Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092320500 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 1924 092 320 500 THE GODS OF THE EGYPTIANS liONDOS" PRINTED BT GILBERT AND EIVINGTON, LTD, ST. JOHN'B house, CLEliKENWELL, E.G. THE GODS OF THE EGYPTIANS OR STUDIES IN EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY BY E. A. WALLIS BUDGrE, m.a., Litt.d., d.Litt., d.Lit. KEEPER OP THE EGYPTIAN AND ASSYRIAN ANTIQUITIES IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM WITH 98 COLOURED PLATES AND 131 ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT VOLUME I. CHICAGO THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY LONDON: METHUEN & CO. 1904 I DEDICATE THIS BOOK ON THE GODS AND MYTHOLOGY OF EGYPT BY PEEMISSION TO THE BIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF CROMER PRIVY COUNCILLOR, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., K.C.S.I., C.I.B. THE EEGENEEATOE OF EGYPT WITH SINCEEE GEATITUDE AND EESPECT PREFACE AMONG the various brandies of Egyptology which have been ^closely studied during the last twenty-five years, there are none which are more interesting to inquire into, or more difficult to understand fully, than the religion and mythology of the inhabi- tants of the Valley of the Nile. "When we consider the number of works on these subjects which have been written and published, both by expert Egyptologists and by competent exponents of the science of religion during that period, such a statement may appear at first sight to be paradoxical, and many may think when reading it that some excuse must certainly be made for the philosopher who asked an eminent professor of Egyptology the somewhat caustic question, " Is it true that the more the subjects of Egyptian religion and mythology are studied the less is known about them ? " The question is, however, thoroughly justified, and every honest worker will admit that there are at the present time scores of passages, even in such a comparatively well-known religious com- pilation as the Book of the Dead, which are inexplicable, and scores of allusions of a fundamentally important mythological character of which the meanings are still unknown. The reasons for this state of things are many, and the chief of them may be briefly recalled here. The custom of relying absolutely upon the information about the ancient Egyptian religion and mythology, which is reported by Greek historians, was abandoned by Egyptologists long ago, for as soon as the native Egyptian religious texts could be read, it viii PREFACE became evident that no Greek or Latin writer had any exact first-hand knowledge of these subjects, and that none of them succeeded wholly in reproducing accurately in their works the facts concerning them which they derived from Egyptian books or from Egyptian priests. This is hardly to be wondered at, for the cultured Greek writers must have, and did, as we know, look with mingled pity, and contempt, and ridicule, upon the animal cults of the Egyptians, and they had no sympathy with the materialistic beliefs and with the still more materialistic funeral customs and ceremonies, which have been, from time immemorial, so dear to certain Hamitic peoples, and so greatly prized by them. The only beliefs of the Egyptian religion which the educated Greek or Roman truly understood were those which characterized the various forms of Aryan religion, namely, the polytheistic and the solar ; for the forms of the cults of the dead, and for aU the religious ceremonies and observances, which pre- supposed a belief in the resurrection of the dead and in everlasting life, and which had been in existence among the indigenous inhabi- tants of north-east Africa from predynastic times, he had no regard whatsoever. The evidence on the subject now available indicates that he was racially incapable of appreciating the importance of such beliefs to those who held them, and that although, as in the case of the Ptolemies, he was ready to tolerate, and even, for state purposes, to adopt them, it was impossible for him to absorb them into his life. It is important to remember this fact when dealing with the evidence of Greek and Roman writers on the Egyptian religion and mythology, for it shows the futility of trying to prove an absolute identity in the indigenous religions of the Aryans and Egyptians. Now, although a true decipherment of the ancient Egyptian hieratic and hieroglyphic texts has enabled us to draw our in- PREFACE IX formation on the religion and mythology of Egypt from native sources, we have still to contend against the ignorance of Egyptian scribes and the mistakes of careless copyists, and it must never be forgotten that the theologians at the court of the Pharaohs under the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties were just as ignorant of many facts connected with their religion and mythology as we ourselves are. In proof of this it is sufficient to refer to the different explanations of certain passages which are given along with the text in the xviith Chapter of the Booh of the Dead, and to the childish punning etymologies of the names of gods and of many myth- ological explanations which are set down in the texts inscribed on the walls of some chambers in the tomb of Seti I. at Thebes, and on the walls of the temple of Horus of Behutet at Edfu. It is satisfactory to be able to say that many of the absurd etymologies and trivial explanations which are products of the scribes of old can now be corrected. Recent researches have shown that the royal scribes under the New Empire (b.c. 1700-700) were unable to read correctly the hieratic characters which formed the names of some of the kings of the early Archaic Period, and this being so, little surprise need be felt at the difficulties in religious texts which are due to their ignorance or blunders. Apart from such considerations, however, the subjects of Egyptian religion and mythology themselves are full of inherent difficulties, which have, unfortunately, not been' lessened by the manner in which some Egyptologists have treated them. The number of the gods, even under the IVth Dynasty, about B.C. 3600, was very great, and as time went on it multiplied greatly. The Pyramid Texts, which were written under the IVth, Vth and Vlth Dynasties, supply the names of about two hundred gods and mythological beings, but in the Book of the Dead according to the Theban Recension (b.c. 1700-1200) over five X PREFACE hundred gods are mentioned. If to these be added the names of all the mythological beings which occur in the various Books of the Underworld, we shall find that the number of the gods who were recognized by the theologians of the XlXth Dynastj?- at Thebes was about twelve hundred. If all the religious texts of this period from all the religious centres of Egypt were available for study, we should certainly find that the names of hundreds of additional local gods, goddesses, and mythological beings could be collected from them. With such a number of gods to consider, it was impossible for confusion not to arise in the mind of the Egyptian when dealing with them, and the texts prove that he found the gods as difiicult to group and classify as the modern investigator. The attributes of hundreds of them were vague and shadowy, and the greater number of them were merely provincial gods, to whom circumstances had given some transient importance, which resulted in their names being recorded in writing. In fact, the theologian of ancient Egypt found it impossible to form a system of gods which should be consistent in all its parts, and should assign to earth gods, water gods, air gods, village gods, city gods, nome gods, national gods, and foreign gods, the exact position and attributes which were their due in it. From one point of view the modem investigator is more fortunate than the Egyptian theologian, for he has more materials upon which to work, and, as a rule, he is better equipped for his inquiry. The Egyptian knew nothing about the study of comparative religion, and he was sadly hampered by his own methods. Modern scientific study of the Egyptian religion and myth- ology may be said to have begun with the publication in full of the texts, both hieratic and hieroglyphic, of the Heliopolitan, Theban, and Saite Recensions of the Book of the Dead (Per-em-hru), and of the cognate funeral texts, such as "The Book of what is in the PREFACE xi Underworld," "The Book of Breathings," "The Book of Trans- formations," the " Lamentations," and the " Festival Songs of Isis and Nephthys," &c. The first to attempt to build up on a large scale a system of Egyptian theology and mythology from ancient native works was the late Dr. Heineich Beugsch, who collected and published in his Religion unci Mythologie der alien JEgypter, Leipzig, 1885-1888, a mass of facts of the greatest importance, and a summary of the conclusions which he deduced from them. In the same year in which the first section of Dr. Brugsch's work appeared, M. Maspeeo published in the Bevue des Religions (tom. xii., p. 123 £) a masterly article, entitled La Religion Egyptienne d'apres les pyramides de la V" et de la VF dynastie, in which he gave to the world some of the results of his study of the " Pyramid Texts," which contain the oldest known Recension, i.e., the Heliopolitan, of the Booh of the Bead. In 1887, Signor Lanzone published the last part of his Bizionario di Mitologia Egizia, which is one of the most valuable contributions to the study of Egyptian mythology ever made, and which contains the names of a large number of gods, demons, spirits, etc., arranged alpha- betically, and a series of drawings of many of them printed in outline in red ink. In 1888 and 1889, M. Maspero, in two admirable articles in the Revue des Religions {La Mythologie Egyptienne, tom. xviii., p. 253 f., and tom. xix., p. 1 f.), discussed and criticized both the works of Brugsch and Lanzone, and shed a great deal of new light upon the facts collected in both. To M. Maspero belongs the credit of being the first to consider the Egyptian religion and mythology from the anthropo- logical point of view, and all the evidence on these subjects which has since become available goes to prove the general correctness of the opinion which he stated some fifteen or sixteen years ago. Beugsoh, it must be admitted, regarded the origin of Egyptian xii PREFACE religion from too lofty a metaphysical and philosophical standpoint, and appealed for proofs of his contentions to Egyptian texts belonging to too late a period to be entirely free from the influence of Greek culture and thought ; in fact, he read into certain Egyptian texts, ideas, doctrines, and beliefs which the primitive and indigenous Egyptians could never have possessed. On the other hand, it seems to me that M. Maspero has somewhat underrated the character of the spiritual conceptions of the dynastic Egyptians, and that he has done so because, when he wrote his great article, La Mythologie Egyptienne, Egyptologists had not thoroughly realized the distinction which exists between the primitive or predynastic element in the Egyptian religion and the Asiatic element. This element was of a solar character undoubtedly, and was introduced into Egypt by the " Followers of Horus," or the " Blacksmiths," who invaded the country, and conquered the natives, and settling down there, built up the great dynastic civilization Avhich we call Egyptian. This seems to be the correct explanation of the diversity of view of two such eminent experts, and the opposite character of their conclusions appears to be due chiefly to the difference of the standpoints from which they viewed the subject. A prolonged study of the religious and mythological texts of ancient Egypt has convinced me of the futility of attempting to reconcile the conflicting beliefs and to harmonize the contradictory statements which are found in them, so long as we regard the Egyptian religion as "one in its extension and principle." It must first of all be resolved into its constituent elements, and when this has been done, it will probably be possible to classify, and arrange, and assign to their proper sources the various material and spiritual conceptions and beliefs which the Egyptians heaped up in their minds and flung together in their religious writings. ^ PREFACE xiii It must, moreover, be studied by the light which the science of comparative religion has given us, and due regard must be paid to the important evidence on the subject that may be deduced from the remains and monuments of the Predynastic and Archaic Periods which have been unearthed during the last few years. The primitive dwellers in Egypt undoubtedly belonged to a large and important section of the inhabitants of North-East Africa, and possessed physical and mental characteristics which were peculiar to themselves. In the earliest times they were savages, and lived and died like savages in other parts of the world ; religious belief of any kind, in the modern sense of the term, they had none, and they probably regarded the animate and inanimate objects which they saw about them as akin to them- selves. At a much later period they peopled the earth, air, sky, and water with beings of various kinds, and they paid a sort of homage or worship to certain stones, trees, and living creatures, in which they assumed that they lived. Some beings were held to be friendly and others unfriendly ; and it was thought that gifts or offerings would secure the continuance of the friendship of the former and avert the hostility of the latter. Friendly beings gradually became gods, and unfriendly ones were classed as devils, and in the ceremonies which the Egyptian savage performed in their honour, and in the incantations which he recited, the magic of Egypt, the forerunner of her religion, had its origin. The chief object of the savage Egyptian was self-preservation, and self- interest was the mainspring of his actions, all of which were undertaken with a view to material benefits. When he first becomes known to us in the late Neolithic Period we find that he possessed a belief in an existence beyond the grave, and that it was of a material character is proved by the fact that he placed offerings of food in the graves of the dead. To prevent their return to this xiv PREFACE world, and their consequent claim for food and other material things, the heads of the dead were often severed from their bodies, and their feet cut off; thus the living made themselves secure in the possession of their homes, and wives, and goods. Nothing is knoAvn of the Egyptian religion and its ceremonies at this period, but whatever they were, it is pretty certain that the object of them all was to secure for themselves after death a renewal of life which should be full of carnal delights and pleasures, and there is no doubt that the ideas of a resurrection from the dead and immortality on these lines were firmly implanted in the native mind long before the Dynasty Period began. The cult of Osiris, the dead man deified, and the eaiiiest forms of his worship, were, no doubt, wholly of African origin ; these are certainly the oldest elements in the religion of the Dynastic Period, and the most persistent, for Osiris maintained his position as the god and judge of the dead from the Predynastic to the Ptolemaic Period. The Followers of Horus, who brought a solar religion with them into Egypt from the East, never succeeded in dislodging Osiris from his exalted position, and his cult survived undiminished notwithstanding the powerful influence which the priests of Ra, and the worshippers of Amen, and the votaries of Aten respectively exercised throughout the country. The heaven of Osiris was believed to exist in a place where the fields were fei'tile and well stocked with cattle, and where meat and drink were abundant ; the abodes of the blessed were thought to be constructed after the model of the comfortable Egyptian home- steads in which they had lived during life, and the ordinary Egyptian hoped to live in one of these with his wives and parents. On the other hand, the followers of Ra, the sun-god, believed in a heaven of a more spiritual character, and their great hope was to occupy a seat in the boat of the god, and, arrayed in light, to travel PREFACE XV whithersoever he went. They wished to become bright and shining spirits, and to live upon the celestial meat and drink upon which he lived ; as he was so they hoped to be in every respect. The materialistic heaven of Osiris appealed to the masses in Egypt, and the heaven where Ra lived to the priests of Ea and other solar gods, and to royal and aristocratic families, and to the members of the foreign section of the community who were of Eastern origin. The various waves of religious thought and feeling, which swept over Egypt during the five thousand years of her history which are known to us, did not seriously disturb the cult of Osiris, for it held out to the people hopes of resurrection and immortality of a character which no other form of religion could give. Secure in these hopes the people regarded the various changes and developments of religious ideas in their country with equanimity, and modifications in the public worship of the gods, provided that the religious feasts and processions were not inter- rupted, moved them but little. Kings and priests from time to time made attempts to absorb the cult of Osiris into religious systems of a solar character, but they failed, and Osiris, the man- god, always triumphed, and at the last, when his cult disappeared before the religion of the Man Christ, the Egyptians who em- braced Christianity found that the moral system of the old cult and that of the new religion were so similar, and the promises of resurrection and immortality in each so much alike, that they transferred their allegiance from Osiris to Jesus of Nazareth without difficultyJ Moreover, Isis and the child Horus were straightway identified with Maey the Virgin and her Son, and in the apocryphal literature of the first few centuries which followed the evangelization of Egypt, several of the legends about Isis and her sorrowful wanderings were made to centre round the Mother XVI PREFACE of Christ. Certain of the attributes of the sister goddesses of Isis were also ascribed to her, and, like the goddess Neith of Sai's, she was declared to possess perpetual virginity. Certain of the Egyptian Christian Fathers gave to the Virgin the title "Theo- tokos," or "Mother of God," forgetting, apparently, that it was an exact translation of neter mut, l "aN , a very old and common title of Isis. Interesting, however, as such an investigation would be, no attempt has been made in this work to trace out the influ- ence of ancient Egyptian religious beliefs and mythology on Christianity, for such an undertaking would fill a comparatively large volume. From what has been said in the preceding pages the plan followed in the preparation of the present volumes will be evident. In the opening chapter an attempt has been made to describe the religious beliefs of the primitive Egyptians, and to explain how their later ideas about the " gods " and God grew up, and how they influenced the religious writings and paintings of the Dynastic Period. The region which is commonly called Heaven, or the " Underworld," and its denizens are next considered at some length, and this section is followed by chapters on the ancient myths of Ra, the legend of Ra and Isis, and the legend of the destruction of mankind. The hieroglyphic texts of the myths and legends are given with interlinear transliteration and translation, so that the student may verify my statements for himself. Of the minor gods and demons, of which nothing but the names are known, lists only are printed. The great gods of Egypt have been grouped as far as possible, and they are discussed in connection with the various religious centres to which they belong, e.g., Ptah, Sekhet, and I-em-hetep with Memphis, Amen, Mut, and Khensu with Thebes, and the " Great Company " of the gods with Heliopolis. Speaking generally, the first volume of this work treats of the oldest and PREFACE xvii greatest gods and triads of gods of Egypt, and the second, of the gods of Heliopolis, among whom are included Osiris and the deities of his funeral cycle. The hymns to the gods have been freely quoted, because they illustrate so clearly the views which the Egyptians held concerning them, and the manner in which they sought to praise them. In a chapter entitled " Miscellaneous Gods " will be found several lists of gods of the hours, days, months, winds, Dekans, etc., which I have collected from Dr. Brugsch's Thesaurus of astronomical and other texts ; for the main facts given in these volumes the authorities, both ancient and modern, will be found at the foot of the pages wherein they are first mentioned. Most of the portraits of the gods which appear in the coloured plates have been reproduced from papyri, coffins, etc., but for the outlines of a few I am indebted to Signor Lanzone's Dizionario Mitologia Egizia, the value of which has been already mentioned. It has been thought advisalDle to print the portraits of the gods which are not taken from papyri upon a papyrus-coloured ground, and to enclose each within a coloured border, for the effect is better, and the plan is consistent with that followed by the ancient Egyptian artists at all periods. My thanks are due to Reginald Lake, Esq., of Messrs. Gilbert & Rivington, and to Mr. G. E. Hay and Mr. F. Rainer, of his staff, for the care and attention which they have taken in printing this work. E. A. WALLIS BUDGE. London, September 5th, 1903. CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE Jl. The Gods of Egypt .... ... 1 Appendix : Unas, the Slayee and Eater of the Gods — HiEEOGLYPHIC TEXT WITH INTEELINEAE TEANSLITEEATION and teanslation ... .45 J 11. Conception of God and the "Gods" , 57 III. Primitive Gods and Nome-Gods . 95 IV. The Companions of the Gods in Heaven . . . 156 V. The Undeewoeld . . .170 VI. Hell and the Damned . . 263 VII. The oldest Company of the Gods and the Creation . . 282 VIII. History op the Creation of the Gods and of the Woeld — Hieroglyphic text with interlinear transliteration and translation . . 308 -^ IX. Ea, the SuN-GoD, AND HIS FOEMS . 322 vX. The Myths of Ea 359 XI. The Legend of Ea and Isis — Hieroglyphic text with intee- LINEAE transliteration AND TRANSLATION 372 XII. The Destruction of Mankind — Hieroglyphic text with INTERLINEAR TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION . . . 388 XIII. ThOTH, and MaAT AND THE OTHER GODDBSSES WHO WERE ASSOCIATED WITH^ HIM . . . , . . 400 XIV. Hathor AND THE Hathor-Goddesses . . . 428 XV. The Hoeus Gods 466 ^-XVI. The Great Triad of Memphis, Ptah, Sekhet, and I-em-hetbp 500 LIST OF COLOURED PLATES TO FACE PARE ''l. The Creation ... . . . 298 2. The goddess Eat . 328 3. Amen-Ea-Heru-khuti . . . . 330 4. The god Khepera seated in his boat ... ... 334 5. The god Temu .... .... 348 6. The god Tern seated in his boat . . 350 7. The goddess lusaaset ... ...... 354 8. The god Khepera ... . ... 356 9. Thoth, the scribe of the gods . . . . 400 10. Aah-Tehuti and his associate the Ape . . ... 402 11. Thoth, the scribe of the gods . . . 408 12. The Moon-god Ash . . . . . 412 ''13. The goddess Maat ... . . .418 14. The goddess Nekhemauait ...... . . 420 15. The goddess Meh-urt ... .422 16. Nut, the goddess of heaven, as a Cow . . 424 17. The goddess Sesheta . . . . . . 426 18. The Cow-goddess Hathor looking forth from the funeral mountain at Thebes . . 428 19. The goddess Hathor in the form of a woman . . 434 20. The goddess Hathor with horns and disk ... . . 436 21. The goddess Nekhebet, or Nekhebit . . . . 438 22. The goddess Uatchet, or Uatchit ... 440 23. The goddess Bast ... . . .444 24. The goddess Nit (Neith), as a huntress . . , 450 25. The goddess Sebek-Nit suckling Horus ... 456 26. The goddess Nit (Neith), the weaver . - 462 27. The god Heru-ur (Aroeris) . ■ . . 466 28. Heru-pa-khrat (Harpocrates) . . 468 29. Heru-khuti (Harmachis) . 470 30. Heru-sma-taui . . 472 31. Ea-Heru-Khuti of Behutet . 474 32. Heru-netch-tef-f . . .476 33. Heru-netch-hra-tef-f .... 478 34. Horus the son of Isis, and the son of Osiris 484 xxii COLOURED PLATES TO FACE PACE 35. Heru-netch-tef-Ea . . . 488 36. The four children of Horus . . . . 490 37. The god comprehending all gods . . . 492 38. Horus, the son of Isis, and the son of Osiris, or Harpoerates 494 39. The god Sept . . . . . 498 40. Ptah fashioning the Egg of the World . 500 41. The god Ptah-Seker ... . . 502 42. The Ark of the god Seker on its sledge . . 504 43. The god Seker . . 506 44. The god Tatenen . 508 45. The goddess Sekhet . 514 46. The goddess Sekhet . . 516 47. The goddess Sekhet . 518 48. The god Nefer-Temu . 520 49. The god I-em-hetep (Imouthis) . . 522 LIST, OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Usertsen II. receiving " life " from the god Sept 2. The serekh of Eameses II. 3. The serpent-headed leopard Setcha . 4. The eagle-headed lion Sefer 5. The fabulous beast Sak 6. A fabulous leopard 7. The animal Sha 8. The First Hour of the Night 9. The Second Hour of the Night 10. The Third Hour of the Night . 11. The Fourth Hour of the Night . 12. The Fifth Hour of the Night 13. The god on the top of the Steps 14. The Eighth Hour of the Night . 15. The Ninth Hour of the Night . 16. The Tenth Hour of the Night . 17. The Eleventh Hour of the Night 18. The gate of the Twelfth Hour of the Night 19. Sunrise ..... 20. Book of the Underworld — First Hour 21. Book of the Underworld — Second Hour 22. Book of the Underworld — Third Hour 23. Book of the Underworld— Fourth Hour 24. Book of the Underworld— Fifth Hour 25. Book of the Underworld — Sixth Hour 26. Book of the Underworld — Seventh Hour 27. Book of the Underworld — Eighth Hour 28. Book of the Underworld — Ninth Hour 29. Book of the Underworld— Tenth Hour 30. Book of the Underworld — Eleventh Hour . 31. The Oldest Company of the Gods 32. The Cow-goddess Nut .... 33. Thothmes IV. making offerings to the Sphinx . 34. Horus of Behutet armed with a bow and arrows 35. The double god Horus-Set 36. Seker-Asar ....... 37. Ptolemy Euergetes and the Hennu-Boat . 38. Asar-Hapi (Serapis) . and a club PAGE 25 . 26 . 59 60 60 61 . 61 . 179 . 181 183 . 185 187 169 193 . 195 . 197 . 199 . 203 . 204 206 . 209 . 213 217, 219 . 221, 223 . 225, 227, 229 231, 233, 235, 236 . 237, 239, 240 . 243, 245 247, 249 251, 253 . 282 368 471 474 475 504 504 513 THE GODS OF THE EGYPTIANS CHAPTER I THE GODS OF EGYPT THE Gi-eek historian Herodotus affirms ^ that the Egyptians were "beyond measure scrupulous in all matters apper- "taining to religion," and he made this statement after personal observation of the care which they displayed in the perform- ance of religious ceremonies, the aim and object of which was to do honour to the gods, and of the obedience which they showed to the behests of the priests who transmitted to them commands which they declared to be, and which were accepted as, authentic revelations of the will of the gods. From the manner in which this writer speaks it is clear that he had no doubt about what he was saying, and that he was recording a conviction which had become settled in his mind. He was fuUy conscious that the Egyptians worshipped a large number of animals, and birds, and reptiles, with a seriousness and earnestness which must have filled the cultured Greek with astonishment, yet he was not moved to give expression to words of scorn as was Juvenal/ for Herodotus perceived that beneath the acts of apparently 1 ii. 64. 