; 4 -/ f n- -K 1 ■ ^^ rs»-r^o^. j,^ 'i^ '( i? . Jf r5 > ^' ;• -•-> THE GIFT OF ^.^Su...*^M:l^^ A [.^.±0-^.7 ^/.3l.f.9. it" AUTUMNAL SPEECHES IN 1898, BY Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, LL.D. Forty-Seventh New York Volunteers, Newport, August 7, 1898. Presenting the Name of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt as Candidate for Governor, Saratoga, September 27, 1898. Notifying Colonel Theodore Roosevelt of his Nomination for Governor, October 4, 1898. Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition, Omaha, October 8, 1898. Opening the Republican Campaign in Illinois at Chicago, October 10, 1898. Memorial Resolutions on Isaac H. Bromley, at Union League Club, New York, October 13, 1898. Banquet Given to Lord Herschel by Lotos Club, New Yor; November 5, 1898. Banquet to General Nelson A. Miles, New York, November h, 1898. Banquet Given to Colonel Theodore Roosevelt by the Republican Club of the City of New York, November 12, 1898. fyxxitll ^mvmxi^ Jibtai| THE GIFT OF S^a^.n^ ^^. .^-£^. A. \ "T-^o 11 'h fti AUTUMNAL SPEECHES IN 1898, BY Hon. Chauncey My Depew, LL.D. Forty-Seventh New York Volunteers, Newport, August 7, 1898. Presenting the Name of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt as Candidate for Governor, Saratoga, September 27, 1898. Notifying Colonel Theodore Roosevelt of his Nomination for Governor, October 4, 1898. Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition, Omaha, October 8, 1898. Opening the Republican Campaign in Illinois at Chicago, October 10, 1898. Memorial Resolutions on Isaac H. Bromley, AT Union League Club, New York, October 13, 1898. Banquet Given to Lord Herschel by Lotos Club, New York, November 5, 1898. Banquet to General Nelson A. Miles, New York, November ii, 1898. Banquet Given to Colonel Theodore Roosevelt by the Republican Club of the City of New York, November 12, 1898. A. \'2-4 °1] Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew to the Forty-seventh "New York Volunteers, at Fort Adams, Newport, R, I,, August 7th, 1898. My Feiends : When I was first invited by the Young Men's Christian Association of Newport to come here some Sunday evening and speak to you under their tent in this camp, I hesitated, because I am more^ at home on the platform than in the pulpit. But when I passed the Forty-seventh New York Regiment on the road the other day, and it gave me those hearty and welcome cheers, 1 decided at the first opportunity to give a New York greeting to my friends of the Forty- seventh. Peace seems assured and yon may not realize your desire to go to the front and face the enemy on the battlefield. But when a citizen has left behind him his home, his family and his business and enlisted as a soldier, he has done his duty to his country. Whether he is ordered to Newport or Chickamauga, to Peekskill or Tampa, to Cuba or Porto Rico, his meed of praise, his performance of duty, is the same. He cheerfully obeys the command for the fort or the fight, but longs for the fight. / This war has demonstrated the inestimable value of the National Guard of the several States. Our country had been at peace for thirty -two years. Congress had annually thrown out the demands of the War Department as un- necessary and extravagant for a nation which could never be driven into war. The war itself came so sxxddenly and unexpectedly that, except for the Navy, we were wholly unprepared. We had neither the guns, nor the uniforms, nor the cauip outfit, nor the tents nor the materials to equip fifty thousand, much less two hundred thousand men. "We had to prepare at once to meet the veteran army of Spain, numbering in Cuba, Porto Kico and the Philippines two hundred and fifty thousand, armed with the latest and most perfect weapons. Our glorious, and always ready and reliable regular army mustered only twenty-seven thousand of all arms. In this emergency the citizen regiments of the ]!^ational Guard, with their discipline, their equipment and their readiness to break every tie and drop every interest at the order to march, placed the Government in a stronger position for offensive and defensive operations in thirty days than the arduous processes of enlistment, drill and education of the volunteers could have done in six months. I have seen much of the armies of Europe and the results of the conscription which compels every citizen to serve several years as a soldier. Men resort to every device to escape the army. The most rigorous laws and severe punishments are devised for those who mutilate themselves so as to be unfit for military duty. Hundreds of thousands emigrate to foreign lands to escape the draft. During this war with Spain we have witnessed the fiercest rivalry among the National Guard regiments to be called into service. The Government has been overwhelmed with offers of volunteers. I ven- ture to say that in no war and in no country until now have regiments and brigades petitioned to be sent to the front. " No easy billets, no soft snaps for us " has been the universal cry, " but lead us against the enemy and we will take care of the fever." (l have signed petitions, written letters and twice visited "Washington at the request of New York soldiers who wanted to be sent to Santiago, to go to Porto Eico or Manila or to be per- mitted to join the army which was to storm the entrenchments of Havana.^ This spirit makes the man behind the gun. These gnns think as well as shoot. The Spanish soldier is brave. He fights and dies well. But he cannot take the initiative. When he sees men charging across open space and through thickets, unsupported by artillery, subject to the raking fire of his batteries, the deadly aim of his concealed sharpshooters and the hail from his Mauser rifles, while he is protected by trenches ; when though great numbers fall and by all military rules the survivors ought to flee, they still rush on, shooting and shouting, he thinks the devil is loose, crosses himself, drops his gun and runs. But these American soldiers are not devils. They are the saints of liberty, the church militant of freedom. They are the product of institutions which will transform Cubans, Porto Ricans, Hawaiians and Philippines into similar free agents of right and justice ffranaEEer*^SeHlt5HT This is Sunday evening. We are in the tents of a non-sectarian Christian association. You, as volunteers in this war with Spain, are fighting in a cause which is either right or wrong. The overwhelming thought of the hour and place is that by every manifestation by which His will can be known God is on our side. We are a nation of unlimited power engaged in war with a country far weaker than ours in men and money. Events might easily have so happened that we should win in the end, after many bloody battles and great losses in lives and ships, by the tremendous odds of our overmas- tering resources. But at Manila, Dewey, with seven ships, was pitted against a larger armament on thirteen ships, protected by forts and shore batteries, and yet he sunk the enemy's fleet and silenced his forts without losing a man or suffering any injury to his cruisers. There were more Spanish soldiers under the protection of the barbed-wire fences, intrenchments, block-houses and lulls of Santiago than in our army which assailed them, and yet they surrendered. Hobson performed successfully the most perilous feat of modem war- fare, but the storm of shot and shell which rained about them left him and his little band of heroes unin- jured. Cervera's fleet ran out to sea under conditions where all the chances of battle were the sinking of one or more of our fleet and the escape of one or more of his, but in thirteen minutes the pride of Spain was reduced to junk and had ceased to exist. General Miles in his triumphal march throus:h Porto Eico is met every- where with flowers and cheers as the deliverer of an oppressed people. It seems as if Providence has not so much opened up for us a destiny as imposed upon us a duty. We did not want to possess Cuba, but to give liberty, law and justice to her inhabitants. We did not covet Porto E,ico, and we shrunk from the grave responsibili- ties of the government of the Philippines and their population of ten millions of varied races, only semi- civilized. The fortunes of war have not only placed them in our hands, but destroyed the power of Spain to either hold or govern them. All the conditions upon which public opinion was forming have changed in six weeks, and we are facing a situation wholly different from the one on which multitudes of us formed a judg- ment. It seems as if to let go threatens the peace of the world and consigns large populations lo anarchy, and that our capacity for dealing with the greatest problem of our history is on trial. The English- , speaking world believes we can bring order out of chaos and so satisfy all races and religions thus thrown under our protection of their safety, and so convince them of the inestimable benefit of equal laws and impartial justice, that out of the Spanish war will come a new birth of Hberty, a new era of civilization, a new development of the hidden treasures of the earth and a new and broader destiny for the United States. From exultation in our great victories we have become the harsh critics of alleged deficiencies of admin- istration. Criticism is the privilege and the benefit of free government. I would not curb or discourage its healthful exercise. But I believe that if we take into con- sideration the fact that we are not a military power, that a great emergency came upon us when we were unprepared, that an army and navy had to be raised to the fighting standard and transported to distant countries at emer- gency speed, time will show and history record a marvelous work skillfully and efBciently performed and with fewer mistakes or evidences of incompetency than in the Franco-Italian, or the Franco-Prussian, or the ItaHan-Abyssinian or any other war of modern times. Thirty-three years of peace have not impaired the execu- tive genius, the patriotism or the war spirit of our people. Dewey, Sampson and Schley, and Evans, Phillips, Clark, Wainright, Hobson and their brave companions and sail- ors ; Shafter and "Wheeler, and Wood and Roosevelt and their soldiers recall the best days of the Kevolution and the Civil War, and all the qualities which are required to guide a nation through the mazes of diplomacy and the perils of war are at the service of the Eepublic in this crisis of its history in President McKinley. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, Present- ing the name of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt as Candidate for Gov- ernor, at the Republican State Convention at Saratoga, Sept. 27th, 1898. Gentlemen : Not emce 1863 has the Kepublican partj met in convention when the conditions of the country were so interesting or so critical. Then the Emancipa- tion Proclamation of President Lincoln, giving freedom and citizenship to four millions of slaves, brought about a revolution in the internal policy of our Government which seemed to multitudes of patriotic men full of the gravest dangers to the Republic. The effect of the situation was the sudden and violent sundering of the ties which bound the past to the present and the future. New prob- lems were precipitated upon our statesmen to solve, which were not to be found in the text books of the schools, nor in the manuals or traditions of Congress. The one courageous, constructive party which our politics has known for half a century solved those problems so suc- cessfully that the regenerated and disenthralled Kepublic has grown and prospered under this new birth of liberty beyond all precedent and every prediction. We gather fresh inspiration and hope for our tasks when the assembled representatives of this splendid and historic organization recall the names and venerate the memory of the brilliant Republican statesmen of the war, of reconstruction and of national development. Lincoln and Grant, Seward and Chase, Thaddeus Stevens and James G. Blaine, though dead, yet speak most eloquently 10 in measures which have made our country prosperous and in policies •which have given it world-wide power. Now, as then, the unexpected has happened. The wildest dream ever born of the imagination of the most optimistic believer in our destiny could not foresee when McKinley was elected two years ago the on-rushing torrent of events of the past three months. We are either to be submerged by this break in the dykes erected by "Washington about our Government, or we are to find by the wise utilization of the conditions forced upon us how to be safer and stronger within our old boundaries, and to add incalculably to American enterprise and opportunity by becoming masters of the sea, and entering with the surplus of our manufactures the markets of the world. We cannot retreat or hide. We must " ride the waves and direct the storm." A war has been fought and won, and vast possessions, new and far away, have been acquired. In the short space of one hundred and thirteen days politicians and parties have been forced to meet new questions and to take sides upon startling issues. The face of the world has been changed. The maps of yesterday are obsolete. Columbus, looking for the Orient and its fabled treasures, sailed four hundred years ago into the land-locked harbor of Santiago, and to-day his spirit sees his bones resting under the flag of a new and great country which has found the way and conquered the outposts, and is knocking at the door of the farthest East. The times require constructive statesmen. As in 1776 and 1865, we need architects and builders. We have but one school for their training and education, and that school is the Kepublican party. Our Eepublican administration, upon which a tremendous responsibility rests, must have a Eepublican Congress for its support in the next two years—two years of transcendent importance to our future. New York, imperial among her sister states in all which makes a great commonwealth, is still the 11 pivotal State in our national contests. We, the delegates here assembled, have a very serious duty in so acting as to keep our old State and her Congressional delegation in the Republican column. Our thought, and our ab- sorbing anxiety, is with whom as standard bearer can we most favorably present to the people these new and vital issues, the position of the Republican party and the necessity to the country that it should receive the approval of the country. Friends and enemies alilie join in the general satisfaction with the wisdom, sagacity and states- manship of President McKinley. Our State has had a faithful, able and worthy representative in the greatest legislative body in the world in Senator Piatt. We are justly proud of our delegation in Congress, and its influ- ence in the constructive measures of Republican admin- istration. We possess unusual executive ability and courage in Governor Black. A protective tariff, sound money — the gold standard, the retirement of the Gov- ernment from the banking business and State issues are just as important as ever. Until three months ago to succeed we would have had to satisfy the voters of the soundness and wisdom of our position on these questions. The cardinal principles of Republican policy will be the platform of this canvass and of future ones. But at this juncture the people have temporarily put every- thing else aside and are applying their whole thought to the war with Spain and its consequences We believe that they think and will vote that our war with Spain was just and righteous. We cannot yet say that Ameri- can constituencies have settled convictions on territorial expansion and the government of distant islands and alien races. We can say that Republican opinion glories in our victories and follows the flag. The resistless logic of events overcomes all other con- siderations and impels me to present the name of, as it will persuade you to nominate as our candidate for Governor of the State of New York, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. 