K&1 « S jO GN !NG^^aM..i-^\ / JAM H^N p-l~ moo BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 Cornell University Library PT 8900.G3E45 Ibsen in Germany, ,1870-1900 3 1924 026 350 243 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026350243 PT &3 EM5 STUDIES IN LITERATURE The SrottY op Eitqliss Speech. By Charles Noble. A HiSTOET OP English Baliadry. By Frank Egbert Bryamt. Shakespeare Study Programs: The Tragedies. By Charlotte- Porter and Helen A. Clarke. Shakespeare Study Prograus: The Comedies. By Charlotte Porter and Helen A. Clarke. The Spirit op the Americajt Revolu- Tioir AS Revealed in the Poetry op the Period. By Samuel W. Patterson. Il- lustrated. Browning Studies. By V. C. Harrington. Hamlet, an Ideal Prince. By A. W. Craiwford. A History op English Literature. By Robert H. Fletcher. English Essayists. By William H. Davis. Present Day American Poetry, and Other Essays. By Harry Houston Peck- hami. A History op Italian Literature. By Florence Traill. The Reion op the Manuscript. By Perry Wayland Sinks. The Psychology op Maeterlinck as Show;n in His Plays, By Granville F. Sturgis. German Liberty Authors. By Warren Washburn Florer. The Influence op French Literature ON Europe. By EmeUne M. Jensen. The Novels op PiiRDiNAND Fabre. By Bay P. Bowen. LiPE AND Works op Friedrich Hebbel. By T. M. Campbell. Ibsen in Germany. By WilUam H. Eller. RICHARD a. BADGER, PUBLISHER, BOSTON IBSEN IN GERMANY 1870—1900 BY WILLIAM HENRI ELLER BOSTON RICHARD G. BADGER THE GORHAM PRESS _J^ COPYBIGHT, 19*18, BY RiCHABD G. BaDGEE All Rights Reserved 6M Made in the United States of America The Gorham Press, Boston, U.S.A- PREFACE • The greater part of the following investigation was pre- sented to the Graduate School at the University of Wiscon- sin, 1916, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. I take this opportunity to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor A. R. Hohlfeld and Professor E. Feise of the Department of German, and to Professor J. E. Olsen of the Department of Scandinavian Languages for their valuable suggestions and generous sup- port. Monthly journals published in Germany during the years 1870-1900 have been the chief source of material. Certain very desirable magazines, such as Westermanns Monatshefte, Deutsche Revue, Die Nation, Die Zuktmft, among others, were inaccessible. Buhne und Welt and Literarisches Echo, for example, were omitted because not issued until the very close of the period. Table B presents a list of books and essays which ap- proaches completeness for the years in question. In no few instances, it is to be regretted, the present misfortune of Europe permitted no further familiarity with the publica- tions than their mere bibliographical data. A third important source of material is practically only within reach of those having access to the libraries in Ger- many. I mean the files of daily newspapers. Philipp Stein's little volume, however, quotes freely from the Berlin dailies, and from these, as well as from other references to similar sources, I conclude that the ultimate impression of Preface the investigation would scarcely be changed, except, perhaps, that the negative side of the controversy were more em- phatically represented. The articles in the newspapers were usually struck off at white heat, reflecting the reaction of the moment; those in the journals profit by more or less deliberation. , \i the opposition seems to be unduly stressed by the quota- tions in the succeeding pages, this is not to be attributed to any predilection of the investigator for that point of view. The positive influence of Ibsen is to be sought pri- marily in the creative literature of the time, and its testi- mony is abundant and eloquent enough. While the older generation and its supporters battled the new with words, the latter, as is always the case, was engrossed in practice rather than in verbal eloquence. In this practice Ibsen and the German appreciation of him are vindicated — if that is •at all necessary. In preference to paraphrasing various comments of a critical nature, I have given them verbatim. I have had two reasons in mind for such procedure: first, this method pre- sents exactly what was written and allows immediate contact with the critic's point of view; second, the records them- selves aid the reader to reconstruct the spirit of the epoch, das Kulturhistorische, which would be less tangible in my own and briefer phraseology. i I have translated all citations because I hoped the thesis would be of interest to some who know little or nothing of the German and Norse idioms. For any who might desire the original statements, and I realize how acceptable they will be to some, I have included them in the Appendix. The translations have been made with much care. An occasional word or phrase, it is likely, may have been better rendered (for those who know, the originals are at hand), Preface yet I feel the discrepancies will hardly he numerous or seri- ous enough to impair the investigation as it reads. Ibsen's ideal was revolutionary, — his goal, a humanity of ennobled character. He made demands that the young generation in Germany endeavored to fulfill. He exercised a magic and compelling power even upon those who ener- getically and conscientiously resisted him. But in all there was renewed a strength and faith — a faith in themselves] to solve the problems of life in thdr modem confusion and I complexity. If I have succeeded to a moderate degree in presenting fairly the struggle between the " Northern Sphinx " and his younger German contemporaries, I shall be willing to forget the difficulties under which the attempt was made. W. H. E. Vanderbilt University Nashville, Tennessee Spring, 1918 CONTENTS I CRAFTEB PAOE I The German Drama, 1870-1885 11 II Bjornstjern'e Bjornson 19 III Ibsen in Germany Durinq the Seventies ... 26 ~IV Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 36 V Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 ... 68 VI Ibsen's Later Works and the Efflorescence of THE German Drama, 1891-1900 102 VII Conclusion 121 Appendix 131 1 Table A 133 2 Table B ., 136 3 Citations 173 4 Bibliography 193 Index 199 IBSEN IN GERMANY CHAPTER I THE GERMAN DEAMA, 1870-1885 THE history of German literature during the last thirty years of the nineteenth century is in a great measure the record of a revolution. Characteristic of revolutionary movements is their protest against existing grievances, real or imagined. These occupy the minds of the revolution- ists to the exclusion of, at the expense of, what is com- mendable in the old regime, — a procedure which experience has proved practical. Ignoring, therefore, willfully or through ignorance, what had been accomplished in belles lettres of the first rank, the recent German revolutionists joined forces against current taste, against those authors, mainly, whom the general reading public proclaimed rep- resentative of the day's art and culture. It was not only in the popular writing of the time, how- ever, that the effect of the uprising was felt. It cut athwart the natural growth of serious letters, hastened the develop- ment of their realistic tendencies, and left an indelible im- press. From the historical vantOige ground of to-day some of the unfortunate results of forced development are apparent. An undisturbed unfolding of innate talent, though no absolute assurance against sickly and ephemeral outgrowths, may have yielded happier and more permanent products. As 11 12 Ibsen m Germany it happened, foreign branches were propagated upon a par- ent German stem, and there grew side by side with the less gratifying fruits others of exceptional size and beauty, the more luxuriant for the grafting. That was the situation, which must be kept in mind in perusing the succeeding pages that take into account primar- ily the noisy and salient features of the literary conflict. It will be of interest to note first the status of the drama, the chief concern of this treatise, during the seventies, the decade prior to the upheaval. Richard Wagner (1813—1883), in whom German romanti- cism achieved a brillant, though somewhat belated, culmina- tion, is probably the most considerable figure in the German drama since Goethe. The romanticists had perceived what they had believed to be the essential relation between music and poetry. This thesis Wagn^er was to demonstrate by add- ing dramatic depth to the traditional opera and by incor- porating music into the literary drama. Wagner wrote his libretto, then elaborated, deepened, and completed it by com- posing a musical accompaniment. Neither the text nor the music was in itself an end. They were means toward a com- bined effect, toward a higher unity, which for want of a bet- ter term has been designated. music-drama. It was not until the seventies, although the greater part of his work had been done about twenty years earlier, that Wagner attained the recognition he deserved. Without considering to what extent Wagner's music-dramas did or did not reflect the spirit of the time, the fact remains that the success of his genius, as will be npted directly, was the one re- deeming feature of the German stage during this decade. The literary drama was at an ebb. Germany was experi- encing a cultural revolution ; it was the time of the so-called " Griinderjahre," of the pursuit of wealth and luxury. The The German Drama, 1870-1885 13 circus, the operetta, and vaudeville competed all too success- fully with the drama of the purely literary type. To offset the dearth ^ of home production, the German theaters opened their doors to foreign plays. At Vienna and Leipsic the French piece des moewrs was introduced to the public, with the result that Scribe, Sardou, Augier, and Dumas fils soon occupied the stage. Beginning with La Dame aux Camelias, 1862, Dumas fils (1824-1895) had written a series of plays dealing with monde and demi-monde. The unscrupulous upper circles of Paris in their luxury and moral turbidity were contrasted with the fallen women and adulteresses in their unmerited misfortune. The plays were skillfully wrought, witty in dialogue, and re- plete with esprit. Conceding that the pi^ce des moewrs was, perhaps, morally detrimental, it had at least two commendable and far reach- ing influences upon the German drama, not to mention the dramatic literature of the rest of Europe. It extended the scope of subject matter. It taught not a little in technique. In theory naturalistic, the play of manners prepared the way for naturalism proper. The creative work in the German drama immediately aris- ing out of the French influence unfortunately embodied all the weaknesses of the models conjoined to additional short- comings of its own. Nowhere were the excellencies of the well-made play attained. The situation is best exposed in the dramatic writings of Paul Lindau (1839—). The disreputable social circles are presented as respectable. Frivolity abounds. The objec- tionable is suggested. Cheap wit and citations for effect are characteristic. Questions of the day, though alluded to, play iLiidwig Anzengruber was, as yet, no factor in theater life. If be was known, the stage remained indifferent to bim. 14) Ibsen in Germamy no intrinsic part in the dramas. In general, however, Lindau - grows more realistic; in his Maria and Magdalene, 1872, there is a suggestion of Sudermann's Magda {Heimat), 1893, The way for the new movement was being prepared. The unnatural and degenerate condition of the drama was corroborated by the art of the theater. The plays of Goethe and of Schiller were still presented out of a feeling of prppriety, or for the purpose of offering some traveling " star " a role in which he might appear to advantage. Any- thing not conducive to an immediate outward effect was elim- inated without scruples of any kind. There seemed to be no desire to enter into the spirit of the masterpieces. The theater managers blocked admittance to the more am- bitious dramatists. Rarely did plays that rose above the niveau of mediocrity attain a sympathetic presentation. This quite deplorable picture was relieved by a single h'gh light. In 1874, the court players of the Duke of Meini^gen began to tour Germany with the staging at Berlin of Sliakfe- «*ftpere's Julius Ceesar. Their purpose was to recreate the spirit of each individual drama, employing for this purpose the available means of modem staging and presentation. Con- scientious veracity was observed in the minutest details. The older and best known plays were supplied with a new .charm; instead of detracting from them, the elaborate set- tings enhanced their effectiveness. The actors were compelled to place themselves at the dis- posal of the work of art. There were no " stars." Each actor was prepared to play any role assigned to him, no mat- ter if it was the stellar role or the most insignificant one in the drama. That the plays of Shakspere and of Schiller profited most by the Meininger system is obvious. Fortunately, Jiowever, the Meininger did not confine themselves to the traditionally The German Drama, 1870-1885 15 accepted classics ; Ibsen, Bjornson, and other modems were ,not excluded from the repertory. Thus, as before in the history of German literature, con- ditions were such that an impulse from without seemed im- perative to reanimate indigenous production. Ernst von Wildenbruch (1845-1909), who must receive attention later, failed to rise above the epigonous literature of his day. Ludwig Anzengruber (1839-1889) remained comparatively unknown; he was, furthermore, soon overtaken by the new naturalistic school and left behind. The rejuvenation of the German drama was postponed until Zola, Tolstoy, and, above all, Henrik Ibsen loomed large upon the literary horizon. — £mile Zola (1840-1892), in Mes hames, defines a work of art as a part of nature seen athwart a temperament : " Une ceuvre d'art est wn com de la crSation vu a travers wn tem- perament." There is nothing revolutionary or particularly new in this definition. In fact it was not Zola's purpose to be new, but, rather, to be consistent. Truth, to make the most of truth, was his motto and aim. That which tends to truth he considered good. Of the thousands of pages he wrote, he, withdrew nothing. If they have certain vices, he hoped these might do good in serving as a lesson. Zola op- posed classicism and romanticism with equal vigor, ascribing to both the decoration of the truth, though each in its own manner. Truth needs no decoration. It was Zola's endeavor to portray the general and funda- mental characteristics of humanity. He worked to repro- duce mankind in its totality. Heredity and environment (milieu) explain existence; they are the thread that leads mathematically from one individual in society to the other. Although Balzac (1799-1850) and Flaubert (1821- 1880), as forerunners, had unconsciously incorporated the teachings of Darwin into literature, Zola was the first to do 16 Ibsen in Germany so purposely. Up to this time a writer would have pre- sented without scruples any individual entirely separate from his -forbears and his surroundings. The teaching of free-will had purported nothing more nor less than that each individ- ual chose and directed his own career in life. If the educa- tion and the environment of a character were described, it was primarily because that character had to be born and grow up some place, because he had to have a mother and a father, very likely, some neighbors and acquaintances, per- chance, an aunt or an uncle. Now this was changed. Experiment and observation, the essentials of natural science, became the method of literary production. A part, a section, of actuality was chosen as the object of the investigation, and registered in detail. Everything was considered of equal importance; nothing escaped. Literature was endued with a new seriousness and veracity ; it was to be more than entertainment for moments, or hours, of leisure. In his practice, however, Zola did not confine himself within the limits of his theories. Imagination and fancy are not wanting. Symbolism enters as the unifying* element. Thus, although adverse to romanticism, Zola is akin to it. Zola's " experimental " novels (les romans experimentaux) became known in Germany early in the eighties, and subse- quently they exerted a great influence* both in theory and practice. Their popularity, on the other hand, was of short duration only ; it was eclipsed by the works of the Russians, of Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910) and Feodor Dostoevski (1821- 1881). Tolstoy was most concerned with the question of life, — the question which neither science nor art had answered. For such intelligence as left the great problem unsolved, the Rus- sian thinker had little reverence and less respect. In the The Germcm Drama, 1870-1885 17 faith of the masses Tolstoy rediscovered man's relation to the Infinite. But faith had grown old and feeble except among the simple folk, among the toilers and laborers. Among them only, therefore, could life still have significance. Like Rousseau, Tolstoy would return to nature, where, freed from the limitations of education, culture, and caste, of personal possession and wealth, man might again behold God's creature in his fellow being. Far from the city, where all evils of modern civilization are augmented, where passion of greed, of power, of desire', eiFace the image and likeness of Deity, must man live and learn to help his fellow man. No need then of state or church. It was not the individual himself who solicited Tolstoy's interest; to him there was no hero. The existence of the mass, life in its totality, its elementary and impersonal aspects, was the matter of importance. The relation of one happening to another, the inter-relation of man and occur- rences, of man and man, — this became the theme and con- tent of Tolstoy's art. Tolstoy made preparations for a new dispensation op- posed, on the one hand, to current positivism and natural- scientific philosophy, on the other, to established theology. Like Ibsen, the Russian prophet demanded a profound revo- lution in the practical, the social intercourse of humankind. Then, alone, could the sun of a brighter and better Weltan- schmmng renew the earth. Dostoevski's interests were similar to those of his com- patriot, embracing the social, the political, ethical, sesthetic, and religious activities of man. All the great problems that agitated Europe at the time are to be found in Dostoevski. He had a passion for ideas. Like Zola, Dostoevski painted in detail, though the milieu remained subordinate to the psychological analysis of char- 18 Ibsen in Germamy acter. In these psychological labyrinths of character and va. his sincere sympathy for the proletariat are to be found the explanation of his especial appeal to the Germans. As Zola had given way to them, the Russians now receded before the Scandinavians, Bjomstjteme Bjornson (1832^ 1910) and Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906.) CHAPTER II BJORNSTJEENE BJORNSON BJORNSTJEBNE BJORNSON, except in Norway, has fared the way of most individuals, who, appearing on the eve of a new epoch, are overshadowed, perhaps entirely absorbed, by the great representative personality in which the epoch seems to culminate or crystallize. Like Christo- pher Marlowe, Bjornson came too soon; he was thus denied the psychological moment which his compatriot was destined to profit by. Therefore, although a leader -^ in the treatment of many new subjects, it was not for Bjornson to stamp directly with his impress the general dramatic literature of his day. The romantic movement in Scandinavia, — the luxuriance and sonority of Oehlenschlager (1779-1850), the elegance and grace of Henrik Hertz (1798-1870), had engaged Northern sympathy and interest to such a degree that its in- fluence remained potent long after the middle of the cen- tury. The natural bent for the simple and primitive had been enfeebled, even perverted, to such an extent that the newer literature, which purposed a return to the common, real, and actual thoughts and experiences, met with violent opposition. The current romantic and poetic taste seemed indelible. 1 Compare The Newly-Married Gov/ple (1865) with Ibsen's A Doll's House (1878) and Rosmerskolm (1886). Also, A Bankrv/ptcy (1875) with Ibsen's Pillars of Society (18Y7), An Enemy of the People (1883), John Gabriel Borkman (1896); Becque'S The Havens (1882); Mir- beau's Business is Business (1903); Barker's The Voysey Inheritance (1905). 19 so Ihsen in Germany In those days (after 1850) the liberal party of the three Scandinavian countries was favorably inclined to the peasant in literature, that is, to the peasant in the abstract, hence any literature celebrating him was certain of a cordial reception. The concrete peasant was still generally unknown. The educated classes of the larger cities had, moreover, gradually grown too critical to accept the extravagances of romanticism in toto. There was, without doubt, even a weariness of the highly refined emotional and intellectual life of the past age. Also to these circles of society, therefore, the peasant literature in its novelty and charni made an appeal. Bjornson was peculiarly adapted to expound the life of the peasant classes. As a man of intellect and sentiment, he was consciously their superior only in his artistic genius. He shared their views of human life. In Synnove SolhakJcen (1857) and in Arne (1858), for example, the Norwegian people rediscovered their own characteristic traits and yearn- ings. In remarkable artistry these short stories combined lyric and idyllic features with others of commonplace and blunt reality. Thus was provided a natural and acceptable step toward the developing literary method of realism. Bjornson's tales of peasant life were followed by lyric poetry and dramatic writings. The earlier dramas, begin- ning with Between the Battles (1857), deal with historic sub- ject matter. They are characterized by their poetry, rather than by any technical perfection. In 1865, however, in The Newly-Married Couple (De Nygifte) the dramatist seized upon a theme directly out of the actual modern conditions which surrounded him. The characters which he portrays are of the poet's own time, of his own sphere of culture. Although not entirely successful, the undertaking was a bold and significant one. Bjomstjerne Bjomson SI The motive which Bjornson chose was as interesting as it was original. It was nothing more nor less than the psycho- logical s.tudy of the experiences of a young woman who leaves the home of her parents for that of her husband, in short, the transformation from daughter to wife. The theme was not free from hazard, and the treatment of it presented difficul- ties enough, especially in a time which was accustomed to feel that poetry should keep itself aloof from the everyday. At this time Bjornson was still sufficiently a child of his age to be satisfied with a poetic generalization. The sup- pressed and indirect treatment of the subject, discarded as passe to-day, served then to enlist the sympathy of the pub- lic. There is really not much of an attempt to adequately unravel the individual psychological problems which the theme offers. The dialogue, too, removes the play from real- ity. Yet in spite of the conventions and concessions, the lit- tle play was a discreet beginning. Early in the 'seventies a new literary movement began in Denmark which quickly spread into Norway. Soren Kierke- gaard (1813—1855) had, filled the air with ideas of psycho- logic experiment, observation, and essay. Now Herbert Spencer, Darwin, John Stuart Mill, Hippolyte Taine, Max Miiller, current on the continent at least a decade earlier, entered the intellectual, literary, and religious life of the re- ceptive Norwegians. Bjomson's earlier inclination toward realism received an emphatic support and impetus. He de- termined to embody the new thought in dramatic form. His first success in the social drama was The Editor (1874), a rather uncertain and encumbered product of the new order. The next endeavor, A Bankruptcy, 1875, was far more suc- cessful.^ 2 The third great dramatist of the North, August Strindberg, puts the situation concisely: ^ Ihsen m Germcmy A Bankruptcy w&s the first attempt in Scandinavian liter- ature to expose the domestic life of a family and to detect a dramatic conflict in everyday existence. It was entirely new for a dramatist to deal seriously with the common-place theme of business and finance. Although dismissed by the critics of the time, the play experienced a speedy success not only in Scandinavia, but in other European countries as well. Unless Ibsen's drama of political satire, The League of Youth (1869), be included in the list of social dramas, there is no question that Bjornson anticipated his rival by two dramas of this nature, at least. The League of Youth, more- over, was not a little influenced by The Newly-Married Couple. The story of Ibsen's and Bjornson's reciprocal in- fluence is a remarkable phenomenon in the history of the modern drama. It was usually the latter's versatile and enthusiastic mind that made a new discovery which the for- mer's severe and persistent mentality perfected.^ After 1877, the year in which Ibsen's FUlars of Society appeared, the growing vogue of Ibsen almost completely in- undated Bjornson although he continued to produce dra- matic literature which posterity will enjoy for a long time to " In fact in these two plays. The Editor and A Bankruptcy, the mod- ern drama was ushered into Scandinavia, — and presented with a vigor which entailed certain annihilation to all Beaux-esprits. The plays were rockets which ascended into the clear hefivens to call forth volleys, the echo of which we have not yet forgotten. Bjornson had interpreted his r61e seriously; he had hoped to carry on the strife in earnest. But the public bad accustomed itself to be ^mused by its poets, and did not want to hear them preach. People liked, at that time, to make beautiful verses about liberty and the rights of mankind, but it was the beautiful verses, not the cause itself, in which the people found satisfaction." (Strindberg; BjSmstjeme Bjornr- ton; Freie Biihne, 1891, p. 215. See Appendix, p. 173.) s Thus Between the Battles furnished the clue for The Vikings at HelgeUmd. Then, although The League of Youth exerted no mean in- fluence upon The Editor and A Bankruptcy, the latter gave the impulse to Ibseii's first effective social drama, The Pillars of Society. Bjomstjerne Bjomson 23 come. Bjornson's significance in the modern drama seems at present to suffer from a temporary eclipse. An objective and analytical, in short, an historical, judgment will be likely to assign to him a higher place in the annals of dramatic art than is usually admitted. In Germany Bjornson's career in many ways duplicated that at home. His short novels, which had become very popular, opened the way for the dramas. In the spring of 1873, antedating any performance of Ibsen about two years, the court players of the Duke of Meiningen presented the one act play Between the Battles.* The critic, Karl Frenzel, whose attitude toward the coming art, as will be noted hereafter, seemed to be one of constant antagonism, conceded to this play the charm, the fresh and effective originality of the author's prose tales.® Since Frenzel's criticisms will be met with not infrequently, a brief statement of his position here at the outset will require no justification. Before and during the seventies Karl Frenzel was looked upon as the high priest of theater criticism in Berlin, and for a number of years later he remained if not the, at least an authority. In 1877, he published his Berliner Dramaturgie, a compilation of critical articles which had appeared in the Berlin Nationaheittmg since 1862. In his critique Frenzel is to some degree a supporter of realism; he sees in realism the only possible basis from which the theater may rise.® The significance of the comedy, for example, must be intensi- fied; it must become, it was his opinion, more and more a mirror of the time. That was the day's problem of the dramatist. * Zwisohen den Scklachten, 1857. fi Deutsche Rundschau 6, 1876; p. 138. « Frenzel: Berliner Dramaturgie I, p. 131. 2.4 Ibsen in Germcmy Lindau's Maria amd Magdalene, to cite an illustration, was noted with approval because the play reflects modern life : Paul Lindau is • sensible of modern existence. He stands in the midst of the present movements and struggles. If he is de- ficient in the ability to penetrate to the sources of these currents, their cause and essence, he has, to compensate for this lack, the talent to seize, quickly and readily, the most conspicuous phe- nomena, the foibles and mistakes of society . . .'' Though commending Lindau's theme, Frenzel seriously ob- jected® to the treatment of it. Relating the dramatic con- flict, rather than presenting it on the stage, was, in the critic's opinion, an undue imposition upon the credulity of an audi- ence. The intrusion of epic elements in the drama Frenzel consistently opposed. Nor could he reconcile himself to an- other tendency of the time, namely, the inclination, as it was interpreted, of transforming the theater into an educational establishment (Erziehtmgsam^talt) . In 1875, The Newly-Married Cov/ple and A Bankruptcy ® were staged at Berlin. Frenzel, in the Deutsche Rundschau, his critical organ, expresses the opinion that these dramas did not fulfill expectations. Referring to the latter one, he admits that everything presented is true, but unfortunately also commonplace, a sketch " grey in grey." ^^ Paul Lindau in Die Gegenwart,^^ on the other hand, ascribes to the drama the deepest and most overwhelming im- pression that anything on the stage had efi'ected in years. In the same volume of Lindau's magazine ^^ The Newly-Mar- 1 Frenzel: Berliner Dramaturgie I, p. 317. See Appendix, p. 173. 8 Ibid, p. 318. « Die Neuvermdhlten, 1S65 ;Ein Fallissement, 1874. in Detdsche Rundschau, 6, 1876 ; p. 138. "Die (Jesremoort 8, 1875; p. 369. izDj« Oegemowrt 8, 187S; p. 91. Bjornstjerne Bjornson 25 ried Couple receives favorable comment as an ingenious and finely drawn composition successful to a high degree in cap- tivating the audience. The psychological mood and analysis, the penetrating character portrayal, the success with which the psychological interest compensates for and replaces ex- ternal action are recognized as commendable factors. By 1886 both plays had been included in the repertory of all the leading theaters.-'* Thus they served to turn the gaze of the young literary generation northward from whence their great teacher was to come. A Bankruptcy was the frail beginning of the new drama which burst forth with full force in Ibsen.-'* isMoritz Necker: Bjornstjerne Bjornson; Die Orenzboten, 1886, 3; p. 316. 