2 " Quia nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens " Aegyptns portenta colat ? crocodilon adorat " Pars haec, ilia pavet saturam serpentibus ibin. " Effigies sacri nitet aurea cercopitLeci, " Dimidio magicae resonant ubi Memnone cbordae " Atque vetus Thebe centum jaoet obruta portis. " Illic aeluros, tic piscem fluminis, illic B 2 ANTIQUITY OF RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES foolish and infatuated worship there existed a sincerity which betokened a firm and implicit belief which merited the respect of thinking men. It would be wrong to imagine that the Egyptians were the only people of antiquity who were scrupulous beyond measure in religious matters, for we know that the Babylonians, both Sumerian and Semitic, were devoted worshippers of their gods, and that they possessed a very old and complicated system of religion ; but there is good reason for thinking that the Egyptians were more scrupulous than their neighbours in religious matters, and that they always bore the character of being an extremely religious nation. The evidence of the monuments of the Egyptians proves that from the earliest to the latest period of their history the observance of religious festivals and the performance of religious duties in connexion with the worship of the gods absorbed a very large part of the time and energies of the nation, and if we take into consideration the funeral ceremonies and services commemorative of the dead which were performed by them at the tombs, a casual visitor to Egypt who did not know how to look below the surface might be pardoned for declaring that the " Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam. " Porrum et caepe nefas violare et frargere morsu : " sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in liortis " Numina ! Lanatis animalibus abstinet omnis " Mensa, nefas illic fetum ingulare capellae : " Carnibus humanis vesci licet." — Satire, xv. 1 — 13. That the crocodile, ibis, dog-headed ape, and fish of various kinds were venerated in Egypt is true enough ; they were not, however, venerated in dynastic times as animals, but as the abodes of gods. In certain localities peculiar sanctity was attributed to the leek and onion, as Juvenal suggests, but neither vegetable was an object of worship in the country generally ; and there is no monumental evidence to show that the eating of human flesh was practised, for it is now known that even the predynastic Egyptians did not eat the flesh of the dead and gnaw their bones, as was once rashly asserted. Juvenal's statements are only partly true and some of them are on a par with that of a learned Indian who visited England, and wrote a book on this country after his return to Bombay. Speaking of the religion of the English he declared that they were all idolaters, and to prove this assertion he gave a list of churches in which he had seen a figure of a lamb in the sculpture work over and about the altar, and in prominent places elsewhere in the churches. The Indian, like Juvenal, and Cicero also, seems not to have understood that many nations have regarded animals as symbols of gods and divine powers and still do so. DIVINE ORIGIN OF KINGS :) Egyptians were a nation of men who were wholly given up to the worship of beasts and the cult of the dead. The Egyptians, however, acted in a perfectly logical manner, for they believed that they were a divine nation, and that they were ruled by kings who were themsel ves gods incarnate ; their earliest kings, they asserted, were actually gods, who did not disdain to live upon earth, and to go about and up and down through it, and to mingle with men. Other ancient nations were content to believe that they had been brought into being by the power of their gods operating upon matter, but Ihe— Egyptians believed that they were the issue of the great God who created the universe, and that they were of directly divine origin. When the gods ceased to reign in their proper persons upon earth, they were succeeded by a series of demi-gods, who were in turn succeeded by the Manes, and these were duly followed by kings in whom was enshrined a divine nature with characteristic attributes. _ When the physical or natural body of a king died, the divine portion of his being, i.e., the spiritual body, returned to its original abode with the gods, and it was duly Avorshipped by men upon earth as a god and with the gods. This happy result was partly brought about by the performance of certain ceremonies, which were at first wholly magical, but later partly magical and partly religious, and by the recital of appropriate words uttered in the duly prescribed tone and manner, and by the keeping of festivals at the tombs at stated seasons when the appointed offerings were made, and the prayers for the welfare of the dead were said. From the earliest times the worship of the gods went hand in hand with the deification of dead kings and other royal personages, and the worship of departed monarchs from some aspects may be regarded as meritorious as the worship of the gods. From one point of view Egypt was as much a land of gods as of men, and the inhabitants of the country wherein the gods lived and moved naturally devoted a considerable portion of their time upon earth to the worship of divine beings and of their ancestors who had departed to the land of the gods. In the matter of religion, and all that appertains thereto, the Egyptians were a " peculiar people," and in all ages they have exhibited a tenacity of belief 4 NUMBER AND VARIETY OF GODS and a conservatism which distinguish them from all the other great nations of antiquity. But the Egyptians were not only renowned for their devotion to religious observances, they were famous as much for the variety as for the number of their gods. Animals, birds/ fishes, and reptiles were worshipped by them in all ages, but in addi- tion to these they adored the great powers of nature as well as a large number of beings with which they peopled the heavens, the air, the earth, the sky, the sun, the moon, the stars, and the water. In the earliest times the predynastic Egyptians, in common with every half-savage people, believed that all the various operations of nature were the result of the actions of beings which were for the most part unfriendly to man. The inunda- tion which rose too high and flooded the primitive village, and drowned their cattle, and destroyed their stock of grain, was regarded as the result of the working of an unfriendly and unseen power ; and when the river rose just high enough to irrigate the land which had been prepared, they either thought that a friendly power, Avhich was sti'onger than that which caused the destroying flood, had kept the hostile power in check, or that the spirit of the river was on that occasion pleased with them. They believed in the existence of spirits of the air, and in spirits of mountain, and stream, and tree, and all these had to be propitiated with gifts, or cajoled and wheedled into bestow- ing their favour and protection upon their suppliants. It is very unfortunate that the animals, and the spirits of natural objects, as well as the powers of nature, were all grouped together by the Egyptians and were described by the word NETERU, which, with considerable inexactness, we are obliged to translate by " gods." There is no doubt that at a very early period in their predynastic history the Egyptians distinguished between great gods and little gods, just as they ^ did between friendly gods and hostile gods, but either their poverty of expression, or the inflexibility of their language, prevented them from making a distinction apparent in writing, and thus it happens that in dynastic times, when a lofty conception of monotheism prevailed among the priesthood, the scribe found GOD AND "GODS" AND ANGELS 5 himself obliged to call both God and the lowest of the beings that were supposed to possess some attribute of divinity by one and the same name, i.e., netee. Other nations of antiquity found a way out of the difficulty of grouping all classes of divine beings by one name by inventing series of orders of angels, to each of which { they gave names and assigned various duties in connexion with I the service of the Deity. Thus in the Kur'an (Sura xxxv.) it is V_said that God maketh the angels His messengers and that they ai'e furnished with two, or three, or four pairs of wings, accord- ing to their rank and importance ; the archangel Gabriel is said to have been seen by Muhammad the Prophet with six hundred pairs of wings ! The duties of the angels, according to the Muhammadans, were of various kinds. Thus nineteen angels are appointed to take charge of hell fire (Sura Ixxiv.) ; eight are set apart to support God's throne on the Day of Judgment {Sura Ixix.) : several tear the souls of the wicked from their bodies ■with violence, and several take the souls of the righteous from their bodies with gentleness and kindness (/S^wa Ixxix.); two angels are ordered to accompany every man on earth, the one to write down his good actions and the other his evil deeds, and these wiU appear with him at the Day of Judgment, the one to lead him before the Judge, and the other to bear witness either for or against him (Sura 1.). Muhammadan theologians declare that the angels are created of a simple substance of light, and that they are endowed with life, and speech, and reason ; they are in- capable of sin, they have no carnal desire, they do not propagate their species, and they are not moved by the passions of wrath and anger ; their obedience is absolute. Their meat is the celebrating of the glory of God, their drink is the proclaiming of His holiness, their conversation is the commemorating of God, and their pleasure is His worship. Curiously enough, some are said to have the form of animals. Four of the angels are Archangels, viz. Michael, Gabriel, Azrael, and Israfel, and they possess special powers, and special duties are assigned to them. These four are superior to all the human race, with the exception of the Prophets and Apostles, but the angelic nature is held to be inferior to human nature because aU the angels were commanded to worship 6 MUHAMMADAN AND SYRIAN ANGELS Adam (Sura ii.). The above and many other characteristics might be cited in proof that the angels of the Muhammadans possess much in common with the inferior gods of the Egyptians, and though many of the conceptions of the Arabs on this point were undoubtedly borrowed from the Hebrews and their writings, a great many must have descended to them from their own early ancestors. Closely connected with these Muhammadan theories, though much older, is the system of angels which was invented by the Syrians. In this we find the angels divided into nine classes and three orders, upper, middle, and lower. The upper order is composed of Cherabim, Seraphim, and Thrones ; the middle order of Lords, Powers, and Rulers ; and the lower order of Princi- palities, Archangels, and Angels. The middle order receives revelations from those above them, and the lower order are the ministers who wait upon created things. The highest and fore- most among the angels is Gabriel, who is the mediator between God and His creation. The Archangels in this system are described as a " swift operative motion," which has dominion over every living thing except man ; and the Angels are a motion which has spiritual knowledge of everything that is on earth and in heaven.^ The Syrians, like the Muhammadans, borrowed largely from the writings of the Hebrews, in whose theological system angels played a very prominent part. In the Syrian system also the angels possess much in common with the inferior gods of the Egyptians. The inferior gods of the Egyptians were supposed to suffer from many of the defects of mortal beings, and they were even thought to grow old and to die, and the same ideas about the angels were held by Muhammadans and Hebrews. According to the former, the angels will perish when heaven, their abode, is made to pass away at the Day of Judgment. According to the latter, one of the two great classes of angels, i.e., those which were created on the fifth day of creation, is mortal ; on the other hand, the angels which were created on the second day of creation 1 See my edition of the Booh of the Bee, by Solomon of Al-Basra. Oxford, 1886, pp. 9-11. HEBREW ANGELS OR "GODS" 7 endure for ever, and these may be fitly compared with the unfailing and unvarying powers of nature which were personified and worshipped by the Egyptians ; of the angels which perish, some spring from fire, some from water, and some from wind. The angels ai'e grouped into ten classes, i.e., the Erelim, the tshlm, the Ben^-Elohim, the Malachim, the Hashmalim, the Tarshtshim, the Shishanim, the Cherubim, the Ophannim, and the Seraphim ; ^ among these were divided all the duties connected with the ordering of the heavens and the earth, and they, according to their position and importance, became the interpreters of the Will of the Deity. A comparison of the passages in Rabbinic literature which describe these and similar matters connected with the angels, spirits, etc., of ancient Hebrew mythology with Egyptian texts shows that both the Egyptians and Jews possessed many ideas in common, and all the evidence goes to prove that the latter borrowed from the former in the earliest period. In comparatively late historical times the Egyptians intro- duced into their company of gods a few deities from Western Asia, but these had no effect in modifying the general character either of their religion or of their worship. The subject of com- parative Egyptian and Semitic mythology is one which has yet to be worked thoroughly, not because it would supply us with the original forms of Egyptian myths and legends, but because it would show what modifications such things underwent •when adopted by Semitic peoples, or at least by peoples who h^ Semitic blood in their veins. Some Avould compare Egyptian and* Semitic mythologies on the ground that the Egyptians and Semites were kinsfolk, but it must be quite clearly understood that this is pure assumption, and is only based on the state- ments of those who declare that the Egyptian and Semitic languages are akin. Others again have sought to explain the mythology of the Egyptians by appeals to Aiyan mythology^' and to illustrate the meanings of important Egyptian words in religious texts by means of Aryan etymologies, but the results are wholly unsatisfactory, and they only serve to show the futility 1 See the chapter "Was die Juden von den guten Engeln lehren " in Eisen- menger, Entdechten Judenthums, vol. ii. p. 370 ff. 8 THE OLDEST GODS OF EGYPT of comparing the mythologies of two peoples of difFerent race occupying quite difFerent grades in the ladder of civilization. It cannot be too strongly insisted on that all the oldest gods of Egypt are of Egyptian origin, and that the fundamental religious beliefs of the Egyptians also are of Egyptian origin, and that both the gods and the beliefs date from predynastic times, and have nothing whatever to do with the Semites or Aryans of history. Of the origin of the Egyptian of the Palaeolithic and early Neolithic Periods, we, of course, know nothing, but it is tolerably certain that the Egyptian of the latter part of the Neolithic Period was indigenous to North-East Africa, and that a very large number of the great gods worshipped by the dynastic Egyptian were worshipped also by his predecessor in predynastic times. The conquerors of the Egyptians of the Neolithic Period who, with good reason, have been assumed to come from the East and to have been more or less akin to the Proto- Semites, no doubt brought about certain modifications in the worship of those whom they had vanquished, but they could not have succeeded in abolishing the various gods in animal and other forms which were worshipped throughout the length and breadth of the country, for these continued to be venerated until the time of the Ptolemies. We have at present no means of knoAving how far the religious beliefs of the conquerors influenced the conquered peoples of Egypt, but viewed in the light of well-ascertained facts it seems tolerably certain that no great change took place in the views which the indigenous peoples held concerning their gods as the result of the invasion of foreigners, and that if any foreign gods were introduced into the company of indigenous, predynastic gods, they were either quickly assimilated to or AvhoUy absorbed by them. Speaking generally, the gods of the Egyptians remained unchanged throughout all the various periods of the history of Egypt, and the minds of the people seem always to have had a tendency towards the maintenance of old forms of worship, and to the preservation of the ancient texts in Avhich such forms were prescribed and old beliefs were enshrined. The Egyptians never forgot the ancient gods of the country, and it is typical of the spirit of conservatism which they displayed in most things that even in the Roman INDIGENOUS BELIEFS 9 Period pious folk among them were buried with the same prayers and with the same ceremonies that had been employed at the burial of Egyptians nearly five thousand years before. The Egyptian of the Roman Period, like the Egyptian of the Early Empire, was content to think that his body would be received in the tomb by the jackal-headed Anubis ; that the organs of his corruptible body would be presided over and guarded by animal- headed gods ; that the reading of the pointer of the Great Scales, wherein his heart was weighed, would be made known by an ape to the ibis-headed scribe of the gods, whom we know by the name of Thoth ; and that the beatified dead would be introduced to the god Osiris by a hawk-headed god called Horus, son of Isis, who in many respects was the counterpart of the god Heru-ur, the oldest of all the gods of Egypt, whose type and symbol was the hawk. From first to last the indigenous Egyptian paid little heed to the events Avhich happened outside his own country, and neither conquest nor invasion by foreign nations had any effect upon his personal belief. He continued to cultivate his land diligently, he worshipped the gods of his ancestors blindly, like them he spared no pains in making preparations for the preservation of his mummified body, and the heaven which he hoped to attain was fashioned according to old ideas of a fertile homestead, well stocked with cattle, where he would enjoy the company of his parents, and be able to worship the local gods whom he had adored upon earth. The priestly and upper classes certainly held views on these subjects which difi"ered from those of the husband- man, but it is a significant fact that it was not the religion and mythology of the dynastic Egyptian, but that of the indigenous, predynastic Egyptian, with his animal gods and fantastic and half-savage beliefs, which strongly coloured the religion of the country in all periods of her history, and gave to her the charac- teristics which were regarded with astonishment and wonder by all the peoples Avho came in contact with the Egyptians. The predynastic Egyptians in the earliest stages of their existence, like most savage and semi-savage peoples, believed that the sea, the earth, the air, and the sky were filled to overflowing with spirits, some of whom were engaged in carrying on the works 10 BELIEF m SPIRITS of nature, and others in aiding or obstructing man in the course of his existence upon earth. Whatsoever happened in nature was attributed by them to the operations of a large number of spiritual beings, the life of whom was identical with the life of the great natural elements, and the existence of whom terminated with the destruction of the objects which they Avere supposed to animate. Such spirits, although invisible to mental eyes, were very real creatures in their minds, and to them they attributed all the passions which belong to man, and all his faculties and powers also. Everything in nature was inhabited by a spirit, and it was thought possible to endow a representation, or model, or figure of any object with a spirit or soul, provided a name was given to it ; this spirit or soul lived in the drawing or figure until the object which it animated was broken or destroyed. The objects, both natural and artificial, Avhich we consider to be inanimate were regarded by the predynastic Egyptians as animate, and in many respects they were thought to resemble man himself. The spirits who infested every part of the visible world were countless in forms, and they differed from each other in respect of power ; the spirit that caused the Inundation of the Nile was greater than the one that lived in a canal, the spirit that made the sun to shine was more powerful than the one that governed the moon, and the spirit of a great tree was mightier than the one that animated an ear of corn or a blade of grass. The difference between the supposed powers of such spirits must have been distinguished at a very early period, and the half-savage inhabi- tants of Egypt must at the same time have made a sharp distinc- tion between those whose operations were beneficial to them, and those whose actions brought upon them injury, loss, or death. It is easy to see how they might imagine that certain great natural objects were under the dominion of spirits who were capable of feeling wrath, or displeasure, and of making it manifest to man. Thus the spirit of the Nile would be regarded as beneficent and friendly when the waters of the river rose sufiiciently during the period of the Inundation to ensure an abundant crop throughout the land ; but when their rise was excessive, and they drowned the cattle and washed away the houses of the people, whether made of ANIMALS AND REPTILES 11 Avattles or mud, or when they rose insufficiently and caused want and famine, the spirit of the Nile would be considered unfriendly and evil to man. An ample and sufficient Inundation was regarded as a sign that the spirit of the Nile was not displeased with man, but a destructive flood was a sure token of displeasure. The same feeling exists to this day in Egypt among the peasant- farmers, for several natives told me in 1899, the year of the lowest rise of the Nile of the XlXth century,^ that "Allah was angry with them, and would not let the water come " ; and one man added that in all his life he had never before knoAvn Allah to be so angry with them. The spirits which were always hostile or unfriendly towards man, and were regarded by the Egyptians as evil spirits, were identified with certain animals and reptiles, and traditions of some of these seem to have been preserved until the latest period of dynastic his- tory. Apep, the serpent-devil of mist, darkness, storm, and nigh t, of whom more will b e said later on, a nd his fiends, the " children o f rebellion,_" were not the result of the imagination of the Egyptians in historic times, but their existence dates from the period when Egypt was overrun by mighty beasts, huge serpents, and noxious reptiles of all kinds. The great serpent of Egyptian mythology, which was indeed a formidable opponent of the Sun-god, had its prototype in some monster serpent on earth, of which tradition had preserved a record ; and that this is no mere theory is proved by the fact that the remains of a serpent, which must have been of enormous size, have recently been found in the Fayyum. The vertebree are said to indicate that the creature to which they belonged was longer than the largest python known.^ The allies of the great serpent-devil Apep were as hostile to man as was their master to the Sun-god, and they were regarded with terror by the minds of those who had evolved them. On the other liand, there were numbers of spirits whose actions were friendly 1 In October, 1899, the level of the water of Lake Victoria was 2 ft. below the normal, and in December the level at Aswan was 5 ft. 8 ins. below the average of previous years. 3 " If the proportions of this snake were the same as in the existing Python " seboe it probably reached a length of thirty feet." C. W. Andrews, D.Sc, in Geological Mcuj., vol. viii., 1901, p. 438. 12 HEAVEN AND HELL and beneficial to man, and some of these were supposed to do battle on his behalf against the evil spirits. Thus at a very early period the predynastic Egyptian must have conceived the existence of a g reat company of spirits w hose goodwill, or at all evente whose_ma£tiojt]^ould_gn^ by bribes, i.e., offerings, and cajolfi:qL.^ijad-lati£iT ; and of a second large company whose beneficent deeds to man he was wont to acknowledge and whose powerful help he was anxious to draw towards himself ; and of a third company Avho were supposed to be occupied solely with making the sun, moon, and stars to shine, and the rivers and streams to flow, and the clouds to form and the rain to fall, and who, in fact, were always engaged in carrying out diligently the workings and evolutions of all natural things, both small and great. The spirits to whom in predynastic times the Egyptians ascribed a nature malicious or unfriendly towards man, and who were regarded much as modern nations have regarded goblins, hobgoblins, gnomes, trolls, elves, etc., developed in dynastic times into a corporate society, with aims, and intentions, and acts wholly evil, and with a government which Avas devised by the greatest and most evil of their number. To these, in process of time, were joined the spirits of evil men and women, and the prototype of hell was formed by assuming the existence of a place where evil spirits and their still more evil chiefs lived together. By the same process of imagination beneficent and friendly spirits were grouped together in one abode under the direction of rulers who were well disposed towards man, and this idea became the nucleus of the later conception of the heaven to which the souls of good men and women were supposed by the Egyptian to depart, after he had developed sufficiently to conceive the doctrine of immortality. The chiefs of the company of evil spirits subsequently became the powerful devils of historic times, and the rulers of the company of beneficent and good spirits became the gods ; the spirits of the third company, i.e., the spirits of the powei's of Nature, became the great cosmic gods of the dynastic Egyptians. The cult of this last class of spirits, or gods, differed in many ways from that of the spirits or gods who were supposed to be concerned entirely with the welfare of man, and in dynastic times there are abundant ANTIQUITY OF EGYPTIAN MAGIC 13 proofs of this in religious texts and compositions. In tlie hymns to the Sun-god, under Avhatsoever name he is worshipped, we find that the greatest wonder is expressed at his majesty and glory, and that he is apostrophised in terms which show forth the awe and fear of his devout adorer. His triumphant passage across the sky is described, the unfailing regularity of his rising and setting is mentioned, reference is made to the vast distance over which he passes in a moment of time, glory is duly ascribed to him for the great works which he performs in nature, and full recognition is given to him as the creator of men and animals, of birds and fish, of trees and plants, of reptiles, and of all created things ; the praise of the god is full and sufficient, yet it is always that of a finite being who appears to be overwhelmed at the thought of the power and might of an apparently infinite being. The petitions lack the personal appeal which we find in the Egyptian's prayers to the man-god Osiris, and show that he regarded the two gods from entirely diff'erent points of view. It is impossible to say how early this distinction between the functions of the two gods was made, but it is certain that it is coeval with the beginnings of dynastic history, and that |t was observed until very late times. The element of magic( which is the oldest and most persistent characteristic of the ^jvorship of the gods and of the Egyptian religion, generally belongs to the period before this distinction was arrived at, and it is clear that it dates from the time when man thought that the good and evil spirits were beings who Avere not greatly different from himself, and who could be propitiated with gifts, and controlled by means of words of power and by the per- formance of ceremonies, and moved to action by hymns and addresses. This belief was present in the minds of the Egyptians in all ages of their history, and it exists in a modified form among the Muhammadan Egyptians and Sudani men to this day. It is true that they proclaim vehemently that there is no god but God, and that Muhammad is His Prophet, and that God's power is infinite and absolute, but they take care to guard the persons of themselves and their children from the Evil Eye and from the assaults of malicious and evil spirits, by means of amulets of all kinds as zealously now as their ancestors did in the days before 14 EVIL SPIRITS the existence of God Who is One was conceived. The caravan men protect their camels from the Evil Eye of the spirits of the desert by fastening bright-coloured beads between the eyes of their beasts, and by means of long fringes which hang from their mahlufas, or saddles, and in spite of their firm belief in the infinite power of God, they select an auspicious day on which to set out on a journey, and they never attempt to pass certain isolated caves, or ravines, or mountains, in the night time. All the members of the great family of the Jinn are to them as real to-day as their equivalents were to the ancient Egyptians, and, from the descriptions of desert spirits which are given by those who have been fortunate enough to see them, it is clear that traditions of the form and appearance of ancient Egyptian fiends and evil spirits have been unconsciously preserved until the present day. The modern Egyptians call them by Arabic names, but the descriptions of them agree well with those which might be made of certain genii that appear in ancient Egyptian mythological woi-ks treating of the Underworld and its inhabitants. The peoples of the Eastern Sudan, who are also Muhammadans, have inherited many ideas and beliefs from the ancient Egyptians, and this is not to be wondered at when we remember that the civilization of Nubia from the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty to the end of the XXVIth, i.e., from about B.C. 1550 to about B.C. 550, was nothing but a slavish copy of that of Egypt. A stay of some months in the village at the foot of Jebel Barkal, which marks the site of a part of the old Nubian city ©f Napata, convinced me of this fact, and visits to other places in the Eastern - Sudan proved that these ideas and beliefs were widespread. The hills and deserts are, according to native belief, peopled with spirits, which are chiefly of a disposition unfriendly to man, and they are supposed to have the power of entering both human beings and animals almost at pleasure. Palm-trees die or become unfruitful, and cattle fall sick through the operations of evil spirits, and any misfortune which comes upon the community or upon the individual is referred to the same cause. The pyramids, which they call tarabil, on the hill, are viewed with almost childish fear by the natives who, curiously enough, speak of the royal personages MODERN StlDANl SUPERSTITIONS 15 buried therein as Uldhdt, or "gods," and none of them, if it can possibly be avoided, will go up after sundown into " the mountain," as they call the sandstone ridge on which they are built. Tombs and cemeteries are carefully avoided at night as a matter of course, but to approach the pyramids at night is regarded as a wilful act ■which is sure to bring down upon the visitor the wrath of the spirits of the kings, who have by some means acquired a divine character in the eyes of the natives. When 1 was opening one of the pyramids at Jebel Barkal in 1897, Muhammad wad Ibrahim, the shekh of the village, tried to keep the workmen at work as long as daylight lasted, but after this had been done for two or three evenings, several of the wives of the men appeared and carried off their husbands, fearing they should either be bewitched, or suffer some penalty for intrusion in that place at the time when, in popular opinion, the spirits of the dead came forth to enjoy the cool of the evening. The same idea prevailed further south among the people who lived on the river near the pyramids of Bakrawiyeh, which mark the site of the royal necropolis of the ancient city of Berua, or Marua, i.e., Meroe. The local shekh was appointed to go with me and to help in taking measurements of some of the pyramids at this place, but when we were about half a mile from them he dismounted, and said he could go no further because he was afraid of the spirits of the gods, Uldhdt, who were buried there. After much persuasion he consented to accompany me, but nothing would induce him to let the donkeys go to the pyramids ; having hobbled them and tied them to a large stone he came on, but seated himself on the ground at the northern end of the main group of pyramids, and nothing would persuade him to move about among the ruins. The natives of Jebel Barkal viewed the work of excavation with great disfavour from the very first, and their hostile opinion was confirmed by the appearance at the pyramids of great numbers of wasps, which, they declared, were larger than any which they had seen before ; they were convinced that they were evil spirits who had taken the form of wasps, and that evil was coming upon their village. It was useless to explain to them that the wasps only came there to drink from the water- skins, which were kept full and hung there on pegs driven into the 16 MODERN SUDANI SUPERSTITIONS masonry for the use of the workmen ; and when a harmless snake, about eight feet long, Avhich had also crawled there to drink, was killed one morning by the men, their fears of impending evil were confirmed, for they were certain that the spirit of a king had been killed, and they expected that vengeance would be taken upon them by the divine spirits of his companions. About halfway up Jebel Barkal there lived four large hawks which always seemed to be following any person who ascended the mountain, but yet never came very near ; these were always regarded by the natives as the embodied spirits of the gods whose figures still remain sculptured and painted on the walls of the rock- hewn sanctuary at the foot of the hill, and I never heard of any attempt being made to shoot or snare them by the people of the villages of Barkal, Shibba, or Marawi. The inhabitants could not know that the hawk was probably the first living creature which was worshipped in the Nile Valley, and therefore the respect which they paid to the hawks must have been due to a tradition which had been handed down to them through countless generations from a past age. Their connecting the hawks with the figures of the gods sculptured in the sanctuary of Amen-Ra is worthy of note, for it seems to show that on such matters they thought along the same lines as their ancestors. Concerning amulets, the Sudani man is as superstitious as were his ancestors thousands of years ago, and he still believes that stones of certain colours possess magical properties, especially when inscribed with certain symbols, of the meaning of which, however, he has no knowledge, but which are due, he says, to the presence of spirits in them. Women and children, especially female children, protect many parts of their bodies with strings of beads made of magical stones, and sometimes with plaques of metal or stone, which are cut into various shapes and ornamented with signs of magical power ; the positions of such plaques on the body are frequently identical with those whereon the dynastic Egyptians laid amulets on the dead, and, if we could learn from the Sudani folk the reasons which prompt them to make use of such things, we should probably find that the beliefs which underlie the customs are also identical. The above facts concerning the Siidani belief in spirits might be IDEAS ABOUT THE BEETLE 17 greatly multiplied, and they are not so remotely connected with the beliefs of the dynastic, and even predynastic, Egyptians, as may appear to be the case at first sight, and the writer believes that a large amount of information of a similar kind awaits the investigator, who will devote the necessary time to living in some of the out-of- the-way villages of the black (not negro) peoples who dwell on the eastern bank of the Nile and of the Blue Nile. ' In many isolated places in Southern Nubia and the Eastern Sudan are trees which men regard with reverence, but this may be the result of contact with the natives of Central Africa, where people pray to trees on certain occasions,^ believing that the spirits which are supposed to dwell in them can bestowgifts uponthosewhom they regard with favour, and ensure safety both to themselves and their animals when travelling. StiU further to the south certain animals, e.g., the cynocephalus ape, which plays such a prominent part in dynastic Egyptian mythology, are supposed to be inhabited by divine spirits and to possess extraordinary powers of intelligence in consequence, and the various kinds of scarabaei, or beetles, are thought to be animated by spirits, which the natives connect with the sun. The dead bodies of these insects were, in former days, often eaten by women who wished to become mothers of large families, and to this day parts of them are cooked, and treated with oil, and made into medicines ^ for the cure of sore eyes, etc. The dynastic Egyptians believed that the scarab was connected 1 " Under the wide-spreading branches of an enormous heglik-tree, and on a " spot beautifully clean and sprinkled with fine sand, the Bedeyat beseech an " unknown god to direct them in their undertakings and to protect them from " danger." Slatin Pasha, Fire and Sioord in the Sudan, London, 1896, p. 114. 