12 If he were only the hero of a brilliant charge on the battlefield, and there was nothing else which fitted him for this high place, I would not put him in nomination. But Colonel Roosevelt has shown conspicuous ability in the public service for ten years. He was a soldier three months. It is not time which tells with an executive mind and restless energy like Roosevelt's, but oppor- tunity. Give him the chance and he leads to victory. He has held two positions which generally ruin the holder of them with politicians and the unthinking. One was Civil Service Commissioner and the other Police Commissioner for New York City. So long as the public did not understand him there was plenty of lurid language and gnashing of teeth. The people are always just in the end. Let them know everything that can be said about a man and see all that the searchlight of publicity will reveal and their verdict is the truth. When the smoke had cleared away from the batteries of abuse they saw the untouched and unharmed figure of a public-spirited, broad-minded and courageous officer, who understood official responsibility to mean the perform- ance without fear or favor of the work he had promised to do and obedience to the laws he had sworn to support. The missiles from those batteries flew by him as mnocu- ously as did the bullets from the Spanish Mausers on the hill of San Juan. General Grant said, when President, that the only way to secure the repeal of an obnoxious law is to enforce it, and tliat to refuse to obey it is to bring all law into contempt. Roosevelt adored General Grant. He did not make any of these laws. They were the work of both Republican and Democratic legislatures. If Roosevelt had been Governor many of them would have died by his veto. When he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy he was in a sphere more congenial to his genius and abilities. He is a better soldier than he is a policeman. Life on the plains had broadened his vision and 13 invigorated his youth. Successful excursions into the literature of the ranch and the hunting for big game had opened up for him the present resources and boundless possibilities of the United States. He was fortunately under the most accomplished, able, generous and indulgent chief in Secretary Long. A small man would have been jealous of this dynamitic bundle of brains, nerves, energy and initiative, but our distin- guished Secretary gave full scope to his brilliant Assist- ant. The country owes much to him for the efficiency and splendid condition of our navy. The Congres- sional economist has always put his knife deep in the naval appropriations. He will not do so any more. The Navy Department has always been compelled to enforce on the commanders of its men-of-war that they must be very careful of coal and powder. The per- manent stafl said to Roosevelt one day : " Dewey is wasting an unnecessary amount of powder in firing his big guns." " Let him shoot away," said the Assist- ant Secretary, " that is what the powder is for." If there had been no war, some Jerry Simpson would have moved an inquiry into the extravagance of the Navy Department in burning up the property of the United States, and upon Roosevelt might have rested the condemnation of a Congressional Committee. But the waste was magnificent economy in producing the superb marksmanship of the gunners on our warships at Manila and Santiago. The wife of a Cabinet officer told me that when Assistant Secretary Roosevelt announced that he had determined to resign and raise a regiment for the war, some of the ladies in the Administration circle thought it their duty to remonstrate with him. They said : " JMr. Roosevelt, you have six children, the youngest a few months old, and the eldest not yet in the teens. While the country is full of young men who have no such responsibilities, and are eager to enlist, you have no 14 right to leave the burden upon your wife of the care, support and bringing up of that family." Koosevelt's answer was a Koosevelt answer : " I have done as much as any one to bring on this war, because I believed it must come, and the sooner the better, and now that war is declared, I have no right to ask others to do the fighting and stay at home myself." The regiment of Eougli Kiders was an original Amer- ican suggestion, to demonstrate that patiiotism and indomitable courage are common to all conditions of American life. The same great qualities are found under the slouch hat of the cowboy and the elegant im- ported tile of New York's gilded youth. Their manner- isms are the veneers of the West and the East ; their manhood is the same. In that hot and pest -cursed climate of summer Cuba oflScers had opportunities for protection from miasma and fever which were not possible for the men. But the Hough Eiders endured no hardships nor dangers which were not shared by their Colonel. He helped them dig the ditches ; he stood beside them in the deadly dampness of the trenches. No floored tent for him if his comrades must sleep on the ground and under the sky. In that world-famed charge of the Kough Eiders through the hail of shot and up the hill of San Juan, their Colonel was a hundred feet in advance. The bullets whistling by him are rapidly thinning the ranks of these desperate fighters. The Colonel trips and falls and the line wavers, but in a moment he is up again, waving his sword, climbing and shouting. He bears a charmed life. He clips the barbed wire fence and plunges through, yelling : " Come on, boys ; come on, and we will lick hell out of them." The moral force of that daring cowed and awed the Spaniards, and they fled from their fortified heights and Santiago was ours. " To lick hell out of them " is the fury of the fighting. It expressed the titanic rage of "Washington at the treachery of Lee and turned the tide 15 at Monmouth. It pierced like bullets the fears of the flee- ing soldiers and sent them flying to the front and victory when Sheridan rode madly up the valley from Winchester. Colonel Koosevelt is the typical citizen-soldier. The sanitary condition of our army in Cuba might not have been known for weeks through the regular channels of inspection and report to the various departments. Here the citizen in the Colonel overcame the official routine and reticence of the soldier. His graphic letter to the Government and the round-robin he initiated brought suddenly and sharply to our attention the frightful dangers of disease and death and resulted in our boys being brought immediately home. He may have been subject to court-martial for violating the articles of war, but the humane impulses of the people gave him grati- tude and applause. It is seldom in political conflicts when new and unex- pected issues have to be met and decided that a candi- date can be found who personifies the popular and pro- gressive side of those issues. Representative men move the masses to enthusiasm and are more easily understood than mea§ures. Lincoln, with his immortal declaration, made at a time when to make it insured his defeat by Douglass for the United States Senate, that "A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Gov- ernment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free," embodied th anti-slavery doctrine. Grant, with Appomattox and the parole of honor to the Confederate army behind him, stood for the perpetuity of Union and liberty. McKinley, by his long and able advocacy of its principles, is the leading spirit for the protection of American industries. For this year, for this crisis, for the voters of the Empire State, for the young men of the country and the upward, onward and outward trend of the United States, the candidate of candidates is the hero of Santiago, the idol of the Kough Riders — Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, on be- half of the Committee to notify Colonel Theodore Roosevelt of his Nomination for Governor, by the Republican State Convention, delivered at the Colonel's Residence, Oyster Bay, Long Island, October 4th, 1898. Colonel Eoosevelt: The Kepublican Convention of the State of 'New York has given to us, its com- mittee, the very pleasant duty of notifying you of your selection as the candidate of the Eepublican party for Governor of the Empire State. No more representative body of our organization has ever assembled than the one which met at Saratoga on the 27th day of September. Its deliberations were characterized by great unanimity and enthusiasm. The delegates knew that the people had indicated with emphasis the man they wished for Governor of this com- monwealth. They registered by your nomination the choice of the people, and the people will ratify that nomination at the polls. We are entering upon a campaign of unusual impor- tance to the State and the country. Old issues of sound money currency, and protection are as important now as during the Presidential canvass, and new and start- ling ones are upon us. Our candidate has to carry with him a Congress which will support our President and 18 his policies, and a Legislature which will elect a United States Senator. He is also to stand for a wise, firm, economical and public-spirited administration of the affairs of our State. In seeking the qualities required for this high office at this crisis, the Convention found a citizen who, to an extraordinary extent, possessed them all. The Legislature is the best school in which to learn the history and government of our State. The Police Commissionership of New York gives rare opportunities for studying one of the most difficult problems of our times — the administration of cities. The duties of Civil Service Commissioner, at Washington, bring before the Commissioner in close contact the statesmen, the policies and the power of the United States. The Conven- tion recognized that you had filled all these places with credit to the service, and distinction to your.-elf. "We need the support of all who believe in honest money and President McKinley, no matter what their pre- vious party affiliations or factional differences. The man who organized and led a regiment composed of the most diverse and antagonistic elements in our social and indus- trial life, and on the muster out of his soldiers held their unanimous affection and esteem, is such a man. That, regardless of the privileges and comforts to which his rank entitled him, he took part in every labor, suffered every hardship, and shared every chance of the deadly fever with his men, proves him to be pre-eminently a man of the people. In looking for a leader in a fighting campaign, the Convention sought the young statesman- soldier who led the brilliant charge up San Juan Hill. Senator Piatt and I have been in politics for forty years, and our associates on this committee since they were voters. We have many times performed this duty, but never when we were more heartily in accord with the judgment of the Convention, or more certain of the election of our candidates. Saturday, Oct. 8th, at Omaha, Commerce. Monday, Oct. loth, at Chicago, Politics. Address of Chauncey M. Depew, President of the New York State Commission, on Mew York Day, Oct. 8th, 1898, at the Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition, Omaha, Nebraska. Ladies and Gentlemen : Some years ago, Chicago, the metropolis of the West, itself the most marvelous of the creations of the latter half of this wonderful century, reared upon the borders of Lake Michigan an industrial city. The spirits, whose deeds in classic and Eastern tale charmed our childhood, became commonplace mortals. American genius and mod- ern science surpassed in suggestion and execution the works of demi-gods and genii. The stately palaces, broad avenues, lakes and canals of this home of industry and the arts drew all the world within its walls. In its con- ception and administration the World's Fair at Chicago was a worthy celebration of the four hundredth anniver- saiy of the discovery of America by Columbus, and a fitting tribute to the great explorer. The far-reaching and beneficent results of that exhibi- tion cannot be estimated. The Old World, absorbed in its inherited enmities, conflicts and jealousies, neither 20 knew nor cared much for this far country across the seas. "We had no part nor place in the diplomacy of Europe or the savage partitions and dangerous rivalries in Asia and Africa. Our army and navy were insigniiicant, and our reserve strength unknown. On the other hand, we were dependent upon other countries for a vast amount of manufactured articles, of the products of the loom, the shop, the forge and the skilled artificer. ' The American artisan found Chicago a trade school. The American inventor found it a university. The American manufacturer learned new and manifold uses for his capital and enterprise. Our industrial progress has been during the four years since the Chicago Exhibition greater than during any decade in our history. Our re- sources have been developed, our markets enlarged, and new avenues of employment opened. We have, in greater measure than ever before, realized our dream of producing in our country everything required for our necessities or luxuries. From practical independence of other countries for the products of their fields or fac- tories, we have suddenly become their competitors with our surplus, both within and without their borders. Diplomatists and scientists, mihtary and naval experts, farmers and merchants, manufacturers and mechanics, who came here to exhibit and observe, carried back to their people stories of the vastness of our territory, the perfection of our system of transportation, the size and sudden growth of our cities, the number, the intelhgence and the prosperity of our citizens, which taught Europe more about us in six months than had been learned in a century before. The influence of that knowledge gave us a free hand in CJuba and non-intervention in the Philippines. The great benefits which the World's Fair at Chicago conferred upon the United States in acquisition from foreign countries and information to foreign govern- ments, this trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha is to 21 vastly enhance in bringing nearer together in better understanding of each other the different sections of our own countrj.j I heard Li Hnng Chang say when here, that there were many provinces of China and millions of Chinamen who had not heard of the war with Japan. The light of the nineteenth century had not penetrated Cliina's iron-clad isolation. A conflict could be carried on and ended in which her territory was invaded, her fleet destroyed, her cities captured, tens of thousands of her people killed, and lands and islands she had held for centuries wrested from her, while a large part of the people of China were peacefully pursuing their voca- tions, ignorant of these disasters to their country. This exhibition has increased in industrial interest during every hour of our war with Spain, and yet every pulsa- tion of its activities and* every throb of the hearts of its visitors have been moved with patriotic prayers for the success of our arms and intelligent understanding of the justice of our cause. We have carried on a war with a foreign country, raised and equipped an army of two hundred and fifty thousand men and a formidable navy, have won great victories by sea and land, and yet though our interests and industries are so intimately connected that a blow in any section of the country is felt every- where, this exhibition has as serenely continued its course as it has entbusiastically celebrated the deeds of Dewey, Sampson, Schley and Hobson, and Miles, Shafter and Merritt. There could be no happier illustration of the boundless resources of the United States and its power for peace or war. It demonstrates the versatility of the Yankee character and its adaptability to circumstances. One thing at a time has had its day, and no longer forms a head-line for the copy-book of the American boy. Spain is thoroughly thrashed with one hand, while the other attends with energy and efficiency to the business of the nation. New York has been too content with being the Empire 22 State, and with having its chief city the metropolis of