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LE PAS saladin: 
 
 AN OLD FRENCH POEM OF THE THIRD CRUSADE. 
 
 FRANK E. LODEMAN, 
 of Cornell University. 
 
 Baltimore, Md. 
 1897. 
 
'ml 
 
 'K^. 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027365091 
 
LE PAS saladin: 
 
 AN OLD FRENCH POEM OF THE THIRD CRUSADE. 
 
 Thesis presented to the University Faculty of Cornell University for the Degree 
 of Doctor of Philosophy. 
 
 FRANK E. LODEMAN, 
 of Comett University. 
 
 Baltimore, Md. 
 
LE PAS SALADIN.\ 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 The author of the Pas Saladin, a historical 
 poem of the Third Crusade, is unknown. 
 The only copy of the poem hitherto discovered 
 is that in manuscript No. 24432, of the BLblio- 
 th^que Nationale at Paris. The text, with the 
 addition of a few historical notes, was pub- 
 lished by M. Tr6butien in 1836, but no study 
 of the dialect of the poem has yet been at- 
 tempted. The work of M. Tr^butien is re- 
 viewed in the Histoire Littdraire de la France, 
 Vol. xxiii, 485, and is also referred to by M. 
 Gaston Paris, in La Ligende de Saladin, 37. 
 (Extrait du Journal des Savants, mai h. aofit 
 
 1893-) 
 
 The poem is short, containing but six hun- 
 dred and eleven eight-syllable lines rhyming in 
 pairs. The manuscript is in good condition an d 
 legible, but carelessly written. Many of the 
 rhymes are faulty, and the metre is not strictly 
 observed, lines of seven or nine syllables 
 being of frequent occurrence. 
 
 The object of the present paper is to deter- 
 mine the dialect of the poem, and the date of 
 its composition. The text is an exact copy of 
 the manuscript and agrees in the main with 
 that of M. Tr6b«tien. 
 
 The scene of the story is laid in Palestine. 
 Philip Augustus, King of France, and Richard ' 
 of England, have reached the Holy Land at a 
 time when the country was all but conquered 
 by the Saracens. The city of Jerusalem has 
 been delivered into the hands of the enemy 
 through treachery, and Guy, its King, sold to 
 Saladin. But the arrival ot the Crusaders has 
 given renewed hope to the Christians. It is 
 learned that the Saracens are to pass through 
 a narrow defile, and Philip, with the twelve 
 knights he has gathered around him, attacks 
 and completely overthrows the infidels. The 
 Holy City is re-conquered and Guy restored 
 to his throne. Richard who, as Duke of Nor- 
 mandy, is a vassal of the French crown, does 
 not lead an independent army of his own, but 
 is one of the knights fighting under the ban- 
 ner of Philip. 
 
 There is a striking resemblance between this 
 little poem and the great Old French epic. 
 We find the same contending parties' — the 
 French on one side, opposed to the Saracens 
 
 f DeprinUd from' Mod. Lang. Notes, vol. xii, 1I97, 
 
 on the other — and, as in the Chanson de Ro- 
 land, the former are led by their king with 
 his twelve paladins. The counterpart to the 
 treachery of Ganeton is easily recognized in 
 the treason that has given over the kingdom 
 to Saladin ; and though the ties of friendship 
 between Roland and Oliver are wanting, Hugo 
 de Florine and William de Barres, in our poem, 
 are evidently reminiscences of those two pal- 
 adins in the Chanson. 
 
 The similarity between the two poems ex- 
 tends not merely to the general outline, but 
 even to some of the minor details. There is, 
 however, one important difference. In the 
 Pas de Saladin the parts are reversed in so far 
 as it is the infidels and not the Christians, that 
 meet with disaster. As in the battle of Ron- 
 cevaux, the enemy, in this instance the Sara- 
 cens, is met and overcome in a narrow pass. 
 When their leader. King Escorfal, sees that 
 the day is lost, he blows a horn to rally his 
 friends around him, but all is in vain, and he 
 is struck and cut down to the saddle by Rich- 
 ard. Similar prodigies of valor are, of course, 
 performed by all the knights, who individually 
 slay many of the infidels and apparently win 
 the battle by their bravery alone. After this 
 defeat, the Saracens, seeing that the passage is 
 strongly guarded by the Christians, do not at- 
 tempt a second encounter, but retreat for 
 safety, to the fortified town of Damietta. 
 
 There is a fine spirit of chivalry running 
 through the poem. All the odium is cast upon 
 the traitors who have deceived their king and 
 country. Saladin, although an infidel, is a 
 generous enemy, and as Guy has lost all and 
 is too poor to buy his freedom, he is set at lib- 
 erty without payment of ransom. The excuse 
 of Saladin is very characteristic. He retreats 
 not before the superior number of the enemy, 
 but because, belonging to the order of knight- 
 hood himself, he has loved chivalry all his 
 days, and would not cause the death of so 
 many brave knights for any amount of treasure. 
 
 The author in the above story makes use 
 of two traditions which were quite generally 
 credited during the Middle Ages. The first, 
 that Richard with the aid of eleven compan- 
 ions defeated a large body of Saracens, is not 
 without some foundation, as is shown by M. 
 Paris, loc. cit., 42. 
 
 On the first of August, I192, the King of 
 
 ■ I 
 
LE PAS SALAD IN. 
 
 England landed at Jaffa, in order to reconquer 
 the city whicli had lately fallen into the hands 
 of the enemy.' A few days later and while 
 still encamped outside the walls of the town, 
 his forces were attacked by greatly superior 
 numbers. Taken by surprise, the Christians 
 could not have avoided defeat, but for the dis- 
 tinguished valor of Richard and a few knights, 
 who alone had been able to procure horses.* 
 This victory, though barren of ultimate re- 
 sults, was one of the most brilliant of the 
 Third Crusade. The names of the nine war- 
 riors who followed the King at once became 
 celebrated and are mentioned by the various 
 chronicles, while a painting representing the 
 scene of battle was executed by the order of 
 Richard. 3 
 
 To this original painting are probably to be 
 traced those representations of the Pas Sala- 
 din mentioned by the author in lines 6 and 
 597. Similar ones were found in many of the 
 castles during the thirteenth century ; they re- 
 presented Richard and eleven knights defend- 
 ing a narrow pass against a large Saracen 
 army. King Philip, although present, does 
 not take part in the combat, but directs it from 
 a distance, and at its close welcomes the vic- 
 tors. On an eminence overlooking the field is 
 posted a Saracen spy, who reports the progress 
 of the battle and the names of the Christian 
 knights engaged in it to Saladin, stationed on 
 the other side of the hill. These names, as 
 shown by marginal inscriptions, varied in the 
 different paintings, while that of the spy was 
 always Espiet or Tornevent.4 
 
 Two other versions of the same story are 
 found in the Chronicles of Flanders and in 
 Jean d'Avesnes, but neither can be considered 
 as the source of the present poem. The first 
 of these is very similar to the Pas Saladin, 
 and the names of nine of the knights are the 
 same.S In Jean d'Avesnes the entire episode 
 is considerably shortened, and the scene laid 
 in England, which the Sultan has invaded 
 with the aid of a powerful fleet. On attempt- 
 ing to march inland, he is met and attacked at 
 
 I Wilken, iv, 544 ; Stubbs, 407-409. 
 1 " " 55«- 
 
 3 Gaston Paris, 43; Stubbs, 413-410. 
 
 4 " " 4». 
 
 5 Gaston Paris, 43. 
 
 a narrow pass by twelve knights and forced 
 to retreat. 6 The majority of the names of the 
 knights still correspond with those in the Pas 
 Saladin, and fully one-half are found in all 
 three versions. 7 
 
 The Pas Saladin was still popular at the 
 close of the fourteenth century, and was even 
 represented on the stage. Such a representa- 
 tion is described by Froissart in his Chroni- 
 cles, Book IV, Chap. ii. It was given in honor 
 of Isabel of Bavaria, on the occasion of her 
 public entry into Paris, in 1389.* The play was 
 probably founded upon the same version as 
 that of our text. The twelve knights, includ- 
 ing Richard, after receiving permission from 
 King Philip, attack and completely rout a Sar- 
 acen army commanded by Saladin. At the 
 close of the battle the knights are also re- 
 warded by Philip. 
 
 The author of the poem also accepts the 
 tradition which says that the Holy Land was 
 lost through treachery.9 This report was 
 generally credited by the French, and es- 
 pecially by the partisans of Guy de Lusignan, 
 but is unsupported by any authorities. There 
 was, indeed, a powerful faction among the 
 nobles opposed to the election of Guy, but no 
 overt act of treason was ever committed by 
 them, and, at the invasion of Saladin, all par- 
 ties united for the defense of the kingdom.'" 
 
 The conspiracy occupies but a subordinate 
 position in the Pas Saladin. The chief con- 
 spirator is the Quens de Tribles, and his four 
 confederates are the Marcis de Ponferan, 
 Pierre Liban d'Ascalone, the Sires de Baru, 
 and Quens Poru de Sate. These names indi- 
 cate that the author was familiar with the tra- 
 dition as related in the Ricits d'un Minestrel 
 de Reims, pp. 14 to 24, though otherwise he 
 has borrowed little from this or any other 
 version. 
 
 A short account of the principal historical 
 characters mentioned in the poem may here be 
 given. 
 
 Most authorities speak of Guy de Lusignan 
 as a man of inferior power, who by his am- 
 
 6 Gaston Paris, 46. 
 
 7 " " 44. 
 
 8 " " 45; ^K/. XiV. xxiii, 4S5. 
 
 9 Hist. Lit. xxiii, 486. 
 
 xo Michaud, ii, 40; Wilken, iiia, 352,37s. 
 
IE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 bilious intrigues was the cause of many of the 
 misfortunes that befell the Holy Land. He 
 was of no distinguishe.d family and owed his 
 position entirely to his marriage with Sibylla, 
 the elder daughter of King Amalric." 
 
 On the death of Baldwin V., Guy, instigated 
 by his wife, laid claim to the throne of Jeru- 
 salem." Raymond, count of Tripolis, who had 
 been promised the regency for a certain num- 
 ber of years, and who was the choice both of 
 the nobles and the people, prepared to defend 
 his rights. 13 This might have caused serious 
 dissensions among the Crusaders, had not the 
 sudden attack of Saladin united the diflferent 
 factions. Guy, against the advice of Raymond 
 and of the more cautious among the leaders, 
 decided to assume the offensive and to march 
 against the Saracens. 14 
 
 This proved to be a fatal mistake, for by the 
 loss of the battle of Tiberias or Hitten, the 
 Christian army was destroyed and nearly the 
 entire country fell into the hands of the 
 enemy. 15 Guy was taken prisoner and re- 
 leased a year later, only on condition that he 
 would renounce his kingdom and return to 
 Europe. 16 The promise was probably never 
 meant to be kept, and one of his first acts on 
 regaining his freedom was to have the bishop 
 absolve him from his oath. 17 Guy then pro- 
 ceeded to Tyre, one of the few places that still 
 remained in the power of the Crusaders, but 
 he was refused permission to enter by Conrad 
 de Montferrat. Thereupon he gathered the 
 soldiers that were still faithful to him and laid 
 siege to Acre.'S 
 
 The dispute between Guy and Conrad was 
 renewed with greater bitterness on the arrival 
 of the French and English, and it was with 
 difficulty that a compromise was finally agreed 
 to. It was determined that Guy should con- 
 tinue to be recognized as King during his life- 
 time, and that he should be succeeded on his 
 death by Conrad. '9 The agreement was, how- 
 
 II Michaud, ii. 32 ; Stubbs, cv, cxxiv; Archer, 64. 
 
 la " " 39; Wilken, iii2. 251 ; Du Cange, 343. 
 
 13 " " 36; " " 241 • 
 
 14 " " 43; " " 273. 
 
 15 '* " 45; " " 295; Stubbs, 14-16. 
 
 16 " " 93; " "287,297;" 59. 
 
 17 " ** 93 ; Stubbs, 59. 
 
 18 " " 94; Wilken, iv, 251, 252 ; Stubbs, 60-62 
 
 19 ' ■■ " 116,117;" " 373; " 235,236. 
 
 ever, never carried out. Conrad was soon 
 after murdered, 20 and before the conclusion of 
 peace, the crown was given to Henry of 
 Champagne. »i Guy removed to Cyprus, which 
 had been awarded to him by Richard as a 
 compensation for the loss of Jerusalem, and 
 henceforth occupied himself solely with his 
 new kingdom until his death in 1195.=" 
 
 Sibylla was the elder daughter, not the sister 
 of King Amalric. She was first married to 
 William Longsword, by whom she had a son, 
 afterward Baldwin V.»3 In 1180, sne married 
 Guy de Lusignan, and on the death of Baldwin 
 in 1 186, she succeeded in having her husband 
 crowned King.»4 By her second marriage she 
 had two children, but both she and her chil- 
 dren died during the siege of Acre.'S 
 
 Three of the five traitors mentioned above 
 can be easily identified ; namely, Raymond, 
 the Count of Tripolis, Conrad, the Marquis of 
 Montferrat, and Renaud de Sagette. The 
 Sires de Baru may be either the historical 
 Jean d'Ibelin, le vieux Sire de Barut, or 
 Baudouin d'Ibelin, the lord of Rame. Pierre 
 d'Ascalone can not be identified with any of 
 the characters of the period. 
 
 Raymond, the leader, is accused of having 
 delivered the Holy Sepulchre to the Saracens, 
 and of forcibly abducting the wife of Guy, in 
 order to obtain for himself the kingdom of 
 Jerusalem. Such an incident really occurred 
 during the Third Crusade, but the names of 
 the actors are not the same as those given by 
 our author. It was not Raymond, but Conrad 
 of Montferrat, who on the death of Sibylla, at 
 the time of the siege of Acre, abandoned his 
 first wife and married Isabella, the second 
 daughter of Amalric. Her first husband, 
 Humphrey de Thoron, was still living, but 
 Conrad had no difficulty in securing a divorce 
 both for himself and for Isabella, and thus, as 
 her husband, he became a claimant to the 
 throne and a formidable rival to Guy."* 
 
 20 Michaud, ii. 145 ; Stubbs, 338-341. 
 
 21 " " 146, 160: " 342, 347. 
 23 " " 383; " 350. 
 
 23 " " 29,36; Wilken, iiia. 171 ; Stubbs, ciii. g6. 
 
 24 " " 32,39,40; " " 196,253; " " 97- 
 
 25 " " 1x0; " iv, 306; " civ. 
 
 26 Michaud, ii, no; Wilken, iv, 308; Stubbs, civ, 119- 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 There was, however, some foundation for 
 the charge of treachery brought against Ray- 
 mond. He had been appointed regent during 
 the minority of Baldwin V. and desired to re- 
 tain the power in his own hands after the death 
 of the King.»7 This led to an open rupture 
 between himself and Guy. Raymond, return- 
 ing to his own country, prepared to maintain 
 his elaim by force and even called in the aid 
 of Saladin-iiS A serious conflict was, however, 
 averted ; for at this time the truce which the 
 Christians had made with Saladin was broken, 
 and the cou ntry was threatened with an invasion 
 of the infidels. The common danger made 
 them forget their dissensions, and they prom- 
 ised to unite their forces against the enemy. =9 
 But the reconciliation was in vain. The French, 
 fifty thousand strong, under the leadership of 
 Guy met the Saracens near the city of Tibe- 
 rias, and, after a heroic struggle, lasting two 
 days, were completely defeated. 3° Raymond 
 was one of the few who escaped. He cut his 
 way through the Saracens and fled to Tripolis, 
 where he died shortly afterwards of despair. 
 He was accused by both the Saracens and the 
 Christians ; by the first of having violated 
 treaties, and by the second of having betrayed 
 his country and religion. 3' 
 
 Conrad de Montferrat, by his birth — he being 
 connected both with Leopold V. of Austria 
 and with Frederick Barbarossa — and by his 
 sagacity and bravery, became a celebrated 
 leader among the Crusaders. He first served 
 under the Emperor Frederick in Italy, and 
 then went to Constantinople, where Isaac, the 
 Ernperor of the East, gave him his sister in 
 marriage and the title of Caesar, for quelling 
 an insurrection in the city. Eager for further 
 distinction, he set sail for Palestine, arriving 
 at Tyre soon after the battle of Tiberias. 
 Here everything was in confusion, and his 
 presence alone saved the city from destruc- 
 tion ; for the inhabitants, hopeless of defend- 
 ing themselves, were making overtures to Sal- 
 adin for the surrender of the place. He was 
 at once given the chief command and, with 
 
 S7 Michaud> ii, 36; Wilken, iiia, 24Z, 249 ; " eii. ciii. 
 