3 Ibrahim Rushdi, Clerk of Telegraphs at Benha, in Lower Egypt, told me in January, 1895, that in many districts the beetles were boiled, and the grease extracted from them ; as they are being boiled the shells come off. The bodies are next roasted in oHve oil, and then steeped in myrrh, and after this they are macerated in that liquid, and strained through muslin ; the liquid which runs through is believed to cure the itching which is caused by a certain internal ailment. Some men drink a few drops of it in each cup of coffee, and women drink it to make them fat. The old women have a prescription for sore eyes, which is as follows : — Stick a splinter of wood through a series of beetles for twelve hours when a child is about to be born ; when the child is born, pull the splinter out of the last beetle, and dip it in hoM, and rub the eyes of the child with it. If this be done in the proper way the child will never suffer from sore eyes. C 18 FORMS OF EVIL SPIRITS with the Sun-god Ra, and in religious texts of all periods it is said that the beetle occupied a place in the boat of this god. "We have already seen that the dynastic Egyptians, and their predecessors, conceived the existence of spirits hostile towards man, of spirits beneficent towards man, and of spirits which were wholly occupied with carrying out the various operations of Nature, and we must now consider the manner and forms in which they became visible to man. The commonest form in which a spirit was believed to make itself visible to man was that of some beast, or bird, or fish, or reptile, and at a veiy early period adoration, in one form or another, of the so-called inferior animals was well-nigh universal in Egypt. At the time when this worship began animals, as well as inanimate objects, were not considered by the inhabitants of the Nile Valley to be greatly removed from themselves in intelligence. Primitive man saw nothing ridiculous in attributing speech to inanimate objects and animals, which were supposed to think, and reason, and act like human beings ; and the religious literature of many of the most ancient nations contains numerous proofs of this fact. Among the baked clay tablets found in the ruins of the Royal Library of Nineveh, which contained copies of hundreds of documents preserved in the temples of the most ancient cities of Babylonia, were fragments of a dialogue between a horse and an ox, which is now known as the " Fable of the Horse and the Ox," ^ and it is tolerably certain that this dialogue did not originate in the reign of Ashur-bani-pal (b.c. 668-626), although the tablet on which it was written is not older than his time. Again, in the Creation Legend the dragon-monster Tiamat, the representative of the powers of evil and darkness, is made to conspire against the gods, and to create a serpent brood ^ in order to do elFective battle with them ; and other instances might be quoted to show that the Babylonians and Assyrians attributed to the animals reason, passions, and language. 1 See Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities, London, 1900, p. 48 ; the fragments are exhibited in the British Museum, Nineveh Gallery, Table-case C. ~ Ibid, p. 36. For the cuneiform tablets in the British Museum see Nineveh Galler , Table-case A. See also L. W. King, Seven Tablets of Creation, vol i p. 1 ff. TALKING ANIMALS, TREES, ETC. 19 From the Bible we learn that the Hebrews held the same views as their kinsmen on this matter, and we are told that the serpent beguiled and seduced Eve by his speech, and made her break the command of the Lord (Genesis iii. I &■), and that the she-ass of Balaam remonstrated with her master and asked him why he had smitten her three times (Numbers xxii. 28). We may note in passing that this animal is said to have been able to see the Angel of the Lord standing in the way, whilst her master could not, and we are forcibly reminded of the belief which was current among Jews and Muhammadans to the effect that dogs howled before a death because they were able to see the Angel of Death going about on his mission, to say nothing of our own superstition to the same effect, which, however, we seem to have derived not from the East, but from cognate northern European nations. We see also from the Book of Judges (ix. 8 ff.) that speech and reason were sometimes attributed to objects which we regard as inanimate, for we read that the trees " went forth on a time to anoint a king " over them ; and they said unto the olive tree, Reign thou over us." When the olive tree refused, they went to the fig tree with the same request, and when the fig tree refused, they went to the vine, which refused to leave its wine " which cheereth God and man " ; on this they applied to the bramble, which placed before them the choice of coming and putting their trust in its shadow, or of being burnt by the fire which should come forth from out of itself. In connexion with this idea may, perhaps, be mentioned the incident recorded in Numbers xxi. 17, wherein we are told that the princes and nobles digged a well " with their staves " by the direction of the lawgiver, and that the Children of Israel sang this song, "Spring up, well; sing ye unto it." Many other examples might be quoted from Hebrew literature to show that animals and inanimate objects were on certain occasions regarded as beings which possessed thinki'ng and reasoning powers similar to those of men. Among the Egyptians animals thought, and reasoned, and spoke as a matter of course, and their literature is full of indica- tions that they believed them to be moved by motives and passions similar to those of human beings. As a typical example may be quoted the instance of the cow, in the Tale of the Two Brothers, 20 THE DOG-HEADED APE who tells her herd that his elder brother is standing behind the door of the byre with his dagger in his hand waiting to slay him ; the young man having seen the feet of his brother under the door took to flight, and so saved his life. Here we have another proof that animals were sometimes credited with superhuman intelligence and discernment, since but for the warning of the cow, who had perceived what her master had failed to notice, the herd would have been slain as soon as he entered the byre. Here, too, must be noted the very important part which is played in the Judgment Scene in the Booh of the Dead by animals. In the Story of 'the Shipwreck also we are told concerning a huge serpent thirty cubits long, with a beard two cubits long, which made a long speech to the unfortunate man who was wrecked on the island wherein it lived. In the papyri of the XVIIIth Dynasty we have representa- tions of the weighing of the heart of the deceased in the Great Balance, which takes place in the presence of the G-reat Company of the gods, who act as judges, and who pass the sentence of doom, that must be ratified by Osiris, according to the report of the god Thoth, who acts as scribe and secretary to the gods. The Egyptian hoped that his heart would exactly counterbalance the feather, symbolic of Maat or the Law, and neither wished nor expected it to outweigh it, for he detested performing works of supererogation. The act of weighing was carefully watched by Anubis the god of the dead, whose duty was to cast to the Eater of the Dead the hearts which failed to balance the feather exactly ; and by the guardian angel of the deceased, on behalf of the deceased ; and by a dog-headed ape, who was seated on the top of the pillar, and who supported himself upon the bracket on which was balanced the beam of the Great Scales. This ape was the associate and com- panion of the god Thoth, and he was supposed to be skilled in the art of computation, and in the science of numbers, and in the measurement of time ; his duty at the weighing of the heart was to scrutinize the pointer of the scales, and, having made sure that the beam of the scales was exactly level, i.e., that the heart and the feather exactly counterbalanced each other, to report the fact to Thoth, so that he in turn might make his report to the gods on THE DOG-HEADED APE 21 the case under consideration. The ape seated on the pillar of the Scales belongs to a species which is now only found in the Sudan, but which in late predynastic or in early dynastic times might have been found all over Egypt. The dog-headed ape is very clever, and even in modern times is regarded with much respect by the natives, "who believe that its intelligence is of the highest order, and that its cunning is far superior to that of man ; the high esteem in which it was held by the ancient Egyptians is proved by the fact that the god Thoth was held to be incarnate in him, and by the important functions which he performed in their mythology. It will also be remembered that in the vignette which represents the sunrise in the Boole of the Dead a company of six or seven dog-headed apes is dej)icted in the act of adoring the god of day, as he rises on the eastern horizon of heaven ; they stand on their hind legs and their forepaws are raised in adoration, and they are supposed to be singing hymns to the Sun-god. In a text which describes this scene these apes are said to be the spirits of the dawn who sing hymns of praise to the Sun-god whilst he is rising, and who transform thems.elves into apes as soon as he has risen. It is a well known fact in natural history that the apes and the monkeys in the forests of Africa and other countries chatter noisily at dawn, and it is clear that it was the matutinal cries of these animals which suggested their connection with the spirits of the dawn. It is not stated in the text whether the spirits of the dawn were created afresh each day or not, or whether the monkeys transformed themselves into spirits daily, and so were able to greet the rising sun each morning. We may, however, connect the idea concerning them with that which is met with in an ancient Hebrew description ^ of the angels of Hebrew mythology, for one group of "angels of service" from the river of fire were supposed to be created daily in order to sing one hymn to God Almighty and then to come to an end. Passing now to the consideration of the worship of animals by the Egyptians of .the predynastic and dynastic periods, we have 1 Compare Bisenmenger, op. cit., vol. ii., p. 371. 1^J<"in3 XDVl HUV ^2 yh-^y] vrvv noj^i lun imo rrwn oi^bD 22 FEAR THE MOTIVE OF WORSHIP to endeavour to find the reasons which induced the early inhabi- tants of the Nile Valley to pay adoration to birds, beasts, fishes, and other creatures of the animal kingdom. A careful examina- tion of the facts now available shows that in Egypt primitive man must have worshipped animals in the first instance because they possessed strength, and power, and cunning greater than his own, or because they were endowed with some quality which enabled them to do him bodily harm or to cause his death. The funda- mental motive in man for worshipping animals was probably feae. When man first took up his abode in Egypt the physical conditions of the country must have resembled those of some parts of Central Africa at the present time, and the Avhole country was probably covered with forests and the ground obscured by dense under- growth. In the forests great numbers of elephants and other large beasts must have lived, and the undergrowth formed a home for huge serpents of various species and for hosts of deadly reptiles of difi^erent kinds, and the river was filled with great crocodiles similar in length and bulk to those which have been seen in recent years in the Blue JSTile and in the rivers further to the south. We have no means of knowing at what period the elephant was exterminated in Egypt, but it was probably long before dynastic times, because he finds no place in Egyptian mythology. The ivory objects which have been found in predynastic graves prove that this substance was prized by the primitive Egyptians, and that it was, comparatively, largely used by them for making personal orna- ments and other small objects, but whether they imported elephants' tusks from the Sudan, or obtained them from animals which they hunted and killed in some part of Egypt cannot be said. On the top of one of the standards ^ which are painted on predynastic vases we find the figure of an elephant, a fact which seems to show that this animal was the symbol of the family of the man for whom was made the vase on which it is found, or of his country, or of the tutelary deity, i.e., the god of his town or tribe. On the other hand, it is quite clear from several passages in the texts with which the walls of the chambers and corridors of the pyramid tombs of Unas and Teta, and other kings of the Early 1 See J. de Morgan, EthnograpMe Prehistorique, p. 93. ANTIQUITY OF SERPENT WORSHIP 23 Empire at Sakk^ra are inscribed that Egypt was infested with venomous snakes and noxious reptiles of various kinds when the original forms of those passages were written, and that they were sufficiently formidable and numerous to cause the living grave anxiety about the safety of the bodies of their dead. Thus in the text of Unas/ a king of the Vth Dynasty, we find a series of short magical formulae, many of which are directed against serpents and fierce animals, and all are couched in terms which prove that they must have been composed long before they were inscribed on the walls inside this king's pyramid, and M. Maspero is undoubtedly correct in thinking that they must have presented serious difficulties to the king's literati. In these formulae are mentioned the serpents Ufa, ^h^I]^, Nai, '^Ij^"^, Heka, ^ (] UH , Hekret, ^ '^ ^ HH , Setcheh, ^ ^ | Bl , ^^"^^^' \ ^ 111' ^^^' \ ^' ^^"' ra (j ^ Ml, Antaf, Ij ^ ..^ ^ ^, Tcheser-tep, '^ [1 v^ @ Ml , Thethu, ^ ^ Ml , Hemth, FD ^ ^, Senenahemthet, | ^ () ITl ^ ^ Ml, and allusion is made to a most " terrible serpent," n s=> (1 , At the time when these formulae were composed each of these serpents was probably the type of a class of venomous snakes, and their names no doubt described their physical charac- teristics and their methods of attack. The abject fear of the Egyptians for the serpent seems to have been constant in aU generations, and the texts of the latest as well as those of the earliest period contain numerous prayers intended to deliver the deceased from the " serpents which are in the Underworld, which live upon " the bodies of men and women, and consume their blood." ^ Long after Egypt was cleared of snakes and when the country was in the condition in which we now know it, the tradition remained that a 1 Ed. Maspero, 1. 533 ff. /WlAW ^^ ^ M I — H— ^v f] V 1 SI) ' &^ """"^ (^ "^^^ ■ "^""^ °^ '''* Dead, Chapter^iB., 1, 4. 24 WORSHIP OF URAEUS AND VULTURE mighty serpent, some thirty cubits, i.e., about fifty feet long, lived on the top of Bakhau, J-^^^^^^'*^® Mountain of the Sunrise, and his name was Ami-Hemf, i.e., "Dweller in his flame,"(]f ^xxra^fli-^ The worship of the serpent in Egypt is of grcTat antiqui ty, and shrines to certain members ofJhe,spfid.ee - B ft ust h aa e^axigt^'^ at a very early^te. In predynastic times the uraeus was held in great veneration, and the great centre of its worship was in the Delta, at a place which the Egyptians in dynastic times called " Per-Uatchet," and the Greeks " Buto." At the period when the uraeus was being worshipped in Lower Egypt, the vulture was the chief object of adoration in Upper Egypt, its principal sanctuary being situated in the city which the Egyptians called " Nekhebet," and the Greeks " Eileithyiaspolis." The uraeus goddess was called "Uatchet," or " Uatchit," and the vulture goddess " Nekhebet," or " Nekhebit," and the cities which were the centres of their worship became so important, probably in consequence of this worship, that in the early dynastic period we find it customary for kings when they wished to proclaim their sovereignty over all Egypt to give themselves the title ^R, which may be freely rendered by " Lord of the shrines of the Vulture and Uraeus." The equivalents of these signs are found on the now famous plaque inscribed with the name and titles of Aha, a king who is often, but without sufiicient reason, assumed to be identical with Mena or Menes, and thus it is clear that the cities of Nekhebet and Per- Uatchet were important religious and administrative centres in predynastic times. Other wild animals which were worshipped by the Egyptians about the same period Avere the lion, and the lynx, which they called niaftet ^ ^^ ^"^^ the hippopotamus, and the quadruped which became the symbol of the god Set ; among amphibioils creatures the crocodile and the turtle were the most important. Among domestic animals the bull and the cow were the principal objects of worship, and proof is forthcoming that they were 1 Book of the Dead, Chapter cviii., 1. 6. WORSHIP OF THE BULL 25 regarded as deities in predynastic times. The great strength of the bull, and his almost irresistible attack in fighting and headlong rush, excited the fear and admiration of primitive man, and his fecundating powers made him at a very early period the type of the generative principle in nature. For thousands of years the kings of Egypt delighted to call themselves " mighty bull," and the importance which they attached to this title is evinced by the fact that many of them inscribed it upon their sereJch, or cog- nizance, which displayed their name as the descendant of Horus ; Usertsen II. receiving " life " from the god Sept. Behind him is his serekh inscribed with his Horns name. in fact, it formed their Horus name. The figure of a bull is found sculptured upon some of the green slate objects which date from the predynastic period, and which have been erroneously called palettes, and a flint model of the head and horns of the cow, which in later times became the animal symbolic of the goddess Hathor, was found in a predynastic grave ; all these objects are in the British Museum (Nos. 20,790, 20,792, and 32,124). The warrior kings of the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties were pleased when the court scribes related in commemorative inscriptions how 26 WORSHIP OF THE BULL their lords raged and roared like lions as they mounted their chariots and set out to crush the foolish enemy who had the temerity to defy them, but they preferred to be likened to the "mighty bull," who trampled opposition beneath his hoofs, and gored and destroyed with his horns that which his hoofs had failed to annihilate. Out of the reverence which was paid to the bull in predynastic times grew the worship of two special bulls, Hap and Mer-ur, which names the Greeks modified into Apis and Mnevis, the sacred animals of the ancient cities of Memphis and Heliopolis respectively. The worship of Apis is at least as old as the beginning of the dynastic period, and we know that the cult of this buU continued in Memphis until the close of the rule of the Ptolemies. In some way the beliefs con- cerning Apis were connected with those which the Egyptians held concerning Osiris, the god and judge of the dead, who is called in the Booh of the Dead ^ the " Bull of Amentet," i.e., the "Bull of the Under- world," JrL ^^ ff ^ '^ ; and in the Ptolemaic period the two gods were merged into one and formed the god Sarapis, to whom were ascribed the attributes of the Egyptian and Greek gods of the Under- ., ,, „ ^ . world. tierekh of Eameaes II., on which iainscribed the Horns It now seeius to be generally admitted name of this king, i.e., Ka- ° •' NEKHT - MERi - maat. The by cthnologlsts that there are three main canopy of the serelch is in the form of the sky F=^, causes which have induced men to worship and from the standard on . . '■ which it rests spring two auimals, 1.6., they have worshipped them human arms and hands. . , i n it The right grasps a standard as auimals, or as the dwellmg-places of gods surmounted by the head of . . ■ c j -i n a ; the king, which here repre- or as representatives 01 tribal ancestors. sen ts the" royal ka" y i. and the left the symbol of Maat. ^ Chapter i., 1. 4. APIS BULL AND RAM OF MENDES 27 There is no reason whatsoever for doubting that in neolithic times the primitive Egyptians worshipped animals as animals and as nothing more ; the belief that animals were the abodes of spirits or deities grew up in their minds later, and it was this which induced them to mummify the dead bodies of birds, and beasts, and fishes, etc., in which they thought deities to have been incarnate. We have no means of knowing exactly when this belief arose, but it is certainly as old as the time when the Apis Bull began to be worshipped, and when the Egyptians began to keep the ram and other animals, and birds, and reptiles, and fishes in sanctuaries, and to worship them as deities incarnate. In connection with it we must notice that, in the case of the Apis Bull and the Ram of Mendes, the god Apis did not take up his abode in every bull, and that the soul of Osiris, which was supposed to dwell in the Ram of Mendes, did not make his habitation in every ram. The Apis Bull, like the Ram of Mendes, had to be sought for diligently, and no bull or ram was made the object of veneration in the sanctuaries of Memphis or Mendes unless he possessed the characteristic marks by which the priests recognized him. The ordinary bulls and rams of the species to which the Apis Bull and the Ram of Mendes belonged were not regarded in the same light as the animals which by the marks upon them proclaimed themselves to be the creatures to which worship should be ofi'ered, and they were, of course, sacrificed in the performance of funeral ceremonies and killed and eaten as food by the people, even though somewhat of the deity may have been incarnate in them. When the Apis Bull or the Ram of Mendes died the deity who had been incarnate in it transferred himself to another animal, and therefore did not leave the earth. The question as to whether the Egyptians worshipped animals as representations of tribal ancestors, or " totems," is one which has given rise to much discussion, and this is not to be wondered at, for the subject is one of difl&culty. We know that many of the standards which represent the nomes of Egypt are distinguished by figures of birds and animals, e.g., the hawk, the bull, the hare, etc., but it is not clear whether these are intended to represent "totems" or not. It is pretty certain that the nome-standard of dynastic times was derived from the standards which the predynastic 28 NOME GODS Egyptians set up in their boats, or caused to be carried in cere- monial processions, or during the performance of public functions, and there is no reason for doubting that, substantially, the same ideas and beliefs underlie the use of both classes of standards. The animal or bird standing on the top of a nome-perch or standard is not intended for a fetish or a representation of a tribal ancestor, but for a creature which was regarded as the deity under whose protection the people of a certain tract of territory were placed, and we may assume that within the limits of that territory it was un- lawful to injure or kill such animal or bird. Thus in the Nome of the Black Bull a black bull of a certain kind would be regarded as a sacred animal, and it is certain that in predynastic times worship would be offered to it as a god ; similarly in the Nome of the Hare the ha,re would be worshipped ; and in the Nome of the Hawk the hawk would be worshipped. Outside these nomes, however, the bull and the hare and the hawk might be, and probably were, killed and eaten for food, and from this point of view the sacred creatures of the Egyptians may be thought to have something in common with the totems, or deified representatives of tribal ancestors, and with the fetishes of the tribes of nations which are on the lowest levels of civilization. In connexion with this matter it is customary to quote the statements of Greek and Roman writers, many of whom scoff at the religion of the Egyptians because it included the worship of animals, and charge the nation with fatuity because the animals, etc., which were worshipped and preserved with all c^re in some places were killed and eaten in others. The evidence of such writers cannot be regarded as wholly trustworthy, first, because they did not take the trouble to under- stand the views which the Egyptians held about sacred animals, and secondly, because they were not in a position to obtain trust- worthy information. In the passage from one of Juvenal's Satires already quoted, he declares that the Egyptians ate human flesh, and it is possible that he believed what he wrote ; still the fact remains that there is not a particle of evidence in the Egyptian inscriptions to show that they ever did so, and we have every reason for believing that they were not cannibals. His other statements about the religion of the Egyptians are. ANIMAL WORSHIP NOT TOTEMISM 29 probably, as untrustworthy. There is not enough ancient Egyptian religious literature extant to enable us to trace the history of religion in all periods of dynastic history, still less are we able to follow it back in the predynastic period, because of that time we have no literature at all; such monuments and texts as we have, however, serve to show that the Egyptians first worshipped animals as animals, and nothing more, and later as the habitations of divine spirits or gods, but there is no reason for thinking tliat the animal worship of the Egyptians was descended from a system of totems or fetishes, as Mr. J. F. M'Lennan believed.^ It has been assumed by some ethnologists that many primitive peoples have been accus- tomed to name individuals after animals, and that such animal names have in certain cases become tribe names. These may have become family surnames, and at length the myths may have grown up about them in which it is declared that the families concerned were actually descended " from the animals in question as ancestors, " whence might arise many other legends of strange adventures " and heroic deeds of ancestors, to be attributed to the quasi-human " animals whose names they bore ; at the same time, popular " mystification between the great ancestor and the creature whose " name he held and handed down to his race, might lead to veneration " for the creature itself, and thence to full animal- worship." ^ This theory may explain certain facts connected with the animal- worship of numbers of savage or half-savage tribes in some parts of the world, but it cannot, in the writer's opinion, be regarded as affording an explanation of the animal-worship of the Egyptians. In dynastic times kings were, it is true, worshipped as gods, and divine honours were paid to their statues, but the reason for this was that the king was believed to be of the seed of the god Horus, the oldest of all the gods of Egypt. There is reason for believing that to certain men who were famous for their knowledge or for some great works which they had accomplished divine honours were paid, but neither these nor the kings were held to be gods who were worshipped throughout the land as were the well- known or natural gods of the country. In short, the worship which 1 See the Fortnightly Review, 1869-1870. 2 See Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. ii., p. 236. 30 NOME STANDARDS was paid to kings after their death, or to ordinary men, who were sometimes deified, was quite different from that paid to the gods of the country, whether they were in animal or human form or whether they represented the spirits which concerned themselves with the welfare of men or those which occupied themselves with the direc- tion of the operations of Nature. We see, moreover, from the nome-standards that several objects besides animals were worshipped and regarded as gods, or that they, at all events, became the symbols of the deities which were wor- shipped in them. In predynastic times we know that some standards were surmounted by representations of two, three, four, or five hills,^ C:£i, Q^^, 0^^^:^, r^^^^'^^^ , another by two arrows (?) « », another by a fish, =><, which is the sign for her name, or two crossed arrows V^; in fact, such pictures prove beyond a doubt that Nit, the goddess of Sais, was the goddess of the chase par excellence. That this goddess was worshipped in the earliest dynastic period is certain, for we find that her name forms part of 1 See my '^ History of Egypt " {Egypt in the Predynastic and Archaic Periods) vol. i., p. 78. " THE GODDESS NIT 31 the name of Nit-hetep, who seems to have been the daughter of king Sma, and who was probably the wife of Aha, and also part of that of the early dynastic king Mer-Nit. That the dynastic sign J^^ is the equivalent of the predynastic sign \^ there is no reason to doubt, and, as the former is known to represent the crossed arrows and shield of the hunting goddess of Sais, we are justified in believing that its predynastic equivalent was intended to be a picture of the same objects, and to be symbolic of the same goddess. We have already mentioned the predynastic standard sur- mounted by the figure of an elephant, which was, undoubtedly, intended to represent a god, and thus it is clear that both in pre- dynastic and dynastic times the Egyptians symbolized gods both by means of animals and by objects connected with their worship or with their supposed occupations. In dynastic Nome-Lists we have for the name of Matenu a knife C^, for the nome of Ten a pair of horns surmounted by a plumed disk [^ , for the nome of Uas, or Us, a sceptre j , for the nome of Sesheshet a sistrum i , etc. The first, third, and fourth of this group of examples are clearly objects, which were connected with the worship of the gods whom they symbolize, and the second is probably intended to be the headdress of the god of the nome which it symbolizes. At this period of the world's history it is impossible to fathom the reasons which led men to select such objects as the symbols of their gods, and we can only accept the view that they were the product of some indigenous, dominant people who succeeded in establishing their religious customs so strongly in Egypt that they survived all political commotions, and changes, and foreign invasions, and flourished in the country until the third century of our era at least. The cult of Nit, or Neith, must have been very general in Egypt, although in dynastic times the chief seat thereof was at Sais in the Delta, and we know that devotees of the goddess lived as far south as Nakada, a few miles to the north of Thebes, for several objects inscribed with the name of queen Nit-hetep have been found 32 THE GODDESS NIT in a grave at that place. Of the early worship of the goddess nothing is known, but it is most probable that she was adored as a great hunting spirit as were adored spirits of like character by primitive peoples in other parts of the world. The crossed arrows and shield indicate that she was a hunting spirit in the earliest times, but a picture of the dynastic period represents her with two crocodiles ^ sucking one at each breast, and thus she appears in later times to have had ascribed to her power over the river. It has already been said that the primitive Egyptians, though believing that their gods possessed powers superior to their own, regarded them as beings who were liable to grow old and die, and who were moved to love and to hate, and to take pleasure in meat and drink like man ; they were even supposed to intermarry with human beings and to have the power of begetting offspring like the " sons of God," as recorded in the Book of Genesis (vi. 2, 4). These ideas were common in all periods of Egyptian history, and it is clear that the Egyptians never wholly freed themselves from them ; there is, in fact, abundant proof that even in the times when monotheism had developed in a remarkable degree they clung to them with a tenacity which is surprising. The religious texts contain numerous references to them, and beliefs which were conceived by the Egyptians in their lowest states of civilization are mingled with those which reveal the existence of high spiritual conceptions. The great storehouse of religious thought is the Book of the Bead, and in one of the earliest Recensions of that remark- able work we may examine its various layers with good result, In these are preserved many passages which throw light upon the views which were held concerning the gods, and the powers which they possessed, and the place where they dwelt in company with the beatified dead. One of the most instructive of these passages for our purpose forms one of the texts which are inscribed on the walls and corridors of the chambers in the pyramid tombs of Unas, a king of the Vth Dynasty, and of Teta, a king of the Vlth Dynasty. u 1 In the text of Unas (1. 