Anjou, King John, Count of, 
 Annagassan river, 19, n., 64, n. 
 S2 
 
260 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Annals of Loch Ce, Ixxxii. 
 Xnnesley, Sir Francis, cviii., n. 
 Annesley, Arthur, 165. 
 Annuth, 42, n. 
 
 Antony and Csesar, 1., n. 
 
 Antrim, coast of, 11, n. 
 
 Anwynd, 42, 43. 
 
 Arabia, 1., ii. 
 
 Aralt for Harald. 
 
 Archdale, Mervyn, 217, n., 146, n., 
 192, n. 
 
 Archery butts, 169, and see Hoggen 
 butt. 
 
 Ard Macha (Armagh), 16. 
 
 Ari, Ix. 
 
 Ari Frode, 100, n. 
 
 Aric mac Brith, 63, n., 71, n. 
 
 Arklow, Ixvii., 138, 139, 140, 141, 
 and see Arklow and Nanny water, 
 the bounds of Admiralty jurisdic- 
 tion of Dublin, 246, n., 247, n. 
 
 Armagh, 2, n., 16, 20, n., 33, 34, 
 35, 36, 38, 67, 123. 
 
 archbishop of, cviii., n., 177. 
 
 fosoirchinneach of, 132, n. 
 
 Arnulf, Emperor, 45, n. 
 
 Arran-quay, Ixxix., viii., xxi., Ixix. 
 
 Arran-street, East, 212, n. 
 
 Artichoke-road, 231, n. 
 
 Artists' Warehouse, Fishamble- 
 street, 209. 
 
 Asolfus Alskek, 105. 
 
 Asdisa Bareysku, Iviii., 103. 
 
 Askel Hnokkan, 101. 
 
 Askellshofda, 101, n. 
 
 Assembly Rolls of City of Dublin, 
 
 XV., XXV. 
 
 Acts of (and Corporation of 
 
 Dublin), 203, n. 
 Asser, 25, 37, n., 41, n., 42, n., 
 
 44, n. 
 Aston's-quay, cxviii., 147, ?i. 
 Astorga, xci. 
 Ath, 213. 
 
 Athairne Ailgeaseah, 213. 
 Ath-crocha(Shannonharbour), bridge 
 
 of, A.D, 1116, 214, n. 
 Ath-Cliath, 3, 23, 47, 56, 58, 61, 
 
 69, 85, 142, 
 
 Ath-Gliath of ships, 23, n. 
 
 of swords, ib. 
 
 bridge of (a.d. 1014), 219, 220. 
 
 — — fortress of, 49, 58, 69. 
 
 fortress of, the foreigners at, 
 
 Ixv. 
 the foreigners of, 39, 56, 66, 69, 
 
 72, 74, 79. 
 
 green of, 152, 184. 
 
 battle of (Kilmashoge), 59, 60, 
 
 64, 65. 
 
 plain of, 152, n. 
 
 • the orator of, 132. 
 
 mistakes concerning origin of 
 
 name, 207, 209, 210, 212. 
 
 true meaning, 213, 215, 226. 
 
 — - — tochar or causeway at, 221. 
 meaning of, 23. Ostmen for- 
 
 tress at Dubhlinn of Ath-Cliath, 
 A.D. 840, 23. Site of fortress, ib. 
 Foreigners of, 39, plunder Mun- 
 ster and Connaught, ib. ; Flanns 
 defeat by, 47 ; foreigners of, 
 expelled by Cearbhall, s. of Mui- 
 rigen, 49 ; the foreigners under 
 Sitric, s. of Godfrey, recover Dubh- 
 linn of Ath-Cliath, 54 ; battle of 
 Kilmashoge, called battle of Ath- 
 Cliagh,(A.D. 919), 59; defeat of the 
 Irish under Niall Glundubh, ib. ; 
 Reginald, s. of Godfrey, rules at, 
 A.D. 921, 61 ; Irish attack in his 
 absence, 64 ; failure of, ib. ; return 
 of Godfrey, 66; the Mac Elghi 
 (sons of Sitric) take Dublin, 67 ; 
 Muircheartagh and his Leather 
 Cloaks besiege Ath-Cliath, 71, 72 ; 
 fail, 72. 
 
 Ath-Cliath-Cualann, lii., 225. 
 
 Ath-Cliath Meadrighe, 226, n. (now 
 Clarensbridge, co. Galway). 
 
 Ath-Cliath on the Shannon, 226. 
 
 Ath-Cruithne, 64. 
 
 Athelstan, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 
 71, 124; illegitimate brother of 
 Edward, K. of Anglo-Saxons, 64 ; 
 drowns his legitimate brother 
 Edwin, ib. ; by the aid of the 
 Northumbrian Danes usurps the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 261 
 
 Athelstan — con. 
 
 rule of the Anglo-Saxons, ib. ; 
 usurps the kingship of the North- 
 ximbrian Danes, 65 ; Godfrey, K. 
 of Dublin, recovers this kingship 
 for a short time, 66 ; is expelled 
 hy Athelstan, ib. ; who appoints 
 Eric-Blodax, a Dane, viceroy, 68. 
 
 Athelstan, K. of Anglo-Saxons, con- 
 quers Aulaf at Brunanburg, a.d. 
 937, 220. 
 
 Athgus, Manannan, s. of, King of 
 Man, 82, n. 
 
 Athliag, tocharor causeway at, 221, 
 see Ballyliag. 
 
 Athlone, 34. 
 
 tochar or causeway, 221. 
 
 bridge of (a.d. 1116), 2U, n. 
 
 the wicker bridge of (a.d. 
 
 1133), 2U, n. 
 
 castle of, A.D. 1120, 214, n. 
 
 Ath Truisten, 72, U2. 
 Atkinson, Edward, xli. 
 Attar, 53. 
 Auda, Queen, Ivii., Iviii., Ix. 
 
 d. of Ketm Flatnef, 101, »., 
 
 102, 103, 114, 120. 
 - wife of Aulaf the White, 101, n. 
 
 Audoen's arch, 223, 'ii. 
 
 Augustus Caesar, 2, n. 
 
 Auisle, 22, n. 
 
 Aulaiv, K. of Lochlann, 19, n. 
 
 Aulaff, s. of the K. of Lochlann, 1 9. 
 
 Aulaf, Aulaiv, Amhlaeibh, Amaleff, 
 and Amlevus, or Olaf, 20. 
 
 Aulaf K., the White, Ivii., Iviii., Ix. 
 
 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 47, 53, 
 
 54, 61, 85, re., 98, 101, 102, 104, 
 107, 108, 114, 118, 120, 121, 126, 
 142. 
 
 his arrival, 19 ; his name in 
 
 Irish, 20 ; takes Dublin, ib, ; is 
 made king of it, ib. ; story of 
 Aulaf, Sitrio, and Ivar, being 
 Kings of Dublin, Waterford, and 
 Limerick respectively, false, 20, 
 22 ; he conquers the Picts and 
 destroys Fortren, their capital, 
 36 and n^ ; accompanies Ivar, 
 
 Aiilaf — con. 
 
 King of Dublin, to East Anglia, 
 37 ; they conquer it and North- 
 umbria, ib ; Ivar made King of 
 Northumbria, ib.; their second in- 
 vasion of Scotland from Dublin, 3 ; 
 they besiege Dmibarton the capital 
 of the Britons of Strath Clyde, ib. ; 
 the ravages of Ivar and Aulaf in 
 Munster and Connaught, 39 ; 
 Aulaf dies, a.d. 871, 40; Ivar dies 
 A.D. 872 ib. ; Eystein (or Ostin), 
 Aulaf s son, slain by a stratagem 
 of the Albanaich (or Scots), 43. 
 
 Aulaf Cuaran, 73, 75, 76, 77, 79, 
 80, 91, 92, 96, 126, 181, ra. 
 
 rules at Dublin, 73 ; lands in 
 
 Northumbria (a.d. 949), 74 ; after 
 four years is expelled, 75 ; returns 
 to Ireland, 76 ; manies Dunlaith, 
 daughter of Maelmhuire, 77 ; 
 marries Gormflaith, daughter of 
 Murohadh, K. of Leinster, 78 ; 
 Aulaf s Irish connexions, 77, 78 ; 
 Aulaf, son of his brother Godfrey, 
 K. of Dublin, succeeds his father, 
 79 ; Aulaf Cuaran claims the 
 throne, Aulaf his nephew defeats 
 him, ib. ; Aulaf Cuaran goes a 
 pilgrimage to Tona, ib. ; called in 
 Irish Aulaf son of Sitrio, ib. ; 
 abdicates, 80 ; Maelseaohlainn, his 
 stepson, succeeds him, ib. 
 
 son of Godfrey, 67, 68, 69, 70, 
 
 71, 72, 79, 124. 
 
 son of Godfrey (s. of Reginald), 
 
 succeeds his father as K. of Dub- 
 lin (a.d. 932), 68 : by right K. 
 of JSTorthumbria, ib. ; Athelstan 
 opposes, sends to Denmark for 
 Eric-Blodax, son of Harald Har- 
 fagre, ib. ; appoints him viceroy, 
 ib. ; he is baptized, ib. ; resides at 
 York, ib. ; Aulaf attempts to re- 
 cover Northumbria, 69 ; sails from 
 Dublin, and with a fleet of 615 
 ships lands at the Humber (a.d. 
 927), 70 ; is defeated by Athelstan 
 at Brunanburg, ib. ; returns to 
 
262 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aulaf — con 
 
 Dublin, 71 ; the Irish besiege 
 Dublin under Donnchadh, K. of 
 Ireland, and Muirbheartach of the 
 Leather Cloaks, ih. ; they fail, 72 ; 
 ravage the country, ih. ; Muir- 
 cheartach marches from Aileach 
 (Elagh, CO. Donegal) round Ire- 
 land, ih. 
 
 ■ ■ son of Sitric, 48, 65. 
 
 s. of Sitric, s. of Aulaf Cauran, 
 
 91, 124, 125, 128, n. 
 
 Ceanncairech (and see Amh- 
 
 laeibh Ceancairech), 66. 
 
 K. of Dublin, his retreat 
 
 thither from Brunanburg (a.d. 
 937), 220. 
 
 the Red King of Scotland, 
 
 69, w. 
 
 — Tryggevesson, King, 181, 182. 
 and the Irish sheep dog, Ixiv. 
 
 Aufer, 64. 
 Austfirdinga fiordung, 134, n. 
 Avangus, 105. 
 Avenlithe, see Liffey. 
 Avery, Timothy (1657), 240. 
 Awley, Fivit, 71, n. 
 Awley, mac Godfrey, 71, n. 
 Agmund, 52. 
 
 Babylon (Old Cairo), 1., n. 
 Babylonian, Captivity, The, 80. 
 
 the rule of the Ostmen likened 
 
 to, 80. 
 
 next to the captivity of Hell, ib. 
 
 Maelsachlainn defeats the fo- 
 
 reigners of Dublin (a.d. 980), ib. 
 his famous proclamation of 
 
 freedom for the IJi Neill, ib. 
 Bacon, J. C, xli. 
 
 Sir Francis, xxii. 
 
 Baden, Duchy of, xxviii. 
 
 Baden, 110, n. 
 
 Baedan, K. of Uladh, 84. 
 
 Bcegsec, 41. 
 
 Baidr, 85. 
 
 Bagot Rath, 145, n., 241. 
 
 street. Lower, 170, n. 
 
 BaUe-an-bhothair, 222, n. 
 
 Balbriggan, xxxvii., n. 
 
 Baldur, s. of Odin, 172. 
 
 Baldoyle, 142. 
 
 Ballast, irregular taking of, destroys 
 
 the harbour (1698), 245, n. 
 Ballast Board, cvi., ex., cxi., cxii., 
 
 cxv., oxvi., cxix. 
 
 origin of, cxi. 
 
 their management of Irish 
 
 Lighthouses, xliii., xliv., xlv., 
 
 202, 231, W.3, 242, n. 
 
 history of, 243-247. 
 
 renamed (1787) Corporation 
 
 for Preserving and Improving the 
 
 Port of Dublin, 247. 
 Ballast Office Wall (see South Wall). 
 Balliowen in Isle of Man, 176. 
 Ball, Nicholas (1582), 250, n. 
 Ball's Bridge, cxxL, 170, n., 232, 
 
 n., 1. 
 bridge first built here, a.d., 
 
 1629-1637, 232, w.' 
 Bally-ath-Cliath., xlviii., see Ath- 
 
 Cliath. 
 Ballygunner, Ixvii., and n., ib. 
 
 Temple, ib. 
 
 more, ib. 
 
 Bally-lean cliath, 207. 
 
 BallyKag (now Lanesboro'), 214, n., 
 
 221. 
 Balrothery, inhabitants of, barony 
 
 of, 205. 
 Baltic, The, 8, 11-14. 
 
 Coffee House, xcvi. 
 
 Baltinglas, xcv. 
 
 Bangor, N. Wales, 1716, n.^ 
 
 Banks, Commissioners of Inquiry as 
 
 to Joint Stock, xii. 
 Bank Acts, of Scotland and Ireland, 
 
 xlii. 
 
 of Ireland, xxxvii., xlii. 
 
 Bann, river, 85, n. 
 
 Bar, The lowering of, xlv. 
 
 Captaiu John Perry's plans 
 
 (1720), for avoiding, 249. 
 Proposals for rendering the 
 
 port commodious (1720), 26, n. 
 appointed by Ballast Board to 
 
 survey the harbour with Captaiu 
 
INDEX. 
 
 263 
 
 Bar — con. 
 
 J. Bnrgji, Engineer and Sui-veyor- 
 
 General (1725), 249, n. 
 — - — tteir plans of improvement 
 
 rejected by Ballast Board, ib. 
 account of, in second report of 
 
 Tidal Harbours Commissioners, ib. 
 A.D. 1582, a tower(]ike Maiden 
 
 tower at Drogbeda), projected at, 
 250, n. 
 
 in 1861, twenty-five feet over 
 
 the bar at spring tides, ib. 
 Bargy, barony of, 222, n. 
 Barid, 85. 
 Barid Mac-n-Oitir, 54, 85, w.' 
 
 O'Hivar, 85, n. 
 
 Barith, 47, n., 63, 85, n., 86. 
 Barnes, William, 222, n. 
 Barnewall of Turvey, Viscount 
 
 Kingsland, see Lord Kingsland. 
 Barker, Antony, Lord Mayor (1718), 
 
 248, n. 
 Barr, Ricbard, Alderman, 169, n.^ 
 Barrington, Daines, 167. 
 
 Sir Jonab, Ixxxvui. 
 
 Barrow river, 53, n., 55, n. 
 
 Barry, Rev. George, 157, n., 159, n. 
 
 Sir James, afterwards Lord 
 
 Santry, 212, n. 
 Bartboliaus, Ix., 42, n., 45, n., 62, ii., 
 
 69, n., 127, n. 
 Basil, Attorney-General (a.d. 1655), 
 
 228, n. 
 Batb, Earl of, Ixvii., n. 
 
 avenue, cxxi., 242. 
 
 Batter, see Botbyr. 
 
 Green^ 222, n. 
 
 Yellow, do., ib. 
 
 Batterstown, 222, n. 
 Baugus, 101, and n. ib. 
 Beecby, Captaiii, R.N., xlv. 
 Bealacb Duibblinne, 225, n. 
 Beckman, Sir Martin, 229. 
 Bede, The Venerable, 171, 213. 
 Beggar's-bush, ex., 239, 242, n. 
 Belfast, history of by George Benn 
 
 (1877), 243, n. 
 Belfast, Sir Arthur Chichester, 
 
 Lord, 241, n. 
 
 Belfast, Lord, departure of, from the 
 
 E,iag's-end, i6. 
 Bellew, Mr. 168, n.* 
 Benncboir (Bangor, co. Down), 16. 
 Benn, George, history of Belfast, by, 
 
 243, n. 
 Bennet, Ricbard Bergoin. 
 has copy of Captain John 
 
 Perry's rare map of the Harbour, 
 
 cvii., 249, n. 
 
 with ship canal along Sutton 
 
 shore to avoid the bar. 
 Beutham, Jeremy, xii. 
 Beorgo, d. of Eyvind Austman, 
 
 102, 105, n. 
 Berkely, the Lord Deputy (1679), 
 
 241, n. 
 Bernicia, 41. 
 Bertiniani, 8, n.^ 
 Berwick on Firth of Forth, 38. 
 
 on Tweed, 38. 
 
 Betham, Sir William, 150, n.i 
 
 Bewley, Thomas, xli. 
 
 Biadmyna, Ixv. 
 
 Biolan, King, 53. 
 
 Biorn Asbrand, 106, 107. 
 
 Austman, Ivii. 
 
 L'onsides, s. of Regnar Lad- 
 
 brog, 22, 45. 
 
 s. of K. Harold, 97. 
 
 Birsa isle, 174. 
 
 Blacaire, 73. 
 
 Black Book of Christ Church. 
 
 men, 115. 
 
 Monday, 179, n. 
 
 pagans, 85, ra.' 
 
 rock, cxiv. 
 
 frames of piles for channel of 
 
 Lifiey, made at, 236, 237. 
 Bladen, Alderman, 197, n. 
 Blaeja, d. of Ella, 32, n. 
 Blaemenn, Africans, 116, x., n., ib. 
 Block house. The, 238, n. (see Pigeon 
 
 House). 
 Bloomfield, Rev. Francis, 174, n.^ 
 Blowick (Bullock), 138. 
 Bbie land, 116. 
 
 men, 115, 116. 
 
 Boate Gerard, cxiii., cxxi., 232, n.^ 
 
264 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Boden see, xxviii., n. 
 Bodleian Library, c. 
 Boliar-na gloch, 222, n. 
 Bolton, John, Lord Mayor (1717), 
 248, n. 
 
 JRichard, 169, n^ 
 
 street, 212, n. 
 
 Boot lane, 212, n. 
 
 Booths for dwellings, 210, n. 
 
 Bordes, Captain, R.E., 224. 
 
 Bork, the Fat, 105. 
 
 Bornholm, 175. 
 
 Borrishool, barony of, 15, n. 
 
 Bosworth, 52, n.^ 
 
 Bothar-na-gloch (Stonybatter), 222, 
 
 71., 226, n. 
 Bothya-, 7i., batter (a road), 222. 
 Bottiier, James, Earl of Ormond, 
 
 146. 
 Boulogne, 46. 
 Bowles, W., cvii. 
 Bowling green, The, 169. 
 Boyce, Joseph, xli. 
 
 Boyce v. Jones, decides the illegality 
 of the Skerries Light Dues, 
 xxxix. 
 
 Boyle, Alex., xli. 
 
 Boyne, The privateer, 241, n. 
 
 Bradogue, river, 212. 
 
 Brady, Maziere, ix., x. 
 
 Bran, 120. 
 
 Brand, John, 157 and n., ib., 157, n., 
 220, n. 
 
 Brandon Hill, 55, ii. 
 
 Bray, 164, n. 
 
 Breagh, Lord of, 119. 
 
 ■ The King of, 59. 
 
 Breagha, 74. 
 
 Breakspeare, Nicholas, see Pope. 
 
 Brehon laws, 185, n., 186. 
 
 Breidvikinga Kappi, 106, n.° 
 
 Breifne, 69. 
 
 Bremegham's tower, 204, n. 
 
 Bretland, see Wales. 
 
 Brewster, Lord Mayor, (1674), 
 242. 
 
 Brian Borumha, 78, 79, 88, 91. 
 
 Brickfield (The Merrion), 237. 
 
 Bridewell on Hogs Green, 196, w. 
 
 Bridge of the Ostmen, xlvi., 
 xlvii., xlviii., (see also Droichet 
 Dubhgall). 
 Bridges of Iceland, Ixv. 
 
 early, in Ireland, xlviii., 223. 
 
 Bristol, 3, n., 185. 
 
 first bridge at, xlvi. 
 
 bridge built at, a.d. 1202, 216. 
 
 Sir Bernard de Gomme, at 
 
 capture of, by Prince Rupert, 
 1643, 230, n. 
 Brittany, 53. 
 
 Britain, inhabitants of ancient, 227. 
 Britons of Strathclyde, 38, 43. 
 British and Irish Steam Packet 
 
 Company, xxxix. 
 British Museum, 228, n., 230. 
 Borlase, 158, n. 
 
 Brooking's map of Dublin, a.d. 1728, 
 cvi., cxix., cxx., 196, n., 203, n., 
 248, 249, n. 
 Brophy, Peter, xK. 
 Brow of the Hazelwood, 209, 210, 
 
 see Drom Choll Coill. 
 Bruce, K. Edward, 223, to. 
 Brunalban, 82, n. 
 Brunanburg, 63, n., 69, n., 70, 71, 
 
 n., 94. 
 Brussels, Royal Library at, 219. 
 Buerno, 26. 
 Buhred, K, 13, n. 
 Bulls, the South and North, 234, 
 
 and n., ib. 
 Bullring, Mayor of the, 179. 
 Bullock, 138. 
 
 Burdett, Sir Francis, vi, n. 
 Burgess roll, earliest of Dublin, 
 
 Ixviii. 
 Biug'h, Captain, Engineer, Surveyor 
 
 General, (1725), 249, n. 
 appointed to examine the har- 
 bour with Captain John Perry, ib. 
 
 their plans, ib. 
 
 rejected by Ballast Board, ib. 
 