the continent, the West too eager for empire independent of the East, the South living too much upon its tradi- tions and in its past, and the Pacific slope resting too severely upon its boundless possibilities and great expec- tations. The war with Spain has superbly restored the sentiment of nationality and eliminated sectional jeal- ousies. But this Exposition is a healthy educator for commercial union. The mission of peace is to develop the practical side of patriotism. It is to teach and demonstrate what will promote the development of the whole country and the prosperity and happiness of the whole people. Patriotism does not legislate for or against the North, or the South, or the East, or the West, but fosters and encourages them all by every measure which binds them more closely together and to the progress of the country. The concentrated capital of the East is the fruit of three hundred years of settlement and trade. It is needed in the West for railroads, irrigation, mines, water power, furnaces and mills. It furnishes the transportation facilities which transform the prairie from the grazing plains of the bufEalo and the hunting haunts of the wolf to the farm, the homestead, and productive power in herds of cattle and vast fields of wheat and corn. Its hopeful enterprise often finds for it an untimely grave in booming towns, unnecessary railroads and worthless mines. But capital is both selfish and intelligent. It never deserts a territory because the investment has failed through bad judgment. It seeks other sources for profitable employment, and finds its remuneration in other and needed work for the development of the country. The honest investor believes in legislation which extends the supervision of the Government over the corporation and the trust. He knows that his safety as well as the public interests require publicity. It is only when a community foohshly thinks that by having 23 confiscated to-day non-resident permanent investment it has gained without effort the capital for its future that the investor withdraws and stays away. Money is both timid and modest. It seeks to keep out of sight ; it hides in stockings, or niches in the wall, or burrows in the ground. It requires high civilization and great guar- antees to bring it out, put it in circulation and make it useful. Its freemasonry of fear is confined by no boundaries of land or sea. In times and in places of panic and distrust it disappears and increases the distress. With the return of confidence it moves the machinery of society and makes possible varied industries and pros- perity. The State which so legislates as to take away all earning power from the money it has invited or borrowed soon learns that it has gained a temporary advantage and lost its credit, which is the most fruit- ful source of profit and prosperity. Differences between the East and the West liave been due to distance, misunderstanding and demagogues. For a time the sections were daily becoming more widely separated. The West was encouraged to believe that it was plundered by usurers and extortionists in the East, and the East learned to distrust the integrity and inten- tions of the West. Far-sighted citizens of the prairie and mountain States knew that tlie resources of this wide territory had scarcely been touched. Drouth can be defeated by the ditch. Millions of acres from which the homesteader has fled in despair and millions more known as the Great American Desert are to become, through storage reservoirs and irrigation, fruitful farms, thriving settlements and happy homes. The !N'ile, the father of waters, has run its unvexed course to the sea for thousands of years. There were sea- sons of plenty and seasons of famine. The tyrannical and capricious stream asserted its lordship overman by giving or withholding the current which made a garden of the thirsty sand plain. Science said to capital : " For the first 24 time in ages Egypt has a stable government, law and jus- tice. Property is secure, investments are safe, and money invested in the land of the Pharaohs only risks the judg- ment with which it is spent and the wisdom with which the enterprises it creates are managed." The response was instantaneous. Two crops grow where one, and some- times none, did before. The Egyptian farmer, always oppressed and robbed by his rulers, and often ruined by the 'Nile, is becoming an independent, self-reliant man. He confidently plants, sure that he will reap the harvest, and laughs at the efforts of the ancient and historic river to break from the chains of modern science. His own courage restored by prosperit}', he avenges the murder of General Gordon at Khartoum by defeating and utterly routing the fierce Dervishes before whom his broken- spirited father, only a decade ago, fled and died. There is mineral wealth stored in the hills and moun- tains between the Mississippi and the Pacific which when developed will make all prior discoveries appear insignifi- cant. Thousands of miles of railways must be constructed to connect the farms, the factones and the mines of the future with the trunk lines which traverse the continent. Education is the remedy for our troubles. The school is the preparatory department of the college, and the col- lege fits boys for the greater university of the world. The school and the college teach, they cannot educate. The collegian can become as narrow as his village play- mate who graduated at the common school if both remain for their life-work in the isolated evironment of these local conditions, prejudices and misconceptions. Both of them come to this Exposition. The encircling horizon which made coincident their physical and intellectual vision expands with their minds and embraces states and cities, arts and industries. They see the vastness and interdependence of our internal commerce. They learn that the more intelligently selfish any business may be, the more patriotically it encourages every other industry 25 and contributes to the general weal. The solution of the century-vexing problem of capital and labor grows simpler. They see that even a railroad president may be a public spirited citizen without betraying the inter- ests or lessening the business of his company; that the money power is the concentration of the capital of the many at convenient centers of financial operations and contact with the world, where it lies idle and useless in times of distrust, but is easily drawn to the beneficent purposes and productive energies of the community which can give it profitable employment. Those from large cities learn that New York and Boston, Philadel- phia and Chicago are marts of trade, not places of power. The country feeds and recruits them. They reflect and do not originate the conditions and opinions of the Repubhe. The untraveled city man is the most pro- vincial of mortals. His local pride paralyzes his powers of observation, and the rest of the universe exists only for his benefit and by his permission. The West is an unknown land of grazing plains, mining camps and big game. But he finds here the broadest culture of the schools and colleges, a vigorous and healthy public sentiment, the courage to try and the ability to utilize every invention which will increase the productive power and decrease the cost of operating the farm, the forest, the manufactory and the mine. Thus the broader education brings into contact and activity all the elements of our strength and growth. Self- centered satisfaction is an insurmountable barrier to mental, moral or material growth. Harmony and propor- tion are as essential to the vitality of the several parts of the country and to the prosperity of the whole as they are to the model from which the artist creates a Venus of Milo, or the sculptor the glory of perfect manhood in the Apollo Belvedere. "Whenever and wherever we have worked together as one people, the combination of our almost endless 26 variety of production and strength, climate and tempera- ment, has produced marvelous results. In the twenty- years, from 1875 to 1895, the average annual production of pig-iron in France has increased from 1,265,000 to 2,006,000 tons ; in Germany, from 1,946,000 to 5,082,- 000 tons; in Great Britain, from 6,562,000 to 7,361,000 tons ; while the United States, during the same period, has increased its pig-iron product from 2,284,000 to 8,263,000 tons. Our share of the world's product of this great industry, which has been regarded as the barometer of national wealth and prosperity, was twenty years ago about 16 per cent., and in 1895 over 30 per cent., and is now quite one-third. Great Britain is our great rival in coal, and her output is still about 24,000,000 tons greater than ours. But while the output of Great Britain has increased from 126,972,000 tons in 1875 to 184,819,000 in 1895, that of the United States has grown in the same period from 45,283,000 tons to 160,832,000 tons. Of the coal product of the world Great Britain's proportion was twenty years ago 47 per cent., and is now 34 per cent., while that of the United 'States has increased in that period from 17 to 30 per cent. The increased consump- tion of raw cotton fairly marks the development of our manufacturing industries. The average amount of cot- ton taken by Great Britain in the ten years from 1830 to 1840 was 1,500,0**0 tons, which increased in 1894 to 7,091,000 tons. The average annual consumption in the United States from 1830 to 1840 was 376,0(0 tons, and this had grown in 1894 to 5,552,000 tons. "We are the greatest producers of raw cotton in the world, and only Great Britain leads us in its manufacture. We produce one-fifth of the wheat of the world, 22 per cent, of its gold and 32 per cent, of its silver, while our railway construction in twenty-five years has been eight times more than Germany and twenty-three times more than Great Britain. There are in the United States 184,603 miles of railroad. This exceeds 27 the mileage of the railroads of Europe and Asia combined. Our share in the commerce of the world, which is excelled only by that of Great Britain and Germany, has increased fifteen per cent., while that of Great Britain has grown only two-and-a-half per cent, in the last ten years. Neither the foreign trade of the world nor the internal trade of any country can compare with the vast volume of inter-state com- merce carried on our raili'oads, lakes, canals and rivers. Fabulous are the figures which tell of the interchange of the products of our mixed climates and myriad industries among our seventy millions of people. They mount higher than the traffic on all the oceans of the world. The populous East, the awakened South, the developing West, the growing States on the Pacific, and the as yet infant mountain commonwealths, inspired by the new birth of nationality, fraternal feeling and mutual respect, celebrate the last years of the nineteenth century and the dawn of the twentieth by opening another era of pros- perity for the United States. Foreign critics say Americans boast of the bigness of their country. There is no use denying the fact ; we are big. We are not too large for a destiny never so mani- fest as to-day. Cuba is under our protection and certain to come under our fiag by the vote of her people; Porto Hico is ours ; oiu- foothold in the Philippines wiU never be surrendered, and the markets of the far East are inviting us to compete with the nations of Europe for their trade. Big as we are, the future is bigger with duties, responsibilities and opportunities for our citizens. The sentimentalist declares that such a review as has occupied our hour to-day is the grossest materialism. After years of experiment and observation I have found that sentiment has less alloy, is purer and attains loftier ideals under a well thatched roof than on the sod, under storms as well as sunshine, and with drenching clouds as well as stars 28 above. " What makes a hero in battle ? " I inquired of a veteran, the victor on many a bloody field. His answer was: "Plenty of good beef or mutton and hot coffee." The poet and the dreamer still lament the disappearance of the buffalo. They regard the extermination of the vast herds of this picturesque animal which once occu- pied and fed upon these plains as an Indictment upon which we stand before cultured juries convicted of gross- ness and brutality. The buffalo and the ox represent the romantic and the practical views of life. Less than twenty years ago there were one million buffaloes west of the Mississippi, and it required a territory capable of supporting in comfort ten millions of inhabitants for their pasturage. Lowing herds of cattle, waving fields of grain and stacks of corn and wheat in these new States are an essential part of the productive power which gives to the United States that strongest of positions, the food emporium for Europe. Money for the staff of life from the working millions of our own and of far distant lands flows in where the Buffalo impoverished, to enrich the farmer, create new liomesteads and thriving villages, to make the wilderness a garden, and add incalculably to the sum of human happiness. When ]!^ebraska shall have reached the age of New York there will be a population of over two hundred inillions in the United States. Our domain will be sufficient for their support and our institutions elastic enough for their orderly government and their liberty. Intelligence will be keen and high and the State will be very close to the daily life and industrial activities of the people. Co- operation will be working to an extent now thought chimerical. There will always be differences of con- ditions, as God has endowed his children with degrees of gifts, but the much abused doctrine that the world owes every man a living will be in general vogue and practice. The lazy, the shiftless and the improvident will grumble and suffer then as now, but there will be a place for all 29 according to the talents bestowed upon them, and wisely perfected plans for the care and comfort of the aged and the helpless. The English language will be the speech of diplomacy and the tongue of a quarter of the human race. Tlie United States and Great Britain, having worked harmoniously together for a long period, will dominate the world. Their rule and example will be for the pro- motion of commerce and the spread of civilization with its requirements and benefits in Asia and Africa. Tear by year will come nearer the realization of the promise which began and has inspired the Christian Era of " Peace on Earth and Grood Will among Men." The war with Spain has unified our country. The sons of the south and the north fighting side by side and under the old flag has effaced the last vestige of the passions of the Civil War. The young men of the farthest West and its primitive conditions lying with their comrades from the circles of the clubs and fashion in the East in the trenches at El Caney and charging up the hill and over the defences of San Juan have made the men of the West and the East one by the baptism of blood. Whether from the plains of Arizona or the palaces of New York, and whether dressed in broadcloth or in buckskin, the Kough Eider is the same American. Venerable New York sends hail and cordial congratu- lations to young Nebraska. Our settlement is two hun- dred and forty and our sovereignty ninety years older than yours. Three centuries of development under orig- inal conditions and free institutions greet this half cen- tury of the West from the painted savage to the indus- trious citizen with a past and present full of cheer and hope. First among the States of the Eepublic in popu- lation, prosperity, educational institutions, churches, pro- ductive power and wealth, and commanding the resources of the continent through her metropolis, the second city of the world, New York, owes it all to American liberty and opportunity. It is her pride and pleasure to attract 30 and welcome the citizens of all the sister States. The people of the South, the West, and the Pacific have found hospitable homes in the Empire State in num- bers greater than the population of many cities in those sections. From Manhattan Island and the banks of the Hudson invisible wires stretch to dis- tant places all over this land. They are burdened with messages of love and encouragement from the old homestead in the granite hills of New England, or nestling among the flowers of the sunny South, or under the clear sides and by the fruit orchards of the Pacific Slope or on the prairie farm, to the struggling boy or succesisful man battling with the world in our great city. Spirit voices of those who have joined the majority speak tenderly over these lines, recalling childhood days, the district school, the tearful parting and the plunge into the uTiknown, the family united again under the old roof to celebrate the marriage feast or clasping hands in speechless grief beside the mother's bier. These fraternal ties intertwining with the bonds of patriotism and common interest bind our States together in one indissoluble union, and make us all one people, of one country and under one flag. Saturday, Oct. 8th, at Omaha, Commerce. Monday, Oct. loth, at Chicago, Politics. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew at the Auditorium, Chicago, October loth, 1898, to Open the Republican Campaign in Illinois. Fellow Citizens : Two years ago I addressed in your city of Chicago the largest political audience ever assem- bled under one roof in the United States. There had been during the day a civic procession of business, the trades and labor, which represented most of the energy, enterprise and employment of this capital of the West. These citizens marched hour after hour under the ban- ner of sound money and protection, moved to make any demonstration which would rescue the country from the disastrous condition in which it then was. Two years have elapsed, and I am again before a JRepublican meeting. During this short period the country has been under Republican administration. We are accustomed in the United States to great political and industrial revolu- tions ; we are familiar with the car of progress moving at lightning speed ; we have ceased to be astonished at marvels of invention or an extraordinary development in any part of the country or in any domain of produc- tion. Certainly what has transpired since November, 1896, astonishes even the American people. It does more ; it astonishes the most imaginative and prophetic of them. It was not in the power of the human mind to 32 conceive the wonderful and beneficial changes which would happen in twenty-four months. From industrial paralysis has come industrial activity; from labor vainly seeking employment has come employment seeking labor ; from capital hidden and locked up and unremuner- ative and worse than useless has come capital flowing into channels which add to the strength, prosperity and wealth of the whole country ; from gloom we are in the light, and from despair we are happy. But this is not all. From an isolated nation, living within itself, seek- ing only the development of its own resources and un- known in the politics and policies of other countries, we have become, by a series of victories which surpass the achievements on sea or on land of any period, a great world power. After the election of Mr. Cleveland, in 1892, I sat one evening on the porch of the White House with President Harrison, a statesman whose ability, whose genius for public affairs, whose wisdom have placed him in the front rank of Presidents of the United States. Before us stretched the park of the White House grounds, and tlie broad beams of the full moon were lighting the waters of the Potomac. He said : " The Eepublican party retires next March from power, and the Democratic party enters upon the control of govern- ment. We are, at the close of this Eepublican Admin- istration, at the highest development of American pros- perity which the country has ever enjoyed. The mills, the furnaces, the factories, are all in full operation ; the railroads are carrying to the extent of their capacity ; labor is fully employed, and at better wages than ever before ; our financial condition evinces the healthy state of our credit, and we have a large surplus in the treasury. It will be for the Democratic Administration to surpass these results or retire from power. There is a post down there on the Potomac in which for many a year a notch has been cut to note the height of the 33 waters at the season of the flood. The Republican party has cut its notch on the post which marks the rising or receding flood of American prosperity." Well, gentle- men, the tide receded so far during the four years of President Cleveland that it required the telescope in the Lick Observatory to see that notch marked by a Repub- lican president, and it is only after two years of Repub- lican administration under McKinley that the notch is easily recognized by the naked eye. It does not require much thought or great erudition to discover the causes of the disasters of 1893, 1894 and 1895. The necessities of the Civil War compelled the adoption of a high tariff to secure the requisite revenue. This policy so stimulated American industry and enterprise that Republican statesmen, who were in power in every branch of the Government, felt that they should seize the opportunity to make the policy of the protection of American industries, the policy of America for Americans, the policy of making our country in- dependent of the world in all that is required for the necessities or luxuries of our people, the perma- nent policy of our Government. Our revenue system under the leadership of John Sherman, Justin S. Morrill, James A. Garfield, General Grant and James G. Blaine, was so adjusted to the support of the Govern- ment and the development of manufactures that on the one hand the surplus of the revenues which flowed into the treasury paid off two-thirds of the national debt, and on the other inventive genius was stimulated, and the capital and labor of the country found employment and happiness in improving old methods of manufacture and establishing manufactories in articles and fabrics for which before we had been dependent upon the Old World. The iron ore beds of the Northwest and the West, which had been worthless for centuries, were worked with such intelligence and vigor that we had reached almost from the bottom to nearly the front rank in this barometer of 34 wealth, prosperity and employment. There came such a demand for the fuel stored for ages in exhaustless quan- tities in the bowels of the earth that our coal product grew up beyond that of all other countries except Great Britain. The cotton and wool, which formerly found their way in the raw state across the Atlantic, were being con- sumed in American mills to such an extent that their fabrics not only supplied a population of seventy millions of people, but were finding their way into the markets of the world. The same was true of developments in machinery, in electrical appliances, and in the manipula- tion and manufacture of agricultural and all other imple- ments needed in the industries of man. Then came the Democratic victory of 1892. The Democratic theorists who bad been discussing for a generation in an academic way from the chairs of political economy in colleges and by essays in the magazines the problems of government, said: "Now that we have the opportunity let us bring about the milleuTiium at once by putting into practice our theories." Then came the chaos of financial suggestion and the Wilson tarifE bill. This was a bill drawn, as far as practicable, upon the lines of free trade. Its authors avowed that its purpose was simply to raise revenue, and neither directly nor indirectly to protect American indus- tries. It was both a failure and a success. It failed to produce revenue enough to support the Government, and succeeded in paralyzing the manufacturing interests of the country. The revenues under it were nearly $17,000,000 a year below the expenditures and short of the necessities of the Government. The President was compelled to issue about $2':i2,000,000 of bonds, in other words, to run in debt and borrow money to meet current expenses — a process fatal to any business. The manufacturers and producers of iron, and coal, and steel, and cotton, and wool, and silk, and machinery, in fact of anything and everything, after thirty years working under a protective tariff, could not adjust themselves to the new order of 35 things. Hence the mills closed, the furnaces went out of blast, the factories shut down, and the purchasing power of the people was suddenly partially destroyed. This reacted back at once upon agriculture. Wheat and corn and animals depreciated in value during the four years of Democratic rule to the extent of three thousand millions of dollars. The farmer who was in debt could not meet the interest upon his mortgage, and the farmer who was out of debt could hardly pay the running expenses of the farm. We were the same country, with the same popu- lation, with the same resources, with the same opportu- nities for enterprise, capital and labor in 1894 as in 1892. Then why should seventy millions of people suddenly be bereft of energy, and millions of the means of earning a living? It illustrates, as never before in the history of an industrial nation, the yawning chasm between con- fidence and distrust. The failure of the Government to procure revenue for its expenditures created distrust ; the unsettling of values by the Wilson tariff bill, by the destruction of the calculations upon which the buyer and the seller had before met and agreed, created dis- trust ; the rampant schemes for changing the standard of value, for the issue of fiat money, for an impossible double standard, for giving silver a value by legislation which it did not possess in the markets of the world, by substituting promises for money, not only accentuated the distrust but plunged business men into despair. It was while we were in the midst of these troubles that the world vritnessed in our country an extraordinary sociological exhibition. Political parties are prone to enthusiasm over their leaders and their principles. They have several times in our history been in condi- tions of revolutionary excitement, but for the first time in the records of representative government a great his- torical party — the Democratic party — had in 1896 an attack of hysteria. This is a domain which has hereto- fore, in the pathology of medical books and the experi- 36 enee of married men, been exclusively confined to high- strung and nervous women. Terrible poverty and distress produced the Crusades, in which millions perished. They have led at different times fanatical religionists into the wilderness or upon tlie mountain tops or by the seashore to witness the end of the world. It has never before, however, captured a strong, healthy, vigorous organization, wiih its captains and its lieutenants, with its statesmen ynd its members. It is curious what pranks the imagination will play with men when it takes the place of reason. The "Demonetization of Silver and the Crime of '73 " was a freak of the imagination. It solidified in political discussion into a wide-spread faith the conviction that a currency based upon silver, at six- teen ounces of silver to one of gold, was right, when in the open market it took thirty-two ounces of silver to equal in value one of gold. The idea tliat legislation could regulate the immutable laws of trade or standards of value was a freak of the imagination. It was sup- ported with argument and logic by men of great ability and acute powers until it almost seemed the better reason, and was so taken by nearly half of the American people. Our Democratic friends are familiar in their party history with dramatic incidents in their national conventions, which surpass in excitement and absorbing interest the most wonderful creations of the stage. These dramas thus acted, with the whole country for the thea- tre, have produced startling results in the policy and Government of th^ United States. I need cite only the conventions which nominated respectively Douglas and Breckinridge in 1860, the convention which declared the war a failure in 1864, tlie convention which pro- nounced for free trade in 1892, and the convention which declared for free trade and free silver in 1896. The convention of 1896, which met in this city, had among its members many great men— men of national reputation, men who had won fame and leadership by 37 their ability, wisdom, debating power and constructive talent in the national councils. But the convention reflected the prevailing hysteria which had seized the party. Its platform was a hysterical platform. A young man of commanding presence and oratorical fervor brought the convention to its feet with a lurid metaphor, a metaphor of hysterics, and in such a convention the metaphor swept aside every statesman and every leader, and nominated its author for President of the United States. In the " Crown of Silver and Cross of Gold "' we had in a moment the fruit of the genius and the revolu- tion which seemed imminent under the leadership of our friend. Colonel William J. Bryan. The mistake of Colonel Bryan was the inistake of all young men who have made a discoveiy or promulgated a theory, of at- taching the theory to a fact to demonstrate its success or their discovery to an argument to demonstrate its sound- ness. One of the most distinguished jurists in my State of New York said to a young lawyer wlio had ju^t been elevated to the bench: ''In rendering your decisions, never give any reasons for them, and you will be thought a great Judge." When Colonel Bryan hitched silver and wheat together as a team that always trotted finely in double harness, he knocked the wind out of silver ; when he stated as an argument for " sixteen to one" that de- preciated values and poor markets always went with the gold standard he nailed his doctrine to a panic. The political atmosphere was cleared of clouds, the financial atmosphere of distrust, the business atmosphere of despair, and the American mind of dreams by the election of William McKinley. The American people are the most intelligent and ven- turesome business men of any nation. If they can know the factors in the problem of success or failure they never hesitate to act. They realized instantly after the election of a Eepublican President that the protective policy would be re-established and aOurjcurrency would 38 remain stable on the gold basis. There is no marvel of electrical invention or appliance which equals the efiEect which this confidence had upon American industries. Mills started up, factories and furnaces resumed their activity, the old mines were set working and new ones were opened, and the farmer went joyously afield. The universal and profitable employment of capital and labor restored the purchasing power of the country. Wheat, in its upward flight, ran away from silver so rapidly that the white mttal remained only the lining to a cloud. With remunerative prices restored to every farm product there have been more mortgages paid off on the farms in the last two years than there were in the preceding five years. Impoverished but undiscouraged Nebraska and distressed Kansas were lifted upon these joyous waves of prosperity. The theorists will say that it is better to have low-priced wheat than to have dollar wheat and fifteen-cent corn than thirty-cent corn, and cattle and sheep and horses in the same ratio, because then the people get their food and their working animala the cheaper. Eut there is no possibility of good business when products are sold below the cost of production. They are so sold because the times are hard and everybody feels them. Food at half price at the grocers' or the bakers' is of no use to the man who is earning no wages ; but when he finds employment, and constant employment, at full wages, then his demands and the demands of his family create the call upon the producer which makes both the producer and the consumer happy. The bugaboo of the scarcity of gold to meet the stand- ard of the world has disappeared in the increased sup- ply. The demand for tlie precious metal