627) the crocodile-god Sebek is called the son of Neith KING UNAS AS A GOD 33 The paragraphs in general of the great Heliopolitan Recension deal, as we should expect, with the offerings which were to be made at stated intervals in the little chapels attached to the pyramids, and many were devoted to the object of removing enemies of every kind from the paths of the king in the Under- world ; others contain hymns, and short prayers for his welfare, and magical formulae, and incantations. A few describe the great power which the beatified king enjoys in the world beyond the grave, and, of course, declare that the king is as great a lord in heaven as he was upon earth. The passage in question from the pyramid of Unas is of such interest and importance that it ^ is given in the Appendix to this Chapter, with interlinear translation and transliteration, and with the variant readings from the pyramid of Teta, but the following general rendering of its contents may be useful. " The sky poureth down rain, the stars tremble, the bow- " bearers run about with hasty steps, the bones of Aker tremble, " and those who are ministrants unto them betake themselves to " flight when they see Unas rising [in the heavens] like a god who " liveth upon his fathers and feedeth upon his mothers. Unas is " the lord of wisdom whose name his mother knoweth not. The " noble estate of Unas is in heaven, and his strength in the horizon " is like unto that of the god Tem his father, indeed, he is stronger " than his father who gave him birth. The doubles (kau) of Unas " are behind him, and those whom he hath conquered are beneath " his feet. His gods are upon him, his uraei are upon his brow, " his serpent-guide is before him, and his soul looketh upon the " spirit of flame ; the powers of Unas protect him." From this paragraph we see that Unas is declared to be the son of Tem, and has made himself stronger than his father, and that when the king, who lives upon his fathers and mothers, enters the sky as a god, all creation is smitten with terror. The sky dissolves in rain, the stars shake in their places, and even the bones of the great double lion-headed earth-god Aker, Sii£, quake, and all the lesser powers of heaven flee in fear. He is considered to have been a mighty conqueror upon earth, for those whom he has vanquished are 1 The hieroglypliic texts are given by Maspero, Les Inscriptions des Pyramides de Saqqarah, Paris, 1894, p. 67, 1. 496, and p. 134, 1. 319. D 34 KING UNAS AS A GOD beneath his feet ; there is no reason why this statement should not be taken literally, and not as referring to the mere pictures of enemies which Avere sometimes painted on the cartonnage coverings of mummies under the feet, and upon the sandals of mummies, and upon the outside of the feet of coffins. An ordinary man possessed one ka or " double," but a king or a god was believed to possess many kaib or " doubles." Thus in one text ^ the god Ra is said to possess seven souls {hau) and fourteen doubles (kau), and prayers were addressed to each soul and double of Ra as well as to the god himself; elsewhere^ we are told that the fourteen kau of Ra, ^^ "m. "^"^ LJ '"^ 9 w| ) "^^^re given to him by Thoth. Unas appears in heaven with his " gods " upon him, the serpents are on his brow, he is led by a serpent-guide, and is endowed with his powers. It is difficult to say what the " gods " here referred to really are, for it is unlikely that the allusion is to the small figures of gods which, in later times, were laid upon the bodies of the dead, and it seems that we are to understand that he, Unas, was accompanied by a number of divine beings who had laid their protecting strength upon him. The uraei on his brow and his serpent-guide were the emblems of similar beings whose help he had bespoken — in other words, they represented spirits of serpents which Avere made friendly towards man. The passage in the text of Unas continues, " Unas is the Bull " of heaven which overcometh by his will, and which feedeth upon " that which cometh into being from every god, and he eateth " of the provender of those who fill themselves with words of " power and come from the Lake of Flame. Unas is provided " with power sufficient to resist his spirits {khu), and he riseth [in " heaven] like a mighty god who is the lord of the seat of the "hand (i.e., power) [of the gods]. He taketh his seat and his "back is towards Seb. Unas weigheth his speech with the o-od "whose name is hidden on the day of slaughtering the oldest " [gods]. Unas is the master of the offering and he tieth the "knot, and provideth meals for himself; he eateth men and he 1 Diimichen, Tempelinschriften, vol. i., pi. 29. ^ Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii., Bl. 194. KING UNAS AS A GOD 35 " liveth. upon gods, lie is the lord of offerings, and lie keepeth " count of the lists of the same." The dead king is next likened to a young and vigorous bull which feeds upon what is produced by every god and upon those that come from the Fiery Lake to eat words of power. Here we have a survival of the old worship of the bull, which began in the earliest times in Egypt, and lasted until the Roman period. His food is that which is produced by every god, and when we remember that the Egyptians believed that every object, animate and inanimate, was the habitation of a spirit or god, it is easy to see that the allusion in these words is to the green herbage which the bull ordinarily eats, for from this point of view, every blade of grass was the abode of a god. In connexion with this may be quoted the words of Sankhon- yathan, the Sanchoniatho of the Greeks, as given by Eusebius, who says, " But these first men consecrated the productions of the " earth, and judged them gods, and worshipped those things, upon " which they themselves lived, and all their posterity, and all " before them ; to these they made libations and sacrifices." ^ Now the food of this bull Unas is also said to be those who came from the Lake of Fire, or the city of She-Sasa, and who are these ? From Chapter cviii. of the Book of the Bead we learn that She-Sasa was situated in Sekhet-Sasa,^ i.e., a district in heaven, and it is clear from the text of the Chapter that it was one of the abodes wherein the beatified dead obtained food. The deceased is made to say, " I have not lain down in death ; I have stood over " thee,* and I have risen like a god. I have cackled like a goose, " and I have alighted like the hawk by the divine clouds and by *' the great dew .... I have come from She-Sasa, which is in " Sekhet-Sasa, i.e., the Lake of Fire, which is in the Field of " Fire." Towards the end of the Chapter (line 10) mention is made of herbage or crops \[\ *^ "^^ '^ ) , and it seems as if these 1 Eusebius, Praep. Evan., lib. i., c. 10 (in Cory, Ancient Fragments, London, 1832, p. 6;. ^ ,!\J\.\ "^ P I] P (] © . See my Chapters of Coming Forth by Bay, Text, p. 203. 3 He speaks to the Thigh, ^^, in heaven. 36 KING UNAS AS A GOD grew in the Field of Fire, or in the neighbourhood of it, and it is clear that it must be these which are referred to as the provender of those who come from the Lake of Fire. We are next told that Unas hath power sufficient to oppose or resist his spirits (khu), but it is not certain whether these are beings in the Underworld which are hostile to him, or spirits which belong to himself; in any case the meaning of the passage is not clear. Having risen in heaven Unas takes his seat with his back towards Seb, the great earth-god who was represented by the mythological goose which was supposed to have laid the great cosmic egg. In the latter part of the section of the text of Unas quoted above we have some remarkable ideas enunciated. It is asserted first of all that he "weigheth his speech with the god whose name is hidden," which indicates that Unas was supposed to be of equal rank and power with the god of judgment. From the Theban Recensions of the Booh of the Dead ^ we know that the expression "weighing of words," ^ ^Tl ' p^ i'^\' ^^^^^^ ^^^'^ the " weighing of actions," and that it is applied to the examina- tion of the deceased which is held on the day wherein his heart is weighed in the Great Scales. The examination was conducted by Thoth on behalf of Osiris, but the words in the text of Unas show that the dead king considers himself able to judge his own actions, and to award himself happiness. The god of the hidden name is probably Osiris. Finally it is said that Unas eats men and feeds upon the gods. We have already referred to the passage in Juvenal's Fifteenth Satire in which he declares that the Egyptians ate human flesh, and it has been already said that the dynastic inscriptions afford no proof whatsoever that the Egyptians were cannibals. The statement here that Unas ate men is definite enough, and it is not easy to give any other than a literal meaning to the words ; we can only assume then that this portion of the text has reference to some acts of cannibalism of which a tradition had come down from predynastic to dynastic times. We gather from other passages in the texts of Unas and Teta what manner of treatment ' See my Chapters of Coming Forth hy Day, Text, p. 18, 1. 12 ; p. 19, 1. 5 ; etc. KING UNAS AS A GOD 37 was meted out to the vanquislied in battle by the victors, and it seems to find a parallel in the atrocious acts which were, and in some places still are, perpetrated by conquering tribes of Central Africa after a battle. In predynastic times all the property of those who were defeated in war was seized upon by the successful warriors, and all the women fell into their hands, and at times nameless abominations were committed upon the unfortunate male captives. The dead king in the texts of Unas and Teta is, naturally, described as the lord of heaven and of all the beings and things which are therein ; as such he is master of all the women, and it is said plainly of him that he is the " fecundator, and that " he carries off the women from their husbands to whatsoever place " he pleaseth whensoever he pleaseth." ^ Thus one of his attributes was that of the buU, which, because of his fecundity and strength, became the object of worship by the early Egyptians, and he exercised the rights of a victorious tribal chief. Upon the con- quered men who were allowed to live terrible indignities were perpetrated, and in the text of Teta the dead king is exhorted to rise up, " for Horus hath caused Thoth to bring unto thee thine " enemy, and he (i.e., Horus) hath put thee behind him in order " that he may not do thee an injury, and that thou mayest make " thy place upon him, so that when [thou] goest forth thou mayest "take thy place upon him, and he may not have union with " thee." ^ It is possible then that in predynastic times in addition to the wanton destruction which the Egyptians brought about after a victorious fight with their enemies, and the slaughter, and rapine, and nameless abominations which followed, they sometimes imitated the example of wild and savage beasts and ate the foes they had AA/VW\ 1 w-gl]kiUZ(iS|oil^^ line 629. ^--k-^mo'^k^- T^*Mi.e286. 88 UNAS EATS THE GODS, conquered. The accounts of the battles of dynastic times show that the Egyptians looted and destroyed the cities and towns of the vanquished, and that they cut down orchards and gardens, and carried off all the flocks and herds which they could find ; and there is abundant proof that they mutilated the bodies of their dead foes after a fight, but that they either ate them or behaved towards them in a manner contrary to nature there is absolutely no evidence to show. We have now to consider the remaining paragraphs of the extract from the text of Unas. The gods upon whose bodies Unas fed were snared by Am-kehuu, and they were examined as to their fitness and condition by Tcheser-tep-f, a divine being who was in later times one of the Forty-Two Judges in the Hall of Maati, and is mentioned in the " Negative Confession " of the Boole of tJie Dead. The gods were next bound by Her-thertu, and the god Khensu cut their throats and took out their intestines ; a being called Shesemu acted as butcher and cut them up and cooked the pieces thereof in his fiery cauldrons. Thereupon Unas ate them, and in eating them he also ate their woi-ds of power and their spirits. The largest and finest of the gods he ate at daybreak, and the smaller sized ones for meals at sunset, and the smallest for his meals in the night ; the old and worn-out gods he rejected entirely and used them up as fuel in his furnace. The cauldrons in which the bodies of the gods were cooked were heated by the " Grreat One in heaven," who shot flame under those which contained the thighs of the oldes,t of the gods ; and the " Perer, who is in heaven," of Unas cast also into cauldrons the thighs of their women. Unas is then said to make a journey about every part of the double sky, or double heaven, F=q , i.e., the night sky and the day sky, and also to travel about, presumably from one end to the other, through the two dtehu, ^"^^ J\'^, of Egypt, i.e., the land which lies between the mountains and the Nile on each side of the river. As a result of eating of the bodies of the gods Unas becomes the Great Sekhem, the Sekhem of the Sekhemu ; he also becomes the Ashem of Ashem, the Great Ashem of the Ashemu. The power which protects Unas and which he possesses is greater than that of all the ABSORBS THEIR POWERS 39 sdhu in the heavens, and he becomes the eldest of all the firstborn gods and he goes before thousands and makes offerings to hundreds [of them] ; indeed, the power which has been given to him as the Great Sekhem makes him to become as the star Sahu, i.e., Orion, with the gods. " Unas can repeat his rising in the sky, for he is " the Seben crown as lord of the heavens. He taketh count of the " knots (or, sinews) and of livers, and he hath taken possession of " the hearts of the gods. He hath eaten the Red Crown, he hath " eaten the White Crown, and he feedeth upon fat entrails ; the " offerings made to him are those in whose hearts live words of " power. What the Red Crown emitteth that he hath eaten, and " he flourisheth ; the words of power are in his belly, and his sdim " is not turned away from him. He hath eaten the knowledge of " every god, and his existence and the duration of his life are " eternal and everlasting in any sdhu, which he is pleased to " make. Whatsoever he hateth he shall never do within the limits, "or, inside the borders of heaven. Behold their soul, i.e., the " soul of the gods, is in Unas, and their spirits are with him ; " his food is more abundant than that of the gods, in whose bones " is the flame of Unas. Behold their soul is with Unas, and their " Shadows are with their Forms, or Attributes. Unas is in, or " with, the doubly hidden Kha gods (?) [as] a Sekhem, and having " performed [aU] the ordinances of the (ceremony of) ploughing " the seat of the heart of Unas shall be among the living upon this " earth for ever and ever." The last portion of the extract is of peculiar interest because it affords some insight into the beliefs which the Egyptians held about the constituent parts of the economy of the gods. We have already seen that a ha, or soul, has been assigned to Unas, and lean, or " doubles," and Ichu, or spirits, and a sdhu, and a sekhem ; the last two words are difficult to translate, but they are rendered with approximate correctness by "spiritual body," and "power." The soul was intimately connected with the heart, and was supposed to be gratified by offerings, which it was able to consume ; the " double " was an integral part of a man, and was connected with his shadow, and came into being when he wasJbjQrn, and lived in the tomb with the body after death; the spirit jy as the seat of 40 UNAS, THE ASHEM OF THE ASHEMU the spiritual part of man, and gods and divine personages were credited with the possession of several spirits ; the sahv, or spiritual body, was the ethereal, intangible, transparent and trans- lucent body, which was supposed, in dynastic times at all events, to grow from the dead body, the form of which it preserved ; the selchem was the "power" which seems to have animated the sdliu and to have made it irresistible. From the extract given above from the text of Unas we learn that the gods were composed of all these various parts, and that in fact their economy resembled that of man ; in other words, the Egyptians made their gods in their own image, only they attributed to them superhuman powers. The gods, hoAvever, preserved their existence by means of a magical protection which they enjoyed, melcet, ^^ , and also by hehau, \ ^ y ° ' "^^^ich is commonly translated "words of power " ; the aim of every Egyptian was to obtain possession of both the magical protection and the words of power, for they thought that if they once were masters of these they would be able to live like the gods. In the earliest times in Egypt men thought that the only way to obtain the strength and immortality of the gods was to eat the gods themselves, and so we read that Unas, having eaten parts of the boiled bodies of the gods, " hath eaten " their words of power (heka), and swallowed their spirits {kJm)." As a result of this he becomes the " Great Power," the " Power of Powers," i.e., the greatest Power in heaven. He becomes also the Ashem of Ashem, the great Ashem of the Ashemu, that is to say, the very essence of Ashem, and the greatest powers of the Ashemu beings are enshrined within him because he has within him the spirits and the words of power of the gods. But what is the meaning of Ashem ? In the text of Teta the word has for its determinative a hawk perched upon a standard, ^, which shows that it has some meaning connected with deity or divinity, but it cannot be the name of one divine being only, for we find it in the plural form Ashemu, " ^ "^ ^^^. The determinative, however, does not help us very much, for it proves little more than that some attribute of the Hawk-god Heru Avas ascribed to the Ashemu; the hawk was undoubtedly the first UNAS, THE ASHEM OF THE ASHEMU 41 creature worshipped by the predynastic Egyptians, and ^ became in consequence the common determinative of all words implying the idea of deity or divinity, and of the proper names of the gods in a very large number of passages in the hieroglyphic texts inscribed on the walls of the chambers and corridors in the pyramids at Sakkara. The common name for "god," as we have already seen, is "neter," |, or H 3, with the plural "neteru," \\\, or | i, or III Jj I, or ^^^, but we find that the male gods are some- times called "hawks," J SX^XN^SX, ? even when the female gods are called "netert," | '^^^ (APnPn-^ I^ ^^^ Booh of the Dead^ the word Ashemu is written ^ ^^^ ;SX i ^ '; "^vhich may be translated by " divine Ashemu," and as the first determinative is a squatting hawk, we may assume that the word ashemu means " hawks." ^ If this assumption be correct, "Ashem of Ashem, Great Ashem of the Ashemu," means "Hawk of Hawk, the Great Hawk of the Hawks," and since the hawk was not only a god to the predynastic Egyptians, but their oldest and greatest god, being in fact the spirit of that which is above, i.e., heaven, the passage " Ashem of Ashem, Great Ashem of the Ashemu," may very well be rendered " god of god, great god of the gods." Thus with the words of power and the spirits of the gods in him Unas becomes the habitation of the power of God, and the firstborn of the gods. He is now able to go round about heaven at pleasure, and as the Great Sekhem, or Power, his visible emblem is Sah or Orion, and he is able to repeat his rising [daily] in heaven like this constella- tion. It is not improbable that the identification of Orion with kings who had eaten the gods filtered down in tradition to the Semitic people who lived in the Delta in dynastic times, and so became the base of the legends about Orion which are found among the Arabs and Hebrews. 1 See tlie text of Udeib, line 209 ; in the text of Teta, line 197, the gods are described as " male and female," l] | | | ^\ 1^3$ ^v 2 See my Chapters of Coming Forth by Day, Text, p. 128, 1. 14. 3 A variant form of the word is dhhem m ^\^ , and Brugsch (Worterbuch, Supypl, p- 279) renders it by " the symbol, or visible form of a god." 42 POWER OVER THE HEART Modern travellers have put on record the fact that certain savage and semi-savage peoples were, even in recent times, in the habit of eating pieces of flesh of mighty wild animals or of strong men, and of drinking their blood with the view of absorbing their nature, and life, and strength into their own bodies.^ This idea also existed among the Egyptians, both predynastic and dynastic, and we find an allusion to it in the extract from Unas under consideration, for he is said to take possession of the hearts of the gods, and to reckon up the thesu and beqesu, and to feed upon fat small. The importance which the Egyptians attached to the 230Ssession of the physical heart, or of having power over it, is proved by many texts, and especially by several Chapters of the Book of the Dead, wherein we find many prayers which were specially written for the protection of the heart. Thus in Chapter xxvi. the deceased prays, "may my heart be to me in "the house of hearts, may my hdti^ be to me in the house of " hdtu " ; Chapters xxvii., xxviii., and xxix. were written to prevent the heart being carried away by those who steal hearts and destroy them, ^^^ (jl) | "^ | ^ flfl ^ ."V^i' Chapter xxix. a was composed to prevent its death in the Underworld; and Chapters xxx.a and xxx.b were intended to prevent a man's heart from being driven away from him there, especially at the time of the Judgment, when it was weighed in the Great Scales. For the words thesu, beqesu, and smau it is not easy to find equivalents. From the connexion in which it occurs thesu must mean either the vertebra or some internal organ of the body which resembles a tied or knotted cord, whilst of beqesu the determinative proves that it also is an internal organ. In Chapter xxx.a the deceased says, "Homage to thee, my " heart (db) ! Homage to thee, my hdti (pericardium ?) ! "Homage to thee, my beseJc," which is probably a variant ^nT^ ^^^^^' ^^* curiously enough the determinative of besek, J r^' ^^ ^ heart. In spite of this, however, it seems as if the 1 See Robertson Smith, The Beligion of the Semites, p. 295. " r^A '^ ' ^^^ pericardium (?). In the ancient texts the hat, or Mti of a god was the seat of the words of power by means of which he maintained his life. THE HEART AND WORDS OF POWER 43 word actually means " liver." Mr. Frazer has quoted in his work^ instances which prove that savage tribes look upon the liver as the seat of the soul or life of man, and that portions of it are eaten by them with the view of acquiring the qualities of the former possessor of the livev. The words of the text of Unas do not say definitely that the king ate the thesu and livers of the gods who had been killed for him, but it is evident from the context that they were supposed to form part of his food. On the other hand, it is said definitely that he did eat their smaiL saau, or " fat entrails," J f J p c^ ^ ^ ^ , and their hearts, ^ ^^ , or those portions of them which were the seats of the hekau, I U ^ > or words of magical power, which were the source of their life. Now besides the spirits, and the words of power, and the internal organs of the gods, Unas, it is said, hath eaten the " knowledge," [l h ^^ "^^ sda, of every god, and the period of his life and his existence are merged into eternity and everlastingness, which he may pass in any way that pleaseth his spiritual body (sdh), and during this existence he has no need whatsoever to do anything which is distasteful to him. Moreover, the soul[s] and spirits of the gods are in and with Unas, and their souls, and their shadows, and their divine forms are with him. Thus we see that Unas has absorbed within his spiritual body all the life and power of the gods, and his portion is everlasting life, and he can do anything and everything he pleases. Here we should naturally expect the section to come to an end, but the last sentence goes on to say that Unas is with the double Kha god, Avho is invisible, or unknown, and that being a Power (sehhem) who hath performed [the ceremony] of ploughing, " the seat of the heart ^ of Unas shall " be among those who live upon this earth for ever and for ever." In this sentence we have an illustration of the difficulty of under- standing and explaining the Egyptian religion and the doctrine of the gods. In the early portion of the passage from the text of 1 The Golden Bough, vol. ii., p. 357 (2iid edition). 2 The word here used is db "^ . 44 THE DOUBLE LIFE OF UNAS Unas already translated and analyzed we are told how the dead king became the god of god, immortal and invisible, with supreme power in heaven, etc., but at the end of it we read that the seat of the heart of Unas shall be among those who live upon this earth for ever and ever, i.e., Unas shall enjoy after death a continuation of the life which he began in this world ; in fact, shall have a double existence, the one heavenly and the other earthly. ( 45 ) APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I UNAS, THE SLAYER AND EATER OF THE GODS 496. S D ^ dhi A «'• kep ]oet din sebu nem Poureth down water heaven, tremble the stars, go about petchet ffi r 498. A p 11^ seta qes Aher her - er - sen the bow-bearers, quake the bones of Aker, those beneath ZS them ^ Q V ^^ n,wv~w 499. r^^(] \\\ henemu ma en sen Unas khd ha take to flight [when] they see Unas rising [as] a soul k 1 f k Hi-* ^^J em neter dnlch em at - f usheb like a god [who] liveth upon his fathers [and] feedeth 500. em ^^ (EM °fl mut - / Unas pa neb sabut upon his mothers. Unas this [is] the lord of wisdom, 1 The text here given is from the Pyramid of Unas (Maspero, Recueil, torn, iv., p. 59) ; the variants are from the Pyramid of Teta {Recueil, torn, v., p. 48, 1. 319) -g^i zs 6 c:> a^ c^ \.1\ 46 SLAYER AND EATER OF THE GOETS hhem en mut-f ren - f du shejysu knoweth not his mother his name. Is the noble rank ^ ^ fl^lr k ^c^"-'02. Unas em pet du user-f em Ichut md Tern of Unas in heaven, is his strength in the horizon like Tern, dt-f du mes - nef su useru eref his father ; he (i.e., Tem) begot him [and] he became stronger than he. du Jcau JJnds ha -f du hemu set-f{?) Are the doubles of Unas behind him, the conquered [are] ^ ii-' ^\ 111 - ®-' >\\^^h^'J^' Icher retui -f du neteru -f tep -f du dart - / beneath his two feet. His gods are on him. His uraei are em dpt-f du semiu Unds em hdt-f on his brow. The serpent guide of Unas is before him. * u u u ""^ '""^ '■~5p u ^^\ SLAYER, AND EATER OF THE GODS 47 %.[J ^!'T JM°M^111(SII petret ha Ichut ent bes cm useru Unas Seetli soul [his] the spirit of flame. The powers of Unas her melcet -f Unas pa ha pet en het protect him. Unas this [is] the bull of heaven that thrusteth ^ "O'^ f' k M> ^^^■'-- 1 em db -f dnlch em Jcheper en neter with his will, living upon what cometh into being of god 4 neb dm em semu - sen iu meh every, and eating of their food who come to fill Tchat - sen em heJcau em She en Sdsd their belly with words of power from the lake of Flame. Unas pd dper-a er dab khu - f Unas this [is] provided with power against his spirits. ^^CSH^ k ^'"^ ^ i\ J^ ^ 9 du Unds Icha em ur pu neb dmu dst-d Unas riseth like a mighty one, the lord in the seat of the hand [of the gods]. ^ AAVSAA 48 SLAYER AND EATER OF THE GODS hems -f sa -f dr Seb Unas pa He is seated [with] his back to Seb. Unas this ©3 I D 1 ntchd met-f hend Amen ren - f hru pu Aveigheth his word with Hidden of Name on day this — TP^* Pk'l^ (EiD ° ^ en rekhes semsu Unas i'C'^t] ■'?e& of slaughtering the eldest [gods] Unas this [is] the lord (3 tes A hetep tes dqa dri dut - f of the oflfering, tying the knot, making his meals y\^ 509- fe Q Pi ^^' + A A Unds pd dm Unas this eateth remth anlcli men [and] liveth tchesef for himself. k 111 - m em neteru neb dnnu Icha dpt on the gods, the lord of the offerings, whoexamineth the lists of offerings. D ra \- 52i-°^^ dhdu pd neheh tcher-f pd tchetta [his] period of life [is] eternity, his existence is everlastingness em sdh - f pen en merer -f dr - f in his sah, this what he is pleased [to do] he doeth, ^ _^^ <=^ """^^ ] ^ * A o o o 3 AWVV\ SLAYER AND EATER OF THE GODS 55 mestchetch-f an dr-nef dm tcher khut [what] he hateth not doeth he in the limits of the horizon tchetta er neheh sek .ha - sen dmt Unds for ever and ever. Behold, their soul [is] in Unas, p™ ^ (Em k iTmo khu - sen kher Unds em ha khet - f spirits their [are] with Unas, more abundant [is] his food er neteru qerert en Unds em than [that of] the gods. The flame of Unas [is] in C] n n I /WW\A 1 ■> t (^^j ' ''VWVA j ^^ Oil n T I '^ V)^ /WWVA q^esu - sen sek ba-sen kher Unds khaibitu-sen their bones, behold, their soul is with Unas, their shadows fl fl q^yp™ 624.