 Burgh quay, cxvii., cxviii. 
 Burials, Scandinavian, mounds for 
 gi-eat, standing stones for brave 
 men, 154, n. 
 Buike, Edmund, Ixxxi. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 265 
 
 Burke, Edmund, liis father's house on 
 Arran-quay, next to that after- 
 wards 0. Haliday's, viii., n. 
 
 Sir Bernard, xxvi., 136, n. 
 
 Burnt Nial, Iv., n. 
 
 Burton-on-Trent, 224, n. 
 
 Bury St. Edmunds, Ixvii., ?i. 
 
 Bush river, 84, n. 
 
 Butlers of Ormond, The, 145. 
 
 Butler, Rev. Richard, 145, n., 146, 
 11., 162, 11. 
 
 Butts, 167, and see Butt. 
 
 Byrne, Colonel Miles, xci. 
 
 Cadiz, 117. 
 
 ancient Gades, 115, n^. 
 
 Caen, in Normandy, 130. 
 Osesar Augustus, 2, n^. 
 
 Julius, 227. 
 
 Commentaries of, n., ibid. 
 
 Cage work houses, 211. 
 
 Cairbre Riada, 84. 
 
 Cairo, old, 1., n. 
 
 Caithness, liii. 31, n., 102, 15 7, n. 
 
 Calendar of State Papers of Queen 
 
 Elizabeth, 204, n. 
 
 James First's reign, 203, n. 
 
 CallweU, Robert, xli. 
 Cambridge University, xlv. 
 Camden, 90, n., 92, «., 206, 226. 
 
 Society, 210, n. 
 
 Earl, Ixxvii. 
 
 Canary Isles, cxxii., n. 
 Oantabrian Sea, 115. 
 Canterbury, 123, 177. 
 Cantok, Master Thomas, Ixxii. 
 Canute, 67, 71, n., 123, 181, 195, 
 
 199. 
 son of Gormo-hin-Gamle, 62, 
 
 63. 
 Canutus Hordaknutus, 33, n. 
 Cape Clear, liv. 
 Capper, Samuel James, M.P., xxviii., 
 
 n. 
 Caradoc, 87, n., 24, n., 50, n., 52, 
 
 n., 53, n., 58, n. 
 Carey, Sir George, see Cary. 
 
 Carlingford, Ixvii., 15, 35, 94, 137, 
 
 see also Snam Edneigh. 
 Carlisle Bridge, xeiii, 234, n. 
 Carlow county, 55, n. 
 Carlus, 38. 
 s. of Aulaf, K. of Dublin, 20, 
 
 n., 128. 
 
 the sword of, 126, 123. 
 
 Carn Brammit, 23. 
 
 Carrick-on-Suir, Ixxvii. 
 
 Carroll, Sir James, cxvii., cxviii. 
 
 • 169, n.\ 145, m.2 
 
 Carteret, the Lord, L.L., 246, n. 
 Cary, Sir George, cvii., n. 
 Gary's Hospital, Ixxiii., cvii., n. 
 Ciirey, Rev. Dr., Archbishop of 
 
 Dublin, 190. 
 Cashel, Synod of, 136, 186. 
 
 Archbishop of, 177, n. 
 
 Arclibishoprick, of, 135, m. 
 
 Maelgula Mac Dungail, K. of, 
 
 126, 136. 
 Cassel, 6, n. 
 
 Cassels, architect, xciv., n. 
 Castlereagh, Lord, Ixxxix. 
 Castles, Danish, in Ireland, lxv.,lxvi. 
 
 Colonel, 165, ?i..i 
 
 Castleknock, 223, n. 
 
 inhabitants of barony of, 205. 
 
 Castle-street, 208, 209, 210. 
 
 Castellis, The, xcvi. 
 
 Cat, 82, 71.1, and see Caithness. 
 
 Cave, Thomas, (1784), 240, n. 
 
 Ceallach, prince of Scotland, 71, n. 
 
 Ceann Maghair, 85, n. 
 
 Ceanannus, 74. 
 
 Cearbhall, 19, n., 22, 23, 39, 45, 47, 
 
 53, 54, 66. 
 lord of Ossory, 95, 100, 101, 
 
 102, 104, 105, 119, 120. 
 
 (Carroll), in alliance with 
 
 Aiilaf and Ivar, 39 ; reigns at 
 Dublin, A.D. 872-885, 45; dies 
 A.D. 885, 46. Flann, his sister's 
 son claims rule, but is defeated by 
 the foreigners at Ath Cliath, 47. 
 
 Aulaf, the White, his nephew, 
 
 54, Cearbhall, called King of 
 Liffe of Ships, ih., n. ; slain, A.D. 
 
266 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cearbhall — con. 
 
 909, ib. ; Diarmid, his son, dies 
 A.D. 927, ib. 
 
 son of Muirigen, 49, 77. 
 
 son of Muirigen, K. of Lein- 
 
 ster, drives the foreigners out of 
 Ath Cliath, 49 ; they take refuge 
 at Ireland's Eye, ib. ; land in 
 Anglesey, 60 ; are defeated at the 
 battle of Ros Meilor, ib. ; are given 
 lands in Mercia, near Chester, by 
 Ethelfloed, ib. 
 
 s. of Dunghal, 23. 
 
 Ceile Des (Ouldees), 61. 
 
 Cellach, K. of Leinster, 31. 
 
 Cellachan, K. of the Islands, 71, n.^ 
 
 Cenn Fuait (Conf ey), 55 ; battleof, 5 6. 
 
 Cennedigh, 77, n. 
 
 Lord of Laighis, 119. 
 
 Census Commissioners, xxxiv. 
 
 Ceolwulf, 41. 
 
 Chain Book of City of Dublin, xxv. 
 
 Channel Islands, 195. 
 
 Chapel, Walter, Ixxi,, n. 
 
 Chapelizod, Ixxx. 
 
 Charlemagne, iv., 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 14, 
 119. 
 
 his conquests and forced con- 
 
 vei'sionsof the Saxons, 5 ; they fly 
 into Denmark, 8 ; their hatred to 
 clergy, ib. ; forced by him out of 
 Denmai'k, 9 ; Danes and Saxons 
 revenge themselves on France, 9 ; 
 infest England, 10, and Ireland, 
 1 1 ; their raids on the island her- 
 mitages, ib. ; why and when they 
 became pirates, 12-14 ; their 
 ravages in Ireland, (a.d. 807- 
 836), 16-18 ; called by the Irish 
 Dubhghoill, 18 ; supposed to be 
 Danes, ib. ; a.d. 847, a fleet of 
 Finnghoill, ih. ; supposed to be 
 Norwegians, ib. ; the conflicts be- 
 tween them, ib. and 19. 
 
 Charlemont, Lord, xxii. 
 
 House, Library at, xxiL, 24:1, n. 
 
 Charles, the Fat, King of France, 46. 
 
 the Simple, King of France, 52. 
 
 First King, 203, n. 
 
 Charleston, S. Carolina, xxvi. 
 Chase, The, a Fenian Tale, IxiL , ». 
 Chatham " Chest, The," at, 245, 246, 
 
 n. 
 Chatham and Sheerness, alarm 
 
 at, by Dutch raid (1 667), 229. 
 Cheevers, Walter, xiv. 
 Chester, 50, 52, 58, 87. 
 Ethelfloed, Lady of Chester, 
 
 gives the Danes di'iven out of 
 
 Dublin (a.d. 900) lands on which 
 
 to erect stalls and houses, 50. 
 Chatham, Robert, 245, n. 
 Chichester, Sir Arthur, Ixxiii., «. , 
 
 cvii, n. 
 Lord Belfast, his departure 
 
 from the Ring's End, 1614, 
 
 241, w. 
 
 Sir Edward, cvii., n. 
 
 House, cvii., 203, n., 241, n., 
 
 239, 240, n. ; the old shore, 239, 
 ib. ; ground plan of, (a.d. 1734) 
 239, 11., site of New Parliament 
 House, ib. 
 
 Cholera morbus, xxxvi. 
 
 Christ Church, Dublin, 221, and see 
 Holy Trinity, 92, 148. 
 
 Christ Church-hill, xlvi. 
 
 place, 208. 
 
 seneschal of, Ixxi., n., Ixxii. 
 
 Christian, William, 152. 
 
 Christiania, 12, n. 
 
 Christmas customs, 173. 
 
 Church of St. Andrew, 162 ; the old, 
 145, n. ; of Delgany, 148 ; of the 
 Holy Trinity (and see Christ 
 Church), 148; of St. Patrick's, 
 148; the Round, 179; of St. 
 Stephen, 149. 
 
 Church-lane, 162. 
 
 Churchtown (Dundrum), Ixxxv.. 
 
 Cianachta, 16. 
 
 Breagh (in JNIeath), 24. 
 
 Cicero, his name for a library, xv. 
 
 Ciarraighi, the, 55. 
 
 Cill-dara (Kildare), 17, 47, 65, n. 
 
 Cill-Maighnenn, 152, n., or Kil- 
 mainham. 
 
 CiU-Martin (Wicklow), 139. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 267 
 
 Cillmosamhog, battle of, 59. 
 
 Cille-Dalua, see Killaloe. 
 
 Cinaedli, s. of Alpin, K. of Scots, 
 
 120. 
 
 son of Conang, 24. 
 
 Circular Belfries, 174. 
 
 Semi-circular, 174. 
 
 churches, 174. 
 
 Circular-roadj the, 212, n. 
 
 Citadel to defend Liffey mouth 
 
 (1673), 228, w.= 
 City of Dublin Steam))acket Com- 
 pany, xxxix. 
 City-quay, cxix. 
 Clachan, circle of stones, 175, re., 
 
 176, n. 
 Clachan (for Church;, 175. 
 Claims, Court of, Ixvii., n. 
 
 book of, (1702), 203, n. 
 
 Cluain Dolcain (Clondalkin, county 
 
 Dublin), 16. 
 Clane; 147. 
 Clare, the Lord Grattan's answer to, 
 
 xiii. 
 county, gold ornaments found 
 
 in, 127, n. 
 Olarensbridge, county Galway (Ath 
 
 Cliath Meadrighe), :i26, n. 
 Clear, Cape, 16. 
 Cleaseby and Yigfusson, 129, n., 
 
 130, n., 134, n., 135, n., 195, re. 
 Clifden, the Viscounts, xxi. 
 
 Henry, Viscount, viii., n. 
 
 Clondalkin, 16, re., 20, 38, 142. 
 
 Aulaf's '■ Dun " at, 38. 
 
 Clonfert, 34, 35. 
 Clonlyffe, 132, n. 
 Clonmacnois, 34, 35, 36, 63. 
 
 annals of, 221. 
 
 Clonmel, Ixxvii. 
 
 Clonmore (in Leinster), 1 1 , n. 
 
 Clonmor, (Glonmore^ county Louth), 
 
 16. 
 Clontarf, battle of, xlvii,, xlviii., lii., 
 
 78, n., 219. 
 
 bar, 234, nP- 
 
 the Island of, 205. 
 
 pool, cxiL, cxiii., 245, n. 
 
 — — port of, Ixxvi. 
 
 Cluan Ferta, of Brennan, 34. 
 
 Cluain Iraird, 126. 
 
 Cluain-mor-Maedhog (Clonmore in 
 Leinster), 17. 
 
 Cluain-na-g Cruimhter, bridge of, 
 64. 
 
 Clut Eadiilph and Richard, 145. 
 
 Clysma (Suez), 1., n. 
 
 Clyst, St. George, xxvui. 
 
 Cochran, Captain, cxxii., re. 
 
 Cock (cockle) lake, ex., 5, 234-238. 
 
 Codd, Francis, xli. 
 
 Coffee House, the House of Com- 
 mons (1792), 240 n. 
 
 Cogan, MDo de, 149, n. 
 
 • Rev. A., 136, re. 
 
 Colburn, Henry, Ixxxix 
 
 Cole, Henry, Ixx., n. 
 
 Celebrant, 71, n. 
 
 Colgan, 3, re., 11, re., 12, n., 113, re. 
 
 CoLla, Lord of Limerick, 85, n. 
 
 son of Barith, 63. 
 
 College, The, 147. 
 
 College-green, 203, n. 
 
 Collins, Captain Greenville, cvi. 
 
 Colton, Archbishop, 189, re. 
 
 Colton and Co., New York, cxxiii., 
 re. 
 
 Oolumbanus (Rev. Charles O'Connor, 
 D.D.), 172, n. 
 
 Colum Cille (Saint Columba), 43 ; 
 his relics brought (a.d. 850) from 
 lona to Dunkeld, 43, n. ; thence 
 to Ireland on the invasion of 
 Scotland, by the Danes, a.d. 874, 
 ih. 
 
 Commerce, Chamber of, xxxvii., 
 xxxix., xli., xlv. 
 
 Commission, Land Tenure, of 1843, 
 xxxiv. 
 
 Commissioners of Parliament of 
 England for Ireland (1657), 228, 
 ?i.2, (1657), <. 240; order of, i6. 
 
 Commissioners, see Record Commis- 
 sioners. 
 
 Commons-street, 248. 
 
 Conang, 24. 
 
 Conaille, 16. 
 
 Oonaing, Lord of Breagh, 119. 
 
268 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Coachobhar, 78. 
 
 King of Ulster, 82, ra. 
 
 s. of Maelsaclilainn, 91. 
 
 3. of Flann, King of Ireland, 
 
 59. 
 Ooafey, see Oenn Fuait. 
 Conghalach, King of Ireland, 74, 
 
 78, 79, 91. 
 Oonn, 221. 
 Connaught, see Kunnakster. 
 
 Ixv., 34, 35, 63, 82, n. 
 
 Oonnemara (a.d. 807), 15, 16, 63. 
 Connolly, Mr. (1707), 246, n. 
 Oonemhail, s. of Gilla Arri, 1 32. 
 Conor Mac Dearmada, half King of 
 
 Meath, 126. 
 Conquest, 186, n. 
 Constance, Lake of, xxvii., xxviii. 
 Constantino, s. of King Kenneth, 
 
 36, »., 37, TO., 40, n. 
 s. of Aedh, King of Scots, 
 
 57. 
 
 King of Scots, 70, 121. 
 s. of lago. 
 
 Cooke, Samuel, of Sunderland, xxvi. 
 employed to establish the Lord 
 
 Kingsland's adyowsons, xxvii. ; 
 
 brings over James F. Ferguson, 
 
 ib. ; his household at Sandymount, 
 
 ih. 
 Coolock, inhabitants of barony of, 
 
 205. 
 Cooper, Sir Astley, viii. 
 Copenhagan, xv., lii. 
 Coppinger's Register of St. Thomas's 
 
 Abbey, xxxi. ; 217 ; and see St. 
 
 Thomas's Abbey Chartulary. 
 Cork, Ixix., 16, 54, 137. 
 Coranna, 117. 
 Oormac, liv. 
 
 Mac Art, 83. 
 
 Cuilennan, King and Bishop 
 
 of Cashel, 77. 
 Cornwall, Ixvii., n., 28, 95, n. 
 Corporation of Dublin, 203, n. 
 Corporations, The Fight (of Dublin), 
 
 212, w. 
 Corporation for Preserving and Im- 
 proving the Port of Dublin (see 
 
 Corporation — con. 
 
 also Ballast Board, 202, 231, n.^, 
 
 247. 
 Cosgrach, s. of Flannabhrad, 15. 
 Cosgrave, Johannes, 193, n. 
 Cossawara, 71, n. 
 Ootgrave, Randle (a.d., 1610) xxiv., 
 
 n. 
 Court Thing, 159. 
 Cox, Sir Richard, iii. 
 Crabbe, Rev. G-eorge, quotation 
 
 from, iv. 
 Ci-ampton Monument, The, cxviii. 
 Crane, The, 203, n. 
 Creaghting, practice of, 210, n. 
 Crofts, Philip, cxviii. 
 Croker, Crofton, 210, n. 
 Cromwell (Oliver), xiv., xcii., 212, 
 
 228, n., 241. 
 Cromwellians, 228, n.' 
 Cross, The (like Thor's hammer sign), 
 
 125, n. 
 Crosthwaite, Thomas, xli. 
 
 Leland, ih. 
 
 Croyland Abbey, 224. 
 Cruinden, 47. 
 Cruithne, 83. 
 
 Irish Picts (see Picts). 
 
 Crumlin (co. DubUn), 4, «..' 
 
 Cualann (Cullen), IL, 23. 
 
 (Fercullen), in co. Wicklow, 
 
 225. 
 Cuiges, or fifths of Ireland, 134, n. 
 Cuilen, son of Cearbhall, 46. 
 Culdees, 61 ; see Oeile Dees. 
 Cullenswood, 179, n. 
 Culpepper, The Lord, Ixviii., n. 
 Cumberland, Malcolm, King of, 87. 
 Cumberland, 24, n. 
 Curran, J. Philpot, Ixxx., cii., and 
 
 n., ih., 196, n. 
 Currency Inquiry, xlii. 
 Curry Eugene, 219, 227, n. (see 
 
 O'Curry). 
 Customs received to their own use 
 
 by the several walled towns at 
 
 accession of James I., 203, n. 
 Custom House in 1620, 211, n. 
 the new, 202, 203, n., 245, n. 
 
• INDEX. 
 
 269 
 
 Custom House, the present, bxiilding 
 of, 248. 
 
 fire in 1833, xlii. 
 
 Cymry The, 176, n.^ 
 
 Daggenham breach ; in the Thames, 
 249 ; Captain John Perr}- eoi- 
 ployed to repair (1713), ib. 
 
 Dagobert, King, xxviii., n. 
 
 Daimhliag (Duleek), 16. 
 
 Dal Aradia, 85, and ii. n. 
 
 Dalby Point, Isle of Man, 156. 
 
 Dal C^is, 79, 152, n. 
 
 Dalkey, li., Ixxvi., 139, n., 225. 
 
 ship canal from, to Dublin, 
 
 projected (1800), 249, n. ; to 
 avoid the bar, ih. 
 
 pirates gibbeted at, cxxii., n. 
 
 Dal KoUus, 104. 
 
 Dal Riada, 84, 85, 89, 93, n.\ 113, 
 
 120. 
 Scottish kingdom of, founded 
 
 by Fergus, s. of Ere (a.d., 503), 
 
 84. 
 Dabiads of Ulster, Fergus, s. of 
 
 Ere, King of, 82, n. 
 Dam-street, 194, n. 
 Dam gate. The, 194. 
 Damass gate, 165, n. 
 Dames gate, 204, n., 205. 
 Damory Eicardiis, 195, n. 
 Danes, see Dubhgoill. 
 of Dublin (a.d., 1014), 4, n., 
 
 9, 11, 15, 19, 11., 51, 52, 219. 
 
 (or Ostmen), 232. 
 
 of Ireland (in Herts), 182. 
 
 of the north of Ireland, 69. 
 
 Prince of the iSTew and Old, 
 
 65. 
 
 the conversion of, 125. 
 
 Danish Wars, Book of the, 219, see 
 
 War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill^ 
 
 219. 
 Darcy, John, xli. 
 Dartaidha, 226, n. 
 Dartmoiith, Hon. George Legge, 
 
 Lord, 243. 
 Dasent G. Webb, ll.d., Iv., n., Ix., 
 
 Ixv., 134, n. 
 
 Davys, Sir John, xxiv., Ixx., n., 
 
 138, n., 186, TO., 212, n. 
 Davis, Sir Paul, cviii., n. 
 
 Sir William, 166. 
 
 Dearbhforghaill, 92. 
 
 Dearc-Fearna (Cave of Diinmore, 
 
 CO. Kilkenny), 66, a.^ 
 De Burgo, 136, n. 
 
 Thomas, 211, 222, n. 
 
 De Cogan, Milo, 164, n. 
 De Courcy, 93, 94. 
 
 ■ Vivian, 132, n. 
 
 Dee, river, 19, ti. 
 
 (at Chester), 87. 
 
 (co. Louth), 64, n? 
 
 De Ginkle (1691), 241, n. 
 
 De Gomme, Sir Bernard, xHii., cv., 
 
 c^-i., cix., ex., cxi., cxxi., 228, 229, 
 
 230, 232, 245. 
 his map of river and harbour 
 
 of Dublin (1673), 228-231, also 
 
 230, )!. 
 Deira, 24, n., 41. 
 De La Boullaye le Gouz, 210, n. 
 De Lacy, Ixvi., n. 
 Delacour, Mr., n. 
 
 Delaporte, Anne Marguerite, xxix. 
 Delgany, 148. 
 
 Del Hogges, abbey of, 193, n. 
 Delg-inis, or Dalkey, 139, n. 
 De Loundres, Archbishop, 148. 
 Delvin Rivulet, or Albene, 142, n. 
 
 River, 138. 
 
 De ilezerai, Histoii-e de France, 7, 
 
 n.\ 8, ?i.i, 9. 
 Denmark, 6, 8, 9, 11, 24, 26, 38. 
 
 Prince George of, 247. 
 
 Denzille-street, ex., 239. 
 Depping, 9, n. 
 Dei'g-dheire, 34. 
 Derry city, 17, n. 
 
 diocese of, 189, n. 
 
 Doomsters, 170. 
 Desert-Martin, liv. 
 Desei-t Creat, liv. 
 
 Serges, ih. 
 
 Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, 169, 
 
 Des Roches, Mons., 6, n. 
 