1* In a prospectus sent to the members of the Free Theater at Ber- lin, Bjomson's Gaaintlet was listed for the sixth performance of the first year: Henrik Ibsen Ghosts Gerhart Hauptmann Before Dawn Edmond and Jules de Goncourt Henriette Marichal Count Leo Tolstoy The Powers of Darkness Ludwig Anzengruber The Fourth (in English the Fifth) Com- mandment Bjornstjerne Bjornson A Gauntlet Arthur Fltger By Grace of Heaven August Strindberg The Father (See Otto Brahm: Kritische Schriften, pp. 251, 252). The actual order of presentation: Sept. 29, Ibsen Ghosts Oct. 30, Hauptmann Before Dawn Nov. 17, Goncourt Henriette Marichal Dec. 15, Bjornson A Gauntlet (Frenzel: Deutsche Rundschau 62, 1890; p. 316). Bjornson's strong impression at the beginning of the new movement was repeated toward the close of the period by his drama Beyond Hu^ man Power, 1896. The excitement it engendered Witkowski (Das deut- sche Drama, p. 112) would attribute to the theme rather than to any direct merit of the play itself. CHAPTER III IBSElf IN 6EEMANY DUKING THE SEVENTIES AFTER having experienced a number of years of con- tinued adversity, Ibsen, at the age of thirty-six, left his native country (April, 1864) and settled in Rome. Here he sojourned four years in solitude, recognized by few, known — one might almost say — by none. Otto Brahm, in an early essay, sketches a vivid portrait of the great dramatist at this period : When I arrived in Rome last spring, I was to deliver greetings to Henrik Ibsen. The imdertaking met with the unexpected difficulty that the dwelling of the poet could not be located; neither the Rome directory, which knows little, nor the foreign quarter of the city, which knows everything, could sup- ply the information. To be sure, it was said that Ibsen had been living in Rome for a number of years; occasionally he was seen walking along the Corso, alone in the crowd; but no one had daUy converse with him, no one had caught a glimpse of his lodging. At last I was informed that the poet, with in- exorable regularity, visited the Cafe Aranjo at seven o'clodk each evening. I stepped in, and having given an approximate! description, received the confirmation that he, whom I was seeking, was a daily guest at the place. He must be a German, I was told, many Germans greet him, though none speaks with \ him. He always sits alone at his table. Meanwhile Ibsen approached, — a man of medium height and strong physique, a head of decided energy and severity, of a type which might have aroused the ■ imaginative faculty of Michael Angelo. An abundance of gray hair rises from a 26 Ibsen m Germany Durmg the Seventies 27 forehead fully rounded by intellectual labor. Spectacles do not conceal the small blue-grey eyes which look about with keen observation and seem to pierce through the exterior into the very soul of things. A slight smile plays about the thin lips, which cautiously contract. The spreading beard is cut in Eng- lish fashion and lends to the determined head a characteristic finality. An acquaintance was quickly established, and soon I discov- ered from the poet himself how profoundly the loneliness of his existence is grounded in his view of life. With his Enemy of the People Ibsen speaks : " The strongest man in the world is he who stands (most) alone." ^ In the atmosphere which had inspired Goethe in his work on IpMgenie and Tasso, Ibsen completed his Brand, which Emanuel Brunn would describe as a "work of the most rugged type, pervaded with protestant ideas and replete with the categorical imperative. But in the midst of the forces of an unyielding will, the poet placed the wife and mother Agnes, as doomed and helpless as a stray butterfly among the frightful i^ountain wastes of Norway, — a poetic figure, as Imogen or Gretchen, of the first rank." ^ Quitting Rome, Ibsen passed three months in the -^lps>.A then proceeded northward to Dresden, where, on a tour in|| the interests o*f theatrical art, in 1852, he had spent two months to acquaint himself with the German theater. While living in Dresden, the dramatist became a member of a liter- ary club which he attended without taking part, save rarely, in the discussions. His small circle of associates included Count Wolf Baudissin and Hermann Hettner. But Ibsen considered friends a luxury which he could hardly afford, so iBrahm: DeuUche Bimdschwu 49, 1886; p. 193. See appendix, pp. 173 174 zBrunn: Magazin f. d. Lit- d. Auilandes 99, 1881, I; pp. 73, U. Ap- pendix, pp. 174, 175. 28 Ihsen m Germcmy he continued to lead his habitual existence in solitude and seclusion. In the spring of 1875, more than ten years after his volun- tary exile, Ibsen with his family moved to Munich, which remained his home, excepting the intervals of 1878—79 and 1881-85, until 1891. His external appearance now under- went a change. The poet who formerly dressed in a velve- tine jacket became the gentleman of affairs in a frock coat. The previous life of a recluse was not discontinued ; yet Ibsen grew more sociable, not only associating with his countrymen, but also with various German artists, among them Wilhelm Hertz and Paul Heyse. It was at Munich that the dramatist revolted against the poetic style of his earlier works and turned to the reproduc- tion of actual life. The Pillars of Society issued forth as the first product of the new regimen. It had been Ibsen's expectation to create with the new play a great deal of excitement and discussion, but he was doomed to disappointment. Danish taste pronouned The Pillars of Society too German.* Such criticism may in part account for the relative coolness with which the play was received in Norway, where German political and cultural influences had always been more or less protested. " Ibsen himself entertained no slight aversion toward Ger- many ; Prussia, in the unequal struggle with Denmark, with which his youthful and sanguine sympathy rested, particu- larly kindled his ire. By 1870 this personal hatred had quite abated. Still, in the political policy and expansion of the North German Kingdom, Ibsen beheld the foe to an early realization of his ideal. He wrote to Georg Brandes (Dres- den, December 20, 1870) : 3Cf. Edmund Gosse: Henrik Ibsen, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1907. Ihsen in Germcmy During the Seventies 29 The old illusory France has collapsed. As soon as the actual Prussia does the same, we shall be, with one bound, in the genesis of a new age. How ideas will tumble down about us! And in truth it is time. Up to the present we have been living on nothing but the crumbs from the revolutionary table of the last century, and that fare has been chewed and sufficiently chewed again. The old concepts are in need of renovation. Liberty, equality, and fraternity are no longer the same things they were in the days of the late guillotine. That is what the politicians will not understand, and therefore I hate them. They want revolutions only in externals, in the realm of politics, etc. But all that is nonsense. The important thing is the revolt o:^ man's spiritual self.* '' Such was the man whose versatility was to contribute to youthful Germany, as a unit and in dramatic form, what the French and Russian authors had offered separately (the detailed portrayal of miHeu, the minute analysis of psycho-- logical phenomena). He was the one to aid Jwngst Deutsch- lamd most in recreating order out of chaos, the Gotterdam- merung of what had been and the inauguration of what was to be, of which each seer of the century had had a different vision.^ The first of Ibsen's writings to appear in German were his lyric poems, published by a certain Edmund Lobedanz in An Album of North Germanic Poetry,^ Leipsic, 1868. Ap- parently they received no attention at this time. Two years earlier, John Grieg, brother of the composer had attempted -to put The Pretenders '' into German iambics.* The trans- * Breve fra Henrik Ibsen I. Appendix, p. ITS. 5 For a brief and excellent comparison of Zola, Tolstoy, Dostoevski, and Ibsen consult Soergel: Dichtung wnd Dichter der Zeit, pp. 156, 157. » A Ibvmi nordgermanischer Dichtung. 7 Done into English, 1890; into French, 1893; into Russian, 1896. 8 Concerning The Pretenders in verse, see Ibsen's letters to John Grieg, from Rome, March 22, 1866 ; and to Michael Birkeland, from Rome, May 4, 1866. 30 Ibsen m German^/ lation found no publisher. A similar fate awaited Siebold's translation ^ of Brand,^° made in 1869, until 1872. During that year, however, The Pretenders and The League of Youth ^^ also issued from the German press. Brand immediately enlisted the greatest interest among translators ; in 1874, a second translation appeared, two years later, a third. The tense dramatic scenes of the " dra- matic poem " were admired, but any thought of presenting it on the stage was dismissed as infeasible.-'^ Of interest is the first comment on The Pretenders and The League of Youth on account of its mild conservatism and re- serve: The Pretenders is a daring play of great vitality, of wealth in ideas, and of a beautiful diction; and we could easily imagine its success, were it skillfully arranged for our stage. An equally favorable prognostication we would not dare to make for the second play. The Leagu^ of Youth. It deals with the political machinery of the day. Although many of its characters are to be found among us, the conditions portrayed are too foreign to us to engender any lively interest in them in spite of all the recognition due the structure and the language of the play.^' In 1873, Adolf Strodtmann, the translator of The Pre- tenders and The League of Youth, in a volume entitled The Intellectual Life vn Demmark utters this prophecy: "It will not be long before the fame of the poet will resound over the furthermost lands." ^* 9 Concerning Siebold's Brand, see Ibsen's letter to Frederik Hegel, from Dresden, March 14., 1869. Cf. Breve fra H. I., I, p. 319. 10 Appeared in English, 1891 ; in French, 1895. 11 Appeared in English, 1890; in French, 1893; in Russian, 1896. 12 J. H.: Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 86, 1874, 2; p. 454 fl. 13 J. H,! Henrik Ibsen, ein nonpeffiecher Dram,atiker; Magaxin f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 83, 1872, 3; p. 367 ff. Appendix, pp. ITS, 176. i*Daj geisUge Leben in DSnemark. Cf. Arnold: Das moderns Drama, pp. 148, 149. Ibsen m Germany Dwring the Seventies 31 Strodtmann's book was reviewed by H. Riickert in the Grenzboten of the same year, under the title, Recent En- deavors to a Mutual Understanding between Germany amd Denmark.^^ After a rather prolonged discussion of the un- friendly attitude of the two countries toward each other, — their once existing intimacy had been disrupted by the war of 1864 — the reviewer concludes that the volume in ques- tion affords almost sufficient proof that Denmark can offer modern Germany little, at any rate, little that is wholesome or beneficial. The detailed analysis of the modern Danish writers,^^ whom the Germans do not comprehend anyway, Riickert finds regrettable and would have preferred a history of the development of the cultural life in Denmark, speci- fically Cbpenhagen. The antagonistic view to which Riickert gives voice is rep- / resentative of no small number of critics and literati whose / nationalism obscures a purely aesthetic judgment. Yet even with nationalism excluded, — it goes without^ saying — un- impassioned observation is practically impossible at the threshold of a new era. Each time is repeated the " battle of the books," with the victory foreordained to the new. Thus, another student of literature, though regretting the step-motherly way in which Bjomson is disposed of, com- mends Strodtmann's volume to all who would acquaint them- selves with Danish conditions. *''' The court theater at Meiningen introduced Ibsen to the German stage in 1875, with the presentation of The Pre- tenders. The play was retained in the repertory for subse- quent production and was staged at Berlin, in June, 1876. isNeueste deutsch-damache VerstancUgungsveriuche; Grenzboten 1873, ^, II; p. 253 ff. 16 Wergeland, Welhaven, Bjamson, Ibsen. 17 W. L.: Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandea 84, 1873, 3; p. 462 ff. Strodt- mann dedicates 3 pages to BjSmson, 55 to the " no wise greater Ibsen." 82 Ibsen m Germany Karl Frenzel in the Deutsche Rundschau gives a brief re- vieiv of the performance. According to him, the poet does not lack eiFective diction, dramatic movement, talent to create characteristic personalities; but, on the other hand, he is too deficient in dramatic construction, in the ability in a simple majiner to dispose of powerful masses and to work a plot out properly. Upon the German audience, to the temper and nationality of which the play does not appeal, The Pretenders has the effect of a Staatsaction. It is a waste of time, money, and endeavor, to exert oneself to present plays, which, in spite of their poetic value, never can be naturalized upon the German stage because of their fundamental attributes, which are foreign to us for all time.^* The scenes in their variety and abundance were the ob- jects of praise. The phases of the work peculiarly Ibsenian, — his tendency to subjectivize his theme, seemed to be dis- turbing. Although performed in Berlin several times, in Munich and in Schwerin, The Pretenders was fated to leave hardly a trace except the memory of the author's name. In April of 1876, The Vikmgs at Helgdcmd was presented at Munich, in October of the same year at Vienna and Dres- den. Nothing I have been able to find indicates that these performances occasioned any particular enthusiasm or dis- cussion. That the drama, however, must have aroused some interest and approval seems to be warranted by the fact that afterwards it continued to appear occasionally in the reper- tories of both court and municipal theaters. Two years passed. Then, in 1878, five theaters ^® at Ber- lin presented The Pillars of Society ^° within a fortnight, 18 Frenzel: Dewtsche Bundschau 8, 1876; p. IS*. Appendix, p. 176. 18 Cf. Table B, p. 139. 20 First played at Odense, then at Copenhagen, Nov. 18, 1877; Bergen, Ibsen m GerTrumy During the Seventies 33 success iwithout parallel in the annals of Berlin theaters, ^renzel could not repress his displeasure. If native productions are to be consigned to the ash heap, .nd foreign literature fostered, it is Frenzel's opinion, a lational drama is out of the question. In view of the mass if foreijgn material with which German literature is inun- lated, in view of the exaggerated praise the former receives, rrenzel is surprised that native authors are to be found writ- ng at all. Turning to Ibsen's plays, he finds the " lion's paw of the )oet everywhere, the bom dramatist nowhere. The lyric md epic elements outweigh the dramatic structure of the !ompositions to such a degree that a performance of them is lot to be considered at all without a most reckless application )f the blue pencil." ^^ The Pillars of Society is a novel, by main force put into iramatic form. That is the reason the exposition continues nto the third act, and a single act suffices for the deed )f the hero. And this deed, characteristic of Ibsen, is a long speech. When the epic writer leaves the stage, the rhetoric- al! enters. Ibsen's play has the irrefutable purpose of presenting the Simsy morality of those who are fond of posing as the pil- lars of society. As such, it is unusually effective and a cut- bing censure of social conditions as they are. In conclusion, Frenzel reiterates that Ibsen is, of course, a poet, but no iramatist. Nov. 30, 1877; Stockholm, Dec. 13, 1877; Kristiania (in Swedish), March r, 1879; Munich, Residenztheater, Feb. S, 1878; Vienna, Stadttheater Laubes, Feb. 22, 1878. During the same year in 25 other theaters in Germany and Austria; London, Dec. IS, 1880; New York, German Thea- ter, Dec, 1889; Rome, Jan., 1893; Paris, June, 1896. Reich (Ibsens Dramen, p. 185) concludes that The Pillars of Society established Ibsen's international reputation. 21 Frenzel: Deutsche Rundschau, 14, 1878; p. 48S. Appendix, p. 176. 34 Ibsen m Germamy The purely theatrical aspects of the play had a striking effect upon the audience. If not in general as agreeably acceptable as Bjornson's Bankrwptcy,^"^ The Pillars of So- ciety engendered a greater excitement, — which was, however, only transient for the immediate public.^* The play, on ac- count of its popularity, served to prepare the way for its successor. In passing, the first presentation of Lady Inger of Ostrat, in the same year (1878), must receive mention. During the second half of the decade, four plays were translated : The Vikings at Helgeland,^* 1876 ; ^^ Lady In- ger of Ostrat, 1877 ;^« The FUlars of Society, 1878 ;2^ A DM's House,^^ 1879.2* The " Reclam Universalbibliothek " 22 Bjomson's play deals with an individual occurrence which, though frequent enough, leaves society as a whole intact. The Pillars of Society shows the intimate relation between the individual and his community, and thus exposes the weaknesses in the latter as well as those in the former. In A Bcmkrwptcy the social equipoise is not disturbed, or, if disturbed, re-establishes itself; in the P. o. 8., on the other hand, there seems little hope of restoring it. The further the investigation of so- ciety is carried, as in the case of the " Indian Girl," the worse its con- dition is found to be. The latter is, of course, a far less comfortable analysis of the problem. 23 Not transient, as will be seen later, for the enthusiasts of the com- ing drama. Fritz Mauthner, for instance, wrote in the Deutsches Montagvblatt (Jan., 1878), that the critics might now be satisfied, after weeks of fasting, with this admirable play. In the same article Mauth- ner makes a comparison between Ibsen and the more celebrated Bjorn- son, who still ranked in the critic's judgment as the greater dramatist. (Cf. Stein: Henrik Ibsen, p. 3.) 2* Under the title Nordische Heerfahrt. 20 The Vikings was translated into English, 1890; French, 1893; Rus- sian, 1892. 26 Lady Inger into English, 1890, Russian, 1896. 2T The Pillars of Society into Czech, 1879; English, 1888; Italian, 1893; French, 1893; Dutch, 1893; Russian, 1896. 28 First known as Nora. 29 A Doll's House into English, 1880, Russian, ISS^, French, 1889. Also into Portuguese, Polish, Serbian, Croatian, Hungarian, Finnish, Dutch, Italian, and others. Ibsen m Germany During the Seventies 35 edition of Ibsen's plays was begun by the translation of The Pillars of Society (Wilhelm Lange's) just mentioned. This edition became a potent factor in propagating the acquaint- ance of Ibsen's art and philosophy. During the seventies a yearning for a new national drama arose in Germany and grew intense. Quite common was the opinion that it should arise from within, and that the exist- ing preponderance of foreign literature was a detriment. Those who looked beyond the borders of their fatherland were inclined to consider France as the probable source of the new inspiration. A feeling was current that the North in its essential character was foreign to German temper and sympathy, hence that no contribution need be expected from that source. The seventies were, therefore, as far as Ibsen was con- cerned, rather impervious. His time was not yet. Though admitted to be a poet, he was not considered a dramatist. His diction was admired. His technique was a subject for debate. The Pillwrs of Society was confused with the fa- miliar pi^ce a tMse. CHAPTER, IV GATHERING POUCES, 1880— 1886 AT its appearance, in 1879, A Doll's House ^ had set fire to Scandinavia. The author was reviled; the play denounced as an outrage, an insult to society. Fortunately a few, but brilliant and stauncAi admirers, among them the Danish critic, Georg Brandes, were at hand to support the author and his play. The excitement in the North hardly had begun when the presentation of the drama at Berlin,^ in 1880, ignited a second nation. Nor was the conflagration to stop here ; it spread over Europe and beyond. Paul LindaU reviewed the play in The Gegenistart? The discussion opens with a trial of Nora Helmer at a civil court. The final verdict is simple forgery without mercenary mo- tives ; the sentence, one day's imprisonment. This incidetit may serve as an index, as typical, of the un- usual and extreme interest of the play immediately com- manded. Its predecessor the German public had interpreted as directed against a society not its own, although parallels might have been drawn. But now it felt its own integrity attacked. Debate, often violent, concerned itself with every 1 Nora was first played in Copenhagen, Dec. 21, 1879 j then in Stock- holm, Jan. 8, 1880; Bergen, Jan. 30, 1880; Helsingfors (Finland), Feb. 35, 1880; Munich, Residenztheater, March 3, 1880; Hamburg; Dresden Hannover; Berlin, Nov. 22, 1880; Vienna, Stadttheater, Sept. 8, 1881 St. Petersburg, Nov., 1881; Warsaw, Feb., 1982; London, Marcli 3, 1884. then also in Italy, Spain, Belgium, Holland, Hungary, Egypt, Australia, North America. It was the first of Ibsen's plays to win a place in the French repertory, April, 1894. 2 Not the initial performance in Germany; see note 1, this page. 8 Die GeffetmaH 18, 1880; p. 346 ff. 36 Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 37 aspect of the drama, the social, the aesthetic, the philosophi'-] cal. The Pillars of Society had been a revolt ; Nora created 1 a revolution in the thought of the civilized world. And that, J by the way, was exactly what Ibsen wanted. Theater managers and dramatists opposed the new drama with as much vigor as conventional society. It was acci- dental, tihe caprice of an actress, that the play was given at all at this time. Lindau first of all directs his criticism against the plausi- bility of the motivation. The incident portrayed, in his opin- ion, might result in a closer and more intimate relation be- tween husband and wife, in the husband's better understand- ing and greater appreciation of his wife, — in almost anything except in that conclusion that Ibsen draws. The lasting estrangement of the husband and wife, the separation of the mother from her children are impossible. Lindau is willing to follow the plot, even with warmth and interest, to the point at which the document is no longer threatening. But Ibsen's endeavor to consider this disposed of stumbling block a boulder against which the respectable and peaceful marriage of eight years' duration is wrecked, is incomprehensible to the critic. He shakes his head and the sympathy he has had for the hero and the heroine falls forfeit. As far as Helmer is concerned, everything is explicable and pardonable, except that in his taiiinial he allows himself to be brutal, grievously charging Nora with her father's character- istic thoughtlessness. Nora, on the other hand, is unin- telligible. She is Helmer's joyful companion ; she strews the path of the tormented husband with roses; she furnishes amusement for his leisure hours ; she becomes the mother of his children. And is this not a worthy mission for a wife? Nora does not seem to think so. She is the misunderstood 38 Ibsen m Germany woman. Her husband is no longer her ideal, and she can, therefore, no longer love him. Because she no longer loves him she is unable to remain under his roof. She scarcely con- siders her children at all, and when she does, it is with an in- conceivable lack of mother-love. If it were not so Nora could not leave them without compunction. Lindau asks if this be credible. Nora may think her action noble; it is not only atrocious, it is unpardonable. In the middle of the last act, a new play with new char- acters begins. This, not to mention all the others, is a de- plorable error in the composition of the drama. The audi- ence is not sufficiently ductile to follow the dramatist in his complete transformation of the persons. As charming as Nora is as an unobtrusive wife, so repulsive she becomes as a misunderstood woman. Although there is nothing which is oflPensive to the public feeling of shame, still the play is more questionable than the coarsest piece des inoeurs of the French school. The great poetic talent and eloquence of the author in giving expression to unhealthy feeling and emotion, the reviewer fears, will greatly increase the ranks of the Misunderstood by disturb- ing the balance of those naturally addicted to this malady. That nonsense should triumph, and reason go down in defeat is the immoral aspect of the situation. Lindau does not comprehend why the picture need be darkened further by such a character as Dr. Rank. Nor is it clear to him why Fru Linde should insist upon Torwald's knowing the truth of the whole matter. Still, that the play end with a reconciliation, to which Ibsen, reluctantly enough, acceded in a subsequent version," 2 Though written expressly for the Berlin actress Frau Hedwig Nie- mann-Raabe, who declared she could never leave her children, the con- ciliatory ending was preferred by such leading dramaturgists as Laube Gaihermg Forces, 1880-1886 39 Lindau finds intolerable, because a wrong conclusion from the premises the author accepts. The review concludes with the somewhat lame admission that Ibsen is a true poet, his language and technic admirable. It is obvious from Lindau's statements that Ibsen's fuU originality, which reveals itself in the latter half of the third' act, was the main point of contention. As long as the dra- matist had continued in the rather orthodox ways of the theater, no protests were occasioned. Frenzel's interpretation in the Deutsche RundschoM,^ in most points coincides with that of Lindau. Still a few re- marks may be appended. Nora is a play which gains the consideration of even those who feel its purpose and form repulsive. The peculiar talent of the author exercises a charm, though Ibsen is by no means of Vienna and Maurice of Hamburg. Though soon settled for the stage, the problem continued to interest the critics for some time to come. Steiger, for instance, still argues that the original conclusion, though logically correct, is poetically a failure, resembling the logical solution of a chess problem more than the unreasonableness of actual life. (Steiger: Das Werden. del neuen Dramas I, p. 190.) The lines substi- tuted for the original ending read as follows; NoBA. That our life together would be real wedlock. Good-bye. {She is about to go.) Helmee. (Takes her by the arm.) Go, if you must, but see your chil- dren for the last time. NoEA. Let me go. I don't want to see them. I cannot. Helkeb. (Draws her toward the door at the left.) You must see them. (Opens the door and says softly:) Do you see,— there they sleep carefree and quietly. To-morrow when they awaken and call for their mother, they will have none. NoBA. (Trembling.) No mother . . . Helmee. As you have had none. NoHA. No mother! (Struggles ■within, lets her bag fall and says:) Oh, I am sinning against myself, but I cannot leave them. (She sinks down at the door.) Helmee. (Happy, says softly:) Nora! (The curtain falls.) (Appendix, pp. IT'S, 177.) i Deutsche Bundscham, 26, 1881; pp. 306, 308 ff. 40 Ibsen m Germany a master of dramatic form. The long narratives and de- scriptions, which are supposed to elucidate the intricate and confused plot, the accurate and minute dissection of the human soul, proper enough in a novel, — one of George Eliot's, for example, are tedious and confusing. Frenzel perceives in the play a purpose to instruct, to offer a subject for serious reflection. What does Ibsen want to prove in Nora? That the laws that punish forgery are unjust.!" The laws are entirely just, and an imprison- ment of a day's or of a week's duration, to which Nora would have been consigned, without the slightest blot to her honor, were insigniflcant to the tortures she endures through three acts. If the author, however, meant to portray in Nora a great misunderstood woman, to reveal the secret sorrow of a family externally happy, he has failed in his impression as far as the critic is concerned. The tragic hero succumbs to the moral law, he does not violate it. Nora reverses the conception of duty. Yet the greatest error lies in the incongruity of the two phases of Nora's nature. Whoever thinks as Nora does in the last act is incapable of being the Nora in the first act. Thus A Doll's House was a failure in every particular. The actors were unsuccessful, and one might apply the same term to public and critic. Georg Brandes sadly remarked that Ibsen would never be understood in Germany.* One man only, in spite of many other misconceptions, un- derstood Nora's going, and he alone had the courage in the face of general opposition to assert its necessity. This man was Friedrich Spielhagen." Unaccustomed to the in- creased demands Ibsen exacted from the audience, Spielhagen \ * Georg Brandes (1843-), the well known Danish critic, resided in Ger- rtiany, 1877-1883. BKerr: Do* ne«e Drama, p. 28. Also Zabel, Unsere Zeit, 1881, 1; p. £30. Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 41 felt that an epic treatment of the material would have been preferable. Thus might those elements be made clear that in dramatic form were obscure or ambiguous. After 1880, translations left the press in great numbers. They were made without consideration of the peculiar artis- tic excellencies of the original, and without the purpose or the ability to do them justice. The further fact that Ibsen was first widely knowTi in Ger- many, and in other countries, as the author of A Doll's , House and, later, of Ghosts was a second significant factor i in the extravagant misconceptions of the man, his character, his genius, — misconceptions which were current for several decades, perhaps to the end of the century. In 1881, Ludwig Passarge's translations of Peer Gynt ® and the Poems appeared. In 1883, An Enemy of the Peo- ple '' was issued in the " Reclara " edition. Although pub- lished in 1881, Ghosts * was not done into German until 1884. To the professional translator, the drama seemed without theatrical prospects of any kind ; he had, therefore, conserved his time and energy. Peer Gynt was coolly received. Ernest Wichert ® was the first to call attention to the very peculiar and interesting drama, which one must know to speak intelligently about Ibsen. As Goethe had portrayed in Faust the incarnation of the unrestricted passion for knowledge, Wichert continues his comment, Ibsen here considers the absolute dominion of phantasy and imagination, which, as the desire for knowl- edge, are integral factors of human nature. Herein lies the essential interest of the poem. 8 Peer Oynt, into English, 1893; French, 1896; Russian, 1897. I An Enemy of the People, into English,. 1888; French, 1892; Russian, 1891. 8 Ghosts, into English, 1885, French, 1889; Russian, 1891. » Wichert: Henrik Ibsen; Im neuen Reich, 1880, 2; p. 889 £f. 43 Ibsen in German^/ But even the most sanguine admirer of the poet must admit that the poem is ambiguous. It lacks the certain guidance step by step to the height which affords an unobstructed view of the whole. One seems to be in a house of many rooms^ each with three or more doors; one is never certain of having chosen the right exit, and in the next room the dilemma is renewed. That urges one on either to understand the intricate plan, or to conclude that it is aU nonsense. He who would attempt to es- tablish the unity of the theme, or, vice versa, to prove that no unity exists, would have to write a commentary which might eas- ily comprise a volume. . . . Even he who regards the whole as a book of seven seals will find scenes of great dramatic power, passages of poetic beauty, clever axioms, in abundance.^" Eugen Zabel is even less enthusiastic. Peer Gynt is too unreal, too insubstantial to sustain one's sympathy and in- terest. Finally, every reader recalls that Peer Gynt is the son of an inebriate father and a mad mother, and begins to assign the problem not to poesy, but to pathology, — where, it is our opin- ion, it belongs.