 29 
 30 
 3" 
 
 40. " ! 
 
 4i<4». 
 
 45; Stubbs, Z4-16 
 
 49 : Wilken, iiia, 394. 
 
 the aid of the many knights and soldiers that 
 flocked to his standard, soon compelled Sala- 
 din to raise the siege. 32 Guy al.so repaired to 
 Tyre on his release from captivity, but was 
 refused admittance by the inhabitants who 
 were unwilling to recognize him as their 
 king. 33 
 
 The divorce of Conrad from his wife, his 
 marriage with Isabellarand his intrigues against 
 Guy have been related. The departure of 
 Philip Augustus left him unsupported by any 
 powerful prince, and considering himself con- 
 tinually ill-treated by Richard of England, he 
 entered into an alliance with the Saracens. 34 
 Soon after this Conrad was assassinated. Re- 
 ports differ as to the originator of the crime ; 
 one authority relates that he was killed by an 
 emissary from the Old Man of the Mountain, 
 Chief of the Assas.sins, for an injury done to 
 some merchants. Others accused Saladin of 
 having caused his death, while a third party 
 believed Richard 'himself was the author of 
 the crime. The latter report found its chief 
 supporters among the French. 3S 
 
 Renaud, the lord of Sidon or Sagette, 
 scarcely deserves the name of traitor. It 
 is true he desired the election of the Mar- 
 quis of Montferrat to the throne, but he was 
 not a strong partisan, and he tried to bring 
 about a reconcihation between Conrad and 
 Guy even before the battle of Tiberias. Es- 
 caping to Tyre after the battle, he opened 
 negotiations with Saladin for the surrender of 
 the place, but was forced to fly before carrying 
 out his designs. It is doubtful if his overtures 
 to the infidels were due to a desire to betray 
 the city. In 1192, Renaud was taken prisoner 
 by Saladin, but was soon after released and 
 restored to a part of his former possessions.36 
 
 The identity of the Sire de Baru can not be 
 positively determined. In 1197, the title was 
 conferred by Henry de Champagne upon Jean 
 d'lbelin, also called the vieux Sire de Barut. 
 He was well known for his military and ad- 
 
 32 Mtchaud, ii. 91, 92; Wilken, iv,2i7, 225-233; Stubbs, 18, 
 19. Archer Table, iv. 
 
 33 Michaud, ii. 93 ; Wilken, iv. 252 ; Stubbs, 60. 
 
 34 *' " X40; " " 480: Archer, 2x6, 
 
 35 " " 145; " " 4«3; " 229-233; Stubbs, 
 338-341. 
 
 36 Du Cange, 439; Wilken, 324; Michaud, ii. 49. 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 ministrative talents, but took no protnment 
 part in the intrigues against Guy die Lusig- 
 nan.37 
 
 It was otherwise with his uncle, Baudouin 
 d'Ibelin, the lord- of Rame. Baudouin, one of 
 the most powerful' nobles of his time, stren- 
 uously opposed the election of Guy, and was 
 in favor of marching upon Jerusalem, in order 
 to crown Humphrey de Thoron by force of 
 arms. After the flight of Humphrey, most of 
 the nobles gave in their allegiance to Guy, but 
 Baudouin still refused to recognisse his author- 
 ity and withdrew to Antioch: It was even 
 asserted that he made a private treaty with 
 Saladin, to the effect ttiat the latter should de- 
 fend his territory in case he were attacked by 
 Gu>.3« This' disaffection greatly weakened 
 the cause of the Christians and made a pro- 
 found impression upon the Crusader. As-both 
 Jean and Baudouin belonged to the same 
 fkmily, it is poraiblfe that the- author may have 
 confounded tlie two. 
 
 Li Bans d'Escaloingne.of tJier M6nestrel de 
 Rieims,39 has beenchangcd, in the Pas Saladin, 
 to Pierre Liban d'Ascalone. The proper 
 name Pierre was added no doubt for the sake 
 of the metre; while Liban must be a' misspel- 
 ling for li Baus, or le Bau. Such a person is, 
 however, not mentioned in any of the chronicles 
 of the peritjd. In 1175, the title of Count" of 
 Jaffa and Aiscalon was conferred upon Willjam 
 Longsword, Marquis of Montferrat, and' after 
 his death, two years later, was borne by Guy 
 deLusignarf' himself. Both Jaffa and Aiicalon 
 were- captured by Saladin after the battle of 
 Tiberias.*" 
 
 The names of the twelve knights who guard 
 the defile against the Saracens are historical, 
 and all, with'the exception of Renart^de Bou- 
 logne, took part in one or more of the Cru- 
 sades. The list' fiirnishes some evidence con- 
 necting-the legend of the/'<ts5ii/<Hfe'«-with the 
 battle of J^ffa, for it includtes the names of 
 three of the. Crusaders who aocompanied 
 Richard in his voyage from Acre to Jaffa, in 
 
 }7 Du Cange, 131; 33>. 
 
 38 *' *' 364, Michaud, ii. 40; Wilken, iiia. 254 
 Stubbs, cv. 
 
 39 R^ciis, alt 
 
 40 Du Cange, 34t. 41 Wilktn, iv. 543, 4« Gaston Paris, 44, 
 
 rrgj ; namely, William de Barres, Hugo de 
 Florine and the Count of Cleves.*i 
 
 More direct evidence is found in the corre- 
 sponding list in Jean d'Avesnes and the 
 Chronicles of Flanders. Both of these con- 
 tain the name of Andr6 de Chauvigni, who is 
 mentioned by all the chronicles as one of the 
 nine mounted knights who were present at the 
 battie.4= 
 
 The names of the knights are here taken up 
 in the order in which they are chosen by Wil- 
 liam de Barres and Hugo de Florine ; lines 
 two hundred and twenty-seven to two hundred 
 and fifty-two. 
 
 William de Barres, one of the greatest war- 
 riors of the Third Crusade, belonged to the 
 suite of Philip Augustus. Instead of proceed- 
 ing directly to Palestine, the King and his fol- 
 lowers remained some months in Sicily where 
 an incident occurred , which nearly prevented 
 de Barres from taking any further part in the 
 Crusade. In a personal encounter between 
 the King of England and' himself, arising out 
 of a tilting match with reeds, outside of the 
 city of Messina, Richard was so severely 
 handled that he ordered de Barres never to 
 appear in' his presence again. It was only by 
 the repeated entreaties of Philip atid his vas- 
 sals-, that Richard finally relented and that de 
 Barres was allowed to- accompany the Crusa- 
 ders tothe Holy Land.o Here he won great 
 distinction, being present at the siege of Acre, 
 and taking partin many-engagements against 
 the infidels. The time of bis return is not 
 stated, but'he was at* thebattleof Bouvines; in 
 12^4, where he-saved the life of Philip Augus- 
 tus.-** 
 
 The only mention of H-ugo de Plorine is by 
 Wilken, in his Nistory of the Crusudes, ii, 543. 
 In 1192, when Richard had definitely decided 
 to give up the conquest of Jerusalem, and was 
 making preparations to return to England, he 
 was strongly urged to come to the relief of 
 Jkffa, at that time besieged by Saladin. While 
 part of the- Crusaders marched towards the 
 citybyland, he set out by sea, and the name 
 of Hugo de Florine occurs in the list of French 
 knights that accompanied the King. 
 
 43 MicKaud, ir. 133; 'Wilktii, iv; 186; Arther, 43-46. 
 
 44 Archer, 44. 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 Geoffrey de Liisig:nan was the elder brother 
 of Guy, King of Jerusalem. As one of the 
 leaders of the Crusaders, he did excellent 
 work at the Siege of Acre, and his name is al- 
 ways mentioned as that of a valiant knight. 45 
 He was, no doubt, a braver and better soldier 
 than Guy, and Vinisauf compared his feats of 
 arms to those of Roland and Oliver. At the 
 news of his brother's election to the throne, in 
 place of Raymond, the choice of the people, 
 he is said to have exclaimed : " Well, if they 
 have made a King of him, they would have 
 made a God of me, if they had known me. "46 
 One clause in the settlement of the dispute 
 between Richard and Philip that gave the 
 throne to Guy, refers to Geoffrey, to whom 
 was given the county of Jaffa and Ascalone, in 
 reward for the services he had rendered the 
 cause of the Crusaders. He did not enjoy the 
 title long, but returned to France in October,47 
 1192. 
 
 The fourth knight may represent either Re- 
 naud de Chatillon or Gauche de Chatillon, as 
 both were prominent at this period in the 
 East. 
 
 Renaud de Chatillon, the son of a powerful 
 nobleman of Champagne, came to the Holy 
 Land in 1147, ^s a common soldier, being too 
 poor to maintain a following of his own. Hav- 
 ing married Constance, the widow of Ray- 
 mond, prince of Antioch, he became rich and 
 powerful, and carried on many expeditions 
 against the infidels.48 In 1160, Renaud was 
 captured by the governor of Aleppo, and re- 
 mained in prison for sixteen years. On re- 
 gaining his freedom, he found his wife dead, 
 but by a second marriage he restored his for- 
 tunes and became lord of Carac, and of some 
 castles near the frontiers of Arabia and Pales- 
 tine. He now renewed his incursions into the 
 territory of the Saracens, paying no heed to 
 the truce that had been declared between the 
 Christians and the infidels. 49 Neither Baldwin 
 IV, nor his successors were strong enough to 
 compel Renaud to keep the peace, and as 
 Saladin was, therefore, unable to obtain re- 
 
 45 Michsiud, ii, 14, 99; Wilken, iv, 253, 299, 337; Stubbs, 71. 
 
 46 Robson, i, 413 ; Stubbs, 216. 
 
 47 Wilkcn, iv, 373 ; Du Cange, 344 ; Stubbs, 335., 
 
 48 Michaud, ii, 28 ; Wilken, iiia. 33 ; Stubbs, xcix. 
 
 49 Michaud, ii, 39,33; Wilktn, iiia, 67; Stubbs, 12. 
 
 dress, war broke out afresh. Renaud was thus 
 the immediate cause of that terrible contest, 
 in which Jerusalem was lost to the Christians. 5° 
 After the battle of Tiberias, he was taken 
 prisoner for the second time and, by the ex- 
 press orders of Saladin, slain for his alleged 
 insults to the Mohammedan religion.5» 
 
 Gauche de Chatillon, known later as the 
 Count of St. Pol, and a crowd of noble knights 
 arrived in Palestine in 1189. They had pre- 
 ceded Philip Augustus, and all joined the 
 army of Guy de Lusignan who was besieging 
 Acre. 52 Gauche greatly distinguished himself 
 throughout the war and, after the return of 
 Philip to France, held a high command in the 
 Christian army under Richard. He was also 
 present at the battle of Bouvines and died in 
 1219.53 
 
 Neither Renart de Boulogne, nor Walram 
 of Limburg, the fifth and sixth knights chosen, 
 took part in the Third Crusade. Michaud 
 states that a count of Boulogne joined the 
 Counts of Champagne and of Chartres in the 
 Fifth Crusade, but nothing is said of his 
 further adventures. 54 
 
 Walram, Duke of Limburg, brother of the 
 Duke of Brabant, took the Cross in 1196.55 
 He was placed in command of one of the 
 armies raised by Henry VI of Germany, and 
 arrived in Palestine in 1197, or five years after 
 the departure of Richard. s6 The Germans 
 found the country in a state of peace, and, 
 being unable to persuade the resident Chris- 
 tians to open hostilities, they marched against 
 the Saracens alone. The renewed war was of 
 short duration, for on receiving the news of 
 the death of the.Emperor Henry, the Germans 
 re-embarked and returned to Europe in March, 
 1198. It is stated by Rohricht that Henry III, 
 Duke of Limburg, with his two sons Henry 
 and Walram, is said to have fought under 
 Richard at ArsM, in 1192, but it is doubtful 
 whether he took part in the Third Crusade.57 
 
 50 Micbaud, ii, 41 ; Wilken, iii2, 264. 
 
 51 " "48,30; *' " 287,389; Stubbs, 51, 
 
 52 Marin, i, 172: Robson, i, 458. 
 
 S3 ' •• " 
 
 54 Michaud, ii, 216. 
 
 55 " " i«5 ; Wilken, v, 16. 
 
 56 " " 187. 
 
 57 Wilken, v, 32,42, RShricht, ii, 337. 
 
LE PAS S ALA DIN. 
 
 The career of Richard, King of England, is 
 too vvtll known to need recounting at this 
 place. 
 
 Philip, Count of Flanders, was the grand- 
 son of Fulk of Anjou, King of Jerusalem. 
 He first took the Cross in 1177, in expiation, it 
 was said, of his many sins. Baldwin IV was 
 then on the throne, and as the leprosy by 
 which he was attacked nearly incapacitated 
 him for ruling, he offered the regency to Philip, 
 who refused it. Philip's stay was short ; he 
 returned to Europe soon after Easter of the 
 following year. 58 Ten years later he joined 
 the Third Crusade ; but he can not have been 
 one of the knights that fought with Philip 
 Augustus, since he died at the siege of Acre, 
 in June, 1191, a short time before the arrival 
 of the King of France.59 
 
 The identity of the next knight on our list, 
 William Longue Espee, is doubtful. A Wil- 
 liam de Longa Spata, an Englishman, is men- 
 tioned by Wilken as being one of the knights 
 that accompanied Richard in his expedition to 
 Jaffa, in the latter part of 1192. No further 
 particulars are given, and no allusion is made 
 to him by other historians.*" 
 
 The same name was also borne by William, 
 Marquis of Montferrat, the brother of Conrad, 
 but as he died in 1177, he could not have taken 
 part in the Third Crusade. He was justly 
 celebrated for his bravery and experience in 
 war, and in 1176 was married to Sibylla, the 
 daughter of King Amalric. Their son, later 
 
 58 Wilken, iiia, 171,174; Michaud, ii, 29. 
 
 59 " iv, 12,335: Stubbs, 217. 
 