270 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Desterre, J. N., vii. 
 
 his duel with O'Oonnell, ih., 
 
 ■ his conduct at the Mutiny of 
 
 the Nore, ih. 
 Davenport, 58. 
 Devizes, K. John's letter from, to 
 
 build a new bridge at Dublin or 
 
 keep the old, 216, 217. 
 Devonshire, Duke of (L.L. 1741), 
 
 lands at Ringseud, 241, ii. 
 Diarmid, son of Cearbhall, 66. 
 
 • s. of Maelnambo, 92. 
 
 Dicuil, xlix., n., 1., n., liii, liv. 
 
 • 98, n., 113, n. 
 
 Dinn Seanchus, 213, 215, 226. 
 Dachonna, Saint, 12, 22, n., 46, n. 
 Dowcra, Lord, 147. 
 Dodder river, ex., cxxi., 145, 148, 
 
 149. 
 
 port of, Ixxvi. 
 
 ■ (Rafernam water), 232, n.^, 
 
 242, n. 
 Doddridge, Life of Col. Gardiner, 
 
 xiii. 
 Doire-Chalgaigh (Derry), 17. 
 Dolier-street, Ixxiv., xciv. 
 Dollar Bay, cxxiL, n. 
 Dam-street, 194, re. 
 Domhring, 126, li^. 
 Dombrain, Sir Jas., R.N., xlv. 
 Domesday Book, 198, 180. 
 Domhnall, s. of Muircheartach, 85, 
 
 Donn, 77. 
 
 brother of Donnchadh, 60. 
 
 Olaen, King of Ireland, 80, 
 
 and n.^ ib. 
 
 grandson of Loohlan, 219. 
 
 Dominicans, The, 222, n., 223. 
 Dominic-street, new, 212, n. 
 Dominus Angliae, K. Richard I., 
 
 189. 
 HibernisB, John Earl of Moj-e- 
 
 ton, 189. 
 Domville Henry, Lxxviii. 
 
 John, Ixxvui. 
 
 Donnchadh, King of Ireland, 71, 
 
 119, 142. 
 
 Donnchadh, brother of Conchobar, 
 
 59, 60. 
 
 son of Flann, 69, n. 
 
 Donn, 77. 
 
 son of Brian Borumha, 78, 91, 
 
 92. 
 son of Domhnal Ua Maelseach- 
 
 lainn, 214, n. 
 
 Abbot of Cill-Dearga, 47. 
 
 Donegal, 63. 
 
 Dorsetshire, 89. 
 
 Dover Harbour, Capt. John Perry's 
 
 survey of (1713), 249. 
 Downs, The, xli. 
 Down survey, map of harbour, cvi., 
 
 Ixxvi. 
 Downpatrick (Dun da Leathghlas), 
 
 16, 86. 
 Drake, F., 77, n. 
 
 Francis, 220, n. 
 
 Drafdritus, 99, n. 
 
 Drogheda, 222, n. 
 
 Droichet, 214. 
 
 Droichead Cleithe, 214, and n., ib. 
 
 Droichet Dubhgall, xlvii. 
 
 Dubhgall's bridge, 219. 
 
 (perhaps Dubhgall, s. of 
 
 Aulaff), ib. 
 Droichet at DublLa, 220. 
 Drom Choll Coill, 209. 
 Dromin, near Dunshaughlin, 1 7, n. 
 Dromod (South Wales), 53. 
 Drontheim, Ixv., and n., ib. 
 Druids, 32, w. 
 Druids, sorcery of, 172, n. 
 Drum-h-Ing (Dromin, Cilleath), 17. 
 Drumconran (Drumcondra), 232 
 
 Dabhall River (Blackwater in 
 
 Tyrone), 85, n. 
 Dubhchoblaig, 78. 
 DubhgoUl, 17, 19. 
 Dubhgalls and Finngalls, 61, n., 
 
 65. 
 Dubhgall's bridge, 219, 220. 
 Dubgoill or Danes — the earlier of 
 
 the northern invaders, 5, 9 ; cause 
 
 of their greater fierceness, 5, 9 ; 
 
 their attacks on France, 10; on 
 
INDEX. 
 
 271 
 
 Dubgoill or Danes — con. 
 
 England, ih. \ on Ireland, 11 ; on 
 the coasts and island tei-mitages, 
 ih.; in tift interior, 14, 15 ; list 
 of tteir raids, 16. 
 
 Dubhlinn, 3, 23, 24, 207, w., 225, n. 
 
 of Athcliagh, 23, n., 54. 
 
 Diibh Lochlannaigh, 18, «. 
 
 Dublin — no town there before the 
 time of the Ostmen, 2 ; meaning 
 of Dubhlinn, 3 ; Ostmen, King- 
 dom of, founded a.d. 852, 5 ; 
 called Dyfflin by the Ostmen, 23 ; 
 Duvelina by the Anglo-Normans, 
 ih.\ a Norwegian fortress there 
 before Aulafl^'s arrival, ih. ; 
 governed by same king as North- 
 umberland for near a century, 24 ; 
 Ptolemy's supposed notice of in 
 second century, 2 ; Jooelin's in- 
 flated account of, ih. ; Dubhlinn, 
 meaning of, 3, 23 ; Oolgan's list 
 of supposed bishops of from 
 the arrival of St. Patrick, ib., 
 n. I founded by Ostmen, a.d. 
 852, 5, 19 ; plundered by Mael- 
 sachlain, a.d. 847, 24; supposed 
 taking of by Regner Lodbrog, 28, 
 29; or Turgesius, 31; death of 
 Ivar, K. of the Ostmen at Dublin, 
 A.D. 872, 36, 40; Ivar, K. of 
 Northumbria and Dublin, ih. ; 
 Oearbhall (Carroll J reigns there, 
 A.D. 871-885, 46; Sitric, s. of 
 Ivar, from France, returns and 
 reigns at Dublin, 46 ; Flann's con- 
 flict with the foreigners of Ath- 
 Cliath, 47 ; Sitric slain at, 48 ; God- 
 fi-ey, s. of Sitric, K. of Dublin 
 and Northumbria, ib. ; Ostmen 
 expelled from, 897, 49; Sitric, 
 s. of Godfrey, recovers Dublin, 
 A.D. 919, 54; in his absence in 
 Northumberland Niall Ghmdubh 
 tries to gain it, 58 ; is defeated at 
 Kilmashoge, near Eathfamham, 
 59 ; Godfrey, s. of Reginald, rules 
 at (a.d. 921), 61 j marches from, 
 against the Danes of Limerick, 
 
 Dublin — con. 
 
 63 ; Dublin attacked in his ab- 
 sence by Irish, 64 ; his return, 66 ; 
 loses Dublin to the sons of Sitric, 
 67 ; Godfrey, K. of Dublin and 
 Northumbria (a.d. 932), 68 ; 
 Aulaf, s. of Godfrey, K. of Dub- 
 lin, 69— sails from Dublin to the 
 Humber to recover Northumber- 
 land, 69 — is defeated at the battle 
 of Brunanburg, 70 — sails back to 
 Dublin, 70, 71 ; Muircheartagh 
 and his Leather Cloaks besiege 
 Dublin, 71, 72— fail 72. 
 
 The ancient name of, essay 
 
 upon, xlvi. 
 
 Bally-ath-Cliath, ancient name 
 
 of, 206. 
 
 foundation of boggy, 206, 209. 
 
 kingdom of, 5, 87, 90, 91. 
 
 Oearbhall, King of, 45. 
 
 ■ Guthfrith, King of, 66. 
 
 Aulaf, King of, 68. 
 
 Aulaf, son of Godfrey, King 
 
 of, 79. 
 
 the foreigners of, 74. 
 
 the Gentiles of, 74. 
 
 Archbishop of, cviii., n. in a.d. 
 
 1215, 216. 
 
 Archbishopric of, erected (a.d.. 
 
 1148) 135, n. 
 
 and Glen-da lough, united 
 
 diocese of, 140, 148. 
 
 Synod of, ad. (1175), 188, see 
 
 Vivian Cardinal. 
 Roman Catholic Bishop of, 
 
 Dr. Cary, 190. 
 
 the bridge of, 205. 
 
 Tochar at, 221, 223. 
 
 old bridge of, 222, n. 
 
 bridges, of, 215. 
 
 a bi-idge at, before King John's 
 
 reign, 215. 
 
 licence to citizens (a.d., 1192), 
 
 to make a bridge, ' 
 
 Castle, 23, 204, n., 205. 
 
 Castle, Record Tower at, 228, 
 
 n., 2. 
 capture of, by Strongbow, Ixix. 
 
272 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Dublin, burgesses, 216. 
 
 JMayor of, and his jurats, 169. 
 
 Lord Mayor and citizens of, 
 
 244. 
 
 Corporation of, 146, in?. 
 
 ■ Assembly Rolls of, xv. 
 
 sole owners and managers in 
 
 early times of, port and river, xxv. ; 
 
 their records, ih. 
 memoranda and freeman rolls 
 
 of, xxxi. 
 printed rental of estates of, by 
 
 Francis Morgan, solicitor, 238, n. 
 ■ grant of customs from Arclo 
 
 to Nanny-water, (A.D., 1372), 246, 
 n. 
 
 ■ Harbour of. Corporation of 
 
 Dublinclaim it as their inheritance 
 (1761), 247. n. 
 
 — ■ ship canal to, from Howth, 
 projected (1728), 248. 
 
 ship canal from Kingstown or 
 
 Dalkey to, projected (1800), 249, 
 and n., ih. 
 
 grant of Admiralty to (a.d., 
 
 1585), 246, n. 
 
 annulled in King's Bench, 
 
 (1615), ih. 
 lease of, port of, at £50 a year 
 
 otfered (1605), 245, n. 
 
 the key of, 149. 
 
 Thingmote of, 162. 
 
 Thingmount of, 190. 
 
 Govemorof,A.D.,1647, 165, n^. 
 
 Recorder of, A.D., 1613, 
 
 Richard Bolton, 169. ■n)-. 
 
 Recorder of (1707), 245, n. 
 
 defence of, against attack by 
 
 sea. Sir Bernard de Gomme's plan 
 
 for, 228, 230. 
 Corporation for pi'eserving and 
 
 improving -Port of, 247. 
 the Dublin Scuffle (1699), 232, 
 
 Jou-mal, 238, w., 241, n. 
 
 News Letter, 241, n. 
 
 Penny Journal, 231, n., 3. 
 
 and Kingstown Railway, xxxv. 
 
 Dubliter Odhar, 17. 
 
 Ducange, 193, 194. 
 
 Duchesne, 117, n. 
 
 6, 13, n., 44, n., 48, n., 52, n., 
 
 60, n. 
 Dudo, 52, n., 57. 
 Duflf, Nicholas (1582), 250, n. 
 Dufthack, Ivi., Ivii., n. 
 Dufthach, 101, Icelandic for Dubh 
 
 thach. 
 Dufthakster. 100, n. 
 Duleek (Daimhliag), 16. 
 
 Upper and Lower, 24, n. 
 
 Dumbarton (Strath Cluaide), 39, n. 
 Dunadhach, s. of Scannlan, 17. 
 
 15. 
 
 Dunblane, 53. 
 
 Duncannon Fort, cxxii., n. 
 
 Dunchadh, Abbot, 13, n. 
 
 Dundalk, 34, 35. 
 
 Dun da-Leathghlas (Downpatrick), 
 
 16. 
 Dundrum (Ohurchtown), Ixxxv., 
 
 xcii. 
 Dun Edair, 213. 
 Dungan, Lord, 147. 
 Dunghal, Lord of Ossraighe, 47. 
 
 Lord of Ossory, 23. 
 
 Dunkeld, 43, n. 
 
 Dunlang, King of Leinster, 30. 
 
 . 77, n. 
 
 Dunlaith, daughter of Maelmhuire's 
 
 77. 
 Dunleary, Ixxxiv. 
 poor of, XXXV., deprived of their 
 
 bathing place, ih. 
 Dunleer (Llannlere), 16. 
 Dunlo, bridge of, a.d., 1116, 2\i,n. 
 Dunmore, see Dearc Fearna. 
 Dunne, Sir Patrick's, Hospital, 239, 
 
 248. 
 Dunseverick, 64. 
 
 Dun Sobhairce (Dunseverick), 64, n. 
 Dunton, John (The Dublin Scuffle, 
 
 1699>, 232, n., 1. 
 Durham co., xxvi. 
 Dutch raid in the Thames, a.d, 1667, 
 
 229. 
 
 peace with, 230. 
 
 . renewed war with, 1672, iJ), 
 
INDEX. 
 
 273 
 
 Duvelina, 23. 
 
 Dyfflin, Ixv., 23. 
 
 Dyfflinafskiri, Ixiv, 20, 55, 138, 139, 
 
 n.\ 140. 
 Dyvelin, Ixvi, n. 
 
 Kaye of, Ixxvi. 
 
 Dyved, 89. 
 
 Eachmarcli, 92. 
 
 Eadred, King of Northumberland, 
 
 74, 75, 76. 
 East Angles, 37. 
 East Anglia, 15, 25, 26, 33, 37, 39, 
 
 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 62, 69, n. 
 invaded (a.d., 870), 37 ; 
 
 Edmund, King of, defeated and 
 
 slain, 40 ; Gormo, son of Frotho, 
 
 King of Denmark reigns, 41 ; 
 
 resigns Denmark, i6. ; settles in 
 
 E. Anglia, and divides it amongst 
 
 his followers, ih. 
 East Indies, 210, n. 
 Easter, the goddess, 174. 
 Eblana, Ptolemy's supposed notice 
 
 of, 2. 
 Eboracum, or antiquities of York, 
 
 220, n. 
 Ecgierth, K., his monastery at 
 
 Wearmouth destroyed by the 
 
 Northmen, 11. 
 Eccles, John (1707), 245, n. 
 EcwUs, King, 52. 
 Edgar, King, 86, 87, 143, 178, n. 
 Edinburg, Ixvi., n., Ixxxvii. 
 Editha, daughter of King Edward, 
 
 and sister of Thyra, 65, n. 
 Edmund, K. of East Anglia, 26, 60, 
 
 71, ra. 
 Saint and King, Ivii., n., 40, 
 
 41, 60, 73, 124. 
 Edna, 105. 
 Edward, son of Alfred, King of 
 
 England, 51, 52, 57, 58, 62, 64, 
 
 65, n. 
 Edward I., rolls and records of, 
 
 Ixxii 
 II,, Plea roll of, Ixix, n. 
 
 Edward III., xxviii. 
 Edwiu, 195. 
 
 son of King Edward, 64. 
 
 Egbert, 39. 
 
 Eghbricht, King, bishops fight in 
 
 his armies against the Danes, 13, n. 
 Egils, 70. 
 Egibsly isle, 174. 
 Eginhard, 6. 
 Egypt, xlix., n. 
 Elagh, or AUeach, 2. 
 Elbe, The, 7. 
 ' Elche,' or ' Elgi,' for the Danish, 
 
 ' Enske,' i.e., English, 42, 43. 
 Elgar, Earl, 182. 
 Elir, s. of Barid, 85, n. 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 146, n. 
 EUa, K. of Northumberland, 25, 26, 
 
 27, 28, 30, 37. 
 EUacombe, Rev. H. R, xxviii. 
 Ellis, Sir John and Sir William, 
 
 xxi. 
 EUis's-quay. 
 
 Eloir. son of Barith, 63, n. 
 Elphin, 172, TO. 
 Ely Inquisition, 198. 
 Emania, 2, n. 
 Emmett, Robert, xci. 
 Empson, W. (sheriff, 1717), 248, n. 
 Ennis, Sir John, Bart., xU. 
 Enske, 42. 
 
 Eochard Beag, 226, n. 
 Eogannen, M'^ngus, K. of Picts, 
 
 120. 
 Eoghanachta, The, 55. 
 Eresbourg, 6. 
 Eric, 70. 
 3. of Harald Harfagr, 73, 75, 
 
 96. 
 — — s. of K. Harald, Groefeld, 86, n. 
 
 Blodaxe, King, 68. 
 
 - — The Red, 107, ?i. 
 
 son of Barith, 63, n. 
 
 King of the East Angles, 51. 
 
 Erleng, son of ELing Eric, 75, n. 
 
 Erne river, 63. 
 
 Erps, 104. 
 
 Esker (co. Dublin), 4, n. 
 
 Essex, 51. 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Essex-tridge, 203, 234, n., 2. 
 Essex, Earl of, cix., ii. 
 
 Earl of, Lord Lieutenant, 231, 
 
 243, n. 
 
 Earlof (1644), lxvii.,M. 
 
 Etlielfloed, Lady of the Mercians, 
 50, 52, n., 57, 58, n. 
 
 Ethelwald, 51. 
 
 — — s. of K. Alfred, rejected by the 
 Saxons, is made by the Danes of 
 Northumbria their king, 51 ; with 
 Eric, K. of the East Angles, rav- 
 ages Mercia, ib. ; both slain return- 
 ing, ih. 
 
 Ethelwerd, 25, 37, n., 40, n., 41, »., 
 42, n., 48, n., 53, n., 37, n., 40, 
 44, n. 
 
 Ethelwalf, K., 13, n., 224, n. 
 
 Eubonia (Isle of Man), 84, n. 
 
 Eugenius III., Pope, see Poi^e 
 Eugenius. 
 
 Eva, d. of Kiag Dermot M'Mur- 
 rough, 4, n. 
 
 Everhard, The Count, 46. 
 
 Evinus, 172, n. 
 
 Exchequer, Record of Court of, xxv. ; 
 sorted and catalogued by J. F. 
 Eerguson in 1850, xxvi. ; occas- 
 sion of, ih. 
 
 Explanation, Act of, 228, n., 2. 
 
 Eysteia, s. of K. Aulaf, 40, n., 43. 
 
 Eyrind, Ixv. 
 
 — Austman, 95, 101, 102, 120. 
 
 Fagan, Christopher, 203, n. 
 
 James, xli. 
 
 Falesiam (Falaise), K. John's letter 
 dated at, 217, n. 
 
 Falkland, Lord Deputy, cvii., n. 
 
 Fan-na-g-carbad (Slope of the Cha- 
 riots) at Tara, 225, 227. 
 
 Faramian, Abbot of Ardmacha, 34. 
 
 Faroe Islands, xlix., n., liv., Ivii., 
 102, 129. 
 
 Faversham (Kent), 182. 
 
 Feargus, Bishop of KUdare, 13. 
 
 Feama, see Deare Fearna. 
 
 Fearna (Ferns), 17. 
 
 Fenian Tales, Ixii., n. 
 
 Fennor, 17, n. 
 Fercullen, li. 
 
 CO. Wicklow, bounds of, 225. 
 
 Fei-gus, s. of Ere, K. of the Dalriads 
 
 of Ulster, 82, n., becomes K. of 
 
 Scots, ib. 
 
 IL, King. 83, n. 
 
 Ferguson, James Frederic, history 
 
 of, xxv., xxxi., xcv., cvii. 
 Fermoy, Book of, xcviii., 82, n. 
 Ferns, 3, n., 17, n. 
 Fidelis, Brother, xlix,, n. 
 Fingal, s. of Godfrey, K. of Man, 
 
 93.— 20, 138, 142. 
 
 plunderers of, 205. 
 
 Fiugala, d. of MacLauchlan, s. of 
 
 Muircheard, K. of Ireland, 93, n. 
 Finn Gall, 142, n. 
 FLaglas, Cross of, 205. 
 Fiannbhair (Fennor), 17. 
 Finn Lochlannaigh, 1 8, n. 
 Finngalls and Dubhgalls, 61, n., 65. 
 Finnghoill, 13, 19, 44. 
 
 first Norwegian invaders, 18. 
 
 their conflicts with the Dubh- 
 
 goill or Danes, ib., and 19. 
 Fimtardom, 160. 
 Fiords, The Five, Ixvii. 
 Fiordr, a frith, 137, n. 
 Fiordungar, or quarter of Iceland, 
 
 134, n. 
 Fishamble-street, 208, 209. 
 Fishing of the Liffey, 244. 
 Fitzgerald, Lord Thomas, xcvi., 205. 
 
 Lord Edward, xvii., Ixxxvii. 
 
 Fitzsimon, Christopher O'Connell, 
 
 193, n. 
 Fitz Williams, William, 150. 
 Fitzwilliam, Col. Oliver, second Vis- 
 count Merrion, 228. n., 2. 
 Flana, King of Iceland, 21, n., 47, 
 
 49. 
 
 s. of Maelsachlainn, 119. 
 
 Flann Sinna, 77, 78, 119. 
 
 Flanders, 8, 46. 
 
 Flannag Ua Cellaigh, K. of Bregha, 
 
 128. 
 Flauna, d. of Dulaing, 119. 
 Fleet-street, Ixxiii., n., xciii. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 275 
 
 Fliotshild, 101. 
 
 Floating Light at Poolbeg, 238, n. 
 
 Floki of the Ravens, lix. 
 
 Florentine merchants, xxx. 
 
 Florida, 105. 
 
 Folkstone, 158. 
 
 Forth and Bargy, baronies of, 222, n. 
 
 Forthuatha (in co. Wicklow), 16. 
 
 Fortren, 36, 48, 120, 121, 122. 
 
 Forster, Alderman Charles, 212, n. 
 