^^(511^ \\ md dru - sen du Unds em enen khd khd are with their forms. Unas is with these, rising, rising, 1 AWVAA 1 /WWVA I I _mi Jl 1 ^ Jl ^-"^ dmen dmen sekhem dru dritu .... hidden, hidden, a sekhem having performed the ordinances I -/f 111 1 /WVV\A 1 /\Aft/VNA 66 SLAYER AND EATER. OF THE GODS 525. k 'JP' ^* G em hhebes dst-db Unas em of ploughing, the seat of the heart of Unas [is] among fV k ^ Ji ^^-M dnlchu em ta pen tchetta er neheh the living on earth this for ever and for ever. ( 57 ) CHAPTER II CONCEPTION OF GOD AND THE "GODS" THE texts in the pyramids of Unas and Teta and their immediate successors prove that the religious literature of the Egyptians contains a multitude of beliefs and opinions which belong to all periods of their history, and represent different stages in the development of their civilization. Their ideas about the various parts which constitute their material, and mental, and spiritual existences cannot have been conceived all at once, but it is very hard to say in respect of some of them which came first. We need not trouble about the order of the development of their ideas about the constituent parts of the gods, for in the earliest times, at least, the Egyptians only ascribed to them the attributes which they had already ascribed to themselves ; once having believed that they possessed doubles, shadows, souls, spirits, hearts, (i.e., the seats of the mental life), names, powers, and spiritual bodies, they assigned the like to the gods. But if the gods possessed doubles, and shadows, and hearts, none of which, in the case of man, can exist without bodies, they too must possess bodies, and thus the Egyptians conceived the existence of gods who could eat, and drink, and love, and hate, and fight, and make war, and grow old, and die, and perish as far as their bodies were concerned. And although the texts show that in very early times they began to conceive monotheistic ideas, and to develop beliefs of a highly spiritual character, the Egyptians never succeeded in abandoning the crude opinion about the gods which their indigenous ancestors had formed long before the dynastic period of their history. It is, of course, impossible to assume that educated classes of Egypt held such opinions, notwithstanding the fact that religious texts which 58 BELIEFS IN IMMORTALITY were written for their benefit contain as great a mixture of views and beliefs of all periods as those which were written for humbler folk. The Book of the Dead in all dynasties proves that the rich and the poor, and the educated and the uneducated alike prayed for funeral offerings in the very Chapters in which they proclaimed their sure belief in an existence in which material things were superfluities. In the texts of the Early Empire the deceased is declared to be a god, or God, and the son of god, or God, and the oldest god of all, Horus, gives him his eye, and he sits on a great throne by the side of God ; yet in the same texts we read that he partakes of the figs and wine of the gods, that he drinks beer which lasts for ever, that he thirsts not like the gods Shu and Tefnut, and that the throne of God is made of iron, that its legs terminate in hoofs like those of bulls, and that its sides are ornamented with the faces of lions.^ The great god Horus gives him his own " double " (/<;«), and yet there are in heaven enemies who dare to oppose the deceased ; and although he is declared to be immortal, " all the gods give him of their food that he may not " die," and he sits down, clothed in white linen and wearing white sandals, with the gods by the lake in the Field of Peace, and partakes with them of the wood (or, tree) of life on which they themselves live that he also may live. Though he is the son of God he is also the child of Sothis, and the brother of the Moon, and the goddess Isis becomes his wife ; though he is the son of God we are also told that his flesh and his bones have been gathered together, that his material body has been reconstructed ; that his limbs perform all the functions of a healthy body ; and as he lives as the gods live we see that from one point of view he and the gods are constituted alike. Instances of the mixture of spiritual with material ideas might be multiplied almost inde- finitely, and numbers of passages containing the most contradictory statements might be adduced almost indefinitely to prove that the ideas of the Egyptians about the world beyond the grave, and about God and the gods were of a savage, childish, and inconsistent ^ The passages from the Pyramid Texts are collected in my Papyrus of Ani London, 1894, pp. Ixxi. S. COMPOSITE ANIMAL-GODS 59 character. What, however, we have to remember in dealing with Egyptian religious texts is that the innate conservatism of the Egyptian in all ages never permitted him to relinquish any belief which had once found expression in Avriting, and that the written word was regarded by him as a sacred thing which, whether he believed it not, must be copied and preserved with great care, and if possible without any omission or addition whatsoever. Thus religious ideas and beliefs which had been entirely forgotten by the people of Egypt generally were preserved and handed down for thousands of years by the scribes in the temples. The matter would have been simple enough if they had done this and nothing more, but unfortunately they incorporated new texts into the collections of old ones, and the various attempts which the priests and scribes made to harmonize them resulted in the confusion of beliefs which we now have in Egyptian religious works. Before we pass to the consideration of the meaning of the old Egyptian name for god and God, i.e., "neter," mention must be made of a class of beings which were supposed to possess bodies partly animal and partly human, or were of a composite character. Among the latter class may be mentioned the creature which has the body of a leopard and the head and neck of a serpent, and was called " Setcha," Ml | ; and that which has the body of a lion, from which grow a pair of wings, and the head of an eagle, and is called " Sefer," j I ; and that which has a body, the fore part being that of a lion, and the hind part that of a horse, and the head of a hawk, and an extended tail which terminates in a flower somewhat resembling the lotus. The name of this creature is Sak, —X— *^ ffl , and she is represented with a collar round her The Berpent-headed leopard Setcha. 1 See ChampoUion, Monuments, torn, iv., Paris, 1845, pi. 382. 2 Ibid. See also Newberry, Beni-Hasan, ii., pi. iv. 60 COMPOSITE ANIMAL-GODS neck, and with bars and stripes on her body,^- which has eight teats.^ Among creatures, part animal part human, may be men- tioned the leopard, with a human head and a pair of wings growing out of his back,^ and the human -headed lion or sphinx. The winged human head which springs from the back of the leopard^ strongly reminds one of the modern conventional representations of angels in religious pictures, but as the name of this fabu- lous creature is unknown, it is impossible even to guess at the reasons for which he was fur- nished with a winged man's head. In connexion with the composite animals enumerated above must be mentioned the "Devourer of Amenti," called "Am-mit, the Eater of the Dead," whose forequarters were those of a crocodile, and hindquarters those of a hippopotamus, and whose body was that of a lion, =^ -w The eagle-headed lion Sefer. Hl,T,-^^Pk=J??o tombs at Beni-hasan, in which the figures of the Setcha, the Sefer, and the Sale are depicted, date from the Xllth Dynasty, about B.C. 2500, and there is no reason for supposing that their existence was not con- ceived of long before that time. Side by side with these is also depicted an animal called Sha, TtT^T , which has long square ears, and an extended tail resembling an arrow, and in its general appearance it much resembles the animal of the god Set. 1 See Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, pi. xxiii., No. 4. " Ibid., pi. xxiii., No. 6. 3 See Lepsius, BenkmUler, iii., pi. 131. The fabulous beast Sak. COMPOSITE ANIMAL-GODS 61 Two explanations of the existence of such composite creatures may be given. They may be due either to the imagination of the Egyptians, which conceived of the existence of quadrupeds wherein were united the strength of A fabulous leopard. one animal and the wisdom or cunning of another, e.g., the Setcha which united within itself the strength of the leopard with the cunning of the ser- pent, and the name- less leopard with a man's winged head, or to the ignorance of the ancients of natural history. The human head on an animal represented the intelligence of a man, and the wings the swift flight of the bird, and the body of the leopard the strength and the lithe motions of that animal. In conceiving the existence of such creatures the imagination may have been assisted in its fabrication of fabulous monsters by legends or stories of pre- dynastic animals which were current in certain parts of Egypt during the dynastic period. Thus, as we have said before, the monster serpents of Egyp- tian my thology have their pro- totypes in the huge serpents which lived in the country in primeval times, and there is no doubt that Apep was, originally, nothing more than a huge serpent which lived in some mountain on the western bank of the Nile. On the other hand, it is possible that the Egyptians really believed in the existence of composite animals, and that they never understood the impossibility of the head and neck of a serpent growing out of the body of a lion, or the head The animal Sha. 62 COMPOSITE ANIMAL-GODS of a hawk out of the body of a lion, or a human head with the wings of a bird out of the body of a leopard. They were keen enough observers of the animals with which they came in contact daily, and their representations of them are wonderful for the accurate delineation of their forms and characteristics ; but of animals which they had never seen, and could only know from, the reports of travellers and others, naturally they could not give accurate representations. Man in all ages seems prone to believe in the existence of composite animals and monsters, and the most cultured of the most ancient nations, e.g., the Egyptians and the Babylonians, form no exception to the rule. The early seal- cylinders of the Babylonians reveal their belief in the existence of many a fabulous and mythical animal, and the boundary stones, or landmarks, of a later period prove that composite animals were supposed to watch over the boundaries of kingdoms and estates, which they preserved from invasion, and the winged man-headed bulls, which the Assyrians set up in the gates and doorways of their palaces to "protect the footsteps of the kings who made them," indicate clearly that they duly followed the examples set them by their kinsmen, the Babylonians. From the Assyrians Ezekiel probably borrowed the ideas which he developed in his description in the first chapter of his book of the four-faced and four-winged animals. Later, even the classical writers appeared to see no absurdity in solemnly describing animals, the existence of which Avas impossible, and in declaring that they possessed powers which were contrary to all experience and knowledge. HorapoUo, i, 10, gravely states that the scarabaeus represents an only begotten, because the scarabaeus is a creature self-produced, being unconceived by a female, ixovo-yeves fiev on auroyei^es ian to ^wov, vno drjXeias [xr) KvocfiopoviJieuov ; and in one form or another this statement is given by ^Elian {De. Nat. Animal., iv, 49), Aristotle {Hist. An., iv. 7), Porphyry {De Abstinentia, iv. 9), Pliny {Nat. Hist., xi. 20 ff.), etc. Of the man-headed lion at Gizeh, i.e., the Sphinx, Pliny, Diodorus, Strabo, and other ancient writers have given long descriptions, and all of them seem to take for granted the existence of such a creature. The second explanation, which declares that composite animals THE WORD NETER 63 are the result of the imagination of peoples who have no knowledge, or at all events a defective one, of the common facts of natural history is not satisfactory, for the simple reason that composite animals which are partly animal and partly human in their powers and characteristics form the logical link between animals and man, and as such they belong to a certain period and stage of develop- ment in the history of every primitive people. If we think for a moment we shall see that many of the gods of Egypt are closely connected with this stage of development, and that comparatively few of them were ever represented wholly in man's form. The Egyptians clung to their representations of gods in animal forms with great tenacity, and even in times when it is certain they cannot have believed in their existence they continued to have them sculptured and painted upon the walls of their temples ; curiously enough, they do not seem to have been sensible of the ridicule which their conservatism brought down upon them from strangers. We have already said above that the common word given by the Egyptians to God, and god, and spirits of every kind, and beings of aU sorts, and kinds, and forms, which were supposed to possess any superhuman or supernatural power, was neter, ^ , and the hieroglyph which is used both as the determinative of this word and also as an ideograph is | . Thus we have j or 1 J| , "god," and |, or | i, or 'TT\, or 111 i, "gods;" the plural is sometimes written out in full, e.g., ^ V wf ' • ^^^ common word for "goddess" is netert, which can be written "1 '^, or "!<=>, or I <=>; sometimes the determinative of the word is a woman, J| , and at other tinies a serpent, e.g. | <==> U^ . The plural is NETEEiT,| h'I^Ki'' ^^ have now to consider what object is supposed to be represented by 1 , and what the word netek means. In Bunsen's Egypt's Place (i., Nos. 556, 557, 623) the late Dr. Birch described I as a hatchet; in 1872 Dr. Brugsch placed ' | among "objets tranchants, armes," in his classified list of hieroglyphic 1 Index desM^roglyjphes phonetiques, No. 394. 64 THE AXE A SYMBOL OF GOD characters ; thus it is clear that the two greatest masters of Egypt- ology considered 1 to be either a weapon or a cutting tool, and, in fact, assumed that the hieroglyphic represented an axe-head let into and fastened in a long wooden handle. From the texts wherein the hieroglyphics are coloured it is tolerably clear that the axe-head was fastened to its handle by means of thongs of leather. The earliest axe-heads were made of stone, or flint or chert, and later of metal, and it is certain that when copper, bronze, and iron took the place of stone or flint, the method by which the head was fastened to the handle was considerably modified. Recently an attempt has been made to show that the axe, '1 , resembled in outline " a roll of " yellow cloth, the lower part bound or laced over, the upper part " appearing as a flap at the top probably for unwinding. It is " possible, indeed, that the present object represents a fetish, e.g., " a bone carefully wound round with cloth and not the cloth " alone." ^ But it need hardly be said that no evidence for the correctness of these views is forthcoming. Whether the hiero- glyphic T was copied from something which was a roll of cloth or a fetish matters little, for the only rational determination of the character is that which has already been made by Drs. Birch and Brugsch, and the object which is represented by | is, in the writer's opinion, an axe and nothing else. Mr. Legge has collected^ a number of examples of the presence of the axe as an emblem of divinity on the megaliths of Brittany and in the prehistoric remains of the funeral caves of the Marne, of Scandinavia, and of America, and, what is very much to the point, he refers to an agate cylinder which was published by the late Adrien de Longp^rier, wherein is a representation of a priest in Chaldaean garb off"ering sacrifice to an axe standing upright upon an altar. Mr. Legge points out ''that the axe " appears on these monuments not as the representation of an "object in daily use, but for religious or magical purposes," and goes on to say that this is proved by "the fact that it is often " found as a pendant and of such materials as gold, lead, and even "amber; while that it is often represented with the peculiar " fastenings of the earlier flint weapon shows that its symbolic use 1 Griffith, Hieroglyphs, p. 46. 2 Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., 1899, p. 310. THE AXE A SYMBOL OF GOD 65, "goes back to the neolithic and perhaps the palaeolithic age." He is undoubtedly correct in thinking that the use of the stone axe precedes that of the flint arrow-head or flint knife, and many facts could be adduced in support of this view. The stone tied to the end of a stick formed an effective club, which was probably the earliest weapon known to the predynastic Egyptians, and subse- quently man found that this weapon could be made more effective still by making the stone flat and by rubbing down one end of it to form a cutting edge. The earliest axe-head had a cutting edge at each end, and was tied by leather thongs to the end of a stick by the middle, thus becoming a double axe ; examples of such a weapon appear to be given on the green slate object of the archaic period which is preserved in the British Museum^ (Nos. 20,790, 20,792), where, however, the axe-heads appear to be fixed in forked wooden handles. In its next form the axe-head has only one cutting edge, and the back of it is shaped for fastening to a handle by means of leather thongs. When we consider the importance that the axe, whether as a weapon or tool, was to primitive man, we need not wonder that it became to him first the symbol of physical force, or strength, and then of divinity or dominion. By means of the axe the predynastic Egyptians cut down trees and slaughtered animals, in other words, the weapon was mightier than the spirits or gods who dwelt in the trees and the animals, and as such became to them at a very early period an object of reverence and devotion. But besides this the axe must have been used in sacrificial ceremonies, wherein it would necessarily acquire great importance, and would easily pass into the symbol of the ceremonies themselves. The shape of the axe- head as given by the common hieroglyphic 1 suggests that the head was made of metal when the Egyptians first began to use the character as the symbol of divinity, and it is clear that this change in the material of which the axe-head was made would make the weapon more effective than ever. Taking for granted, then, that the hieroglyphic 1 represents an axe, we may be sure that it was used as a symbol of power and 1 See my History of Egypt, vol. ii., p. 10, wliere it is figured and described. F 66 THE WORD NETER divinity by the predynastic Egyptians long before tbe period when they were able to wi'ite, but we have no means of knowing what they called the character or the axe before that period. In dynastic times they certainly called it NETER.as we have seen, but another difficulty presents itself to us when we try to find a word that will express the meaning which they attached to the word ; it is most important to obtain some idea of this meaning, for at the base of it lies, no doubt, the Egyptian conception of divinity or God. The word netek has been discussed by many Egyptologists, but their conclusions as to its signification are not identical. M. Pierret thought in 1879 that the true meaning of the word is ^' renewal, because in the mythological conception, the god assures '' himself everlasting youth by the renewal of himself in engender- ^'ing himself perpetually."^ In the same year, in one of the Hibbert Lectures, Renouf declared that he was " able to affirm " with certainty that in this particular case we can accurately " determine the primitive notion attached to the word," i.e., to NUTAR (neter). According to him, " none of the explanations "hitherto given of it can be considered satisfactory," but he thought that the explanation which he was about to propose would '' be generally accepted by scholars," because it was " arrived at as " the result of a special study of all the published passages in which *' the word occurs." ^ Closely allied to nutar (neter) is another word NUTUA (netra), and the meaning of both was said by Renouf to be found in the Coptic rt0JUT6 or rroJU^i", which, as we may see from the passages quoted by Tatham in his Lexicon (p. 310), is rendered by the Greek words icrxu?, irapa.KXrja-L';, and vapaKaXeiv. The primary meaning of the word rtOJUii- appears to be " strong," and having assumed that neter was equivalent in meaning to this word, Renouf stated boldly that neter signified "mighty," "might," "strong," and argued that it meant Power, "which is "also the meaning of the Hebrew El." We may note in passing 1 " Le mot par lequel on rendait I'idee de Dieu- | '^ { 3^ nuter, signifie au " propre, ' renouvellement,' parce que dans la conception mythologique, le dieu " s'assnre une eternelle jennesse par le renouvellement de lui-meme, en s'engendrant " lui-meme perpetuellement." Essal sui- la Mijthologie lEgyptienne, Paris, 1879, p. 8. - Eeligion of Ancient Egypt, p. 93. THE WORD NETER 67 that tKe exact meaning of "El," the Hebrew name for God, is unknown, and that the word itself is probably the name of an ancient Semitic deity. The passages which were quoted to prove that neter meant " strong, strength, power," and the like could, as M. Maspero has said,^ be explained differently. M. Maspero combats rightly the attempt to make " strong " the meaning of netek (masc), or NETERiT (fern.), in these words : " In the expressions ' a town neterit,' ' an arm neteri,' .... is it certain that ' a strong city,' 'a strong arm,' gives us the primitive sense of neter? When among ourselves one says ' divine music,' ' a piece of divine poetry,' ' the divine taste of a peach,' ' the divine beauty of a woman' [the word] divine is a hyperbole, but it would be a mistake to declare that it originally meant ' exquisite ' because in the phrases which I have imagined one could apply it as ' exquisite music,' ' a piece of exquisite poetry,' ' the exquisite taste of a peach,' ' the exquisite beauty of a woman.' Similarly in Egyptian ' a town neterit ' is a ' divine town ' ; ' an arm neteri ' is ' a divine arm,' and neteri is employed metaphorically in Egyptian as is [the word] 'divine' in French, without its being any more necessary to attribute to [the word] neteri the primitive meaning of ' strong,' than it is to attribute to [the word] ' divine ' the primitive meaning of ' exquisite.' The meaning ' strong ' of neteri, if it exists, is a derived and not an original meaning." ^ The view taken about the meaning of neter by the lafce Dr. Brugsch was entirely different, for he thought that the fundamental meaning of the word was " the operative power which " created and produced things by periodical recurrence, and gave " them new life and restored to them the freshness of youth (die " thatige Kraft, welche in periodischer Wiederkehr die Dinge " erzeugt und erschafFt, ihnen neues Leben verleiht und die '■'■ Jugendfrische zuriickgiebt." ^ The first part of the work from which these words are quoted appeared in 1885, but that Dr. Brugsch held much the same views six years later is evident 1 Etudes de Myihologie et d'Archeologie Sgyptiennes, torn, ii., p. 215. 2 Maspero, op. cit., p. 215. ' Beligion und Mytliologie, p. 93. 68 THE WORD NETER from the following extract from his volume entitled Die Aegypto- logie (p. 166), which appeared in 1891. Referring to Renouf's contention that netee has a meaning equivalent to the Greek Zvvafjii^, he says, " Es hegt auf der Hand, dass der Gottesname in " Sinne von Starker, Miichtiger, vieles fur sich hat, urn so mehr "als selbst leblose Gegenstande, wie z. B. ein Baustein, adjek- "tivisch als nutri d. h. stark, machtig, nicht selten bezeichnet " werden. Aber so vieles diese Erklarung fiir sich zu haben " schient, so wenig stimmt sie zu der Thatsache, dass in den " Texten aus der besten Zeit (XVIII Dynastie) das Wort nutr als " ein Synonym fiir die Vorstellung der Verjungung oder Erneue- " rung auftritt. Es diente zum Ausdruck der periodisch wieder- " kehrenden Jugendfrische nach Alter und Tod, so dass selbst dem " Menschen in den altesten Sarginschriften zugerufen wird, er sei " fortan in einen Gott d. h. in ein Wesen mit jugendlicher Frische " umgewandelt. Ich lasse es dahin gestellt sein, nach welcher " Richtung hin die aufgeworfene Streitfrage zu Gunsten der einen " oder der anderen AufFassung entschieden werden wird ; hier " sei nur betont, dass das Wort | nutr, nute, den eigentlichen " GottesbegrifF der alten Aegypter in sich schliesst und daher einen " ganz besonderen Aufmerksamkeit werth ist." In this passage Dr. Brugsch substantially agrees with Pierret's views quoted above, but he appears to have withdrawn from the position which he took up in his Religion und Mythologie, wherein he asserted that the essential meaning of neter was identical with that of the Greek <^ucrt9 and the Latin " natura." ^ It need hardly be said that there are no good grounds for such an assertion, and it is difficult to see how the eminent Egyptologist could attempt to compare the conceptions of God formed by a half-civilized African people with those of such cultured nations as the Greeks and the Romans. The solution of the difficulty of finding a meaning for neter is not brought any nearer when we consider the views of such distinguished Egyptologists as E. de Rouge, Lieblein, and Maspero. 1 " Der Inbegrifl: dieses Wortes deckt sich daher vollstaiidig mit der ur- " sprunglichen Bedeutung des griechischen physis und des lateinisohen natura " (p. 93.) THE WORD NETER 69 The first of these ia commenting on the passage 1 o7| ] ■ Jf (variant | '^ Qf) - ) ^^^^ 1 % -*^ , which he translates " Dieu " devenant dieu (en) s'engendrant lui-meme," says in his excellent Ghrestomathie Egyptienne (iii. p. 24), " One knows not exactly the " meaning of the verb nuter, which forms the radical of the word " nuter, 'god,' It is an idea analagous to 'to become,' or 'renew " oneself,' for nuteri is applied to the resuscitated soul which " clothes itself in its immortal form." Thus we find that one of the greatest Egyptologists thinks that the exact meaning of netbe is unknown, but he suggests that it may have a signification not unlike that proposed by Pierret. Prof. Lieblein goes a step further than E. de Rouge, for he is of opinion that it is impossible to show the first origin of the idea of God among any people hitherto known historically. " When we, for instance, take the Indo- " Europeans, what do we find there ? The Sanskrit word deva is " identical with the Latin deus, and the northern tivi, tivar ; as " now the word in Latin and northern language signifies God it " must also in Sanskrit from the beginning have had the same " signification. That is to say, the Arians, or Indo-Europeans, " must have combined the idea of God with this word, as early as " when they still lived together in their original home. Because, " if the word in their pre -historic home had had another more " primitive signification, the wonder would have happened, that " the word had accidentally gone through the same development " of signification with all these people after their separation. As " this is quite improbable, the word must have had the significa- " tion of God in the original Indo-European language. One could " go even farther and presume that, in this language also, it was " a word derived from others, and consequently originated from a " still earlier pre-historic language. All things considered it is " possible, even probable, that the idea of God has developed itself " in an earlier period of languages, than the Indo-European. The "future will perhaps be able to supply evidence for this. The " science of languages has been able partly to reconstruct an Indo- " European pre-historic language. It might be able also to " reconstruct a pre-historic Semitic, and a pre-historic Hamitic, 70 THE WORD NETER " and of these three pre-historic languages, whose original con- " nexion it not only guesses, but even commences to prove " gradually, it wiU, we trust in time, be able to extract a still " earlier pre-historic language, which according to analogy might " be called Noahitic. When we have come so far, we shall most " likely in this pre-historic language, also find words expressing " the idea of God. But it is even possible that the idea of God '' has not come into existence in this pre-historic language either. " It may be that the first dawning of the idea, and the word God " should be ascribed to still earlier languages, to layers of languages " so deeply buried that it will be impossible even to excavate " them. Between the time of inhabiting caves in the quaternian " period, and the historical kingdoms, there is such a long space of " time, that it is difficult to entertain the idea, that it was quite " devoid of any conception of divinity, so that this should first " have sprung up in the historical time. In any case we shall not " be able to prove historically where and when the question first " arose, who are the superhuman powers whose activity we see " daily in nature and in human life. Although the Egyptians are '' the earliest civilized people known in history, and just therefore " especially important for the science of religion, yet it is even " there impossible to point out the origin of the conception of the " deity. The oldest monuments of Egypt bring before us the " gods of nature chiefly, and among these especially the sun. " They mention, however, already early (in the IVth and Vth " Dynasties) now and then the great power, or the great God, it " being uncertain whether this refers to the sun, or another god of " nature, or if it was a general appellation of the vague idea of a " supernatural power, possibly inherited by the Egyptians. It is " probably this great God indicated on the monuments, from the " the IVth Dynasty, and later on, who has given occasion to the " false belief that the oldest religion of the Egyptians was pure " monotheism. But firstly, it must be observed, that he is not " mentioned alone but alongside of the other gods, secondly, that " he is merely called ' The great God,' being otherwise without " distinguishing appellations, and a God of whom nothing else is " mentioned, has, so to speak, to use Hegel's language, merely an THE WORD NETER 71 " abstract existence, that by closer examination dissolves into " nothing." It is necessary to quote Professor Lieblein's opinion at length because he was one of the first to discuss the earliest idea of God in connection with its alleged similarity to that evolved by Aryan nations ; if, however, he were to rewrite the passage given above in the light of modern research he would, we think, modify many of his conclusions. For our present purpose it is sufficient to note that he believes it is impossible to point out the origin of the conception of the deity among the Egyptians, The last opinion which we need quote is that of M. Maspero, who not only says boldly that if the word nkteb or nbtri really has the meaning of " strong " it is a derived and not an original meaning, and he prefers to declare that the word is so old that its earliest significa- tion is unknown. In other words, it has the meaning of god, but it teaches us nothing as to the primitive value of this word. "We must be careful, he says, not to let it suggest the modern religious or philosophical definitions of god which are current to-day, for an Egyptian god is a being who is born and dies, like man, and is finite, imperfect, and corporeal, and is endowed with passions, and virtues, and vices.^ This statement is, of course, true as regards the gods of the Egyptians at several periods of their history, but it must be distinctly understood, and it cannot be too plainly stated, that side by side with such conceptions there existed, at least among the educated Egyptians, ideas of monotheism which are not far removed from those of modem nations. From what has been said above we see that some scholars take the view that the word neter may mean "renewal," or "strength," or " strong," or " to become," or some idea which suggests "renewal," and that others think its original meaning is not only unknown, but that it is impossible to find it out. But although we may not be able to discover the exact meaning which the word had in pre- dynastic times, we may gain some idea of the meaning which was attached to it in the dynastic period by an examination of a few passages from the hymns and Chapters which are found in the 1 Egyptian Beligton, by J. Lieblein, Leipzig, 1884. 2 La Mytliologie Egyptienne (iStudes de Mythologie, torn, ii., p. 215). 