 60 " •■ 543. 
 
 crowned as Baldwin V, died very young. 6' 
 
 Simon de Montfort, the tenth knight, was 
 one of the leaders of the Fifth Crusade, but 
 did not join the Third. He later became 
 notorious for his cruel war against the Albi- 
 genses.62 
 
 A name similar to that of Bernarz, Reiz de 
 Orstrinale, or de Horstemale, is mentioned by 
 Rohricht, Vol. ii, p. 356. It is there stated 
 that Bernhard, Baron of Horstmar, a German, 
 fought under the banner of Richard, and that 
 he drew upon himself the notice of Saladin 
 for his great bravery in the battle before Akka. 
 Later on he joined the army of Walram of 
 Limburg, and distinguished himself in the bat- 
 tle of Bairut, in 1197.63 
 
 Dietrich, Count of Cleves, the last knight 
 chosen, was the brother of the Bishop of Liit- 
 tich. The accounts of his exploits are very 
 meagre, but he is mentioned by both Wilken 
 and Rohricht as taking part in the Third 
 Crusade. He first joined the army of Fred- 
 erick Barbarossa, and when the death of the 
 Emperor left the Germans without a leader, 
 he entered the service of the King of England. 
 He accompanied Richard in his voyage to 
 Jaffa, but the time of his return to Europe is 
 not stated.'* 
 
 F. E. LODEMAN. 
 Cornell University. 
 
 61 Wilken, iii2, 171,239,249; Michaud, ii, 29; Du Cange, 34a, 
 
 62 Wilken, v, 112. 
 
 63 Rohricht, ii. 211,354, 
 
 64 " •" 151,330; Wilken, iv, 543. 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 TEXT. 
 Del recorder est grans solas, 
 De cheaus qui garderent le pas 
 Contre le roy Salehadin ; 
 Des douzes princes palasin 
 5 Qui tant furent de grant renon. 
 En mainte sale les point on, 
 Pour miex veoir leur contenance ; 
 Moult est bele la remembrance 
 A regarder a maint preudome. 
 lo A eel tempoire fut a Ronme 
 Li vaillans papes Lusiiens, 
 Qui fist croisier mains crestoiens. 
 Car Jherusalem ert perdue. 
 En mains de Sarrasins ceue ; 
 15 Li roys Guis d'Acre desconfis. 
 Par traisons vendus et pris, 
 Et fut livreis Salehadin. 
 Cis roys prist Acre et mist a fin 
 Tous les crestiens que il trova, 
 20 Dont mains paiens le compara. 
 Des traitors fans losengiers 
 Li quens de Tribles fu premiers, 
 Et li marcis de Ponferan, 
 Et d'Ascalone Pieres Liban, 
 
 25 Apres li sires de Baru, 
 Et de Sate, quens Poru. 
 Cilz cink firent le traison, 
 Et vendirent le roy Guion 
 A Salhadin le roy soudant, 
 
 30 De quoy il orent maint besant. 
 Le saint sepulcre li livrerent : 
 Madit soient de Dieu le pere ! 
 Le roy trairent par envie, 
 Et la sainte terre en fust perie. 
 
 35 Quant li papes I'oit a dire, 
 Au cuer en ot dolor et ire, 
 Hastiement, si com je crois, 
 Fist il sermoner de la crois, 
 En douce France et en Bretaigne, 
 
 40 En Engleterre, en Alemaigne. 
 Li bons roys Phelippes de France, 
 Cis se croisa sans demorance ; 
 Et d'Engleterre roys Richars, 
 Ensemble lui mains bons vassaus. 
 
 45 Dont se croisent isnele pas 
 Tuit cil qui garderent le pas, 
 Et avec eus maint bon preudonme 
 Dont dire ne vos sai la somme. 
 Princes et dus et mains contors 
 
 50 Se croisierent por Deu amors, 
 La mer passent a est banie, 
 
 Et ariverent en Surie. 
 Moult i avoit riches conrois 
 Du roy de France et des Englois ; 
 55 Chascun prist terre por ligier. 
 Pour reposer et pour aisier. 
 La trouverent le roy Guion, 
 Qui issus estoit de prisons ; 
 Les roys conjoit doucement, 
 60 Et les contat son errement. 
 
 "Sire," fait il, au roy de France, 
 " V. traitor par leur hubance 
 Ont mis a grant destruction 
 La terre de promission. 
 65 Li quens de Trible est premerains, 
 Et si vos di, bien por certains, 
 Ma fame vot prendre et avoir. 
 Par tant qu'il voloit estre roys, 
 Li partriarche en fu moiens. 
 70 Ma dame onques par nule riens 
 A ce ne vot se acorder, 
 Ains m'aportoit grant loyaute, 
 Et vraie amor sanz point d'amere 
 Qu'elle moy tint bien a mari. 
 75 EUe fu suer roy Amari, 
 
 Et partant que morut sans oir, 
 Fui ge de Jherusalem roys ; 
 Dont li mavais orent envie, 
 Et me vorent tolir la vie. 
 80 Car vendus fut Salehadin 
 Argent empresent et or fin. 
 Par teis furent lor covens fais : 
 Lor terres tenroient en pais 
 Livrer me durent sor lechans, 
 85 Lor seremens prist le soudans. 
 De tout ce ne savoi ge rien, 
 Mais le soudans le me fist bien 
 Apres dirai qu'il en ait vint. 
 Bataille avoms a Salhadin, 
 90 Et cant i vint a I'assembler, 
 Li mavais traitor prouve, 
 Lor banieres laisont chair, 
 Et se tornerent a fuir, 
 Cel jor ne plot au roy de gloire 
 95 Que li nostre euss^nt victoire. 
 La fui ge pris et retenus, 
 Crestiens mors et confondus. 
 Salehadins a tous saisi, 
 Jherusalem et le pais. 
 100 De tant me fist il grant bonte, 
 De prison me laisast aleir, 
 Car je n'avoy or ne argent. 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 
 Et li me fist tous tnes despens. 
 
 
 Pellerin sommes, gel vos di. 
 
 
 Or avons cher assise Seur, 
 
 155 
 
 Celui qui son sane respandi 
 
 105 
 
 Car en fuisent fondu li mur." 
 
 
 Pours nos trestous arecheter. 
 
 
 Quarit li roys Guis ot tout conte, 
 
 
 Par lui avons passe la mer; 
 
 
 Le roy em prist moult grant pite ; 
 
 
 Bien devon mes en celui croire, 
 
 
 Moult doucement le conforterent, 
 
 
 Cui juif fisent ainsi boire. 
 
 
 Et la roine qu'avec li ere, 
 
 160 
 
 Ce fu li tres dous Jhesu Crist, 
 
 no 
 
 "Seignor," fait il, "cil le ros mere 
 
 
 Cui en la crois Pilate mist, 
 
 
 A cui Marie est fille et mere:" 
 
 
 Por rac'heter tous ses amis. 
 
 
 Assise fu Sur a grant joie. 
 
 
 Las convint le ferit Longis 
 
 
 La velst on moint tref de sole, 
 
 
 TDe la lance par mi le cors ; 
 
 
 D'or et d'azur, inde et Vermel, 
 
 165 
 
 Por nos trestous se mist a mort. 
 
 "5 
 
 Reluir encontre le soleil ; 
 
 
 Bien nos en doit tous remembrer. 
 
 
 Ou il ot maint bon chevalier. 
 
 
 Et eel sepulcre se fist poser, 
 
 
 Qui moult faisoient a prisier. 
 
 
 Qui est en mains Sarrasins. 
 
 
 Et cant li roys soudans le sout. 
 
 
 Et se vesqui Salehadin, 
 
 
 11 assembla tantost son est. 
 
 170 
 
 Qui dit qu'a nos se vet combatre. 
 
 120 
 
 Apres manda au roy de France 
 
 
 Or sachent tuit et un autre. 
 
 
 La bataille sans demorance ; 
 
 
 Contes et dus et chevaliers. 
 
 
 Et li bons roys li ramanda 
 
 
 Que je sui tous apareilles 
 
 
 Cant voet se vengne il I'atendra. 
 
 
 A faire tout quanque vos vorres." 
 
 
 Philippes li roys fu preus et sages, 
 
 175 
 
 Des iex conmencent a larmeir 
 
 125 
 
 Bien fist gaitier tous les passages. 
 
 
 Li barons tous de grant pitier, 
 
 
 Con ne poist sa gent grever. 
 
 
 Quant le roy virent si humilier. 
 
 
 Par devers Acre coste la mer. 
 
 
 Et si biaus mos dire et retraire 
 
 
 Droit a I'entree de Surie, 
 
 
 Chascun ot le roy debonnaire. 
 
 
 Au fort passage d'Armonie, 
 
 180 
 
 Embrases d'armes et d 'armor 
 
 130 
 
 La ot roces et derubans. 
 
 
 Por Jhesu Crist nostre seingnor. 
 
 
 De la loga li roys soudans, 
 
 
 Au roy respondent hautement : 
 
 
 Qui moult ama chevalerie, 
 
 
 " Nous vos aiderons loyaument, 
 
 
 Et honnora toute sa vie ; 
 
 
 Bien devons faire vo plaisir, 
 
 
 De guerre fu moult preu et sages. 
 
 185 
 
 Et avec vos vivre et morir." 
 
 135 
 
 Par mi la roce est li passages 
 
 
 En pies fust Hues de Florine, 
 
 
 Moult par est fors et perilleus. 
 
 
 Si regarda vers la marine. 
 
 
 Salehadins li orgueilleus. 
 
 
 Si achoisist le roy Richar, 
 
 
 Jura Mahon et Apolin 
 
 
 Ensemble lui maint bon vassal. 
 
 
 Passer i fera Sarrasin, 
 
 190 
 
 Parler venoit au roy de France. 
 
 140 
 
 Qui aus crestiens franc destorbier. 
 
 
 Et li bons HuUes si s'avance 
 
 
 S'il ne sevent bien gaitier. 
 
 
 Au roy a dit trestot en haut : 
 
 
 Mais il alat tout autrement. 
 
 
 " Sires, vees ci le roy Richart." 
 
 
 Au roy de France apertement 
 
 
 " Ce me plaist bien," ce dist li roys. 
 
 
 A on trestot conteit I'afaire, 
 
 195 
 
 " C'est bien raison qu'au conseil soit." 
 
 145 
 
 Que li soudans vet par la traire 
 
 
 Ci sachent le roy d'Engleterre 
 
 
 Son grant ost conduir et mener. 
 
 
 De son cheval mist pie a terre. 
 
 
 Li roys respont : " laissies aler. 
 
 
 Le roy salue et son barneit. 
 
 
 Li oiseillons dist en apert : 
 
 
 Li roys de France autreteit 
 
 
 Tiex quide gaaingner qui pert.'' 
 
 200 
 
 Li rent salus cortoisement. 
 
 150 
 
 Li roys Phelippes dist en oiant : 
 
 
 "Sire," fait il, " certainement 
 
 
 Seingnor Francois, venez avant, 
 
 
 Maudes nos a Salehadin 
 
 
 Pour [Dieu] et si me conseilliez ; 
 
 
 Bataille par vos Sarrasin. 
 
 
 Jones hons sui, si n'ai mestier. 
 
 
 Par ce est cous cilz tuit ensemble ; 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 205 Pour Dieu ! nos mostres bon exemple, 
 Pour que si bien nos deffendon, 
 Que ne s'en gabent li glouton, 
 Li Sarrasin, fel deputaire." 
 Ricliars cis ne se vot pas taire, 
 
 210 Ains respondit : "Tres bien m'agree, 
 Sus les corons gule baee ; 
 Riens ne nos vaut li Ions termines." 
 " C'est voirs," dist Hues de Florines, 
 " Mais se vos tuit me voliez croire, 
 
 215 Je vos dirai parole voire. " 
 
 " Par foy, oull," dient li roys. 
 Hues apella le Barrois : 
 "Sires Barrois, venez avant. 
 A ces grans roces, la devant, 
 
 220 Dist li soudans qu'il passera. 
 Nos douze garderons le pas, 
 De teis qui entrer vorons. 
 Se Dieu plaist, bien le defFendrons, 
 Puis que grees le m'ont li roys." 
 
 225 " Et je I'otroie," dist li Barrois, 
 Se il sunt chevalier de pris. 
 "Par foy," dist Hues, "ainsil'afis, 
 Or enlissies, sire Barrois." 
 "Si m'ait Dieus, je prent Gofroy, 
 
 230 Qui est sires de Lasegnon." 
 "Etjou, Gautier de Chastilon, 
 Pour quoy feroy Ion prolonge ? " 
 " Et je pren Renart de Boulongne," 
 Ce dist li Barrois en riant. 
 
 235 Et Hues, le due Valerant, 
 
 Qui Lenborc tient et cele terre. 
 " Gi' enlis le bon roy d'Engleterre, 
 Dist Guillaume, "par saint Bavon ! " 
 Hues, le conte Philippon 
 
 240 De Flandres, car bien li agree. 
 Et li Barrois prist Longue Espee 
 Guillaume, qui fu grans et fors. 
 Hues prist Simon de Monfors, 
 Ki falls n'estoit ne couarz. 
 
 245 Li Barrois prist messi Bernarz, 
 Ki li reiz est de Orstrinale. 
 "Or arez vous, sire de Barre, 
 Choisit a vostre volonte?" 
 " Or me convient un porpensoir," 
 
 250 Ce dist Hues, " par saint Urry ! " 
 Je pren le preu conte Tiry 
 De Cleves, qui n'est pas larrier. 
 Quant est monteis sus son destrier, 
 Et il le fiert des esperons ; 
 
 255 Plus joins que uns esmerilhons, 
 
 Seit il une lance brisier. 
 
 Or est il bien tens de laisier, 
 
 Huimais cesti enlexion ; 
 
 Trestout a point nos .XH. aston 
 260 On n'i puet ne metre ne prendre, 
 
 Mais veiilt chascun ses armes prendre. 
 
 Trestuit I'alerent fianchier, 
 
 Dont il fesoint moult a prisier. 
 Philippes lor fist niesse chanteir, 
 265 Apres s'alerent adobeir. 
 
 A tant monterent en chevaux, 
 
 Li rois de France les sengira ; 
 
 A Dieu les a tos conmandeis, 
 
 Et il chevacent bien sereis. 
 270 Et si ont tant esporonneit 
 
 Droit a brochier sont armeit. 
 
 La descendirent des destriers 
 
 Les atachent aus oliviers ; 
 
 Tot a pie furent li baron, 
 275 Fier et hardi comme lion. 
 
 Chascun estoit d'ire enbrasseis, 
 
 Et si estoit moult bien armes ; 
 
 Tant furent rengiez grans et mendre, 
 
 Le pas vauront moult bien deffendre 
 280 Encontre touz les Sarrasins. 
 
 Or dirai de Salehadin 
 
 Trestot ensi qu'il esploita 
 
 Tantost tuit son conseil manda, 
 
 Les rois et tons les amirans. 
 285 " Biaux seignor," ce dist li soudans, 
 
 "Je weil que vous me conseilles. 
 
 De cha la meir ce est tos mieus 
 
 Et li crestien tirent de la. 
 
 Or son Francois venuz de cha, 
 290 C'est pour ma terre calengier. 
 
 Acre cuident bien regaingnier. 
 
 C'est pour aidier le roy Guion, 
 
 Queje ai mis hors de prison. 
 
 Car li roiaumes vint a li 
 29s De par la suer roy Amary, 
 
 Qui sa fame est, bien le seit on. 
 
 Niece, Godefroy de Bulon 
 
 Qui Jerusalem conquist, 
 
 Et tant paiens a la mort mist. 
 300 Apres conquist, dont il me toche, 
 Seur et Trible et Antioche, 
 
 Et bien .CC. castias fermeis, 
 
 Et prist .LX. fors chiteis, 
 
 Ce conquist dedens. IH. ans. 
 305 Loeir me doi de Tervagant, 
 
 Et de Mahon, mon avoe, 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 Car je ai tot reconquiste, 
 
 Ce que cis Godefrois gangna. 
 
 Or sont Franchois logiet de cha 
 310 Par Mahumet ! s'ont fait folic." 
 
 Li rois respondit d'Amarie, 
 
 Qu'on appelloit Malaquin : 
 
 " Grant tort avez, Salahadin, 
 
 Qui ci nos faite sojorner. 
 315 Alons les Francheis renverseir 
 
 Apertetnent, sans atargier, 
 
 Faites venir tos vos archier, 
 
 A pik, a dars, a gavelos ; 
 
 Dedens ces roches astons enclos 
 320 Faite vostre est outre passier." 
 
 A eel conseil sont acordez 
 
 Turs et paiens et Sarrasin, 
 
 Et moult bien plot Salehadin. 
 Li soudans a dit en oiant : 
 325 " Roy Malaquin, venez avant, 
 
 Vos condureis bien I'estendart 
 
 Avec le bon roy Escorfart. 
 