stimulated activity and discovery, and the American mines alone have doubled their output in the last year, while a sim- ilar result is found in the gold coming upon the markets of the world from fresh discoveries in Africa and Aus- tralia. The gold in the United States treasury under 39 the conditions produced by distrust of revenue and cur- rency ran down to $42,000,000, but to-day the amount is $2'23,< 100,000, the largest sum which the treasury has ever held. Our imports have decreased $148,000,000 since the inauguration of a Kepublican President, and our exports have increased $200,000,000. We thus have an increase of the balance of trade in our favor of $348,0ii0,000, and the total debit of Europe to us is rapidly approaching $tiOO,000,000 a year. Tliis $148,- 000,000 decrease in imports during a period when we have been exceptionally prosperous, is the most signifi- cant tribute to the workings of the system of protection of American industries. It means that American manu- facturers and American workmen are producing that vast amount more of fabrics which were formerly bought on the other side and manufactured in the factories and by the artisans of other nations. It means that amount more of profitable employment for American labor ; it means that amount more of the production within our own borders of the things that our people need ; it means the nearer approach to the dream of that greatest, most creative and far-sighted of our statesmen — Alex- ander Hamilton — of the independence of our country, for all that it requires, from the rest of the world. Our exports, rising to the gigantic figures of $1,200,000,000, show the dependence of the world upon us for food and the entrance of the product of our factories into the markets of Europe. Since the enactment of the Morrill tariff law during the Civil "War the struggle of capital and labor in the United States has been to possess our home market. As our population has increased from thirty-five millions to seventy millions, this market has become the beet in the world. Our people make more money and spend more, our artisans and laborers receive higher wages, and spend them more freely, than those of any other country. When the struggle began between American 40 labor and what it could do and foreign labor and what it could furnish, at the close of the Civil War, the foreigner possessed the market in our country absolutely for most of the things which we needed, and to a large extent in the principal products required for the farm, for the home and for the factory. No one dreamed twenty-five years ago that it ever would be possible to export our textile fabrics or our steel, and yet to-day, so rapidly has the inventive genius of the American mind im- proved our machinery and the superior workmanship of the American artisans bettered our goods, we are not only becoming dangerous competitors with the nations of Europe right in their own homes and within their own boundaries, but we are to follow them across the Pacific and enter the human hive in the Orient. Euro- pean statesmen look upon us with distrust and fear, not because of our navy or the possibilities of limitless in- crease in our army, but because they cannot see how they are to escape in the future their dependence upon the American farm and the American factory, or how they are to stand the perpetual drain from them back into this country of the only thing of value which they have to meet the balance against them, and that is gold. During the past two years they have returned hundreds of millions of railway and other securities. If our country had not been unusually strong, confident and prosperous, we would have been unable to absorb and pay for this vast investment, and the sudden unloading upon us of these stocks and bonds would have caused one of the worst panics in our history. Every day we become more and more among our own people the owners of our railroads, of our telegraphs, of our mines and of our industries. The country, with this continuing increase in supply from our own factories, and by our own labor of the manufactured articles which our people use, must soon face a method for raising the majority of the revenues 41 necessary for the support of the Government from other sources than the tarijBE. Surely the adjustment of this tax so that it will raise the requisite revenue and at the same time give the freest play to the energies of the farmer, the business man, and the laborer, cannot safely be entrusted to any party but the Eepublican party. The Eepublican party is the one party in the last thirty-five years which has possessed the initiative, which has shown constructive genius, which has been able to turn panic into prosperity, which has devised the ways and means under every stress of peace and war to make our country strong and great. For over fifty years American statesmen grappled with, but failed to solve, the problems of Cuba, Hawaii and a canal through the Nicaraguan Isthmus. Hawaii seemed essential for the protection of our Pacific coast, and Cuba, by its frightful misgovemment under Spanish rule, enlisted our sympathies and aroused our indigna- tion. No statesman has ever doubted that, either pos- sessed by us, or under our protectorate, it would be an invaluable acquisition to our power and a protection in the command which we ought to have over the Carib- bean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico. We have been serenely patient and self-content, while this irritation within a hundred miles of our shores has grown more and more acute year by year. The irreconcilable divisions in Democratic Cabinets made action on the part of our Government, either for the acquisition of Hawaii or for peace and humanity in Cuba, absolutely impossible. There have been many wars among nations in the one hundred and twenty-three years since our Declaration of Independence. Napoleon attempted the conquest of the world for universal empire, and calmly boasted at St. Helena that he had only killed a million of men. Every European contest during this whole period has been for dynastic or territorial aggression. Our great wars have been wars of sentiment. They have demonstrated that 4:2 saciifices in the interest of liberty and humanity are always justified by the results. It pays to do right. The "War of the Revolution was waged upon a declara- tion of human rights, which had been the dream of the philosopher and scouted by statesmen, and f ! om its sacri- fices and its unselfish devotion to liberty, was born a great nation. Our war of 1812 was for a sentiment to settle the right of search upon merchant vessels for sub- jects of other nations, that they might be impressed into the naval or military service of the country to which they owed allegiance. From that contest came a univer- sal recognition that the deck over which fioats the flag of a country is the territory of that government. It made it possible for us to possess a great merchant marine. The cause of the Civil War was slavery. The impelling motive which brought it about was the prevention of the exteneion of that institution into the territories, and it ended in the emancipation of four millions of human beings. This sentiment cost on the one side and the other nearly a million of lives and $10,000,000,000 in money. Such destruction of life and property would under ordinary conditions have taken any nation a half century to repair. What seemed a disaster became the greatest blessing to the Republic. The whole country felt the inspiration of liberty. Our people North and South became united as never before. The vast territo- ries of the northwest invited the emigrant, and out of them grew populous and vigorous commonwealths, and the new South discovered in free labor and the God-given opportunities of liberty its boundless re- sources and exhaustless productiveness. Certainly our example has demonstrated tlie truth of the Holy writ : "Righteousness exalteth a nation." The situation in Cuba, which island has endured all the horrors of internecine war for four years, became unendurable. We entered upon the war with Spain as no otlier country ever entered upon a war before, without any purpose of 43 conquest or annexation, but simply to free this most beautiful gem of the Antilles from the horrors of tyranny, oppression and bloodshed. The first message which Inventor Morse flashed over the electric telegraph was the sentiment, " "What God hath wrought." Surely the results of these hundred days are manifestations of an overruling and special Providence. One of the most dramatic episodes in history is the one hundred days covering Napoleon's return from Elba and ending with the battle of Waterloo. In that campaign most of the results of the French revolution and the struggle of European peoples for liberty were wiped out. Monarchical institutions and the retrograde processes of Bourbonism were restored in every country, and much of the militarism and despotism of to-day are due to the victories of the dynasties in that one hundred days. How different the one hundred days of the American-Spanish war ! At its close Cuba is free, Porto Rico is ours, the American flag floats over the Ladrones, two Spanish fleets have been destroyed and sunk with the loss of only two men, the Spanish power has been broken and her hold upon the Western Hemi- sphere severed, while the guns of Dewey have given to us the Philippines and opened the way to China. The people of Cuba are assured by us of liberty and law. This richest of islands and of countries, under the in- spiration of peace and the opportunities of liberty, will attract from our shores tens of thousands of industrious and energetic citizens. It will become a paradise of happy homes and increase enormously in population and wealth. "Whether it continues independent under our protectorate or comes, as I believe it will and must by the votes of its citizens, under our flag, instead of being a burden, it will mightily enrich our country, and fur- nish a market for the surplus of our farms and our fac- toriee. Porto Eico also, with its splendid climate and rich soil, is destined to invite from our country our 44 people and our products. The responsibility of govemiag these countries and the Philippines is great, but the policy of governing them by recognizing the manhood of their peoples has never been tried. Louisiana was a problem different from the present because of the sparse population, though Florida was not much different with its Spanish peoples. The territories of Louisiana and Florida have become great, rich and growing States. American institutions have adjusted themselves to the government of Alaska, so that her people are happy, and each year her product is many-fold greater than her cost. Power behind justice is a tremendous, most effica- cious and rapid civilizer. Intelligence responds to edu- cation, opportunity quickens the mind and the ambition. The inhabitants of these islands will respond to the effort of a great, generous and free people to teach and help them to govern themselves. In the meantime their in- creasing productiveness, and the varying industries wliich will be introduced, will make these distant pos- sessions self-sustaining and sources of revenue. Not only that, but they will be the growing markets for our goods. Every one who is familiar with the Pacific coast appreciates the limitations which are placed upon its opportunities by its distance from the markets, and the difficulties and expenses of transportation. The moun- tains of Oregon and Washington are full of coal and iron, but they cannot compete with the coal and iron east of the Eocky Mountains. California raises twenty millions of bushels of wheat a year, but its market is too distant for profit. We become masters of the Philippines and have the harbor for our men-of-war and our merchant vessels at Manila within striking distance of China, at the mo- ment when that old empire is crumbling to pieces. One quarter of the inhabitants of this globe are within the boundaries of the Flowery Kingdom. Its inhabitants are among the most intelligent, frugal, industrious and 45 adaptable people in the world. Thirty-three years ago, when a young man, 1 was appointed United States Min- ister to Japan. That country was still under the feudal system, and its army was composed of mailed warriors lighting with shield and spear. In that thirty-three years Japan has advanced in civilization, in education, in the use of modern appliances of steel and electricity, in railroads, in telephones, in manufactures, in armies dis- ciplined upon modern methods, and navies built in the best shops of Europe — almost as far as the western nations of Europe have in six hundred years. In the fiscal year ending June, 1898, Japan and China took from us sixty-two thousand tons of our steel, and would have taken twice or thrice as much if there had been the transportation facilities to carry it across the Pacific. The Cliinese and Japanese are beginning to discover that our wheat flour can take the place of their rice, and last year they took almost 650,000 barrels of it. The open market of Japan and the opening market of China will absorb not only all the wheat now grown upon the Pacific coast, but all it can possibly produce. That market will do more. Its demands will be so great for our steel rails, our machinery and electrical appli- ance, and our agricultural implements that, with a merchant marine upon the Pacific, Oregon and Washing- ton and California wiU be in a few years among the richest and inost productive States of the Union. There is in this trade the opening of a new field for labor and new opportunities for capital. The congestion of our market will be relieved, causes of panics will be dimin- ished, the fierce competition among ourselves wiU be lessened, the farmers of the West and the Middle West and of the Northwest will find themselves better able to compete in the niarkets of Europe with tlie Argentines, Eussia, Egypt and India. The wheat of the Pacific coast will go to the Orient instead of to Liverpool. Civil- ization and Christianity and orderly liberty following 46 the flag, will bestow inestimable benefits upon distant semi-barbarous and alien races. There will be to our own people the reciprocal benefits which come from a thousand millions instead of seventy millions of people wanting the products of our soil, the results of our agri- culture, the output of our mines and the surplus of our mills, our factories and our furnaces. This picture is not a fancy one ; it is simply an enlargement — and a reason- able one — of the conditions which already exist. It is a picture which can only be painted by Republican artists ; it is the statement of results which can only be brought about by Republican policies. The intelligent optimist must work out these problems if they are to be worked out for the glory of our country. No moss-covered prejudices nor antiquated theories must curb this mag- nificent advance. It has been estimated by one of the most intelligent observers in our country that three millions of dollars a year would furnish the subsidy which would put upon the Pacific Ocean the steamships, built by private enter- prise, to carry this vast merchandise from our shores to the opening Orient. The party of Grant and of Gar- field, the party of Hayes and of Arthur and of Harrison, the party of the great man who now fills the Executive office, is the party to which is to be entrusted the fram- ing of the lueasnres for our new condition, if we would succeed in opening the op]3ortunities for the larger des- tiny of the United States. " Trust the people" is the principle of successful politics and good government. A national party whose doctrines are the same in all sections of tlie country represents popular sentiment, but a party of divided counsels and hostile opinions dwells in the atmosphere of doubt. "When it became necessary for the Cleveland administra- tion to borrow money to carry on the Government, the President found the majority of his supporters deter- mined to force the Government upon a silver basis; 47 determined