^^ A third commentator, Emanuel Brunn,^* is not prepared to draw an immediate conclusion. Even with devotion and close attention, the reader must not hope to fathom the poem in one perusal. Peer Gynt, in this respect, resembles certain musical composi- tions, which only reveal themselves after being heard repeatedly, — a fugue of Bach, or one of Beethoven's last great masterpieces. It required decades to appreciate the Ninth Symphony. It must 10 Wichert, Im neuen Reich, 1880, 2; p. 901. Appendix, p. 177. 11 Zabel, Unsere Zeit, 1881, 1 ; p. S27. Appendix, p. 177. 12 Brunn: Peer Oynt von Henrik Ihien; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Aualamdes 99, 1881; p. 73 ff. Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 4.3 not be overlooked that Fidelia met with the greatest opposition when first presented; that decades passed before a poet as Heinrich von Kleist received mere mention.^* r Ibsen was performed little during these years. In 1881, ^ora was presented at Munich. Critical literature of an appreciative type was the contribution of the half decade. The first endeavor in Germany to. engender an appreciation of the dramatist and his works was an essay (from which has been quoted on the preceding page) by Eugen Zabel, pub- lished in Unsere Zeit, 1881." The author of Nora is a lion, and as such, disdains to occupy himself with bagatelles. Without being molested the sparrows may alight near him ; he does not notice them, while in anger he springs against the door and iron gratings of his prison. It is inexplicable that no one has yet pointed out the similarity between Ibsen's creed and the German pessimism. It is so striking that only blindfolded eyes can fail to see it. The easiest way to familiarize oneself with Ibsen is to re- gard him as a lyric poet. Thus an insight, is procured into his peculiar genius, which upon the first attempt at ac- quaintance seems anything but intelligible. AH thoughts and feelings seem enveloped in a veil of mist, like the peaks of a mountain range. Occasionally a gust of wind lifts the heavy atmosphere and uncovers definite images and ideas, which are revealed only to be engulfed anew. That is, contemplation plays a far greater role in his writings than imagination and emotion. Only with great efFort can the laliter confine the former within its bounds. Though Ibsen is in possession of a fertile imagination, it is encircled by a frigid sheath of intellect. Often, however, the intellectual ardor is transmuted iato emotional fervor. 13 Ibid, p. 7T. Appendix, pp. 177, 178. ■ 1* Zabel: Eewik Ibsen; Unsere Zeit, 1881, 1 ,• pp. fil3-531. 44 Ibsen m Germany Thus, although many of his works contain only poetically ornamented concepts, his masterpieces are not wanting in genuine poetry of form and color. Three periods may be distinguished in Ibsen's career : the national-historical period, with The Pretenders at its apex ; the romantic-philosophic period, best illustrated by Brand; third, the modern social period, exemplified hj Nora. For the second group of dramas, Ibsen drew much nour- ishment from German culture. His contemplative and pene- trating earnestness leads him to consider the most difficult problems of humanity with the hope of finding a solution. The strength and magnitude of his characters, the scope of his horizon, are perhaps to be designated as his German heritage. (Ibsen's maternal grandfather Was a North Ger- man.) Brand and Peer Gynt were without doubt suggested by Goethe, and, although we are far from placing either one of them in the same class with Faust, — as an incomparable work of art — it is not to be denied that they have in common with it, at least the vastness of plan, the wealth of thought, and the incommensurable form, combined with the most pow- erful poetic revelations of the Germanic spirit. In 1883, L. Passarge published the first monograph in Ger- man on Henrik Ibsen. The importance of the treatise lies primarily in its priority. It was the first tribute to the dramatist to appear in book form (310 pages). Besides an introduction and biography,^^ the volume contains interpre- tative discussions of Ibsen's chief works, from CatUma to Ghosts inclusive. Passarge rates Brand and Peer Gynt as the author's great- est and most characteristic creations. In the social dramas he sees first, Ibsen's desire to deal with psychological prob- " IB Also published in the Maff. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 103, pp. 143 ff., 148 ff. Gathermg Forces, 1880-1888 45 lems ; second, his purpose of holding a mirror before the era. A comparison of Passarge's with the previous comments on A Doll's House is sufficient to illustrate the progress made, individually at least, in the apprehension of the poet and his purpose. When Nora married Torwald Hehner, she passed from her father's hands into those of her husband. The horizon estab- lished for her by the former's moral preachments was now widened by the principles of her husband's aesthetics. Both were entirely superficial. The sufFerings of others, for ex- ample, impressed Torwald not as grievous or sad, but as ugly. Although Nora had lived with him eight years, her husband had never looked upon her as his comrade. He had guided, counseled, protected her, never shared the prob- lems of life with her. Treated as a child she had remained one, not hesitating at childish expedients. If advantageous to her, she would prevaricate, — naively, irresponsibly. The falsehoods never concerned anything of importance and were not, as her husband would think, indications of questionable morality. (Here Passarge touches upon a point which be- came the topic of prolific and heated discussions not entirely confined to the drawing room.) Nora catches the first glimpse of the moral significance of her falsehoods when Torwald relates, in connection with Krogstad's past, of the demoralizing consequences of a lie. Nora cannot comprehend the conventional honor in regard to which her husband is so sensitive. Hence at the crisis she can expect the " wonder of wonders " to happen. Then to take all upon herself, to make the great sacrifice, is her womanly but genuine and deeply tragic logic. Before it, man is helpless, perplexed, even absurd. Nora's sacrifice is de- pendent upon an original sacrifice on the part of her hus- band. This affords her the essential strength and courage. 46 Ibsen in Germany His failure is her failure. And Torwald does fail. The expected great " wonder " does not come to pass. Nora is disillusioned. She realizes that she no more loves her husband, that what had seemed as a marriage had never been a marriage. She cannot return to the past. She recognizes her incapacity to rear her chil- dren ; she herself must be brought up. Torwald can be of no assistance to her. She must leave him. Nora's original sac- rifice for her husband had been the first step in her further development. As she in secret and alone paid the debt through her own work and economy, her independent self unfolded. According to Passarge, Nora's guilt lies in deceiving her husband, in applying the money designed for her needs to the payment of the loan. Nora plays the coquette with Dr. Rank in order to get the needed sum for the final payment from him, and is kept from compromising herself only by a casual remark of his. Her will is thereby strengthened, but her character morally weakened. Torwald is the egotist. Nora is to him not only the one whom he loves, but the one who amuses him, and pleases him when he displays her. The applause she occasions makes him happy. He is no real husband, likewise no real father. It is not accidental that he passes no time with his children. It is obvious from this brief survey that the forgery and its legal disposition have given place to an interest in the in- dividual characters and their relation to each other. What Lindau had maintained impossible in the drama, Passarge finds mathematically logical, the necessary outcome of the deeds and dispositions of the characters. Where Frenzel would have recommended the blue pencil, Passarge admires the exquisite workmanship, the essentiality of each structural detail. Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 47 Passarge's volume is anonymously reviewed in Die Grenz- boten ^^ of the same year. The question is raised : Of what importance is Ibsen to Germany? Much that the author draws from the depths of his soul and philosophical speculations does not impress us with our super-abundant and old literature to the degree it does his countrymen with their recently formed belles lettres. They experience in addition to -the force of poetic expression, the charm of its novelty. The peculiar naturalism combined with the ethics of puritanism and radical politics is foreign to us. Ibsen's work is hardly to be understood, at any rate, hardly enjoyed without keeping in mind constantly the pecul- iar, the individual Norwegian background out of which it sprang. The poet does possess certain qualities which are effective in all places and at all times, which fact justifies Passarge's monograph as an impulse to literati to acquaint themselves with him. It is no simple matter to give a general characterization of Ibsen. Pessimistic elements are in evidence, at times they predominate. In the struggle to attain to the unconditional inner truth of character, in the mortal hatred he cherishes for all sham, Ibsen occasionally oversteps the very narrow boundary between the absolute truth and hopeless despair. His mastery lies in character portrayal. Although skeptical, he differs substantially from the rational satirists of other times. Beneath his hate is concealed a passionate love, be- neath his despair, an ardent desire that order be brought into the modern chaos, that he be the poet to bear the message of deliverance. A free act, — an act, the result of freedom, alone makes men true and free. Love, self-immolation, alone makes men happy. The writer of this review was the first, as far as I have 16 Die Orevuboten, second quarter, 1883, pp. S06-S10. 4*8 Ibsen m Germany been able to detertnine, to realize Ibsen's passionate idealism, his yearning for freedom, truthfulness, and happiness, and the belief in the possibility of their attainpaent. In a scholarly article, which appeared in Nord tmd SUd, 1883, and which was afterwards included in Eminent Authors of the Nineteenth Centnrij,^'' Georg Brandes presents some illuminating material on the same subject. In analyzing Ibsen's pessimism, the critic comes to the conclusion that it is of a moral, not of a metaphysical nature. It has its roots in a conviction of the possibility of the realization of the ideal. The essay is general. Besides facts of biographical and personal interest, Brandes considers Ibsen as an individualist. It is Brandes' theory that great poets do not create ideas, but _aifi overwhelmed by them. The ideas that impress the poet are those uppermost in the consciousness of the age. The attention of the modern consciousness has been directed to four fields of interest, as Ibsen's plays illustrate: first, the conflict in religion ; second, the conflict between the two gen- erations ; third, the conflict in society ; fourth, the conflict of sex. As mentioned before, the year 1883 records the first trans- lation of An Enemy of the People. Theophil ZoUing, Paul Lindau's successor as editor of Die Gegenwart,^^ comments upon the play as follows. An Enemy of the People is a peculiar creation, painful, one- sided, dismal, brightened by no single ray of affection. Only Hebbel among the Germans has this uncouth, wild, and repel- lent nature. Hebbel always remains the poet. Ibsen is a realist. Everything is dull and commonplace. Wrangling 17 Brandes : Moderne Oeister, LiterarUche Bilchiisse oms dem XIX Jakrhundert, 1882. This edition did not contain, as Arnold's statement, page 149, might imply, the essay on Henrik Ibsen. i8Z)i« Gegewwwft 33, 1883; pp. 233-234i. Gathering Forces, 18S0-1886 49 and gossip are dealt with as " meltbewegende Haupt-wnd Staatsaktion." What do the miserable creatures and their bathing resort concern us ? We want to see human beings love and suffer, — particularly love. But Ibsen ignores any concession, whatsoever, to the public taste. Even love and amiability are nothing but deception to him. " Being a man means to him being a liar." ^' The composition is broad, undramatic, not even theatrical. " Having become modest, we do not demand of the dramatist the great power of a Hercules, but we do wish to be emotion- ally interested at least." ^^ In quite another vein, L. Passarge presents his "interpreta- tion of the drama.** An Enemy of the People is closely allied in content with The League of Youth and The Pillars of Society. In the earlier plays it had sufficed the dramatist to disclose the social lie. The characters representing the forces opposing it played but a small part. In An Enemy'of the People, on the other hand, the opposing force is dramatized in the cen- tral figure. Dr. Stockmann, which stands in relief against the conservative, lie-supporting mass. Poets know no greater grief than the lie which rules the world, — not the naive untruth of an imaginative individual, nor the untruth of a child, or a trangressor, who seeks for an excuse — but the general, conventional, highly respected lie, that parades about in society, politics, church, and state, the lie which advances with the arrogance of sole right to existence and 13" Metisch eein heisat beiihm geradezu: Lilgner sein." 20 Bescheiden getaorden xierlangen wir von dem Dramatiker zwar nicht mehr die hohe Kraft des Eteraclea, aber wiinsehen dock mindeatens gemiitUch gefeaselt zu werden." 21 Piwsarge! Ein neues Drama von Ibsen; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandea 103, p. 98 ff. 50 Ibsen m Germany which persecutes the truth. To expose this lie in all its forms has been the task of every great poet since Menander and Aristophanes, who does not take refuge in an ideal world, but directs his attention to the present.^^ This most recent of Ibsen's dramas has the effect of a storm which clears the atmosphere. It does not concern it- self with Hecuba, with the sufferings and joys of a single human soul; it leads us to the supreme heights of humanity, as to the summit of a snow-covered mountain in Norway, and unrolls before us, above the mist of the low valleys, the glisten- ing chain of a distant but approachable elevation. With a firm step, a^ that of an Alpine guide, he leads us up where all doubts and paltry misgivings cease.^* Ibsen was fostered by a few friends until 1887, when in the staging of Ghosts he made his powerful and comparatively successful third advance. Among his supporters two needs must have mention : Otto Brahm and Paul Schlenther. Otto Brahm (1855—1912) had received his first training in the theater at Hamburg, In 1881, he came to Berlin to enter a theatrical field of broader scope. Although filled with the ideals of classicism, he possessed a zealous and keen eye for contemporary dramatic efforts. Slowly at first, then irre- sistibly, he was drawn to Ibsen. Brahm relates : It happened one day that we (Brahm himself and Schlenther) found ourselves in the tiny Stadt-theater in the Lindenstrasse at the presentation of the Pillars of Society. Immediately we ex- perienced the first foreboding of a new poetic world ; we felt for the first time placed before people of our day, whom we could accept. And out of a comprehensive social critique of the pres- ent, we beheld the ideals of freedom and truth triumphantly 22 Passarge: Ein neues Drama von Ibien; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Aualandea 103; p. 98. Appendix, p. 178. 28 Ibid., p. 101. Appendix, p. 178. Gathermg Forces, 1880-1886 51 arise as the pillars of society. From that moment on we were disciples of the new realistic art, and our aesthetic interests had, found their subject.^* Ibsen was the great event in Brahm's life. For twelve years Brahm remained the leading critic of the Berlin theaters. Thereafter he became the director, until 1904, of the Deutches Theater, later, of the Lessingtheater. Here, through his ability to reveal the hidden treasures of the poet, he led Ibsen to a genuine triumph on the German stage. Of the early enthusiastic days, ushered in by The Pillars of Society, Paul Schlenther (1854-), too, has left an ac- count : Our youthful eyes were opened to the prevalent tinsel and artificiality of the theaters. We trembled and rejoiced. . . . We visited the theater time and again; and we could sit all day reading the play in Wilhelm Lange's miserable translation. /Neither the prosy and stiff German, nor the wooden impersona- tion of the actors in the suburban theater could vitiate the power of the drama. That was the way, that, ninety years earlier, Schiller's Love and Intrigue m;ust have affected the young, though no longer immature, generation.) . . . This play {The Pillars of Society) taught us to love Ibsen, to admire him for life. I may acknowledge for many of my contemporaries, as well as for myself, that it was the influence of this modern realistic work, at a decisive period in our development, which determined the tendency of our taste for the rest of our lives. We who had grown up under the educative influence of the greatest genius in the field of political realism (Realpolitik) here came upon the most vigorous literary realism (Eealliteratur). Out of the affairs of everyday existence, out of business and labor, we saw an art arise, which impressed us more and more profoundly as the imitators of Schiller and romanticism con- ?4 Brahms KrititcU SchHften, p. 447 ff. Appendix, pp. 178, 179, J 52 Ibsen in Germany tinned to satisfy us less. It was a joy to live as long as Schiller and Goethe were writing, it was a joy to live as long as romanti- cism flourished, now again it was a joy to live, for there was living with us a poet who had the strength and the courage to deal with the problems and interests of our day.^' Schlenther, in addition to his connection with Brahm, de- serves recognition as one of the editors of Ibsen's Complete Works in the German Langiuige. The years 1880-1886 were distinctly a time of preparation. The vanguards of the new drama divined the impending event, the trend of the decade. The mention of Ibsen's name with that of Goethe is significant. In contrast with the seventies, Ibsen was now taken seriously, vigorously protested by some, supported by a small coterie. At the same time new forces were stirring within Germany itself, independent of Ibsen, and the old were drawing to a fitting close. Both concern us, briefly. One of the few, who, directly impressed by the war, seemed ready to perceive and appreciate the significance of the his- torical moment for the literature of the day, was Paul Lindau. Consequently he had established, in 1872, the weekly journal, The Present (Die Gegenwart), which promised to justify expectations concerning him. But all too soon it was evident that Liil^au possessed neither the talent nor the traits of character requisite for such a serious role, to say nothing of those traits essential to a leader or a pioneer. His criticisms, at first alert enough, degenerated into random entertainment. Finally he became a dramatist, whose acquaintance we have made. Though not nearly so disappointing as the drama, the 25j6«en# sSmmtlichR Werke in deuUoher Spraehe', VI, pp. XVII, XVIII. Appendix, p. irs. Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 53 lyric and epic had also failed to fulfill the expectations arising from the day's political and national successes. Gustav Freytag's Ov^r Forefathers,^'^ though inspired by the author's personal participation in the struggle, and depicting histori- cal scenes with considerable power and imagination, fell far short of reproducing the spirit of the day. It seemed that in dreaming of the past, Freytag had forgotten how to portray the present simply and naturally. Friedrich Spielhagen, who never quite succeeded in covering up an inherent romantic bias, fared no better. ^^ It remained for the Swiss-German Conrad Ferdinand Meyer (1825-1898), who never enjoyed the popularity or prominence of either Freytag or Spiel- hagen, adequately to embody the German national cause in his epic of 1871, entitled The Last Days of Hutten.^^ When the new national drama did appear, it, too, failed to embody the spirit of the epoch. Reviving an interest in the national past, instead of the present, it further retarded the devdopment of that realistic art,^^ which was the true ex- pression and contribution of the age. Power, — passion, fire, and magnitude, became the ideal ^" of the moment. Its chief representative, in practice, was Ernst von Wildenbruch. The Meininger opened the way for Wildenbruch *^ upon the 28 Die Ahnen, 1873-1881. 2T Allzeit Voran, 1872; Sturmflut, 1872. 28 Hutteni letste Tage. 29 Represented by Fritz Reuter, Gottfried KeUer, and others. !0 This is to a great extent the point of view of the two Hart brothers in the KHUsche Wafengange, 1883-1884. Truth, vigor, nature, genius, the slogan of the Storm and Stress a century earlier, were the watch- words of their criticism. It opposed the epigonous Uterature of the day it turned against the prosiness of the older generation. With the specific school of naturalism that was shortly to arise, it had nothing to do (Cf. Arnold: Das moderne Drama, p. 157.) 31 Ore Karolinger, 1883; Harold, 1883; Der Mennonit, 1883; Vater und Sohne 1882- (all written in the seventies), Christoph Marlowe, 1884; Daa new Gebot, 1886; Die Qmtzows, 1888; Heinnch und Heinrichg Ge- ichlecht 1893; Die Tochter des Erasnms, 1900; Die Babensteinerin, 1907. 54 Ibsen m Germany stage by successfully producing The Carolmgians ^^ at Mein- ingen, March 6, 1881. This drama, which had competed in a prize contest at Munich, in 1878, but had not even been rec- ommended for presentation, was now accepted by a number of theaters. It was staged at Berlin, October 26. The next year The Menonite,^^ Harold,^^ Father and Sons,^^ were put upon the boards, and the dramatist was suddenly famous. But the ultimate significance of Wildenbruch's success was scarcely more than to prove to what extent, in the eyes of the masses, the temperament and character of a writer can take the place of artistic capacity. Although a great num- ber of followers remained true to WUdenbruch until his death, those who were concerned seriously with art had to oppose him, no matter how much they valued his nobility of purpose and of character. It would scarcely be fair to explain Wildenbruch's popu- larity entirely on the basis just suggested. As a matter of fact, he was the first, who became generally known, to promise anything better than the preceding decade seemed to have offered. That was enough to gain the support of many who had the future of German literature at heart. They failed for the time being to recognize that what Wildenbruch of- fered was new only as a product of his individual talent, not as a product of those forces even then rapidly approaching formulation in literary expression. When it was observed that he had not caught the spirit of the age, he was soon, except for the masses referred to, quite ignored. In the meantime the evidence of new life and strength was accumulating. Simultaneously there arose a deep sense of the necessity of their adequate and congruous expression. How to do that was the question. It was a momentous prob- lem and, therefore, numerous ways and means of solving it were proposed. Gatherimg Forces, 1880-1886 56 Under the leadership of a Dr. Konrad Kiister, a society, " Akademische Vereinigung," was organized at Berlin, in 1886, for the purpose of futthering academic reform. A weekly publication bearing the title Academic Magazine {Akademische Zeitschrift) became the organ of the society. The section devoted to literary interests was soon given into the hands of Leo Berg (1862-1908) who, with Brahm and Schlenther, must be included among the principal advocates of the new movement. A group of literati soon gathered around Berg and the approving Kiister, among them Eugen WolfF, John Henry Mackay, Arno Holz, and Johannes Schlaf . Though they hoped to instigate a revolution in literature, the members of the organization did not combine as a clique or school ; nor did they accept, not to mention promulgate, any single theory or doctrine of literary production. They were agreed to support, in a general way, the modem trend in literature as opposed to an imitation of the old. Without concerted action of any kind, the attainment of any purpose was hardly probable. In a paper,^* read at the second meeting of the society,^^ Eugen WolfF, therefore, at- tempted to state their position more definitely. Later, to avoid misunderstandings, he prepared a summary of his dis- cussion in the form of tenets,^* which he hoped would prove acceptible to all members : I. German literature is at a turning point in its develop- ment; it is on the threshhold of a peculiarly significant epoch. II. All creative literature ought to clarify poetically the spirit of contemporary life ; the author of to-day, therefore, 32 Die Moderne, zur RevohiUon und Reform der Literatur. 33 Called Durch, literally through. 3il state the theses briefly. Cf. Hanstein: Das Jimgste Deuttchland, pp. 78, 79. 66 Ibsen in Germamy must consider it his mission poetically to fashion those forces at present actually significant, or struggling to become so, without, however, purposely serving any party or movement of the time. III. The subject matter of our literature must be modem ; it must consider the growing interest in social questions. IV. It must seek to embody adequately the national char- acter of the German people. V. It is the task of modern literature to depict men and women of flesh and blood, to portray their passions with in- exorable fidelity, without overstepping the innate boundaries of art. Natural truthfulness of the art ought to enhance the aesthetic efl'ect. VI. Our highest ideal of art is no longer the antique, but the modern.^'' VII. Such principles are hostile to the imitation of the classics, to blue-stocking dilettantism, and to artificial refine- ment. VIII. Such efforts which have as their goal the reform of the prevailing conditions of literature are to be regarded as advantageous and propitious. IX. The way must be prepared by the development of a sound and mature criticism. X. Those who have these purposes at heart must rally round and battle for the common cause. Certain individuals of the group, preferring to develop their personal talents unhampered, would have refused to subscribe to any specifications concerning their work, to say nothing of a series of tenets as WolfF had formulated them. The undertaking of the organization as such was frustrated, therefore, at the very outset. 8B Wolff was likely the author of the expression Die Moderne, which though originally signifying only the modem versus the antique, later became the slogan of the new movement. Gathering Forces, 1880-1886 67 While theorists were discussing and planning the nature and trend of modem art, a few authors had furnished speci- mens of it in lyric and epic form. In 1884!, Wilhelm Arent published an anthology entitled Modern Poets.^^ Old and new elements were intermingled and confused. A year later Arno Holz issued his Book of the Day.^'' These and other attempts remained for the time being rather obscure. Max Kretzer was the first to infuse the new realism into the novel : The Comrades,^^ 1881; The Becewed?^ 1882; The Degen- erate^^ 1883. Karl Bleibtreu followed the next year with a collection of naturalistic stories entitled Bad Compa/ny.*^ The nation continued to remain oblivious to the impending change until Bleibtreu (1859-) made known the fact in a startling pamphlet bearing the title A Revolution in Litera- ture,*^ 1886. Ingeniously, if somewhat superficially, Bleib- treu observes that the development of German literature since Goethe and Schiller had led directly to realism. He then illustrates how current literature was for the most part far removed from the thoughts and ideas that actuated the pres- ent, — its great social problems, for instance, seemed non- existent to Geiman authors. Insisting that all the questions of the day be considered, and treated from the modern point of view, Bleibtreu calls attention to those who have measured up, to some degree, at least, to that standard. Henceforth, the revolution was accepted as an established fact. Its agitators and its practitioners entered the arena of public interest. Although at first separate and distinct, the native currents later merged with those of foreign sources to form the full stream of modem art. s' Moderne Dichtercharakiere. *" Die Verkommenen. ST Buck der Zeit. *i Schlechte OeselUchaft. 38 Die beiden Oenotten. *2 Revolution der Literatur. S9 Die Betrogenen. A CHAPTER V TRADITIONAL BAEKIEES BROKEN, 1887-1891 1887 T Rome, the twenty-second of December, 1881, Ibsen wrote to. Ludwig Passarge : My new play (meaning Ghosts') has now appeared, and has occasioned a terrible uproar in the Scandinavian press ; every day I receive letters and newspaper articles decrying or praising it, ... I consider it utterly impossible that any German theater will accept the play at present. I hardly believe that they wiU dare to play it in the Scandinavian countries for some time to come.^ Ibsen knew well whereof he wrote. The court theaters of the Scandinavian capitals. refused admittance to the play. The newspapers were far more liberal in denunciation than in praise, so that, as in the past, Bjornson and Brandes stepped in as champions of the author and his work. Three years passed, for reasons that have been given, be- fore Ghosts was put into the hands of the reading public in Germany. In A Doll's House, so it seemed then, Ibsen had made at least a slight concession to the agreeable in the character of Helmer. This thoroughly honorable, con- scientiously upright man, this good-hearted and attentive husband was a personality, an ideal, which one might behold with pleasure. He was the ray of light in a dismal picture. ■• BriV0 fra H. Ibien II, p. 97. Appendix, p. 180. 58 Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 59 In Ghosts Ibsen extinguished even a hint of light. Not a breath of air relieved the suffocating depression, not the palest ray pierced the dismal gloom. Thus the impression was established that the author of Ghosts and A Doll's House was possessed of a morbid pre- dilection for abhorrent subjects. The repetition of the treat- ment of heredity was construed as a monomania on this point. So shocking was the subject matter that few were able to recognize anything beyond its horror. In November of 1886, Otto Brahm concluded a brief essay on Ibsen with the following words: Up to the present no one has taken upon himself the admirable duty, by means of a coherent plan, to introduce an entire public into the poet's train of thought, and by means of the presenta- tion of his modern plays from The League of Youth on, to mature German theater-goers for Ibsen. But sooner or later, the time must come, in which recognition of such a duty will arise among us. For here a poet has come forth, who, renouncing all imitation, has set sail for unknown shores, which are being approached by the waving pennants of a nascent art.^ As a matter of fact, at the very time of Brahm's writing, his hope and prophecy were approaching at least a partial realization. At the instigation of certain young authors of Munich, Ghosts had been put upon the boards privately, April 14, at Augsburg. In December followed a presentation at Meiningen by the Meininger court troupe. An attempt on the part of this troupe to reproduce the drama at Berlin met defeat at the hands of the censor. But this obstruction, too, was temporarily set aside. Franz Wallner, the drama- turgist at the Residenztheater, obtained permission to pre- sent Ghosts a. single time, for charitable purposes at a mati- 2 Brahm: Henrik Ibsen; Deutsche RundscTimi 49, p. 219 flf. Appendix, p. 180. 