 Forty-nine Officers (Protestant), the, 
 
 '?''>8 « •'' 
 Foster, Et. Hon. John, Ixsxviii 
 Four Courts, The, xcvi. 
 Four Provinces, The, 137. 
 Foxall, James, xli. 
 France, 9, 10, 13, 22, 45, 50, 52. 
 
 K. of 187. 
 
 Franks, 5, 8, 46. 
 
 Frankfort, xxviii. 
 
 Freyja, 123, 157, 158, 172, 176, 
 
 178, 197. 
 French privateer captures a Spanish 
 
 sHp in bay of Dublin (1675), 243. 
 Friars, Preachers (a.d. 1428)_, 222, n. 
 Fridav, or The Goddess Freyja's day, 
 
 174. 
 Fridgerda, daughter of Cearbhal, 102. 
 
 daughter of Thoris Hyrno, 102. 
 
 Friscobaldi, xxx. 
 
 Frisia, 46, n. 
 
 Frith of Forth, 15, 53. 
 
 Frizons, 9. 
 
 Frode, s. of Harald Harfager, 96. 
 
 Gades, Straits of, 115, n., see Cadiz. 
 
 Gaditanian Straits, 115. 
 
 Gaiar, grandson of Uisnech, K. of 
 
 Ulster, 83, n. 
 Gaimar, Geoffry, 26, 73, n., 74, n. 
 Gaithen, 119, 77 ra. 
 Galicia, 117. 
 Gall, Gaedhl, 131. 
 Galls, islands of the (Hebrides), 
 
 82, n. 
 ' Galli, The,' 28. 
 
 GaUows Hill, 161, 170, and n., ih. 
 Gamle, son of King Eric, 75, n. 
 Gamla, TJpsala, 197. 
 
 Gandon, James (1792), 240, n. 
 
 Gardai-'s isle (Iceland), Iv., Ivi. 
 
 Gardar, 98, n.'^ 
 
 Gardiner, Colonel, Life of, xLii. 
 
 Gargantua, ix. 
 
 Garget, John, Ixxi., n. 
 
 Garrisfcown, xxvii. 
 
 Gascoigne, Henry, cix., n. 
 
 Ganga, Eolfr., 53, n. 
 
 Gaul, 224. 
 
 Geasa-Draoidecht, 172, n. 
 
 Gebennach, son of Aedh, 55. 
 
 Gellachan, King of the Islands, 71,n. 
 
 Gentiles, 18, 56, 120. 
 
 ' GentHes, White and -Black,' The, 
 
 44. 
 George's-quay, xci., 241, n. 
 Gering, Richard (1734), 239, n. 
 Geva, 6, n. 
 Gibbon, William Monk, ll.d., xxix., 
 
 cviii., n., cix., cxvi., cxx, and «., 
 
 ibid., 238, n. 
 Gidley, George, cxxii., n. 
 GUbert, J. T., 145, n.,^ 194, n., 218, 
 
 n., 244, «., Ixviii., n., Ixxxii., 
 
 GHla, 129, 132, 133. 
 
 Arri, 132. 
 
 s. of Arrin, 132, n."^ 
 
 Caeimglen, s. of Dimlaag, 
 
 132, ji.2 
 
 Cele, s. of CearbhaU, heir of 
 
 Leinster, 132, n.'^ 
 
 Chomghaill, 131, 132, 133. 
 
 Chommain, s. of the Lord of 
 
 the Diarmada, 132, n? 
 Gill-Colen, 132. 
 Gilla-Colm, 131. 
 Gilla Mocholmog, 131, 132, n.^ 
 Phadi-aigh, s. of Dunchad, 
 
 Lord of Ossraighe, 132, n.'^ 
 GHle, 108, 129, 131, 133. 
 
 Count of the Hebrides, 129. 
 
 the Lagman, 1 29. 
 
 the Russian Merchant, 130. 
 
 The back thief of Norway, 130. 
 
 Gillebert, Bishop of Ilmeiiok, first 
 
 Apostolic Legate to Ireland, 124, 
 
 n." 
 
 T 2 
 
276 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Gillebriglide, 133. 
 
 Gille-Christ, Harald, K., 132. 
 
 Gill-Oolom, Chief of Clonlyffe, &c., 
 132, n." 
 
 Gille Phadraigh, s. of Tmliar of 
 PortLargi, 131, w.,^ 133, n.^ 
 
 Gille, 129. 
 
 Gilmeiiolmoc, Ixxiv., 164, n.^ 
 
 Giolla, 129. 
 
 Giselda, daughter of Emperor 
 Lothair, 46. 
 
 Gisle, daughter of King Charles the 
 Simple, 52, n. 
 
 Gizeh, The pyTam.ids of, 1., n. 
 
 Glas, Captain, cxxii., n. 
 
 Glasgo-w, Steam Packet Company, 
 xxxix. 
 
 Gleann-da-Locha (Glendalough), 1 7. 
 
 Glencree, 150. 
 
 Glendalough, 17, n. 
 
 Glen-da-lough and Dublin, diocese of, 
 140, 148. 
 
 Bishop of, 141. 
 
 Glen-finnaght, 84, n. 
 
 Glen, Southwell, co. Dublin, 59, n. 
 
 Gliomal for Gluniaran. 
 
 Glover, Joseph (1657), 240. 
 
 Gluniaran, 48, 77, 78. 
 
 s. of Diarmid, 92. 
 
 R. of Dublin, 104, n.* 
 
 Gluntradhna, 48. 
 
 s. of Gluniaran, 104, n.^ 
 
 Glyde river, co. Louth, 64, nfi, 19, n. 
 
 Godfrey, K. of Denmark, 9, 68. 
 
 son of Ivar, 44, 45, «., 46 j 
 
 with his brother Sitric ravages 
 France, 46 ; is paid 12,000 
 lbs. of silver by Charles the 
 Fat to quit France, ih. \ agrees to 
 renounce paganism and marry 
 Giselda, daughter of the Emperor 
 Lothair, ih. ; treacherously slain 
 by his brother Sitric, ib. ; called in 
 Irish " Jeffrey Mac Tvar, King of 
 the Normans," ib. ; a plague of 
 locusts the year of his death, 49 ; 
 Reginald and Sitric his sons, 51, 
 54. 
 
 Godfred II., King of Dublin, xlviii. 
 
 Godfred II., a.d. 992, 220. 
 
 Godfrey, s. of Ragnall, 93. 
 
 Godfrey, son of Reginald, 61, 62, 63, 
 65, 66, 67, son of Godfrey, K. of 
 Dublin ; becomes King of the 
 Ostmen of Dublin, a.d. 921, 61 ; 
 plunders Armagh, ib. ; overtaken 
 by Muircheartach, son of Niall 
 Glundubh and defeated, ib. ; 
 marches from Dublin to oppose 
 Gormo Enske's attack on Limerick 
 63; forced to return to Dublin, 64, 
 which is besieged by Muireadach, 
 K. of Leinster,i6.; whois defeated, 
 and he and his son Lorcan taken 
 prisoners, ib. ; Godfrey's sons and 
 a Danish fleet defeated on the 
 coast of Ulster, ib. ; rescued by 
 their father, ib. ; Godfrey regains 
 Northumbria, 65, but is soon 
 driven out by Athelstan, 66 ; re- 
 turns to Dublin, ib. ; plunders 
 Saint Bridget's shrine at KHdare, 
 ib. ; massacres 1,000 in a battle at 
 Dearc Fearna (cave of Dunmore, 
 CO. Kilkenny), ib. ; defeats the 
 Danes from Limerick, led by Aulaf 
 Ceanncairch in Ossory, ib. ; dies, 
 A.D., 932, 68. 
 
 Godfrey O'Hivar (son of Reginald), 
 57, n. 
 
 son of Sitric, 71, n., 74, 125, 
 
 n. ; succeeds his father as K. of 
 Dublin, 48 ; is King also of Nortli- 
 umbri'a, ib. ; dies a.d. 896, ib. ; 
 buried at York, ib. ; leaves three 
 sons, Niall, Sitric, Reginald, ib. 
 s. of Harald, Lord of Limerick, 
 
 88, 89. 
 Godfraidh, s. of Fearghus, Lord of 
 
 Ulster, 120. 
 Godfrey, K. of Man, and of Dublin, 
 
 92. 
 brother of Eachmarcach, K. of 
 
 Man, 92. 
 K. of Leinster, Wales, and 
 
 Dublin, 92, n. 
 
 of Winchester, 217, w. 
 
 Godefrid (see Sitric), 46, n. 
 
IKDEX. 
 
 277 
 
 Godred or Godfrey, K. of the Ost- 
 
 men of Ireland, 96. 
 
 s. of Sitric, K. of Man, 90. 
 
 • Orovan, 90, 93. 
 
 Godrim, Godrum, or Guthrum, 41, 
 
 42, 47. 
 Godwin, Rarl, 92. 
 Gomme, Sir Bernard, see De 
 
 Gomme, 228, 229, 230, 232. 
 his map of river and harbour 
 
 of Dublin (1673), 228, 231. 
 who, 230, n. 
 
 Gormo, 33, n. 
 
 Daniis, King of Denmark, 51 ; 
 
 siicceeds Eric as K. of the E. 
 Angles, 51 ; his pedigree, ib., 
 nfi ; treaty between him and 
 K. Edward, s. of K. Alfred, 
 ib., nJ 
 
 Enske (or English), 32, 42, 
 
 43, 46, 47, 51, w., 62 ; King of 
 E. AngUa, 51 ; son of Frotho, K. 
 of Denmark, ib. ; invades Wessex, 
 42 ; Alfred's treaty with him, ib. ; 
 he is baptized and called Athel- 
 stan, ib. ; resigns Denmark to his 
 son, 43 ; settles in E. Anglia, ib. ; 
 and divides it amongst his fol- 
 lowers, ib. 
 
 s. of Frotho, 41, 42, 43. 
 
 Gamle, 51, n. 
 
 grandson of Gormo Enske, 62. 
 
 K. of Denmark and E. Anglia, 
 
 62 ; marries Thyra, daughter of 
 K. Edward, ib. ; the Danes of E. 
 Anglia accept Edward as king, ib. 
 
 Grandoevus, 62, w.^, 69, n. 
 
 Mao Elchi, 67. 
 
 Gormflaith, 91, m.^, 101. 
 
 Gough, Topographical antiquities of 
 
 Great Britain and Ireland, cvi., 
 
 249, n. 
 Grafton-street, 150. 
 Gragava, 53, n., 57, n. 
 GragSs Logbok, Islendinga, 199, re. 
 Grange Con, xcv., n. 
 Grangegorman lane, 212, n. 
 Granta bridge, 42. 
 Granville, Dr., xv. 
 
 Grattan, Rt. Hon. Henry, xii. 
 Graves, Rev. James, xcvii. 
 
 Dr. Robert James, m.d., ix., x. 
 
 Gray's Inn, v. 
 
 Great Brunswick-street, 239, 248. 
 
 Council, ordinance of, a.d. 
 
 1455, 205. 
 - NorthernRaUway terminus, ex. 
 
 Greece, 210, n. 
 
 river, 72, n.', 142, n. 
 
 Green Batter, 222, n. 
 
 Greenoge, 195. 
 
 Green Patch, cxii., cxv., 245, n., 
 
 235, n. 
 Grenehoga, 195. 
 Gregory of Tours, 1., n. 
 Griece river, 72, n., 142, n.^ 
 Grimolf, 101. 
 
 Grufudd, K. of Wales, 123. 
 Grufiyth ap Madoc, 58. 
 Grynhoe, 174, n.^ 
 GuadaUquiver river, 117. 
 Gudlief, 105, 106, 107. 
 Gudrord, son of Kuig Eric, 75, n. 
 
 s. of Halfdan the Mild, 116. 
 
 Guernsey, 195. 
 Guinness, Arthur, xli. 
 
 Benj. Lee, xli. 
 
 Gulathingenses laus, 199. 
 
 Gunnar, iii., Ixvii., Ixviii., 101, n., 
 
 108, n. 
 Gunnar's holt, Ixviii., 101, ?i.^ 
 
 Stadr, Ixvui. 
 
 Gunhild, Queen of Norway, 109. 
 
 Gurmundus, 32. 
 
 Guthferth, 42. 
 
 Guthfrith, Kjng, 66. 
 
 Guthrum (see Godrim). 
 
 Guttorm, son of King Eric, 75, and 
 
 n., ibid, 96, 97. 
 Gyda, sister of Aulaf Cuaran, 124. 
 
 Hadrian (Emperor), 1., n. 
 Hseretha, 10. 
 Hafursfiord, 95, 98, n.' 
 
 battle of, Iv. 
 
 Hoga, Hoge, or Oga, 196. 
 
278 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hakon, K. of Norway, 155, ».' 
 
 Guda, K., 125, n.^ 
 
 son of Harald Hai-fagre, 68. 
 
 K. (Athelastan's foster son), 
 
 68, 125. 
 
 King, his warriors buried in 
 
 their ships draAvn to the battle- 
 field, 103, n. 
 
 HaKdan, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 52, 66, 
 (and see Albdarn). 
 
 K. of Lochlann, 114, 116. 
 
 the MUd, s. of King Eysteinn, 
 
 116. 
 
 Whitefoot, K. of Uplands, 2 0, n. 
 
 brother of Ivar, 41 ; becomes 
 
 King of Northunibria, ib. ; con- 
 quers the Picts and Stratholyde 
 Britons, ib. ; apportions Northum- 
 bria amongst his men, 44 ; returns 
 to Ireland, ib. ; claims the rule 
 over the Finnghoill, ib. ; slain in 
 a battle between Danes and Nor- 
 wegians at Lough Strangford, ib. 
 
 Haliday, Esther, Ixxvii. 
 
 Charles, sent to London to 
 
 learn business, v. ; declines Mr. 
 Delacour's civilities, ib. ; becomes 
 clerk at Lubbock's bank, ib. ; 
 studies hard in London, vi. ; his 
 literary friends there, ib. ] returns 
 to Dublin and embarks in the 
 bank trade, viii. ; his residence on 
 Arran-quay, ib. ; his overwork 
 produces a vision, ib. ; his poeti- 
 cal answer to Mrs. Hetherington, 
 ix, ; hires Fairy Land, near 
 Monkstown, ib. ; his mode of life 
 there, ib. ; resolves to apply him- 
 self for a time exclusively to busi- 
 ness, x.,xi. ; journal of his reading, 
 xi. ; his villa at Monkstown park, 
 xiv. ; his study at, xv. ; loses the 
 sight of one eye, xvi. ; supposed 
 cause of, ib. ; his fears for the 
 other, ib. ; book collecting, ib. ; the 
 Secret Service Money Book, xvii., 
 xviii. ; its history, ib. ; Dr. E. B,, 
 Madden's account of the Secret 
 Service Money Book, ib. ; Hali- 
 
 Haliday — con. 
 
 day's library, extent of, xviiL ; 
 given by his widow to the Royal 
 Irish Academy, xix. ; anecdote of 
 Dr. Willis, ib. ; of Reginald 
 Heber, ib. ; his humanity to his 
 servants, ib. ; his ' Lucullan Villa,' 
 XX., xxi. ; undertakes a history of 
 the port of Dublin, ib. ; his morn- 
 ing studies, xxiii., xxiv. ; his com- 
 monplace books, ib.; studies ancient 
 records, xxv. ; made acquainted 
 with James Frederic Ferguson, 
 ib. ; works executed by him for 
 Mr. Haliday, xxx. ; Haliday's 
 contributions to the daily Press, 
 xxxi. ; pamphlets written by him, 
 xxxii.-xxxvi. ; his courage during 
 the cholera at the Mendicity So- 
 ciety, xxxii. ; urges sanitary legis- 
 lation for towns, xxxiv. ; obtains 
 bathing-places for poor of Dun- 
 leary and Kingstown, xxxv. ; 
 public offices filled by Haliday, 
 xxxvi. ; Honorary Secretary of 
 Chamber of Commerce, xxxvii. ; 
 frees Dublin shipping of the 
 Skerries and Ramsgate Light 
 dues, xxxvii. -xxxi. ; recognition 
 of his services by shipowners of 
 Dublin, xxxix., by merchants of 
 his conduct as Honorary Secretary 
 of the Chamber of Commerce, 
 xli. ; his defence of the Ballast 
 Board, xliii.-xlv. ; his essay upon 
 the ancient name of Dublin, xlvi. j 
 letter to his father about Henry 
 Domville, Ixxviii. ; proposes to 
 his father a partnership, ib. ; 
 letter to his brother William on 
 his marriage, Ixxxiv., on his sick- 
 ness, ib. ; opposes a scheme for a- 
 viaduct across Westmoreland- 
 street, xciii. ; supports De Lesseps' 
 views of the canal at Suez, ib. ; 
 protects the bathing-place of the 
 poor at Irishtown, xcvui. ; begins 
 a voyage round the coasts of Ire- 
 land, xcix. ; its results on his 
 
INDEX. 
 
 279 
 
 Haliday — con. 
 
 healti, c. ; his visit to the Bod- 
 leian Library, ib. ; his grave, ib. ; 
 his wife gives his library to R. I. 
 Academy, cii., ciii. ; his portrait 
 placed in the Academy, ciii. ; 
 letter of Richard Welch, his exe- 
 cutor, to the Academy, cui. ; 
 characteristics of Charles Haliday, 
 cui., civ. 
 
 Daniel, m.d., ix., Ixxviii., 
 
 Ixxxvii.— xcii. ; a younger brother 
 of Charles, Ixxxvii. ; practises at 
 Paris, ib. ; his national feelings, 
 ib. ; his treatment of Thomas 
 Nugent Reynolds, ib. ; his friend- 
 ship with Sir Jonah Barrington, 
 Ixxxviii. ; account of Sir Jonah's 
 History of the Union, ib. ; his 
 friendship with Colonel John 
 Allen, xc. ; trial of Allen with 
 Arthur O'Connor and Quigley for 
 High IVeason, ib. ; Allen's con- 
 duct in the Rebellion of '98, xci. 
 — in Robert Emmet's Rebellion, 
 ib. ; his escape to France, and 
 military services there, ib. ; C. 
 HaHday's kindness to Col. Allen's 
 sisters, xcii. ; Daniel's death, 
 grave, and epitaph, ih. 
 
 i William, the elder, Ixxvii.-lxxx. 
 
 -William, junior, vii., viii., 
 
 Ixxviti.-lxxv. ; made Deputy Fila- 
 cer of Common Pleas, Ixxx. ; his 
 knowledge of languages, Ixxxi., ib. ; 
 publishes a translation of Jeffrey 
 Keatinge's History of Ireland, 
 ib. ; originates the printing of the 
 Irish on one page, the English on 
 the opposite, Ixxxi i. ; publishes an 
 Irish grammar, Ixxxiii. ; prepares 
 an EngUsh-Irish dictionary, ib. j 
 his labours appropriated by 
 another, ib. ; his marriage, Ixxxiv. ; 
 his brother Charles's letter, ib. ; 
 his sickness and death, I xx x v. ; 
 his death, grave, and epitaph, 
 IxxxvL 
 Mrs., otherwise Mary Hayes, | 
 
 Haliday — con. 
 
 ci. j gift of her husband's library 
 
 to the Royal Irish Academy, ciL, 
 
 ciii. ; her death, ciii. 
 
 Margaret, Ixxx. 
 
 Hallthor, 99, n.' 
 Halsteinn, 104. 
 Hanger-Hoeg, 161, 170. 
 Harold, see RoUt. 
 
 53, 
 
 Blaatand, 69. 
 
 the black, 90. 
 
 GUle, King, 96. 
 
 Gille-Christ, K., 132. 
 
 Groefeld, K. of Norway, 109. 
 
 Fair hair, Iv., Ivii., n. 
 
 Harfcegi-, King, 96, 114, 39, 
 
 n., 68, 73, n., 76. 
 
 s. of Gormo Enske, 32, n., 43, 
 
 47, n., 51, n. 
 s. of Gormo-hin-Gamle, 62, 
 
 63. 
 
 Hardraad, K., 90. 
 
 (King of England), 71, v. 
 
 son of King Eric, 75, n. 
 
 Lord of Limerick, 87. 
 
 Harold, K., 108, n. 
 
 Harbour Department of Admiralty, 
 
 xliii. 
 Hardwieke, Lord, Ixxxix. 
 Hardy, Sir Thomas Duffus,xcTi., 217. 
 Harekr, son of Eadred, 75. 
 
 son of Guttorm, 75. 
 
 Harrington, Henry, xcv. 
 
 Sir Henry, xcv., n. 
 
 Harris, Isle of, Ixvi., n. 
 Hasculf, Ixix., IxxA-i 
 Haskields-stadr, 135, n. 
 Haslou, 44, n., 46. 
 Hastings, 47, 50. 
 Haughton, James, xxxii. 
 Haugr, or Hogue, 155, n.^ 
 
 a hou, a mound or cairn over 
 
 one dead, 195, n., 197. 
 Hawker, Mr. (1792), 240, n., 
 Hawkins, Mr., 147. 
 
 street, cxviii. 
 
 wall, cxviii., Ixxiv., and n,, 
 
 ib., Ixxvi., 146, n.^, 248, n. 
 
280 
 
 Index. 
 