 Li passages n'est pas trop Ion, 
 
 Bien passerez vous .x. a fron. 
 330 Alez li faites I'avangarde, 
 
 Cevachies et si n'ares garde. 
 
 Volentiers, Sire, par Mahon 
 
 A tant monterent, si s'en vont, 
 
 Achemineis sont par la rue, 
 335 Desous at mainte roche ague. 
 
 Vont et joiant s'en vont li rois, 
 
 Et enmoinent en leur conrois 
 
 Qui vaut .X. mille Sarrasins. 
 
 EI premier chief fu Malaquin, 
 340 Et Escorfaus fut a son leis. 
 
 Ains qu'il soient oultre passeis 
 
 Averont il tel enconbrier, 
 
 Qui les ferat les cuers irier ; 
 
 Car a Tissue d'autre part 
 345 La troverent .xii. lyepart. 
 
 Ce furent noble chevalier ; 
 
 Le pas lor vorront calengier, 
 
 Ce orreis dire en petit d'oirre. 
 .ii. Sarrasins plus noirs de more 
 350 Vinrent poignant hors a Tissue. 
 
 Chascun d'eaus de paor tressue. 
 
 Cant il vinrent sor les Franchois. 
 
 " Diex, bonne estrine," dist li Barrois. 
 
 A cest mot est passeis avant. 
 355 Del fuere trait le bon nu brant, 
 
 Le paien fiert de tiel vertut, 
 
 Le brache li trence a tot Tescut. 
 
 Et chist astoit rois Malaquins, 
 Qui conduisoit les Sarrasins. 
 
 360 Fuir s'en vot, mais il ne pot. 
 Car li Barrois li rent tiel cos 
 Parmi son chief de branche molu, 
 Jusques es dens Tat pourfendu, 
 Mort le trebuce do ceval. 
 
 365 Moult empensa roy Escorfal, 
 A vols escriant a ha[ut]ton : 
 " Ferez avant, signour gloton, 
 On nos at mort Roy Malaquin. 
 Qui veist Turs et Sarrasin, 
 
 370 Venir poingnant hors a Tissue. 
 Mais cil qui proece salue, 
 Lors ont si fort liciet le pas, 
 Par la ne paisseront il pas, 
 Qu'anchois n'i ait maint paien mort. 
 
 375 Rois Escarfaus sonat .i. cors, 
 Por Sarrasins mies rebandir. 
 Puis trait son branc, si va ferir 
 Le roy Richar sor Telme agu ; 
 Ne Tenpira pas .i. fistu. 
 
 380 Al roy Richar forment en poise ; 
 Par grant air le branc entoise, 
 Le paien fiert de tiel randon 
 Tot le pourfent jusqu'en Tarchon, 
 Si qu'a la terre Tat verse. 
 
 385 "Glos," dist Richars, "or en aveis! ' 
 Qui dont velst les chevaliers 
 Conmencer un estor planier, 
 Bien poist dire sans doutance. 
 Que puis les .xii. pairs de France, 
 
 390 Qui furent mors en Ronceval, 
 Ne trovaist on les parigal. 
 Qui furent cil dont je vous conte. 
 Qui dont velst Renar le conle 
 Cil i feront comme vassaus, 
 
 395 Mors le trebuche des chevaus. 
 Ansi faisoit li preus Huons, 
 Plus aigrement comme lyons, 
 Les coroit sus sans misericorde. 
 Car del sepulcre li recorde. 
 
 400 Philippes de Flandres, li vaillans, 
 Jofrois et li dus Walerans, 
 Cis i ferirent des espees, 
 Et mainte teste y ot copees 
 Des Sarrasins et des paiens. 
 
 405 Li quens de Cleves li fist bien, 
 Et tout loyaute, a dire voir, 
 Chascun i fist bien son devoir. 
 On ne les set de quoy reprendre. 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 Maint bon essemple i puet on prendre 
 410 Qui a bien bee et a honnor. 
 
 Cerent del monde li meillor, 
 
 Et la flor de chevalerie, 
 
 Qui grant noblece senefie. 
 Or vous dirai du roy soudant, 
 415 Qui forment s'aloit merveilant. 
 
 Quant il vit son ost recueilleir, 
 
 Car bien quidoit outre passeir. 
 
 Car li cuers li dist et li tesmoigne. 
 
 Que li crestiens li font vergoigne, 
 420 Et grant domage de sa gent. 
 
 II en appelle Tornevant, 
 
 Son espie que moult amoit. 
 
 Les preus chevaliers connoissoit 
 
 Par toute France et en Bretaigne, 
 425 Et Engleterre, en Alemaigne, 
 
 Car jadis i suet conversier. 
 
 Les escus seit bien devisier, 
 
 Car d'armes est bien connoissans. 
 
 "Tome vent," ce dist li soudans, 
 430 " Va tost monter sor ces grans roces. 
 
 Pren garde se Fran(;ois delogent, 
 
 Ou s'il sont aus paiens melleit." 
 
 " Ensi que I'aveis commandeit 
 
 Sera il fait," dist Tome vent. 
 435 Si tant a I'aler se prent, 
 
 Tant que venus est au rochier, 
 
 Apertement va sus puier. 
 De sour la roche haute et grant, 
 
 Fu li espie au roy soudant, 
 440 Qui d' armes fust apris et sages, 
 
 Et regarda vers les passages, 
 
 Droit a Tissue del rochier. 
 
 La vit il .xii. chevaliers, 
 
 Qui moult forment se combatoient 
 445 Au Sarrasins qui la venoient. 
 
 Qui par force quident passer. 
 
 Tant en i firent jus verser, 
 
 Que toute pleine en est la voie. 
 
 Mais tant vos di ge totevoie, 
 450 C'est sans passer aus Sarrasins, 
 
 Tant furent preus li palasins, 
 
 Et voulentiers le pas defendre, 
 
 Qu'angois se voront moult cher vendre 
 
 Que il soient ne pris ne mort. 
 455 De I'espie vos dirai lors. 
 
 Qui les barons a regardes, 
 
 Et lor escuz bien avises ; 
 
 Trestous les connut Tornevent. 
 
 Atant de la roche descent. 
 
 460 Si s'en reva droit au soudant ; 
 
 Je li dirai son convenant. 
 
 Quant li soudans vit Tornevent, 
 
 Si li demande apertement : 
 "Qu'as tu veu? ne me ment pas." 
 465 "Sire," fait il isnelepas, 
 
 "Je ai veu trestout le monde, 
 
 Si com il clot a la reonde, 
 
 Sans plus en .xii. chevaliers. 
 
 Par Mahomet! il sunt enlies 
 470 Par les plus preus, les plus vaillans, 
 
 Que soient eus en Post de France, 
 
 Et les plus fors, les plus hardis, 
 
 Ensi com rose et flor de lis 
 
 Seurmonte de biaute les flors. 
 475 Habonde et proece et honnors 
 
 Es chevaliers dont je vous conte. 
 
 .xii. en y a trestout par conte 
 
 Par leur armes connus les ai. 
 
 Or escoutez, ge's nommerai : 
 480 C'est d'Engleterre rois Richars, 
 
 Et de Boulongne, quens Renars; 
 
 Li quens de Flandres Phelippons ! 
 
 Et de Monfort, mesire Simons ; 
 
 Tierris de Cleves li vaillans ; 
 485 De Lenborc, li dus Vallerans ; 
 
 Mesire Bernars de Horstemalo; 
 
 Et li preus Guillaume de Barre ; 
 
 Mesire Gautiers de Chastillon; 
 
 Mesire Jofrois de Losegaon ; 
 490 Mesire Guillaume Longe Espee ; 
 
 Chasaun a bien la teste armee, 
 
 Et mesire Hues de Florine, 
 
 Li dousiesme : je vous afine 
 
 Que tuit sont preus, hardis aus armes. 
 495 Chascun tient I'escu as enarmes, 
 
 Bien semblent angles enpannet 
 
 C'est la flor de crestientet. 
 
 Et si croire ne m'en voulez, 
 
 Droit a Tissue del rochier 
 500 Les pourriez veoir sanz faille ; 
 
 Car a vo gent font grant bataille. 
 
 Et moult en ont navres et mors. 
 
 A terre en vi gesir maint cors ; 
 
 Et sor I'oriere del chemin 
 505 Vi gesir mort roy Malakin, 
 
 Son compagnon roy Escorfart, 
 
 Qui conduissoit vostre estendart." 
 Li soudans ot le cuer dolent, 
 
 De ce qu'ot dire Tornevent. 
 510 Bien I'escoutoit et tint I'oreille, 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 
 Des chevaliers moult se merveille, 
 
 
 Car chascun resoignoit la mort. 
 
 
 Que tout li mondes loe et prise, 
 
 ^Des hauts princes vous dirai lors. 
 
 
 Bien voit qu'il sont de grant emprise. 
 
 
 Qu'a Post franfois sont retornes. 
 
 
 Moult s'apensa de grant bonte 
 
 565 
 
 Mains preudons est encontre ales. 
 
 515 
 
 Que ce seroit trop grant pite 
 
 
 Li rois Phelippes y ala. 
 
 
 De mettre telle gent a mort ; 
 
 
 L'un apres I'autre salua. 
 
 
 Ce ne feroit il pour nul tresort. 
 
 
 Et les acole par dou<;or. 
 
 
 Les preus d'armes haoit mie, 
 
 
 Assez i ot lermes et plor 
 
 
 Touz jourz amast chevalerie, 
 
 570 
 
 De la grant joie qu'il avoient, 
 
 520 
 
 Quar .i. quens Hues I'adouba 
 
 
 Des vaillans princes qu'il ravoient 
 
 
 Trestoute I'ordre li moustra. 
 
 
 Dont moult furent reconfortes, 
 
 
 Li soudans I'avoit en prison 
 
 
 Et toust li ost renlumines. 
 
 
 Por ce li quita sa rengon ; 
 
 
 Li rois de France fu cortois ; 
 
 
 Puis s'en rala en Galillee, 
 
 575 
 
 Par la main prist Richart I'Anglois, 
 
 525 
 
 Sires estoit de la contree. 
 
 
 En son tref maine les barons. 
 
 
 Apres li rois soudans parla, 
 
 
 De tous leur oste les blasons, 
 
 
 Le roy de Halpe en apela, 
 
 
 Et les aida a desarmer. 
 
 
 Le roy d'Aufrique par la main tint. 
 
 
 Le souper firent appareillier. 
 
 
 " Avez oy, seingnor cousin, 
 
 580 
 
 Puis pristrent I'iaue, seoir vont. 
 
 530 
 
 De I'espie et contes et dis ? 
 
 
 Vin et viandes a foison 
 
 
 De ce vous dirai mon avis : 
 
 
 Firent venir et aporter. 
 
 
 Cil .xii. dont je I'os parler 
 
 
 Chascun menga a grant plente, 
 
 
 Pourroient plus nos gens grever. 
 
 
 11 en avoient bon mestier. 
 
 
 Que tout li ost des crestlens. 
 
 585 
 
 Car moult estoient traveilliet. 
 
 535 
 
 De trestout ce certains soiens 
 
 
 Quant orent mengie et beut, 
 
 
 Que par ci n'i voi point de passage." 
 
 
 Lor mains lavent grace ont rendue 
 
 
 Dist li soudans, qui moult fu sage, 
 
 
 A Jhesu Crist de maiste. 
 
 
 "Mahomet! en cui je crois. 
 
 
 Qu'il leur a fait si grant bonte, 
 
 
 Ce sont Francois de grant bonfois." 
 
 590 
 
 Que sain etsauf sont repairies. 
 
 540 
 
 Li rois d'Aufrique li respont : 
 
 
 Dont li barnages fu tous lies. 
 
 
 " Vers Damete nous meton, 
 
 
 Moult firent grant chevalerie, 
 
 
 Car c'est la clef et c'est li serre. 
 
 
 Quant au soudant de paiennie. 
 
 
 Et li plus fors lieus de la terre ; 
 
 
 Alerent deffendre le passage. 
 
 
 Bien est garnie, fort sont li mur. 
 
 595 
 
 Grant honneur firent leur lignage, 
 
 545 
 
 Dedans serons nous aseur." 
 
 
 Tous jours en iert la renonmee. 
 
 
 A eel conseil sont acordet, 
 
 
 On les point en sale pavee. 
 
 
 A tant est leur ost atornet 
 
 
 C'est .i. tres nobles mireors. 
 
 
 Vers Damete vont tout droit, 
 
 
 A ceulz qui tendent a honnors, 
 
 
 Mais d'Escofart sont en effroit, 
 
 600 
 
 Et maintienent chevalerie. 
 
 550 
 
 Et del vaillant roi Malakin. 
 
 
 Prions a Die le filz Marie, 
 
 
 Ci vous lerai de Salhadin, 
 
 
 Qu'en paradis mete a soulas 
 
 
 Si vous dirai des haus barons, 
 
 
 Les .xii. qui gardont le pas, 
 
 
 Cui le passage gardent tous. 
 
 
 Et la noble chevalerie. 
 
 
 Quant paiens virent deslogier. 
 
 605 
 
 Que li rois Guis ot en baillie. 
 
 555 
 
 En haut les pristrent a huchier : 
 
 
 Pelerin furent outremer. 
 
 
 " A en alez seingneur gloutou ! 
 
 
 Arrier ne vorent retourner, 
 
 
 V^es ci le tref le roi Phelippon, 
 
 
 Soient pris Sur, Acre conquise, 
 
 
 Ou il ratant le roi soudant." 
 
 
 Et li roi Guis mis en baillie. 
 
 
 Li Sarrasin s'en vont finant. 
 
 610 
 
 D'Acre fu rois et du pais ; 
 
 560 
 
 Ni a paien, Tur, ni escler 
 Qui ait talent de retourner. 
 
 
 Ainsi secourt Dieus ses amis. 
 
 13 
 
I.E PAS SALADIN. 
 
 The following is not an exhaustive study of 
 the language of the text, all characteristics 
 not essential to the determination of dialect 
 having been omitted. In referring to the dia- 
 lect spoken in central France, the shorter 
 word "French" is almost always u§ed in place 
 of "Isle-de-France." 
 
 Vowels. 
 A. 
 Latin tonic a in open syllable and before oral 
 consonants becomes e and ei. 
 
 Examples: — i, recorder; 38, sermoner; 56, 
 reposer; 72, loyaute; 90, assembler; loo, 
 bonte ; 106, conte ; 113, tref; 126, grever, 127, 
 mer; 128, entree; 147, aler; 202, mandes; 17, 
 livreis ; loi, aleir; 144, coiiteit; 175, larmeir; 
 270, esporonneit ; 287, meir; 302, fermeis; 303, 
 chiteis ; 340, leis. 
 
 This development to ei is of some impor- 
 tance as it occurs so regularly throughout the 
 text. The rhymes bonte: aleir, 100; vorres : 
 larmeir, 175, as well as in lines 276, 314, and 
 384, prove that there was no difference in the 
 pronunciation of e and ei, which must have 
 been c. The writing of ei for Latin a belongs 
 especially to the East, and its presence in 
 Picardy, where it is found only in the eastern 
 half, is probably due to the influence of the 
 Wallonian {Lor. Ps. viii ; Rom. Stud, iv, 
 360 ; Neu. 18). 
 
 Aticum becomes age. 
 
 Examples:— 125, 135, 328, 441, 536, 553, 594, 
 passages ; 420, doniage ; 591, barnages ; 595, 
 lignage. 
 
 Aige, a special eastern characteristic, is 
 frequently found in Wallonian, and more rarely 
 in Picardy. In French, it is always age 
 (Ckev., xxxiii; Neu., 12; Pom. xvii, 555). 
 
 Atr becomes er. 
 
 Examples: — 32, pere; iii, mere. 
 
 This is the regular French characteristic, 
 while the eastern eir, or air does not occur 
 (Pom. xvii, 554). 
 