60 Ibsen m Germamy nee,8 January 9, 1887.* Wallner, himself, yrlao acted the part of Oswald, has left an account of the presentation: I have never again experienced anything like it. After the curtain had fallen for the first time, silence reigned for several seconds; everybody was held spellbound by the powerful drama. But then a storm, a hurricane, broke forth, as I had never witnessed it in a theater. The dramatist was acclaimed by all, < — there was no disapproval — and willingly, drunk with victory, he appeared repeatedly upon the stage, — tears of joy running down his cheeks." Although a decisive event in the history of Ibsen's in- fluence in Germany and in the history of the German drama, the performance was not a victory for the drama itself. It had been widely read, it had been the most popular of all new publications at Christmas time (1886), but the public could not reconcile itself to the overpowering and " dis- tressing " theme. Brahm may serve as spokesman for the Ibsenian coterie: *^G s This performance has generally passed as the premifere at Berlin^ Leo Berg (Henrik Ibsen, p. 36) calls attention to the actual first per- formance by the Berlin Dramatic Society at the Architektenhause, Jan. 2. * Ohosts was first played by a traveling company in Chicago and other cities of the Middle West, in the summer of 1882. Then by August Lind- berg's traveling company at Helsingborg, Aug. 23, 1883; at Copenhagen, Aug. 28, 1883; at Stockholm, Sept. 12, 1883. Then at Stockholm, Sept. 27, 1883, in the court theater. No established theater in Norway pre- sented the drama until the theater at Bergen opened its doors, Dec, 3, 1890. No theater of such standing in Kristiania witnessed Ohosts be- fore March 30, 1898. The first established theater to play the drama in Berlin was the Deutsches Theater, in 1894. It was produced by the Th^dtre libre, Paris, May 29 and 30, 1890. In London a private per- formance by the Independent Theater, March 13, 1891. In Milan, Feb. 32, 1892, by Zacconi who also played in Rome, Turin, Venice, Vienna, Munich, and other large cities. Played in Spain, 1894; in South Amer- ica, 1897, by .Novelli. Played often after 1895. B Lothar: Hewrik Ibsen, p. 1121. Appendix, p. 180. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 61 If the aim in the development of all literature {Dichtung) is to absorb more and more of nature into art, to wrest new poetic fields from life, — as Faust obtained land from the sea — then, no recent dramatist has gone forward more boldly and more magnificently than the author of Ghosts. . . . But, what is the new, the decisive aspect, of this drama? It is the unconditional truth, the relentless, garish truth, if you choose so to call it, in the portrayal of human character. The dramatist shows us human beings, actual, living men and women, fully and com- pletely observed, — and just because he dares to separate him- self entirely from these figures, those who do not know what artistic objectivity really implies, are inclined time and again to identify the dramatist with his characters.® Considering the dramatic literature of the day, Ghosts was an extreme innovation. It is natural, therefore, that the critical comment should hardly be moderate. As much as it might be regretted, on the one hand, that the discussions carried on by the daily papers cannot be followed, the avail- able reviews, on the other hand, do not fall short of affording an adequate notion of the controversy. If credence is to be granted Leo Berg,'' the Berlin critics gave a striking illustration of their inability to cope with a problem of aesthetics. Not that they rejected the play on account of its originality, nor that they failed to ap- preciate its contents, but that they were at sea, objecting to the play, as a school boy does to Ovid, because it is too difficult. Their inability was further apparent in confusing the drama with the piece des moewrs a la Augier, Dumas, Sardou. The reiterated objection that Ghosts is too depressing, that it fails to liberate the human spirit, Berg refutes. • Brahm: KriUsehe Sehriften, p. 107 fF. Appendix, pp. 180, 181. TBerg: O^telUekaft, 1867, 1; p. 230 ff. 1 62 Ibsen in Germamy Lear, Macbeth, and Othello are equally crushing. The force of Ibsen's play sunders all that is mean, narrow-minded,~>siin, petty, egotistic, from the soul. Thus freed, light may enter with the rising sun. The critics often fail to discover the plot of the drama. It lies in the expulsion of the ghosts, all the dead opinions and beliefs inherited from father and mother, — a procedure that takes place within the heroine. The force opposing her is society, represented by Pastor Manders. He who feels himself too deeply moved by the fate of Oswald proves there- by that he failed to grasp the intent of the play. (Berg.) That Ibsen had, however, in spite of all derogatory criticism, — perhaps because of it — actually won the contest between the old and the new became ever more apparent. There arose a competition to stage Ibsen. The same year, 1887, bore witness to the presentation of An Enemy of the People, which had been ignored for three years. Rosmers- hoim was given two performaoaces, first at Augsburg, then at Berlin. On account of our inveterate enthusiasm for everything foreign, writes Frenzel,® an Ibsenian school has quickly arisen among us. Blindly they follow their master in all the labyrinthine ramifications of his pessimism. In their un- reserved admiration, which extols Ibsen as the greatest modem dramatist, beside whom Augier, Sardou, Alexander Dumas appear as schoolboys, they overlook the fact that Ibsen is a Norwegian poet incapable of forsaking his native point of view. All his dramas bear the impress of a Nor- wegian Awfklartmgstendenz. The psychological element, in which his talent is rooted, lends to his characters, — because he is far more the thinker than the poet, that ghfira^teristig 8 Frenz^I; Pf^tgehf ^mdsehcm 61, p, 464 ff. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 63 which makes them so incomprehensible to the naive observer. It is never a truly tragic guilt, a powerful destiny, that ,, crushes the hero ; his environment and the air he breathes 1 prepare his downfall. The pessimistic elements in the poet have their origin only to a small degree in the perception of universal misery ; it is the misery of Norway that aggravates and pains him. The name of his illness is not Existence, but Norway. If the Ibsenian heroes ever had the oppor- tunity to take a walk Unter den Linden or upon the Boule- vard in Paris, they would be cured of their whims. If the plots are examined closely, by means of which the poet tries to clothe his physiological and psychological views and conceptions, one meets with a characteristic un- certainty, obscurity, and timidity to draw the final conclu- sions and to designate things by their actual names. The main question in his plays is not as in the real drama, — what is going to happen to the characters, but what was their past existence. This is properly the subject matter for a novel, — and such a psychological narrative with its moral and spiritual subtlety is the antipode of the genuine drama. Of the three plays, Rosmersholm, An Enemy of the People, and Ghosts, the last mentioned is the strongest and morally the most reprehensible. On that account, the constabulary censor allowed but one performance. Ibsen is a poison, but society has become immune tO' its effects. It is beyond the power of the stage to do any harm to the modern man. If the highest purpose of dramatic art is to provoke a kind of " moral sea-sickness," then Henrik Ibsen, with his incomparable talent, is the master of that art. He succeeds best in exposing the painful in human life and in torturing his audience. Another critic contests Ibsen's illustration of the awful ] 64 Ibsen in Germany truth, concerning the sins of the father.® The ingenious author has unfortunately left the field of trustworthy ex- perience and has constructed circumstances for which life presents no counterpart. Such a malady as Oswald's never can be attributed to heredity. From whatever aspect the drama is approached, its natural impossibility is clear. It belongs far more to the realm of fancy than to the world of actuality, a circumstance which necessarily weakens the thesis of the play. Georg Malkowsky is the author of a more positive esti- mate. The most exacting critique fails to find a discrepancy in the motivation or logic of events. All the characters act as they must act, being what they are, and pladed in the given circumstances. They are men and women of flesh and blood. Though they are not refreshing and comforting, they are true to the last detail. The idea of the play has been misinterpreted by the critics. The ghosts are antiquated points of view and rules of con- duct opposed to nature and its moral law. The fear of these conventional views drives the people into unnatural and perverted conditions. And the harvest is not unlike the seed. The play is filled with a moral earnestness, which fact way- lays any attempted moral indignation.^" An Ibsen cult arose, not among those who for balanced and aesthetic reasons became his disciples, but a cult of those who for the time being were active in disseminating their opinions of what the master meant. A situation so oppor- tune for satire was not to be ignored.^^ It was at this time eEmil Jonas: Ueber die Dichtunffen der Gegewwart und ihre Vorlifbe fwr Krankheitaachilderwngen; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. In. u. Auslandes 109, 1886, 1; p. 293. 10 Malkowsky: Oegenmart 31, p. 45 ff. "Karl Borinski: Oetpenster, ein OeiprSch; Orenesboten, 1887, 1; p. 331 ff. TraditioTwl Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 65 that a youthful student graduating from the University of Berlin proposed, according to the prevailing custom, to support, among others, the thesis that "The Malady of Oscar Alving in Ibsen's Ghosts Approximates a Case of Progressive Paralysis." The student must have erred in his diagnosis, which an observant medikus ^^ could not allow to pass uncorrected, although, he concludes, a professional analysis of Oswald Alving's case hardly bears upon the drama as a work of art. This example of rather ridiculous extravagance, such we should term it to-day, serves as further evidence of the extent, if not of the depth, to which Ibsen had at first affected the young generation in Germany. The interest aroused by the production of Ghosts led to two presentations of An Enemy of the People ^* at the Ostend-Theater of Berlin. The first performance, on March 5th, was witnessed by a literary audience, the second by a more naive and untrained public. In both instances storms of approval greeted the players. The super-intelligent observers, Brahm informs us,^* could only oppose the increasing interest of the general public in Ibsen by recourse to nationalism versus the predominating Atislcmderei. It had been these very individuals, however, who had calmly endured the absorption of the German boards by the French, much further removed from German taste and spirit. There resounds in Ibsen's dramas, Brahm maintains his point, a fundamental tone of genuine Ger- manic quality. The defiant positiveness, which in the struggle for recognized right despises the opposition of the multitude, and the clear confidence in self and in good cause, which Stockmann embodies, are characteristic too of 12 Medikus: Ibsen und die Medicin; Gegenwart 35, 1889, 1; p. 300 S. 13 An Enemy of the People, played in Paris, Nov. 9, 1893; I^ndon, the same year. 66 Ihsen m Germamy Kleist's Michael KoMhaas, Otto Ludwig's Erbforster, and, somewhat altered, also of Goethe's Gotz and Schiller's Karl Moor.^* In An Enemy of the People, Ibsen had followed the hero to a turning point, not to the end of his career. This seemed annoying. Ghosts had been labeled " distressing " ; An Enemy of the People was " unsatisfying." The themes of the new plays were too unusual, too striking. Until the ex- citement occasioned by them was allayed, the contemplation of their artistic merit was, as a matter of course, out of the question. Stein records,^' therefore, that Oskar Blumenthal, initially an opponent, then a champion, of the dramatist, was the fi^st to stage An Enemy of the People with some insight, — at the Lessing-theater, 1890. A fully satisfactory presentation of the tragi-comedy was postponed until .undertaken by the Deutches Theater, May 12, 1901. The next drama to come before the public eye was Rosmers- holm. RosmersKolm. Ibsen's dramas are a continued struggle against the lie, and a victory of the spirit of truth. Wherein is their dramatic strength to be found? In the plot? There are hun- dreds of plays with more significant plots. In the dialogue? More elegant, flowing, and perspicuous dialogue is to be found. In their eiFectf ulness ? The common effects are avoided with almost Puritan rigor. The victorious strength of the plays lies alone in the idea, in the resolute prosecution of the idea, which is never turned aside by bogus eflFects and ornament, by empty phrases, by superfluous romance. The one idea, which con- structs the play, is so great, so true and staggering, that it carries us away, — crushes us, — and liberates us. As no other modern dramatist, Ibsen is master of the secret of dramatic force. . . . i*Brahm; Kntische Schriften, p. 121 flF. IS Stein; Hen/rik Ibsen, p. 20. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 67 Much in the characters (of Rosmersholm) , their customs and conversation, seems strange to us. It is a different, more heroic, more rugged, yet dreamier race of men, that speaks and acts there. Yet, nevertheless, we feel that just in such a manner these old Germanic viking characters must speak and act. I am of the opinion that we Germans are not to-day able ade- quately to present these characters on the stage, which is to be regretted. A brighter future must not only rear among us the proper public for Ibsen, but also the efficient actors. The eternal Fransoselei has incapacitated both to dip at the pure spring of genuine German art. On that account, Ibsen is a stumbling block to so many.^° Another commentator " perceives the dramatist in Ros- mersholm revealed in his greatness and in his entirety. Here Ibsen expounds the vigor of life in union with happy in- nocence as the force which will accomplish everything great and good. Happy innocence is, however, not the posses- sion of the struggling individual of a transitional epoch, upon whose shoulders his own and others' guilt rests, about whom the sins of his generation swoop as the white horses about Rosmersholm. One thing alone is given to the man of to- day, the renunciation of love. This melancholy refrain, begun in The Wild Duck, swells into a powerful chord in Rosmersholm. The courage of life and the renunciation of love ! Ibsen is always symbolic, even where he appears to be true to actuality. His characters are half-observed, half- constructed, — observed with the eye of a genius, defectively constructed, ^hen they analyze themselves, they are in- comparable; when Ibsen construes them, they disintegrate. Rosmersholm, perhaps, suffers most from these faults. 18 L. Willfried: OeaeUschaft, 1887, 2; p. 748 ff. Appendix, pp. 181, 182. 17 L. Marholm: Hewrik Ibsens neweste Dramen; Oegervwart 31, p. 7 ff. 68 Ibsen m Germmvy To Otto Brahm the characters of Rosmersholm seem re- lated to those of the Shaksperean drama. Rebekka West is not only similar to Shaksperean characters in her |primi- tive nature, in her power to sin, but also in her power to re- pent. The ethical forces do not triumph more signally within Macbeth than they do within Rebekka. Rosmer and Rebekka, the vita contemplatvoa and the vita activd, are contrasted. Unscrupulous will, on the one side, ethical con- sideration and reflection, on the other. In the struggle between the two, refined morality conquers. The past burdens both with guilt, which they expiate together.-'* The initial production ■'^ of Rosmersholm at Augsburg was a decided success. Ibsen, who was present in person^ was greeted with prolonged applause.^" The attempts to stage the play at Berlin seemed not to have fared so well. On the fifth of November there appeared in the Gegen- mart ^^ a brief disquisition by Oskar Bulle on Henrik Ibsen's Demand of the Ideal, which, on account of its intimate con- nection with Rosmersholm, may most properly be considered here. The substantial foundation of. Ibsen's life and work, he writes, is " the demand of the ideal." Thus in The WUd Dvxh Ibsen makes answer to the jeering query, — if he had not in the course of years grown sufiiciently in wisdom to reduce somewhat the sum total of the ethical demand, with the decisive rejoinder: Never, if I stand before real, genuine human beings. This inexorable severity of the de- mand admits of no amelioration. Manners, customs, re- ligion, society weigh not a jot against it. Ibsen is keenly aware of the overwhelming millions of dis- 18 Brahm: Krititche Schriften, p. 131 ff. 18 Botmenholm, first played- in London, Feb. 33, 1891 ; in Paris, Oct. 4, 1893. 20 Paul Lindau: AllerUi iiber Theater; Nord und Sild 43, p. 267 fif. 21 Geffemttart 33, p. 295 ff. Also Kurutwart I, p. SI ff. Traditional Barriers Brohen, 1887-1891 69 tortions in the world, the few genuine men and women. In Rosmeriholm, therefore, he sets himself the task of en- nobling all men {^aUe Menschen im, Lande zu Adelsmenschen zu machen) . " I will try," says Rosmer, " to spur them on. They themselves must accomplish it " (Act I) . Man cannot be ennobled from without. ~ Ibsen would set human kind to thinking, to considering, without going into the details of what the new order will call for. Until that age, and perhaps forever, remains the j demand. The demand of the ideal of truth. Truth is the one worthy goal of man. Truth gives to mankind its nobility and freedom, its joy and innocence. To allow truth to shine unobstructed, Ibsen demolishes truths. Truths may grow old, and be no longer true. Only when the truth is decrepit does the great mass accept jjt. Th/erefore, no formula; the demand of the ideal is individual. Each in- dividual must fashion and improve his own. Ibsen demands the adjustment and direction of the will to the true, the sensible, the good. He demands a purifica- tion of thought, refinement of conscience, and a harmonious agreement of insight, conscience, and action. 't In Rosmersholm, the most profound and noblest of his dramas, BuUe continues, the demand of the ideal finds its most powerful, deepest, and saddest expression. The ques- tion arises/ When will the demand realize its fulfillment? Win not the ignorant and brutal present, or the unavoid- able force of the past ruthlessly sunder the two genuine, ennobled beings who are about to fulfill it.' Ibsen's service lies in his raising the question. Culture will progress, but the lie will remain. For thou- sands of years to come, therefore, as to-day, the demand of the ideal will be valid. And then, as to-day, Ibsen's dramas will proclaim it. 70 Ibsen in Germany The apprehension of Rosmershohm apparently did not develop so rapidly or steadily as that of the other dramas Ibsen sent out in the eighties. Both public and critics suf- fered relapses. The Lessingtheater produced the play in 1890. Although the Berlmer Tageblatt maintained that the performance had the air of a Weihspiel, the Kreuzzeitung recorded that the dull spirit of ennui crept into the theater. The public, nevertheless, responded with considerable sympathy. The presentation of the drama in the Deutsches Theater, September, 1899, was, according to Stein,^^ not only at last satisfactory, but a remarkable triumph of modern dramatic art. Emanuel Reicher played the role of Rosmer, Louise Dumont, the role of Rebekka, with the admirable support of Nissen, Oskar Sauer, and Max Rein- hardt in the roles of KroU, Brendel, and Mortensgard, re- spectively. The close and earnest attention of the audience was index enough of the progress made since the earlier at- tempts. Before leaving the momentous occurrences of 1887, a little space must be granted the opinions of the more reserved ad- herents of the conservative party. The corrupting mistake in the modern desire for truth in art and literature is the erroneous idea that all human suffering which arouses compassion is worthy of being the object of artistic treatment. Such a notion usually confuses the concept of the sorrowful with that of the tragic. Be- cause of the failure to recognize this distinction, artists have made countless mistakes in the choice of subject matter. The ideal of the beautiful in art once lost, CamSlias, and Hebbel's " dramas of terror and torment " are natural sequels. Yet Hebbel never ventured to cast the concept of the tragic overboard. None has gone so far as Henrik 22 stein: Henrik Ibsen, p.. 25 S. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 71 Ibsen. His Ghosts is a declaration of war against modern aesthetics. The much vaunted truth in the modern drama, upon analysis, is not true. The modern art is not art.'^^ Another critic is confident of the transient nature of the evil: Indeed, it is true that realism has prevailed for the time be- ing, but it is a canker of the time, as the sentimental bias which called forth Werther a hundred years ago. At present a phy- sician for the malady is not at hand, but I do not doubt for a moment that he will come. Of course, every disease leaves its traces, but its purging effect is often salutary. We hope that this result will not be wanting in the present case. Pessimism, realism, naturalism, etc., are ulcers, excrescences, which, per- haps, prognosticate an imminent revolution. Their evil humors — as has been the case formerly under similar circumstances — must be expelled from the whole provided it is sound and has retained its vitality. There is, moreover, such a dissimilarity among realists, that one hardly knows at times, what to make of it. I should almost like to say that idealistic realists are also to be found. Such dramas as those of Henrik Ibsen, for example, demon- strate by their present vogue how little vitality they contain. It has never been the concern of art to offer the repulsive ; sym- metry and calm, exalted beauty are the criteria. It is time that we recall to memory the words of our immortal poet : Ernst ist das Lehen, heiter ist die Kunst.^* We turn to the next eventful year. 1888 Ibsen had now reached his sixtieth year. In an interest- ing account, My Intercourse with Henrik Ibsen, Fritz 23Eugen Slerke: Henrik Ibsen nnd der BeaUsmus auf der Buhne; Unsere Zeit, 1887, 2; p. 185 ff. 2*H. von Pilgrim: Die Buhne wnd ihre Zukunft; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 111, 1887; pp. 329, 340. Appendix, p. 183. 72 Ibsen m Germany Hammer has preserved a peculiarly human portrait of the aging dramatist, to whom Munich had become a second home: It occurred in the Cafe Maximilian. As long as Ibsen has been living in Munich he is to be seen there every evening, no matter the weather, between 6 :30 and 7 :30 — at no other hour — always seated at the second or third table to the right of the entrance. He is usually alone, a glass of beer or a glass of cognac and a water bottle in front of him, a newspaper in his hand, — over the top of which he is usually reading with a com- prehensive and serene attention. The people who throng in and out are themselves a chronicle, a living collection of journals, as important and interesting, at least, as the printed pages of the daily papers. Often Ibsen sits there as a " guest of stone," motionless, introspective, his lips tightly closed, his left hand upon his thigh, his right hand resting lightly upon the marble table, the fingers as though holding a pen — as if in con- templation at his desk, in absorbing mental work. Then he quietly gets up, takes his cane, silk hat, and gloves which al- ways lie upon a chair near by, and leaves with short, silent steps. It was in the Cati Maximilian. After I had seen Henrik Ibsen there for the third time, I gathered enough courage to disturb his solitude. I introduced myself to him. He shook hands with me and remained standing. After the formalities had been disposed of, he invited me to sit down with him. He spoke with a subdued, mild intonation. His usually passive features became uncommonly pleasing and animated. Since then I have never heard him talk in any other way.^' The Wild Duch was the next drama to solicit considera- tion. The first to call attention to it, about a year after 25 Hammer: Mein Verkehr mit Henrik Ibsen: Cfesellschaft, 1888, 3; pp. 741-42. Appendix, p. 183. Compare with this the account Lothar (p. 131 ff.) quotes from M. G. Conrad's Tagehuch. Sentence upon sen- tence, identical! Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 73 its publication, was Rudolf Schmidt, in Scamdinavian Letters.^^ This play, he writes, is weak in its endeavor to inculcate a general truth by means of insignificant char- acters. In its theatrical aspects the play is the work of a master most probably at present unexcelled. The initial presentation,^'^ at Berlin, March 4, was awaited with intense expectation. Brahm states ^* that the play had been widely read and admired. The masterly character- ization of the persons of the play had enlisted the liveliest interest and approval. The form, on the contrary, had raised doubts and queries in the minds of many. With the presentation, however, all uncertainties as to the new master- piece were dispersed. The eminent dramatic and theatrical surety of the master's hand was unquestionable when viewed before the boards. Again Brahm discovers the dramatist of Shaksperean ability. Ibsen possesses that Shaksperean versatility which allows him to objectify his characters. He shows not only what the people are, but also why they are so.^' The spiritual poles of the drama are the contrasted pessimist and optimist. The increasing clarity of the antithesis during the progress of the play, until, finally, the entire train of thought stands revealed did not fail in its effect upon the audience. But, as is always the case in Ibsen's plays, the spiritual prob- lem is most closely connected with the fable. Thus, seemingly in a natural way, — which is the triumph of the greatest art — the one develops out of and with the other.'" . /. d. Lit. 109, 1886, 1 ; p. 36. 27 The Wild Duck, played by the TK^atre libre, Paris, April, 37, 1891 ; London, May 4, 1894. 28 Brahm: Kritische Schriften, p. 1S8 ff. 29 Brahm: Krit. Schriften, p. 161. 30 Ibid, p. 162. " Aber teie stets bei Ibsen verichUngi sick mit dem 74 Ibsen in Germany The spiritual import of the play was not generally recog- nized at the first presentation. Its artistic achievement, on the other hand, was irresistible. The feeling that a drama- tist of the first rank had arisen, became a conviction. Although, as Brahm writes, Ibsen had not yet been repre- sented upon the German stage in quantity, the impress that he had made was extraordinary. He had virtually reani- mated the life of the theater.^ ^ Even Karl Frenzel concluded that, in spite of other faults, the delineation of the Ekdal home is remarkable and ex- tremely effective. The stage in Denmark and Norway has become a rostrum fTom which the emancipation of woman, the social status of matrimony, the education of children, the immorality of the upper circles, the sad fate of the girl of the common classes, the struggle against brandy are discussed. The dramatic form is not chosen for its art, but for its great eflfect upon the mul- titudes. Purposely the dramatic talent places itself in the serv- ice of social welfare. In realism, which demands truth and not beauty, the aims and powers which per se have nothing to do with art become the all important ones. Ibsen treads in these tracks ever since he wrote The Pillars of Society, except that his theses remain ever more obscure under the veil which rests upon his last works, and the remnant of idealism which still maintains constantly smuggles a phantastic element into the realistic fable and characterization. The observer perceives without diflSculty that the design of the dramatist in the Wild Duck is to present the wretchedness and baseness of the average man when confronted by the " demand of the ideal," and forcibly to express his view of life in its utter hopelessness. But this im- pression is continually confused by the observation that Gregers geistigen Problem cmf das immgste die Fabel des Stuckes; mit einer acheinbaren Naturlichkeit, die zugleich der Triumph der grositen Kwast ist, entwickelt sieh das eime cms dem anderen vm,d mit dem anderen." SI Ibid., p. 163. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 75 Werle, who exacts the demand of the ideal^ is a fool whose clumsy procedure to raise up a friend from moral deterioration involves the death of the lovable child. Gregers Werle, like Johannes Rosmer, is obsessed by a single idea, — to ennoble the work-a-day man, to make a superman of him, only to find, after the failure of his attempt, that he has no other destiny than that of being the thirteenth at table. . . . The obscurity, the want of frankness to designate things by their real names, is characteristic of Ibsen's method of repre- sentation. We the observers, are expected to guess what he, the dramatist, does not dare to state clearly. . . . The portrayal of the four persons, of their, in part, needy, and, in part, phantastic surroundings, the cretinism of the old man, Gina's resoluteness, Hjalmar's vague, mendacious, stagy disposition, the poetic fragrance which envelops Hedwig — is in its veracity and peculiar local coloring decidedly touching and admirable. Even the symbolism of the wild duck is not too disturbing; one becomes accustomed to the adventurous crea- tion of the dramatist, however little it has to do with the plot.^^ In The Wild Duck, another critic proceeds,** the realist Ibsen comes to the same conclusion as the idealist Schiller: Life is but error Nur der Irrtum ist das Leben Knowing is death. Und das Wissen ist der Tod. But this applies only to men like Hjalmar Ekdal, not to a Stockmann, a Brand, or a Nora. Since the great mass consists of Hjalmars, Ibsen's social pessimism is not awry. The Wild Duck, as Rosmersholm, is the final catastrophe of a drama. The exposition and the peripeteia are neces- sarily, therefore, outside the play itself, — in the past, and S2 Frenzel: Deutsche Rundschau 6&, p. 461 ff. Appendix, pp. 183-185. 33 Julius Brand: Gesellschaft, 1888, 3; p. 1136 ff. 76 Ibsen in Germamf must be related. This error is compensated for by the splendid dialogue of which Ibsen is a master as no other living writer. The characterization of little Hedwig is a masterpiece. Every word has been reproduced from life. And stiU there are oracles upon critical tripods who maintain that Ibsen is not a realist. If they are asked why, they reply: Be- cause he depicts unusual conditions. As though realism dared portray only commonplace people and work-a-day happenings ! Realism is not dependent upon subject matter, it is determined by method. In contradistinction to the idealist,' who is the colorist, or conventionalist, who writes from reminiscence, the realist writes from direct experience. That is the reason every new drama of Ibsen affects us as a discovery in the domain of dramatic art, a widening of its boundaries. The study of this dramatist is recommended to all those who thoughtlessly repeat the commonplace of the incapacity of our time to produce drama. Above all, this study is recom- mended to young Germany. , Ibsen's dramas are the best poetics for beginning dramatists (far be it that imitation be encouraged) ; they are also the best ethics for future men.