72 THE WORD NETER various versions of the Bool of the Dead. In the text of Pepi 1. (line 191) we have the words :—" Behold thy son Horus, to whom ''thou hast given birth. He hath not placed this Pepi at the " head of the dead, but he hath set him among the gods neteru,'* — I \ kk 111 1 ■= ^- ^°* '>""' "'""•• 1 ■=■ 1 • must be an adjective, and we are clearly intended to understand that the gods referred to are those which have the attribute of neteru; since the " gods neteru," ll'l "1 <=> % , are mentioned in opposition to " the dead " it seems as if we are to regard the gods as " living," i.e., to possess the quality of life. In the text of the same king (line 419) a hdk Jie^er, J (1 ^^rp* ^^ | I.e., a hawk having the quality of neter is mentioned ; and in the text of Unas (line 569) we read of haui netrui, '^^'^^^^, or the two souls which possess the quality of neter. These examples belong to the Vth and Vlth Dynasties. Passing to later dynasties, i.e., the XVIIIth and XlXth, etc., we find the following examples of the use of the words netej' and netri : — hun netri ad heh utet se-mes su tchesef Boy netri, heir of eternity, begetting and giving birth to himself. td-a tu em ab-d dti hahai netri I am devoted in my heart without feigning, thou netri ^ iir er neteru more than the gods. 1 See my CJiajders of Coming Forth Inj Bay, Text, p. 11, ]. 10. ^ Ihid., p. 43, 1. 4. , THE WORD NETER 73 D ^ tchel - tu re pen her Shall be said this chapter over mahu en netrat a crown of netrat. T neter - hud I have become neter. s.\\ e li ^ 1\ du - d Tchd - hud I have risen up r^6 - kiid 1 w em Ja/c netri . in the form of a hawk wein. 1 Qieter - hud khu - hud I have become pure, I have become neter, I have become a spirit (hhu), user - hud ha - hud I have become strong, I have become a soul {ba). - 1^ unen-f neter His being neter (or, he shall be) md neteru em Neter-hhertet with the gods in the Neter-khertet. M^ du - f He shall lif netrd netrd ^1 A^:^ Vj: khat-f temtu his body all. e 1 See my Chapters of Coming Forth by Bay, p. 80, 1. 10. 2 I6jU, p. 154, 1. 6. 3 Ibid., p. 168, 1. 3. * Ibid., p. 174, 1. 15. 5 Ibid., p. 417, 1. 12. 6 7fej-(i., p. 419, 1. 7. 74 THE WORD NETER netri u ha - h em ]}er Sebut They make neter thy soul in the house of Sebut. 10 •l^f, w iiiir md neteru netri - f ha - h He makes neter thy soul like the gods "• II 1 w neter netri kheper tchesef paid God nett-i, self-produced, primeval matter. Now, in the above examples it is easy to see that although the words " strong " or " strength," when applied to translate neter or netri, give a tolerably suitable sense in some of them, it is quite out of place in others, e.g., in No. 6, where the deceased is made to say that he has acquired the quality of neter, and a spirit, and a soul, and is, moreover, strong ; the word rendered " strong " in this passage is user, and it expresses an entirely different idea from neter. From the fact that neter is mentioned in No. 1 in connection with eternal existence, and self-begetting, and self-production, and in No. 11 with self-production and primeval matter, it is almost impossible not to think that the word has a meaning which is closely allied to the ideas of " self-existence," and the power to " renew life indefinitely," and " self-production." In other words, neter appears to mean a being who has the power to generate life, and to maintain it when generated. It is useless to attempt to ex- plain the word by Coptic etymologies, for it has passed over directly into the Coptic language under the forms nouti rfovl", and noute rfOYTG, the last consonant, r, having disaj)peared through phonetic decay, and the translators of the Holy Scriptures from that language used it to express the words " God " and " Lord." Meanwhile, until new light is thrown upon the subject by the discovery of inscrip- 1 See my Chapters of Coming Forth hy Day, Text, p. 509, 1. 13. 2 Ihid, p. 511, 1. 13. 3 Ihid, p. 49, 1. 1. THE PRIMITIVE GOD 75 tions older than any which we now have, we must be content to accept the approximate meaning of neter suggested above. The worship of the gods (neteru), which began far away- back in predynastic times, continued through the archaic and dynastic periods, and lasted until the IVth or Vth century of our era ; it is tolerably certain that in respect of some of them the ideas of the Egyptians never changed, but, as regards others, their views did not remain as constant as some writers would have us imagine. In the earliest days every village community in Egypt had its local god, who shared the good or evil fortune of the community to which he belonged. His emblem or symbol was carried out to war, and was, of course, present at all great public gatherings when matters connected with the welfare of his devotees were discussed. A special habitation was set apart for him, and its upkeep was provided for out of common funds. As the riches of the people of the village increased, the rank and dignity of their god kept pace with them, but his revenues suffered in times of scarcity, and defeat, and war ; his emblem might even be carried off into captivity and burnt, or smashed, when, of course, the spirit which dwelt in his symbol was also destroyed. The number of such early gods was legion, for many large communities possessed several gods, each of which was famed locally for some particular attribute. When a man left one village and settled in another he took his god or gods with him, but he would be obliged to acknowledge the god of the village or city in which he had made his new abode, and to contribute towards the maintenance of his house and its small compound. The reduction in the number of the gods of Egypt began when man first realized that certain gods were mightier than others, for he ceased gradually to worship those who had, in his opinion, failed to justify his belief in them, and transferred his allegiance to the gods who were able to give him the most help. In process of time the god or goddess of a certain village or town would obtain a fame and reputation for power which would outrival those of the deities of the neighbouring cities, and the growth of the worship of such god or goddess would be accompanied by a corresponding decline in that of the gods in the towns round about. The gods, in the first instance, grew by 76 SELECTION OF GODS a process of selection out of the spirits wlio were well disposed towards man and were helpful to him, and the " great gods " of the Egyptians were evolved, practically, in a somewhat similar manner. It is at present hopeless to attempt to enumerate all the gods who were, from first to last, worshipped by the Egyptians, for it will not be possible to do this until every text extant has been published. Meanwhile an examination of the earliest Egyptian religious literature known to us proves that a number of gods Avho were of some importance in the polytheistic system of the Early Empire dropped out from it long before the period of the New Empire, and thus it is very doubtful if we shall ever be able to collect the names of all the gods who have been Avorshipped in the Valley of the Nile between the Archaic and Roman periods, whilst to make a list of all the predynastic gods is manifestly impossible. Future discoveries in Egypt may produce texts that will tell us which were the favourite gods in the archaic period and give us some idea as to the pronunciation of their names, for we have reason to think that during the greater part of that period the Egyptians were able to write. If ever such texts are brought to light we shall probably find that the gods who were worshipped during the archaic period were those who Avere popular in the predynastic period, just as we find that the gods of the Egyptians of the Middle and New Empires were to all intents and purposes the same as those of the Egyptians of the Early Empire. Speaking generally, it may be said that the Egyptians of the greater part of the dynastic period of their history invented few neAv gods, and that they were well content to worship such deities as were known to their ancestors ; we knoAv that they admitted, at times, foreign gods into the assembly of the old Egyptian gods, but the religious texts prove that they were never allowed to usurp the functions of the indigenous gods. Political and other reasons might secure for them a certain amount of recognition in the country generally, and the people of the cities where their emblems and statues found resting-places treated them with the easy toleration which is so marked a characteristic of many countries in the East ; but as soon as such reasons disappeared the foreign gods were quietly io-nored and in a short time their worship was forgotten. This statement is GODS OF THE EARLIEST DYNASTIES 77 not intended to apply to the gods who were introduced from one city or district of Egypt into another, for we know that the Egyptian priesthood and people of a given city were ready to show hospitality to almost any god of any town, or city, or district, pro- vided that he belonged to the same company as that of which the chief local god was a member. We have, unfortunately, no long connected religious texts in the forms in which they must have existed under the first four dynasties, and we cannot therefore say what gods were worshipped during that period. There is, as has been shown elsewhere,^ good reason for believing that some parts of the Book of the Dead were revised or edited during the early part of the period of the 1st Dynasty, and if this be so we may assume that the religious system of the Egyptians as revealed in the texts of a much later time closely resembled that which was in existence in the later part of the archaic period, i.e., during the first three dynasties. Under the Vth and Vlth Dynasties we touch firmer ground, and we find abundant, though not complete, materials for the study of the gods of Egypt and their attributes in the lengthy hieroglyphic texts which were inscribed inside the pyramid tombs of Unas, Teta, Pejai I., Mer-en- Ra-Mehti-em-sa-f, and Pepi II. An examination of these texts reveals the existence of an established theological system in Egypt, and we find that even at that time the literature in which it was, more or less, expounded, contained innumerable layers of religious thought and expressions of belief which belonged to periods many of which must have been separated by long intervals of time. The gods are mentioned in such a way as to prove that the -writei's of the texts, or at least the copyists, assumed that the reader would be well acquainted with the subject matter of the compositions, and from first to last neither explanation nor gloss is to be found in them. The texts are, of course, sepulchral, and the greater number of the gods mentioned in them are referred to in their characters as gods who deal with the souls of the dead in the world beyond the grave. The Sun-god Ra and the gods of his cycle, and Osiris, the god and judge of the dead, and the gods of his cycle, have definite 1 See my Sooh of the Dead, London, 1901, vol. i., p. xxxiii. 78 GODS OF THE ARCHAIC PERIOD positions and duties assigned to them, and it is very clear that both the texts which describe these and the ceremonies which were performed in connection with the words recited by the priests were, even under the Vth Dynasty, extremely ancient. Moreover, it is certain that the religious texts in use for funeral purposes under that dynasty are substantially those which were compiled several centuries before. We may note in passing that the funeral books were edited by the priests of Annu or Anu, i.e., Heliopolis, and as a result they exhibit traces of the influence of the theological opinions of the great priestly college of that city ; but at bottom the views and beliefs which may be deduced from them, and the fundamental conceptions to which they give expression are the products of the minds of the predynastic, indigenous Egyptians. To the consideration of the Heliopolitan religious system we shall return later, and we may therefore pass on to the enumeration of the principal gods who are made known to us by the Pyramid Texts at Sakkara. Among the great gods who were certainly worshipped in the early archaic period may be mentioned : — Ptah (Teta 88) ° § Heru,^ or Horus (Mer-en-Ra 454) Nu (Unas 199) Net, or Neith (Unas 67) Ra (passim) Het-Heru (Hathor) O Kheper J (Unas 444) Kheprerj (PepiII.856) Khnemu (Unas 556) Sebek (Unas 565) D Q J Of these gods Heru, or Horus, was the hawk-god, i.e., the spirit and personification of the " height " of heaven ; Kheper was the beetle-god; Khnemu the ram-god; and Sebek the crocodile- god ; Net or Neith was originally a wood- spirit, Ra and Ptah were two forms of the Sun-god, and Nu was the watery mass of heaven 1 Or, Op (Unas, .399), or ^ ^ (Teta, 78). 2 Or, 3 Or, ■ (Unas, 272). Heru-nr, " Horus the elder " (Unas, .358). GODS OF THE PYRAMID TEXTS 79 in wkicli lie lived. With Ra and Kheper the priests of Heliopolis associated the form of the Sun-god which was specially worshipped in their city, and thus we have mentioned the compound gods Ra-Tem O "^ (Unas 216, 224, Mer-en-Ra 458), and Tem- Kheprer /^ ^ ^ ^^^ (Pepi II. 662). In the text of Unas (line 626) Sebek is styled " son of Net," ^ ^ JXT , and he is also called "lord of Baru," J "i^ -$-J Sethasetha (Pepi I. 265) Seththa (Pepi I. 259) _^ ] (] Shu (Unas 185) '=^ C ^ 1 Var. -H- -=!=■ ^ Pepi I., 352. ' He is identified with rfTk | '"' 3 Var. [1 -^i^ n "^ fflll]:^^^''?^^^piii-'i320. Shesmu (Unas 511) GODS OF THE PYRAMID TEXTS 83 r-^^~i Sheskhentet (Unas 390) f||[| Kenur (Pepi II. 979) ^ Kasut (Pepi II. 975) Qebhsennuf (Teta 60) Tait (Teta 376) ^ Teba (Unas 428) Tefen (Unas 453) Tefnut (Unas 453) Tern (Unas 207) ji\\ Tem-klieprer (Pepi II. 662) Tatet (Unas 67) D Tuamutef (Teta 60) Tenanu (Pepi I. 269) ^ ^ Tenten (Unas 280) ^^ ^^ Tehuti (Unas 228) ^ Tchent (Mer-en-Ra 773) ^ y Tchenteru (Teta 198) Tchenttclienter (Pepi I. 301) -^^"^^ I J Besides the above gods are mentioned the " angel (or messenger) of the two gods," pj | | (Unas 408) ; and the " Ashem that dwelleth within Aru," ^ J I] <2=- %^ (\^ (Teta 351). Allusions are made to the following important stars : — Nekhekh (Teta 218), ^ >t □ ^ 2=^- Septet (Teta 349), ^ /\ ^ ^, i.e., the Dog Star. Sah (Teta 349), ^ "^ J ^ , i.e., Orion. Sehut (Pepi II. 857), P|^. The Pyramid Texts show that in addition to the gods ah*eady enumerated there existed certain classes of beings to whom were attributed the nature of the gods, e.g. : — The Afu (Pepi II. 951), ^ ^ ^=^^. The Utennu (Pepi II. 951), ^ g^ J^^^. 84 OTHER DIVINE BEINGS The Urshu of Pe (Pepi II. 849), ^ ^^ f ^ ^■ The Urshu of Nekhen (Pepi II. 849), ^ ^^ f ^ |. The Henmemet {Unas 211), | '>-^ ^^"^^ ^ | • The Set beings, superior and inferior, (Pepi II. 951), The Shemsu Heru (Pepi I. 166), ^ ^ ^^^. Of the functions of the Afu and Utennu nothing whatever is known. The Urshu, i.e., the Watchers, of Pe and Nekhen may have been groups of well-known gods, who were supposed to " watch over " and specially protect these cities ; but, on the other hand, they may only have been the messengers, or angels, of the souls of Pe and Nekhen. The Henmemet beings are likewise a class of divine beings about whom we have no exact information. In certain texts they are mentioned in connection with gods and men in such a manner that they are supposed to represent " unborn generations," but this rendering will not suit many of the passages in which the word occurs, and in those in which it seems to do so many other hypothetical meanings would fit the context just as well. The passage in which the Set beings are referred to must belong to the period when the god Set was regarded as a beneficent being and a god who was, with Horus, a friend and helper of the dead. The text quoted above shows that, like Horus, Set was supposed to be the head of a company of divine beings with attributes and characteristics similar to those of himself, and that this company was divided into two classes, the upper and the lower, or perhaps even the celestial and the terrestrial. Last must be mentioned the Shemsu Heru, or the " Followers of Horus," to whom many references are made in funeral literature ; their primary duties were to minister to the god Horus, son of Isis, but they were also supposed to help him in the performance of the duties which he undertook fori the benefit of the dead. In the religious literature of the Early Empire they occupy the place of the "Mesniu, []]|l ^^ ^gf j> of Horus of Behutet, the modern THE GOD OF FOUR FACES 85 Edfu, i.e., the workers in metal, or blacksmitlis, who are supposed to have accompanied this god into Egyptj and to have assisted him by their weapons in establishing his supremacy at Behutet, or Edfu. The exploits of this god will be described later on in the section treating of Horus generally. In the text of Pepi I. (line 419) we have a reference to a god with four faces in the following words : — " Homage to thee, thou " who hast four faces which rest and look in turn upon what is in " Kenset,^ and who bringest storm ! Grant thou unto this " Pepi thy two fingers which thou hast given to the goddess Nefert, " the daughter of the great god, as messengerfs] from heaven to " earth when the gods make their appearance in heaven. Thou " art endowed with a soul, and thou dost rise [like the sun] in thy " boat of seven hundred and seventy cubits.^ Thou hast carried in " thy boat the gods of Pe, and thou hast made content the gods of " the East. Carry thou this Pepi with thee in the cabin of thy "boat, for this Pepi is the son of the Scarab which is born in " Hetepet beneath the hair of the city of lusaas the northern, and "he is the offspring of Seb. It is he who was between the legs of " Khent-maati on the night wherein he guarded (?) bread, and on " the night wherein he fashioned the heads of arrows. Thou hast " taken thy spear which is dear to thee, thy pointed weapon which " thrusteth down river banks, with a double point like the darts of " Ra, and a double haft like the claws of the goddess Maftet." Throughout the Pyramid Texts frequent mention is made of one group, or of two or three groups, of nine gods. Thus in Unas (line 179) we read of "bowing low to the ground before the nine gods," |p<=^ =^ ^ immn^ ^^<^ ^^ ^^^® ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ **^^^ that the king's bread consists of "the word^ of Seb which cometh ,„^_^ ^^^o\^^^^\^WH\ <\h "^ ( ^^^ ja^ MM ^ — ^ Q A/WW\ p tchet means literally " word," but it often is used to express " thing," "matter," like the Hebrew ~)2.1 ■ 86 PAUT OR SUBSTANCE OF THE GODS forth from the mouth of the nine male gods," ^ «-« "^ J ^_^ ^ ^ ^ mimii J ^ ^- T^^ g°^ ^^'^^^' p °° ^fl ' is said in line 382 to have been " begotten by Seb and brought forth by the nine gods," ^> ] ^ ^ ^J [1^^111111111; and in line 592 Ra is said to be the " chief of the nine gods," n .-^ O I 111111111 • From several passages (e.g., Unas 251) we learn that one company of nine gods was called the " Great," 111111111 ^' ^^^ *^^* another company was called the "Little," 111111111^' ^^^ *^® "^^^® ^°^^ ^^ Horus" are spoken of side by side with "the gods," J^ P — HI ^ ^ ^ V 111111111 li^ ^^'^^ ^^^^' ^^*^^^^*^er this group is to be connected with the Great or Little company of gods cannot be said. A double group of nine gods is frequently referred to, e.g., in Teta, line 67, where it is said, "The eighteen gods cense Teta, and his m^h is pu«," =] p= iiimnnnnmi (H] ■""^ %. 11 ''^~^; and in Pepi I., line 273, Avhere we read that the " two lips of Meri-Ra are the eighteen gods," ^ ^ =^ OH 1^ 111111111111111111 ' ^^^ again in line 407, where Pepi I. is said to be "with the eighteen gods in Qebhu," and to be the "fashioner of tlie eighteen gods,"|™ 111111111111111111 k-jil>SM]°^i-^±iniiiiiiiiiiiiiii. We may perhaps assume that the eighteen gods include the Great and the Little companies of the gods, but, on the other hand, as "male and female gods" are mentioned^ in the text of Teta, nine of the eighteen gods may be feminine counterparts of the other nine, who must therefore be held to be masculine. But the texts of Teta (line 307) and Pepi I. (line 218) show that there was a third company of nine gods recognized by the priests of Helio- 1 Variant □ ^ 9 \^ ; Teta, 1. 263. COMPANIES OF THE GODS 87 polisj and we find all three companies represented thus : nnnmimnmmimii- The Egyptian word here rendered "company" is pauti or paiot, which may be written either ^%^ \> "^^ or ®, and the meaning usually attached to it has been " nine." It is found in texts subsequent to the period of the pyramids at Sakkara thus written: — ^^^^ \\ ' i^*"^^ neteru, ^^ paut of the gods"; the double company of the gods is expressed by ^^ *^ ^ "^^v R wl pautti, or we may have ^ | | ] <:^ 2, wA '^^^ji'*'^^'^^^^''^ ^** paut neteru netcheset, i.e., " the Great company of gods and the Little company of the gods." The fact that a company of gods is represented by nine axes, nnn "Innn jn) ^^s led to the common belief that a company of the gods contained nine gods, and for this reason the word paut has been explained to mean " nine." It is quite true that the Egyptians frequently assigned nine gods to the paut, as we may see from such passages as Unas 235,'- and especially from line 283, where it is said, " Grant thou that this Unas may rule the nine, and that he may complete the company of the gods," A-=' 1 ^-f (SO ^ \Zl^C^ III I 1 I r But the last quoted passage proves that a paut of the gods might contain more than nine divine beings, for it is clear that if the intent of the prayer was carried out the jMtct referred to in it would contain ten, king Unas being added to the nine gods. Again, in a litany to the gods of the Great company given in the Unas text (line 240 ff.) we see that the paut contains Tem, Shu, Tefnut, Seb, Nut, Isis, Set, Nephthys, Thoth, and Horus, i.e., ten gods, without counting the deceased, who wished to be added to the number of the gods. In the text of Mer-en-Ra (line 205) the paut contains nine gods,^ and it is described as the ■'^z:^^. 88 COMPANIES OF THE GODS " Great paut which is in Annu " (Heliopolis), whilst in the text of Pepi II. (line 669) the same pcmt is said to contain Tem, Shu, Tefnut, Seb, Nut, Osiris, Osiris-Khent-Amenti, Set, Horus, Ra, Khent-maati, and Uatchet, i.e., twelve gods. Similarly the gods of the Little paut are more than nine in number, and in Unas (line 253 f.) they are thus enumerated :— Rat, °, the dweller in Annu, (]_[]_ I O, the dweller in Antchet, ^ ^, the dweller in Het- Serqet, I ]^, the dweller in the divine palace, '^ fl' *^® dweller in Hetch-paar, | ^ ^^, the dweller in Orion, ^, the dweller in Tep, ^ ^, the dAveller in Het-ur-ka, [^ ^=f ^ ©, the dweUer in Unnu of the South, ^^ X , the dweller in Unnu of the North, ^°^. Thus the Little paut contained eleven gods, not counting the deceased who desired to be added to their number. The fact that the paut contained at times more than nine gods is thus explained by M. Maspero ^ : " The number nine was the original number, " but each of the nine gods, especially the first and the last, could " be developed." Thus if it was desired to add the god Amen of the Theban triad to the paut of Heliopolis, he could be set at the head of it either in the place of Temu, the legitimate chief of the p>aid, or side by side with him. Mut, the consort of Amen, might be included in the paut, but Amen and Mut would together only count as one god. Similarly, any one or all of the gods who belonged to the shrine of Amen could be included with that god himself in the patd of Heliopolis, and yet the number of that paid was supposed to be increased only by one. In other words, the admission of one god into a paid brought with it the admission of all the gods who were in any way connected with him, but their names were never included among those of the original members of it. This explanation is very good as far as it goes, but it must not be taken as a proof that the Egyptians argued in this manner, or that they argued at all about it. The nine axes '^'^^^'^'^'^']'^ are, beyond doubt, intended to re- 1 La Mythologie lEgyptienne, p. 245. SUBSTANCE OF THE GODS 89 present nine gods, i.e., a triad of triads, but the signs ® 111111111, paut neteru, must be translated not "Neunheit," as Brugsch rendered them,^ but the " stuff of the nine gods," i.e., the substance or matter out of which the nine gods were made. The word paut, U^ _^ _^ ^ „ , means " dough cake," or cake of bread which formed part of the offerings made to the dead ; similarly paut is the name given to the plastic substance out of which the earth and the gods were formed, and later, when applied to divine beings or things, it means the aggregation or entirety of such beings or things. Thus in the Papyrus of Ani (sheet i., line 6) the god Tatunen is declared to be " one, the maker of mankind, and of the " material of the gods of the South and the North, the West and " the East." ^ But there was a primeval matter out of which heaven was made, and also a [primeval] matter out of which the earth was made, and hence Khepera, the great creator of all things, is said in Chapter xvii. (line 116) of the Booh of the Dead to possess a body^ which is formed of both classes of matter (pant). And again in Chapter Ixxxv. (line 8) the deceased, wishing to identify himself with this divine substance, says, " I am the eldest " son of the divine pautti, that is to say, the soul of the souls of the " gods of everlasting, and my body is everlasting, and my creations are " eternal, and I am the lord of years, and the prince of everlasting- " ness." In the words which are put into the mouth of Khepera, who is made to describe his creation of the world, the god says, "' I produced myself from the [primeval] matter [which] I made," 1 " Der kosmogonisclie Lekre von der Ogdoas, deren aelteste Spuren sich bis " zu den Pyramidentexten verfolgen lassen, schloss sich die Docti-in ' der Neunheit ' " (Bnneas) oder der 1 an. Sie umfasste die genetische Entsteliung der netm " TheUe und Kriifte, welche die zukiinftige Wohnung der den Leib Gottes bildeten, " dessen Seele davon Besitz nahm, um alles mit ihr zu erfiillen." Aegyptologie, p. 170. cii ci .4. o i^ 90 THREE COMPANIES OF THE GODS ^ © ^ I <^ ^ . 1 this is the only mean- © irig which can be extracted from the Egyptian words, and the context, which the reader will find given in the section on the Creation, proves that it is the correct one. The word " primeval," which is added in brackets, is suggested by the texts wherein paittti is accompanied by ® tejJ, i.e., "first," in point of time, compare ^ ^ '=^ ^ "^ © ^ i n '' " ^^'^* matter," that is to say, the earliest matter which was created, and the matter which existed before anything else. From the above facts it is clear that the meaning " Neunheit " must not be given to the Egyptian word jyaut. We have now seen that, so far back as the Vth Dynasty, the priests of Heliopolis conceived the existence of three companies of gods ; the first tAvo they distinguished by the appellations " Great" and " Little," but to the third they gave no name. The gods of the first or " Great " company are well known, and their names are : — 1 . Tem, the form of the Sun-god which was worshipped at Heliopolis. 2. Shu. 3. Tefnut. 4. Seb. 5. Nut. 6. Osiris. 7. Isis. 8. Set. 9. Nephthys. Sometimes this company is formed by the addition of Horus and the omission of Tem. The names of gods of the second or "Little" company appear to be given in the text of Unas, line 253 fF., where we have enumerated : — 1. Rat. 2. Am-Annu. 3. Am-Antchet. 4. Am-Het-Serqet-ka-hetepet. 5. Am-Neter-het. 6. Am-Hetch-paar. 7. Am-Sah. 8. Am-Tep. 9. Am-Het-ur- Ra. 10. Am-Unnu-resu. IL Am-Unnu-meht. It must, how- ever, be noted that whereas in the text the address to the Great company of the gods as a whole follows the separate addresses to each, the address to the Little company precedes the separate addresses to each ; still there is no reason for doubting that the second group of names given above are really those of the Little company of the gods. The names of the gods of the third company are unkno-wra, and the texts are silent as to the functions which the company was supposed to perform ; the Great and Little companies of the gods are frequently referred to in texts of all periods, but 1 See Archaeologia, vol, lii., p. 5.57. " See my CJicqAers of Coming Forth hy Bay, Text, p. 348, 1. 15. THREE COMPANIES OF THE GODS 91 the third company is rarely mentioned. Thus in the text of Pepi I. (line 43), the king is said to sit on an iron throne and to weigh words at the head of the Great company of gods in Annu ; the two companies of the gods lift up the head of Pepi (line 97), and he takes the crown in the presence of the Great company (line 117) ; he sits at the head of the two companies (line 167), and in their boat (line 169); and he stands between the two companies (line 186). It has already been suggested ^ that the Great company of gods was a macrocosm of a primitive kind, and the Little company a micro- cosm; this view is very probably correct, and is supported by passages like the following : — " The son of his father is come with " the company of the gods of heaven, ... the son of his father is " come with the company of the gods of earth." From numerous passages in texts of all periods it is clear that the Egyptians believed that heaven was in many respects a duplicate of earth, and, as it was supposed to contain a celestial Nile, and sacred cities which were counterparts of those on the earth and which were called by similar names, it is only reasonable to assign to it a company of gods who were the counterparts of those on earth. And as there were gods of heaven and gods of earth, so also were there gods of the Tuat, or Underworld, who were either called tuat, ® i^^ i, or ^^^i^^^wj '» or neteru en tuat, \\\ 3 i «'>^ . This being so, we may assume that when the writers of the Pyramid Texts mentioned three companies of the gods, inninniiminnnmii. aeyre^ed to the company of the gods of heaven, the company of the gods of earth, and the company of the gods of the Under- world, meaning thereby what the writer of the XXIIIrd Chapter of the Book of the Dead meant when he spoke of "the ' Maspero, La Mytliologie ^gypiiemie, p. 244. 2 Pepi I., 11. 298-300. 92 THREE COMPANIES OF THE GODS '' company of all the gods," ® ^ ^ j /l^ -^ ^f] ^ 5^ ',• ^^ the Pyramid Texts, however, and in the later Recensions of the Book of the Dead which are based upon them, the pautti neteru, mimiiinimii. -."Jimi. -- "'-^^^ *" - present the Great and Little companies of the gods, and these only ; the members of each company varied in different cities and in different periods, but the principle of such variation is com- paratively simple. Long before the priests of Heliopolis grouped the gods of Egypt into companies certain very ancient cities had their own special gods whom they probably inherited from their predecessors, i.e., the predynastic Egyptians. Thus the goddess of Sais was Nit, or Net, or Neith ; the goddess of Per-Uatchet was Uatchet ; the goddess of Dendera was Hathor ; the goddess of Nekheb was Nekhebet ; the god of Edfu was Horus ; the god of Heliopolis was Tem ; and so on. When the priests of these and other cities found that, for some reason, they were obliged to accept the theological system formulated by the priests of Helio- polis and its Great company of gods, they did so readily enough, but they always made the great local god or goddess the head or chief, ^ "^ , of the company. At Heliopolis, where the chief local god was called Tem, the priests joined their god to Ra, and addressed many of their prayers and hymns to Tem-Ra or Ra-Tem. At Edfu the great local god Horus of Behutet was either made to take the place of Tem, or was added to the Heliopolitan company in one form or another. The same thing happened in the case of goddesses like Neith, Uatchet, Nekhebet, Hathor, etc. It was found to be hopeless to attempt to substitute the Heliopolitan company of gods for Neith in the city of Sais, because there the worship of that goddess was extremely ancient and was very important. The fact that her name forms a component part of royal names very early in the 1st Dynasty proves that her worship dates from the first half of the archaic period, and that it is much older than the theological system of Heliopolis. But when the priests of Sais adopted that system they associated her with the head of the company of the gods, and gave her THE COMPANIES OF THE GODS 93 suitable titles and ascribed to her proper attributes, in accordance with her sex, which would make her a feminine counterpart to the god Tem. The god Tern was the Father-god, and the lord of heaven, and the begetter of the gods, therefore Neith became " the "great lady, the mother-goddess, the lady of heaven, and queen of '' the gods," ^ 1 ^ ^ ^=^ I ^ ']']"]• Elsewhere^ she is called " mother of the gods," and just as Tem was declared to have been self-produced, so we find the same attribute ascribed to Neith, and she is said to be " the great lady, who gave birth to Ra, who "brought forth in primeval time herself, never having been "created,"^ ^ ^ (H P I M --^ I M ^ -^ S I P' '^^^ same thing happened at the cities of Per-Uatchet in the Delta and Nekhebet in Upper Egypt, for at one place Uatchet, the ancient and local goddess, became the head of the company of gods, and the goddess Nekhebet at the other. It is interesting to note that the priests of Heliopolis themselves included Uatchet in their Great company of the gods, as we may see from the text of Pepi 11.,^ where we find that the deceased king prays concerning the welfare of his pyramid " to the great paut of gods in Annu," i.e., Tem, Shu, Tefnut, Seb, Nut, Osiris, Set, Nephthys, Khent- Maati, and Uatchet. The goddess Hathor at Dendera was treated by the priests there as was Neith at Sais, for every conceivable attribute was ascribed to her, and her devotees declared that she was the mother of the gods, and the creator of the heavens and the earth, and of everything which is in them. In fact, both Neith and Hathor were made to assume all the powers of the god Tem, and indeed of every solar god. The general evidence derived from a study of texts of all periods shows that the chief local gods of many cities never lost their exalted positions in the minds of the inhabitants, who clung to their belief in them with a consistency and conservatism which are truly Egyptian. In fact, the god of a nome, or the god of the 1 D. Mallet, Le Culte de Neit d Sais, Paris, 1888, p. 47. 