 After a palatal, or palatalized consonant, a 
 becomes ie, e. 
 
 Examples: — 12, croisier; 56, aisier; 117, 
 prisier; 125, 141, gaitier; 147, laisies ; 176, 
 pitier; 104, 453, cher. 
 
 The group ie was originally pronounced as 
 a diphthong with the accent on the i (Rom. 
 
 vi, 322). Later it was written and pronounced 
 e. Schwan, 289, says that the diphthong ie 
 was reduced to e at the end of the thirteenth 
 century, and that the first examples are found 
 after ch, as cher for chier. In the east of 
 France, the reduction did not take place be- 
 fore the middle of the thirteenth century, and 
 it rarely occurred in Picardy. Except in the 
 Norman dialect, which lies outside of the 
 present discussion, the change seems to have 
 been a late one, and the fact that the rhymes 
 ie : e occur quite frequently in the text, would 
 indicate that the MS. could not have been 
 written much before the close of the thirteenth 
 century. In lines 107 and 515, ie\% pronounced 
 e in pile, a word which has retained the diph- 
 thong to the present day. 
 a-\-ii becomes aii. 
 
 Examples ; — 8, remembrance ; 42, demor- 
 ance , 84, lechans ; 85, ii8,soudans; 130, deru- 
 bans ; 218, avant ; 219, devant. 
 
 The nasalized a is of little importance in the 
 present investigation, for since the twelfth cen- 
 tury, both a and J were pronounced alike in 
 most of the northeastern dialects as well as in 
 French (Sch., 298). They are found rhyming 
 together in line 7; namely, countenance : re- 
 membrance, but elsewhere in the text they 
 are gSJierally kept separated. 
 
 The development of ain and ein is similar 
 to the above. They rhyme together in the 
 twelfth century, and both rhyme with oin in 
 the middle of the thirteenth century (.ScA., 304, 
 305). That their pronunciation in the text was 
 the same is proven by the writing oi point for 
 peint, in lines 6 and 597, and of maine for 
 meine, in line 576. 
 
 Checked tonic a and atonic a remain. 
 
 Examples:— 2, garderent; 4, palasin ; 9, re- 
 garder; 51, passent; loi, laisast; 173, apareilles; 
 180, embrases; 180, armes; 187, regarda ; 193, 
 Richart ; 197, cheval. 
 
 The writing of ai for <? is a special Burgun- 
 dian and eastern characteristic, and more rare- 
 ly found in both the Wallonian and Picard 
 (Lor. /'.r., xiii; O^z/., xxxiv). In the former 
 it may occur in the ending of the imperfect 
 subj., as aisse, aist, etc. (Pom. xvii, 568). 
 
 Two examples of ai for a are found in the 
 text ; namely, paisseront, 373, and trovaist, 
 391- 
 
 14 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 a before a palatal or palatalized consonant 
 becomes a/', e. 
 
 Examples : — 56, aisier; 82, fais ; 83, pais ; 91, 
 mavais ; 147, laissies; 183, aiderons ; 184, faire ; 
 158, mes (magis). 
 
 Originally ai was a diphthong and in the 
 Alexis it still assonances with a. It begins to 
 rhyme with e in the early part of the twelfth 
 century, and by the middle of the thirteenth 
 century ai was also pronounced e (Sch., 281). 
 The reduction of the diphthong was somewhat 
 later in the north. In the text it is always found 
 rhyming with itself, but the pronunciation was 
 no doubt f, as this vowel replaces it in a few 
 words {Aiic, 60; Rom. xvii, 555). 
 
 al-\- consonant becomes ati, a. 
 
 Examples: — 21, faus ; 44, vassaus ; 72, loy- 
 ante ; 182, hautement; 183, loyanment ; 192, 
 haut; 199, autreteit ; 266, chevaux ; 294, roi- 
 aunies ; 32, madit ; 78, 91, mavais. 
 
 The regular Frencli form is au, while a be- 
 longs to the Wallonian, where /fell without 
 being vocalized. 'X\\t.x\\'jra&s conibatre: autre; 
 haut: Richart; chevaux: seiigira, m lines 170, 
 192 and 266, appear to indicate a Wallonian 
 pronunciation, but they are not impossible in 
 French, as au remained a falling diphthong as 
 late as the sixteenth century (Sch., 290). 
 
 In the East, pretonic a is often found written 
 in place of other vowels. A few examples are 
 found in the text. 259, 319, aston ; 358, astoit 
 (Rom. xvii, 560). 
 
 In line 108, e, out of Latin a, rhymes with 
 open I, conforterent : ere. The open and close 
 e were pronounced alike at the beginning of 
 the twelfth century, but e, out of a, remained 
 distinct until the middle of the thirteenth 
 century (Sch., 272). 
 
 E. 
 
 Tonic g in open syllable becomes ie. 
 
 Examples : — 24, Pieres ; 70, rien ; 186, 197, 
 pies ; 195, 405, 417, bien ; 236, tient ; 249, con- 
 vient ; 495, tient ; 596, iert. 
 
 Deiis becomes Dieu, Deu, Die. 
 
 Examples: — 32, 353, 611, Dieu; 50, Deu; 
 601, Die. 
 
 Dieu and Deu are French forms, while Die 
 is regularly Picard. The diphthong ie re- 
 placed both ieu, out of iu, and the older ieu 
 from eu (Chev., xliv; Neu., 42). 
 
 g before a palatal or palatalized consonant 
 
 becomes i. 
 
 Examples :— 25, 61, 193, sire; 117, 263. P"" 
 sier; 135, 164, 362, mi (medium); 226, pris. 
 
 No examples occur of ^+j>ei, which is 
 often found in Wallonian. The Picard has i, 
 like the French (Z. xii, 256; Z. ii, 276, 300). 
 
 Open £ iu position remains. 
 
 Examples :— 34, 55, 40, 64, 83, etc., terre ; 68, 
 estre. 
 
 The well known Picard and Wallonian char- 
 acteristic of writing ie for e does not occur 
 (Alex., 26^; C/;fz/., xxxvii). 
 
 f/-|-consonant becomes e/, iau, ia. 
 
 Examples : — 378, elme ; 178, biaus ; 285, 
 biaux ; 474, biaute ; 302, castias. 
 
 The el of elme was the original development 
 of ^/-|-consonant, and hence common to all 
 the dialects ; it was retained in Lorraine. 
 With this exception, all of the examples show 
 Picard influence. Castias, line 302, may be 
 either Picard or Wallonian, as in the latter 
 dialect / falls without being vocalized, and it 
 has the vowel of the former. However, 
 neither iau, nor ea belong exclusively to their 
 respective dialects, and in this, as in most 
 other cases, there is a mixture of forms near 
 the frontiers (Z. i, 564; Auc, 64). 
 E. 
 
 Tonic e in open syllable becomes oi. 
 
 Examples: — 3, 15, 29, 41, etc., roy ; 7, veoir; 
 30, quoy; 74, moy ; 113, soie ; 216, 227, foy ; 
 213, voirs. 
 
 The diphthong oi is common to most dia- 
 lects, but not to the Norman, where the older 
 ei was retained. The two examples reiz, 246, 
 &ndfrancheis, 315, therefore, seem to be due 
 to Norman influence, but as they stand alone, 
 they are probably mistakes of the copyist 
 (Sch., 84). 
 
 In the northeast atonic oi is reduced to /, 
 especially before i.s, as in connissance,h\.\t. this 
 reduction does not occur in the text (Rom. 
 xvii, 557 ; Auc, 65). 
 
 Examples : — 423, connoissoit ; 428, connois- 
 sance. 
 
 Before /, ei remains. 
 
 Examples: — 114, vermeil; 115, soleil ; 415, 
 merveillant; 195, 283, 321, etc., conseil ; sio", 
 oreille; 511, merveille. 
 
 15 
 
LE PAS SALAD IN. 
 
 e-\-)i becomes eiti, ain, oin. 
 
 Examples : — 448, pleine ; 576, jnaine ; 337, 
 enmoinent. 
 
 The number of examples is too small to 
 show how ?+« was written by the author, and 
 none of them occur in rhyme. In enmoinent, 
 we have one of the few special Burgundian 
 characteristics that are met with in the text. 
 
 f/+consonant becomes eu, eau. 
 
 Examples: — 47, eus; 599, ceuiz; 2, cheaus ; 
 351, eaus. 
 
 In the case of f/+consonant, the French did 
 not develop an a before /, thus half of the 
 above examples are of eastern origin {Auc, 
 64; Z. ii, 275). 
 
 ■eija becomes -ece. 
 
 Examples;— 371, 475. proece; 413, noblece. 
 
 The suffix -etja regularly became -eise, -oise, 
 but it gave way early to the learned suffix -ece. 
 This in turn was replaced at the close of the 
 thirteenth century by -esse. {Sch., 251; Jahrb. 
 
 viii, 36). 
 
 I. 
 
 Tonic i remains. 
 
 Examples:— 4, palasin ; 14, Sarrasins ; 581, 
 vin. 
 
 This is the usual form in all the dialects, 
 though a few changes are noted in the Wal- 
 lonian, where ien is sometimes written for 
 inum {Rom. xvii, 558). 
 
 o. 
 
 Tonic Q in open syllable becomes ue, oe, eu. 
 
 Examples :— 36, 418, 508, cuer; 75, 295, suer; 
 260, 409, puet; 123, voet; 261, veult. 
 
 The development of g is similar in all the 
 dialects with which we are concerned, but it 
 did not take place in all of them at the same 
 time. The final diphthongization to eu first 
 began in the north, and was completed before 
 the close of the thirteenth century; but it did 
 not become universal in France before the 
 fourteenth. In addition to the regular devel- 
 opment, tonic o in Wallonian may become ou 
 and oi {Neu., 47; Sch., 276, 277; Rom. xvii, 
 
 559)- 
 g before a palatal or palatalized consonant 
 
 becomes ui. 
 
 Examples :— 258, huimais ; 291, 446, cuident; 
 437, puier ; 224, puisque ; 389, 524, 580, puis, 
 
 The development of g-\-j exactly corre- 
 sponds to that of i-\-j. It may become either 
 ui, or oi, and the same dialects that write ei 
 for f+y> also write oi, and this is also true for 
 i and ui [Rom. xvi, 122; Z. xii, 256; Z. ii, 
 276, 300). 
 
 g-\-nasal becomes ue, u. 
 
 Examples: — 6, on; 9, 47, preudomne; 41, 
 44,47, etc., bons; 153, hons; 22, 26, 65,405, 
 etc., quens. 
 
 In French the diphthongization of g takes 
 place before m but not before n, although the 
 latter is common to both the Picard and Wal- 
 lonian. The northeast sometimes develops a 
 parasitic i before ti, an example of which is 
 furnished by the text, in line 255, joins (Sch., 
 102 ; Nezi., 44 ; Chev., xlii ; Rom. xvii, 559). 
 
 Tonic g in position remains. 
 
 Examples: — 51, 119, 146, etc., est; 97, 165, 
 299, etc., mors; 129, 136, 242, fort ; 164, cors ; 
 375, cors (cornu). 
 
 This is the usual form in the Isle-de-France, 
 though it may diphthongize in the Wallonian 
 (Rom. xvii, 560; Sch., 105). 
 
 Atonic g becomes o, ou. 
 
 Examples : — 36, dolor ; 68, voloit ; 19, trova; 
 76, morut ; 475, 599, honnors ; 133, honnora ; 
 452, voulentiers ; 500, pourriez. 
 
 The difference between the French and the 
 northeastern dialects is again mainly one of 
 time. In the latter dialects the diphthongiza- 
 tion is completed before the close of the thir- 
 teenth century, but ^ not in the French. In 
 hounora and voulentiers, we see northern in- 
 fluence, the French having, contrary to rule, 
 retained the o in these words to the present 
 day (Sch., 135). 
 
 a-\-u becomes 0. 
 
 Examples: — 36, 106, 116, etc., ot; 114, or; 
 215, parole; 225, otroie ; 305, loeir; 323, plot; 
 512, loe. 
 
 As a-\-u becomes open g in French, I speak 
 of its development here, instead of under a. 
 
 In French, this g does not diphthongize, but 
 it remained and assonanced with open g, out 
 of Latin short H, since the time of Alexis. In 
 the Wallonian, it may become either ou, au, or 
 even oi, while the regular development in the 
 Picard was to eu (Sch., 109, 276; Auc, 65; 
 Z. ii, 299). 
 
 Two northern forms, suet and sout, occur in 
 
 16 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 the text. Suet, in line 426, is an unusual for- 
 mation, and is probably a mistake ot the scribe 
 for sent. The second example is of interest, 
 as it furnishes evidence helping to establish 
 the origin of the MS. The word sout, line'118, 
 contains the diphthong ou common to the 
 Wallonian, but this could not have been writ- 
 ten by the author, since it rhymes with ost in 
 the line below, which has an open o. 
 
 As the two vowels o (Lt. o) and g {Lt. a-\-u) 
 were kept separated in Wallonian and were' 
 pronounced alike in French, the correct form 
 must have been sot(Sch., 268). 
 
 gl-\-consonant becomes o, au. 
 
 Examples : — 79, 607, vorent ; 174, vorres ; 
 222, vorrons ; 347, vorront ; 279, vaurent. 
 
 The o remains in the Isle-de-France, but be- 
 comes au, or 071 in the North {Auc, 63 ; Neu., 
 
 65). 
 
 o 
 
 Tonic o, in open syllable becomes o, ou, eu. 
 
 Examples: — 21, 62, 91, traitor; 36, dolor; 49, 
 contor; 50, 73, etc., amor; no, 151, 181, seing- 
 nor; 410, honuor; 411, meillor; 367, signour; 
 124, 134, etc., preus; 136, perilleus ; 137, or- 
 gueilleus; 556, seingneur ; 595, honneur. 
 
 The development of close g is quite uniform. 
 It becomes o, ou and eu, and the main differ- 
 ence between the dialects is again one of 
 time. The diphthongs ou, eu become domi- 
 nant in the North during the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, while in the Isle-de-France, o still con- 
 tinued to be largely written ; in some classes 
 of words, especially those ending in or, it was 
 retained during the greater part of the next 
 century. In all the dialects, the diphthong ou 
 was the intermediate form between the older 
 o and the modern eii, but in a few words, as in 
 amour, espous, etc., the development was ar- 
 rested at ou. A special Wallonian character- 
 istic, which is also, though more rarely, found 
 in the Picard is oi for close o. This does not 
 occur in the text (Sch., 277, 292; Rom. Stud. 
 iv, 360; Neu., 43; Jahrb. viii, 399). 
 
 Tonic q in close syllable becomes 0, ou. 
 
 Examples; — 4, 221, douzes; 8, 53, 107, etc., 
 moult; 341, oultre ; 519, 596, jourz; 86,98, 103, 
 106, tout ; 144, 192, 274, tot ; 94, jor. 
 
 Little need be said about close o in position. 
 It was diphthongized to ou, but there the de- 
 velopment was arrested, and unlike g in open 
 
 syllable it never became eu. The chief thing 
 to be noted is that in the great majority of 
 cases, it is represented in the text by ou in- 
 stead of o. The diphthong ou is of early date, 
 but it did not become the dominant form in 
 French until the close of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury. In the works of Rutebuef, who wrote in 
 the last half of the century, o, for Latin g in 
 close syllable, is still extensively used (Sch., 
 99)- 
 
 Tonic g before a nasal becomes on, and not 
 oun, or im as is sometimes the case in the 
 North (Neu., 44; Rom. xvii, 560). 
 
 Examples 1—5, renon ; 16, 27, traison ; 58, 
 loi, prison; 176, barons; 207, 556, glouton. 
 
 Atonic g becomes o, ou. 
 