^* Quite different is the opinion of Ulrich Klein ^^ to whom The WUd Duck is morally reprehensible: There exists a truth of perception and a truth of will. The first concerns that which is; the second, that which ought to be. The latter is the moral truth, the good, which man is supposed to realize in his actions. Although man sins, he does not want sin to endure. Something lives within him which revolts against evil. This revolt is not necessarily the result of voluntary and logical s* Brand: Geiellschaft, 1888, Z; pp. 1137-38. Appendix, p. 185. 85 Klein: Ewnstwa/rt I, p. 243 ff. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 77 thought ; it is instinct. When man offends against it, it cor- rects him. This powerful something is shame. It is the feeling of shame, therefore, which prohibits man from acknowledging his unchaste actions to every one. Silence concerning a sin is by no means in itself the dis- position to lie. Man sins, but he does not want sin to endure. This principle of man, Ibsen misinterprets. The result is this. The world conceals its sin out of a feeling of shame. A dramatist appears and, on that account, repudiates the world as nefariously mendacious. He insists upon the truth. What does he then demand? Nothing more nor less than shamelessness ! That truth is pernicious to the common weal. The Wild Dti>ck was the seal upon the traditional aesthetics. With especial directness it pointed to the ir- retrievable displacement of what the old school, hence, its dis- comfiture, had been defending with so much zeal. The deeper significance of the tragedy was in a great measure disclosed by Oskar Sauer, who perceived in Gregers Werle much of Hamlet, at the Deutsches Theater, January 7, 1897.*® The revival of A Doll's House at the Lessingtheater, in November, was rewarded with success. By March, 1890, sixty performances had been given in this theater alone. In the meantime, the Residenztheater had played Nora at least ninety times. A performance of Lady Inger seems to have passed unnoticed. This same year, 1888, brought forth what is in a number of ways the most suggestive criticism of Ibsen and his work appearing in the thirty years under consideration — en- titled Henrik Ibsen's Intellecttud Development and Art,^'' by 3' stein: Henrik Ibsen, p. S8. 37 E. Kiilinemanni Henrik Ibsens Oeistetentwiekehing und Kunst; Geselhehaft, 1888, 3; pp. ns ff., 881 ff. 78 Ibsen m Germamy Eugen Kiihnemann. A few remarks chosen from the con-v cjwding pages follow. f Ibsen's art is based upon his faculty of close perception and his intellectual power, which penetrate into the secrets of human existence. On that account, there are no ideal characters in his dramas. The idealistic trait in his works lies in their powerful disposition, in the victory of the new and liberated points of view. Since Ibsen seeks to delineate the separation of tTie new age from the old, he must, as a matter of course, show the conflict of their forces. He is convinced that outwardly, at least, the passing age maintains its prestige. Necessarily, therefore, the situations depicted are more or less dismal. By no means, however, is Ibsen a pessimist. The tragedy in his plays is in its inner nature conciliatory. In his greatest works, Ghosts, Rosmersholm, The Wild Dti-ck, he has rejuvenated the Greek tragedy. The past penetrates step by step more deeply into the soul of man and he succumbs — as CEdipus the King, whom Schiller had so much admired and had not been able to approach. Outwardly calm, inwardly active, the Greek and the Ibsenian drama are identical. This structure alone could lend complete expression to Ibsen's fundamental ideas. Content and form are in concord. Shakspere had been the dramatist of the individual. Ibsen is the dramatist of his individuality. In depth and art the latter is an important step forward. 1889 When published. The Lady from, the Sea was heralded and advertised as the creation of a new Ibaen, a work, simple, intelligible, and optimistic. Four theaters applied for the privilege of producing it first, only, after careful perusal, Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 79 to decline it. The play attained a presentation finally, March 5th,^* on the boards of the Schauspielhaus, Berlin. The reception of the drama was far less enthusiastic than that of either The Wild Duck or the recent productions of Nora, which the audiences had approved almost completely. The critics, in general, gave voice to a number of objections. The realistic treatment was considered unfortunate for the romantic subject matter chosen, — EUida was interpreted as a water sprite. The solution of the problem, though poetic, and theatrically effective, because surprising, was disap- proved as illogical and non-naturalistic. " He who knows women, he who understands EUida, her inherited madness and hysteria, — for at bottom that is her trouble — could safely wager that she would actually and truly act differently, and not withstand the uncanny lure." ^' The drama is full of contradictions. On the one haiid, the dramatist preaches the unlimited exercise and unfolding of the individuality, with utter disregard to social sanction and decency ; on the other, he insists upon the most severe ethical demands which subject the individual to the eternal principles of the moral law, " although no normal truth lives longer than twenty years." The first principle would lead not only to complete barbarism, but it would denote the destruction of the second.*" Of all of Ibsen's plays, writes Frenzel, The Lady from the Sea has the weakest plot and the least dramatic substance. And since he is no medium and no juggler, Frenzel continues 38 Played in London, May 11, 1891 ; in Paris, Dec. 17, 1892. 39 Zolling; Oegenwart 35, p. 174. Wer die Frcmen kermt, wer eine EU lida versteht, ihren hereditaren Wahnsirm wad %hre Hysterie, derm vm Orwnde ist dies ihr Leiden, mochte darauf wetten, dass sie in WirkUch- keit wnd Wahrheit anders handeln wnd der grmienhaften Lockungi tdcht widerstehen wii/rde. *o Gustav Schollwockr Qrenzboten 49, 3; p. 130. 80 Ibsen m Germany his remonstrances, he cannot follow the dramatist into the fourth dimension into which the intricacy of his hypothesis leads him.*^ The Lady from the Sea was, therefore, for a good share of the Berlin public an undramatic, tedious, inconsistent, |and even mad dramatic eiFort. The applause actually occa- sioned was attributed to the Ibsenian cult (Ibsen-Gemeinde), the like of which, according to Brahm,*^ had no authentic existence. ■ Brahm attributes the comparatively cool reception of the drama to the decided Northern coloring, which remained foreign to many of the readers and many of the audience. The players, moreover, were scarcely equal to their -task.** This last, frequently quoted reproof demands a moment's attention and a word of explanation, if for no other reason than to obviate the possible impression that Ibsen was being played by mediocre talent in second-rate playhouses. The truth of the matter is that Ibsen demanded a special kind of training, a new technique, which impersonators needed to grow into. This accomplished for any single drama, re- markable impersonations were not uncommon. Excluding Frau Niemann-Raabe, of whose interpretation, though lauded and admired, little is actually known, four actresses of abil- ity and repute played Nora, for example, in Berlin alone: Eleonora Duse, Agnes Sorma, Gabrielle R^jane, and, later, Irene Tries ch.** ' In South Germany (Munich), three months later, a hap- pier acceptance of The Lady from the Sea was predicted. Ibsen surprises us anew with each one of his works. His re- cent drama, which occupies, perhaps, the zenith of his dra- *iKarl Frenzel: Deutsche Rundachcm.SQ; p. 301. *2 Brahm: KHUaehe Schnften, p. 335. *3 Ibid., p. 236 ff. *4 Cf. Stein; Henrik Ib»en, p. 9 ff. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 81 matic writings, is the point of departure into new fields of creative art, — no longer the annihilating negation, but the joyful aifirmation of life. It is the most complete and most agreeable of his works. It is destined to silence aU opposi- tion by the positive proof that Ibsen is not a pessimist. No pessimist is able, after his earlier severe and rigorous work, to present to us a drama of conciliation so poetic, so replete with the joy of living.*^ Yet Stein *® is of the opinion that neither The Lady from the Sea nor, afterwards, The MasterhuiLder ever received full justice on the boards of Germa,ny (prior to 1901), to say nothing of the first performance. Viewing the drama from the standpoint of hon sens, the public failed to penetrate into the underlying significance of the play. Ten years later, it was presented twelve times at the Schillertheater with some improvement. During the year. The Pillars of Society reappeared upon the stage to remain there. By 1899 the play had been pre- sented over twelve hundred times, in no less than sixty thea- ters.*'^ The success of the seventies was repeated. The the- atrical effectfulness of the play appealed to the masses, though, it must be added, in some instances, at least, that great strides had been taken in the interpretation of the more serious import of the drama. The faith in and the enthusiasm for the coming art had grown apace. No longer could the impatient generation wait upon the pleasure of the regular theaters and their managers. No more time remained to haggle with the ffis- thetic principles and moral scruples of the past. Ibsen and the native prpducts to follow in his wake, needs must have a *5 Heinz Tovote: GeselUchaft, 1889, S; p. 786. *« Stein: Henrik Ibsen, p. 29. *7 Ibsen: Samlede Vterker VI, p. VII, 82 Ibsen in Germamy means of unarrested expression. Self-expression is impera- tive. To this end the Free Theater (Freie Biihne) was es- tablished at Berlin. Following the example of Antoine's Theatre litre in Paris (established, 1887), a small number of German authors and critics, among them Otto Brahm, Paul Schlenther, Heinrich and Julius Hart, Fritz Mauthner, Gerhart Hauptmann, and Julius Stettenheim, formed the association to promote the new drama. Heretofore, for several decades, so it seemed to them, there had been no German theater. There had been a dearth of its every requisite: the actor, the dramatist, the public. Now actors had arisen, the greatest of them, Joseph Kainz.*® The dramatist had appeared in the person of Hen- rik Ibsen. The public, too, was at hand. Membership in the association was open to those interested in the under- taking for the fee of thirty marks, to students for half the amount. Within a short space the total membership had increased to eight hundred members and more. l'^ On the 29th of September, the Freie Biihne opened its idoors fittingly with the production of Ibsen's Ghosts, the ■play which two years earlier had broken forever the bar* riers of the traditional stage. Then, on the 20th of Octo- ber, followed the presentation of Hauptmann's Before Dawn, one of the three *® native dramas to usher in the new theater. A war ensued.®** Cafes, social gatherings, newspapers and magazines provided the battlegrounds. The results were \ 4s"Nora" afforded a "star" r&le. According to a writer in the Gesellschaft three actresses competed for the honor of being the best "Nora": Frau Friederilse Gossman, Vienna, Frau Niemann-Raabe, Ber- lin, and Frau Conrad-Ramlo, Munich, to whom a compatriot of Ibsen would grant the palm. Hansen: Gesellschaft, 1888, 1; p. 488 ff. 49Sudennann: Die Ehre, 1889 j Holz and Schlafi Die FamiKe SeUcke, 1890. po Brahm: Kritische Sehriften, p. 467 ff. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 83 tremendous. Even Frenzel, as the opposition was proving hopeless, conceded the folly of closing the theaters to a movement, which, having acquired control of the novel, was certain to become master of the drama as well.^^ Jj 1890 ~~ Every so-called new movement in literature and art has a tendency to ally or identify itself with some similar move- ment in the past. The Storm and Stress and the sixteenth century, the romantic movement and the middle ages afford well-known illustrations of this fact. Thus, at the close of the eighties, when Ibsen and naturalism were about to be firmly established and accepted as the new art, Germany turned back in its own history to discover, if possible, the native foundations of that art, thereby to explain and cor- roborate it. No long seeking was necessary to find the sources of dramatic realism in German literature. A/early as 1883, the association between this source and Ibsen had been recognized.^^ It was, therefore, the charm of the new, the esoteric, plus the old, the exoteric, the known, which, according to Leo Berg,'^ assured Ibsen a success and follow- ing in Germany astonishing even to himself. Ibsen, as Shakspere had done one hundred years earlier, led German literature to its own self-realization. In Less- ing and Kleist,- Ibsenian traits are discernible, even though for the greater part latent and in embryo. When Hebbel is reached, however, these traits are revealed in astonishing breadth and depth. Berg writes : *>i Concerning the Free Theater: Brahtti: Kritische Schriften, pp. 51 flf., 462 ff.; Frenzel: Deutsche Rundschau 63, p. 316 ff; Max. Harden: Mag. f. Lit. 1890; p. 209 ff. 52 See page 48. ,<>3 Berg: Zwischen zreei Jahrhunderten, p. 2S8 ff. 84< Ibsen m Germany One could almost say, that Ibsen is Hebbel resurrected in a more perfect form. He is, as it were, the latter's fulfillment. Almost everything which Hebbel attempted, Ibsen achieved. What the former had wanted to do, the latter accomplished. What Hebbel darkly divined, Ibsen controls consciously and clearly. There is scarcely a second example in the history of literature where the work discontinued by one is carried on so directly by another. The one is the presupposition of the other, the latter the justification of the former.^* Ibsen is entirely an old German melody, the import of which remained a riddle to our forefathers, old Vischer, for example, who during his whole life admired and loved Hebbel without ever understanding him.°° It may not be inopportune at this point to state HebbeFs position briefly. Hebbel's great contribution is the bourgeois tragedy in the strictest sense of the term. Established in German litera- ture by Lessing's Miss Sara Sampson,' 1755, and Emilia Galotti, 1772, this genius of tragedy was further developed by Schiller in Love and Intrigue (Kabale und Liebe), 1784. In the hands of Iffland (1759-1814>) and Kotzebue (1761- 1819), it degenerated into a trivial, sentimental, and coarse conflict, devoid of taste and meaning. It remained for Heb- bel in Mary Magdalene, 1846, to invest the bourgeois trag- edy with a new and serious dignity. Hebbel was most interested in the psychological aspects of the disintegration within the bourgeoisie and thus ac- corded the social aspect of the problem less prominence. Afterwards, as Lessing had done before him, Hebbel aban- doned his original practice. His later works, though not s* Leo Berg: Zwischen zwei Jahrhumderten, Hebbel und Ibsen, p. 260. Appendix, p. 18S. 65 Ibid., p. 272. Appendix, p. 18S. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 86 lacking modem themes,*'' are less realistic both in fable and form. A few years after Mary Magdalene had been written, Otto Ludwig (1813-1865) provided another excellent speci- men of moderate realism in The Forester's Heir (JDer Erb- forster), 1850. To be entitled to its high rank in modern' dramatic litera- ture, the bourgeois tragedy must embody certain essential and exclusive characteristics. Without ignoring the typical aspect of the dramatic conflict, of which it should not be im- poverished, the bourgeois tragedy must recognize and re- produce local color, the detailed attributes of a certain place and a certain time. Mary Magdalene ^^ and The For- ester's Heir^'' are, in a sense, practically timeless. They might almost be played in eighteenth century setting and costume without undue violence to the drama. The plots, though within a family, are stiU. derived too much from per- sonal disposition. The conflicts of society, which the char- acters in the later drama of this type accentuated and sym- 66 When Dina (Selma in The League of Youth} says she does not want to be a thing which man simply takes unto himself (Pillars of Society, Act IV), she strikes the keynote of Ibsen's demand for woman. Woman is no longer to be a chattel man may purchase or accept into his keep- ing. Man's highest law is hers as well: Each must be himself, develop his personality. Woman reaches her greatest height when she then in ardent faith and confidence sacrifices her greatest possession, as Agnes in Brand, and, later, as Nora had hoped to do, in the " greatest Wonder of all." The violation of the right of woman to her personality, of which the men in Ibsen's plays are repeatedly guilty, is characteristic, too, of some of Hebbel's dramas. Maiiarane, in Herodes wnd Mariam,ne, 1850, says: I was only a thing to him and nothing more (Act II, Scene 6) ; To-day my life begins, heretofore I was dreaming (Act II, Scene 5). And this same idea, that woman is an independent self, is fundamental in Maria Magdalena, 1846, and Hebbel's other masterpiece, Gyges und sein Ring, 1856. 57 For a brief analysis of these dramas and a consideration of their position in the development of the bourgeois tragedy, see Litzmann: Ibiens Dramien, p. 4 ff. 86 Ibsen in Germam/y bolized, are here almost forgotten in the fate of the indi- vidual. As a matter of fact, therefore, though the novel had treated them, the drama had only grazed the social and po- litical activities of the day. Added to this, the further fact of the personal peculiarities of both Hebbel and Ludwig and the explanation is at hand why the younger playwrights were intimidated rather than encouraged to continue upon the course really very ably begun. But there was another reason why Hebbel should not become the leader and teacher of the next generation. The bourgeoisie was not yet aware of the powerful and growing contradictions and conflicts within itself. There was, on that account, no imminent need of a mirror in which they might be reflected. Hebbel (1813-1863), like Bjorrison, in spite of his artistic achievement, had come too soon. He was the child of another day. /Only after 1870 did rapidly increasing numbers, not only in public, but in private circles, occupy themselves with the social questions confronting them. Apparently defying so- lution, the social problem provoked continual agitation, dis- tressing enough to older heads, peculiarly attractive, on the other hand, to the younger men. . ' It was the latter who deplored that now no writer seemed at hand to embody the ideals, the hopes and disappointments which stirred them. Never before in history had the mag- nitude of the forces at work within the lower estates been so evident, but round about the poets seemed dim of vision and dull of hearing. Just then Ibsen appeared, — the mature artist, particu- larly qualified by his extraordinary sensitiveness to those very conditions, to become the great leader and teacher. Ibsen, moreover, seized upon the ethical aspect of the issue, Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 87 in distinct contrast to either Hebbel or Ludwig, which ac- coimts in no small measure for his phenomenal power and influence. To complete his conquest of the German stage, the dram- atist of the North had yet to establish himself in the play houses of Vienna. For an hxmdred years and over, Vienna had enjoyed the prestige of the leading German theater, to suffer, toward the close of the nineteenth century, a tem- porary eclipse by the preeminence of Berlin. The political center of the German speaking peoples had become its art center. Ludwig Anzengruber (1839—1889), in a series of realistic plays, had in a measure prepared the. Viennese audiences for the naturalistic drama. Anzengruber had in fact antici- pated Ibsen in the treatment of a number of motives gleaned from the biological hypotheses, which, for the time, seemed to explain the universe. In The Fifth Commandment {Das vierte Gebot), 1878, the principle of heredity had been em- ployed in the motivation. A young wife confides to a friend, that, as her husband had exhausted his life, nothing remained for his progeny.®* This slight stain, Schmutzfleck, which we 58 This, the theme of Ibsen's Qhosts, Is suggested in an even more striking manner in Hebbel's Julia, 18S1. The rou4 Count Bertram, is determined not to marry because he feels his life poisoned and depleted: " I shouldn't be particularly afraid of a misaUiance . . . but I do de- cidedly hesitate at a marriage of the living and the dead, — for that breeds ghosts ! " (Act 1, scene 5.) " How dare you ever marry? Your own son would one day challenge you to a duel for that." (Act I, scene 6.) {Ich scheue die Missheiraten nicht so sehr . . . aber die zwischen Leben und Tod scheue ich allerdings; deiin sie ist die Mutter der Denn nie darfst dm, eins (Mddchen) zum Weibe macken? Dein eigner 8ohn wwrde Dick dereinst dafilr amf Pistolen fordern. Hebbel: Werke II, pp. 143, 14f3.) Anzengruber, moreover, propounded a theory of realism distinctly modern as early as 1879. See his preface to Dorf gauge II. 88 Ibsen in Germamy prefer to have omitted, writes a Viennese critic,'® has since spread itself to occupy an entire drama in which the uncer- tain theory is expounded as an absolute dogma. The " magnified Schmutzfleck " made its debut in Vienna at the Deutsches Theater, November £1, 1890. Ibsen is a great poetic genius and he has written a whole series of plays that deserve to be admired. Ghosts, however, cannot be counted one of them. The dramatist's audacity and ability to fashion the material into dramatic form are evident in the drama. Its technical and psychologic structure, Ibsen's art in charac- terization, are as exalted in Ghosts as in his most mature works. Yet his art was not able to ennoble the offensive, to mitigate the arbitrariness of his invention. Schiller looked upon the stage as a moral institution. Ibsen views it in Ghosts as a dissecting room, as an institution for the correction of society. It is not his purpose to correct us by means of beautiful moral maxims; he employs the knife of an anatomist, and by vivisecting the living beings of his plays, he demonstrates to us the fate of our offspring if we are vicious. . . . Finally, he is entangled in all the errors and caprice into which our philosophical natural scientists so often stray.'" The conclusion of the play, it must be admitted, is poetic and powerful. But too late did Ibsen remember that he is a crea- tive artist. The reader may surrender to the poetic impressions of the play, but the audience in the theater has long taken flight before the sun had risen above the swampy lowlands."^ Never has a half-truth been defended by greater intelli- gence or greater talent. The idealistic drama only has con- sistently striven for the truth. The piece d, thise has always B9 Adam MilUer-Guttenbrunn: Dramaturgische Qdnge, p. 16S ff. 60 Ibid., p. 166. Appendix, pp. 1&6, 186. 61 Muller-Guttenbrunn : Dramaturgische OUnge, p. 170. Appendix, p. 186. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 89 constructed its dramatis persona to further its plea, Ibsen is the great champion of this literary genus.*^ Ibsen's first success in Vienna had been scored in the Hof- theater, October 23rd, by the presentation of An Enemy of the People, the popularity of which has not diminished, it is safe to say, to the present day. During the latter years of his activity Ibsen produced a drama, on the average, every two years. In 1890, Hedda Gabler left the press. It appeared in a German translation the following year. No new play of Ibsen at hand, attention was turned to his earlier efforts. On February 12th, the Deutsches Theater at Berlin revived The Vikings at Helge- land,^^ which, it will be recalled, passed unnoticed in 1876 In spite of the inability of the actors to impersonate ade- quately such heroic figures as Hjordis, Sigurd, and old Oer- nulf, the youthful drama did not fail to exert its dramatic power. Although the scientific spirit had entered all fields of human thought, literary criticism had remained singularly immune, says Hermann Bahr.®* In an essay on Henrik Ib- sen, Bahr, therefore, tries to avoid the extremes of antag- onist and enthusiast, and objectively answer the question: What position does Ibsen occupy in the literature of the 62 Ibid., p. 170 flf. 63 During the same, the fifth, decade of the century, the three great dramatists, Hebbel, Wagner, and Ibsen treated the Siegfried theme. Hebbel's trilogy The Nibehingen appeared in 1862, Wagner's music- drama The Ring of the Nibelungen, in 1853, and Ibsen's Vikings at Belgeland, in 1858. Siegfried's sacrifice of the woman he loved to his friend, a motive which both Hebbel and Wagner rejected, becomes the prime motive in Ibsen's version. Ibsen's characterization is modern and remains wholly within the bounds of the purely human; the Vikings are heroes of human proportions, not gods or semi-gods. Hebbel accepted mythology on the same basis with actuality. Cf. Lotbar: Henrik Ibsen, p. 41 fi^. 84 Hermann Bahr; Zur Kritik der Moderne; Henrik Ibsen, p. 59 S. 90 Ihsen m Germam/ world? I. In what respects does he extend the boundaries of the past? II. In what respects does he prepare for the future? -"Ibsen's strength lies in the problem-play {Problemdich- tiung) , the most precious of the many acquisitions of literary individualism. Ibsen's poetic zeal is to be himself, to anni- hilate entirely all foreign influences upon him, to pursue his own originality without restraint. His human zeal, there- fore, becomes a disdain of all outside authority, and an ac- knowledgment of that truth only, he himself has realized. The srnnmwm bonum is to be one's self. Its first literary exposition is Brand. Brand is the renunciation of his poetry from all depend- ence and imitation. Brand is a burning passion with which Ibsen overcomes inherited preconception and attains to lib- erty. " It is a challenge to the European ' halfness,' the European half-thinking and living, which like a stray dog begs at every table." Ibsen evades no sacrifice, however great, to attain a unity of life and will. In Brand Ibsen is for the first time a modern man. " And he is one of the few who are so entirely." Brand is the modem will. Peer Gynt is the indwidualistic wUl, also at enmity with half -living and thinking. Peer Gynt is the protest against the romantic spirit, which, though it disdains active existence, accepts the practice of bourgeoisie cowardice as the theory of all human existence. The bourgeoisie reconciled the discrepancy between ideality and reality by disposing of them as incompatible, separate sovereigns. The problem-play is the ultimate expression of the roman- tic spirit. In it lies Ibsen's efficiency and talent. His keen perception of modern conditions, however, directed him to turn from romanticism. By so doing he betrayed his talent TraditioTiai Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 91 to realize his perceptions. To conciliate these opposing forces was the problem of his life, at the same time, the problem of modem literature. Ibsen stands, therefore, at the threshold of the new literature; he is, therefore, the champion of the contemporary desire to synthesize roman- ticism and naturalism. Therein rests his significance. Bahr does not share the opinion that Ibsen is a master of the naturalistic technic. Nor is Ibsen's characterization without faults and blemishes, though it is true that no one siuee Shakspere has created characters as intelligible, as palpable, as true to nature, — Dr. Rank, Pastor Manders, and Hjalmar Ekdal, for example. If the delineation of character is contradictory and vague, as in Nora, Stock- mann, Rebekka West, the reason is to be sought in the ideas of which they are the exponents. The idea always takes re- venge for being suppressed under the form of naturalism, which it disrupts. At times, therefore, the content does violence to the form ; at other times, the reverse is true. ~~) Ibsen's wealth of ideas is too great. The result is con- fusion. Only twice did the dramatist succeed in carrying out a problem without being diverted from it, — Ghosts and The wad Duch. i The irresistible charm of Ibsen's plays is to be discovered, in their synthesis of individualism and socialism. The prom- \ ise of this synthesis is, however, never fulfilled because the \ tragic purification does not ensue. Ibsen's works are but a stammering revelation of the modern spirit. The final word^ remains unsaid. Henrik Ibsen is a literary John the Baptist who preaches the renunciation of this present world and directs the way into the future which the savior will some time travel. Bahr's final conclusion met with emphatic opposition from a body of patriotic literati, whose cause Berthold Litzmann 92 Ibsen m Germany espoused in terms, if not so luminous, likewise not alternately so opaque as those of the literary scientist. During the first year, the Free Theater had produced only two German plays. To counteract the undue approval of foreign models, such leaders of their generation as Bleibtreu and Alberti determined to establish a Grerman Theater {Deutsches Theater). After some delay, this theater set out upon its mission with Bleibtreu's Destimy,^^ September 28, 1890. Adam Miiller-Guttenbrunn's Irma^^ was staged the second evening ; then Alberti's Bread^"^ the first to be received with unqualified approval. Julius Hart's Quagrnvre^^ the next play, was a complete failure. Herman Bahr's l^ew Men^^ fared little better, and the German Theater passed out of existence. The tale of the patriotic critic had a different ending. Though not opposed to Ibsen's individual talent, Litzmann considered the influence of Scandinavia, especially as ex- pressed through Ibsen, a direct misfortune to German let- ters. To transplant such peculiar characteristics to Ger- man soil is an experiment which only those having no real notion of German feelings and perception would attempt. Ibsen with his whims and idiosyncrasies is too thoroughly national. Litzmann was convinced that the literary reform could not be remedial and salutary until the overwhelming influence of the North was broken, until the German poets 8B Schicksal, 1889, a drama dealing with Napoleon. 66 Miiller-Guttenbrunn (18S3-). Irma, written in 188S, published in 1891, deals with a " misunderstood woman." 67 Conrad Alberti (Sittenfeld, 1862-). Brot, 1888; revised, 1902, as Thomas Mimzer. An attempt to portray the socialistic tendencies of the present in historic setting, the latter to idealize them. 68 Julius Hart (18S9-). Swmpf, 1886. The struggle of a weak char- acter in a large city. Cf. Sudermann's Sodoms Ende. 69 Hermann Bahr (1863-). Die neuen Menscken, 1887. Theme: Free love. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 93 again regained the courage to rely upon their own faculties, to see things through their own eyes instead of the spectacles of Ibsenism. Ibsen provided the least suitable model the German poets could choose, both in technic and in theme. Instead of justifying the feeling of certainty and confidence which a dramatist should evoke in the reader or audience, Ibsen confuses the emotions, thus violating a cardinal tech- nical requirement. All the characters he brings before us are diseased. " In alien Ecken vmd Winkeln kichert der Wahnsirm." '"' Litzmann later attributed his controversial attitude to the fear that an irrational imitation of Ibsen would be sub- stituted for the former imitation of the classics. Relieved of these apprehensions, the critic changed his point of view, freely acknowledged in Ibsen's Dramas {Ibsens Dramen), published in 1901. Also suggested by the Free Theater, the idea of a Peo- ple's Free Theater (Freie Volkshuhne) ''^ came to Bruno Wille (I860-). Assisted by members of the society Durch, by Wilhelm Bolsche (1861-), the author of The Scientific Basis of Poetry,''^ 1887, by Otto Brahm, and others, Wille saw his social-democratic theater a reality July 29, 1890. Ibsen's PiUars of Society was selected for the opening per- formance. Hauptmann's Before Dati.n,''^ next put upon the boards, proved to be a rather unhappy experiment. Very different, then, was the reception of An Enemy of the People. Dissension among the members of the association led to the 70 Litzmann: Das deuUche Drama, 1894. Cf. pp. 141-161. 'iThe People's Free Theater aimed' not only at one performance of any single drama, but at a number, providing an opportunity for every member of the society, which later included 10,000-15,000 subscribers, to witness (for fifty Pfennig!) each play presented. 72 Die matti/rwitgensehaftlichen Orundlagen der Poesie. 73 Vor SormenoAifffang, 1889. 94 Ibsen in Germany organization of a New People's Free Theater, which, as well as its prototype, has continued its activity to the present. Other German cities, notably Hamburg and Vienna, after- wards established similar theaters. 1891 No other one of Ibsen's plays provoked comment to the extent of Hedda Gabler. Never were opinions more at va- riance. Those skeptical of Ibsen's dramatic talent were disposed to construe the mediocre success of Hedda upon the boards as an indication of the truth of their doubts. The bitter opponents of Ibsen and of naturalism perceived in the drama the positive proof of its untenable principles. Others, again, felt in duty bound to support whatever issued from the master's pen. And still others, for reasons which later years fully justified, maintained an unshaken faith in the play and its author. On the last day of January, Hedda Gabler '^* was played at Munich. That evening, a critic records,''^ was a mem- orable one at the Residenztheater, the very first representa- tion of Hedda Gabler. Our court theater, as no other, may lay claim to the merit of granting the great dramatist of the North an opportunity to speak, even in the face of the danger of being misinterpreted. The Vikmgs at Helgeland, Nora, An Enemy of the People, and The Pillars of Society have been played. These works of Ibsen, as some might suppose, have not been fostered because their author has been living in Munich for years, but because of their interest to the direction of the theater, and because — by no means the slightest reason — Munich possesses in the talented ■a Hedda Gabler, played in London, April 30, 1891; Paris, Dec. 17. 1891 ; Rome, Sept. 18, 1892; St. Petersburg, 1892. 75 w. Brachvogel: Freie BijChni II, p. 117 flf. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 95 Conrad-Ramla the greatest impersonator of Ibsenian roles. But neither the actors or the audience had yet measured up to the requirements of Hedda, Taken as a whole the performance at Berlin,''® ten days later, was more acceptable even if not satisfactory. The Berlin players, too, were unable to fathom profound psychic depths. " The present sad condition of the histrionic art," Brahm wrote,'''' " will undoubtedly postpone the happy pos- sibility in which six actors may be found capable of disclos- ing to an audience the soul, thought, and actions of these human, all too human, beings. No wonder, therefore, that misconceptions run riot." Brahm's subtle analysis of the character of Hedda and of the significance of the child-promise is illuminating : • The fact that she should give birth to an actual little Jorgen, to the son of her queer husband, whom she does not love, whilst Lovborg's and Thea's spiritual offspring, the great work of the future, carries their renown to the stars, drives her to her pathological deeds, — to her death. Then too, all the ugliness and involuntary drollery which her egotistic notion of the beau- tiful associates with motherhood, — the smiling remarks of in- timates, the sick bed, perhaps, or even the loss of her mature charms — " Enough," she cries in revolt, " never shall that happen." Not able to mould her own life, she had consented to a marriage on the basis of economy. The incompatibility of the social status which had driven her to that act, and the independent will of a stronger nature, which cannot brook con- trol, is her doom. Just at this point the seemingly narrow 76 Certain sentences in the dialogue, — " to end it all beautifully " (in Sohonheit sterben) and "with vine leaves in his hair" (Weinlaub vm Hoar), which had occasioned some merriment in Munich, were discreetly omitted at the Berlin premiere. Seven years later, at the Deutsches Theater, March 19, 1898, an expurgated version was no longer a neces- sary preference. Cf. Stein: Hermk Ibsen, p. 33 ff. 77 Brahm: Freie Buhne 11, p. 170 ff. Kriiische Schriften, p. 317 ff. 96 Ibsen in Germany psychological process becomes typical of the modern world. A social typej as Nora, as EUida, is discernible. What the mas- ter, with a clear vision of the future, has thus created, cannot long be obscured by nonsensical remonstrances or by soulless representation. Even if Hedda Gabler now disappears from the stage, she will return. The dramatic value of the play will be discovered then.''* After a half dozen performances, Hedda did disappear from the stage. The public, for the time being, seemed to have no desire to solve the conundrums which the dramatist had manufactured " partly out of trickery, partly out of muddled thinking." ''^ Another commentator attributed the peculiarly interesting but tantalizing aspect of Ibsen's genius to the national trait of his temperament, to the Northern reflective mood, restraint of passion, and mystic bias.8o The year, 1891, marks the reestablishment of The Pre- tenders ^^ in the repertory of the more prominent German theaters. Of the return of the drama to the Berlin stage, May 31st, Paul Schlenther gives the following report: A whirring and rushing sound as of a great sjonphony ! And this symphony is nothing more nor less than the overture to Henrik Ibsen's modern dramas. All the latter leit-motifs are here anticipated. When Bishop Nicholas holds the fateful letter of the priest Trond in his hands, he says : " Here, back of this thin seal lie? the history of Norway for a hundred years to come. It lies and dreams, as a young bird within its egg." Similarly Ibsen's modern poetic soul lies and dreams in The Pretenders. 78Brahm; Freie Buhne II, p. 171. Appendix, pp. 186, 187. T9 Frenzel: Deutsche Bundschcw 67, p. 456. 80 p. Schellhas: Oegevmart 39, p. 390 ff. 81 See p. 31. Not played in England or France prior to 1901. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 97 If the historical drama ®^ has come to impress us as strange and foreign, so that in spite of its purely human motivation The Pretenders has the chilling effect upon us as a Haupt and Staatmction, then Ibsen's Wild Duck, Ghosts, and Nora are mainly to blame for it. . . . The substance of art varies ; themes no less than forms arise and grow old, — become obsolete. The historical drama is not in keeping with the spirit of our day. . . . That is evident, too, from the impression made by The Pretenders. . . . New ways lie before us, and a more refined, changed era will return to a genuine poetical conception of the historical past. Nevertheless, our theater directors and dramatists should not be dissuaded by such considerations from testing the fitness for the stage of Ibsen's greatest work, the universal drama. Emperor and Galilean. For this drama does not embrace a limited epoch only, it includes, as Goethe's Faust, the world.*^ t During the year, two other eariy dramas appeared on the stage for the first time: The League of Youth, at Berlin; The Feast at Solhaug, at Vienna. The former made its way upon the boards comparatively late. It was not played in Vienna until September 20, 1898 (Carl-Theater). The Lessingtheater produced it September 1, 1900, and in Octo- ber of the following year the People's Free Theater gave a 82 Piqued by some remark of Martin Greif at a festivity in Munich, Ibsen gave voice, in conversation with Lothar, to his opinion of the his- toric drama: " What did this Martin Greif really mean to say? I don't understand. What sort of dramas does he write anyway? The dramas of people who have long been dead, whom he never knew. Can a dramatist write plays about people unfamiliar to him? What do the dead concern Martin Greif? He ought to let them rest in peace, and dramatize the living to his heart's content. Now he is disturbing the Bavarian sovereigns in their graves. When he has finished with tliem, the HohenzoUern will most likely be next in order. It is true there are enough dead princes. There is a great deal to history. But surely that is not to-day the province of the drama." Lothar; Benrik Ibsen, p. 127. Appendix, p. 187. 83 ScMentherr Freie Buhne 3, pp. 548, S49. Appendix, pp. 187, 189. 98 Ibsen in Germany performance of it before the members of the association. In spite of the fact that naturalism never struck deep roots in South German soil, but a half year from the first representation of Ibsen was necessary before Vienna claimed the distinction of being the exponent, the city par excellence, of the modern drama. The occasion was the production of a series of Ibsen's plays beginning with The Pretenders, April 11th, and culminating with The WUd Duck, April 17th. In truth, a week of Ibsen, with a banquet at the climax.** Later years were destined to bring the dramatist even more brilliant and more unqualified successes in the city of theaters. The five years under consideration brought forth numer- ous translations: 1887, The Wild Duck^^ and Rosmers- holm; «^ 1888, The Lady from the Sea,^'' The Feast at Solr haug,^^ Emperor ami, GalUean; ®* 1889, Love's Comedy; *" 1891, Hedda Gabler.^^ In 1889 two editions of Ibsen's com- plete works were begun, one by HofFory, the other iji Reclrnn, To express the new forces active in human existence in congruous and adequate forms had become early in the decade, we have noticed, the paramount problem of the generation. Other pamphleteers followed in the wake of Bleibtreu, whose A Revolution in Literature (1886) had 84 Cf. Eugen Raaben: Preie Buhne S, p. 44,8 ff. ssThe Wild Duck, into English, 1891; Russian, 1892; French, 1893; Italian, 1895. se Bosmershohn, into English, 1889; French, 1893; Russian, 1894; Ital- ian, 1894. 87 The Lady from the Sea, into English, 1890; Russian, 1891; French, 1892; Italian, 1894. 88 The Feast at SolhoMg, into Russian, 1896. 89 Emperor and Galilean, into English, 1876 ; French, 1895. »o Love's Comedy, into English (selections) 1881; Frenclj, 1896; Rus- sian, 1896. Bi Hedda Oahler, into English, 1891, twice; Russian, 1891, three times; French, 1892; Italian, 1893. Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 99 reached its third edition in 1887. Only one of them, Arno Holz (1863-), who had tried his hand at the lyric, need detain us. " It was Holz's idea that art should have a natural, that is, a biological or sociological, explanation. The " experi-\ mental" art of Zola he rejected as self -contradictory, — an experiment admitted no temperament, and substituted a definition of his own (which I rather paraphrase than trans- late) : Art has the tendency again, to be nature. That at- tainment is dependent upon the actual conditions of repro- duction,, and the ability of the reproducer. " Die Kwnst hat die Tendenz wieder die Natur zv, sevn. Sie wird sie nach Massgahe ihrer jedweiUgen Reproductionsbedvngtmgen und deren Handhahimg." ®^ _ In practice Holz accomplished most in his style, in the reproduction of natural conversation. This is best exempli- fied in a few sketches bearing the title Papa Hamlet (1889)®* and in the drama The Selicke FamUy (1890),®* of which Z temporary drama in Germany bears many direct traces, bsen's style, from this viewpoint, though realistic, was iiui- realistic enough. Ibsen's dialogue was too much manipu- lated ; it was created rather then reproduced. i This objection was only one of several, however, which the revolutionists listed against Ibsen. Bleibtreu had taken ex- ception to the lack of color in The Wild Duck and Rosmers- holm, for instance, and had taken a decided stand against the " Ibsen-humbug " in the theaters, — against the bulletins of disease and the dialectic disquisitions on pathology. Such drama only immature heads would overestimate.®* What was the secret then of Ibsen's irresistible appeal? 92 Holz: Die Knnst, p. 117. 03 Johannes Schlaf collaborated. »* Bleibtreu: Bevohition der Literatur, dritte Auflage, p. VII. 100 Ibsen in Germany Several reasons may be enumerated by way of explanation. Great 'art is the expression of the consciousness of an age. Every age, " despising the base degrees by which it did ascend," seeks for its own, a new truth, a new art, and a new humanity. It was in Ibsen more than in any one else ^ that youthful Germany discovered the truth and the art of its time, and the method of their attainment. Keenly aware of the rise of new powers, Ibsen relentlessly tore asunder the old ideals that the new might spring forth in unobstructed beauty and grandeur. Like Brand he led the way up the mountain height, revealing new scenes, other Views • of life, of morals and art. / Modern investigations had revealed a diiFerent world. What in the past had appeared so simple had become an almost incalculable intricacy. Where a single motive had heretofore prompted man, a contradictory complex of de- sires and feelings now actuated him. This discovery was a ^dyama in itself. It was the age of science, rather, of the sciences. Biology, psychology, and sociology had laid bare the truth, and Ibsen was the most powerful exponent of this .truth in dramatic form. Ibsen had wielded it into form, which others could now vary and adapt to the myriad new themes, and old themes made over. But Ibsen was more than an iconoclast and scientist; he was a visionary, a prophet. The Germans have ever loved visions, had dreamed a hundred years ago of an ideal life, of a " third kingdom." And if not Schiller's vision of future humanity, here was a great and no less appealing promise. It is true that Zola and Tolstoy, and others, too, were seers, but Ibsen's eyes, it was divined, had seen most clearly. Granting that he had combined so many characteristics of the age, and especially of the age in Germany, Ibsen would Traditional Barriers Broken, 1887-1891 101 yet have been found wanting but for one quality, strongly marked "and equally dear to the German mind,-^ his emphatic assertion of individualism. The Germans are by nature indi- vidualists. Nor did he forget to portray the ever growing conflict between' the individual and society, between the indi- vidual's duty to himself and his function in the social group. Civilization had complicated human existence ; man could no longer exercise his personal rights without direct conse- quences in the social body. " Herein lies the explanation of the dissimilar and contra- dictory phenomena of the modern drama, — its materialism and mysticism; its democracy, autocracy, and anarchy; its individualism and socialism; its eroticism and asceticism. No matter what his predilection, the youthful author found his particular- interest artistically treated in the works of Ibsen. ■f By 1891, therefore, the German drama had been reani- mated. In the years succeeding, the Gernian drama burst forth in profusion/T Thus, to quote from a writer of those days, "historically viewed, it was a necessity, not to be averted, that Ibsen in coming to us with his modern plays should become the prototype of the German drama. What we had suspected to be the problem, we found first clearly recognized by him, distinctly expressed and artistically assim- ilated by him, — and I should not know in whom else those merits could have been found." *^ 95 Albert Dresdner: Das dritte Drama; Kimstwart IV, p. ^90. Ap- pendix, p. 188. CHAPTER VI Ibsen's latee works and the eeelorescence or THE GERMAN DRAMA, 1891—1900 NO other European theater ever has approached the Ger- man theater in the eclecticism of its repertory ; no other theater has so judiciously and appreciatively bestowed its consideration and praise upon the worthy products of foreign literatures. And never, it is safe to say, did the theaters of Germany present a more varied international program ^ than in the nineties of the last century. The luxuriance of the theater was rivalled by the thrift of original production.^ The late eighties and early nineties 1. Cf. O. Neumann-Hofer: Das Theater in Berlin; CosmopoUs, 1896, I; p. 286 flf. 2 Ludwig Fulda (1862-) : Das verlorene Parodies, 1890 Die Sklavin, 1891 Der Talisman, 1892 Die Kameraden, 1895 Jugindfreunde, 1897 Max Halbe (1865-) : Jugend, 1893 Mutter Erde, 1897 Otto Erich Hartleben (1864^ 190S) : Angele, 1891 Hanna Jagert, 1893 Die sittUehe Forderimg, 1897 Carl Hauptmann (1858-) : Wnldleute, 189S Ephraims Breite, 1898 Gerhart Hauptmann (1862-) : Vor Sormenaufgang, 1889 Das Friedensfest, 1890 102 Einsame Menschen, 1891 Die Weber, 1892 Hannele, 1892 Der Biherpelz, 1893 Kollege Craxnplon, 1894 ' Plorian Oeyer, 189S Die versunkene Olocke, 1896 Fuhrma/nn Henschel, 1898 Georg Hirschfeld (187S-) ; Die Mutter, 1896 Ernst Rosmer (1866-): DSmmerung, 1894 Konigskinder, 1898 Jahannes Schlaf (1862-): Die Familie Selieke, 1890 (with Holz) Meister Size, 1892 Arthur Schnitzler (1862-): Anatol, 1893 Liebelei, 1895 Ibsen's Later WorJcs 103 had sufficed for the greater talents to serve their apprentice- ship to their masters. Now thej established studios of their own. The wealth of art that issued from them was astonish- ing. No wonder, then, that a feeling of self-sufficiency en- tered the German theater toward the close of the decade. Ibsen was firmly established. The plays known were pro- duced and reproduced, the plays still to come from his pen were awaited with expectation. Their former objections waylaid by Ibsen's practical success, the opposition designed another method of attack. Each play anew, from Hedda Gabler on, was designated as incomprehensible, whimsical, senile, and impossible. Speculation arose as to the future drama. Will a com- ing genius perfect what Ibsen had promised? Will a syn- thesis of individualism and socialism, romanticism and natur- alism, idealism and realism, realize a perfect art expression? Will the modern scientific world be transcended by an art capable of welding its contradictions into a higher unity ? ^ As Goethe had summed up the century, had created a new world out of the fragmentary contributions of a hundred years, as he had stood on the threshold of a new time, fore- seeing the trend of future years, so Ibsen gathered up the tendencies of his time and century and anticipated the events-, of the age to come. -^ Out of Ibsen's works breathes the spirit of the coming century, in which much wiU fall that we heretofore have thought the firm foundation pillars of our being. His complete rupture with Hermann Sudermann (1857-) : Die d/rei Beikerfedern, 1898 Die Ehre, 1889 Frank Wedekind (186M : Sodoms Mnde, 1891 FrMhlmgs Erwachm, 1891 Heimat, 1893 Der Mrdgeist, 1895 Die Sohmetterlingsscmcht, (Authorities by no means agree jggg, on some of the dates listed Moritun, 1896 above.) Dob QMch im Wmkel, 1896 104 Ibsen m Germamy the past, seemingly or really dead, in a time, which, as ours, is agitated and disquieted by the presentiment of imminent revolu- tions in every sphere of life, lends to Ibsen a decided modern impress.' There were those who beheld in the Norwegian the great modern; others had begun to hope for another, a greater dramatist, — a new Shakspere. At the height of his renown, Ibsen turned to his native land where he made his home — in Kristiania — for the re- maining years of his life. His leaving Munich at this time (1891) suggested various interpretations to the press: he was fleeing his young followers who were now demanding re- spect and consideration for themselves ; he had been offended by the dispute over naturalism, with which he had nothing in common. Whatever the weight of these explanations, it is' an interesting fact that Ibsen's next play did portray the relation between an old master and the rising generation^ Vngdommen banker pa doren. And as a symbol of the change that had set in, Hauptmann's Lonely Lives {Emsame Menschen) appeared, a drama which obviously treats of an Ibsenian theme in a thoroughly German and individual manner. The year, 1891, further marks the first class-room discus- sions of Ibsen and his works in German universities, an in- novation to the credit of Emil Reich at the University of Vienna. During the winter semester of 1891—92, Reich, in a course on aesthetics, devoted some lectures to Ibsen. These were repeated the following year as an independent study. Then, in 1894, Reich's discussions appeared in book form. By 1908, they had been published in the sixth edition. Reich's point of departure, as he himself states it,* is not that "Anon.: Eunitmart V, 1891-93; p. 3fi8. Appendix, p. 189. * Reich: Ibient Dramen, p. XI. Ibsen's Later Works 105 of a biographer, but that of a sociologist. His particular purpose is to show that Ibsen, though an individualist at heart, proves, by means of his dramas, that extreme individ- ualism is untenable and that a social conception of the world is necessary. In a lecture, Ihsen and Woman's Rights,^ which he delivered March 19, 1891, before the Society for the Extended Education of Women,® Reich had stated the principal theme of his later comments and criticism. Per- sonally, Reich considered Ibsen the " idealistic naturahst and democratic aristocrat." MasterhvAlder Solness, published in 1892, appeared in Ger- man '' the succeeding year in a number of translations, among them the authorized version by Sigurd Ibsen, the dramatist's own son. The play became an exercise in speculation and interpretation. The unfavorable criticism, as a whole, was very moderate, due likely, as Stein ® suggests, to an instinc- tive feeling that something might here be embodied of which critical intelligence as yet had no notion. Although Ibsen's plastic power has abated, although his symbolism at times misses the mark, and although the leit motifs overstep the boundary between the sublime and the ridiculous, Ibsen's last drama still contains such revelations of soul, is so expressive of mood, at times so exalting, that rightly does the student seek to discover and enjoy its dark secrets. The MasterbuUder betrays that it is the product of age, not only in its ossified technic, also in its incompre- hensible and abstract fantasticality. The abundance of in- dividual traits, so characteristic of the earlier works, has sub- sided, and the former spontaneity and freshness are gone.® 6 Ibsen wnd das Becht der Frwu. Printed ia the third annual report of the Society. « Vereim fiir erweiterte Frauenbildanff. t Simultaneously in German, English, French, ItaUan, Russian. 8 Stein: Senrik Ibsen, p. 38. » Fritz Mauthner: Mag. f. IM., 1893; p. 831. 106 Ibsen in Germany The Infirmities rather than the wisdom of age seemed ap- parent. There were, of course, happy exceptions to this idea: With almost every drama of Ibsen a mystic power rises into the world from hidden realms, which assumes life in being named, and with which we long have experienced an unconscious relationship. In The Masterbuilder it is the impossible. He had once accomplished it. He had done a deed beyond the limitations of his power. This deed he recalls as something fearful and superhuman, at the same time, as the momentary fulfillment of his greatest yearning.*" When youth entices him to repeat the deed, the Master- builder ascends the steeple a second time. But mortality has ventured too far into the realms of the supermortal, and it falls. Between its incommensurable heights and depths, the human soul hovers, vacillating, indeterminate, till it pre- cipitates its doom by the attempt of the impossible. The most remarkable aspect of Masterbuilder Solness is the remarkable concentration of subject matter so super- abundantly provided with problems and ideas. The play is a notable illustration of the reserve and mastery with which Ibsen materializes and vivifies his fables.-'^ I All of Ibsen's works, it is the opinion of another critic, have been more or less symbolic. The Masterbuilder is only thus to be understood. That man cannot himself ascend to the heights of his own building is an exquisite symbol of the world reformer, of him who re-evaluates life, who establishes in theory a new existence, which he and others cannot real- loHedwig Lachmann: Oesellschaft IX, 1893; p. 348 ff. Appendix, p. 189. 11 Erich Holm: Oegenwart 44, p. S3. 12 Max Rless: Gegenwart 43, p. 40. Ibsen's Later Works 107 The initial representation ^^ of the play at the Lessing- theater, Berlin, January 19th, was not a success. Neither the actors nor the audience were yet competent to exploit the occult phenomena of the soul. The Masterbuilder remained upon the stage, nevertheless, and by 1901 had been played in Germany thirty-seven times. Two years passed and Little Eyolf '* was piit into the hands of the German public. To the habitual search for the idea, to which each play gave rise, Leo Berg remonstrated.^^ Ibsen's depth must not be sought in the idea. It lies in the characterization and mood. And in these respects, as well as in dialogue and effectfulness. Little Eyolf ranks among the foremost dramatic productions not only of Ibsen, but of the century. Rarely have the deepest aspects of the soul been brought to light as in this drama. The depth and intensity of the technic of Little Eyolf transcends that of Hedda Gabler and the Masterbmlder. A mystic longing for peace is discernible in the quiet, concilia- tory mood of the play. The gaze is directed " toward the mountain peaks, the stars, the great calm." Similar to MasterbiiMder Solness, Little Eyolf is self-revelatory. A hidden melancholy melody recurs; mortal man is earth bound. The idealist, whose strength of body and soul are inadequate, reels at his own idealistic demands. Little Eyolf seemed not to promise much for the stage. 13 The Masterbmlder was staged without delay: London, Haymarket Theater, Dec. 7, 189?; Trondhjem, and Berlio, Lessingtheater, Jan. 19, 1893; London, Trafalgar Square Theater, and Chicago (in Norse), Feb.; Kristiania, Copenhagen, Chicago (English, March; Rome, April, 1893. The preraifere in Paris, April 3, 1894. Thereafter the play was staged in various places at diverse times. Reich states (p. 385) that the first performances were hardly a success excepting in Scandinavia and in London. li Little Eyolf into English, French, and Russian, 1895; into Italian, 1897. 15 Leo Berg: Zwischen zwei JaJirhumderten, Klein Eyolf, p. 430 ff. 108 Ibsen in Germany This new play, Herman Bahr writes, is hardly to be called a play. It has nothing in common with the practices of the stage nor with its requisites. Only the first act is somewhat dramatic and theatrical. The remaining acts are conversa- tions, soul communications. There is no external action. No actor can impersonate the characters, for they diffuse. Thus Little Eyolf is not a drama ; it is a prayer. The combination of naturalism and mysticism tends to pervert the import of the play ; the profound thoughts seem nonsensical, the wisdom expressed, ridiculous. He who can fathom human thought and feeling as Ibsen in Little' Eyolf is a great philosopher. He who can disclose his discoveries as a prayer is a great poet. But to be a great dramatist, it is necessary that the author be able to incorporate the eternal in the temporal. With this demand the drama does not com- ply. Moreover, " one sentence is allegorical, the next real- istic, the third symbolic." The idea of the play is superb ; it is deprived of effectiveness by this medley in style. ^' Instead of Bahr's medley, Alfred Kerr is conscious of three impressions, that of the plot, that of the symbolism, that of the inner form, which transfuse and interlace into a perfect whole. Were he to reveal, he writes, what substanti- ally remains of these impressions and stands forth, he should say — impressionistically — the perspectives of eternity, — an ineffable, image of the most profound interests of exist- God is dead. Not only for the solitary ponderer. Even from the happy children of the active life has the faith been taken. This illusion has been one of many. The other illusory notions, or ideals, fall as he does. Nothing noble remains: no so-called love; nothing is eternal; no striving worth the strife; no possi- 16 Hermann Bahr: Vienna Theater, p. 36 ff. 17 Alfred Kerr: Maff. f. Lit, 1894; p. 1640. Ibsen's Later Works 109 bility of happiness. The law of transmutation prevails. The coverings fall and what has appeared beautiful and bright is cold gray selfishness. Man possesses naught but himself. No two souls of the great world really belong to one another.^^ Happiness is impossible ; suffering may be assuaged. Let the sons of earth do good and wait for the great stillness. " What I sincerely admire and revere in Little Eyolf," Kerr proceeds, "and what really counts, is this: the play arouses certain intuitions which enfold a direct religious puissance, — and it offers, moreover, what only the great works of the great can offer, namely, perspectives into the eternal." ^° The first attempt to play Little Eyolf, ^° at the Deutsches Theater, Berlin, January 12, 1895, was a flat failure. The last act was admitted to be beautiful, even by those who had repudiated the Ibsenian drama for the painful absence of this requisite. By 1901, Little Eyolf was produced in Ger- many seventy-one times. After the representation of The Pretenders, at Berlin, 1891, Paul Schlenther had expressed the hope ^^ that Ibsen's " greatest work," Emperor and Galilean, be tested for the stage. On December 5, 1896, the Stadttheater at Leipsic, as the very first in any country,^^ undertook the task in an adaptation by Leopold Adler. The formidable drama of ten acts had been written in 1873, but it had attracted attention primarily as a milestone in Ibsen's literary development. In IS Ibid., p. 1640. Appendix, p. 189. 19 Ibid., p. 1643. Appendix, pp. 189, 190. 20 Little Eyolf had the greatest sale and the greatest success upon the boards in Scandinavia of any of Ibsen's social dramas. It was played first in London, Haymarket Theater, Dec. 3, 1894; then in Berlin, Deutsches Theater, Jan. 12, 1895; in Kristlania, Jan. 15; in Bergen and Helsingfors, Jan. 21; in Milan, Feb. 22; Vienna, Burgtheater, Feb. 27; Copenhagen, March 13; Stockholm, March 14; Paris, May 8, 1895. 