to hold up the Treasury until tliis concession could be secured. The result was an appeal to money centers and the control of syndicates. Our Kepuhlican administration had to borrow money to carry on the war with Spain. Its supporters were unanimous in icaintain- ing the national credit and paying the national obliga- tions id the standard currency of the solvent govern- ments of the world. The President asked the people for a loan of two hundred millions of dollars at three per cent, interest. No one was permitted to subscribe for over five thousand dollars. The response was the most mag- nificent illustration of general confidence in the history of finance. Subscriptions for the bonds poured in like a fiood and reached the enormous sum of twelve hundred milhons of dollars, or five times the amount wanted, before the doors of the Treasury could be closed. Every holder of one of these bonds, to pay for which the man or woman has taken the savings of years of toil and self-denial from the stocking or the savings bank, is for the gold standard and honest money. The national credit, rising upon the returning tide of national con- fidence, has brought the price of these three per cents. up to the figures at which three years before the four per cents, were sold. Republican initiative has rescued the Government from the perils which beset it under Mr. Cleveland. It attached to the War Eevenue Bill n provision by which the Government can use its credit and make temporary loans at any time in the future. This will prevent any madness of the hour which lias a majority in either branch of Congress from using the necessities of the nation to put its theories in practice. The Adrninietr.i- tion can meet the requirements of peace or war, until the people decide, after full discussion, whether they stand by old and tried principles of business or elect to follow after new ones. Under the gold standard our currency lias automati- 48 cally adjusted itself to the needs of the country. It has been free from violent fluctuations. In 1800, with a sparse and scattered population and little internal trade, it was $4.90 per capita; in 1870 it was $20.57; in 1890 it was $22.8'2, and in 1898 it is $24.74, the normal in- crease always indicating and meeting the commercial demands of the country. We rejoice in the strengthened bonds of national union. It was wise statesmanship and fervid patriotism which commissioned as Generals of our army in the war with Spain, Joe Wheeler and Fitzhugh Lee. The faded gray of the Confederacy became a souvenir of a cause gallantly fought for and happily lost, and the blue of the Republic mighty and imperishable by the loyalty and love of all its citizens. But the obliteration of every vestige of the passions of the Civil War is only one of the fortu- nate results of this war. The growing friction between the East and the West has disappeared. The dude respected on the plains, and the cowboy cheered in New York, are only evidences of a far deeper and most beneficial sentiment. Hamilton Fish was the flower of generations of wealth, ease, culture and elegant living. When he said to his wounded cowboy comrade, as the Mauser bul- lets whistled over and by them, " The pi-otection of that tree belongs to you— I will fight in the open," in their blood was sealed the brotherhood of the East and the West. Along with the charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava will live in song the resistless rush of the Eough Eiders over the forts and entrenchments on the hill of San Juan. But that charge of the Eough Eiders broke down every sectional barrier in our country. With the products of our soil and industries carried over the Atlantic to Europe and over the Pacific to the Orient, Chicago and St. Paul, St. Louis and Spokane, Duluth and Salt Lake City are no longer the centers of interior and isolated interests and opinions. They are the reservoirs and distributors of the world's commerce. A powerful 49 navy and an American merchant marine are as impor- tant to theni as to New York or San Francisco, or to the Atlantic or Pacific coasts. By the instantaneous contact by telegraph and cable of all commercial capitals, they are to be the ports from which fleets are to sail over every sea, laden with the products of American labor, to bring back the wealth that makes a prosperous people and happy homesteads. Copy of letter from United States Senator WiUiam E. Mason to Chauncey M. Depew : united states senate, washington, d. c. Chicago, III., Nov. 14, 1898. Mt Deae Me. Depew : I bave intended to write you a personal letter to thank yon for yonr assistance in tLe campaign. From the day of yoni meeting until the close of the campaign we had a new life, and before your meeting it seemed as though every Republican in Illinois was sleeping. "You done woke us up," and we thank you again and again for your great kindness. Very sincerely your friend, WM. E. MASON. Hon. Chaxjncbt M. Depew, New York. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, in Seconding the Memorial Resolutions on Isaac H. Bromley, at the Union League Club, October 13, 1898. Me. Chaiemaii and Gentlemeh of the Club : It is both a sad and grateful duty to second the resolution in memory of Isaac H. Bromley. He was one of the rare characters whom the world does not appreciate while living, nor know how much it has lost when he is dead. His best work was behind the impersonal editorial. His modesty and sensitiveness prevented his receiving the conspicuous name and fame which were his due. He was a cultivated, broad-minded and able man ; a keen analyst of human nature, and a shrewd observer of current events. He was both a wit and a humorist. Few appreciate these qualities, and the mass of people love them not. It takes a fine organization and educa- tion to understand and enjoy these gifts. The rough or vulgar story, whose point is as plain as the face of a trip-hammer, is the common property of everybody who cares to pick it up or use it. Many men are uncom- fortable in the presence of any one whose weapons are veiled by the velvet of a story or an epigram which they laugh at to-night, because brighter friends do, and see the application of to-morrow. There is no middle ground in the use of humor. It is clumsy or a boomerang with dull folks, and the most dangerous and efEective power for the artist in word painting. You can make a cause or an adversary ridicu- lous when either is too firmly fixed in the prejudices of their followers or too ponderous to bludgeon. It is more fatal to the victim to be laughed off the stage than 52 kicked off. The easy way of disposing of these danger- ous adversaries is to say they are not serious persons and that wisdom and dullness are always found together. Many bright men affect a stolidity and dignity of manner and a verbose platitudiness of speech in order that no suspicion of humor shall detract from their reputation for wisdom and sagacity. Bromley hated shams, frauds and incompetents. He was so inherently honest and so courageously frank that when he discovered any masquerading behind protesta- tions of patriotism to win popular favor and secure a share of the public plunder, he was at once upon the warpath. He would attack a friend in public Kfe as quickly as he would an enemy, if that friend persisted, after warning, in a course which Bromley thought wrong or insincere. He was a friend of President Arthur, and both loved a social good time. He thought Arthur's course in forcing Secretary Folger from bis Cabinet on the party for Governor, and in other matters, very unwise, and protested to him against it. Arthur saw only the con- vivial, humorist and witty side of Bromley, and could not understand the depth and intensity of his convictions. He used often to come to me when worried about his articles, but always after they were published. He did not consult before printing. After an editorial upon the President, brilliant, side-splitting and crushing, he said, sadly : "I do so wish *Ohet' Arthur would not persist in waving himself in front of my gun." He was a master in a field where Charles Lamb and Thackeray won fame. The vein works out with most writers, but with him it increased in richness as he grew older. His genius was creative. After reading one of his articles on the way to business in the morning you put the Tribvne in your pocket and carried it home to read to the family after dinner. The evening was relieved of the usual 53 deadly dullness and made bright with keen enjoyment and merry laughter by these effusions at many a city house and suburban cottage. But it was when the doors were closed upon a party of choice spirits that Bromley seemed at his best. His inimitable stories, dry humor and pungent wit would make such a night memorable. He was great at a college festival. Years mellowed the frankness of his youth, but did not dim its fire. The class of '53 is famous in literature, law, diplomacy and on the Bench, but among Tale men this rare genius did more than any of them to keep alive the memory of the class and the best traditions of the college. He was one of the few wits whose faculty was so perfect that he did not need to inflict a wound. "Victim and associates equally enjoyed the joke, for Bromley's humor in the social circle never left a scar. His answer to the angry subscriber of the paper he was temporarily editing years ago, because of the scarcity in its columns of cables and telegrams, was characteristic : " We are poor, but honest. Even our Vatican news is taken from the Sentinel, of Eome, N. T." Though Bromley's work was necessarily hasty, there is much of it which ought not to be lost. His wit and humors were upon a plane far higher than the scliool of Artemus Ward and infinitely more funny. The events of the period of his activity would receive vivid illustra- tion and brilliant coloring for the historian of the future if his works were published. Dear friend, charming companion, faithful journalist and good citizen, the world is richer, brighter, wiser and better for the life and work of Isaac H. Bromley. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew at the Banquet Given to Lord Herschel, ex-Lord Chancellor, and the Commissioner of Great Britain on the Joint High Commission to Settle the Dis- putes Between the United States and Canada, by the Lotos Club, of New York, Nov. 5th, 1898. Gentlemek: When an American has enjoyed the cor- dial hospitality of an English home he is ever after crav- ing an opportunity to reciprocate in his own country. He discovers that the traditional icy reserve and insular in- difference with which the Englishman is popularly cred- ited are only the shield and armor which protect the inhabitants of the center and capital of the activities of the old world from the frauds and fools of the whole world. When once thawed out, our kin across the sea can be as demonstrative and, in their own way, as jocose as the untamed natives of these Western wilds. An eminent medical authority, in a learned essay on heredity and longevity, advanced this theory : That the emigrant from the British Isles to our shores, under the influence of our dry and exciting atmosphere, becomes in a few generations abnormally nervous, thin and dys- peptic. Between forty and fifty he can arrest the speed with which he is hurrying to an untimely grave, if he wUl move over to England. The climate there will work upon his ancestral tendencies, and he will develop 56 backward to the original type. Instead of his restless spirit reading the epitaph upon his tombstone in the United States, he will be enjoying life in the old country in the seventies and in the eighties, be taking his daily gospel from the Times, and, on gouty days, lamenting modern degeneracy. The converse must be equally true, and the Englishman who has passed his cHmacteric and is afflicted with inertia and adipose will find in the sunshine and champagne air of America the return of the energy and athletic possibilities of his youth. Thus the two countries, in the exchange, will exhibit a type which once safely past the allotted line of life, in their new environment, will keep going on forever. None of us want to quit this earthly scene so long as we can retain health and mind. The attractions of the heav- enly city are beyond description, but residence there runs through such countless ages that a decade more or less before clin)bing the golden stairs, is a loss of rich experience this side and not noticed on the other. It is a singular fact that the United States have known Great Britain intimately for nearly three hundred years, and England has known little about the United States until within the past ten years. Eight years ago Mr. Gladstone asked me about the newspapers in this country. I told him that the press in all our large cities had from a half to a whole column of European cables daily, and three columns on Sunday, and two- thirds of it was about English affairs. He expressed surprise and pleasure and great regret that the English press was not equally full of American news. From ten to fifty lines on our markets was all the information British readers had about our interests, unless a lynching, a railroad smash-up or a big corporation suddenly gone bankrupt commanded all the space required and gave a lively picture of our settled habits. English statesmen of all parties have been as well known and understood by our people for a quarter of a century as those of our 57 own country, while beyond Lincoln, Grant and Garfield, the British public never heard of our party leaders and public men. Such is the power and educational value of the press. With the advent of Smalley, Norman and others, sending full dispatches from the United States to the English newswapers, our press relations have become reciprocal. The American in England is as much in touch each morning with the happenings at home as the Englishman is in America with the affairs of Europe. This daily interchange of information as to the con- ditions, the situation, the opinions and the mutual interests of the two countries has been of incalcu- lable benefit in bringing about a better acquaint- ance and more cordial sentiments between these two great English-speaking nations. The better we know each other the riper grows our friendship. The publi- cation of Bryce's " American Commonwealth " was the dawn of a clearer understanding and closer relations. In my school days the boys of the village still played " Fee, ii, fow, fum, I smell the blood of an Englishman, dead or alive I will have some." An East Tennessee Union farmer, coming into Knox- ville in the early days of the Civil War, heard of Mason and Slidell, the Confederate Commissioners, who were passengers for Europe on an English merchant vessel, having been taken off by force by an American cruiser and brought back prisoners to this country, and that Great Britain had demanded their release. " What ? " he said, in great astonishment, " Is that blasted old English machine going yet ? " Now, and especially since the practical friendship shown to us by England during our war with Spain, the villagers cheer the entente corclA,ale between the two countries, and the Tennessee mountain- eers and the Rugby colonists join in celebrating the Queen's birthday and the Fourth of July. We have been for a hundred years evoluting 58 toward the mutual understanding of each other and the intelligent friendship which existed between the greatest of Americans, George Washington, and a great Englishman, Lord Shelburne. Shelburne, beyond all of his countrymen, appreciated the American conditions and position in the Revolutionary War, and was the first of foreigners to form that estimate of Washington, as the foremost man of the world, which is now universally accepted. It was for him that Washington sat for a full- length portrait, which now holds the place of honor in the house of another great and brilliant English statesman and warm friend of the United States, Lord Eosebery, On Washington's initiative, and Shelbume's co-operation, the two countries made the famous Jay treaty of 1Y96. The Government of the United States