 Examples:— I, solas; 602, soulas; 85,87, 118 
 soudans ; 207, glouton ; 367, gloton ; 398, coroit; 
 314, sojorner; 568, dou?or. 
 
 The northern dialects during the thirteenth 
 century generally prefer ou. It will be noticed 
 that the same word is written sometimes with 
 o and again wifh ou, and this confusion occurs 
 in case of otljtr vowels. This, however, need 
 not mean tliot the pronunciation also varied. 
 Atonic g was, at this time, probably pronounced 
 like German u, but the custom of representing 
 it by ou had not yet become firmly established. 
 Consonants. 
 C. 
 
 ca becomes ch, c (k). 
 
 ce, ci, ti become c (s), eh. 
 
 Examples:— 14, ceu ; 92, chair; 84, chans ; 
 104, 453, cher; 266, chevaux ; 412, 519, 592, 
 600, chevalerie; 364, ceval ; 331, cevachies ; 
 290, 347. calengier ; 302, castias ; 300, toche ; 
 488, Chastillon ; 504, chemin. 
 
 10, eel; 27, cilz; 42, cis ; 287, 289, cha; 358, 
 chis ; 303, chiteis ; 309, 352, francois ; 539, 
 564, francois. 
 
 The treatment of c, in the French and 
 Picard, is of great importance in establishing 
 the dialect of the author. Before Latin a it 
 was written ch (tch) in French, and c (k) in 
 Picard, while before Latin e, or /, it became 
 respectively c (ts) and ch (tch). Thus the de- 
 velopment of c in the two dialects is so differ- 
 ent, that there can be no difficulty in noting 
 the influence of each upon the text. 
 
 The Picard forms although numerous are 
 
 17 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 outnumbered by the French. What little 
 evidence is furnished by the rhyme also indi- 
 cates the French pronunciation of c. In line 
 300, c before a in toche has the sound of ch, 
 since it rhymes with Antioche. The rhyme 
 races : delogent, line 430, is incorrect in both 
 the French and Picard dialects, but as g in 
 delogent \% soft, the French sound of cin races 
 would be less offensive to the ear than the 
 hard sound of k that it has in the Picard (Auc, 
 57, 61 ; /?oin. vi, 617 ; Alex., 85-89). 
 
 The hard and soft sound of g is generally 
 represented as in French, but a few Picard 
 forms, as menga and loga, are also found. 
 The rhyme gives us no indication as to what 
 was the pronunciation of ^by the author {Auc, 
 5b, 62; Alex.,'&<), 90; Darm., 80). 
 
 Examples: — 59, conjoit; 126, 420, 501, 516, 
 etc.; gent; 309, logiet; 431, delogent; 554, des- 
 logier ; 570, joie; 586, mengie ; 131, loga; 318, 
 gavelos ; 583, menga. 
 
 L. 
 / before a consonant is replaced by «, or 
 falls. 
 
 Examples: — 8, 53, 107, 108, etc., moult; 29, 
 85, etc., soudant; 59, 108, douceraent ; 72, 
 loyaute; 178, 285, biaus; 212, vaut; 287, mieus; 
 32, madit; 78, 91, mavais ; 376, mies; 601, filz. 
 
 The words without ti show Wallonian influ- 
 ence, for the Picard usually follows the French, 
 and vocalizes /, since the end of the eleventh 
 century. The one exception to the above rule 
 is when /is preceded by i and followed by j. 
 It then falls in French, but the Picard, on the 
 contrary, makes no distinction between the 
 vowels, and replaces / by « according to the 
 general rule {Rom. xvii, 565 ; Neu., 69 ; Chev. 
 xlviii). 
 
 In order to rhyme with conseilles, mieus, in 
 line 286, must have lost its I. As the copyists 
 seldom changed the rhyme, this would indicate 
 that the MS. is of Wallonian origin, but this 
 view is not borne out by the remaining evi- 
 dence. 
 
 Before and after a palatal, /becomes /. 
 
 Examples :-^89, 121, bataille ; 115, soleil ; 
 137, orgueilleus ; 152, conseilliez; 173, apareil- 
 les; 195, conseil ; 415, merveilant; 416, recueil- 
 leir. 
 
 In French, / is represented by il, or ill, 
 while in the Wallonian, it is often written illi. 
 
 Of all the examples in the text, only one shows 
 the influence of the latter dialect; namely, 
 esmerilhons, in line 255 {Rom. xvii, 565 ; Rom. 
 xix, 82). 
 
 S. 
 ts and tj become s, z. 
 
 Examples: — i, grans; i, solas; 136, fors ; 
 162, 165, 166, 173, elc.tous; 173, apareilles; 
 174, vorres ; 277, armes ; 152, conseilliez; 214, 
 voliez; 218, venez ; 519, touz; 569, assez. 
 • 
 
 No difference was made in Picard in the 
 pronunciation of s and z, but as they were 
 kept distinct in the other dialects until quite 
 late, their development is of some importance. 
 In the Wallonian, .y became z during the first 
 half of the thirteenth century, while they were 
 kept separated in French until near the close 
 of the century {Rom. xvi, 127; Rom. xvii, 564; 
 Sell., 251, 322). 
 
 In the Pas de Saladin, z is seldom written, 
 but is nearly always replaced by s. The 
 rhymes Jo/aj-.-/irtj, 1; crois : crais, 37; crois : 
 bonfois, 538; and soulas : pas, 602, prove that 
 the use of s for z cannot be ascribed to the 
 copyist alone, but that it was also known to 
 the author. 
 
 .y before consonants is generally retained. 
 
 Examples : — 18, 85, prist ; 19, 97, crestien ; 
 34, fust; 38, 87, etc., fist; 37, hastiement; 103, 
 despense ; 140, destorbier. 
 
 It is omitted in 130, derubans ; 390, Ron- 
 ceval ; 432, melleit. 
 
 The fall of s before consonants was earlier 
 in French than in either the Wallonian or 
 Picard. It, however, continued to be written 
 in many words long after it had become silent, 
 and thus its retention in the MS. cannot be 
 considered as a characteristicof any particular 
 dialect, nor is it a proof that it was still pro- 
 nounced. In fact the MS. is not without evi- 
 dence that the contrary must have been the 
 case. In toust, line 573, for tout, s is inserted 
 where it does not properly belong, and such a 
 wrong insertion of a letter may be taken as 
 evidence of its fall. Melleit, line 432, shows 
 that it was silent also before liquids. Here .y 
 was assimilated to / {Ram. xvi, 123; Darm., 
 102). 
 
 The prosthetic e, or / before J impure, has 
 always been a characteristic of the French, 
 
 18 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 but it is often omitted in the Wallonian {Lor. 
 Ps., xliii ; Sch., 183, Rom. xvii, 564). 
 
 Examples ; — 241, 490, espee ; 254, esperons ; 
 326, 507, esteiidart ; 353, estrine ; 357, 427, 457, 
 escut ; 387, estor ; 422, 439, espie ; 465, isnele- 
 pas ; 560, escler. 
 
 — \ w. ._^ 
 
 ('German w becomes gu, g. J 
 
 EjiaWpIes : — 46, 221, g¥rderent ; 9, regarder; 
 134, guerre; 187, regarda ; 231, 488, Gautier; 
 238, 242, 487, 490, Guillaume. 
 
 German w belongs especially to the Wal- 
 lonian and the East, while in French it is re- 
 placed by^«, or^. The letter occurs twice in 
 the text. Walerans, line 401, is a German 
 word which did not enter into the popular 
 language, and which, therefore, is written with 
 w, or with z/, as in lines 235 and 485. The w of 
 weil. 286, is for Latin v, and may be either 
 Wallonian o{; Picard (Z. ii, '275 ; Rom. xvi, 121; 
 Jahrb. viii, 396k_ 
 
 A Wallonian characteristic that does not oc- 
 cur in the text, is the insertion of w between 
 two vowels, in order to destroy the hiatus, as 
 in owes, owist, etc., {Rom. xvii, 563 ; Z. ii, 284; 
 Jahrb. viii, 390, 407). 
 
 N. 
 
 n becomes gn, ngn. 
 
 Examples '.—39, Bretaigne ; ^o, Alemaigne ; 
 no, 285, seignor; 151, 181, 529, seingnor ; 350, 
 poignant ; 370, poingnant ; 506, compagnon ; 
 562, resoignoit. 
 
 This mode of writing n agrees with the 
 French, but in the Wallonian it is generally 
 represented by «//, ngh or iig. The writing of 
 ngii for n is foreign both to the French and the 
 northern dialects (Rom. xvii, 565). 
 
 gti becomes gu, c. 
 
 - Examples :— 5, 12, 46, 58, etc., qui ; 27, cink; 
 30, quoi; 68, 74, 88, 95, etc., que; 80, car; 90, 
 118, 123, cant; 106, quant. 
 
 When qu lost its labial sound in French, it 
 was pronounced like k, and hence was often 
 replaced by that consonant, or by c. Both 
 forms occur indiscriminately in the text (Sch., 
 214). 
 
 The Wallonian often adds r to the end of a 
 word, and drops it in the group mute plus r. 
 Neither characteristic occurs in the text (Rom. 
 xvii, 565). 
 
 Examples: — 63, destruction , 81, empresent; 
 95, 181, nostre ; 170, combatre; 171, autre. 
 
 Contrary to the French usage the Picard and 
 Wallonian do not insert a consonant in the 
 groups I'r, n'r, m'l, and s'r. The author of 
 the MS. has followed no regular rule. There 
 is either assimilation, or the consonant is 
 omitted from the first two groups, but it is 
 always inserted in the last two (Sch., 230; 
 Aug., 58; M. L. i, 475-479, Jahrb. viii, 392). 
 
 Examples: — 79, 607, vorent; 174, vorres ; 
 279, vauront; 347, 453, vorront ; 83, tenroint ; 
 350. 352. vinrent; 44, 189, 204, ensemble; 555, 
 580, pristrent. 
 
 The development of final t will be spoken of 
 under verbs, and that of t-\-s has been men- 
 tioned under s. Otherwise, the consonant 
 presents nothing of interest for the study of 
 the text. 
 
 Article. 
 
 The article has undergone but few variations 
 since the earliest times,' and its use in the dif- 
 ferent dialects was with few exceptions the 
 same. 
 
 The forms in the text are nearly all French. 
 There is one example of the use of the masc. 
 H for the fern, la, in Ii .<;erre, line 542, but else- 
 where, and even in the same line with serre, 
 the regular feminine article is used. The use 
 of the masc. article for the feminine is a uni- 
 versal Picard characteristic, and even occurs 
 in the Wallonian, so that its absence from the 
 text is strong presumption against a northern 
 origin (Rom. vi, 617; Neu., 118; Rom. xvii, 
 566). 
 
 Examples:— II, 15, 22, 23, 2S, 35, 41, 65, 69, 
 etc., masc. Ii ; 4, 28, 29, 31, 33, 57, 99, 115, etc., 
 masc. le; 8,38,51, 64, 79, 109, 121, 135, 161, 
 164, etc., Nom. & Ace. Fern. la. 
 
 All of the contracted forms belong also to 
 the dialect of the Isle-de-France. 
 
 Examples: — 380, al ; 61. 120, 129, 182, etc., 
 au ; 140, 432, 445, aus ; i, 399, 411, 442, 550, del; 
 54, 414, 610, du ; 4, 21, 54, 17s, 272, des; 363, 
 es ; 364, do ; 495, as. 
 
 The modern Nom. Sing, le is a late forma- 
 tion. In the texts examined by Knauer, Jahrb. 
 x, I, Ii is still nearly exclusively used in those 
 dating from the beginning of the fourteenth 
 century, and Fallot (Rech., 41), states that le 
 is very rare until after 1300. Therefore, as le 
 
 19 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 occurs four times ; namely, in lines 85, 87, 107 
 and 196, it may have been added after that 
 date. 
 
 Another variant of the Nom. Sing, li is el, 
 in line 339. This is a very unusual form and is 
 evidently a mistake of the copyist, who must 
 have intended to write either li, or le. Ac- 
 cording to Fallot, loc. cit. 42, no authenticated 
 example of el {01 the Nom. Sing, has yet been 
 noticed. 
 
 In line 495, as is a contracted form for a les. 
 The later atis dates from the thirteenth cen- 
 tury {Rech.,\^. The contractions del, al were 
 replaced during the thirteenth century by du 
 and au. Do. a strictly Burgundian form, be- 
 came dou, du, at about the same date (Recti., 
 
 44)- 
 
 Nouns. 
 
 At the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
 the declensions were much simplified, and all 
 masculine nouns received an ^ in the Nom. 
 Sing. They were still further simplified to- 
 ward the close of the century. At this time, 
 the accusative takes the place of the nomina- 
 tive, with the result that the declensions of all 
 nouns, both masculine and feminine, were 
 reduced to one; namely, they have no ending 
 in the singular, while the plural adds s. 
 
 The ending of the Nom. Sing, is still quite 
 well preserved in the text, but it is apparent 
 that the confusion, incident to the general 
 breaking up of the declensions, has begun. 
 Thus both correct and incorrect forms appear 
 in the same line, as/a moult preu et sages, 
 134; tout li mondes loe, 512; li preus Guil- 
 laume, 487, and, further, in lines 80, 278, 328, 
 etc. 
 
 It is not clear what forms were used by the 
 author, as the evidence furnished by the 
 rhymes is misleading. Some, as sages (^. S.): 
 passages (A. P.), 124; amirans (A. P.): sou- 
 dans (N. S.), 284, and further in lines 130, 168, 
 338, etc., demand a Nom. Sing, with .r, but 
 others, in lines 3, 49. 67, 344. etc., pay no at- 
 tention to the ending. The question cannot be 
 satisfactorily settled without the aid of a 
 secoiid MS. 
 
 In the examples given below, adjectives are 
 included as their declension does not differ 
 from that of the nouns. 
 
 Examples :— Nom. Sing, with s,\\, 15, 18, 22, 
 
 26, 35, 41, 43, 65, etc.; without s. 69, 80, 134, 
 339. 365. etc.; Nom. PI. with .r, 49, 176,349,451, 
 494, etc.; without s, 62, 91, 105, 207, 208, 274, 
 275, etc. 
 
 Pronouns. 
 The pronouns of the first person singular 
 are 7V, ge, gie.jou. 
 
 Examples : — 37, 102, 173. 215, 225, etc., je ; 
 77, 85, 96, 154, 449, 479, ge; 237, gie ; 231, jbu. 
 
 The earliest form of the first personal pro- 
 noun, in the dialect of the Isle-de-France, was 
 jo. It is still found in the Alexis, where the o 
 is never elided before an initial vowel, while 
 in the Roland, though the elision is not uni- 
 versal, it is no longer rare. Thus jo was re- 
 duced ^o je at the end of the eleventh century, 
 and soon became the dominant form. There 
 were no further modifications in the French, 
 but its development in the Picard and the East 
 has been slightly different. 
 
 In Burgundy, during the first half of the 
 thirteenth century, ge was used by the side of, 
 and indiscriminately vi\\h,je. Another variant 
 of the same pronoun was gie, belonging to the 
 last half of the century, and also confined to 
 the East. 
 
 The Picard has but two forms, an earlieryow 
 and the modern _;V. Unlike the French, how- 
 ever, the latter does not become universal un- 
 til quite late, examples of the use oi jou being 
 found during the fourteenth century {Alex., 
 33; Sch., 396; Rech., 235-240). 
 
 The Ace. Sing, of the first personal pronoun 
 is me, never mi, as in the North, and its use in 
 the text needs no comment. The tonic form 
 moi occurs once, in line 74, as object of a verb 
 in place of me. Fallot, loc. cit. ii^i, states 
 that moi for tne, or mi dates from the second 
 half of the thirteenth century, and that, while 
 in Picardy it was especially written after verbs, 
 in Burgundy it was placed after prepositions. 
 However, the solitary example found in the 
 MS. can prove nothing. The use of moi in 
 place of the nominative je, as subject of a 
 verb, dates from the fourteenth century, and 
 does not occur in the text (Jahrb. xi, 234 ; 
 Rech., 242 ; Sch., 395, 396; Neu., 22). 
 