 Hayes, Major-Gen eral Thomas, ci. 
 Mary, otherwise Haliday, ci., 
 
 oil., ciii. 
 Hazlewood, Brow of the, 209, see 
 
 Drom ChoU Coil. 
 Head, Richard (1663), 241, n. 
 Heahmund, Bishop, 13, n. 
 Hearc, 71, n. 
 Heber, Reginald, xix. 
 Hebrides, The, see also Sudreyar, Iv., 
 
 Ivi, 11, 15, 82,89,112,114,120. 
 Danish place, names in, Ixvi., 
 
 and n., ib. 
 Hecla, iv. 
 Helgi, 53. 
 
 Beola, Ivii., 103. 
 
 Magri, Iviii., 101, 103. 
 
 son of Olaf, 20, n. 
 
 marries Thorunna Hyma, 101, 
 
 Hella (Ailill), 28, 29. 
 
 Hennessy, W. M., Ixxxii., 214, n. 
 
 Henry, fitz Empress, Ixix, n. 
 
 Henry II., King, 3, 4, n., 14, n., 23, 
 71, TO.1, 94, 136, 145, n.^, 183, 
 184, 185, 186, 187, 191. 
 
 III., King, 189. 
 
 IV., King, 146, n., 149. 
 
 VIII., King, 146, n., 164, n., 
 
 190. 
 
 Herbert, auctioneer, xcv. 
 
 Hereford (burnt by Danes of Ire- 
 land), 182. 
 
 Hereferth, 13, n. 
 
 Herjolf, 104. 
 
 Hermits, Irish island, 98, n. 
 
 Herodotus, Ix. 
 
 Hescul (Hasculf ), Ixxvi. 
 
 for Hasculf Mac Torkil, 149, n. 
 
 Hetherington, Richard, cii. 
 
 Mrs., ix. 
 
 Miss, cii. 
 
 Heydan, Richard, 203, n.^ 
 
 Hibbotts (Hybbotts). 
 
 'Hie et Ubique,' a Comedy' (1663), 
 241, n. 
 
 Hicks, Thos., cviii, n. 
 
 Hi Oholium-Chille for Zona. 
 
 Higden, 21, n.\ 50, w.« 
 
 High-street, 208, 209. 
 
 Hill of Pleas, 170. 
 
 Hingamond, 50. 
 
 Hinguar, s. of Regnar Ladbrog, 26, 
 
 37, n., 38, 39, 41. 
 
 and Hubba, 181 . 
 
 Hjorleif, Ivi., Ivii., and n., ib. 
 
 Hoa, 71. n.^ 
 
 Hoey's-court, xcii. 
 
 Hofdastrondam, 102. 
 
 Hofud (Howth), 138. 
 
 Hoga, Hoghia, and Haghia, 195. 
 
 Hogan's Green (for Hoggen Green), 
 
 Ixxv., 196, n. 
 Hog and butts, Ixxv., 197, w. 
 Hoggen but, 191. 
 Hog hill, 196, n. 
 
 lane, 196, n. 
 
 Hoggen but, 196, Ixxv., 166, 167, 
 
 168, 169, ra.i 
 Green, 162, 163,^.2, 166, 168, 
 
 191, 196, Ixxiii., Ixxv. 
 ' Hogges,' general in Scandinavian 
 
 places, 195. 
 
 (or Oghs), 191. 
 
 butts, 168. 
 
 King's, 197. 
 
 Le, 164, W.2 
 
 (nunnery of Saint Mary del.), 
 wrong derivations of Hogges, 
 
 192. 
 Hog's Green (for Hoggen Green), 
 
 Ixxv., 195, n. 
 Hogs hill, 191, 196. 
 Hogue, 196. 
 Hoighold, age of mounds for dead, 
 
 195. 
 Holland duck sail-cloth, 247. 
 
 pile driver from (1721), 236. 
 
 Holies-street, the sea at foot of, 232, 
 
 vt.l 
 
 Holmpatrick, Ixvii,, 138. 
 Holt, Mr., 235, n. 
 Holyhead, xxxvu. 
 Holy Land, The, 1., n. 
 
 Trinity, the Chapter of, 148. 
 
 Homer, Hx. 
 Homerton, vi. 
 Hook, The, cxxii., n. 
 
Index. 
 
 281 
 
 Hore, Ralph, 218, n. 
 
 Horhaan, Ricardus de, 194. 
 
 Hoskulld, 107. 
 
 Hosee, Hugh, 217. 
 
 Hospital of Lepers, Dubliji, 1 48 . 
 
 Hougue, La., Hattenas, 195. 
 
 La, Fongue, 195. 
 
 House Thing (Hustings), 160. 
 Hoved (Howth), Ixvii. 
 Hou, or Hogue, 155, n."^ 
 Howard, Henry, cxi., 244. 
 
 Thomas and Henry, 244, n. 
 
 Howel Dha, 69, 89. 
 
 s. of Edwin, 97, w.i 
 
 Howth, 16, 138. 
 
 Head, fortress of, 213. 
 
 point of, 242, n. 
 
 ' Earl of, 237. 
 
 Hrut, 104. 
 
 Hryngr (Eric), son of Harald 
 
 Blaatand, 69. 
 Huammsfiord, 103. 
 Hubba, 38, 39, 41. 
 
 s. of Regnar Lodbrog, 26. 
 
 Hudibras, c. 
 
 Hvitra Manna Land (America), 
 
 105. 
 Humber river, 24, 37, 70. 
 
 stane, 181. 
 
 Hurdles, for foundations, 206, 207. 
 
 ford of, what, 214. 
 
 Hurdle bridge byO'Donnel],forescape 
 
 over Shannon, a.d. 1483, 215. 
 
 bridges in Asia, 215. 
 
 Hutcheson, Mr. (1734), 239, n. 
 
 Hutchinson, Daniel, 203, n."^ 
 
 Hutton, Thomas, xH. 
 
 Hybbotts, Sir Thos., cvii., n. 
 
 Hy-Cohnn-CUle, 113. 
 
 Hymns, Book of, 2, n. 
 
 Hyma, Thoranna, sister of Auda, 
 
 wife of Aulaf the White, K. of 
 
 Dublin, 101, n? 
 
 Iceland, liii., liv., Ivii., Ix., Ixi., 49, 
 98, n?, 98, 99, 100, 102, 113, 
 125. 
 
 Icelandic bards, Iviii. 
 
 Iceland, bridges of, Ixv. 
 Icelandic Saga makers, Iviii. 
 Igmund, 50, 52. 
 Igwares, 37. 
 Imhar (see Ivar), 21, w. 
 
 54, n., 58. 
 
 Tanist of the foreigners, 74. 
 
 Inbher Ainge, or Nannie Water, 
 
 140, n? 
 
 mor, Arklow, 139, n} 
 
 Ingolf, Iv., Ivi., Ivii., 98. 
 Inguald, 60, n. 
 
 son of Thora, 20, n. 
 
 Ingulphus, 13, m.i, 43, n.*, 50, n.^, 
 
 52, n.2, 70, ra.* 
 Inguares, 37, n. 
 Inis-Caltra, 34, 35. 
 Inis Cathaigh, 88. 
 
 Doimhle, 79. 
 
 Erin, Ireland's Eye, 139, n.^ 
 
 Innisfallen, Annals of, 11. 
 
 Innishowen, barony of, 2, n.^ 
 
 Inish murry, liv. 
 
 Tnnish murry isle (co. Sligo), 1 2. 
 
 Innsi Ore, 115. 
 
 Inis Reohru, Lambay Isle, 139, n} 
 
 Slibhtown (island in Limerick 
 
 harbour), 63, n?- 
 
 Ulad, 79. 
 
 Innse Gall, 82, re.i 
 Innes, 84, n* 
 Innocent, see Pope. 
 Innocence, Decree of, Ixvii. 
 lona, 43, nP, 39, 91. 
 Ireland's Eye, 49. 
 
 Eye, island, 139, n? 
 
 Ireland, originally divided into fifths, 
 
 134, w.^ 
 originally into two Archbishop- 
 rics, 135 ; made into four, a.d. 
 
 1148, 135, 71.5 
 travels in, in 1603, and in 
 
 1644, 210, n. 
 Irish ancient roads, 226, n. 
 
 booths, 210, n. 
 
 ecclesiastics in Iceland, 113. 
 
 houses in towns in 1644, 210, 
 
 n, 
 island hermits, 98, n. 
 
282 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Irish, houses in the wilds in 1603 
 
 and 1644, 210, n. 
 Light Houses, Board of, xliii., 
 
 xliv. 
 Irishmen's islands (ia Iceland), 100. 
 Irish sheep-dog, 111. 
 Irishtown, xcvui., 239, 242, n. 
 
 and Eingsend, 231, n. 
 
 Irish Woollen Warehouse, Oastle- 
 
 street, 209. 
 Irland Mikla, Great Ireland (or 
 
 Florida), 105. 
 Inninsul, 6. 
 
 Isenbert, the French bridge archi- 
 tect, xlvi., 216; builds the first 
 
 stone bridge at London (A.D. 
 
 1202), i&. 
 Isidore of Seville, xlix., n. 
 Isla, terraced mount at^ 162. 
 Isle of Man, 54. 
 Isles, the kingdoms of (and see 
 
 Hebrides), 82, 93. 
 Islendinga Saga, Ivii,, n. 
 Islip, Walter de, 194, w. 
 Israelites, 158. 
 Italy, 210, TO. 
 Ivar, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 47, 48, 
 
 54. 
 
 K. of Dublin, Ixxvi. 
 
 K. of Denmark, s. of Regnar 
 
 Lodbrok, 22, 24, 28, 32, 33. 
 
 s. of Regnar Lodbrog, K. of 
 
 Dublin, 100, 102, 154; son of 
 Regnar Lodbrog, 36 ; he and 
 Aulaf land in East Anglia, 37 ; 
 invade and conquer Northumbria, 
 ib. ; Ivar made Kiug of North- 
 umbria, ib. ; succeeds Aulaf as 
 KLag of Dublin, a.d. 871, 40; 
 dies A.D. 872, ib. ; Halfdan, 
 brother of Ivar, and Bcegsec, be- 
 came Kings of Norrhumbria, ib. ; 
 Halfdan spoils the Picts and the 
 Strath Clyde Britons, 43 ; Godfrey 
 and Sitric, sons of Ivar, 45 ; 
 plunder France a.d. 881, ib. ; are 
 paid 12,000 lbs. of sUver by 
 Charles the Fat to leave France ; 
 46. 
 
 Ivar, grandson of Ivar, K. of Dublin, 
 122. 
 
 son of Guttorm, 75. 
 
 s. of Sitric, s. of Auiaf Ouaran, 
 
 126. 
 
 (of Limerick), 20, 21, 22. 
 Lord of Limerick, 88. 
 O'Hegan, 135, n.^ 
 
 Jefferson, President, xvi. 
 
 Jeffry Maclvar. (Godfrey, son of 
 
 Ivar), see Godfrey. 
 Jenkins, ISir Lionel, Ixvii., n. 
 Jerusalem, 1., n. 
 Jocelin, 2, n.' 
 Johan le Deve, 149, n. 
 Johnstone, 93, n.^, 29, n.^ 
 Jones, Dr. Henry, Bishop of Meath, 
 
 164. 
 Jones, Ool. Michael, Ixxv., 165, w.' 
 Mr., owner of Skerries Light 
 
 Dues, xxxviii. 
 Jordan river, 158. 
 Joyce, P. W., 222, n., 225, n., 226, 
 
 n., 232, n.' 
 Joymount, oviii., n. 
 Junot, General, xci. 
 Juries of Ostmen at Dublin, Ixxii. 
 separate, of English, Irish, and 
 
 Ostmen at Limerick, Ixxii, n. 
 Jutes, 15. 
 Jutland, 11, 175. 
 
 Kadlina, daughter of Ganga Rolf, 
 
 53, n.' 
 Kiarval (or Cearbhall^, of Dublin, 
 
 100. 
 Keatinge, Geoffry, D.D., Ixxxi., 21, 
 
 n., 134, n.' 
 Kells, 79. 
 Kelly, J. L., xH. 
 Kenneth, King of Scots, 36, n.,^ 43, 
 
 n.^, 47, n., 87. 
 Kerry, the men of, see Ciarrighi. 
 Ketell, Flatnef, 53, w.» 
 Ketill, Flatnef, 101, «.', 102, 114, 
 
 120. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 283 
 
 Ketel Hengs, 101, n.s 
 
 Ketell (CM.- Oscytel), 43, 53. 
 
 Kettleby, Yortshu-e, 130, v.* 
 
 Kevin-street, 207, n.* 
 
 Kiaran, 105. 
 
 Kiartan, 106, 107. 
 
 Kiarval (and see Cearbhall), 45, 
 
 Kidd, Valentine (Slieriff), 1718, 
 
 248, n. 
 Kilbarrack, cvii., 132, n.^ 
 Kildare, Thomas, Earl of, a.d. 1455, 
 
 205. 
 
 17, n., 56, 66. 
 
 street, 193, n. 
 
 Kilkenny, 66. 
 
 Castle, 243. 
 
 Kill-Aracht, 172, n.^ 
 
 Killaloe, Bishop of, cviii., ■>!. 
 
 plank bridge of (a.d. 1140), 
 
 214, m. 
 Kilmainham, see Cill-Maiglinenn, 
 
 152, «.^ 
 Hospital (of Knights of St. 
 
 John), at, 217, Ji. 
 Kilmehanock, 218, n. 
 Kilmallock, Ixxi., n. 
 KUmashoge (and see Oill-Mosh- 
 
 amhog), 58, n. 
 Killmohghenoc, 148. 
 Kjlruddery, 164, n.^ 
 Kinaston, Colonel, 165, n} 
 Kings of the Irish, 3, n. ; chief kings 
 
 dwelt at Tara, ib. ; kinns of Lein- 
 
 ster at Naas and Ferns, ib. 
 Kinshelas (Ui Ceinnsalaigh), 16. 
 King's Hogges, 197. 
 — — Bench, lost rolls of, xxviii. 
 
 Hospital, oxi. 
 
 . Hospital (Blue Coat School), 
 
 244.- 
 Kinsale, Sir Bernard de Gomnie to 
 
 plan defence of, a.d. 1672, 230. 
 Kings] and of Turvey, Matthew 
 
 Bamewall, lord ; his low degree, 
 
 xxvi ; his recovery of the title, 
 
 ib. 
 Kishes filled with stones to form 
 
 Liffey channel, 235, 238. 
 
 Kishing of the Liffey, cxviii., 
 
 cxix. 
 KnatchbuU, Edward, 193, n. 
 Konal, Iviii. 
 Korna-haugr, 195, n. 
 Krossholar, 103. 
 Kvida, the ship, 101, n..^ 
 Kudafliotsos, 101, ?i.^ 
 Kunnakster (Connaught), Ixvii., 
 
 135. 
 Kylan, 105. 
 Kynaston, see Kinaston. 
 
 Lade, 127. 
 
 Lagmanns, The, 88, 160. 
 La Hore, Ralph, 218. 
 Lamb, Charles, vi. 
 Lambard, 42, n.* 
 Lambay, Ixvii. 
 
 Isle, Irds Rechra, 139, n.'' 
 
 Catch, The (1657) 240. 
 
 Lancashii-e, 24, n. 
 Lanfrane, Archbishop, 93. 
 Lanesboro', 214, ?i. 
 Lanfrane, Archbishop, 76. 
 LangtofF, Peter, 71, n.' 
 Langue, d'Oo, Ixxi v., n. 
 
 d'Oil, ib. 
 
 Languedoc, 10. 
 
 Larne Lough (Ulfricksfiord), 15, 
 
 137, n.2 
 Lassberg, Joseph von, xxviii. 
 Latiniers, 184. 
 La Touche, Wm. Digges, xli. 
 Lann, 47, n. 
 Lawhill of Iceland, 159. 
 Law of Saint Patrick, 189. 
 Lawmen, 170. 
 
 Law Mount, or Logbergit, 161. 
 Laxa, 102. 
 Lax-lep, 55, n. 
 
 Lazar's Hill, ex., cxii., cxviii. 
 frigate launched at, 240, 148, 
 
 153. - 
 Lazy (or Lazar's) Hill, 232, n.^, 
 
 235, 238, n., 239, 241, n., 242, 
 
 n., 248, n. 
 Lea river (Herts), 182. 
 
284 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Leaps, Gormflaith's three leaps or 
 jumps ttat a woman should never 
 jump, 78, ».' 
 
 Lecan, Yellow Book of, 82, «J 
 
 Lee, the river, see Lin. 
 
 Leeson, Joseph, 193, n. 
 
 Leges, Gula Thingenses, 199. 
 
 Leghorn, cxxi., 4. 
 
 Legge, Hon. G-eorge, Lord Dart- 
 mouth (1685), 243. 
 
 Le Hogges, Ixxiv. 
 
 Leibnitz, Ixxxi. 
 
 Leif, Iv., Ivi. 
 
 Leighin-ster (Leinster), 134. 
 
 Lughteburg, Robert, 146. 
 
 Leinster, Ixvii., 23, 29, 64, 79, 80, n. 
 
 King of, 3, 11, 4, n. 
 
 Kingdom of, 221. 
 
 men, 56. 
 
 southern parts of, 204. 
 
 ■ book of, 4, n. 
 
 Duke of, cxxi. ; in his yacht 
 
 shoots breach in south -wall, 
 and lands at Merrion-square, 
 231, n. 
 
 House, 193, n. 
 
 Leixlip, 55, 138, 141. 
 LeMartre, Thomas, 186, n.', 217. 
 Lentaigne, Benjamin, Ixxix., Ixxx. 
 
 Sir John, Ixxix. 
 
 Leofrid, 58. 
 Leogaire, King, Ixii. 
 Leoris, Peter de, 14, n. 
 Lepers, 61. 
 
 Hospital, 148. 
 
 Le Poer, John fitz John fitz Robert, 
 
 Ixix., n. 
 Leprosy, 74. 
 
 Lesseps, M. Ferdinand, xcvii. 
 Lesleadle, Castle of, Ixvii., n. 
 Leth, Ohuinn, 33, 34. 
 Letronne, xlix, w., 1, n., 98, ra.^, 113, 
 
 n. 
 Lewis, King of France, 71, n. 
 
 isle of, Ixvi., n. 
 
 Lichfield, 194, n. 
 Lidwiccas, the, 53. 
 Lief, B. of Eric, 107, n.^ 
 Liffey, the, ex. 
 
 Liffey, the river, 23, 138, 141, 55. 
 Liife of ships, Oearbhall, King of, 
 
 54, n. 
 Liffey, early passage and bridges 
 
 across, 207, n., 211, 212, 213, 
 
 220, 222, n., 224, 203, n. 
 crossed by Slighe Cualaun near 
 
 Dublin, 225. 
 
 ■ fort planned on south side to 
 
 protect, A.D. 1673, 228,229, 230. 
 on north side not i-equired, 
 
 232 
 
 king John's half of, 216. 
 
 gives liberty, a.d. 1214, to 
 
 citizens to build a new bridge over, 
 or to keep the old, 216, 217. 
 
 southern half of, 221. 
 
 shallowness of, a.d. 1590, 204. 
 
 fords of, between Dublin and 
 
 Lucan, 205. 
 
 piling of, cxviii., cxv. ; walling 
 
 of, cxvii. ; kishing of, cxviii., 
 cxix. 
 the forming of a new channel 
 
 for, 234, 238. 
 
 straightening of bed of, xlv. 
 
 Lighthouse, the Poolbeg, cxiv., cxv., 
 
 238 ?i.; begun 1761, ib. 
 ■ wall, cxv., cxvi., 238, n. ; begun 
 
 1761, i6. (See south wall.) 
 Light floating at Poolbeg, placed 
 
 A.D. 1735, 238, n. 
 Lighthouses, Irish, xliii. 
 Limerick, Ixix., 3, n., 20, 21, 35, 55, 
 
 62, 63, 85 and n.', ib., 87, 88, 
 
 95, 117, »^.^ 186, 137. 
 harbour, island in (Inis Slibh- 
 
 ton), 63, n.^ 
 
 separate juries of Englishmen, 
 
 Irishmen, and Ostmen at, Ixxii., 
 n. 
 
 and Foynes railway, xcvii. 
 
 Lin river (the Lee), 55. 
 
 Linn Duachaill (near Annagassan, 
 
 county Louth), 19. 
 Duachaill (Magheralin), 64, 
 
 JJ.5, 66. 
 Lindesey, 29, n. 
 Lindesness, 29, «. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 285 
 
 Lindiseyri (Leinster), 29, n. 
 
 Lindisfarne, 10, 11. 
 
 Lir, Manannan, s. of, 82, n.^ 
 
 Lismore, 54. 
 
 Ostman, bistop of. Pope's 
 
 legate, 188. 
 Littleton, 136, n."^, 138, m.' 
 Liverpool, cxx., n. 
 Loarn, s. of Ere, 82, n.^ 
 Loch Briorenn (Loughbrickland), 
 
 17. 
 — — ■ Ce, Annals of, Ixxxii. 
 
 Dacliaecli, 135, n.^ 
 
 ■ Dachaecli (Waterford), 54, 55. 
 
 Eathach. (Lough. Neagh), 33. 
 
 Erne, 85, n.^ 
 
 Gabhor (Logore), 24, n. 
 
 Garman, 135, n.^ 
 
 Gower, 24, n. 
 
 Oirbsen (Lough Oorrib), 82, 
 
 Re, 85 and ti.', ib. 
 Ting wall, 161. 
 Uachtair, 85, n.^ 
 
 Lochlanns, 40, n., 50, 52, 63, n., 
 
 115,219. 
 Locusts, plague of, 49. 
 Lodbrog (see Regnar Lodbrog). 
 Lodge (John), Ixxv., 93, n.^, 151, 
 
 Lodin, 97. 
 