2 Ibid., p. 146. 3 See 11. 669 ff. 94 LOCAL GODS capital city of a nome, when once firmly establislied, seems to have maintained his influence in all periods of Egyptian history, and though his shrine may have fallen into oblivion as the result of wars or invasions, and his worship have been suspended from time to time, the people of his city always took the earliest opportunity of rebuilding his sanctuary and establishing his priests as soon as prosperity returned to the country. ( 95 ) CHAPTER III PRIMITIVE GODS AND NOME-GODS DURING- the predynastic period in Egypt every village and town or settlement possessed its god, whose worship and the glory of whose shrine increased or declined according to the increase or decrease of the prosperity of the community in which he lived. When the country was divided into sections which the Egyptians called hespu, 8 H a %^ i^ , or " nomes," a certain god, or group of allied gods, became the representative, or representatives, of each nome, and so obtained the pre-eminence over all the other gods of the home ; and sometimes one god would represent two nomes. In this way the whole country of Egypt, from the Medi- terranean Sea to Elephantine, was divided among the gods, and it became customary in each nome to regard the god of that nome as the " Great Grod," or " Grod," and to endow him with all the powers and attributes possible. "We have, unfortunately, no means of knowing when the country was first split up into nomes, but the division must have taken place at a very early period, and the gods who were chosen to represent the nomes were undoubtedly those who had been worshipped in the large towns or settlements during the predynastic period. Thus in the earliest dynastic times of which we have inscriptions of any length we find that Neith was the chief deity of Sais, Osiris of Busiris, Thoth of Hermopolis, Uatchet of Per-Uatchet, Ptah of Memphis, Sebek of Crocodilopolis, Amen of Thebes, Nekhebet of Nekheb, and Khnemu of Elephantine. The number of the nomes seems to have been different in different periods, so it is not possible to say with certainty how many the early nome-gods were in number. The Egyptian lists give the number of nomes as forty-two or forty-four, but the classical writers, 96 NOME-GODS Strabo, Diodorus, and Pliny, do not agree in their statements on the subject. Strabo says ^ that the Labyrinth contained twenty- seven chambers, and if each one represented a nome the nomes must have been twenty-seven in number, i.e., ten in Upper Egypt, ten in Lower Egypt, and seven in the Heptanomis. On the other hand, Herodotus says ^ that the Labyrinth contained twelve halls. Pliny (Bk. v., chap. 9) enumerates the nomes as follows : — Ombites, ApoUopolites, Hermonthites, Thinites, Phaturites, Copt- ites,Tentyrites, Diopolites, Antaeopolites, Aphroditopolites, Lycopo- lites, Pharbaethites, Bubastites, Sethroites, Tanites, the Arabian nome, the Hammonian nome, Oxyrynchites, Leontopolites, Athri- bites, Cynopolites, Hermopolites, Xoites, Mendesium, Sebennytes, Cabasites, Latopolites, Heliopolites, Prosopites, Panopolites, Busi- rites, Onuphites, Sai'tes, Ptenethu, Phthemphu, Naucratites, Mete- lites, Gynaeopolites, Menelaites, Maraeotis, Heracleopolites, Arsino- ites, Memphites, and the two nomes of Oasites. Diodorus Siculus (i. 54) gives the number of the nomes as thirty-six ; ^ Herodotus (ii. 164) tells us that the country of Egypt was divided into districts * or nomes, but he does not say how many of them there were. These facts serve to show that the number of nom.es when the country was first divided was smaller than in later times, and we may assume that it was the nomes of the Delta which increased in number rather than those of Upper Egypt. The following is a list of the nomes of Egypt according to inscriptions at Edfla and elsewhere, together with their capitals and the gods who were worshipped in them : — UPPER EGYPT. Nome. Capital. God. 1. Ta-khex\t ^ Abu^Qji^^^ KhnemuQ^J (Elephantine) 2. Thes- ]^^ Teb A J© Heru-Behutet ^ S fflTF (ApoUinopolis Magna) 1 xvii. 1. § 37. 2 ii. § 148. 3 Tt/v Sc xwp"" airacrav ek U Kai rpluKOvra fjLepr] SteXoiv, a KaXovcriv AlyviTTLoi vofj.ov';. * Kara yap 8r/ io/iov)s AtyvTTTos airaaa hiapaip-qTai. Nome. 3. Ten JO NOME-GODS Capital. 97 God. Nekheb^oj; Nekhebet].oJ-g^ (Eileithyia) Senit '■'•'■^ © (Esneh) 4. Uast f 5. Herui '[1111"; Uart f ; (TWbes) Amen-Ralj^fl (Coptos) Ta-en 6. Aa-ta ^/A 4- i. 1 H ' <=> Het-Heru n <^ '9 tarert L^/S i s S^ (i.e.,Hathor) Un^ o I 7. Seshesh ^ 8. Abt Y\ (Denderah) Het0; Het-Heru g (Diospolis Parva) AbtufJ^^ An-HerJ^£53| (Abydos) Thenit a'~~v« | ^ (This) 9. Amsu MiN P ^ A or Khem ""NT -^ 1 Amsu, Min or ,-aor=- Khem ^ (Panopolis) 10a; Uatchet I^ Tebut g ^ | Het-Heru Q ^ ^ I ^^ (Aphroditopolis) 10b. Neterui JI Tu-qat '^ ^ ^ Heru (Horus) ^ ^ (Antaeopolis) 11. Set m il Shas- hetep M\^l Khnemug^^, (Hypsele) ' Var. 1^ ^-^^ Ab-tut, i.e., "the city of the mountain of the heart's desire"; see Diimichen, Oeschichte, p. 143. H 98 NOME-GODS Nome. Capital. Godi ^ Nut-en- © 5 iste R vr^^„ P\ 10 Ttt-tt 5^;= 1 1 vi" v^ rleru v^ ^ (Antaeopolis) A m Saiut 13. Atef- « _-2 1X nntk- Ap-uat V- KHENT ^ ^mSH_r© ^ ^S^lll (Lycopolis) 15. Un .^. Khemennu""2 Telmti (Thoth) (Hermopolis) 16. Meh- MAHETCH Hebennu § J£ Heru TOTF (Hipponon) 17. Anpu % Kasa ^^^^ Anpu (j □ ^ ^^ ^ ~Trn ^ (Cynopolis) 18. Sep^ So'-^'^Qnl™; Abpu(17^ ^^ (Alabastronpolis) / n/ Per-Matcliet 19. TIabUI T^5^; Sat^ ^^ (Oxyrynchus) '"• """"henx^ HenensuJ^^ Her-shefi ^^ [jq^ (Herakleopolis Magna) 21a. Atee- n.^ Ermen- <=> 'wwv. p==^ ^ ix tk ' PEHu V- hert r= ^ <=. © ^^^^^^ Q ^ ^ : ' 1 1 ' 17, : 2lB. Ta-she— — Shet^; Sebekpj (Crocodilopolis) 22. MAT.»^ Tep-ahete^; Het-IJert Q = ^ ^ (Aphroditopolis) NOME-GODS 99 LOWER EGYPT. Nome. Capital. God. 1. Aneb- 01 Men- = j =^ ^ Ptah ° § J HETCH ^ nefert A^AAAA o <=> @ • <=^ X ill ^ (Memphis) 2. Khensu ' ^ Sekhemt "J" ^ ^ Heru-ur ^ ^ (Letopolis) 3. Am...P^ ^"*Htf,2§55. 'J«'-«-QnS%l ^ (Apis) 4. Sapi-kes ^i^-^ Tcheqa 1) Sebek, Isis, Amen 5. SAP-MEnKf Saut^^^; Net (Neith) ^ | ^ (Sals) 6. Kaset ^^ Khasut J P % J Amen-Ra ^ (Xois) 7. ...A....f| ^tLr=»fe B"i^ niimiii O I 8. ...Abx^I^ Theket ^^ Temu ^ ^ ^ ^ (Succoth) Per- crTD n ^ q Atem I 1 >=n: © (Pithom) 9. AtiJ^ Per-Asar^jl;^ Osiris^ ±tu± (Busiris) 1 Perhaps a variant is ^ = Q 1 ^ = 1 "^^ ^ ' ^^'^ ^''''^''''' ^^'^- ^'^'^■• 1868, p. 17 ; and Diimichen, Kalendarinscliriften, 118&, 106d. I 1 <2^^~ S ^ ' — ^ 100 NOME-GODS Nome. Capital. God. lu. Ji.A-QBM v-^p^ — her-ab m crzn 9=0' © -^ o ^^ (Athribis) 11. Ka-heseb £^ Hebes-ka |J ^ 5^^ Isis j ^ (Cabasus) 12. T„B-^^ Theb-n.ter =1T; An-herJ^™^ ^ (Sebennytus) 13. Heq-at J|. Annu|g ^- ^,i ^^ (Heliopolis, On) 14. Khent-abt W Tchalu^^^ I'i^ Hem (Tanis) 15. Tehut ^ Per-Tehuti "a'% Tehuti (Thoth) ^ ^™ (HermojDolis) ,j-j^ Per-ba-neb-Tettu Ba-neb- ^ (Mendes) * ■" ' TT ^ — . Pa-kben-en- Amen 17. Sam- Jp 1^ ^ S Amen-Ra [1 — BEHUTET "^^ //>j^ ,wwvA 1 ^ © 1 O I 1 1 1 1 1 J-LLu: f] ^^ Amen-Ra (Dios^Dolis) 18. Am-khent f. Per-Bast 1? ^ ® -^^^* 1? '^ J) ^^ (Bubastis) 19. Am-pehu J^ Per-Uatcbet^l^^ Uatcliet|^| (Buto) 20. Sept &^ Qesem _6_ ^ © Sept f\^' ^ (Golhen ?) 1 The authorities to be consulted on the nomes of Egypt are Brugsch, Diet. Geog. (see the list at the end of vol. iii.) ; Dtimichen, Geographie des alien Aegyptens (in Meyer, GescMcnte des alien Aegyptens), Berlin, 1887 ; and J. de Rouge, Geographie Ancienne de la Basse-^gypte, Paris, 1891. NOME-GODS 101 Thus every nome of Egypt possessed a representative god whose temple was situated in the capital city of the nome, and attached to the service of each nome-god was a body of priests who divided among themselves the various duties connected with the service of the gods, the maintenance of the buildings of the temple, the multiplying of copies of religious works, and the religious education of the community. In Upper Egypt, where the care of the dead seems to have been the principal duty of the living, the lower orders of the priesthood probably carried on a lucrative business in mummifying the dead, and in funeral papyri and amulets, and in conducting funerals. The high-priest of each great city, and sometimes even the high-priestess, bore a special title. In Thebes the high-priest was called " first servant of the " god Ra in Thebes " ; Mn Heliopolis the title of the high-priest was "Great one of visions of Ra-Atem" ;^ in Memphis, "Great chief " of the hammer in the temple of him of the Southern Wall, and " Setem of the god of the Beautiful Face (i.e., Ptah) " ; ' in Sais, " governor of the double temple " ; * and similarly the high-priestess of Memphis bore the title of " Nefer-tutu " ; ^ in Sekhem the title of the high-priestess was " Divine mother";" in Sais, " Urt," i.e., "great one";' in Mendes, " TJtcha-ba-f " ; ^ and so on. The priests of every great god were divided into classes, among which may be mentioned " those who ministered at certain hours," JL % I ^ ^ ; " the servants of the gods," ^ J ^ | ; the " holy fathers," 10 ^ i ; the " libationers," /^ v^ i . The accounts of the temple were kept by the " scribe of the temple," m- 'iiiM. •! 102 NOME-GODS ^R I '^ . and, in large temples, one or more scribes kept a register of gifts to tlie temple and of the property of the god.^ It is impossible to say how many priests of all classes ministered to any given nome-god ; it seems that the highest permanent priestly officials were at all times and in all cities very few in number, and that the " servants of the god " were very many. The priests of each nome-god were subject to no external authority, and the high- priest of a great nome possessed a power which was hardly inferior to that of the nomarch himself. The worship of each nome-god contained elements peculiar to itself, and the beliefs which centred in him represented all the ancient and indigenous views of the inhabitants of the nome, and these were carefully observed and cultivated from the earliest to the latest times. We may see from the list of nome-gods given above that many nomes worshipped the same god, e.g., Horus was worshipped in three nomes of Upper Egypt and two nomes of Lower Egypt, whilst one nome worshipped him under the special form of Horus of Behutet; three nomes of Upper Egypt worshipped Khnemu, two worshipped Amsu (or Min or Khem ?), two worshipped Anpu, and Hathor was worshipped in five nomes in Upper Egypt and one in Lower Egypt. The cults of the ram-headed god Khnemu at Elephantine, of the vulture goddess Nekhebet at Eileithyia, of the crocodile god Sebek in the district of Ta-she (Fayyum), of the dog- headed god Anpu at Cynopolis and Alabastronpolis, of the ibis-god Thoth at Hermopolis, of Horus the elder (Heru-ur) at Letopolis, and of Uatchet at Buto (Per-Uatchet), were extremely ancient, and with them are probably to be grouped in point of antiquity the cults of the Avolf(?) -headed god Ap-uat, the lioness goddess Sekhet, the cat-headed goddess Bast, and the god Set. The animal which was the type and symbol of this last god has not as yet been identified ; it cannot have been the ass as was once thouo-ht and it is hardly likely to have been the camel ; at present, therefore, we can only tentatively assume that it belonged to some class of animal which became extinct at a very early period. The cults of the various forms of the sky-god Horus, and of the Sun-god, and of the 1 For other temple officials see Brugsch, Aegyjitologie, p. 218. OSIRIS 103 goddess Hatlior, are the oldest of all. The goddess Neith, whose symbols were two arrows and a shield, appears to have been of Libyan origin, but, as has already been shown, the attributes of some of the oldest indigenous gods of Egypt were ascribed to her in early dynastic times. The origin of the god Osiris is obscure, but it is difficult, when all the statements made concerning him in the religious texts are taken into consideration, not to think that the original seat of his worship was in the Delta. Early in the dynastic period his most important shrine was at Abydos, which became the centre of his cult and the sacred city to which his worshippers flocked for countless generations. In spite of this, however, the nome-lists show that the nome-god was An- Her, or Anhur, and notwithstanding the special hon(?ur in which Osiris was held throughout Egypt, An-Her Avas always regarded as the official god of the nome Abt and of its capital of the same name. The Elysian Fields, i.e., the Sekhet-hetepet, were situated in the Delta where the country was fertile, and where the land was traversed by canals and streams of water running in all directions ; moreover, the " House of Osiris " par excellence VI ri tl) ^ Per-Asar ^ = Busiris j was in the Delta, and the shrine of the god who was worshipped in the form of a ram which was said to contain the soul of Osiris, was also in the Delta. Everywhere in the texts Osiris is called the " lord of Abydos," and generally this title is followed by another, i.e., " lord of Tattu." Now Tattu is the city, and " The Ram, lord of Tattu," ^ "^^ K37 u u ^ Ba-neb-Tattu, was its god. The name Tattu was corrupted into " Mendes " by the Greeks, and in this city the great local god was worshipped under the form of a ram, which is now commonly known as the " Mendesian Ram." The frequent use of the title " lord of Tattu " suggests that the worship of Osiris was grafted on to or was made to absorb that of the local ram-god, and that in consequence Osiris became the lord of the city in his stead. It may be urged that Tattu was merely the seat of the shrine of the god Osiris in the northern kingdom, just as Abydos was his 1 The words Ba-neb- Tattu usnally follow here, therefore the full name of the city is, "House of Osiris, the Earn, lord of Tattu." 104 AMEN AND ATEN sanctuary in the southern kingdom, but this explanation of the use of the title is insufficient. It may further be urged that, inasmuch as the titles " lord of Abydos," " lord of Tattu," occur in connection with others which have reference to Osiris in his capacity as governor of the Underworld, the Abydos and Tattu here mentioned are mythological cities and not cities upon earth. But even if this be so it matters little, for we knoAV that the Egyptians fashioned their mythological or heavenly cities after the manner of their earthly cities, and that their conceptions of things spiritual were based upon things material. Returning for a moment to the adoj)tion of gods, we may note that from first to last the people of one nome were generally ready to offer hospitality to the gods of another, and also to the gods of strangers who had come to settle among them. At times, however, a new god, or a new group of gods, was forced upon the inhabitants of one or more nomes, and even upon a whole province, as the result of conquest, or by the wish of the king, or by the supremacy of the priesthood of a given city. Thus the priesthood of Ra or Ra-Tem at HeliojDolis succeeded in making their theological system para- mount in the country, and the whole of the religious jDhilosophy of the Theban Books of the Dead is based wpon their teaching. Until the conquest of the Hyksos by the Theban princes the god Amen was a nome-god of no great importance, but when they became kings of the south and north, he immediately became the king of all the gods of the south and the north, and the titles and powers and attributes of the great gods of the country were ascribed to him by his priests. As the prince of Thebes was greater than any and every prince in the other nomes of Egypt, so the Theban nome- god was greater than any and every other god of Egypt. The extraordinary dislike which Amen-hetep IV. exhibited towards this god, and the foolish attempt which he made to substitute for his worship that of Aten, or the Disk, furnishes us with an example of the imposition of a god upon a priesthood and province ; the attempt was successful for a time over a limited area, but it had no chance of permanent success because the fundamental ideas of the worship of the god as Amen-hetep interpreted them were foreign to the religious conceptions of the Egyptians generally. RA AND AMEN 105 From what has been said above it will be easy to imagine the remarkable spectacle which Egypt must have presented to a foreigner who went there and found the country split up into a series of nomes, each possessing its great god, who was ministered to by a body of priests and servants who were amenable to no general authority outside the nome, and who performed his worship when and as they pleased, and who claimed for him powers, and rights, and privileges without fear of opposition. The stranger would find that each college of priests in each nome asserted that its god was the father of all the other gods, and the creator of the heavens and the earth, and that, generally speaking, the priests of one nome-god and his divine companions were content to allow their neighbours in other nomes to declare anything they pleased about their nome-gods and their divine companions. As far as can be gathered from the religious texts, it seems that the priests of one company of gods never attempted to suppress the gods of another company if the fortune of war gave them paramount power in the nome wherein they were worshipped. Thus when the priests of Ra attained to the great power which they enjoyed at Heliopolis under the Vth and Vlth Dynasties they did not suppress the local god Tern, but they associated their god with him, and produced the compound god Ra-Tem. Similarly, at a later period, when Amen, as the nome-god of the victorious princes and kings of Thebes, was declared to be the greatest of the gods of Egypt, his priests did not declare that the other gods of Egypt were not gods and try to suppress them, but they asserted that all the powers of the other gods were assimilated in him, and that he was in consequence the greatest of the gods. In the texts of Unas and the kings who were his immediate successors we read of the Great and Little companies of the gods, but we also find mention of the company of gods of Horus and of the double company of gods of Tem ; ' the priests of Heliopolis claimed supremacy among the gods for Ra, but they took care to include as far as possible the name of every god and goddess to whom worship had been paid in past generations. The ^' °j^^^iininnxk= minnimmin ^^°^. Unas, 11. 443, 444. 106 GODS OF HELIOPOLIS same characteristic is observable in the texts of the Theban priest- hood, and we find that their god Amen was even introduced into the Booh of the Dead where, manifestly, he had little claim to be. The hymns in the chapters of that work are addressed either to Ra, in one form or another, or to Osiris, but in Chapter clxxi. we find the following address :— " Tern, Shu, Tefnet, Seb, Nut, " Osiris, Isis, Set, Nephthys, Heru-khuti (Harmachis), " Hathor of the Great House, Khepera, Menthu, the lord of " Thebes, Amen, the lord of the thrones of the two lands, " Great company of the gods, Little company of the gods, gods " and goddesses Avho dwell in Nu, Sebek of the two Meht, " Sebek in all thy manifold names in thine every place wherein thy " Ka (i.e., double) hath delight, gods of the south, gods of the "north, ye who are in heaven, ye who are upon the earth, " grant ye the garment of purity unto the jDerfect spirit of Amen- " hetep." ^ The greater number of the gods whose names are given in the Pyramid Texts are also mentioned in the religious literature, especially in the Booh of the Bead of later periods, and if we pos- sessed copies of all the religious works of the New Empire we should probably discover that the names of all the gods, with perhaps the exception of Set, worshipped under the Early Empire were pre- served in them. The Egyptians, certainly in dynastic times, rarely abandoned a god, and, speaking generally, it is remarkable how little the character and attributes of the gods vary in the period between the IVth and the XXYIth Dynasties. The obstinate conservatism of the Egyptians, which seems to have been inherited in an almost unaltered state by their descendants the Copts, induced the writers of religious texts to introduce into their works as many of the gods as possible, and they Avere moved to do this as much by motives of priestly policy and by self-interest as by feelings of reverence for the gods of Egypt. In the Pyramid Texts the predominant gods are those of the company of Heliopolis, but we nevertheless find that the gods of remote towns and cities had duties assigned to them, and that one and all of them were supposed to minister to the deceased kings in the Underworld. The reason of this is not far to seek. 1 See my Chapters of Coming Forth by Bay (Translation), p. 315. SUBDIVISIONS OF HEAVEN 107 The heaven which the Egyptian conceived in his mind closely- resembled Egypt in respect of its sub-divisions, and its various cities and districts were ruled by gods whom it was necessary to propitiate, and whose friendship must be gained at any cost. A man hoped that in the next life he would be able to wander about at will through the length and breadth of heaven, and the only way to obtain this privilege was to secure the goodwill of the gods of the four quarters of the sky by the recital of prayers of various kinds, and by the performance of certain ceremonies, which were always of a more or less magical character. To be able to pass at pleasure along the eastern Delta of heaven and without opposition presupposed the favour of Sept and Temu ; and to have power to drink of the waters of the celestial Nile presupposed the favour of the god Khnemu, the lord of the Island of Elephantine, close to which were situated, according to Egyp- tian belief, the sources of the Nile. The texts of all periods exhibit an almost childish anxiety to prove that every god of Egypt is interested in the welfare of the beings in the Underworld who were once mortal men, and it was a common belief also in all periods that the mere asserting in writing that the gods would minister to the deceased would produce the assistance desired. To enjoy the power to enter into certain cities in heaven the deceased was obliged to know the various gods or " Souls " who were worshipped in them. Thus the Souls of the West were Tem, and Sebek, the lord of the Mountain of Sunrise, and Hathor, the lady of the Evening ; ^ the Souls of the East were Heru-khuti (Harmachis), the Calf of the goddess Khera, and the Morning Star ; ^ the Souls of the city of Pe were Horus, Mestha, and H api ; ^ the Souls of the city of Nekhen were Horus, Tuamutef, and Qebhsennuf ; * the Souls of Heliopolis were Ra, Shu, and Tefnet ; ° and the Souls of the city of Hermopolis were Thoth, Sa, and Tem." Similarly every great heavenly city was held to contain a company of gods, and the beatified soul was thought to enjoy the duty of paying visits to their shrines just as, when in the body, it made offerings to their earthly counterparts. 1 Booh of the Dead, Chap, cviii. ^ Ibid,, Chap. cix. s Jhid., Chap. cxii. * Ibid., Chap, cxiii. ^ Ibid., Chap. cxv. ^ Ibid., Chap. cxvi. 108 DEIFICATION OF THE DEAD In the observations already made concei'ning the difficulty of assigning an exact meaning to the word for God and " god," neter, ^ ], we have seen that in dynastic times the chief attribute which was assigned to a god was the power to renew his life indefinitely, and to live for ever, and the text of Unas has shown us that in very early times the Egyptian thought he could obtain this power by eating his god or gods. Closely connected with this belief is another which finds expression in the Pyramid Texts, and also in the later Recensions of the Booh of the Bead which are based upon them. In many passages scattered throughout the religious texts of all periods we find it stated that the deceased has acquired the powers of such and such a god, and that as a result he has become the counterpart or fellow of several gods, and that he takes his place among the company of gods in the proper persons of several of their number. A still further development of the idea makes every member of the body of the deceased to be, first, under the protection of a god, and secondly, to become that same member of the god its protector ; hence his whole body becomes the "double company of the gods," and the "two great " gods watch, each in his place, and they find him in the form of " the double company of the gods weighing the words of every " chief like a chief, and they bow doAvn before him, and they make " offerings to him as to the double company of the gods." ^ More- over, the deceased is made in the texts to stand up at the head of the company of the gods as Seb, the " erpa," or hereditary chief, of the gods, and as Osiris, the governor of the divine^owgrs, and as Ilorus, the lord of men and^^o£^dsJ.__ His bones are the gods 1 See Pepi I., 11. 317, 318. <=> H ] 11 ->=. "^ 1k @ ^=^ ^%sj-\\i^ innminmim' ?'s iiimiimiiniii. = i^iimmi vj qp s m i- ^p ^- HI DEIFICATION OF THE DEAD 109 and goddesses of heaven ; ^ his right side belongs to Horus, and his left side to Set ; he becomes the actual son of Tem, or Tem-Ra, and Shu, Tefnet, Seb, and Nut, and he is the brother of Isis, Nephthys, Set, and Thoth, and the father of Horus.^ The god Horus taketh his own Eye and giveth it to him,^ and he bestoweth upon him his o\Yn ha or double,* and never leaveth him, and the Bull of the Nine ^ maketh wide his dominions among the gods. The oldest copy of the prayer for the deification of the members of the body is found in the text of Pepi I. (line 565 fF,), and as it is very important from several points of view a version of it is here given : — " The head of this Ra-meri is in the form " of [that of] the hawk ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in " heaven. The skull, ^ v^ @, of this Pepi is that of the divine " Goose ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The " [hair] of this Pepi is the .... "'•'^ of Nu ; he cometh forth " and raiseth himself ujd in heaven. The face of this Pepi is the " face of Ap-uat, \J £55 £55 2^5 ^ ; he cometh forth and raiseth " himself up in heaven. The two eyes of Ra-meri are the great " goddess (Hathor ?) at the head of the Souls of Annu ; he cometh '' forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The mouth of this Pepi "is Khens-ur, '^^^5 he cometh forth and raiseth himself up '■ in heaven. The tongue of this Pepi is the steering-pole (?) of the " boat of Maat ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. " The teeth of this Pepi are the Souls [of Annu] ; he cometh forth " and raiseth himself up in heaven. The lips of this Pepi are " the . . . . ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. 1 See Teta, 1. 209. 2 See Unas (Renueil), torn, iii , pp. 209-211. ' '^^"^=^<=>A'^P'— rflql °- Pepi I., 1. 457. 1. 265. 5 u ^ □[I'^lll no DEIFICATION OF THE DEAD " The CHIN of this Pepi is Khert-Khent-Sekhem, ^ ffljj ^ @ ; he " Cometh forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The backbone of " this Pepi is [the Bull] Sma, 3^^; ^^ cometh forth and " raiseth himself up in heaven. The shoulders and arms of this " Pepi are Set ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. " The [breast] of this Pepi is Baabu, J "i^ O ^ ' ^® cometh " forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The heart of this " Ra-meri is Bastet ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up " in heaven. The belly of this Ra-meri is Nut ; he cometh " forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The [loins of " this Pepi are] the Great and Little companies of the gods ; " he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The " BACK of this Pepi is Heqet ; he cometh forth and raiseth " himself up in heaven. The buttocks, ® '^'^^^, of this Ra-meri are '' the Semket and Mat boats ; ^ he cometh forth and raiseth himself " up in heaven. The phallus of this Pepi is Hap ; ^ he cometh " forth and raiseth himself up in heaven. The two thighs '^ of " Ra-meri are Nit and Serqet ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself " up in heaven. The two legs* of this Ra-meri are the twin soul- " gods at the head of Sekhet-tcher ; ^ he cometh forth and raiseth " himself up in heaven. The soles of the two feet "^ of this Ra- -meri are the double Maati boat; he cometh forth and raiseth " himself up in heaven. The heels (?), '®^ ^, of this Pepi are the " Souls of Annu ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up in " heaven." In the XVIIIth Dynasty versions of this interesting text were written in papyri containing the Book of the Dead, and of these the following exhibit variant readings which appear to indicate changes of belief. J^-i. DEIFICATION OF THE DEAD 111 From the Papyrus of Nu. (Brit. Mus., No. 10,477, sheet 6.) " My hair is the hair of Nu. " My face is the face of the Disk. " My eyes are the eyes of Hathor. " My ears are the ears of Ap-uat. " My nose is the nose of Khenti- " khas. " My lips are the lips of Anpu. "My teeth are the teeth of " Serqet. " My neck is the neck of the " divine goddess Isis. " My hands are the hands of " Ba-neb-Tattu. " My fore-arms are the fore-arms " of Neith, the Lady of Sais. " My backbone is the backbone " of Suti. " My phallus is the phallus of " Osiris. " My reins are the reins of the " Lords of Kher-aha. " My chest is the chest of Aa- " shefit. " My belly and back are the " belly and back of Sekhet. " My buttocks are the buttocks " of the Eye of Horus. " My hips and legs are the hips " and legs of Nut. " My feet are the feet of Ptah. " [My fingers] and my leg-bones " are the fingers and leg- " bones of the Living Gods. "There is no member of my From the Papyrus or Ani. (Brit. Mus., No. 10,470, sheet 32.) "The hair of Osiris Ani is the " hair of Nu. " The face of Osiris Ani is the " face of Ra. " The eyes of Osiris Ani are the " eyes of Hathor. " The ears of Osiris Ani are the " ears of Ap-uat. " The lips of Osiris Ani are the " lips of Anpu. " The teeth of Osiris Ani are the " teeth of Serqet. " The neck of Osiris Ani is the " neck of Isis. " The hands of Osiris Ani are " the hands of Ba-neb-Tattu. "The shoulder of Osiris Ani is " the shoulder of Uatchet. " The throat of Osiris Ani is the " throat of Mert. " The fore-arms of Osiris Ani " are the fore-arms of the " Lady of Sais. "The backbone of Osiris Ani is " the backbone of Set. " The chest of Osiris Ani is the " chest of the Lords of " Kher-Aha. " The flesh of Osiris Ani is the " flesh of Aa-shefit. "The reins and back of Osiris " Ani are the reins and " back of Sekhet. " The buttocks of Osiris Ani are 112 DEIFICATION OF THE DEAD body whicli is not the member of a god. The god Thoth shieldeth my body wholly, and I am Ra day by day." ^ "the buttocks of the Eye " of Horus. •The phallus of Osiris Ani is " the phallus of Osiris. ■ The legs of Osiris Ani are the " legs of Nut. ' The feet of Osiris Ani are the " feet of Ptah. 