is, and always has been, a lawyers' Government. All but three of our Presidents were lawyers, and four-fifths of our Cabinet Ministers, and a large majority of both houses of Con- gress, have always been members of the Bar. The Ambassador who framed and negotiated this treaty was that eminent jurist, John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. In this treaty, for the first time, I think, among nations, appeared the principle of the settlement by arbitration of disputes between nations. Such was the temper of the period however, one hundred years ago, and such the jealous and hostile feelings between America and England, that it required a long time, with all the infiuence of Wash- ington, to have the treaty ratified by the Senate. Jay was burned in effigy by indignant mobs all over our country, and Lord Granville, the British Foreign Minister, was denounced by the opposition — England — as having been duped by Chief Justice Jay, and the charge was one of the causes which led to the overthrow of the ministry of which he was a member. While that treaty has received little public notice, yet under it many cases which might have led to serious irritation have been settled, and 69 notably, and most significant of all, the Geneva arbitrar tion of the Alabama claims under the Presidency, and with the cordial support of the greatest soldier of our Kepublic, General Grant. The Bench and the Bar of the United States have always approved and supported the principle of the Jay treaty. The common law and the interchangeable decisions of the courts of the United States and Great Britain have been a continuing and freshening bond of union between the lawyers of the two countries. It was my privilege, in the midst of the Venezuelan excitement, to deliver the annual address before the State Bar Association of the State of New York. The subject I chose was " Inter- national Arbitration," and as a result of the discussion this powerful body, with the calmness and judicial can- dor characteristic of the profession, unanimously adopted a memorial in favor of settling all disputes between Great Britain and the United States by arbitration and in favor of the establishment of an international court of dignity and power. This action received substantially the unanimous approval of the Bench and Bar of the United States, and was met with equal warmth by our kin across the sea. One of the best signs of our times, tending more to peace, humanity and civilization than even the famous proclamation of the Russian Czar, lias been, and is, the warm and increasing friendship between the great elec- torate — the democracy of Great Britain and the people of the United States. Sir Henry Irving told me last sum- mer a story full of significance. It demonstrated that when the people of Great Britain and the people of the United States understood one another they are in many respects one people. One of the most brilliant and elo- quent platform orators the world has ever known was Henry Ward Beecher. During the time of our civil war, when the press and the upper classes of Great Britain were largely hostile to us, Beecher went abroad 60 as a popular ambassador from the people of the United States to the people of England. Irving said that when Beeeher spoke at Manchester the feeling among the operatives and artisans of that great manufacturing town was that if the North succeeded, the rebellion was put down and union was preserved, in some way the cotton of the Southern States would be diverted and their em- ployment gone. We are not unfamiliar with that sort of politics by misrepresentation in the United States. Irving said that at that time he was a young actor in a stock company at Manchester. Having secured a good position in the hall, he saw a maddened mob struggling to get hold of a handsome young man upon the platform, with the evident purpose of tearing him to pieces. The young man, Mr. Beeeher, was protected by the leading citizens of Manchester and the police. It was half an hour before the crowd would listen to a word. The first five minutes of Beecher's speech set them wild again, and then Irving thought that Beeeher would certainly be dragged from the platform and killed. By the exer- tions, however, of the gentlemen about the orator a heariug was finally secured and Beeeher developed in his own masterly way the common language, the litera- ture and the ties of the two countries, the common origin of their liberty and the common freedom of their people, the interest which every man had for himself and his children in the perpetuity and strength of free government in the American Republic. The first half hour was silence, the second half-hour was tumultuous applause, the next hour was unanimous and enthusiastic approval, and at the close the crowd insisted upon bear- ing upon their shoulders and carrying in triumph to his lodgings the orator whose cause they then understood. The men of letters who write and speak in the English tongue have always been mutually appreciative and always friends. It began with the father of American 61 literature, "Washington Irving, who was held by the British critic as a second Addison. Longfellow and Hawthorne of a recent period, and Mark Twain of to-day, find appreciation and applause, find equal recog- nition and pride on both sides of the Atlantic. It was not until we became involved in war with a European power that Americans appreciated the extent and the depth of this feeling of kinship among the Eng- hsh-speaking peoples across the Atlantic. A famous Scotch divine told me that when on the one hand Emperor William had sent his telegram encouraging Kruger in South Africa to fight England, and on the other the Yenezuelan message of President Cleveland was inter- preted on the part of the United States as a challenge for a fight, he preached a sermon to a Scotch congregation. There are no other people so devoted and undemonstra- tive in the world inside the church as the Scotch Pres- byterians. " But," said the preacher, " when I said that under no conditions would the people of Great Britain fight their kin in the United States and that if there was to be fighting it must all be from tlie Americans, there was wild applause, but when I said that if the German Emperor moved one step further in the hostile action indicated by his telegram, the British fleet would sweep his vessels from the oceans and British arms would capture all his colonies inside of sixty days, the congregation rose and gave cheers." The war with Spain threatened the equilibrium of that delicate instrument known as tlje European balance of power, an instrument so delicate that it requires eight millions of soldiers and the waters of the globe covered with navies to keep it from getting out of trim. Every consideration of the association of centuries, dynastic considerations and considerations of ambitions in the East, impelled the continental powers to sympathize with Spain. They proposed that all Europe should intervene, as was done in the Turko-Grecian war. Great Britain 62 said, " No, we will take no part in any international action which is hostile to the United States." It was then proposed by the continental powers that they should in- tervene and Great Britain remain neutral. The reply of Great Britain was : " In that case England will be on the side of the United States." That ended the subject of interference in our Spanish war. That action pro- moted the peace of the world. That sentiment, flashed across the ocean, electrified the American people. That position, unanimously approved in Great Britain by the masses and by the classes, received such a recognition in the United States as only a great and generous people can give for a great and generous friendship. That action set the current of the blood of English-speaking people flowing in like channels, and was the beginning of the era of good fellowship which is to have the most marked influence upon the story of nations and of peoples in the future history of the world. Our guest, Lord Herschel, typifies that career com- mon to all Americans and which Americans delight to honor. He is the architect of his own career, and by the greatest qualities of brain and character has suc- cessfully climbed to the highest office by which his country can honor and decorate a lawyer. The mission which brings him to this side is worthy of his great requirements and his broad and Catholic judgment. With the irritations and vexations which naturally arise between Canada and ourselves permanently removed, there is no spot on earth where the United States and Great Britain can seriously clash. "With our possessions stretching at intervals of two thousand miles for harbors and coaling stations, for six thousand miles across the Pacific, we face the doors of the various gateways of the Orient, closed by the great powers of tlie world except Great Britain, and we hail the open door which she offers for the entrance into China and the East for the products of our farms and our factories. 63 But yesterday there were four great powers govern- ing the world, dividing territories of barbarous or semi- civilized peoples, and ruling the destinies of mankind. They were Great Britain, France, Germany and Kussia. To-day there are five. The last has come into this concert of nations by the unprecedented successes and marvelous victories of its hundred days of war. Two of the five — the United States and Great Britain — with the ties of common language and common law and like liberties, will work together naturally in this inter- national development. They will not be, and they cannot be, bound or limited by a hard and fast alliance, offensive and defensive, like that which marks the Dreibuud or the unknown relations between Kussia and France. But there are relations, there are ties which are stronger than parchment treaties based upon selfish- ness, greed or fear. They are the ties of blood, of lan- guage and of common aims for the loftiest purposes for which peoples work and governments exist. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew at the Banquet to General Nelson A. Miles, at the Waldorf-Astoria, November ii, 1898. Mh. President and Gentlemen : New York gives cordial greeting to the commandiiig general of» the American army. New York's welcome is the applause of the United States. This metropolis is more than a great city. It surpasses all other cities in the repre- sentative character of its population. Tlie sons of every State in the Union are living in our midst, while our foreign population is larger than many of the cities in the lands from which they come. New York is the second largest city in the world within its own corporate limits. If we add the population which naturally belongs to it across the North river on the shores of New Jersey, it is the largest city in the world. "Within this room are gathered gentlemen from the North and the South, from the East and the West and from the Pacific slope. So better and more significantly than would be possible under any other circumstances this great Republic honors to-night her foremost soldier. So many governors are here and they have spoken with such boastfulness of their several commonwealths that my frankness as a New Yorker compels me to speak "plain." The governor of Massachusetts in his eloquent address, after claiming for the Pilgrim State the origin of most of the institutions which make our country free and great, says with a deprecating gesture, " Massachusetts does not claim everything." He evi- dently does not know the tendencies of his own State. 66 The governor of Ohio having told us that all the men who have been generals or would have been if they had had an opportunity, and all the men who have been presidents or ought to have been, and all the greatness in every department of public life hail from Ohio, com- pels me to repeat what I said many years ago at an Ohio dinner after hearing its orators, that if Shakespeare had written his fanious plays in our time he would have said, " Some men are bom great and some in Ohio." We meet to-night in honor of a soldier. It has been only once in a generation that the fame and services of a soldier liave commanded the attention of our people. This is the first time since the civil war, which closed thirty-three years ago, that the soldier has been suf- ficiently in evidence to receive decoration and applause. We are fond in our literature and our oratory of draw- ing sharp contrasts between the old world and the new. We compare the governments of Europe with that of the United States and the peoples of Europe with the citizens of our country. In these comparisons we always find much that is gratifying to our pride and our patriotism. The difference is widest in the military conditions and military and naval preparations of America and of Europe. With the exception of Great Britain, in every European nation everj man is a soldier for the first three years of his majority, and by conscrip- tion, while here we have nothing but voluntary enlist- ment. The peace establishment of Europe is 8,000,000 men ; that of the United States, with 70,000,000 popula- tion, is only 27,000. A meeting of American sovereigns, where every voter is recognized as a sovereign, would be a phenomenal gathering. A few years ago there was a meeting of the crowned heads of Europe. It was small, select and bril- liant. The sovereigns were attended by the great officers of their armies and their statesmen, who had also been or were at the time soldiers. The Czar of Russia proposed 67 as the one sentiment of the evening, " To Our Order, the Soldier." The toast was both accurate and comprehen- sive. Every throne in the Old World has been carved by the sword. With the exception of Great Britain's, they rest upon bayonets while the chief magistrate of the United States is the choice of 14,000,000 independent citizen voters and at the end of four years surrenders his place and power to the people. When General Grant made his famous toar of the world, he was received at every court with the most dis- tinguished consideration, not as an ex-president of the United States, but as a great captain, who had commanded larger armies and won more victories than any other soldier of that period. He became wearied of the con- tinued pomp and ceremony, and when the day arrived for a presentation to the King of Sweden he escaped some- how from the American minister, the royal coach, with its gorgeously appareled horses, its outriders and its royal guard, and appeared at the palace in his tourist's costume — the costume of an American tourist at that. He para- lyzed the flunkies in attendance by figuratively ringing the front door bell and sending in his card. The king received him the same as if he had come in royal state. This very sensible sovereign said afterward, " General Grant, as the foremost soldier of the age, is the chief of our order, and therefore whatever ceremony he prescribes for his own reception is the right and proper method of according to him our hospitality." I was in London last summer during the jubilee days of Queen Victoria. I saw that wonderful and historic pageant, which illustrated the devotion of her people and the glories of her marvelous reign. The kings and princes, the generals and statesmen of the world were in that procession. Brilliant beyond language were the costumes, the uniforms and the decorations which they wore. All except our own ambassador, who, by the regu- lations framed during a primitive period of isolation and 68 provincialism, was corapelled to appear in the early morn- ing in this brilliant throng in a dress suit. If the regu- lations prescribed that he should appear as Daniel Webster always did, in a blue frock coat with brass buttons and a buff vest, that would be an American uniform ; or if they should prescribe that he appear in the close-buttoned frock coat, black pants and high standing collar, which is the traditional uniform of the American orator on State occasions, that would be American. But the dress suit in the inorning is in touch with no American habit of the club, the drawing-room, the