 Loftus, Nicholas, Ixxvii. 
 
 Logbergit, or Law Mount, 161. 
 
 Logore (see Loch Gabhor). 
 
 London Bridge, fear of the Dutch 
 fleet comiag to, 229. 
 
 bmlt of wood, a.d. 993-1016, 
 
 216, n. ; burnt, a.d. 1136, ib. ; re- 
 built of stone, A.D. 1203, ib. 
 stone, the, 179, 180, 182. 
 
 Long Stone, the, Ixxii., Ixxvi. cxviii., 
 
 150, 151, 152. 
 
 of the Stein, the, 179, 180. 
 
 Lorcan, s. of Cathal, 21, n. 
 
 son of King Muireadhach, 64. 
 
 Lords of the Isles, 120. 
 
 entrance to Parliament House, 
 
 239, 240, n. 
 Lothra (Lorra), 34, 35. 
 
 Loughbrickland, 17, n. 
 
 Lough Oori'ib, 83, n., and see Loch 
 
 Oirbsen. 
 Cuan, or Logh Cone (Strang- 
 
 ford Lough), 44. 
 
 Derg (ia Shannon), 34, 36. 
 
 Erne, 63, 69. 
 
 Neagh, 33, 34. 
 
 Owel (see Lough Uair). 
 
 Ree, 33, 34, 35, 63, 69. 
 
 Loch-ri, see Lough Ree. 
 
 Lough Shinney, cxvi. 
 
 Uaii- (Lough Owel), 31, 34, 
 
 36. 
 Louth (Lughmadh), 16. 
 Lucas, Thomas, Ixxvii. 
 Lucan, inhabitants of the Cross of, 
 
 205. 
 Lucy, Sir Antony, 139. 
 Ludgate-hUl, xciii. 
 Ludlow, Edmund, 213. 
 
 General Edmund, xiv. 
 
 Lughmadh (Louth), 16. 
 Luimneach, Limerick, foreigners of, 
 
 66. 
 Lundbhadh, J. R, 169, n.^ 
 Lusk, 142, 16. 
 the Cross of, 205. 
 
 Mabbot's mill, 235, cxix. 
 
 Mac Aralt, 90. 
 
 Mac Cuileannan, Cormac, K. and 
 
 bishop, 1 3, 11. 
 MacCullagh, 162, ji.i 
 Maccus (and see Amacous) son of 
 
 Aulaf Cuaran, 75. 
 son of Harald of Limerick, K. 
 
 of Man, 87, 88. 
 . or Magnus, K. of Man, 86, 87. 
 
 ]\Iaccusius Archipirata, 86, 
 Mao Donogh, Gilpatrick, 97, «.i 
 JM'Donnell, John, xli. 
 
 — Sir Edward, ib. 
 
 Mac Elchi, The, 32, 62, 63, 64, 
 67. 
 
286 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 M'Firbis Dudley, 21. 
 
 Mao Gilmoholmoo, Donnough, 142. 
 
 M'Gilmore Gerald, Ixix., n. 
 
 Ivor, Jolm, s. of, Ixix., n. 
 
 Mac Guthmund, Philip, Ixx., Ixxi. 
 M'Murrough, Ixv. 
 
 Dermot, K. of Leinster, 4, «., 
 
 145, n.3, 178, 185,193,221. 
 Dochad, 4, n. 
 
 Mac Otere, Mau rice, Ixx., Ixxi. , 1 xxii. 
 
 Mac Torkil, Hasculf, 149, nj 
 
 Mactus, 87. 
 
 Madden, Dr. R. R., xvii. 
 
 Thos. M. Madden, ji.d., xxxvi., 
 
 n. 
 Mael, 133. 
 Maebrighde, s. of Methlaclilen, 31, 
 
 133, n. 
 — — - s. of Oathasacli, 132, n.'^ 
 
 bishop of Kildare, 132, n.^ 
 
 Maelgarbh Tuathal, 132, re. 
 Maelgula Mac Dungall, K. of Cashel, 
 
 126. 
 Maelmadhog, archbishop, 13, n., 56. 
 Maelmary, 91. 
 Maelmithigh, 78. 
 Maelmor, 132, n.^ 
 Maelmordha, brothers of Cearbhall, 
 
 56, 220. 
 Maelmhnire, daughter of Aulaf 
 
 Ouaran, 78. 
 daughter of Kenneth, King of 
 
 Scots, 77, 118, 119. 
 Maelmur, 47, n. 
 Maelnambo, 92, 128, 142, n.^ 
 Maelphadraig, 133. 
 Maelseachlainn, King of Ireland, 
 
 23, 24, 31, 34, 45, 47, n., 77, 78, 
 
 89, 127. 
 
 King of Teamhair, 91, 119. 
 
 King of Meath, 132, n.^ 
 
 s. of Domhnal, K. of Ireland, 
 
 221 ; besieges and takes Dublin 
 
 from the Ostmen, 80 ; his famous 
 
 proclamation of freedom for the 
 
 TJi Neill, a.d. 980, ib. 
 
 Murohadh Ua, 214:, n. 
 
 Magh Breagh (in East Meath), 17. 
 Maghera (Co. Derry), 1 6, n. 
 
 Magheralin, on the Lagan river, 64. 
 - CO. Down, 19, n 
 
 Magh Liphthe (plain of the Liffey), 
 17. 
 
 Magh Nuadhat, 221. 
 
 Magnus Barefoot, King, Ixiv., Ixc, 
 96, 132. 
 
 Magni Regis Leges Gula Thingenses, 
 199, n. 
 
 Magnus (see Maccus), 86. 
 
 Maidstone (Mede Stane), xc, xci., 
 182. 
 
 Maines, the Seven, 226, n. 
 
 Malachy (see Maelsachlain). 
 
 K., 221. 
 
 Maladhan, son of Aedh, 67. 
 
 Malcolm, K. of Cumberland, 87. 
 
 Man, Isle of, liii., and see Monada, 
 Monabia, Menavia, Eubonia, 82, 
 84, 85, 89, 90, 92, 93 ; held by 
 Ptolemy for an Irish island, 82 ; 
 and by the Romans while in Bri- 
 tain, 84 ; Manx and Irish legends 
 concerning, 82, n.i; the Monada 
 of Ptolemy, Monabia of Pliny, 
 Menavia of Orosius and Bede, 
 Eubonia of Gildas, 84, w.^ ; its 
 connexion with Ulster before the 
 Danish invasion, 82 ; the Cruithne 
 or Ulster Picts driven thither, 
 A.D. 254, 83 ; expelled from Man, 
 A.D. 580, by Baedan, K. of 
 Ulidh, 84; thenceforth belonged 
 to Ulster, ib. ; Latin names of, 
 ib., n.^. 
 
 Maccus or Magnus, K. of, 86. 
 
 son of Reginald, K. of Nor- 
 thumberland, King of, 87. 
 
 - Tingwallin, 161. 
 
 Manannans, the Pour, 82, nK ; s. of 
 
 Alloid, s. of Athgus, s. of ]iir, ib. 
 Manannan MacLir, legislator of Isle 
 
 of Man, 82, n. 
 Map, Sir Bernard d'e Gomme's, a.d. 
 
 1673, of river and harbour, 228. 
 of Dublin by Jean Rocque, 
 
 170, n. 
 ■of the North Lotts (1717), 
 
 248, n. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 287 
 
 Map, Captain Jolm Perry's rare map, 
 with. sMp canal along Sutton 
 store toward the Bar, 1728, 249 
 and n., ih. 
 
 Marche, Count de, 195, n. 
 
 Margad, 96. 
 
 Margate, xc. 
 
 Marstan, King, 29. 
 
 Martin, Thomas, Ixxxiv., Ixxxvi. 
 
 John, xli. 
 
 Mathghamhain, Ua Riagain, 91. 
 
 Mauritani, 115. 
 
 Mayo, ravaged (a.d. 807), 15. 
 
 Meath, 22, 34, 35, 74, 87, 134, 214, 
 n., 221. 
 
 southern part of, 204. 
 
 bishopric of, its long pre-emi- 
 nence, 136, n} 
 • Earl of, 164, w.= 
 
 Medina-Sidonia, territory of, 117. 
 Mediterranean Sea, 115, 117. 
 Medway, the river, 182. 
 chain across mouth of, against 
 
 the Dutch, a. d. 1667, 229. 
 Meersburg, castle of, xxviii. 
 Melbricus, K. of Ireland, 28, 29, n.' 
 
 31. 
 MeUitus, Abbot, 171. 
 Melkorka-haugr. 195, n. 
 daughter of Miarkartan, 108. 
 
 109, 110, 112, 
 Melrose, chronicle of, 8, n. 
 Memoranda rolls, calendars of, by 
 
 Js. Fc. Ferguson, xxx. 
 Menevia, 84, n.s, 89, 90. 
 Mensions (Mynchens) fields, 193, 
 
 n. 
 
 (Mynchens) mantle, 193j n. 
 
 Merchants'-quay, 203, 204. 
 Meroia, 38, 39, 44, n., 50, 51, 52, 
 
 57, 58. 
 Mercer's Dock, cxviii. 
 Meredith, Sir Robert, 212, m. 
 Merrion, lands of, 228, n. 2. 
 Merrion-square, cxxi., 242. 
 fort for defence of Liffey to be 
 
 built at, 230. 
 sea flowed to foot of, A. D. 1673, 
 
 231. 
 
 Mesgedhra, King, 213. 
 Miarkartan, K. of Ireland (for Muir- 
 
 cheartagh), Ixv. 
 Midland Great Western Railway, 
 
 212, n. 
 Mills, the King's, near Dublin, xxx. 
 Milo de Cogan, Ixvi. 
 Minchin's mantle, 193, n. (see Myn- 
 chens). 
 Mirgeal, Icelandic for Muu-ghael, 
 
 104, n.* 
 Mona, 84, n.^, 85, n}, 87, 89. 
 
 Roman Anglesea, 84, n^. 
 
 Monada, Man of the Romans, 84. n.^ 
 ' Moon, the,' King's sloop, 241, n. 
 Moors of Spain, the, 114. 
 Moran, Patrick, Bishop of Ossory, 
 
 136, w.' 
 Morgan, Francis, solicitor, printed 
 
 rental of estates of Corporation 
 
 of Dublin by, 238, n. 
 
 Richard (1623), 232, n.'' 
 
 Morland, Mr., to draw map of chan- 
 nel of Lifiey from Essex-bridge to 
 
 the bar, 234, n.' 
 Momey, Mr., 235, n. 
 Moshemhog, church of, 59, n. 
 Mote, the, near Pennenden Heath, 
 
 182. 
 Mountmellick, ci. 
 
 Mountmon-es, Lord (1792), 240, n. 
 Mount Murray, 156. 
 Mount-street, 170, 242. 
 Mowena (Modwena), 224, and n.ib. 
 Moyle Isa, 71, w^. 
 Moylemoney, s. of Cassawara, 71, n.' 
 Muircheartagh, son of Niall Glun- 
 
 dubh, 61, 64, 67. 
 of the leather cloaks, 71, 72, 
 
 142. 
 Muirghael, 104, n*. 
 Muireadhach, King of Leinsi-^r, 64. 
 Muiren, 129, n. 
 Muglias, the, pirates gibbeted at, 
 
 cxxii., n. 
 Mullaghmast, hill of, 72, n.i 
 iVhillarky, .John, and John Pigeon, 
 
 231, n. 3. 
 Mulvany (1846), 240, n. 
 
288 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mumha-ster (Munster), 135. 
 Wimgairid (Mungret, co. Limerick), 
 
 17, ««. 
 Munster, Ixvii., 19, n., 31, 39, 34, 
 
 54, 55, 63, n. 
 Munster men, 55. 
 Murchad, 17. 
 Murchadh, 96. 
 
 son of Diarmid, 92. 
 
 son of Finn, 78. 
 
 s. of Finn, K. of Leinster, 91. 
 
 Murphy, Dr., R. 0. Bisliopof Cork, 
 
 xvii. 
 Mynchens fields, Ixxv. 
 
 mantle, ih. 193 (see Mensions). 
 
 Mynnthak, 100. 
 
 Naass, 3, n. 
 
 Naddad, 98, n. 
 
 Nanny river, 24, n. 
 
 Nannie water, 140, 141. 
 
 Nanny water and Arclo, limits of 
 
 Admiralty jurisdiction of Dublin, 
 
 246, n. 
 Nortli Strand, 247. 
 Nassau-street, or St. Patrick's well 
 
 lane. 
 Naul, the, xxvii. 
 Navan (An Emaia), 2, n. 
 Neale, son of Godfrey, 'King of 
 
 Dublin, 48. 
 Neave, Mr. Serjeant, 246, n. 
 Neville, Parke, 208, 212, n. 
 New channel for Liflfey, cxi. 
 
 kishing of, cxviii. 
 
 Newcomen, Beverly, commander 
 
 RN. (1614), son and heir of Sir 
 
 Eobert N., 241, n. 
 Newgate (old), 208. 
 
 prison, cxxii., n. 
 
 New Grange, tumulus at, 99, n*. 
 Newman, Jacob, 196, n. 
 
 James, 203, n. 
 
 Niall, 48, n. 
 
 Brother of King Sitric, 60. 
 
 Glundubh, King of Ireland, 
 
 57, m.,54, 56,58,59,77, 78,119. 
 Nidarosia (Drontheim), \K.Y.,n. 
 Nidbyorga, 53, w*. 
 
 Nile, the, xlix., ml 1. n. 
 Nineveh, researches in, 215. 
 Nordlendinga fiordung, 134, n'. 
 Norfolk, circular churches in, 174. 
 Normans, 8, n. 
 Normandy, 42, 52. 
 
 Le Hogges in, 195, 196. 
 
 North Bull, cvii. 
 
 Lots, cxix., 248. 
 
 strand, ex. 
 
 wall, 237, ex., cxix. 
 
 Northmen or Danes, 5, 8, 10, 14. 
 
 • Conquest of England by, 220. 
 
 Northumbria, 15, 24, n., 25, 26, 27, 
 
 33, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 51, 52, 
 
 57, 60, 61, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 
 
 7], 79. 
 bounds of, 24 ; story of JRegnar 
 
 Ladbrog's defeat and death in, 
 
 proved false, 25-27. 
 
 Ivar, KLag of Dublin, becomes 
 
 King of, 37 ; makes Egbert, vice- 
 roy of, 39 ; Ivar's brothers, Halfdan 
 and Bcegsec, become Kings of, 41 ; 
 Bcegsec slain, ih. ; Halfdan appor- 
 tions it amongst his followers, 44 ; 
 Godfrey, s. of Ivar, becomes K..of, 
 48 ; dies a.d. 896, ib. ; his sons re- 
 ceived in Northumbria, 51. 
 Earldom of, 91. 
 
 Northumberland, 11, 24, 25, 26, 27, 
 
 33, 48, 73, 125. 
 
 Aulaf of Dublin, K. of, 220. 
 
 Norway, Iv., lix., Ixxvi., 11, 
 
 15, 25. 
 Norwegians, 15, 19, n. 
 Norwich, 194, ji.^ 
 Notes and queries, C. Haliday's 
 
 query in (a.d., 1854), for Captain 
 
 John Perry's map of 1728, 248, 
 
 n., 249, n. 
 Nottingham, William, 218, n. 
 Nuadhat, Mogh, 221. 
 
 Oakpiles for foundation of Dublin 
 
 houses, 208. 
 Gates, Dr. Titus, Ixvii., n. 
 O'Brien [K. Murrough], 221, n, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 289 
 
 O'Brien, Murchard, 93. 
 
 Murtogli, s. of Turlougli, K. 
 
 of Dublin, 93. 
 
 Turlough, K. of Ireland, 76, 
 
 93. 
 
 O'Byrnes, Tlie, 164:, n. 
 Gilla Mocliolmog, chief of the, 
 
 132. 
 "O'O. E." (W. Haliday, junior), 
 
 Ixxxi. 
 O'Callaghan, John Cornelius, 128,re°. 
 O'Connell, Daniel, xlii. 
 
 his duel with D'Esterre, vii., n. 
 
 anecdote of, concerning the 
 
 secret service money book, xviii. 
 O'Connor, K. of Connaught, 188. 
 General Arthur Condorcet, 
 
 vi, «., xc. 
 
 Cathal, K. of Connaught, 221. 
 
 Charles, 172, w. 
 
 Owen, lb. 
 
 Euaidhir, 214, 7i. 
 
 ■ Turlough, ib. 
 
 O'Curry, Eugene, xcvii, 227, n. 
 Odin, 126, 154, n.*, 171, 176, 197. 
 Odin-ism, 125, 173, 175. 
 O'Donnell escapes across theShannon 
 
 by a hurdle bridge, (a.d. 1483), 
 
 215. 
 O'Donovan, John, ll.d., li, Ixxxi, 
 
 224. 
 OfFyns, The, Ixxi, n. 
 ' Ogh,' Virgin, 191, 196. 
 O'Hara, Colonel Robert, xcv. 
 Oirbsen Lough (Lough Corrib), 
 
 82, M. 
 Oisle, son of Sitrie Gale, 71, n. 
 Oisili, brother of Aulaf, 21. 
 Oisin and St. Patrick, Ixii, n. 
 O'Kelly, Teige, xlvii., 219. 
 
 Colonel Charles, 128, n.' 
 
 Olaf, Feilan, Iviii, 103. 
 
 Olaf Pa, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112. 
 
 The Saint, King, 155, n. 
 
 Trygvesson, Ixv, n., 71, n., 80, 
 
 89, 111, 124, 125, 127. 
 Olaf, s. of Gudrand, 20, n. 
 Olave, s. of Godred, K. of Dublin 
 
 and of Man, 93. 
 
 ' Old Shore,' The, nearPeers' Entrance 
 on map of ground plan of Chiches- 
 ter house (1734), 240, n. 
 
 O'Loghlen, Donald, 93, n.^ 
 
 Ollchovar, King of Munster, 31. 
 
 O'Maliony, John, Ixxxi. 
 
 Omar, s. of K. of Denmark, 71, «.' 
 
 O'Neill, see Ui Mall. 
 
 Ommd, 101. 
 
 Trefotr, 95. 
 
 Ore, Islands of, 82, n., and see 
 Oi-kneys. 
 
 O'Reilly's English-Irish Dictionary, 
 Ixxxiii. 
 
 Orkney isles, liv, Iv, Ixix, xcix, 
 15, 102. 
 
 or Northern isles, 113, 114, w., 
 
 156, 157. 
 
 John of The, 149, w.i 
 
 Ormond, territory of, 17, 214, n. 
 
 James Bottiler, Earl of, 146. 
 
 Thomas, Earl of, 146, n. 
 
 Marquis of, 165, n. 
 
 Marchioness of, 152. 
 
 — — Duke of, xxxvii, Ixvii, n., 
 Ixxvii, n. 
 
 Ormond Market, on site of the Pill, 
 212, n. 
 
 Osas, 105. 
 
 Osbright, 26, 30, n., 37. 
 
 Oscytel (or Osketell), 42, 43. 
 
 Oska, 104. 
 
 Oslin, s. of Aulaf the White, 121. 
 
 Ossraighe, 47, n., 65, n. 
 
 Ossory, 23, 66. 
 
 119. 
 
 Bishop of, cviii., n. 
 
 Osten, Mao Aulaf, (see Eystein), 
 43. 
 
 Ostmen (or Danes), 232. 
 
 Godfrey, King of the, of Dub- 
 lin, 61, n. 
 
 (and see Dublin, Ostmen of), 
 
 4, 10, n. 
 
 Ostmantown, 138, 218, 222, n., 
 332. 
 
 of Dublin, Ixix, and n., ib. 
 
 ■ of Waterford, Ixix, n. 
 
 Ostmen's grants of land, 186. 
 V 
 
290 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ostmen, the Bridge of the, xlvii, Hi, 
 
 218. 
 
 gate of the, ib. 
 
 old quarry of the, ib. 
 
 juries of, Ixxii. 
 
 mints of, 186. 
 
 towns, 186, 188. 
 
 cantred of the, at Limerick, 
 
 138. 
 
 cantred of, at Cork, ib. 
 
 cantred of, at Waterford, ib. 
 
 Osulf, Count, 75. 
 
 ■ Cracaban, 53. 
 
 Ota, wife of Turgesius, 36. 
 
 Other, earl, 52, 
 
 O'Toole, Alice (of kin to Archbishop 
 
 Laurence O'Toole), 192. 
 Gilla Ohomgail, chief of the, 
 
 132. 
 
 Laiirence, Bishop of Dublin, 
 
 the first consecrated at Armagh, 
 
 all others (in Ostmen days) at 
 
 Canterbury, 177. 
 Ottar, 53, 57. 
 O'Tuathail, see O'Toole. 
 Oxmantown Green, 163, n., 223, ?i., 
 
 (and see Ostmantown), 232. 
 
 enclosed (1664), 248 n. 
 
 lotted for, ib. 
 
 Oxney isle (Kent), 182. 
 
 Pale, the English, 211. 
 Palls, the four, 135, 141. 
 
 (or palliums) from the Pope, 
 
 177. 
 Palmerston, the Lord, xv, xcvii. 
 Pamphlets by C. Haliday, xxxii- 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 Parker, Alex., xli. 
 Papa Westra, 99, n. 
 