21 See page 97. 22 Not played in England or France prior to 1901. 110 Ihsen m' Germany the adaptation, the drama proved to be sufficiently theatrical to exalt the lookers on, even though (Mauthner's opinion) Julian was played as a " Heldenj tingling of Theodor Kor- ner." ^3 The two camps of critics, whose sallies pro and con have been observed since the advent of Ibsen in Germany, were in- clined to declare a truce concerning the next play, John Gabriel Borhman, translated and played in 1897. Sperans, in an article bearing the title Banqtder-Symbolismus surveys the situation admirably.'^* Sperans takes issue with the insinuation and reiteration of the discovery that Ibsen is an old man, and that his dramas, too, are old, full of whims and crotchets, fogs and oracles. Some critics had ferreted out traces of decrepitude in the Masterhmlder, even earlier, in The hady from the Sea and in Hedda Gabler. Their reproach Sperans would prove void. The later Ibsen is the greatest and most powerful dramatist, able with consummate creative skiU to mould the inexpressible — for those who see — with clarity and momentous import^ The dramatist still has something new and significant to impart. Now more than ever before, he is in a position to subject the most audacious material to his artistic pre- potency. Masterbuilder Solness, Little Eyolf and John Ga- briel Borhmann mark the zenith of Ibsen's course. The faith in Ibsen, vainly challenged by present criticism, is triumphant. They are fools who suppose that this man wiU ever send anything decrepit or feeble into the world. Should his art become impaired, the closely pressed lips will close all the more firmly, and he will remain silent. His work, too, will die in beauty and strength.^' 23 Harlan s Mag. f. Lit., 1896; p. 1S77. 2* Sperans: SoziaUstUche Monatshefte, 1897, II; p. 87 ff. 25 Sperans: Sozialistische Monatshefte, 1897, II; p. 87. Appendix, p. 190. Ibsen's Later Works 111 The repeated assurance that the later works are devoid of stage-e£Feetiveness is no less erroneous, — except, of course, when a dull audience hurriedly snatches a little excitement between business and souper. To an appreciative coterie Ibsen's last creations in particular are revelations of the greatest genius. Their overpowering effect is unapproachable. I have witnessed Little Eyolf performed with moderate talent before an audience which possessed no other superiority than its good sense and its naive faith in art. I never have seen another audience similarly affected. It goes without saying, that these plays exercise an influence which does not disappear in the check room. It remains with us on the street, in the home, in our dreaming and our waking. To the question, if Little Eyolf had pleased her, I heard some one reply at that time: I am not yet ready to say. This naive confession shows the one possible approach to Ibsen. Ibsen cannot be characterized in platitudinous formulae. The infinite dwells within him. As in life and nature, there remains in him a trace of the unfathomable. The poetic vitality of his plays lies in their manifold meanings. A simple incident, wrought with superb technic, ascends to solemn transcendental heights. In spirit, the plays are dramatic fairy tales; in sub- stance, they are actualities. A lyric mood envelopes the dramas, definitely outlined by an emotional coloring, though indefinite in its concrete expression.^" Of the masterpieces that crown Ibsen's activity, Sperans' choice falls upon John Gabriel Borhrrum, and its admirable synthesis of realism and mysticism. Ibsen is the creator of the modern symbolism, which suc- ceeds in elevating the present work-a-day world, its inci- dentals and lowliness, to universal significance. It is not necessary for him to take recourse to past ages and archaic 26 Sperans: SoziaKstische Moriatshefte, 1897, II; pp. 87, 88. Appendix, pp. 190, 191. lis Ibsen m GermOmy heroes, Prometheus, Poor Henry, — an elf, or Satan — to produce an effect. He has the ability to create his own fables. John Gabriel Borkmcm is the drama of capitalism^ its magnitudes and deficiencies. Borkman is the symbol of capi- tal ; both are guilty of the same sin. Ibsen's individual char- acters are as diseased as the society in which they live. Al- though he contrasts the great personality with the great mass, he does not spare the former the keenness and severity of his sentence. Ibsen dreams of the great, sound) free, and noble morality of an exalted social community. His super- man is fellow-man. Ibsen is not an individualist, not an anarchist, but a socialist, who beholds the good and happy individual in a society of ennobled human beings {^Adelsmen- schen; Adelsmemiesker) . The technical excellence of the master is again revealed. A superficial critic might attribute to a subsidence of tech- nical skill, and denounce, the bipartite arrangement of the last act, in which, as in a Beethoven symphony, the scene is transformed to a loftier and more distant setting. But there is no reason that the dramatist — any scribbler could re- establish the unity of the act without omitting anything essential — should renounce the decorative element which the theme freely offers. Before Sperans' article appeared in print, John Gabriel Borkman ^^ had been put over the boards with considerable success, first at Frankfurt on the Main, where it proved to 27 John Gabriel Borkmarm was done into English and Frencli in 1897, into Russian, 1896. It was first played in London, Dec. 1896; then in three different thea- ters in Finland, — at the Finnish and Swedish theaters in Helsingfors, Jan. 10, 1897; at Abo, about the same time. Then Frankfurt, Jan. 16; Copenhagen, Jan. 17; Kristiania, Jan. 2S; in the meantime in seven small Norwegian cities by the Lindberg troupe; Stockholm, also Jan. 25; Berlin, Deutsches Theater, Jan. 29; Copenhagen, Jan. 31. The pretui&re in Ibsen's Later Works 113 be a Kassenstiick, then at Berlin and Hamburg. Its recep- tion at the Deutsches Theater, January 29, 1897, was de- scribed as exalted, impressive, and profound. By 1901, the play had been performed in Germany one hundred and seven- teen times. The year 1898, Ibsen's seventieth anniversary, marks the genesis of the admirable translation into German of Ibsen's complete works.** The second volume, containing Lady Inger of Ostrat, The Feast at Solhaitff, The Warrior's Bar- row, and Olaf LUjekrans — the last two translated for the first time — was the first to appear. Germany had become acquainted with the person and works of the old Ibsen, the Ibsen of the decided, severe, and esoteric features. As un- likely as one would picture a Byron, Mozart, or Raphael as a man full of years, so unlikely it seemed to imagine Ibsen as a young man. The freshness and youth of Ibsen's earlier plays afforded a surprising revelation, the portrait of a man, young in body and spirit, — a buoyant singer with the world his home. The minstrel has neither house nor home, Ne'er findeth he rest, his spirit must roam; Holds he a soul of song in his breast, He is homeless in valley and homeless on crest — Be it hiU or dale, he needs must sing And needs must touch the trembling strings — Discover the life that secretly gleams In tossing fjords, neath thundering streams; Paris, March 23 (private); Munich, March 27; New York, Nov. 18, 1897; later in Budapest, 1898; Bologna, 1898; Rome, 1899; Vienna, 1900. 28 Ilenrik Ibsens sammtliche Werke in deutscher Sprache. Durchge- aehen und eingeleitet von Georg Brandes, Julias Elms, Paul SchUnther, Vom Dichter autorisiert. Zweiter Band, Berlin, S. Fischer's Verlag, 1898. 114 Ibsen in Germany Must hear the life that ne'er was guessed, Then clothe man's dreams that vaguely throng And clear his seething thought in song.^* As a dauntless viking, Ibsen had fared forth from the confines of a pent up valley into the sunnier, brighter, and freer world. Eagerly he seized upon its promised treasures, to find, in their stead, dust and sand. Mortally wounded, the juvenile hope and faith seemed doomed to bleed to death. The lyric poet had to succumb that the dramatist might live. After 1895, Ibsen began to recede from his former posi- tion as the central figure on the German stage. In 1898, Frenzel ^^ went as far as to assei't that, with the exception of an occasional presentation of Nora and Ghosts, Ibsen had almost disappeared from the boards. There was a reason for the critic's impression, though the facts at our disposal *^ would scarcely substantiate the letter of his statement. Whereas Ibsen had been one of a few modern dramatists, he was now one of many ; the autochthonous drama, as noted be- fore, had become superabundant. Young Germany had ac- quired of the dramatist what it wanted and needed. The battle, too, which had raged for more than a decade gradu- ally ceased. The violent encounter concerning Eyolf had revealed the despair of the anti-Ibsen contingent, — the despair of a lost cause. Their utterances after this con- tinued to yield evidence of ill-will and resignation, that pecul- iar melange which characterizes the defeated. 28 Olaf lAljehrans, Act III, scene 10. Not previously translated into English. Appendix, p. 191. 30 Frenzel: Deutsche Rundschau 99, p. 381. Cf. "Gegenwart" 53, p. 205 if. »i Stein tried to gather statistics of the presentations in Berlin, but did not succeed. The dramas appeared in numerous translations which were freely made use of by the play houses. Complete statistics are available only from Masterbuilder Bolness on. Cf. Stein: Henrik Ibsen, p. 61.- Ibsen's Later Worles 115 A period of transition followed. When the Gennans again turned to Ibsen their point of view had become, in a sense, that of the historian. No longer investigating what he had to offer them for their development, they considered what Ibsen had to offer for himself. It was primarily the latter motive which prompted the staging of Brand,^^ first, in the Schillertheater, Berlin, March 17, 1898; then, in the Josefstadter Theater, Vienna, July 31, 1900. It will be recalled that at its initial appearance the poem had been admired for its dramatic scenes, but that the thought of putting it on the stage was dismissed. The poet himself hardly had cherished such a notion, for, when Ludwig Josephson ^^ suggested it, Ibsen replied that it were not only a courageous, but a presumptuous undertaking. The presentation at the Schillertheater was not a signal suc- cess. Brand seemed to lack warmth. The characters seemed too abstract. One critic ^^ considered the presenta- tion a dangerous and superfluous endeavor. Later years refuted all these objections. In honor of the dramatist's seventieth birthtiay, Emperor and GaliLean was played, March 17th, at the Belle-Alliance Theater, Berlin. Director Droescher had prepared a new stage version of five acts and a prologue,— a very ungrateful task. Though respectfully received, the world-drama will be likely to remain of greater interest to the literary his- torian than to the practical craftsman of the theater. Fren- zel ^^ assigned it to the closer circle of the liberally educated, among whom, he thought, the drama would always find ad- mirers. t^ Brand played by L'oeuvre, Paris, June 21, 1895. 33 Josephson staged the dramatic poem at Stockholm, May 24, 1885. 3* Anon.; Oegenmart S3, p. 233 ff. §5 Frgnzel; Peutscjie Bimd'chavi 95) p. 312, 116 Ibsen m Germany The dramatic EpUog,^^ the last product of Ibsen's pen, was done into German in 1899. It impressed the critics as too subjective to endure the footlights. The subjectivity of the play was condemned by those to whom it seemed eccentric and strained. It was commended by others, who perceived therein an expression of tranquil immensity. In the ocean of tone of this tragedy which gathers its power from the past and its mystery, L. Lier ^'^ remarked, there are touching melodies. In them the melancholy motive of resignation is discernible, to which the heart responds. When We Dead Awaken succeeded in winning for Ibsen many who had hesi- tated or followed reluctantly heretofore. The first performance ^* at the Deutsches Theater, April 17th, Brahm characterized as rem imd gross. The audience could neither frustrate nor deny its poetic mood and dra- matic power. Within a year the Epilog was played in Ger- many two hundred and fifteen times. By 1901 all the important plays of Ibsen had been staged in the German speaking empires with the single exception of Peer Gynt. Love's Comedy *® had been performed at the Belle-Alliance Theater, Berlin, December, 1896; a second time, by the Secessionsbiihne — a new theater modeled after 1' Oeuvre, for the furtherance of symbolic versus naturalistic art, Berlin, September 15, 1900. The latter presentation was a complete failure, attributed to the " folly of the thea- ter, the hopeless impersonation, and to the antiquated com- edy with its horrible thesis." To return to Peer Gynt, — this dramatic satire had been originally as little intended for the 36 When We Dead Ateaken, into English and French, 1900. 3' L. Lier: Kunatwart XIII, I; p. 354 ff. ss Performed the same year in England, Germany, Scandinavia, Aus- tria, Italy, Russia, not to mention a number of smaller countries. Not played in France, however. 39 Love's Comedy, played in France, June 23, 1897. Ibsen's Later Works IIT theater as Brand. In the winter of 1873-74<, Ibsen had pre- pared a stage version, and two years later the courageous Josephson undertook to present it, February 24, at Kris- tifinia. Copenhagen followed, January 15, 1886 ; Paris, No- vember 11, 1896; and finally, Vienna, at the Deutsches Volks- theater, May 9, 1902. Everything Ibsen had written had been translated prior to 1901 (Catilma, in 1896) and, with the exception of the lyrics and some of the earlier plays, widely read. In spite of the skill which had fashioned them, Ibsen's lyric poems never had gained the recognition due them. Though pos- sessing an incomparable wealth of lyric poetry in their own literature, cultured Germans not only had read, but had en- joyed, if we are to believe Brennert,*" the songs of Bums, Musset, Lermontoff, Leopardi, and Petofy. At the same time, they had remained singularly unaware of those of Wergeland, Hansen, Vinje, Bjornson, and Ibsen. The last decade of the century witnessed the publication of a number of books, a few of which deserve a word of spe- cial attention. The modern drama had not long established itself and its reputation when Max Nordau ( 184i9-) of Buda- pest appeared upon the scene incriminating the entire move- ment. His indictment, a lengthy and detailed analysis of modern existence and its chief literary exponents, he summed up in the one word Degeneration (Entarttmg), 1892. Pur- suing the method of his teacher Cfesar Lombroso, Nordau wished to enlighten the world by applying to its ex- travagances the test of a sane and normal mind. Political and social criminals have no monopoly of lunacy and de- generacy; these are quite as common among artists and literati. The current enthusiam for the pathological ten- dencies in art and literature is nothing more than the insignia *o H. Brennert; Ibaen, alt Lyriker, Oegemwart 45, p. 182 S. 118 Ibsen in Germwny of the more or less pronounced moral insanity, imbecility, and dementia, which have become the rule rather than the exception. Degeneration is characterized by various griev- ous fashions, among them Ibsenism, alias, ego-mania. Having satisfactorily pigeon-holed Ibsen, Nordau devotes about one hundred pages to him, acknowledging the dra- matist's unquestionable ability, emphasizing and illustrating the unmistakable indications of deterioration. And the con- clusion of the whole matter — which niust be read to be appre- ciated — is this : May Ibsen remain in company with those of his spirit, that is to say, with hysterical women and masculine masochists, with those who believe that sound common sense and optimism are two destructive principles of poetry. To counteract the popular -impression of Ibsen's being a realist, Adalbert von Hanstein published a series of lectures delivered at the Humboldt Academy in Berlin, in book form, bearing the title, Ihsen as an Idealist, 1897. Though early adjudged an idealist, — without quibbling about the exact signification of the term — by his more competent students, Hanstein was the first to state explicitly that Ibsen was not only indifferent to, but opposed to a materialistic Weltan- schatbimg, a realistic philosophy, and a naturalistic art. This fact admitted, the student would no longer find the later dramas conundrums defying a solution. Hanstein's contention received reliable support in Axel Garde's disquisition. The Basic Thought in Henrik Ibsen's Writings, translated from the Danish original in 1898. The first volume of Roman Woemer's fairly extensive study of Ibsen, which pursues the dramatist's career to 1873, left the press in 1900. The following year brought forth a num- ber of discussions.*-^ Henceforth, the various publications 41 See Table B, p. 171, Ibsen's Later Works 119 sought to explain Ibsen, and to assign him his just place in the progress of dramatic literature. Since 1886, the drama, especially the acting-drama, had rapidly increased in quantity and quality, until in 1891, it occupied the central interest in German letters. During the comparative inanition of the drama, the novel and short story had flourished and had become the chief literary ex- pression of German life and culture. Karl Frenzel *^ would attribute the phenomenal rise of the acting-drama to the eclecticism of the Berlin theaters. The imperative need of the play is proper impersonation and adequate scenic presen- tation. These requisites, without which all the talent of the modem school, Ibsen not excluded, would have passed into oblivion, the abundance and versatility of the Berlin theaters supplied. The German drama had become independent, differing from the Ibsenian model both in form and content. A natu- ralistic dialogue had superseded the Ibsenian. Simultane- ously the mathematical construction of the latter gave way to a loosely connected series of incidents, or cinematographs, best exemplified in The Selicke Family and The Weavers.*^ It was felt that the more mathematical the play, the further it was likely to be removed from actual life, from sense-per- ceived existence, to the representation of which the German naturalists at first consecrated themselves. At their hands the minutest detail received loving attention, — characteriz- ing their plays by an intimacy with homely, every-day ex- perience, scarcely duplicated elsewhere. But one virtue is often the price of another; for its immediacy the German drama forfeited breadth of horizon and wealth of idea. *2 Frenzel a Deufgche Rundachau 91, 1897; p. 138 if. *3Hauptmann: Die Weber (De Waber), 1892. 120 Ibsen m Germany Later, therefore, the German playwrights turned from the mere reproduction of the etats dee choses to the contempla- tion of the etats d'ames,-^- which had always been Ibsen's primary concern. -^ The naturalistic movement was short-lived. As early as R9I, Bahr had asserted, " Naturalism is surmounted," ** and two years later, Hauptmann, the typical heir and repre- sentative of the generation, illustrated the statement in The Assumption of Hannele.*^ With considerable technical skill, the dramatists here attempted a synthesis of naturalism and mysticism, of the objective and subjective aspects of life. Ibsen had introduced various phases of soul-life in. the plays from Rosmersholm on, and in The MasterhvMder he had prac- ticsdly anticipated the entire symbolic movement. Whether realistic or symbolic, Ibsen had insisted upon truthfulness of characterization and upon uprightness of technique. Herein lay the vitality of his contribution to modern Germany. He goaded the young writers into truth at a time when art had lost its sense of truth. He spurred them on to seriousness when the age was flabby, to action when the epoch seemed stagnant, to courage when the gen- eration was weak. " Therefore, we may call him the primo- genitor of our new drama, and thank him, as the old Hebrews, ' with our whole heart, our whole soul, and with our whole mind.' " *» ** Die Uberwindung de» Naturalitmuf. *5 Hannelea Himmelfahrt. isDarum dv/rfen wir ihn wohl den Ahnherrn nennen fitr unser neuei Drama und ihm danken, wis die alien Juden, von gannem Herzen, von ganzer Seele vmd vom ganzem OemUt. Kerr; Der Ahnherr; Neue deutsche Rwndschaiu, VII, 1896, Z; p. 397 ff. CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION ALTHOUGH German literature in general bore, more or less, a stamp of uncertainty during the seventies, the drama and the theater seemed especially indeterminate. Ac- cordingly, Frenzel, in 1877, raised the question : Is the Ger- man theater about to enter upon a new and creditable course of development, or is it at present upon the inclined plane from which the English theater has rolled down into the depths? 1 Faithful to the classics — to their titles, at least — the court theaters rejected the plays of the younger and more ambitious playwrights, and continued for the time being quite undisturbed by the (Frenzel ^ thinks exaggerated) accusa- tions of partiality, ill-will, conservative political views, con- siderations for the court, and want of judgment. It was in the greater liberality of the popular theaters (Volkstheater) that the young and radical generation per- ceived the possible realization of the new drama. The rise of these same theaters, to the conservatives, portended the mid-night hours after the twilight. To submit to the popu- lar theaters was to court farce and banish tragedy, to court license in speech and action instead of gravity and dignity. It was feared that libertinism of the stage would increase in proportion to the degeneration of taste, and since the pro- letariat was increasing in power from day to day, barbarism 1 Frenzel: Die Zukunft dea deutachen Theaters, Dramaturgie II, p. 431. 2 Ibid., p. 423. 121 122 Ibsen in Germany and the ultimate ruin of the German theater were inevitable. During the years when the good genius of German litera- ture had turned from the stage, the French play of manners took possession of it, nor was there, seemingly, any autoch- thonous drama to offer any opposition. Few flowers and less fruit; poor drama and poor presentation: such was, in brief, the status of ±he theater. Before the close of the de- cade, however, the Meininger had supplied the histrionic qualifications. But the prime requisite was wanting. No new, theatrically effective play seemed forthcoming, — no play, as Frenzel ^ demanded, sensational and virile enough to provide a subject for a three weeks' debate in the papers, at the social teas, and among those standing at the street corner. The German classics lay as a paralyzing weight upon the drama. Even Hebbel never had succeeded entirely in freeing himself from their influence. Since the days of Goethe and Schiller, the cultural life of Germany had experienced, how- ever, revolutionary changes ; human interests had been re- adjusted and re-evaluated. Facts and ideals had changed. Failing to discover any possible conciliation between the past and present dispensations, the prevailing literary school held to the former. Severed from the vital forces of the time, its epigonous literature as a matter of course degenerated into academicism and conventionalism. The accumulating realistic forces, best represented in Heb- bel and Ludwig, later, in Anzengruber, were scarcely ac- corded recognition, to say nothing of their exerting any ex- tensive or permanent influence. Nor was the realistic tend- ency developing in literature independent of these talents destined to progress very far. The successful wars of the sixties and of 70-71 had generated a national and patriotic 3 Frenzel: Die Zukimft des deutschen Theaters, Dramatargie II, p. 455. Conclusion 1^ interest which the subsequent founding of the Empire con- tinued to propagate, and which for the time cut across the natural evolution of realism. The advance of industrialism, under the support and direc- tion of the bourgeoisie, too, had given rise to a literature. This, supplying the demands of those for whom it was pri- marily intended, precluded by its very nature any drama of brea"dth and depth. There is still a third reason why German literature, espe- cially the drama, had to suffer the influence of foreign liteilEi- tures, even of those considered degenerate, barbarous, and insignificant. The attempt at a social literature during the seventies was frustrated by a convention which had entered and assumed control of various aspects of German life besides the literary. In the meantime, the treatment of social themes had received an impetus in other European countries : first of all, in England, witness Kingsley and his contemporaries; then, in France, Russia, and Scandinavia. Zola's Nana broke the way for social literature in Ger- many. Its brutal force appealed to the younger minds. The Russians then revealed another aspect of society, equally interesting, in the portrayal of mystic and pathological fig- ures against the contrasting background of a vigorous folk, in short, in the portrayal of a highly attenuated civilization, on the one hand, and an uncivilized humanity, on the other. Then most interesting of all, and most influential of all, be- cause visionary as well as immediate, the Scandinavians, who uncovered the social lie and pointed to the great, strong, and, free social community of the future. Ibsen met, moreover, the practical requirement of the day, — a drama which would occupy the public even at the street comers. 1! Reacting agaiBst the imitation of the classics, the new generation demanded a literature consciously true to fact, IM Ibsen in Germany to actuality. What the precise nature of the new drama was to be remained for some time until after 1885, more or less a matter of conjecture.- There were divergent opinions. But common to all youthful authors, in addition to their espe- cial sensitiveness and impressionableness — in fact, resulting from them — was their method of writing. They Appealed to and shocked the ^nses; truth at whatever cost, truth irrespective of conventional ethics or aesthetics. There seemed to prevail a keen delight, a nervous and hysteric sat- isnlction, to uncover what the immediate forebears had tried to conceal or evade. "" Just a hundred years earlier, the history of German litera- ture had recorded a similar movement, with at least one trenchant difference, between them, however. The Storm and Stress had been peculiarly national in temper ; the recent re- action was conspicuously international, in the minds of some, even anti-national.* This peculiar international flavor had pervaded the ideas of Europe particularly after the dissemination of the Dar- winian theories of life and evolution {Origin of Species, 1859). To nationalize these ideas required at once a talent original and great enough to embody them in such a way as to emphasize those aspects compatible with the national spirit of a country, at the same time, to subdue or reject those phases or interpretatiojis not in harmony with that spirit. Until subjugated to national taste and feeling, any influence must remain to a greater or less degree a foreign yoke. The nature of the problem confronting young authors was twofold. The international ideas needed to be naturalized, that is, they must be reco^ized in and colored by the national life of a people. Purely sectional incidentals needed to be 4Cf. Bartels; Die deutsche Dichtung der Oegemoart, p. 244. Litz- mann: Daa deutsche Drama, p. 141 ff. Conclusion 135 considered as contributions to the ultimate art product. Theory prepared the way for practice. Nature and truth, as ever before, were the watchwords of the new gospel. Truth now, however, was coincident with actuality. Real- ism, and what was later specifically designated naturalism were scarcely differentiated, and idealism still sang its tune in the medley. The nineteenth century Storm and Stress had quite spent itself by 1890. Primarily lyric in its nature,^ it had fostered individualism. Each writer sought to precipitate the values of the epoch as he perceived them. Late in the eighties the somewhat erratic and confused groping after the new manner gave way to a rather definite method. Holz and Schlaf were its originators, and Hauptmann named it consistent, " conse- quent " realism.® _ To Holz and Schlaf the new German drama owes its tech- nique to a great extent. Schooled by Zola, they supplanted the drama of action by the drama of ttiUieu, but not before, Ibsen had well prepared the way for the change. _ The new movement began in iconoclasm. But no icono- clast approached the ruthlessness and fearlesshess of Henrik Ibsen. It was he who taught Jimgst DeutscMcmd most effectively to tear down the old structures of society and art and to expose the rotten foundations upon which they were resting. His dramas, moreover, were inspiring examples. Deeply felt, though perhaps not consciously recognized by the young generation, Ibsen served as a prototype in the na- tionalization of current ideas. The later ideal of Hehnats- hwnst, Ibsen had long anticipated. The small city of Skieri, his birthplace, had provided him with many experiences from which store he drew again and again. In this small commun- B Cf. Bartels: Die deutsejie Biehtvng der Gegenwa/rt, p. 260. • Cf. dedication in Hauptmann's Vor Somaeiumfgang, 1889. 126 Ibsen in Germany ity, Ibsen discovered the conflicts which in his dramas as- sumed not only European, but world-wide proportions. In its circumscribed society, Ibsen found many of the per- sonalities which in his works became typical of the century. His intimacy with the soil of Norway, his national strength, in no small measure accounts for the source and the secret of his achievement. To Hermann Sudermann (1857—), whose literary fore- bears are Dumas fls and his contemporaries, rather than Zola or Ibsen, belongs much of the credit of ushering in the new German drama. By embodying just enough of the new to add piquancy of flavor and by 'retaining enough of the old-fashioned to please and to satisfy, it was he who engaged popular interest for the coming drama. Gerhard Haupt- mann became its greatest artist. f As the individual authors had extracted from Ibsen those themes and methods consistent with their personal inclination, so the critics and pamphleteers drew from him whatever promised to further their contentions. Ibsen was, accord- ingly, prophet, seer, and teacher ; realist, naturalist, idealist ; individualist and socialist. Philosophy was discovered every- where, and where philosophy was scarce, symbolism was abounding. Apropos of the latter, Ibsen once expressed himself in con- versation with Lothar : Yes, indeed,, the interpreters. They don't always do their work well. They like to symbolize because they have no respect for actuality. And if a symbol is really handed to them, they make it trivial and disgrace one.'' T " Ja, wahrhaftig, die ErkUirer. Die machen Hire Sache nioht immer gut. Die SymboUsieren gern, weil. sie keinen Respect vor der WirkUch- keit haben. Oibt man ihnen damn wirklich ein Symbol in die Hand, damn, machen sie einf Tfivialitat do/rama und sehimpfen." Lothar: Bervrik Ib- sen, p, 136, Condition 12^7 Ibsen presented a profusion of conflicting ideas — Schop- enhauer and Nietzsche in one. How to adjust them and weld them into a system became a task of absorbing interest in which the artist's prerogative to portray a situation from any point of observation he might choose, was quite over- looked. As a result, critical minds found themselves in a re- curring dilemma, which they preferred to attribute to the confused thinking of the dramatist. To the very close of the century, therefore, and later, the drama of ideas per- sisted in the minds of many as ideas rather than drama. Against this dispensation, Ibsen justly remonstrated. In regard to Rosmersholm, for instance, he wrote : The call to work undoubtedly pervades Rosmersholm. Even more, however, does the play deal with the struggle which every serious human being has to wage with himself in order to bring his life into concord with his knowledge. . . . But first and foremost, the play is, of course, a digtning (poesy, Dichtung) of human beings and their fate.