'The fingers of Osiris Ani are " the fingers of Orion. 'The leg-bones of Osiris Ani " are the leg-bones of the " Living Uraei." The text which follows that describing the deification of the members in the inscrijDtion of Pepi I.^ is perhaps of even greater interest, for it declares that : — " This Pepi is god, the son of god ; he cometh forth and raiseth " himself up to heaven. This Ra-meri is the son of Ra, who loveth "him ; he cometh forth and raiseth himself up to heaven. Ra hath " sent forth this Ra-meri, who cometh forth and raiseth himself up " to heaven. Ra hath conceived this Pepi, who cometh forth and " raiseth himself up to heaven. Ra hath given birth to this Pepi, "who cometh forth and raiseth himself up to heaven. This [is] the " word of power which is in the body of Ra-meri, and he cometh " forth and raiseth himself up to heaven. This Ra-meri is the " Great Power among the great company of sovereign chiefs who " are in Annu, and he cometh forth and i-aiseth himself up to "heaven." In the previous pages it has been shown that the Great company of the Gods of Heliopolis contained nine or more gods, and that whenever these were adopted by other cities and towns the attributes of the chief of the Heliopolitan gods were transferred to the local nome-god, and the identities of both gods were merged in each other. It will, however, be evident at a glance that there ^ See my Chapters of Coming Forth by Day (Translation), p. 94. 3 Line 574. THE GODS OF HERMOPOLIS 113 were very few localities which could afford to maintain in a proper state the worship of nine or more great gods in addition to that of the nome-god, and as a matter of fact we find that very few even of the great towns and cities adopted all the gods of the companies of Heliopolis, and that very few possessed companies of gods which contained as many members as nine. The city of Khemennu (Hermopolis) was famous as the sanctuary of the company of Eight Gods, indeed the name "Khemennu," 5, means "the city of the ' nil©' •' Eight Gods." The names of these gods were : — 1. Nu, ~v^ JH . ^•^^^'^^e:* ^-^^^^'H^^- ^-y^^-'H^:!- 5. Kekui, ^\\^.=^|. 6. Kekuit, ^w^-^^J). 7. Kereh, ^ I ,-~s. -f) . 8. Kerehet, ® | ^^ J , and with their leader Tehuti, or Thoth, they formed one of the oldest of the companies of gods in all Egypt. The names of the members of the paid, or company, of Hermopolis as here given are taken from the texts inscribed on the walls of the temple which Darius II. built at Hebet in the Oasis of Kharga/ and which is a comparatively late building, but there is reason for believing that they are copied from very ancient documents, and that taken together this group of gods represents the oldest form of the Herrao-politan paut. In some lists of the gods Amen and Ament are made to take the places of Nu and Nut, and those of Kereh and Kerehet are filled by Nenu and Nenut; in others Amen and Ament are substituted for Kereh and Kerehet.^ Throughout Egypt generally the company of gods of a town or city were three in number, and they were formed by the local deity and two gods who were associated with him, and who shared with him, but in a very much less degree, the honour and reverence which were paid to him. Speaking generally, two members of such a triad were gods, one old and one young, and the third was a goddess, who was, naturally, the wife, or female counterpart, of the older god. The younger god was the son of the older god and goddess, and he was supposed to possess all the 1 See Brugsoh, Beise nach der grossen Oase el-Khargeh, Leipzig, 1878, pi. 14. 3 For the lists of the paut of Thoth at Edfu, Dendera, Karnak, Philae, etc., see Brugsch, Eeligion unci Mythologie, p. 127. I 114 THE CONCEPTION OF THE TRIAD attributes and powers which belonged to his father. The head of the triad was sometimes Ra, and sometimes a god of compara- tively limited reputation, to whom were ascribed the power and might of the great Sun-god, which his devotees assumed that he had absorbed. The feminine counterpart or wife of the chief god was usually a local goddess of little or no importance ; on the other hand, her son by the chief god was nearly as important as his father, because it was assumed that he would succeed to his rank and throne when the older god had passed away. The conception of the triad or trinity is, in Egypt, probably as old as the belief in the gods, and it seems to be based upon the anthropomorphic views which were current in the earliest times about them. The Egyptian provided the god with a wife, just as he took care to provide himself with one, in order that he might have a son to succeed him, and he assumed that the god would have as issue a son, even as he himself Avished and expected to have a son. In later times, the group of nine gods took the place of the triad, but we are not justified in assuming that the ennead was a simple development of the triad. The triad contains two gods and one goddess, but the ennead contains five gods and four goddesses being made up of four pairs of deities, and one supreme god. The ennead is, however, often regarded as a triad of triads, and the three enneads of Heliopolis, 11111111111111111^11111^11, as a triad of a triad of triads. The conception of the ennead is probably very much later than that of the triad. ^ Examples of triads are : — At Mendes, Ba-neb-Tattu "^ ^e:^ ^ ^ '^ , Hat-mehit °^ °°^ i ^^ O A ^^<^ Heru-pa-khart ^ □ g ^ 5^; at Tcheqa, Sebek [l J ^, Isis j ^ ^, and Amen () " ^ ; at Memphis, Ptah III S^^^* P ? ^^o I ^""^ I-em-hetep ^ |^:^ ^ ; at Thebes, ^^--^M^?^'Mut^:|^ndKhensu^^^|; and triads like Osiris, Isis, and Horus J^^j^, ^'^_|j^5^,and Set, Nephthys, and Anubis P ;:^ 5^, ^^ |, (| ^ ^ ^ were wor- 1 An exactly opposite view is taken by M. Maspero (La Mytliologie :egyptienne, p. 270). POLYTHEISM AND MONOTHEISM 115 shipped in several places in Egypt. The members of many triads lin Egypt varied at different times and in diiferent places, but variations were caused chiefly by assimilating local gods and goddesses with the well-known members of the companies of the gods of Heliopolis. The facts recorded in the preceding pages show that the great gods of the dynastic period in Egypt were selected from a large number of local gods, who were in turn chosen from among the representatives of the gods of the desert, and mountain, and earth, and water, and air, and sky, who had been worshipped in predynastic times. Thus in the great company of the gods of Heliopolis we have Shu, a form of An-her i\f=^-/|, the local god of Sebennytus ; Osiris, the local god both of Busiris and Mendes ; Isis, a form of the still more ancient goddess " Uatchit, lady of Pe," 1 1) fl ^ L,^ , "^ '^, i.e., Buto ; Tefnet, the goddess of a district in the fifteenth nome of Lower Egypt ; etc. The gods of the later predynastic period were, of course, developed out of the multitude of spirits, good and bad, in whom the most primitive Egyptians believed, and it is clear that in general characteristics the gods of the dynastic period were identical with those of the predynastic period, and that the Egyptians rarely abandoned any god whose priests in the earliest times had succeeded in establishing for him a recognized position. The form of the worship of the gods must have changed greatly, but this was due rather to the increase in the general prosperity of the country than to any fundamental change in the views and beliefs of the Egyptians as to their gods ; the houses of the gods, or temples, became larger and larger and more mao;nificenfc as increased wealth flowed into the country as the result of foreign conquest, but the gods remained the same, and the processions and ceremonies, though more mag- nificent under the New Empire, preserved the essentials of the early period. But if we examine the religious texts carefully it will be seen that the Egyptians were always trying to reduce the number of their gods, or, in other words, were always advancing from polytheism to monotheism. The priesthood and the educated classes must have held religious views which were not absolutely identical Avith those of the peasant who cultivated the fields, but 116 ABSORPTION OF ANCIENT GODS such, I believe, were concerned chiefly with the popular forms of worship of the gods and with conceptions as to their nature. The uneducated people of the country clung with great tenacity to the ordinary methods of celebrating their worship, principally because the frequent festivals and the imposing ceremonies, which formed a large and important part of it, were regarded as essential for their general well-being ; the priests and the educated, on the other hand, clung to them because their influence was not sufficiently powerful to establish a popular form of religion and worship which would be consistent with their own private views. Every change which can be traced in the religion of the country proves that the priesthoods of the various great religious centres absorbed into the new systems whenever possible the ancient gods and the ancient beliefs in them ; hence during the period of the highest culture in Egypt we find ideas of the grossest kind jostling ideas which were the product of great intellectuality and much thinking. Expressions Avhich are the result of a series of beliefs in tree gods, desert gods, water gods, earth gods, and gods with human passions, abound, and it is these which have drawn down upon the Egyptians the contempt of the Hebrews, the Greeks, and the Romans, and even of modern skilled investigators of Egyptian religion and mythology. It has not been suflaciently realized that the polytheism of the Egyptians had aspects which were peculiar to itself, and the same may be said of one phase of the beliefs of this people which appears to be, and which, the -wi'iter thinks undoubtedly is, monotheistic. When the priests of Heliopolis formulated their system of theogony they asserted that the o-od Tern produced the two gods that issued from himself, i.e., Shu and Tefnut, by masturbation,^ and there is little doubt that in making this declaration they were repeating what the half savao-e and primitive Egyptians may really have believed; but it would be 11. 465, 466. NOTION OF DIVINE UNITY 117 utterly -wrong to declare that the priests themselves believed these things, or that such a statement represented the views of any educated person in Egypt on the subject of the origin of the gods. In Chapter xvii. of the Booh of the JDead^ is an allusion to the fight which took place between Horus and Set, but no Egyptian who accepted the refined beliefs which are found even in the same chapter could have regarded this allusion as anything more than the record of an act of savagery which had crept into religious texts at a time when acts of the kind were common. The same might be said of dozens of expressions and allusions which are scattered throughout the texts of all periods, and no just investigator will judge the Egyptians, and their religion, and th^eir beliefs by the phases of thought and expressions which reflect the manners and customs and ideas of the primitive dwellers in the Valley of the Nile. But yet it is precisely by such things that the Egyptian religion is judged by many modern writers. The eminent Egyptologist, M. Maspero, says that before he began to decipher Egyptian texts for himself, and so long as he was content to reproduce the teaching of the great masters of the science of Egyptology, he believed that the Egyptians had in the earliest times arrived at the notion of divine unity, and that they had fashioned an entire system of religion and of symbolic mythology with an incomparable surety of hand. When, however, he began to study the religious texts he found that they did not breathe out the profound wisdom which others had found. " Certainly," he says, " no one will accuse me of wishing to belittle the Egyptians ; " the more I familiarize myself with them, the more I am persuaded " that they were one of the great nations of the human race, and " one of the most original and most creative, but at the same " time that they always remained half savage." ^ In other words, ~<2-0 f\ "^ ^ " — ■ ^ ?\ a ffl 2 •' J'ai cru, au debout de ma carriere, il y a bientot vingt-cinq ans de cela, et " j'ai soutenu pendant longtemps, comme M. Brugsch, que les Egyptiens etaient " parvenus, des lenr enfance, a la notion de I'unite divine et qu'ils en avaient tire " un systeme entier de religion et de mythologie symbolique, agence d'un bout a 118 NOTION OF DIVINE UNITY the Egyptians, according to M. Maspero, never attained to the idea of the unity of God, and were at the best of times nothing but a half savage nation. It is easy to bring a charge of being half savao-e against a 2;reat nation, but in this case the charge is ill- founded, and is, in the writer's opinion, contradicted by every discovery which is made in Egypt ; for the more we learn of the ancient Egyptians the more complete and far-reaching we find their civilization to have been. The evidence of the monuments of the Egyptians will, however, be sufiicient to exhibit the character of this civilization in its true light, and, as the expression " half savage " is at best very vague, and must vary in meaning according to the standpoint of him who uses it, we pass on to consider the question whether the Egyptians attained to a cenception of the unity of God or whether they did not. We have seen that M. Maspero believes that they did not, but on the other hand some of the greatest Egytologists that have ever lived thought that they did. He thinks that the Egyptians possessed the greater number of their myths in common with the most savage of the tribes of the Old and New Worlds, that their practices preserved the stamp of primitive barbarism, that their religion exhibits the same mixture of grossness and refinement which is found in their arts and crafts, that it was cast in a mould by barbarians, and that from them it received an impression so deep that a hundred generations have not been able to efface it, nor even to smooth its roughnesses or to soften its outlines.^ No " I'aufcre avec une surete de main incomparable. C'etait le temps ou je n'avais pas " essaye par moi-meme le dechiffrement des textes religieux et oil je me bomais " ii reproduire I'enseignement de nos grands maitres. Qnand j'ai ete contraint " de les aborder, j'ai dii m'avouer a moi-mcme qu'ils ne respiraient point " cette sagesse profonde que d'autres y avaient sentie. Certes on ne m'accnsera pas " de Tonloir deprecier les Egyptiens : plus je me familiarise avec eux, et plus je me " persuade qu'ils ont ete un des grands peuples de I'humanite, I'un des plus originaux " et des plus crcateurs, mais aussi qu'ils sont toujours demeures des demi-barbares." Ln Mythologie, p. 277. 1 " En art, en science, en Industrie, ils ont beaucoup invente, beaucoup " produit, beaucoup promis surtout ; leur religion presente le meme melange de " grossierete et de ralEnement qu'on retrouve dans tout le reste. La plupart de " ses mytlies lui sont comnauns avec les tribus les plus sauvages de I'Ancien et du " Nouveau-Monde ; ses pratiques gardent le cachet de la barbarie primitive, et j^ " crois que les sacrifices bumains n'en avaient pas disparu dans certaines circon- EGYPTIAN MONOTHEISM 119 one will attempt to deny that traces of half savage ideas and customs are to be found in Egyptian religious literature, but the real question is whether such traces render it impossible for the Egyptians ever to have attained to the conception of monotheism, whether the existence of such half savage ideas and customs is incompatible with it or not. Every one who is familiar with the literatures of oriental religions knows that the sublime and the ridiculous, spiritual ideas and material views, intellectuality and grossness, and belief and sujDerstition, occur frequently in close juxtaposition, and illustrations of these statements may be found in the writings of the Arabs, and even in certain parts of the Hebrew Scriptures. Yet no one will deny that the Arabs as a people have been monotheists since the time of Muhammad the Prophet, and no one will refuse to admit that the Hebrews, after a certain date in their history, became monotheists and have remained so. The literatures of both the Hebrews and the Arabs are full of extravagances of every kind, but no competent person has denied to these nations the right to be called monotheistic, and no one in the light of modern research will attempt to judge them by the coarsest expressions and materialistic thoughts which are found in their Scriptures. On the other hand, no one expects to find either in Hebrew or in Arabic literature the lofty spiritual and philosophical conceptions which modern highly educated thinkers associate with the idea of monotheism, and the same is, of course, to be said for the literature, 0-Lthe_, Egyptians; but it is not difficult tq^o3LthatJKe_id_eajof_mppotheism which existed iu ^Sysi ^^ ^ v ery early p eriod is at least ^of the ^ame character as that which grew up among both Hebrews and Arabs many centuries later. To prove this statement recourse must be had to a number of extracts ^ from religious texts, and among such may be quoted the following : — To the dead king Unas it is said, " Thou existest at "stances, meme sous les grands Pharaons thebains. Bile a ete jetee au moule " par des Barbares, et elle a regu d'eux une empreinte si forte que cent generations " n'ont pu, je ne dirai pas I'effacer, mais en amollir les asperites et en adoucir les " contours." La Mythologie, p. 277. 1 See the group given in my Papyrus of Ani, London, 1895, p. Ixxxiii. ff. 120 EGYPTIAN MONOTHEISM " the side of God," ^-^:3:^(]<^>ZSn^=1; of Teta it is said, " He weigheth words, and behold, God hearkeneth unto the words," king it is said, ''God hath called Teta (in his name, etc.)," .wwvv h n /wwvv r^ (]1 1 ; to Pepi I. it is said, " Thou hast received the "attribute (or, form) of God, thou hast become great therewith "before the gods," ^□^__^[)^s-^]^ , m""^ ^^^ 111 ; and " Thy mother Nut hath set thee to be as God to thine " enemy in thy name of God," A "^^-^ ^\ ^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^ j vvw« ; s® <;c3^ ^\ "^"^ k3:p6 ^vwna | ; aud of the same king it is said, " This Pepi is, therefore, God, the son of God," (°l\\\] D ^ h <=> i I "^^ i I . It may be argued that we should render neter, ] , in these passages by " a god " or " the god," but this would make nonsense of the passages in most cases. There is no point in telling a dead king that he will live "by the side of a god," or that " a god " Avill listen to his words when he is weighing words, i.e., giving judgment upon matters in the next world ; Avhat the writer said and what he meant his readers to understand was that Unas will live with the God, or God, and that he will have such an exalted position there that he will be appointed by God to act as judge, an office which belonged to God himself, and that God will listen to, i.e., obey his rulings. The above passages are taken from texts of the Yth and Vlth Dynasties, but they are only copies of older documents, for there are good reasons for thinking that even so far back as the time when they were made, about B.C. 3300, the texts had already been revised two or three times, and changes and additions made in them as the result of modified beliefs and ideas. The value of such passages, however, consists in the fact that they prove conclusively that so far back as B.C. 3300 some one god had become so great in the mind of the Egyptians that he stood out from among the " gods," "TV] i , and was different from the First, Second, and Third companies of the gods, OSIRIS AS GOD 121 mnniinmininnimi- ^-*''- ™- ->>-'> may be urged is that the neter, |, here referred to is either the god Osiris or the god Ra, but even so it must be admitted that Osiris or Ra occupied a position in the mind of the Egyptian theologian which was far superior to that of any of the " gods." On the other hand, it must be pointed out that the Pyramid Texts are full of passages in which we are told what great things Ra wiU do for the deceased in the next world, and the honour which he will pay to him, and we must therefore conclude that the God referred to in the passages which we have quoted is not Ra, although he may be Osiris. But if we arrive at this conclu- sion we must admit that in the relatively remote period about B.C. 3300 Osiris was considered to be such a great god, and to occupy such an exalted position at the head of the " gods," that he could be spoken of and referred to simply as " God." We have already seen it implied that Osiris was the judge of those who were in the Underworld, and we know from the text of Unas (line 494) that he sat on a throne in heaven ; ^ as the king is said to have become " god, and the messenger (or, angel) of God " ^ (line 175), and to " enterdnto the place which was more holy than any^ther_place " ^ (line 178), it is perfectly clear that the God of the Pyramid Texts was an entirely different being from the " gods " and the " companies of the gods." The deceased is actually called " Osiris Pepi," * and as he is said to have become an angel of God, if Osiris be that God and judge, he must have held a similar position to that of the God of the Hebrews, who is said to " judge among the gods," ^ and must have been ministered to by "gods' «P(£SI^TJ-*X«P=1. * ra^ -^jj (JWi - Pepi I., 1.60. 6 Psalm Ixxxii. 1, 103^1)'' D'^fbii n"lp3 . 122 CONCEPTION OF GOD of a rank inferior to his own. We may assume, then, that the God of the Pyramid Texts was Osiris, the god and judge of the dead, but it is clear that the only aspects of the God which are referred to are those which he bears as the god and judge of the dead. We have, unfortunately, no means of knowing how he Avas described by his earliest worshippers, for the priests of Heliopolis, when they absorbed him into their theological system, took care to give him only such characteristics as suited their own views ; they have, however, shown us that he was the judge of the dead, and that he occupied a unique position among the gods, and enjoyed some of the powers possessed by the God of the nations which are on all' hands admitted to be roi)notheistic. But Ave may obtain further information about the conception of God among the Egyptians by an examination of certain passages in the famous Precepts of Kaqemna and the Precepts of Ptah- hetep. The first of these works was composed in the reign of Seneferu, a king of the IVth Dynasty, and the second in the reign of Assa, a king of the Vth Dynasty, but we only know them from the copies contained in the papyrus which was given to the Bibliotheque Royale in Paris by E. Prisse d'Avennes in 1847.-^ This document was probably written about the period of the XVIIth Dynasty, and may, of course, contain readings and addi- tions reflecting the opinions of the Egyptians on religion and morals Avhich were then current; but the foundations of both works belong to an earlier time, though whether that time fell under the Xllth Dynasty, as some think, or under the IVth and Vth Dynasties as the Avorks themselves declare, matters little for our present purpose. In both sets of Precepts we have a series of moral aphorisms similar to those with which we are familiar in the Book of Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, and the Book of Proverbs, and they are given as the outcome of the experience of men of the world ; neither the work of Kaqemna nor that of Ptah-hetep can be said to have been drawn up from a religious point of view and neither author supports his advice by appeals to relio-ious 1 See Facsimile d'un papyrus :Bgyptien en caracUres Meratiques Paris 1847, folio. CONCEPTION OF GOD 123 authority. In these works we find the following admonitions and reflections : — 1. c. Ill y an rehhentu Ichepert drit neter " Not [are] known the things which maketh Grod," i.e., the things which will come to pass by God's agency cannot be known, that is to say, God's ways are inscrutable. M^f ffi 1 du dm tau kher seJcher neter The eating of bread is according to the plan of God, i.e., a man's food comes to him through the providence of God. 3-i dm - Ic Thou shalt not ■f- -n- dri her put terror em reth into men and women ; Jchesef neter is opposed [thereto] God. 4. H^ pU^, s /^ D 1 c td, set dr seka - nek ter em sekhet If thou hast land labour in the field (which) hath given for ploughing 1' neter God. ^.TLe author of this observation was Kaqemna ; the other ones are by Ptah-hetep. 124 CONCEPTION OF GOD A ar un - nek em sa dqer dri - h sa If thou wouldst be a man perfect make thou [thy] son kOl 1 en smam neter to be pleasing unto God. I ^ D sehetep dqu A' 1\ <=^ I Ic em Ichepert-neh khepert Satisfy thy dependants by thy actions ; it should be done en hesem neter by him that is favoured by God. ^ ^ 21' mertu What is loved 1' °^ ^^ -^ ^ neter pu setem dn setem of God is obedience ; disobedience en mestetu neter hateth God. male Verily o t ^^ A a IJi AA/WNA m nefer en tdtd a son good [is] of the gifts 1' neter of God. And finally from the Prisse Papyrus may be quoted the exhorta- tation, " If having been of no account, thou hast become great, and " if, having been poor, thou hast become rich, when thou art IDEA OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE 125 " governor of the city be not hard-hearted on account of thy " advancement, because thou hast [only] become Ail! 1' mer septu neter " the guardian of the provisions of God." From this group of extracts we learn that the ways of the god referred to in the " Precepts " were inscrutable, that it was he who was supposed to give a man children, and property, and food, that he was opposed to any man tyrannizing over his fellow creatures ; that he loved to be obeyed and hated disobedience, i.e., those who would not hearken unto him ; that the perfect man was he who brought up his son in ways pleasing to God ; that God expected the man who had been favoured by him to do good to those who were dependent upon him ; and the writer of the " Precepts " urged the governor of a city to remember that he was only the guardian of goods and provisions which belonged to God. In all these extracts it is clear that the allusion is to some great and powerful being who rules and governs the world and provides according to his will for those who are in it. In the second extract we have the words sekher neter, i.e., the sekher of God. The word selcher R ® : , has many meanings, among them being "thought, plan, intention, scheme, design," and the like, and when Ptah-hetep said that " the eating of bread is according to the selcher of God," there is no doubt that he intended his readers to understand that a man obtained bread, or food, to eat according to the plan or design which God had made, or decreed beforehand. A rendering which would very well represent the words selcher neter is " Divine provi- dence ; " but they do not justify the translation " fate " which has been proposed for them. Now we know that both the writers Kaqemna and Ptah-hetep lived in the neighbourhood of Memphis, because their tombs are at Sakkara, and if they lived at Memphis, their great local god would be Ptah of the Beautiful Face, or Ptah of the White Wall, whose 126 PRECEPTS OF KHENSU-HETEP feminine counterpart was Sekhet and whose son was I-em-hetep. But in the group of extracts just given there is no mention of any of these gods, and the God referred to cannot be Osiris, first, because the texts are not funereal, and secondly, because the attributes ascribed to this God are not of those which we know from later texts belonged to the god of the dead. Who then is the God whose power, and providence, and government of the world are here proclaimed ? The answer to this question is that the God referred to is God, Whose power men of the stamp of Ptah-hetep discerned even at the remote period in which he lived, and Whose attributes they clearly distinguished ; He was in their opinion too great to be called anything else but God, and though, no doubt, they offered sacrifices to the gods in the temple at Memphis, after the manner of their countrymen, they knew that God was an entirely different Being from those " gods." Passing now to the period of the New Empire we have to consider a few extracts from the famous work commonly known as the "Maxims of Ani," or the "Precepts of Khensu-hetep," which was first described^ by E. de Roug(^ in 1861, and was published in full fifteen years later by Chabas.^ The text ^ is written upon a papyrus which was found in a box lying upon the floor of the tomb of a Christian monk at Der al-Medinet, and from considerations of palaeography it must probably be assigned to the period of the XXIInd Dynasty, but the original composition must be a great deal older, and it may well date from the XVIIIth Dynasty. The following extracts will illustrate the conception of God in the mind of the author of the " Maxims " : — ^■}€\ li - f~\^m I AAAAAA c£_i/ jKt neter en saaud ren - f The God is for making great his name. 1 See Moniteur, 15 Aodt, 1861 ; and Comptes Rendus, Paris, 1871 pp 340-350. " See L':Egypiologie, Chalons-sur-Saone and Paris, 4to, 1876-1878. 3 A facsimile was published by Mariette in Papyrus jSgyptiens du Musee de £oulaq. PRECEPTS OF KHENSU-HETEP 127 The 1 netey V D dput pa God [is] the judge of the PI ma a right. or, the God is the judge, the righteous one, i.e., the judge who passes sentence according to what is straight, mad, i.e., the law, the canon. Ml du tdu Giveth 1 ^z:::^ 1 neter-hu thy God unu the means of subsistence. 4. " I have given thee thy mother," the writer says to his son, and she carried thee even as she carried thee, and took upon herself a heavy burden for thy sake, and did not lea,n upon me. When at length thou wast born after having been carried by her for months, she laid herself under thy yoke, and she nourished thee for three years,^ and was never weary of thee. . . . When thou wast sent to school to be taught, she came every day without fail to thy master [bringing] bread and beer [for thee] from her house. Now thou hast become a man and hast married a wife and hast a house, set thine eye upon thy child, and bring him up as thy mother brought thee up. Wrong not thy mother lest she lift up I c:^ AAAA^^ ddui-set en "her hands to pa neter emtuf setemu sebhu-set the God [and] he hearken unto her prayers " [and punish thee]. II ammd su " Let [a man] give himself en to pa the 1 neter God, ' Literally, "her breasts were in thy mouth for three years." 128 PRECEPTS OF KHENSU-HETEP sami - k su em-ment en pa neter " keep thou thyself daily for the God, ra o dib tuauu ond-qeti pa liaru " to-morrow (?) being like the day (to-day?)." O (a'--' Ichennu en neter betu-tuf " The sanctuary of God its abomination pu sehebu is much speaking. 1 ^=i p*r £2i s^\i senemehu-neh em db mert " Make thou thy prayers with a heart of love du metet - f all the petitions yWNAAA <$. n I ^ I ^ (3 nebt dmennu dri-f " of which are in secret. He will perform hheru-tuh thy affairs, (3 I I 1i Sl^ ^^\z setemu-f d tchetetu-h seshepu-[_f^ " he will hear what thou sayest, he will accept utennu-tuk thine offerings. i()K:k /n I ® y]^- Pc^FU'-^ \r\ii±\i D® I -0 E D W NAAA n o n r ZVWWX AAAAAA C^ >^=PJ.Sia I It I I ^1 Papyrus of Hunefer, sheet 1, line 5 if. 8 Sook of the Dead, Chap. Ixxviii. 16. * Ibid., Chap, clxxiii. I -