 ■ • Stronsa, 99, w. i 
 
 Papte, 99. 
 
 of Iceland, liii. 
 
 Pap-ey, 99, n.^ 
 
 Paparo, Cardinal, 136, 141, 177. 
 
 Parry, Rev. John, cviii, n. 
 
 Rev. Edward, d.d., cviii, n. 
 
 Parliament House, 239, and n. ib. 
 
 Parliament House, Lords' entrance 
 to, ib. (see Chichester House). 
 
 " Patterns," (for patron's days) 
 172, W.3 
 
 Pearsall, R. L., xxvii, xxviii. 
 
 Peel, Isle of Man, 11, m. 
 
 Pembroke-quay, xxi. 
 
 Penmon, 87. 
 
 Pennenden Heath, 182. 
 
 Perry, Captain John, cxiv, cvi, cvii. 
 
 " proposals for rendering har- 
 bour of Dublin commodious,'' 
 (1720), 249, n. 
 
 his rare map of the harbour. 
 
 with ship canal along Sutton shore 
 
 to avoid the bar (1728), 249, 
 
 and n. ib. 
 "Peter pence," 189. 
 Petty, Dr. William, Ixxvi, cvi, cvii, 
 
 151, n. 
 Petrie, G., ll.d., li, Ixxxiii, 224. 
 Pharaohs, the, 1. n. 
 PhUips, Thomas, his plans and eleva- 
 
 vations of the foi-ts of Ireland, 
 
 (1685), 243. 
 
 his ground plan of Belfast, n. ib. 
 
 Phoenix park, xxi. 
 
 Philip and Mary, K. and Q.^ 190. 
 
 Picts, 37, 38, 43, 53. 
 
 Irish, 16, 36, 83, 98, n.", 120. 
 
 driven from Ulster to Man 
 
 and the Hebrides, (a.d. 254), 33; 
 
 their Ulster lands occupied by 
 
 Cairbre Riada, 84 ; hence called 
 
 Dal Riada. 
 
 the Scottish, 16, 36, 120, 121. 
 
 Pictavia, capital of, 36, 48, 121. 
 
 Pictland, 121, 122. 
 
 Pightland firth, 157, w.i 
 
 Pigeon House, cxiii-cxvii, cxxii, n., 
 
 238, and see Block-house, 231. 
 
 history of, 231, n.^ 
 
 hotel and dock at, leased to 
 
 government (1790), fort and 
 
 magazine, ib., sold (1814), ib. 
 Pigeon-house fort, xxix, xcviii, 
 
 cxviii. 
 road, cxv; formed (a.d. 1735), 
 
 237. 
 
INDEX, 
 
 291 
 
 Pigeon, Jolin, oxvi, 231, n.^ 
 Piling 9f tte channel of the Liffey, 
 
 235, 71., 238, n. 
 Piles, the, pirates gibbeted at, cxxii, 
 
 n., 238, n. 
 
 men flogged for stealing, io. 
 
 two murderers fall from their 
 
 gibbets at, ib. 
 
 their bodies tossed by the waves 
 
 amongst, ib 
 
 PiU, the, 211, 212. 
 
 Pill-lane, 211. 
 
 Pincema (or Butler), Theobald 
 Walter, 145. 
 
 Pirates gibbeted at south wall, 
 cxxii, n., 238, n. 
 
 removed to the MugUns, be- 
 side Dalkey Island. 
 
 Pitt, Right Hon. William, Ixxxix. 
 
 " Plan for advancing the trade of 
 Dublin," (1800), 249, n., with 
 scheme for ship canal from Dalkey 
 or Kingstown to Dublin, 249, w. 
 
 Place names, Danish in England, 
 Ixvi. 
 
 in Ireland, Ixvi., Ixvii. 
 
 in Hebrides. 
 
 Plunket, Gerald, (1566), 250, w.* 
 
 Poddle river, the, 23, 207, ».* 
 
 Pol gate, 194. 
 
 Pontifices, or company of stone 
 bridge builders, 220. 
 
 Poolbeg, cxii., cxiii., 233, 245, n. 
 
 Ughthouse, 234, 338. 
 
 Pope Adrian, 184, 187. 
 
 Adrian IV., 190, 191. 
 
 Alexander III., 184, 187, 188, 
 
 189, n. 
 
 Eugenius III., 135, 136. 
 
 Gregory, 171, 172, 175. 
 
 Innocent III., 141, 148. 
 
 Nicholas Breakspeare, 136. 
 
 Paul IV., 190. 
 
 Urban III., 217. 
 
 Porter, Lord Chancellor, i. 
 
 Ports of England and Ireland, defence- 
 less (1673), 229. 
 
 Port Erin. 156. 
 
 Port and harbour of Dublin, history 
 of, xlv. 
 
 Lairge (Waterford), 6-5, w.* 
 
 Portland, 89. 
 
 Portrane, 142. 
 
 Portsmouth, 230. 
 
 Portugal, 117. 
 
 Prince George of Denmark, 247. 
 
 Priscian, xlix, n. 
 
 " Provo' prison," the, Ixxix. 
 
 Powerscourt, li. 
 
 in EercuUen, 225. 
 
 Puddle, see Poddle river. 
 Pue's Occurrences, 238. 
 Pyramids, the, 1, n. 
 
 Radnaldt, 78. 
 
 Rafarta, 101, 120. 
 
 Rafer, 26, n.^, 29, n.^ 
 
 Ragnall, son of Aulaf, 80. 
 
 grandson of Ivar, 54, 55, 56, 
 
 57, re.i 
 
 h-Imair, 85, n.^ 
 
 Mac-hUa Imair, 85. 
 
 Ragenoldus, princeps Nordmanno- 
 
 rum, 60. 
 Ragnhild, son of King Eric, 75, n. 
 Rallis, the, xcvi. 
 
 Eamsgate harbour dues, xxxix, xl. 
 Ranelagh, the lord, xiv, cxvL 
 Rangfred, son of King Eric, 75, n.° 
 Rath, the (near Dublin), 145. 
 Breasil, synod of, 140, 177, 
 
 Rathdown, barony of, cviii, n. 
 
 half barony of, 151, re. ^ 
 
 Ratheny, 132, n.^ 
 
 Rathfarnam, 59, n. 
 
 Rafernam, 232, n. (see Rathfarnam). 
 
 Rathfarnam water (the Dodder), 
 
 232, ra.' 
 Rathlin, Isle of, 11, n.^ 
 Rath Luirigh (Maghera, co. Derry), 
 
 10. 
 Rathmines, Ixxv., xcv. 
 Ratoath, 225. 
 Raughill, 77. 
 Raude, s. of Cellach, 101, 
 Rechru (Lambay), 11, 
 
292 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ked Sea, xlix, n., 1, n. 
 
 Reeves, Rev. W,, d.d., Ixvii., ciii., 
 11, n2, 19, n.\ 84, m.2, 113, n., 
 121, n.\ 137, n.'^, 142, ?i.2, 
 189, n. 
 
 Regan, Maurice, 184, n. 
 
 Reginald, 68. 
 
 sons of, 62. 
 
 O'Hivar, 85, n. 
 
 King of the Black and White 
 
 Gentiles, 61. 
 
 King of the Dubhgalls and 
 
 Finngalls, ib., n?- 
 
 King of the Ostmen of Dub- 
 lin, ib., n. 
 
 son of Godfrey, King of Dub- 
 
 lin, 48, 54, 57, 60, 61. 
 
 settles and rules at Waterford, 
 
 55 ; spoils all Munster south of 
 the river Lee, ib. ; reprizals of 
 the Munster men, ib. ; the Irish, 
 . under Niall Glundubh, fight the 
 battle of Tobar Glethrach, 56 ; 
 Irish defeated, ib. ; Reginald and 
 Ottar, from Waterford, invade 
 Scotland, 57 ; they are defeated, 
 and Ottar is slain, ib. ; Reginald 
 attempts Mercia, ib. ; had 
 secretly engaged Alfwyn, 
 daughter of Ethefloed, lady of 
 the Mercians, ib. ; K. Edward, 
 son of K. Alfred, hinders a 
 mariiage, ib. ; adds Mercia to 
 his kingdom, 58; his death, 60, 
 61. 
 
 son of Sitric, 65, 125, w.' 
 
 brother of Sitric, 85. 
 
 son of King Erie, 75, n." 
 
 King of Northumbria, 53. 
 
 son of K. of Man, 86. 
 
 of Waterford, Ixix., ti. 
 
 Reginald's tower at Waterford, 
 Ixvi, Ixxii. 
 
 Reghnall, s. of Halfdan, 115. 
 
 Regnar Lodbrog (Turgesius), 20, 
 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 
 32, 33, 36, 37, 41, 45, 68, 121, 
 154. 
 
 Regnai' Lodbrog, legend of his capture 
 and death, by Ella, King of Nor- 
 thumberland, 24, 25 ; shown false, 
 26, 27 ; story of his taking Dublin, 
 and being put to death by an 
 Irish prince, 28, 29 ; captured by 
 Maelseachlain, and (under name 
 of Turgesius), drowned in Lough 
 Owel, 31. Turgesius is Turgils 
 Latinized, ib. 
 
 Rennie, Sir John, 250. 
 
 Repton, 42, 43. 
 
 Reynolds, Thomas Nugent, Ixxxvii. 
 
 Riada, 84. 
 
 Ridgway, Sir Thomas, cvii., n. 
 
 Rin or Reen's End, 239. 
 
 Rin, rinn, meaning of, 211. 
 
 Rincurran, estimate for fort at, 230. 
 
 Ring, sacrificial, 171, n. 
 
 Ringagonal, 211. 
 
 Ringhaddy, 211. 
 
 Ringsend, cix., cxi., cxii., cxiii., 
 cxiv., cxv., cxviii., cxxi., cxxii., 
 n., 145, n., 147, 233. 
 
 cars (1699), 232, n.' 
 
 coaches (1674), 242, 7i. 
 
 fort of, 228, w." 
 
 harbour projected at (1674), 
 
 242, M. 
 
 mistake as to origin and mean- 
 ing of the name, 211, 228, n.^, 
 231, and n. ib. 
 
 point, 234, w.^, 235, m.', 239, 
 
 241, 242, 245, 248, n.' 
 
 Roads, ancient Irish, — form of, 
 226, n. 
 
 Robinson, William, cix., n. 
 
 Sir WUliam, knt., 239, n. 
 
 Rocque Jean, cxv, 170, n. 
 
 Rock-lane, 170. 
 
 ' Rockers ' (wreckers qu ?), at Pigeon 
 House, 231, n." 
 
 Rogers, Samuel, iii. 
 
 Rogerson, Sir John's wall, ex, 
 cxviii. 
 
 Sir- John, 147, 235. 
 
 Recorder of Dublin, 238, n. 
 
 quay ground, 237. 
 
 his quay, 238. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 293 
 
 Eogerson, Sir John, lease to (1713), 
 
 238, n. 
 
 deatli (1741), ib. 
 
 sale of his quay ground, ib. 
 
 Eognvalldr, 75. 
 
 Roilt (Harald), 64. 
 
 Rollo, King of Normandy, 42, 52, 
 
 n.\ 53. 
 Rome, 2, «., 91, 123, 128, n. 
 
 Church of, 76, 177, 186. 
 
 __ See of, 189. 
 
 Romans introduce walled towns in 
 
 Europe, 2. 
 Roman bridges in Britain, xlviii. 
 
 wooden, 220. 
 
 Romona Isle, 157. 
 
 Roscrea, xv. 
 
 Ros MeUor, battle of, 50. 
 
 Round towers in Orkney Isles, 
 
 174. 
 Route, the, 84, «.' 
 Ruaidhri, son of Mormund, 43. 
 — — K. of the Britons, 19, n. 
 
 Ua Cananain, 74. 
 
 Runes, Ix. 
 
 Runymede, 181. 
 
 Rupert, Prince, Sir Bd. de Gomme 
 
 his engineer at Bristol, 230, n. 
 Russian hat, 108. 
 Ruta, see Route, the. 
 
 St. Andrew's Church, bodii., 208. 
 
 Andrew Thengmotha, Church 
 
 of, 178, 179, 183, 191, 193, 198. 
 Andrew Thengmote, parish of, 
 
 162. 
 
 Audoen's Church, 208. 
 
 Augustin, 171. 
 
 ■ Benedict and Company of 
 
 stone bridge builders, 220. 
 
 Brendan, 35. 
 
 Brigit, 66, 134, n. 
 
 (Church of), 176. 
 
 no churches to, by the Scandi- 
 navians, 176. 
 
 but to the Virgin Mary, ih. 
 
 ■ no churches to the B. V. M., 
 
 in Ireland, until the example set 
 by the Scandinavians, ib. 
 
 St. Bridget, "the Mary of the 
 
 Gaedhm," 176. 
 Sancta Brigitha or Brigetta de 
 
 Suetiii, 134, n\ 
 St. Cianan, 47, n. 
 
 Clair surEpte, treaty of, 52. 
 
 Columba, 113. 
 
 Edmund, 41. 
 
 Edmondsbury Church, 198. 
 
 Ethelred's Church, Norwich, 
 
 174, 51.' 
 
 James of Compostella, 148. 
 
 John, 172. 
 
 Joseph, granaries of, 1. 
 
 Gille, 130. 
 
 Lawrence Nicholas, 186, n. 
 
 Malachy, 135. 
 
 Magnus, 172. 
 
 Mary's Abbey, Ixxii, 132, n.'^, 
 
 146, n.^, 244, /(. ; ford near, 205, 
 212, 221. 
 
 Mary del dam, Churcli of, 193, 
 
 194. 
 — del Hogges, 178, 19il 
 
 nunnery of, 191, 194. 
 
 del Ostmanby, 194. 
 
 le Hogges, nunnery of, xxx, 
 
 Ixxiii, Ixxv. 
 
 les Dames, 194. 
 
 Ostmanby (St. Maiy's Abbey, 
 
 Dublin), 177. 
 
 of the Hogges or Mount, 195. 
 
 Church, Bangoi', N. Wales, 
 
 176, n.^ 
 
 Michael, 172. 
 
 Church of, 176. 
 
 del Pol, Church of, 193. 
 
 Michan's Church, 232. 
 
 Mullin's 55, n. 
 
 Olaf, 97. 
 
 Olave, 172. 
 
 Patrick, 34, 38, 172, 224. 
 
 Patrick's Island (near Isle of 
 
 Man), 11, 12. 
 
 . Well-lane, 166. 
 
 Paul's Cathedral, xciii. 
 
 Peter's del Hulle, Church of, 
 
 193. 
 
 Quintin, Richard, cxxii., n. 
 
294 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 St. Euadan (Rodan), 35. 
 
 Saviour's, Friars Preachers of. 
 
 2 2, w. 
 
 Senanus, 38. 
 
 Stephen's Church, 149. 
 
 Thomas, Abbey of, 164, m., 186. 
 
 n. 
 
 register of, xxx. 
 
 chartulary of, 217. 
 
 Abbot of, 164, n.'^ 
 
 Sabbath, two accounts of, in Deuter- 
 onomy, XX. 
 
 Sagas, Iceland, i., Ivui., lix., Ix., 
 Ixiii; 
 
 Saggard (co. Dublin), 4, n. 
 
 Sakkara, Pyramids of, 1., n. 
 
 Salt, barony of, co. Kildare, 55, n. 
 
 Saltus Salmonis, 55, n. 
 
 Salmon Leap the, 55, w. 
 
 at Leixlip, 138, 141. 
 
 Pool, cxii., 235, 237, 245, n. 
 
 Saintes, School of, 216, n. 
 
 ' Samus,' the Irish sheep dog. 111. 
 
 Sandafels, 104. 
 
 ' Sandwith,' The Ship, cxxii., n. 
 
 Sankey, Mrs., cviii., n. 
 
 Santry, James Bariy, The Lord, 
 212, >i. 
 
 Saxons, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11. 
 
 Aulaf, s. of Sitric, slain by, 
 
 128, W.3 
 
 Charlemagne's enforced con- 
 version of, 6 ; fills Saxony with 
 priests, i6. ; revolts of the Saxons, 
 lb ; Witikind leads bands of them 
 to Denmark, ih. and 7 ; Charle- 
 magne beheads 4,500 in one day, 
 •ih. ; his war a crusade, 8 ; clergy 
 crowd to his standards, ib. ; the 
 fugitive Saxons forced by him out 
 of Denmark, ih. and 9 ; the 
 Saxons and Danes retaliate by 
 raids on France, 9. 
 
 Scandinavian kings polygamists, 
 
 Scots, King of the, 60. 
 Scottish isles, 113, 120. 
 Scotland, William, King of, 187. 
 
 Scuffle, The Dublin (by Jno. Dunton, 
 
 1699), 232, Ji.' 
 Secret Service Money Book, xvii. 
 Senchus-Mor, 199. 
 Settlement, Act of. 228, m.^ 
 Severn River, 53. 
 Seville, in Spain, 206. 
 Shannon, The, 17, n., 24, 69, 85, 87, 
 
 213. 
 Shapinshay, Isle of, 159, n. 
 Sheehy, Father, xvii. 
 
 depositions concerning, ib. 
 
 Sheep dog, K. Aulaf and the Irish, 
 
 Ixiv., 111. 
 Sheerness and Tilbury Fort, 230. 
 and Chatham, alarm at, by 
 
 Dutch raid, a.d., 1667, 229. 
 Shelbume-place, 193, n. 
 Shetland isles, liv., Iv., 11. 
 Ship-street, 193. 
 Ship Canal to Ringsend, by Sutton 
 
 shore, projected by Capt. John 
 
 Perry (1728), 249. 
 
 map of, 249, n. 
 
 from Dalkey or Kingstown to 
 
 Dublin, projected (a.d., 1800), to 
 
 avoid the bar, 349, 350. 
 Sigefroi, 6, 9, 10. 
 
 Sigefrid, Sigefrith (Sitric)," 46 «., 47. 
 Sigurd, Ixv. 
 
 s. of Regnar Lodbrog, 20, 
 
 41, n. 
 Anguioculus, s. of Regnar 
 
 Lodbrog, 32, n. 
 K. son of Magnus Barefoot, 
 
 96. 
 
 Sieve, son of King Eric, 75, ti. 
 
 Sigrid, Queen, 127. 
 Simmonscourt, 232, w.i {alias 
 
 Smoothescourt). 
 Sir Patrick Dun's Hospital, col- 
 
 Uer wrecked at, 248. 
 Sitric, son of Aulaf Cuaran, 78, 79, 
 
 9L 
 
 son of Godfrey, King of Dub- 
 lin, 48, 54, 55, n., 57, 58, 60, 
 61, 64, 65 ; recovers Dublin, 
 54 (lost on his father's death, to 
 Cearbhall, son of Muiregan, K. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 295 
 
 Sitric — con. 
 
 of Leinster, 49), wins the battle 
 of Confey, co. Kildare, a.d., 918, 
 56 J invades Mercia, 58; in Ms 
 absence Niall Glundubh advances 
 against tlie fortress of Atb OliatL, 
 ib. ; defended by the sons of Sitric 
 and Reginald, ib. ; named Imhar 
 and Sitric Gale, 59 ; the battle is 
 fought at Kilmashogue, near 
 Eathfarnham (17th Oct., 919), 
 ib. ; the Irish defeated and Niall 
 Glundubh slain, ib. ; called by the 
 Irish the battle of Ath Cliath or 
 of Cillmosamhog, ib. \ goes to 
 Northnmbria, 60 ; submits to 
 Edmund, ib. ; divides Northum- 
 bria with his brother- Reginald, 
 ib. ; allies himself with Athelstan, 
 illegitimate son of Edward, K. of 
 Anglo-Saxons, 64 ; marries Athel- 
 stan's sister at Tamworth, a.d. 
 925, 65 ; is baptized, ib. ; but re- 
 lapses, ib. ; dies, a.d. 926, ib. ; 
 leaves three sons, Reginald, God- 
 frey, and Aulaf, ib. ; K. Athelstan 
 ousts them from JSTorthumbria, 
 ib. 
 
 son of Ivar, 45 ; with his 
 
 brother Godfrey ravages France, 
 46 ; slain by Godfrey, a.d. 885, 
 ib. ; marches to Boulogne, ib. ; 
 proceeds to Dublin, ib. ; becomes 
 king at Dublin, ib. \ throne vacant 
 there by Oearbhall's death in a.d. 
 855, ib. ; Elann, Oearbhall's 
 nephew, claims it, 47 j is defeated, 
 ib. ; Sitric twice ravages North- 
 umberland, 48 ; returns to Ire- 
 land, a.d. 894, ib. ; is slain in 
 fight with other Norsemen, ib. ; 
 his two sons, Aulaf and Godfrey, 
 ib. ; Aulaf slain in his father's 
 lifetime, ib. ; at Sitric's death 
 Oearbhall, son of Muiregan, K. of 
 Leinster, drives the foreigners 
 from Dublin, a.d., 897, 49. 
 
 son of Ivar, 44, n., 45, 46, 21. 
 
 . Mac Ivar, 48. 
 
 Sitric grandson of Ivar, 47. 
 
 O'Himar, prince of the new 
 
 and old Danes, 65. 
 
 of Limerick, 20, 21, 22. 
 
 Gale, 58, 71, n. 
 