 Examples :— 79, 84, 100, loi, 103, 152, 214, 
 224, 229, 249, me. 
 
 Of the plural of the first and second personal 
 pronouns, it need only be said that in the 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 majority of cases they are written with o, as 
 nos and vos, instead of the modern nous, vous. 
 
 Examples : — 156, 165, 166, 170, 212, 202, 205, 
 314, etc., nos ; 183, 541, 545, nous ; 66, 154, 174, 
 183, 185, 214, 215, etc., vos; 247, 286, 329, 414, 
 493. 552. vous. 
 
 Third Personal Pronouns. 
 
 The Nom. Sing, masculine, of the third per- 
 sonal pronoun, had in Old French the same 
 form as today. During the thirteenth century, 
 an J was sometimes added by analogy to the 
 first declension of nouns, but this usage never 
 became general, and does not occur in the 
 text (Jahrb. xi, 235). 
 
 The feminine pronoun was written either ele, 
 or elle, and both were common in the Middle 
 Ages. The latter, however, became the dom- 
 inant form after the thirteenth century, and is 
 the only one found in the text {Rech., 249). 
 
 Examples: — 19, 38, 61, 68, 100, 116, 201, 220, 
 254, 256, il; 74, 75, elle. 
 
 The Nom. PI. of the Modern French differs 
 from the old form only by the addition of j. 
 Throughout the thirteenth century, j7 remained 
 unchanged, but it is replaced by //j during the 
 next century. Fallot, loc. cit. 249, gives 1305 
 as the date of the first example of Us in the 
 texts which he examined (Sch., 398 ; Jahrb. 
 xi, 235; Rech., 249). 
 
 Examples :— 30, 269, 432, 454, 513, 584, il. 
 
 The objective singular was K, or lui. The 
 former, though not found in Modern French, 
 was still in frequent use during the fourteenth 
 century. The old rule that li should be used 
 as indirect object after verbs, and lui after 
 prepositions, remained in force until toward 
 the close of the thirteenth century. The rule 
 is observed in our MS. in the case of li with 
 verbs, but there is confusion between the two 
 forms after prepositions {Jahrb. xi, 236 ; 
 Rech., 251-257, Sch., 398, 399). 
 
 Examples : — li, after verbs, 122, 240, 357, 361, 
 461, etc.; after prepositions, 109, 294; lui, after 
 prepositions, 157, 189. 
 
 Of the objective plural, it is only necessary 
 to mention the use of les, for the dative lor, in 
 line 60, a characteristic common to the Wal-. 
 Ionian. In all French dialects after the close 
 of the thirteenth century, the objective was 
 often written in place of the nominative, both 
 
 in the case of pronouns and of nouns. The 
 only example occurs in line 104, where li is 
 used for il, as subject of a verb. The earlier 
 and later forms of lor and leur are used indis- 
 criminately ; namely, lor in lines 264, 347, 372, 
 and leur, lines 577, 589 (Rom. xv, 130; Rech., 
 257)- 
 
 Possessive Pronouns. 
 With the exception of vo, in lines 184 and 
 501, all of the possessive adjectives and pro- 
 nouns are French. This is of some importance, 
 as the Picard forms occur quite frequently in 
 most of the northern dialects (Rom. xvii, 566; 
 Neu., 63; Sch., 411). 
 
 Examples ; — 306, mon ; 290, ma ; 103, mes ; 
 119, son; 155, 197, 198, 253, 283, 340, 377, son ; 
 126, 133, 296, 420, 523, sa ; 162, 261, 611, ses ; 
 317, vos ; 533, nos ; 95, nostre ; 248, 320, vostre. 
 
 The possessive lor, leur, does not add s 
 when before plural nouns. The change from 
 lor to lors and leurs dates from the close of 
 the thirteenth century (Sch., 411 ; Rech., 273). 
 
 Examples :— 82, 83, 85, 92,457,587, lor; 7, 
 62, 337. 478, 547. 595. leur. 
 
 Demonstrative Pronouns. 
 
 Both classes of demonstrative pronouns, 
 those from Latin ecce-ille, and those from ecce- 
 isie,are represented in the text. The declension 
 of the first class, including both tonic and a- 
 tonic forms, is as follows, — 
 
 Nom. Sing, cis, chis, cil. 
 
 Ac. Sing. ce). 
 
 Nom. PI. cil, cilz, cis, 
 
 Ac. PI. ceulz, cheaus. 
 
 Examples :— 18, 42, 209, 308, cis ; 358, chis ; 
 no, cil ; 10, 167, 321, 546, eel ; 46, 371, 392, cil ; 
 27, 204, cilz ; 402, cis ; 2, cheus ; 599, ceulz. 
 
 With the exception of the Picard chis, 
 cheaus, all of the above are French. The 
 Nom. PI. cil remained unchanged up to the 
 close of the thirteenth century, when it added 
 J in analogy to the declension of nouns. In 
 lines 155 and 158, celui, in place of icelui, is 
 used as an absolute pronoun. 
 
 The second class is not so numerous. It in- 
 cludes the usual Isle-de-France forms, and only 
 the Picard feminine accusative cesti, in line 
 258, needs be noted (Sch,, 402, 404; Rech., 
 299-306). 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 Conjugation. 
 
 The verbs present some unmistakable Wal- 
 lonian characteristics, such as the retention of 
 finals in the third person, singular, and past 
 participle, and the writing of ei, for e(a). The 
 former is treated here, as it concerns more es- 
 pecially the verbs. 
 
 Intervocalic t and final /, luisupported by 
 aiiolher consonant, disappears in French by 
 the beginning of the twelfth century [Sch., 175, 
 318 ; Cruudriss, 581). Though probably no 
 longer pronounced, it is still represented in 
 the Alexis, and it prevents the elision of a pre- 
 ceding e, before a word with an initial vowe' 
 (Alex.,yi^. In the Chanson de Roland, fifty 
 years later, it has begun to fall, and was soon 
 after dropped entirely. During the following 
 ttvo hundred years, this rule is strictly adliered 
 to in all the better MSS., but in the fourteenth 
 century, final i? reappears in the third person, 
 singular, and tlie past participle of verbs. 
 Here we again meet witli such forms as aniet, 
 flit, which were correct in tlie twelfth century, 
 b'lit which' had been replaced by others with- 
 out ((Jafirb. xii, 163). 
 
 But such forms are late and comparatively 
 rn're, and do not adequately explain the fre- 
 quent use ol final ^ in lh2 text. Its presence 
 rhust, therefore, be due to some outside in- 
 ftivence, as itcaniiotbe considered a character- 
 istic common to the dialect of the Isle de- 
 France. Of all tlie uurlhern ai.id eastern dia- 
 lects, the VValloniau is.lhe only one that gener- 
 ally retains an unsupported final t during the 
 thirteenth century. In the dialect of Namur, 
 it is of rre(iuent occurrence even as late as the 
 end of the century, but this is exceptional, and, 
 a's a rule, it has fallen before 1250. The saine 
 characierislic is also found in eastern Picardy 
 (Rout, xvii, 563; Six, 81). 
 
 . Examples :—ayzV/!o«^ /■, 19, trova ; 22, 69, 75, 
 112, 124, 134, 242,339, fii; 42, croLsa; 91, prouve; 
 105, foudii ; 106, coule; 120, 283, manda ; 122, 
 ranianda ; 123, atendra ; 127, coste; 131, loga; 
 1.32,. ama; 138, jura.; 139, fera; 187, regarda ; 
 210, 240, agree; 211, baee ; 217, apella. 
 
 IVit/i I,- 10, 17, So, 340, fut; 60, contat; 76, 
 morut ; 142,-alat; 144, conteit ; 270, esporon-. 
 neit; 311, respondit; 335, 363, 368, at; 343, 
 ferat. 
 
 The above examples show that the. French 
 
 forms are much more numerous than those of 
 the North. 
 
 First Person Plural. 
 
 With the exception of sotnmes, and of the 
 perfect tense, the ending of the first person 
 plural is -ons, or -on. The latter is not a dia- 
 lectical difference, but is sometimes used in 
 place of -ons (Darm., 222). This ending is 
 assured by the rhyme deffendon : glouton, line 
 206. 
 
 Examples :— 89, avoms; 104, 157, avons ; 154, 
 sonimes ; 183, aiderons ; 184, devons ; 211, 
 corons ; 221, garderons; 223, deffendrons ; 541, 
 meton ; 545, serons. 
 
 According to Diez {Gram., 567), the regular 
 ending for the Picard is -oines. The French 
 ending -ons is, however, found in some parts 
 of Picardy, and is the rule in Wallonian. The 
 ending -oiiis, of avoins, in line 89, is the primi- 
 tive one, and does not stand for -oines. It was 
 gradually replaced by -ons (Rom. Stud, iv, 
 361). 
 
 Imperfect, -ions, -iez. 
 
 The ending of the first and second person 
 plural of the imperfect and conditional is, in 
 French, -ions and -iez. The older form -iens 
 is still occasionally used in Rutebuef, but it 
 finally disappears by the end of the century. 
 The Pirard has -ieines, while throughout the 
 East -iens and -iez were retained. These 
 further differ from the French in having but 
 one syllable. The ending -iens in our text 
 occurs only in nouns, but it, as well as -iez in 
 poiirriez, line 500, counts as two syllables (Z, 
 ii, 281 ; Diez, drain., 567). 
 
 Impekfect, -eve. 
 
 No examijles occur of -eve, the ending of 
 the imperfect indicative in the East. This 
 tense is of frequent occurrence, but always 
 with the regular French ending -oi, -oil, etc., 
 (Z. ii, 276). 
 
 Examples :— 53, 522, avoit ; 58, 276, 277, 525, 
 estoit ; 72, aportoit; 83, tenroient; 190, venoit; 
 232, feroy; 312, appelloit ; 415, aloit; 417, qui- 
 doit; 422, amoit; 510, escoutoit. 
 
 Perfects, in. 
 
 The perfect tense offers several forms that 
 
 distinguishes it sharply from the Picard and 
 
 Wallonian. Thus the endings -in, -arent are 
 
 entirely wanting, while -o///and -isent are rare. 
 
 - Suchier, loe. cit. 2551!"., has fully described the 
 
LE PAS S ALA DIN. 
 
 development of the iu perfects. They may be 
 divided into two classes, according to the end- 
 ings of their stem accented forms, namely, a. 
 those in -oi, -oi, -orent, and b. those in -ui, -tit, 
 -urent. These are the regular French forms, 
 and the only ones that appear in the text 
 (Rom. xvi, 121 ; Z. ii, 283, 286). 
 
 Examples; — 36, 106, 116, 130, 179, etc., of, 
 30, 78, etc., orent; 94, plot; 209, 360, vot ; 360, 
 pot ; 76, morut ; 84, dnrent ; 458, connut. 
 
 Perfect, -ont. 
 The perfect ending -ont occurs in laisont, 
 92 ; and gardont, 603. On account of their 
 similarity to the endings of the present tense, 
 they never came into general use, even in the 
 Wallonian, but were soon superseded by the 
 regular forms {Rom. xv, 132 ; xvi, 121 ; Z. viii, 
 122). 
 
 Perfect, -istreut. 
 
 Both the endings -strettt and -sent are found 
 in the text. The latter is the regular Picard 
 and Wallonian form. The ending -rent is 
 simply a variant of-strcnt, formed by analogy 
 to vinrent, and belongs to the French (Sch., 
 437; Diez, Gram., 580; Anc, 62). 
 
 Examples :— 27, 447, 579. 582, 592, 595, firent; 
 159, fisent i 177, 554, virent ; 555, 580, pristrent. 
 
 Perfect, -erent. 
 The Wallonian ending -nrent, of the third 
 person, plural, perfect tense,, is entirely want- 
 ing, and only the French forms in -erent, or 
 -ierent are found, (Rom. xvii, 567; Z. ii, 276). 
 
 Examples: — 2,46, garderent ; 31, livrerent: 
 52, ariverent; 57, 345, trouverent; 93, tornerent; 
 266, 333, monterent. 
 
 Many of tTie changes which the verb under- 
 went during the last half of the thirteenth 
 century, do not appear in the text. 
 
 The ending e of the first person, singular, 
 present tense, began to be added at this time, 
 and it is frequently found in Rutebuef. The 
 only example otroie, line 225, must be due to 
 the copyist, as the word counts as two syllables 
 and not as three (Sch., 435), 
 
 Other examples are di, 66, 154, and dient, 
 216, in place of dis and diseiit respectively ; 
 sui, 153, 173; baee, 211; corons, 211; for later 
 suis, bee, courons. The modern forms, men- 
 tioned by Scliwan, 433, 442, 444, all date from 
 the close of the thirteenth century. 
 
 Elision and Hiatus. 
 
 It is unnecessary to make a detailed study 
 of the rules of elision and hiatus, as they re- 
 mained constant throughout the greater part 
 of the Middle Ages. 
 
 Final mute e before a following vowel suf- 
 fered elision since the earliest times (Alexis, 
 31). Although the monosyllables je, ce, se, 
 que, were generally subject to the rule, they 
 could if the metre required it, form hiatus be- 
 fore a word with an initial vowel as late as the 
 sixteenth century (Traite, 394). This was due 
 to the fact that their vowels, in the early liter- 
 ary period were distinctly pronounced, and it 
 was not until after the time of the AlexK, that 
 they were reduced to mute e (Alexis, 31). 
 
 The examples in which the e is elided are so 
 numerous that none are here given. In the 
 following, the final e forms hiatus. 
 
 Examples : — 204, ce est ; 226, se il ; 255, que 
 uns; 287, ce est; 293, 307, 466, je ai ; 454, que il. 
 
 Examples of elision which are not tolerated 
 in the modern language are as follows : — the 
 relative qui in qu'a Vest, 564; and ^^/, 154, for 
 ge le, and ges, 479, for ge les. 
 
 Pretonic« in hiatus,counts as a separate sylla- 
 ble. It first became silent in the North during 
 the thirteenth century, but it did not disappear 
 in the Isle-de-France until much later (Traiti, 
 397 ; Sch., 309-311 ; Jahrb. viii, 407). 
 
 Examples : — 14, ceue ; 95, eussent ; 113, 369, 
 veist; 464, 466, veu ; 467, reonde ; 500, veoir; 
 545, aseur ; 586, beut. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 On comparing the results obtained from the 
 preceding examination, it is evident that the 
 language contains, in addition to the forms of 
 the Isle-de-France, a great number which are 
 purely north-eastern. These dialectical diflTer- 
 ences are so numerous, and of such a charac- 
 ter, tliat their use by the author of the poem 
 seems improbable. If this supposition is cor- 
 rect, the present MS. is obviously a copy of an 
 earlier one, and the question then arises, what 
 was the dialect of the author. 
 
 Although the frequent occurrence of the 
 same characteristics is not necessarily a proof 
 of their presence in the original MS., yet the 
 indications that point to the French are so 
 numerous and complete, that it must be re- 
 
 23 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 garded as the language used by the writer. A 
 list of the characteristics found in the text, 
 and belonging to the different dialects under 
 consideration, will show more clearly the in- 
 fluence of each. The most important of the 
 forms not common to the French are as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. Retention of final t. 
 
 2. a becomes ei. 
 
 3. z becomes s. 
 
 4. c+a becomes c{i). 
 
 5. c-\-e, i becomes ch. 
 
 6. Fall of / before a consonant. 
 
 During the thirteenth century, final t had 
 disappeared from all the dialects except the 
 Wallonian and eastern Picard. There are 
 many examples of it in the text, but that final 
 / belonged to the original MS. can be shown 
 neither by the metre, nor the rhyme. 
 