farm, the ranch, the mine, the business office, the social func- tion or the State ceremony. However, the regulations of the State department do not apply to the officers of our army and navy. General Miles, in the full and effective uniform of the commanding general of the American army, rode among princes in the procession and sat his horse amid the royalties and marshals and generals of Europe at the review at Aldershot. His commanding figure and soldierly presence filled every American with honest pride both for our little aimy and that it had such a distinguished and admirable represent- ative on this famous occasion. A Russian grand duke, whom I knew, came up to me in great excitement and fairly shonted, tliough shouting is very bad form in Europe, not anything about the parade or the procession or the significance of the event, but simply, " 1 have seen your American general." Here to-night on this side of the ocean we are also glad with our cheers to see our American general. Our wars have come but once in each generation since the formation of our Government. The hero of our Eevolutionary War, which closed in 1783, was General Washington. The gratitude of the people made him twice president of the United States, and he lives with imperishable and growing fame in the affections of his countrymen. The hero of the next war, which closed in 69 1814, was General Jackson, who was also twice president of the United States and is the titular saint of the Demo- cratic party. Between 1814 and 1848 the country was at peace. The soldier was unknown in our civil life. It became fashionable to deride the army and to speak slightingly of the navy as of no use to a country situated like ours. The humorist, the caricaturist and the satirist selected for their subjects training day and the State militia. The service was dropping into contempt. The war with Mexico developed instantly the military spirit of the Kepublic. The whole country was filled with war- like enthusiasm and anxiety to participate in the fight. We had two heroes from that war — General Scott and General Taylor. General Scott missed the Presidency because of his unfortunate letter of acceptance of the nomination beginning, " I have just risen from a hasty plate of soup." From that line has become crystallized into a phrase that situation in American pubHc life when a man has tumbled by his own folly into political defeat or oblivion, that he has " fallen into the soup." General Taylor became president of the United States. Another generation passed, and we had the civil war, which closed in 1865. This contest was a supreme demonstration that peace does not decrease the military ardor, the vigor or the patriotism of the American citizen. It was a battle of Americans against Americans, in which a million volunteers lost their lives. The hero of that war was General Grant, who became twice presi- dent of the United States. Then we had long peace, from 1865 to 1898. The American jingoes, who are perpetually seeking occasions for war, when no better reason offers, base their action upon the argument that the virility and manhood of a people degenerate unless kept alive by conditions which compel them to fight frequently for the honor and the flag of their country. Some of them have insisted for years that this period had arrived, that patriotism and self-sacrificing 70 courage were yielding to gross materialism, and unless we had our war we would speedily see the decadence of the nation. But no sooner had war been declared against Spain than a generation which knew nothing of scars or of the battles, the glories or the fury of the fighting of the civil war rushed to the recruiting oflBces to enlist as volunteers in numbers ten times beyond what was named in the call for troops. Napoleon said, " Scratch a Russian, and you find a Tartar." Scratch an American, and you find a fighter. The inheritors of an ancestry which for generations have never yielded to a foe, have avenged wrongs, have vindicated right, have fought and died for their own liberty, and, more, have fought and died for the liberty of others, have to-day, as they will have under the inspiring spirit of liberty for all time, that dominant spirit which makes their country power- ful, keeps their institutions pure and permanent and enlarges their own freedom. I am delighted with the tribute which our governor- elect. Colonel Koosevelt, has paid to-night to the regular army. We never fail to give a full and deserved measure of applause and recognition to the volunteer soldiers. We have not sufficiently recognized the superb service and fidelity of our regular army. During the civil strife it was this small and invincible army which prevented the Government from being overthrown until the volunteers had been drilled into soldiers. They held aloft the stand- ard which never fell, never retreated and around which rallied the raw troops. At the close of the civil war this army, which was always at the front, had dwindled by losses in battle to scarcely a regiment. At frontier posts, at forts on the coast and in encampments the regular army is always drilling and working. It becomes and remains the most complete fighting machine in the world. The intelligence of its soldiers puts the man behind the gun who in all emergencies, where commands fail because commanders are shot, can take the initiative and hold the 71 field or rush the hattery. We must give more care and more skilled attention to this great arm of our service and raise it to the standard required by the conditions of our country and the numbers of our population. I do not mean a great standing army, but I do mean one which will be universally recognized by our people as of reason- able and respectable size and efficiency. A singular illustration of the importance of the navy in the new conditions forced upon us by the victories it has won and its conquests in the western hemisphere and the Pacific ocean is furnished by comparing the consider- ation it received in former wars and its present prom- inence. While Washington lives forever as the hero of the first war, Paul Jones is seldom mentioned ; while General Jackson lives as the hero of our second war, we hear little of Decatur and Perry and the other great naval commanders ; while Grant lives as the embodiment of our civil war, we hear httle of Farragut, Porter or Paulding, but the historian of this war is likely to put the navy ahead of the army, and in the popular imagi- nation of the future which will crystallize the war in its heroes, Dewey will stand beside Miles. The fame of Miles will live because of liis brilliant record in the civil war and campaigns against the Indians, and because the military successes which we had in the war with Spain were largely due to his plan of campaign and his broad and comprehensive strategy. Speech of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, as President of the Republican Club of the City of New York, at the Dinner Given by the Club to Colonel Roosevelt, Nov. 12, 1898. Gentt.emen of the Cltjb : The world has been seek- ing always a recipe for happiness. None of them has met the requirements of the seeker nor satisfied his ideas. A definition rather narrow but true within its limits is that the Republicans have been since last Tues- day supremely happy. They are satisfied with the popular indorsement of their principles and with the success of their candidate. Inquiring minds have also sought to discover the secrets of success. The only broad rule is first to deserve it and then use every fair and honorable means of winning. We to-night, as poli- ticians and citizens interested in the welfare of our State and country, know what it means. Often in politics a party deserves to win, but fails to do so, and then the fault is often with the management. This time, how- ever, the party which was entitled to the victory is master of the field. Many politicians and politi- cal managers advise a still hunt. Most of them fear oratory, fireworks and a brass band. The lesson of the late campaign is, if you are sure of the soundness of your platform and the merit and ability of your candidate, then the policy of the campaign should be exhortation and exhibition. The truth improves by analysis and under inspection, and the right man becomes more popular and wins more friends under the highest candle 74 power of publicity. The doubters who questioned the wisdom of our speaking tour and h'ghtning circuit of the State are now its enthusiastic admirers. As the train rolls into each station for its stop of five minutes or an hour or the night there are waiting thou- sands of saints and sinners. The saints are lukewarm and the sinners scoff. Wlien the cheers evolved by the enthusiasm of the greeting and the speaking have sped the candidate and his orators upon their way, the Repub- lican saints are filled with the gospel of Kepublicanism, are extemporizing miniature mass meetings on the street curs, in the drug stores, around the stove and the nail kegs in the country store ; they are making parish visits to the unconverted, and the atmosphere is charged with their faith and enthusiasm. Here in our late campaign wc; find 100,000 majority from the fields, farms and vil- lages ol: the country, which overwhelms the forces of the enemy in New York City. Any one who has frequently crossed the ocean has ex- perienced the sudden transition from calm to storm. For days there will be the sunshine and quiet of a summer sea. Suddenly and without warning the waters are lashed into fury, and the ship is riding the crests or sinking into the trough of mountain waves. Then comes the test of the stanchness of the ship and the cuurage and the seamanship of the captain. Without the storm the sea would be stagnant and putrefy, but the mighty move- ment of the elements brings the depths to air and light, purifies the waters and gives life-saving qualities to the atmosphere. The conditions are the same with governments by the people. There is and can be no rest in the evolution of liberty. The ship of state will inev- itably be intrusted to the party which is always prepared f o r and equal to the emergency of the gale or the cyclone. Our conditions at the opening of the present campaign were full of peril. /New questions, never discussed and never thought of in our scheme of government, Jiad been 75 precipitated upon the country ; new problems, for the sohition of which we had no textbooks, must be met and answered. In our State we had before us a defensive campaign. It is the rule of politics that to excuse is to accuse. It is the experience of politicians that the jury of the people regard with distrust the party in power when under investigation, even if with the best motives it is investigating itself. With the wisest administrative ability and the best intentions many years of power create difficulties which require defense or explanation. We can account for the marvelous victories of Dewey, of Sampson, and of our army only by reverently recog- nizing the interposition of Divine Providence. We began a war for humanity with a smaller army and a navy of less strength than our enemy. In a hundred days we had sunk the enemy's fleets without the loss of a ship and with but one man killed. We had received the surrender, after two battles, of armies of 250,000 veteran troops. We had expelled the Spanish government from its possessions in the western hemisphere, where it had misgoverned the fairest portions of the earth for 300 years, and our flag floated over an empire in the Pacific. We had the unexampled record of not having lost a standard, a flag, a gun or a battery. These results showed unmistakably the directing hand of Providence. Now, in our situation in the Empire State — and I say it with due reverence — Providence equally preserved from perils by land and perils by water, from perils of fever and perils of battle and gave the marvelous prestige with the popular mind of a charmed life to the hero who fiUed every requirement for the gubernatorial office of this great commonwealth, to whom, with great wisdom and foresight, the party leaders turned and who was hailed by the convention as the people's choice. The situation changed, current questions be- came obsolete and the campaign resolved itself about the personality, the record in civil office, the record in private 76 life and the resistless and on-rushing gallantry as a soldier of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. Our candidate proved as invulnerable to the shafts of slander and lies as he was safe from the bullets of the enemy when leading a desperate charge against the entrenched S|.'aniards. Every invention, however cun- ningly or maliciously devised, fell harmlessly from his spotless record. The circulation of lies against a candi- date in a political canvass always indicates weakness and fear, because if there is time to separate the He from the facts with which it is mixed the bolt becomes a boomer- ang. I have heard of but one man who could give an excuse for a lie. He was a deacon who had the habit of justifying his falsehoods by quoting unrelated passages from the Bible. His minister called him sharply to account in a flagrant case and said, " Deacon, how could you tell such a brazen falsehood ?" " Well, doctor," said the deacon, " my situation was desperate, and I thought if I succeeded in savingmy reputation and the feelings of my family by a lie there was authority for it in that passage of the Psalms which says ' Lying lips are an abomination unto the Lord, but a mighty present help in time of troubles.' " "We are done with the fighting and the shouting, l^ow come the fulfillment of our pledges and our ability to meet the expectations we have raised. The election demonstrates in the transfer of the House and the Senate of the United States to Republican control that the people wisely adopted Lincoln's famous maxim not to swap horses while crossing streams. The Cuban problem, the Porto Rican situation, the condition in the Philip- pines, have come to us under the administration and wise policies in peace and war of President McKinley. The voters have decided that he has so far done so well that they leave to him the settlement of these questions, in which the future of our country is so deeply involved. The situation is not easy, but things worth doing are 77 never easy. The conditions are not free from peril or difficulties, but things worth having are never had except by those wlio wisely work and courageously dare. The Eepublican party for the next two years, in the untried field of government for distant possessions and alien races, is facing difficulties which will make or mar its fortunes in 1900. But the party which reconstructed the union of the States, which restored specie payments, which inaugurated the policies which have made our country supremely great and prosperous, has the initia- tive, the heredity, the experience and the statesmen to make these new conditions work for liberty, humanity and the glory of our country and the happiness of its people wherever the flag floats. In reckoning the factors which contributed to our success we pay tribute to the wise leadership in this campaign of Senator Piatt, the energetic and tactful management of the chairman of our State Committee, Mr. Odell, and the vigorous and aggressive discussions by the Kepublican press of our State. Albany, for the next two years, will be the most interesting capital in the country. Every department of the State Government, every bureau and comaiission, will feel the force of the tireless energy, the inquiring mind and the enforcing public spirit of Governor Roosevelt. Every city, great or small, will know in its government that the executive chair is occupied by a chief magistrate who has been both a commissioner of police and a soldier, and acted to his own great fame the public good and the glory of both services upon his own courageous initiative. Gentlemen, here's to a successful administration and long life and increasing honors to Governor Roosevelt. E660.D4i'"a9" """""^"' '■""'"' olin 3 1924 030 923 522 % > ^ 7 ■ /a"