 Sithfric, son of Sitriok Gale, 71, 
 
 Sitric, founder of Christ Church, 
 
 Dublin, 92. 
 
 -sons of, 62, 67. 
 
 ■ K. of Dublin, 85, 87, 124, 
 
 128. 
 Skelig, Michel, xcix., liv. 
 
 isle, 12. 
 
 Skerries, Ixvii., 138, 139. 
 
 Lighthouse dues, xxxvii. 
 
 rock near Holyhead, xxxvii. 
 
 near Balbriggan, ib., n. 
 
 Skiardbiorn, 99, n.^ 
 
 Slane, 17, n. 
 
 Slaine (Slane\ 17. 
 
 Slighes (or roads), the Five, to Tara, 
 
 225. 
 Slighe Cualann, li., 225 ; crossed the 
 
 Liffey near Dublin, ib. 
 Slope of the Chariots (Fan-na-g-car- 
 
 bad) at Tara, 225. 
 Smith, Horace and James, vi. 
 Smithfield, 232. 
 ■ part of Oxmantown-green, 
 
 248, n. 
 
 • enclosed, 1664, ib. 
 
 lots for, ib. 
 
 Smoothescourt (alias Symons-court), 
 
 232, jii. 
 Smyth, Sir Samuel, cvii., n. 
 Snnebiorn, 100. 
 Snamh Eidneach (Carlingford), 19, 
 
 135, «,." 
 Snorri, Iviii, 106. 
 Soarbes, 9. 
 Soder (Sudreyar), and Man, 114, n.' 
 
 See Sudreyar. 
 Somerville, Sir William, bart., xliv., 
 
 71. 
 
 South Bull, cxiv., 234, 236. 
 
 lots, 231, n., 248. 
 
 strand, sale of Sir J. Rogerson's 
 
 lease of, 1744, 238, n. 
 
296 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 South -wall, cxxii, n. (alias Ballast 
 Office-wall, Pigeon House wall, 
 Lighthouse-wall, mall, or jettie), 
 338, n. 
 
 completed, 1790, ib., 233. 
 
 breach in, a.d. 1792, 231, n. 
 
 Duke of Leinster shoots breach, 
 
 in his yacht, and lands ac Merrion- 
 square, ib. 
 
 Southwell glen, 59, w.' 
 
 Southwell, Sii- Robert, iii. 
 
 Spain, the Moors of, 114, 11.5, 116, 
 117. 
 
 Spanish ship captured by French 
 privateer near bar of Dublin bay, 
 243. 
 
 Speed, 240, n., 248, n. 
 
 map of Dublin (1610), 240, n. 
 
 shows a "pill" from Liffey 
 
 running up to peers' entrance, ib. 
 
 Stadr, 135, n.i 
 
 Stamford bridge, 90. 
 
 Standing stones by Odin's order for 
 brave men, 154, n.^ 
 
 Standish, James (1657), 240. 
 
 Stane or Stanes in Kent, in Hants, 
 in Essex, in Herts, in Hereford, 
 in Bucks, in Worcester, in North- 
 ampton, enumerated, 182. 
 
 Staneford (Northamptonshire), 182. 
 
 Stanhogia, 195. 
 
 Stayn, 145 ; and see Stein. 
 
 Steyne, the, Ixxiii., Ixxiv., Ixxvi. 
 
 of Dublin, 14.3, 144, 145, 146, 
 
 148,149,151,159,160,163,164, 
 176, 178, 181, 183. 
 the Long Stone of the, 
 
 150, 
 
 179 ; and see Long Stone. 
 
 the river of the, 149. 
 
 bridge of, 150. 
 
 mill of, 150. 
 
 the port of, Ixxvi. 
 
 ■ Great Steyne, 146, Ji.i 
 
 the Little Steyne, 146, n. 
 
 Steinsnessi, 157, n., 157, 158, 159, 
 
 164, 167, 170, 174, 176, 178. 
 Steinraud, s. of Maelpatrick, 101. 
 Stein raud stad, 101, w.'' 
 Ster (in Mvin-ster,&c.), for stadr, 1 35. 
 
 Stephen's-green, cxxii., M., 149, 163, 
 n.', 161, 168, 170, n. 
 
 enclosed (1663), 248, n. 
 
 built upon, ib. 
 
 lotted for, ib. 
 
 Stokes, Gabriel (1734), 246, n. 
 
 William, Ixxxiii. 
 
 Stone, the Long, 150, 179. 
 the black, of Odin, 159. 
 
 Stonybatter, 322, 225, n. 226. 
 
 Story, "War of L-eland," 241, n. 
 
 Strand, see North Strand. 
 
 of the Liffey, 147. 
 
 Strangfiord, Ixvii. 
 
 Strangford Lough (see Lough Cuan), 
 94, 64, 137. 
 
 Strath Clyde, Britons of, 38, 43, 60. 
 
 Cluaide or Strathclyde (Dum- 
 barton), 39, n. 
 
 Strongbow, 93, 132, n.\ 145, 184, 
 185, 188, 221. 
 
 Sturla Thordson, Ivii, n. 
 
 Sturleson Snorro, 155, 7i.i 
 
 Sturlunga saga, Ivii., n. 
 
 Suabia, xxviii. 
 
 Sudreyar (Southern Isles or Hebri- 
 des), 114, n\ 
 
 Suez (Clysma), 1., n. 
 
 Suffolk, circular churches in, 174. 
 
 street, 162, 155. 
 
 Suibhne, abbot, xlix., n. 
 
 Sunnlendinga fiordiing, 134, n.' 
 
 Sutherland, liii. 
 
 Sutton creek, cvii. 
 
 shore, the, ship canal to 
 
 Ringsend along, projected by 
 Captain John Perry (1728), 249, 
 and note ib.; to avoid the bar, ib.; 
 map of, ib. 
 
 Swanscomla (Swine's or Sweine's 
 camp), 182. 
 
 Swedes, 15. 
 
 Sweden, xxvi. 
 
 Swen, son of Knut, 41, w. 
 
 Swein, 181, 182. 
 
 Switzerland, 8, 1. 
 
 Swords, town of, 142. 
 
 Scandinavian, 155, n.^ 
 
 inhabitants of the cross of, 205, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 297 
 
 Taaffe, WUliam, 146. 
 Talbot, Lord, xcvii. 
 Tara, 1, li., Ixii., 2, 3, n. 
 
 history of, 224, 227. 
 
 hill of, map of monuments 
 
 of restored, 225, w.* 
 The Five Slishes or roads to in 
 
 the first century, 225. 
 Taylor, Philip Meadows, xli. 
 Teamhair, 17. 
 Teigmote, 162, 175. 
 Templetown, parish of, cxxii., n. 
 Terryglass (see Tir-da-glas). 
 Thame river (Bucks), 182. 
 Thames, 227. 
 works for defence of, A.D., 
 
 1667, 230. 
 Thebaid, H., w.., Uv. 
 Thebaud, John, Ixxi., n. 
 Theodosius, Emperor, xlix., n. 
 Thetford, 41. 
 Things or Tings (and see Court-Thing, 
 
 House-Thing, Althing), 159, 160. 
 Thinghoge, hundred of, 198. 
 Thraghow, 198. 
 Thingmote of Dublin, 162, 164, 170, 
 
 185, 186, 187. 
 Thingmotha, in parish of St. Andrew 
 
 Thingmote, 162, 166. 
 church of Saint Andrew, 178, 
 
 198. 
 Thingmount of Dublin, lxxii.,lxxiii., 
 
 Ixiiv., 164, 168, 169, 170, 171, 
 
 190, 156, 158, 159, 161, 163, 176, 
 
 178, 191, 197. 
 
 at TJpsala, 176. 
 
 Thing-place, 175. 
 Thing voUr, 161, 176. 
 ThingwaU, 156. 
 
 Mount, 158, 175. 
 
 Tholsel, The, 179, n. 
 
 Thomas Court Dublin, 217, «., see 
 
 Saint Thomas's Abbey. 
 Captain F. W., b.n., Ixvi., n., 
 
 174, n. 
 
 Court Abbey, Register of, xlvii. 
 
 Thor, 67, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 
 129,131,157,158,172,175,176, 
 
 178. 
 
 Thorsman, 31, 32, 62. 
 Thor's hammer sign, 125, n..° 
 Thors Eolf, 31, n. 
 Thora, 103, 132. 
 
 d. of Sigurd, 20, n. 
 
 Thorar, 106. 
 Thorbiorn, 105, 106. 
 Thordus Geller, 103. 
 
 married to Fridgerda, 102. 
 
 married to TheoldhUda, 102. 
 
 Thordis, 105. 
 Thorer, 98. 
 
 Thorgerda, 104, 108, n} 
 Thorgils, 96. 
 
 (Turgils), 31, 96, 130. 
 
 Thorgil for Thorketil, 130, n.* 
 
 Thorgrim, 104, 101. 
 
 Thorkell, 130. 
 
 ThorkeUn, Grimr. Johnson, 107, «., 
 
 Ill, n.* 
 Thorketil by contraction Thorgil, 
 
 130, n. 
 Thormodr, 31. 
 — Gamli, 104. 
 
 Keltie, 104. 
 
 Thorncastle, 228, ra.^ 
 
 Thorodd, 106. 
 
 Thorolf, Morstrarskegg, Ivui., 103, 
 
 104. 
 Thorstein, The Red, Ivii., Iviii., 102, 
 
 104, 108, 120, 49. 
 Thor-stein, or Thor's stone, 126, n., 
 
 159. 
 Thorskabitr, Iviii. 
 Thorstein, Thorskabitr, 103. 
 Thorwald, Eric son, 107, w.' 
 Thrandus, Mioksiglandi, 102. 
 Thule (Iceland), 98, w.^ 
 Thurgot, Simon, Ixviii. 
 
 ■ Johannes, 162, n.^ 
 
 Thurida, 105, 106, 107, 120. 
 Thurles, Viscount, xxxvii., n. 
 Tliyra, Danebot, daughter of King 
 
 Edward, 51, n., 62, 65, n. 
 Tib and Tom, 169. 
 I'idal Harbours Commissioners, 
 
 xliii., 237. 
 report, 231, w.' 
 
298 
 
 INDBX. 
 
 Tidal Harbour Commissioners 
 
 Second Report of, with account 
 
 of Captain John Perry and his 
 
 projects, 249, n. 
 Tigh-Moling, 55, n.' 
 Tilbury fort, 230. 
 Timolin, see Tigh-Moling. 
 Ting, La-wTing, 161. 
 Tinghoges, 197. 
 Tingoho, 198. 
 Tingoha, 198. 
 Tingwall, in Isle of Man, 161, 166, 
 
 169. 
 Tipperary, 35. 
 
 Tir-da-glas (Terry glass), 34, 65. 
 Tochars, or causeways over rivers, 
 
 214, 221, 223. 
 Todd, Eev. Dr. J. Henthorn, 4, n., 
 
 19, n., 20, n., 34, 59, n., 82, n., 
 
 152, »., 219, w. 
 Tolka, the river, 232, ra.i 
 Tomar, or Thorsman, for Turgesius, 
 
 or Eegnar Lodbrog, 31, 32. 
 
 chieftain of, 32. 
 
 race of, 32. 
 
 ring of, 32, 126, 128. 
 
 people of, 32. 
 
 wood of, 32. 
 
 Tomhrair, 31. 
 
 Tomar, Mac Elcli, 32, 62, 63, 67. 
 
 Tone, Theobald Wolfe, Ixxix. 
 
 Tostig, Earl, 90. 
 
 Tooke, Home, vi. 
 
 Topographical antiquities of Great 
 
 Britain and Ireland, 249, w. 
 Topsham, xxviii. 
 Tor Einar, 75. 
 Toro, 67, n. 
 Torolbh, Earl, 67. 
 
 Tormentors, two, of iron, for dredg- 
 ing (1708), 234, M^ 
 Torsager (Tor's field), or Jutland, 
 
 175. 
 Townsend-street, 146, 147, 146, 151, 
 
 239, 242, 247. 
 Trench, William, xxxvii. 
 Trian Oorcaigh, abbot of, 1 3, n. 
 Trinity, Holy, Church of (see Christ 
 
 Church), 92, n., 221, w., 222, 
 
 Trinity College, 145, n., 147, 150, 
 165, n., 219. 
 
 tide flowed up to, in a storm 
 
 (1670), 248. 
 
 Trinity House Brethren, Corporation 
 of, xxxvui. 
 
 Trinity-street, xciv., 196, n. 
 
 Trondhjem. See Drontheim. 
 
 Trousseau, Dr., x. 
 
 Tryggve, Olafson K., 96. 
 
 Tuam, Archbishop of, 188. 
 
 Archbishopric of, 135, tj. 
 
 Tuatha de Danann, 82, n. 
 
 Tuatal, s. of Eearadhac, 16. 
 
 Tubbar -Brighde, 172, m'. 
 
 Muire, 172, n^. 
 
 Tunstal, Francis, cxvii., 231, n.^ 
 
 Mrs., ib. 
 
 Tunstal's hotel, cxvii. 
 
 Turgesius, Ixvi., 18, 22, 23, 30, 31, 
 33, 34, 35, 134. 
 
 Turgeis, 32, 34, 134. 
 
 Turgesius (and see Regnar Lodbrog), 
 a Norwegian, 18, the first con- 
 quering settler, ib. ; the Irish for 
 Thorgils, 31 ; supposed to be 
 Regnar Lodbrog, ib. ; his capture 
 and drowning in Lough Owel, ib. ; 
 meaning of ThorgUs discussed, 
 ib. ; his descendants called in 
 Irish ' the race of Tomar,' 32. 
 Rev. Dr. Todd's account of the 
 aims of Turgesius, 33, 36. 
 
 Turvey, Barnewalls of, Viscounts 
 Kingsland. See Kingsland. 
 
 Tyrone, Marcus Beresford, Earl of, 
 xciv., n. 
 
 Tyrone House, xciv. 
 
 Ui Maine, 66, n., 214, n. 
 
 Uathinharan, 63, n., 85, and «.., ib. 
 
 TJbi, brother of King Ivar, 37, n. 
 
 Ugaire, King of Leiaster, 56. 
 
 Uaill CaUle, 17. 
 
 Uailsi (see Oisile), 21, n. 
 
 TJi Ceinnsealaigh (O'Kinshelas), 16. 
 
 Fidhgeinte, 17. 
 
 Niall, 18, 23, 24, 56, 80, n. 
 
 TJisnech, the children of, 80, n. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 299 
 
 TJladh-ster (Ulster), 134, 135. 
 Ulf, 37/n., 52. 
 
 Skialgi, 102, 105, «. 
 
 "Ulfrick'fl fiord (Lame Lough), Ixvii., 
 
 115, 137, n. 
 Ulidia, tlie King of, 59. 
 Ulidians (Ulster men), 16, 67. 
 Ulster, 82, n., 86. 
 
 creaghting in, 210, n. 
 
 De Oourcy, Earl of, 93, ?i.« 
 
 K. of, celebrated bridge builder, 
 
 A.D. 739, 223. 
 
 navy of, 54. 
 
 Scandinavians of, 54. 
 
 Unihall, in Mayo, 15. 
 
 Upper, baronyofMurri8k,i6.,n. 
 
 Lower, barony of Borrishool, 
 
 ib. n. 
 Unst, island of, 161. 
 Upsala, 171, 176, 197. 
 Urr, isle of, mount at, 162. 
 Uster, Arcbbisbop, 84, w^ 
 Usber's Island, 222, «. 
 Usher, John, drowned in crossing 
 
 the Dodder ford, 232, n\ 
 
 Sir Wm., cxxi. 
 
 son of Mr. John, 232, n,' 
 
 Vallancey, 207. 
 
 Valland, people of, 95, n. 
 
 Valscra, 95, n. 
 
 Van Homrigh, Mr. 234, n. ; his 
 
 house, 235, n. 
 Vartry Waterworks, xcviii. 
 Vatnsfiord, 100. 
 Vaughan, Edward, xv. 
 Vavasour, Counsellor (1792), 243, n. 
 Vekell (Holy Kettle), 130, n. 
 Vereker, Henry, xliv., xlv. 
 Vernon, Mr. (of Clontarf), 237. 
 Verstegan, Richard, Ixxiii. 
 Vestfirdinga fiordung, 134, n. 
 Vidalia, Paul, 144, n. 
 ' Vig,' the Irish Sheep Dog, 111. 
 Vigfussonand Cleasby, 129, w., 130, 
 
 n., 134, n., 135, n., 155, n., 157, 
 
 n., 160, n. 
 Vik, abay, 135, n. 
 Vikia, 33, n. 
 
 Vilbald, 101. 
 
 Vivian, Cardinal, 93, n., 188. 
 
 Wales, Grufudd, K. of, 123. 
 
 Howel Dhu, K. of, 69. 
 
 89, 96, 3, 11. 28, 29. 
 
 North, 165, n. 
 
 South, 53. 
 
 West, 58. 
 
 Walls of Dublin, 204, and n. ib. 
 
 Walling-in of Liffey, cxvii. 
 
 Walsh, Robert, Ixix., n. 
 
 Sir Robert, Ixviii., n. 
 
 Sir James, ib. 
 
 Walstan, Archbishop, 73. 
 
 Walter, s. of Edric, Ixviii. 
 
 Theobald, 144, 145. 
 
 Warburton, Elliot, 230, n. 
 
 Ware, Sir James, xxiv., xxx., ra., xci., 
 21, n., 76, «., 92, n., 124, n., 125, 
 n., 154, »., 206, 226. 
 
 Robert, 178, w. 
 
 Colonel, xci. 
 
 Wartenau, Chateau de, xxvii. 
 
 Washington, Captain, E.N., xliii., 
 xHv., xlv., cxvi. 
 
 Report, Tidal Harbours Com- 
 missioners, 237. 
 
 Waterfiord, Ixvii. 
 
 Waterford, Ixv., Ixvi., Ixix., Ixx. 
 
 city of (and see Loch Daech- 
 
 aech), 3, n., 4, n., 20, 21, 53, 55, 
 65, w., 87, 137, 177, »., 186. 
 Danes buUd a stronghold at, 
 
 A.D. 912, 53. 
 
 river, cxxii., n. 
 
 Synod of, 187. 
 
 Watson, Mr., Mayor of Dublin (a.d. 
 
 1637), 232, n.\ 
 Weald Hall, Essex, Patent of 27th 
 
 Elizabeth dated at, 246, n. 
 Wednesday, or Wodui {i.e., Odia's) 
 
 Day, 174. 
 Welsh, of Brittany, 53. 
 
 of Cornwall, 28. 
 
 of Wales, 28. 
 
 of the North, 53. 
 
 Wells, Holy, 172. 
 Welch, Richard, xcvi., ciii. 
 
300 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Wenix, the picture by, xciv. 
 Werburgh-street, xcii. 
 WeremoTith, 11. 
 Wessex, 42, 47, 57. 
 Western Isles (see Hebrides), 15. 
 Westmanni, 100, n. 
 Westmanna-Eyar, 100, n. 
 Westmen, 95. 
 Westmen's Isles, Ivii., n. 
 Westmorland, 24, n. 
 Westmoreland-street, Ixxiv., xciii., 
 
 240, n. 
 West Saxons, 52. 
 West Welch, of Brittany and Oorn- 
 
 wall, 95, n. 
 Wexfiord, Ixvii. 
 Wexford, 137. 
 
 town of, 3, 64, ra.i, 222, n. 
 
 Wharton, Earl (1709), lands at 
 
 Eingsend, 241, n. 
 White Book of City of Dublin, 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Whitworth-biidge, 226, n. 
 Wicklow, 138. 
 
 CO., Fercullen in, 225. 
 
 Wigfert, 13, w. 
 Wiking, William, Ixviii. 
 Witinglo (Wicklow), 138. 
 William, s. of Godwin, Ixviii. 
 
 a. of Gudmund, ih. 
 
 s. of Ketill, ih. 
 
 Willis, Dr., of Ormond-quay, xix. 
 
 Windsor, Staines near, 180. 
 
 Treaty of (a.d. 1173), 188. 
 
 Wimbum, 51. 
 
 Winetavern-street, xlvi., 203, 208. 
 
 gate, 223, n. 
 
 Witikind, 6, 7, 9, n., 10, 14. 
 
 Wodin, or Odin, 174. 
 
 Wood-quay, 203, and «.., ih., 204. 
 
 Woodward, Humphry Aldridge, 
 Ixxvii. 
 
 Woolwich, nine ships sunk at, to 
 bar the Dutch, 1667, 229. 
 
 Worthing (co. Norfolk), 174, n. 
 
 Writing, introduction of, into Ice- 
 land, lix., Ix., Ixi. 
 
 into Ireland, ih. 
 
 Wykinlo, Ixvii. 
 
 Yarranton, Andrew (1677), 242, 
 
 243. 
 Yellow-batter, 222, n. 
 Yioletide, 173. 
 Yuletide, 183. 
 Yiolner, feast of, 173. 
 York, 24, 37, 38, 48, 60, 68, 76. 
 capture of, by the Danes, a.d. 
 
 869, 115, W.2 
 the Danish capital of North- 
 
 umbria, 
 
 Zekerman, Andrea, cxxii., n. 
 Zetland, 157, w. 
 
 buBLlN : Printed by Alex. Thom & Co., 87, 88, & 89, Abbey-Btreet, 
 The Queen's Printing Office.