 The second characteristic is not as distinctive 
 as the first. It is common to several dialects, 
 and may even be found in French. The rhyme 
 shows that ei had the same pronunciation as 
 the French e. 
 
 The reduction of ^ to j took place in Isle-de- 
 France after the middle of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, and, although the former continued to 
 be used, the pronunciation of both was the 
 same. As the MS. was probably written at 
 the close of the century, or even later, the use 
 of J for z in the rhymes need not be regarded 
 as A characteristic belonging especially to the 
 Picard. 
 
 The fourth and fifth characteristics are ap- 
 parently foreign to the French, but their pro- 
 nunciation, which alone is of importance, is in 
 doubt. The only positive evidence as to the 
 pronunciation of the palatal by the author is 
 furnished by the rhyme tochc : Antioche, line 
 300. Here c before a has the sound of ch. A 
 peculiarity to be observed in the use of these 
 forms is that, instead of being distributed 
 evenly throughout the text, nearly all of them 
 are found crowded together within a space of 
 less than two hundred lines, while in the rest 
 of the MS. they are comparatively rare. This 
 may be due to carelessness in copying, and if 
 so, it is an additional proof that the scribe was 
 from the North. 
 
 The sixth characteristic is interesting only 
 on account of the rhyme conseillez :mieus, 
 
 286. Although this seems to favor a Wallonian 
 origin, yet this supposition is unsupported by 
 other examples, and even contradicted by the 
 rhyme sout: ost, in line 118. 
 
 The remaining characteristics are nearly 
 equally divided between the two north-eastern 
 dialects. Many of them are represented by 
 but a single example, and need no individual 
 mention. They may be grouped together as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. el-\-consonant becomes iau. 
 
 2. /becomes ilh. 
 
 3. The pronoun cesti. 
 
 4. The feminine article H. 
 
 5. The use of les for the dative lor. 
 
 6. The ending -ont of the perfect tense. 
 
 The evidence in favor of the IsIe-de-France 
 as the home of the writer is more positive. 
 The following list will show at once that the 
 vowels, the consonants, and the grammatical 
 forms are essentially French, and that but few 
 characteristics are missing compared to the 
 large number that liave been omitted from the 
 Wallonian and Picard. 
 
 Vowels. 
 
 1. e in position, and o remain and do not 
 diphthongize as in the North. 
 
 2. Atonic e in hiatus is still counted as an 
 extra syllable. 
 
 3. It before oral consonants may become 
 either e, or ei, but its development in the end- 
 ings aticutn and atr is French. 
 
 4- f +y aid 0+7' become i and ni. 
 
 No. 2 is of some importance as it affects the 
 metre, which, like the rhyme, generally re- 
 mained unchanged. 
 
 Consonants. 
 The consonants show a greater admixture of 
 northern characteristics, but the regular French 
 forms as given below are in the majority. 
 
 1. c-\-a becomes ch. 
 
 2. c-\-e, i becomes c(s). 
 
 3. /is vocalized to u. 
 
 4. Final /falls. 
 
 5. German w becomes gu. 
 
 Grammatical Forms. 
 
 1. The feminine article li is used in a single 
 instance, but elsewhere we find la. 
 
 2. There is no trace of the possessive pro- 
 
 24 
 
LE PAS SALAD IN. 
 
 nouns mi, mis, mon, etc. 
 
 3. The forms of the verb are all French, as 
 is shown by the ending -ons, of the first person 
 plural ; oi, of the imperfect ; and -erent and 
 rierent, of the perfect tense. 
 
 The presence in the text of the VVallonian 
 and Picard characteristics may be accounted 
 for in various ways. As the different dialects 
 are not separated from each other by sharply 
 defined boundaries, the MS. may have been 
 copied either by a single scribe, speaking the 
 mixed language of the frontier, or by one 
 from any one of the northern dialects. The 
 latter is the more probable. 
 
 The date of the MS. cannot be determined, 
 but since the development of the French dur- 
 ing the Middle Ages was very rapid, it may be 
 approximated with sufficient accuracy by an 
 examination of the forms of the language. 
 
 The rhyme of J and z indicates that it must 
 have been written after the reduction of is to 
 s, which took place about the close of the 
 thirteenth century. 
 
 The following indications must also be con- 
 sidered, namely : — 
 
 1. The declensions are still ni force. 
 
 2. The suffix -ece is used in place of the 
 more modern -esse. 
 
 3. The plural of /oris without J. 
 
 4. Final e has not yet been added to the 
 first person, singular, of the present tense. 
 
 Although some of these forms do not disap- 
 pear until quite late, yet they are rarely found 
 together in the same MS. after the middle of 
 the fourteenth century. I think, therefore, 
 that the beginning of the fourteenth century 
 may be regarded as the most probable date of 
 the composition of the poem, while it may 
 have been copied some years later. 
 
 Notes. 
 
 6. The exploits of the knights were com- 
 memorated by mural paintings. The Pas de 
 Saladin must have been very popular during 
 the Middle Ages, if, as is stated here, repre- 
 sentations of it were painted on the walls. 
 
 II. The Pope, at the beginning of the third 
 Crusade, was Clement third and not Lucius. 
 The latter succeeded Alexander third in 1181. 
 He lived but six months in Rome, being 
 xlriyen forth by a. rebellion in 1182, and died at 
 
 Verona, in 1185. 
 
 55. The usual form of expression is prendre 
 terre en lig-ee ; namely, to hold land in fief. 
 IJgee from the old Frankish ledig, is also writ- 
 ten with the ending ie, and may, therefore, 
 rhyme with aisier, in the line below. 
 
 69. Heraclius, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 at the time of its capture by Saladin, took an 
 active part in the defense of the Kingdom. 
 He clearly foresaw the danger that threatened 
 the Christians in Palestine, and, as early as 
 1 180, journeyed to Europe, in order to preach 
 another Crusade against the Saracens. The 
 accusation made against him by the author 
 probably arose from the fact that he favored 
 the election of the Count of Tripolis to the 
 throne, in place of Guy de Lusignan ; but this 
 cannot be construed into an act of treason, for 
 Raymond was the choicenot only of the nobles 
 and clergy, but of all the people as well. 
 
 73. Amere is evidently a mistake of the 
 scribe for ameri. As it stands it rhymes with 
 neither the preceding, nor with the following 
 line, although the context shows that there 
 have been no omi.ssions. By omitting fioini d\ 
 which can be done without changing the mean- 
 ing, the number of syllables will be correct. 
 
 76. Both partant and leschans should be sep- 
 arated into^ar ^a«/and le chainp. 
 
 88. Read avint and not ait vint. 
 
 89. Avoms is an older form. 
 
 104^ Seur is the city of Tyre. In line 301, it 
 counts as two syllables. 
 
 105. Fuisent is an older form for the more 
 rcza\2.r fusseni (De Chev., iii, 254). 
 
 1 10. Cil le rosmere should be ril le vos mere. 
 Mere, from merir, in connection with the pro- 
 noun le, formed a stereotyped phrase, and was 
 used to express good will. 
 
 138. The Christians of the Middle Ages con- 
 fused the Saracens with the early Pagans. In 
 the literature of that period, the name of 
 Apollo is often coupled together with that of 
 Mohammed^ both being regarded as the gods 
 of the Infidels. 
 
 148. The two lines are from the Lai de 
 V Oiselet. The exact quotation is as follows: — 
 
 Li proverlses dit en apert ; 
 Cil qui tot convoite tot pert. 
 (Lines 409-4x0). 
 
 263. The name of Longis is of frequent. oc- 
 
 as 
 
LE BASi SALAD IN.. 
 
 currence in the literature of the Middle Ages, 
 and he is supposed to have been, the one who 
 thrust the spear into the side of Christ while 
 on the Cross. , 
 
 167'. En eel sepulcre gives a better reading 
 than et eel sepulcre^ 
 
 .1.169. Ci vesqui viov\A give a better riieaning 
 than se vesqui. 
 
 . 216. It" would be interesting to know whether 
 roys, in lines 216 and 224,'is singular, orplural, 
 as it would show whether the., declensions 
 were still in force, at the time the MS. was 
 written. The form is singular, but the verb is 
 plural, and the rhyme cannot ibe depended 
 upon to solve the question, as so. many of the 
 filial consonants are silent. According to the 
 meaning it might refer either to one king, or 
 toboth. 
 
 232. The line is short unless the imperfect 
 feroy be counted as three syllables. The final 
 e of the first person, singular, imperfect tense, 
 was retained as late as the fourteenth century. 
 
 245. Messe and\fisiu, -^jg, are mistakes of 
 the copyist for messi and /estu. 
 
 247. Avrez, when in atonic position in the 
 sentence, may lose its v and become arez. 
 This is not a dialectical peculiarity. 
 . 252. Larrier should read I'arrier, the last. 
 
 262. L'alerent is incorrect. It should be 
 s'alerent, as in line s55. 
 
 271. The viord anneit in this connection has 
 no'meaning. M.. 5ylvestre has corrected itby 
 writing ariveit. This will also give the line 
 the required number of syllables. 
 
 283. yajV is. an adjective ngreeiiig. with co«r 
 ^eit, and should therefore be written /o«jf. ■ 
 
 ■ 297. Godefrey de: BouiHoHi the celebrated 
 'leader of the -first Crusade, set- out for Pales- 
 tine in the spring of 1096. Soon after the 
 uapture of Jerusalem, he was proclaimed .King, ■■ 
 but refused to- take the title. He died in noo, 
 and his body was interred near the Holy 
 Sepulchre. 
 
 300. - Toehe, from *toccare ; se toeher de=\.o 
 rescue from. 
 
 ■ 3oS- The three principal gods of the In- 
 fidels were supposed to be Mahon and- ApoUin, 
 mentioned before in line 138, and Tervagant. 
 
 312. KingMalaquin'is probably Prince Malek, 
 or Melkin, the only soft of the Sultan Noured- 
 din, He succeeded to the throne = on the 
 
 death of the Sultan, in 1174, but did not have 
 the strength, or the power to maintain himself 
 long, and was finally overthrown by Saladin, 
 one of the Emirs of his father. 
 
 320. Pussier is a mistake for passeir, or 
 passed.. ' 
 .320. The subject of faite and faites, 317, is 
 the same. It is not unusual in Old prench for 
 the pronoun of address to be changed from 
 the singular to the plural, or vice versa, even 
 in the same sentence. ' 
 
 327. It cannot be ascertained , whether King 
 Escofart is art historical personage, or whether 
 the name is simply a creation of the author. 
 The many different ways in which the name is 
 written; namely, Escor/aus, 340, Escarfaus, 
 375, etc., prove that it was unknown to the 
 copyist. 
 
 331. The MS. has ce vachies written as two 
 words, but there is no doubt that cevachies is 
 meant, 
 
 336, Vont, in the phrase vont et joiant, is re- 
 peated in the same line ; namely, s'en vont !{ 
 rots. This is an unnecessary repetition, and 
 the sense seems to require either an adjective,, 
 or a participle. 
 
 ,342. Averoni is, an unusual form for the 
 future, the extra syllable being, used on ac 
 count of the me,tre. 
 
 .345. By the twelve, lyepart are meant of 
 course the knights, they being so called be- 
 cause of the leopards painted on their shields. 
 , 361. Cos should not be vyritten with a final 
 .r, nor is it required by the rhyme. 
 
 372. As tors is a pronoun, the final j is in- 
 correct. It was not added to the adjective 
 until the close of the thirteenth century, and 
 in the text lor, before a plural noun, is always 
 written without ,9. ' 
 
 465. In line 45, isnelepas is written as two 
 words, isnelepas, and this is the usual form. 
 
 467. The phrase il clot a la reonde is a 
 peculiar one. . No examjjles. of the verb clore 
 used in.thisconnection are found in the dic- 
 tionaries.. , 
 
 482. In Phelippons, the inflectional s, which 
 marks the nominatiye singular, has been added 
 to the accusative. The proper names are 
 elsewhere correctly declined... 
 .483. All the lines containing mesire have. an 
 extra syllable.. The- correction can easily be 
 
 '36 
 
LE PAS SALADIN. 
 
 made by dropping the first syllable of the 
 word and writing sire. 
 
 520. In the Itinerarium edited by William 
 Stubbs it is stated that Saladin was knighted 
 by the constable Henfrid of Toron. 
 
 532. By substituting the verb oi, for os, a 
 smoother reading would be obtained. 
 
 541. Dameie is incorrectly written for Da- 
 miete. The latter form is also required by the 
 metre, as the lines 541 and 548 have but seven 
 syllables. 
 
 553. Totis cannot rhyme with barons, but it 
 does not appear that a line has been omitted. 
 
 557. By omitting the article le before roi, 
 the number of syllables will be correct. 
 
 599. The / of ceulz is a late addition, and 
 belongs especially to the fourteenth century. 
 
 References. 
 
 1. Alex. — Vie de St. Alexis, par G. Paris. 
 Paris, 1872. 
 
 2. Archer. — The Crusade of Richard I. F. 
 Y. Powell, Editor. English History by Con- 
 temporary Writers. 
 
 3. Auc. — Aucassin und Nicolete, von Her- 
 mann Suchier. Second Edition. 
 
 4. Chev. — Li Chevaliers as Deus Espees, 
 von W. Foerster, Halle, 1877. 
 
 5. Darm. — Cours de Grammaire Historique 
 de la Langue Franigaise. D. Darmesteter, 
 Paris, 1891. 
 
 6. De Chev. — Origine et Formation de la 
 Langue Fran^aise, par A. de Chevallet, 
 Paris, 1858. 
 
 7. Diez. — Grammati k der Romanischen 
 Sprachen, von F. Diez. Fifth Edition. 
 
 8. Du Cange. — Les Families d'Outre-Mer, 
 par Du Cange, Paris, 1869. 
 
 9. Hist. Lit. — Histoire Litt^raire de la 
 France. 
 
 10. ya/^ri. ^ahrbuch fUr Romanische und 
 Englische Literatur. 
 
 11. iWariw.— Histoire des Croisades, par 
 Marin. 
 
 12. Michaud.—\{\.%\avct, des Croisades, par 
 Michaud. 
 
 13. M.-L. — Grammaire des Langues Ro- 
 manes, par Meyer-Liibke. 
 
 14. Neu. — Zur Laut- und Flexionslehre des 
 Altfranzosischen, von F. Neumann. Heil- 
 bronn, 1878. 
 
 15. Paris, Gaston.— La. L^gende de Saladin 
 (Extrait du Journal des Savants. Mai 4 AoAt, 
 1893), par G. Pans. 
 
 16. Pech. — Recherchessur les Formes Gram- 
 maticales de la Langue Fran^aise au xiii. 
 SiScIe, par G. Fallot. Paris, 1839. 
 
 17. Recits. — R^cits d'un M^nestrel de Reims 
 au xiii. SiScle, par Natalis de Wailly. Paris, 
 1876. 
 
 18. Robson. — Michaud's History of the Cru- 
 sades. Translated from the French, by W. 
 Robson. 
 
 19. Rohricht. — Beitrage zur Geschichte der 
 Kreuzziige von Reinhold Rohricht. Berlin, 
 1874. 
 
 20. Rom. — Romania. 
 
 21. Rom. Stud. — Romanische Studien. 
 
 22. Sch. — Altfranzosische Grammatik, von 
 Ed. Schwan. Second Edition. 
 
 23. Stubbs. — Chronicles and Memorials of 
 the Reign of Richard L Edited by William 
 Stubbs, London, 1864. 
 
 24. Traits. — Traits de Versification Fran- 
 jaise, par Quicherat. Second Edition. Paris, 
 1850. 
 
 25. Wilken. — Geschichte der Kreuzziige, von 
 F. Wilken. Leipzig, 1807. 
 
 26. Z.— Zeitschrift fiir Romanische Philologie. 
 
 27 
 
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