^ In a letter to Count Prozor, his French translator, he wrote apropos of Hedda Gabler: It was not really my desire to deal in this play with so- called problems. The chief thing to me has been to portray men, their sentiments, and destiny upon the basis of certain existent social conditions and (accepted) principles.® The spirit of A DoU's House and of Ghosts is no different. And in the last, the symbolic dramas, Ibsen's original pur- pose as the artist was not forgotten or less eff'ective. The shadows and the mists of the later plays are lifting and dis- persing since the determination to read into them more of the 8 Breve fra Hennk Ibsen 11, p. 168. Appendix, p. 191. 9 Ibid., pp. 193, 194. Appendix, p. 193. 128 Ibsen m Germamy secret and suggestive than the author ever dreamed of, has abated. When Ibsen in his Dramatic Epilog proclaims that he who has lived for art only has not found happiness, he utters — if it may be construed at all as personal — his own sentence.^" Had Ibsen become generally known by any other than his social dramas — which at that epoch would hardly have been likely — he might have been spaart" XI, S, 1898; p. 188 ff. Compare Rubek in When We Dead Awaken with Binar in Brand, who is first all artist, then all moralist. Concltision 1^9 understanding. Ibsen was confronted on the stage with vari- ous obstacles, — the dogmatism of sesthetic orthodoxy, poli- tical and religious scruples, not to mention the practical diffi- culties. His success in surmounting them all in due time is an astonishing testimony of the compelling power of his life- work. The plays appearing after Hedda Gabler, that is, after 1891, no longer aroused the contest and enthusiasm of their predecessors. Ibsen's significance, on the other hand, con- tinued to increase ; this was not dependent upon the theater. The old school which had held so tenaciously to its ideals, and which had looked askance at a rejuvenation of the Ger- man drama through untried and untempered means, gradu- ally acknowledged defeat. i^ut the actual triumph of Ibsen on the German boards was postponed until 1904, when Otto Brahm became the direc- tor of the Lessingtheater at Berlin. Here through his in- sight and skill, adequate representations were oflFered to the satisfaction of the public and the honor of the dramatist. As an apology, or as a self- justification, it is not unusual to encounter in German criticism the assertion that the mod- em German drama would have developed from the realistic novel ^^ without the influx of foreign stimuli. That is in all probability true. What the resulting drama would have been is and remains conjecture. As facts stand, the novel ^^ did not always profit by the virtues of the extraneous pro- totypes, but, in some instances, at least, even lagged behind 11 After 1848 the German drama had to cede first place in letters to the novel, both in significaiice and in popularity. Gutzkow no longer har- vested the successes of the earlier days, and Hebbel's Nibehmgen did not rise to the height of Maria Magdalena and Judith, Cf. Frenzel: Drama- turgie I, p. 4 ff. 12 Cf. R. M. Meyers Die deutsche Literatur des XIX Jdhrhwnderts, p. 737 ff. 130 Ibsen in Germans/ the drama. The controversy would carry us beyond the province of this treatise ; suffice it to say, therefore, that any apology for Ibsen in Germany is quite superfluous. There may be some weight in the further argument, occa- sionally advanced, that Ibsen was fundamentally not a for- eigner. It is likely that a racial sympathy might have been felt for him, which was not experienced for Zola or Tolstoy. The contention, however, would scarcely bear much strain. A busy day is a short day at the time ; in retrospection, on account of its many happenings, it seems long. Similarly,: the reader of the foregoing pages may feel that the appre- ciation of Ibsen in Germany was a somewhat drawn out process. Compared to the reception of Hebbel or Kleist, and Goethe's Werther or Faust, that of Ibsen was surprisingly prompt. This assertion finds further support in the ^ro- Jound infl uence — though that is not the problem of this dissertation — he exerted in Germany, which influence was] no mere fad, but a power which made Ibsen, no matter how/ interpreted, an integral and significant part of the modern German drama. -^ As Shakspere finally became through the masterly transla- tions of the romanticists, and through the response to him in the German soul, a prominent figure in German letters, so Ibsen a century later — without carrying the parallel too far — was incorporated in that literature as part of itself. To-day Ibsen belongs to the stage, to the literature, and to the culture of Germany. But that is not all. Had the dramatist of the North been annexed to Germany only as so much territory, the acquisi- tion would have been valuable enough, but, Ibsen performed a service. He assisted youthful Germany, by liberating it, to express itself, — and self-expression is self-realization. APPENDIX TABLES TABLE A Drama i Date of Pub. First German Trans. First Prod. First Prod, in Germany Catilina 1850 1896, Leipsic, •Munich : Hugo Greinz 1881 Stockholm I Gildet paa Solhaug The Feast at Solhaug Das Fest auf Solhaug 1856 1888, Leipsic Emma KUngeu- , feld 1856 Bergen 1891 Vienna Fru Inger tU OstrSt Lady Inger of OstrSt Die Herrin von Oestrot 1857 1977, Munich 1 Emma Klingen- felda 1855 Bergen 1878 Berlin Haermaendene paa Helge- land The Vikings at Helge- land Die Helden auf Helge- land 1858 1876, Munich Emma Klingen- feld2 1868 Kristiania 1876 Munich Kjaerlighedens Komedie Love's Comedy Komodie der Liebe 1862 1889, Berlin M. V. Borch 1873 Kristiania 1896 Berlin Kongsemneme The Pretenders Die Kronpratendenten 1864 1872, Berlin Adolf Strodt- mann 1864 Kristiania 1875 Mein- ingen s Brand 1866 1872, Kassel P. F. Siebold 1885 4 Stockholm 1898 Berlin 1 Kaempehbjen (The Warrior's Barrow, Das Hflnengrab), Olaf Lilje- krans, and other less promising, early efforts were not admitted to any edition prepared by the dramatist himself, and are not of sufficient im- portance to consider in this table. 2 Collaborator. 3Cf. Ibsen: Samlede Vcerker 11, pp. XI, XII. Arnold: Dot moderne Drama, p. 149 records 1876 as the year of the first performance. Emil Reich; Ibsens Dramen, Dresden, 1906; p. 48, corroborates the date here given. * First produced in its entirety; the fourth act had been presented a number of times prior to this date. 133 134 Appendix Drama i Date of Pub. First German Trans. First Prod. First Prod, in Germany Peer Gynt 1867 1881, Leipsic L. Passarge 1876 Krijstiania 1902 Vienna De unges Forbund The League of Youth Der Bund der Jugend 1869 1872, Berlin A. Strodtmann 1869 Kristiania 1891 Berlin Kejser og Galilaeer Emperor and Galilean Kaiser und Galilaer 1873 1888, Leipsic E. Brausewetter Berlin Paul Hermann 1903 1896 5 Leipsic Samfundets Stotter The Pillars of Society Die Stutzen der Gesell- schaft 1877 1878 8 1877 Odense, Denmark 1878 Berlin Et Dukkehjem A DoU's House Ein Puppenheim 1878 1880, Leipsic WiUielm Lange 1879 Copen- hagen 1880 Munich Gengangere Ghosts Gespenster 1881 1684, Leipsic M. V. Borch 1882 T Chicago 1886 Augs- burg En Folkefiende An Enemy of the People Ein Volksfeind 1883 1883, Leipsic W. Lange 1883 Kristiania 1887 Berlin Vildanden The Wild Duck Die WUdente V 1884 1887, BerUn M. V. Borch Leipsic E. Brausewetter 1885 Bergen 1888 Berlin Rosmersholm 1886 1887, Berlin M, V. Borch Leipsic A. Zinck 1887 Jan. 17 Bergen 1887 Ap^il 6 Augs- burg Fruen fra Havet The Lady from the Sea Die Frau vom Meere 1888 1888, Berlin Julius Hoffory 1889 Feb. 12 Kristiania 1889 Feb. 13 Weimar 5 Adaptation (Bearbeitung). 6 Many translations, among them: Emma Klingenf eld's, Munich; W. Lange's (Reclam) ; Emil Jonas' version for the stage, Berlin. 7 Ibsen: Samlede Vcerker VI, p. XXXI. Table A Drama i Date of Pub. First German Trans. First Prod. First Prod, in Germany Hedda Gabler 1890 1891, Berlin E.Klingenfelds 1891 Munich 1891 . Munich Bygmester Solness Masterbuilder Solness Baumeister Solness 1893 1893, Berlins Sigurd Ibsen 1892 London 1893 Berlin LiUe Eyolf Little Eyolf Klein Eyolf 1894 1895, Berlin 1894 London 1895 BerUn John Gabriel Borkman 1896 1897, Leipsic Munich Sigurd Ibsen 1896 London 1897 Frank- furt am Main NSr vl d0de vagner MTien We Dead Awaken Wenn wir Toten er- wachen 1899 1899, Berlin Christian Morgenstern 1899 London 1900 Stutt- gart s Simultaneously, a number of translations: von Borch, Leipsic; Victor Ottman, Halle a. d. S.; S. Fischer, Nordische Bibliothek, Berlin. 9 Also: V. Ottmann, Leipsic; Paul Hermann, Halle a. d. S. Year 1868 1872 1873 1874 1875 TABLE B, IBSEN Chronology of Published Translations, Significant Translations Poema Brand The Pretenders The League of Youth Brand 1 The initial productions, in italics. 136 Plays Presented Bjornson: Between the Battles Bjornson: A Bankruptcy IN GERMANY Productions,' Critical Comment^ and Bibliography.' Where Presented Critical Comment Berlin, Friedrich- Wilhelmsstadtische Biihne, spring. H., J.: Henrik Ib- sen, ein norwegischer Dramatiker; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. 'Auslandes 8S, p. S67ff. Frenzel, K.: Deutsche Rund- schau. 6, 1876; p. 138. Frenzel, K. : Berliner Drama- iurgie II, p. 125 ff. H., G.: H. Ibsen Tind sein drama- tisches Gedicht Brand; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 86, p. 454 if. Frenzel, K.: Deutsche Rund- schau 6, 1876; p. 138 ff. Lindau, P. : Gegenmart 8, p. 369. 2 The bibliography here listed approaches completeness. 137 Berlin, National- theater. Books, Essays Strodtmann, A.: Geistiges Leben in Ddnemark, Berlin 138 Year 1875, con. 1876 1877 1878 1878, 1879 Appendix Translations The Vikings at Helgeland Plays Presented Bjornson: The Newly- Married Couple Ibsen: The Pretenders Lady Inger of Ostrat The Pillars of Society A Doll's House The Vikings The Pretenders The Pillars of Society Lady Inger Table B 139 Where Presented Munichj Hofthea- ter, May. Meiningen Munich, Kgl. Thea- ter Schwerin, i. M., Hoftheater, Nov. 15. Munich, Hofthea- ter, April 10. Vienna, Burgthea- ter, Oci 26. Dresden, Hofthea- ter, Oct. 27. Berlin, by the Meininger, June 3 Berlin, Belle-Alli- ance Theater, Jan. 25. Stadttheater, Feb. 2. Nationaltheater, Feb. 3. Ostendtheater, Feb. 6. Eeuniontheater, Feb. 6. Berlin Critical Comment Aue, T. V. d.: Gegentoart 8, p. 91 ff. Books, Essays Frenzel, K.: ^' Deutsche Rund- schau 8, jp. 154. Frenzel, K. : Berliner Drama- turgie II, p. 144 ff. Frenzel, K.: *^ Deutsche Rund- schau 14, p. 485 ff. 140 '.%x Year 1880 Translations 1881 Plays Presented A Doll's' House Peer Gynt Poems 1882 1883 An Enemy of the People A DoU's House 1884 Ghosts 1885 Tahle B 141 Where Presented Munich, Eesidenz- tiheater, March 3. Berlin, Eesidenz- theater, Nov. 20. Hamburg, Thalia- theater Dresden, Kgl. Theater Hannover, Resi- denztheater Critical Comment Vienna, Stadt- theater Frenzel, K.: l/ Deut. Rundschau 26, p. S06 ff. Lindau, P.: Gegen- taart 18, p. 346 ff. Brunn, E.: Mag. f. Lit. d. Auslandes 99, p. 73 ff. Wichert, E.: Im neuen Reich 1880, 2; p. 889 ff. Passarge, L.: Mag. f. Lit. d. Auslandes 103, p. 98 ff. Zolling,T.: Gegenwart 23, p. 232 ff. Brahm, O.: Kritische * Schrif- ten, p. 73 ff. Books, Essays Horn, F. W.: Geschichte der Lite- ratur des scandinavi- schen Nordens, Leip- sic Sierke, E.: Kritische StreifzUge, Braunschweig Zabel, Eugen: Henrik Ibsen; Un- sere Zeit 1881, 1; p. 513 ff. Brandes, G.: Henrik Ibsen; Nord und sad 27,, p. 247 ff. Passarge, L.: Henrik Ibsen, Leip- sic * Reprints of newspaper articles. 143 Year 1886 1887 Appendia: Translations Poems ^ Plays Presented Ghosts Ghosts s Gedichte. In deuUchen Nachbildfungen von Herm. Nemaann, Wolfen- bfittel. Table B 143 Where Presented Critical Comment Books, Essays Augsburg, Brahm, O.: AprU 14 Henrik Ibsen; Beut. (Private). Rundschau 49, p. 193 Meiningen, ff. Dec. 22. Jonas, Emil: Schmidt, E.: Mag. f. Lit. d. ^kandinavische Lit- Auslandes 109, p.' ' teraturbriefe; Mag. 293. f. Lit. d. Auslandes 109, 1886, 1; pp. 35 ff., 246 ff. Conradi, H.: Gedichte von Henrik Ih s en; Beut. akad. Zeit- schrift, June 6. (Gesammelte Werke II, p. 325 ff.) Berlin, Berg, L.: Bahr,H.: Residenztheater, Gesellschaft 3, Henrik Ibsen, Jan. 9. 1887, 1; p. 280 ff. Vienna Brahm, 0.: Berg, Leo: Kritische Schriften, H. Ibsen und das pp. 73 ff., 104 ff. Germanentum in der Fontane, T.: modernen Litteratur, Causerien,^ p. 180 ff. Berlin Borinski, K.: Brahm, O. : Gespenster, ein Henrik Ibsen, Berlin Gesprach; Grenz- Malkowsky, G.: boten 1887, 1; p. Henrik Ibsen als Ly- 321 ff. riker; Gegenwart 31, Frenzel, K.: ^^ p. 300 ff. Dent. Rundschau Sierke, E.: 51, p. 464 ff. Henrik Ibsen und der Realismus auf der BUhne, Unsere 5 Reprints. Year 1887, con. Appendix Translations Plays Presented An Enemy of the People Rosmersholm Eosmersholm Table B 145 Where Presented Berlin, Ostendtiieater, March 5. Augsburg, April 16. Berlin, Residenztheater, May 5. Critical Comment Malkowsky, G.: Gegervwart 31, p.;/'ff. 45 S. Sierke, E.: Unsere Zeit, 1887, 2; p. 187 ff. Berg, L.: Gesellschaft, 3, 1887, 2; p. 668. Brahm, O.: Kritische Schrif- ten p. 121 ff. Frenzel, K.: \_ Deut. Rundschau 51, p. 464 ff. Lindau, P.: Nord und Sild 42, p. 267 ff. Anon. : Unsere Zeit, 1887, 1 ; p. 840 ff. Berg, L.: Gesellschaft, 3, 1887, 2; p. 658 ff. Brahm, O.: Kritische Schrif- ten, p. 130 ff. Brand, J.: ■ Gesellschaft, 4, 1888, 2; p. 1130 ff. BuUe, O.: Ibsens ideale For- derungj Gegen- taart 32, p. 295 ff. Marholm, L.: Gegentaart 31, p. 7ff. Sierke, E.: Books, Essays ^eit, 1887, 2; p. 185 / 146 Year 1887, con. 1888 AppenMx Translations Plays Presented The Wild Duck The Lady from the Sea . The Feast at Solhaug The Wild Duck Table B 147 Where Presented Berlin, Residenztheater, March 4. Critical Comment Vnsere Zeit, 1887, 2; p. 199 ff. Willfried, L.: Gesellschaft, 3, • 1887, 2; p. 748 ff. Anon.: Kunstwart 1, 87- 88; p. 284 ff. Brand, J.: Gesells^ihaft, 4, 1888, 2; p. 1134 ff. Marholm, L.: Gegenwart 31, p. 7ff. Schmidt, R.: Mag. f. d. Lit. 109, 1886, 1; p. 36. Brahm, O. : Kritische Schrif- ten, p. 158 ff. Fontane, T.: Causerien, p. 189 Frenzel, K.: ^ Deut. Bundschau 55, p. 461 ff. Hessen, R.: Preussische Jahr- hucher 61, p. 444 ff. Malkowsky, G.: Gegenwart 33, p. 158 ff. '€ Klein, U.: Kunstwart 1, p. 242 ff. Books, Essays Brausewetter, E.: Henrik Ibsen, 1828- 1888; Gesellschaft, 4, 1888, 2; p. 238 ff. Eschweg, F.: An Henrik Ibsen j Gesellsehaft, 4:, 1888, 4; p. 794 (Verse). Hammer, F. : ^ Mein Verhehr mit Henrik Ibsen; Ge- sellschaft, 4, 1888, 2; p. 741 ff. Ktihnemann, E. : Henrik Ibsens Geis- tesentwicklung und Kunst; Gesellschaft, 4, 1888, 2; pp. 725 ff., 881 ff. 14*8 Year 1888, con. 1889 Appendix Translations Emperor and Galilean Plays Presented Lady Inger A Doll's House The Lady from the Sea Where Presented Berlin Berlin, Lessingtheater, Nov. Weimar, Feb. 12. Berlin, Scbauspielhaus," March 5. Table B Critical Comment Brahm, O.: Kritisahe Schrif- ten, p. 224 ff. Brahm, O.: Kritische Schrif- ten, p. 226 ff. Hansen, I.: 1888, 1; p. 488 ff. Eine deutsche Nora- A uffuhrungj Gesellschaft, 4, 149 "The royal theater, Brahm, O.: Kritische Schrift- ten, p. 232 ff. Fontane, T.: Causerien, p. 192 ff. Frenzel,K.: ^ Deut. Rundschau 59, p. 299 ff. ZoUing, T.: Gegentoart 35, p. 173 ff. Kirchbach, W.: Mag. f. Lit., 1889; p. 8ff. SchoUwock, G.: Grensboten 49, 2; 1890; p. 127 ff. Tovote, H. : Gesellschaft, 5, 1889, 2; p. 767 ff. Hofblihne, Hofthcater, Books, Essays Jaeger, H. : I b s e n s Kindheit; Ubertragen von E. Brausewetter a u s Jaegers Henrik Ib- s. e n, 1828-1888; Mag. f. Lit. d. Aus- lan'des, 1889; p. 289 ff. Schmidt, E. H.: Henrik Ibsen als psychologischer So- phist, Berlin. Steiger, E.: Der Kampf um die neue Dichtung, Leip- sic. Parodies: Gumppenberg, H. v. : Die Frau von der Isar, oder: Die ver- renkte und tmeder eingerenkte E h e {Drama in einem Aufzug. Frei nach Ibsen), Munich. at Berlin. 150 Year 1889^ con. 1890 Appendix Translations Love's Comedy Complete Works, edited by Hoffory (1889- 1904); Reclam (1889- 1903). Plays Presented Ghosts The Pillars of Society The Vikings at Helgeland Table B 161 Where Presented Berlin, Freie Biihne, Sept. 29. Berlin, Deutsches Thea- ter/ April. Berlin, Deutsches Thea- ter, Feb. 12. Critical Comment Fontane, T.: Causerien, p. ff. 185 Medikus : Ibsen und die Me- dizin; Gegenwart S5 ; p. 200 ff. Brahm, O.: Kritische Schrif- ten, p. 239 ff. Harden, M.: Gegenwart 35, p. 270 ff. Brausewetter, E.: Gegenwart 36, pp. 170 ff., 185 ff. Andreas-Salome, L. : Die Wildente, Ein Mdrchenj Freie BUhne 1, pp. 849 ff., 873 ff. Bahr, H.: Henrik Ibsen, Zur Kritik der Moderne, Ziirich. 7 The PUlarg of Society enjoyed an incomparable popularity after its revival: Frenzel, K.: U Deut. Rundschau 63, p. 456 ff. Fulda, L.: Freie Buhne 1, p. 72 ff. Harden, M.: Gegenwart 37, p. 126 ff. Books, Essays Hartleben, O. E.: Der Frosch von Henrik Ipse. Zabel, E.: Die Mitternachts- sonne. 1890, Vienna, Deutsches "Volks- theater; Budapest, Na- tionaltheater 1891, Berlin, Deutsches Theater 1894, Berlin, Berliner Theater 1895, Vienna, Burgtheater 1896, Berlin, Deutsches Theater, Lessingtheater 1896, Berlin, Schillertheater Dresden, Hoftheater Vienna, Deutsches VoUts- theater 1897, Vienna, Burgtheater Stuttgart, Hofth. Hamburg, PoUinis Th. 1898, Berlin, Schauspielhaus 16a Year 1890, con. Appendix Translations 1891 Plays Presented An Enemy of the People Ghosts Hedda Gabler Hedda Gabler Table B 153 Where Presented Vienna, Hoftheater, Oct. 23, Vienna, Volkstheater, Nov. 21. Munich, Besidenztheater, Jan. 31. Berlin, Lessingtheater, Feb. 10. Critical Comment Windholz, J.: Gesellschaft, 6, 1890, 4; p. 1855 ff. Brahm, O. : Kritische Schrif- ten, p. 315 ff. Harden, M.: Gegenwart 38, p. 126 ff. Sch., L.: Freie Biihne 1, p. 783 ff. Miiller-Gutten- brunn. A.: Dramaturgische Gange, p. 165 ff. Windholz, J.: Gesellschaft, 7, 1891, l;p. 115 ff. Bormann, W.: Unsere Zeit, 1891, •1; p. 278 ff. Brachvogel, W.: Freie Biihne 2, p. 117 ff. Anon.: Grenzboten 50, 1 ; p. 464. ff. Brahm, O. : Freie Biihne 2, p. 170 ff. Frenzel, K. : \f Deut. Rundschau 67, p. 455 ff. Harden, M.: Gegenwart 39, p. 14 ff. Books, Essays Berg, L.: Hebbel und Ibsen; Gegenwart 37, p. 212 ff. Hansson, O.: Ibsen und Strindberg in D euts chland; Mag. f. Lit. 1890; p. 628. Hansson, O.: Die Gespenster in Paris; Freie Biihne 1, p. 499 ff. Harnack, O. : Ibsens neue Dramen; Preuss. Jahrb. 65, p. 55 ff. Marholm, L.: Die F r auen d e r sh an d. Dichtung; Biihne 1, pp. 168 ff., 261 ff., 365 ff. Pawlowsky, M. : Zwei Selbstgerichte; Gegenwart 38, p. 181 ff. Oswald, E.: Nora und was aus d e m Puppenheim ward. Naeh dem Englischen des Wal- ter Besant, Hamburg Schellhas, F.: Ibsen und der nor- wegische VolJcscha- rakter; Gegenwart 39, p. 390 ff. Stefansson, J.: HenriJe Ibsen in England; Freie Biihne 2, p. 809 ff. 164. Year 1891, con. Translations Plays Presented The Pretenders An Enemy of the People The Wild Duck Table B 155 Where Presented Critical Comment Books, Essays Harden, M.: Wilckens-Wien, M.: Gegenwart 39, p. Die Vererbungsfrage 124 ff. und Ibsen; Gegen- Kana, H.: wart 3%, Tp. 116 ff. Sie ist Hedda Gahlet; Freie Buhne, ^-p.Qie. L., E. and Mauth- ner, F.: Hedda G abl e r (Z w e i Briefe) ; Maff. f. Lit., 1891, p. Ill ff. H., O.: Preuss. Jahrb. 67, p. 310 ff. Viennaj Raaben, E.: Burgtheater, Freie BUhne 2, p. April 11, 14, 17. 448 ff. Berlin, Harden, M.: Hofbiihne, Gegenwart 39, p. May 31. 365 ff. Mauthner, F.: Mag. f. Lit., 1891, p. 363 ff. Schlenther, P.: Freie BUhne 2, p. 546 ff. Vienna, Raaben, E.: Burgtheater, Freie BUhne 2, p. April 16. 448 ff. Vienna, Miiller-Gutten- Burgtheater, brunn, A.: April 17; Dramaturgische Volkstheater, Gauge, ^ p. 173 ff. April 16 (Ibsen Woche). 8 Reprints. 156 AppeTiMx Year 1891, con. Translations Plays Presented- The League of Youth The Feast at Solhaug 1892 Table B 167 Where Presented Berlin, Freie Volksbuhnej Oct. Vienna, Burgtheater, Nov. 22. Critical Comment Harden, M.: Gegenwart 40, pp. 254 ff., 270 ff. Mauthner, F.: Mag. f. Lit., 1891, p. 670. Anon. : Kunstwart 4, p. p. 325 ff. Bierbaum, O.: Ibsen auf der Flucht; Gesell- schaft, 7, 1891, 4; p. 1320 ff. Feldmann, S.: Pariser Freie B u h n e; Freie Buhne, 2, p. 476 ff. Reyher, A.: Ibsens Gespenster in Paris; Mag. f. Lit., 1891; p. 664 ff. Anon. : Kunstwart 6, p. 258. Hamack, O.: Ibsen in Rom; Mag. f.Lit. 1892; p. 143 ff. M., E. de.: Ibsens Nora (in Paris) : Mag. f. Lit., 1892; p. 322. Books, Essays Andreas-Salome, L. : Henrik Ibsen's Frau- engestalten n a ch seinen sechs Famili- endramen, Berlin. Flaischlen, C: Jertiseits vom Ibsen; Freie Biihne 3, p. 643 ff. 158 Year Appendix 1893 Translations The Masterbuilder Plays Presented The Masterbuilder Table B 159 Where Presented Berlin, Lessingtheater, Jan. 19. Critical Comment Booksj Essays <.f Holm, E.: Gegenwart 44, p 51 ff. Lachmann, H.: Gesellschaft 9, 1893, 1; p. 348 ff. Mauthner, F.: Mag. f. Lit., 1892; p. 821 ff. Riess, M.: Gegenwart 43, p. 39 ff. Schuler, A.: Gesellschaft 9, 1893, 1,; p. 352 ff. Anon. : Gegenwart 43, p. 63. Schlenther, P.: Mag. f. Lit., 18QS; p. 64. Hansen, H.: Ibsens Komodie der Liebe; Mag. f. Lit., 1893; p. 261 ff. Schlenther, P.: Bermerkungen su Ibsens Kais'er und Galilder; Freie Buhne 4, p. 1096 ff. Marholm, Laura: ) Ibsen als Frauettr schilderer; Nord w^d Sud 61, p. 101 ff, Nordau, Max: Entartung, Berjin Odinga, Thdr.:/ Henrik Ibsen/ 'ErivLtt Herzberg, iN.: Sind Iljtiens Motive und Pdrsonen nor- wegischj Mag. f. Lit., 1893; p. 609 ff. 160 Year 1894 Appendix Translations 1895 Little Eyolf Plays Presented Ghosts Table B 161 Where Presented Berlin, Antoine'a "Theatre libre." Critical Comment Anon. : Fiir und wider Ib- sen; Grenshoten 53, 2; p. 614) ff. Albert, H.: Pariser Brief, Der Kampf urn Ibsen; Freie B'uhne, 5, 1894; p. 517 fif. Steinmayer, J.: Kraifft-Ebing ge- gen Ibsen; Gesell- schaft, 10, 1894, 2; p. 546 ff. Berg, L.: Zwischen swei Jahrhunderten, p. 420 ff. Kerr, A.: Mag. f. Lit., 1894; col. 1639 ff. Books, Essays Brennert, H.: Ibsen als Lyriker; Gegenteart 45, p. 182 ff. Dresdner, A.: Vom normegischen Theater; Neue deut. Rundschau 5, p. 1144 ff. K., J.: H e nr i k Ibsen; Grenshoten 53, 2 ; pp. 254 ff., 314 ff. Litzmann, B.: Das deutsche Drama, Hamburg, Leipsic. Mahly, J.: Ibsen in Frankreich; 'Gegenwart 46, p. 88 ff. Reich, E.: Ibsens Dramen, Dresden, Leipsic. Schonbach, A. E.: Vber Lesen und Bil- dung, Vmsehau und Eiatschliige, . {4 Au- flage), Graz. Stara, A.: Dramaturgic nach katholischeti GrunA- sdtzen, Vienna. Stem, A. : Studien zur Litera- tur der Gegermoart, Dresden. Wicksteed, P. H.: 16a Year 1895, con. 'Appendix 1896 Translations Catilina Plays Presented Little Eyolf Emperor and Galilean Love's Comedy Table B 163 Where Presented Berlin, Deutsehes Thea- ter, Jan. 12. Leipsic, Stadttheater, Dec. 5. Berlin, Belle- Alliance Theater, Dec. Critical Comment Richter, K.: Gesellschaft 11, 1895, l;p. 241 ff. Schlenther, P.: Neue deut. Rund- schau, 6, 1895, 1 ; p. 75 iF. Anon. : Gegetvwart 47, p. 45 if. Schlenther, P.: Preuss. Jahrb. 81, p. 562 S. Bahr, H.: Wiener Theater, p. 36 ff. R., W.: Klein Eyolf in Paris; Mag. f. Lit., 1895, col. 764 ff. Anon. : (Brief comment on Ibsen in France) Mag. f. Lit., 1895; col. 1435. Harlan : Mag: f. Lit., 1896; col. 1576 ff. Anon. : (Brief comment on Ibsen in France) Mag. f. Lit., 1896; col. 1485. Books, Essays Henrik Ibsen. Aus dem Englischen von E. B.; Preuss. Jahrb. 82, pp. 98 ff., 218 ff., 470 ff. Woemer, R.: Ibsens Jugenddra- men, Mvmich. Berger, A. Freiherr v.: Studien und Kritihen, Vienna. , Harden, M.: Literatur und Thea- ter, Berlin. Kerr, A. : Der Ahnherr; Neue deut. Rundschau 7, 1896, 2; p. 697 ff. 164 Year 1897 Appendix Translations John Gabriel Borkmatm Plays Presented John Gabriel Borkmann Table B 165 Where Presented Critical Comment Lier, L. : Ztt modernen Dra- matiki Kunatwart 10, p. 17 ff. Schure, E.: Vortrag iiher lb- sen und d. Drama d. Innenlebens (Brief review of) ; F r e i e Biihne, 1896; p. 609 ff. Anon. : Gvensboten 56, 1 ; p. 347 ff. Avenarius : Kunstwart 10, 1896-7; p. 1.^6 ff. Berger, A. Freiherr v.: Cosmopolis 5, p. , 893 ff. Broicher, C; Preuss. Jahrb. 87, p. 567 ff. Sadger, J.: Gesellschaft 13, 1897, 2; p. 105 ff. Sperans : Sozialistische Mp- natshefte, 18.97,2; p. 67 ff. Frankfurt a. M. Berlin, Deutsches Thea- ter, Jan. 29. Books, Essays Kerr, A.: Ein Drameujahrj Neue deut. Rund- schau 7, 1896, 1; p. 85 ff. Neumann-Hofer, O.: Das Theater in Ber- lin; Cosmopolis 1, p. 286 ff. Schweitzer, Ph.: Geschichte der skan- dinavischen Literatur im 19. Jahrhundert, Gera. Jaeger, H. : Henrih Ibsen, 1828- 1888. Uberseizt von H. Zschalig (2. Aus- gabe), Dresden. Hanstein, A. v.: Ibsen als Idealist, Leipsic. Anon.: Gegenwart 51, p. 93 ff. 166 Year 1898 Appeiidkc Translations The Warrior's Barrow Olaf Liljekrans< ° (Both in vol. II, Ibsen's Complete Works in the German Lang., ed. by Brandes, Elias, and Schlenther.) Plays Presented Brand Emperor and Galilean e The first appearance of the play in print; the Norse original was not published imtil 1903. TMe B 167 Where Presented Berlin, Schiller Theater, March 17. Berlin, Belle-Alliance Theater, March 16. Critical Comment Frenzel, K. : Deut. Rundschau 91, p. 14X£P. ^ Poppenberg, F.: Mag. f. Lit., 1897; p. iss ff. Pastor, W.: Deut. Rundschau 95, 1, 395 ff. Books, Essays Anon.; Gegenwart 53 p. 222 ff. Anon. : Gegenwart 53, p. 205 ff. Frenzel, K.: Deut. Rundschau 95, p. 312. Hart, J.: Kunstwart 11, 2; p. 9. Anon.: Kunstwart 11, 2; p. 188 ff. Cassel, P.: Literarisbhe Send- schreiben. III, Berlin, 1900. ,- />f Bartels, A.: Zu Henrik Tbsens siebzigstem Geburts- tag; Kunstwart 11, 1 ; p. 372 ff. Bleibtreu, K.: Zu Ibsens 70. Ge- burtstagj Gesell- schaft 14, 1898, 2; p. 588 ff. Brausewetter, E.: Ibsen zu House; Neue deut. Rund- schau 9, p. 532 ff. Busse, C: Der junge Ibsen; Gegenwart 54, p. 229 ff. Falke: Ibsen und das Burg- theater; Gesellschaft 14, 1898, 3; p. 271 ff. Garde, A. : Der Grundgedanke in Ibsens Dichtung, Vbersetst von C. Kiichler, Leipsic. Heimann, M.: Henrik Ibsen; Neue deut. Rundschau 9, p. 250 ff. Jerusalem, W. : Wdhrheit und Liige; Deutsche Rundschau 97, p. 224 ff. 168 Year 1899 Appendix Translations 1900 When We Dead Awaken Plays Presented TaUe B 169 Where Presented Critical Comment Lorenz, M.: Baumeuter SoU- nes;Preuss. Jahrb. 98j p. 356 ff. Dressier, M.: Preuss. Jahrb. 102, p. 231 ff. Goldschmidt, A.: Gegenwart 57, p. 23 ff. Kerr, A. : Neue deut. Rund- schau 11, 1900, 1; p. 213 ff. Lier, L.: Kunstwart 13, p. 354 ff. Books, Essays Polonsky, G.: Gewis'sen, Ehe und Verantwortung, Mun- ich. Steiger, E. : Die BUhne als Tri- bunal; Gesellschaft 14,1898, l;p. 380ff. Steiger, E.: Henrik Ibsen und die dramatische Gesell- schaftshrUih, Berlin. Brons, B.: Ueber Peer Gynt von Henrik Ibsen mit Uebertrag. ins Plattdsch., Aurich. Hamack, O.: Essais und Studien (liber Ibsens sociale Dramen), Braun- schweig. Stiimcke, H.: Essays {T>er Zau- berer von Skien), Leipsic Anon. : Ibsens romantische Stiicke; Grenzboten 59, 2; pp. 333 ff., 429 ff., 524 ff. Bistram. Ottilie V.: Ibsen's Nora, und die wahre Emancipation der Frau, Wiesbaden J., C: BUcher iiber Ibsen; Grenzboten 59, 1900, 4;p. 217ff. 170 Year 1900, con. 1901 Translations Plays Presented When We Dead Awaken The Warrior's Barrow Brand Love's Comedy Table B ITl Where Presented Stuttgart Berlin, Deutsches Thea- ter, March 17. Vienna Vienna Berlin, Secessionsbiihne, Sept. 15. Critical Comment Lorenz, M.: Preuss. Jahrb. 99, p. 300 iF. Anon.: Gegervwart 57, p. 190 fF. Frenzel, K.: Deut. Rundschau 103, p. 298 ff.N Lorenz, M.: Preuss. Jahrb. 100, p. 369. Schikowski, J.: Gesellschaft, 1900, 3; p. 309 ff. Anon. : Gegenwart 58, p. 206 ff. Lorenz, M.: Preuss. Jahrb. 102, p. 179 ff. Books, Essays J., C: Weiteres iiber Ibsen; Grensboten 59, 1900, 3 ; pp. 360 ff., 4.92 ff., 591 ff. Jaeger, H.: Ibsen und seine nor- •wegischen Vorldufer; Gegenwart 58, p. 229 ff. Specht, R. : Kritisches Shizsen- buch, Wien. Woerner, B,.: Henrik Ibsen I, Munich. Ziegler, G. : Ibsens Jugendwerke; Gesellschaft 16, 1900, l;p. 150 ff. Berg, L.: Henrik Ibsen, Studien, Berlin, Leipsic, Cologne. Goldschmidt, K. W.: Henrik Ibsen, Berlin. Litzmann, B.: Ibsens Thamen, 1877-1900, Hamburg, Leipsic. Stein, P.: Henrik Ibsen, Zur Buhnengeschichte seiner Dichtungen, Berlin. CITATIONS Thatsachlich war durch diese beiden Stiicke " Der Eedakteur " und " Ein Fallissement " das Drama der Neuzeit in Skandina- vien eingefiihrt und mit einer Starke iiber die Biihne gegangen, welche alle " Schongeister " vemichten musste. Es waren Sig- nalraketen, die zum klaren Himmel emporstiegen und Salven hervorriefen, deren Echo wir noch nicht vergessen haben. Bjornson hatte seine Eolle ernst aufgefasst; ernstlich hatte er kampfen wollen. Aber das Publikum hatte sich daran gewohnt, durch seine Dichter Vergniigen zu geniessen und wollte sie nicht predigen horen. Man liebte es zu damaliger Zeitj schone Verse zu machen iiber Freiheit oder die Eechte der Menschen, aber es waren die schonen Verse, nicht die Sache selbst, an denen man Gefallen fand! (August Strindberg: Bjornstjeme Bjornson; Freie Buhne, 1891, S. 215.) Paul Lindau hat die Empfindung des modernen Lebens, er steht inmitten unserer Bewegungen und Kampfe, und fehlt ihm der Tiefblick auf den Grund dieser Stromungen, in ihre Ur- sachen und ihr Wesen, so hat er dafiir die Gabe schnellen und leichten Erfassens der hervorspringendsten Erscheinungen, Schwachen und Irrungen des gesellschaftlichen Verkehrs . . . (Frenzel: Berliner Dramaturgic, I. S. 317.) HENRIK IBSEN Von Otto Brahm Als ich letztes Fruhjahr nach Rom kam, soUte ich Henrik Ibsen Griisse iiberbringen. Das Unternehmen stiess auf die unerwartete Sehwierigkeit, dass die Wohnung des Dichters nicht festzustellen 173 174 Appendix war: denn weder das romische Adressbuch, das wenig weiss, noch die romische Fremdencolonie, die Alles weiss, konnten Auskimft geben. Man hatte wohl gehort, dass Ibsen seit Jahren in Rom wohnt, man sah ihn dann und wann, einsam im Menschengewiihl, den Corse entlang schreiten; aber Niemand verkehrte mit ihm in taglichem Umgange, Niemand hatte seine Behausung erblickt. Endlich sagte man mir, dass der Dichter um die siebente Abendstunde, mit unerbittlicher Regekaassigkeit, einen Gang ins Cafe Aranjo thue; ich trat dort ein, und auf eine ungefahre Besehreibung erhielt ich die Bestatigung, dass der Gesuchte an dieser Stelle taglicher Gast sei. Es muss wohl ein Deutscher sein, lautete die Auskunf t ; viele Deutsche griissen ihn, aber Keiner spricht mit ihm. Er sitzt immer ganz allein an seinem Tische. Indem kam Ibsen herangeschritten : eine mittelgrosse Gestalt von kraftigem Bau der Glieder, mit einem energisch ausgepragten strengen Kopfe, dessen machtiger Typus Michelangelo's Phan- tasie hatte anreizen konnen. Grauweisses starres Haar steigt voU und hoch empor iiber einer breiten, von Gedankenarbeit ausgewolbten Stirn ; eine Brille verdeckt blaugraue kleine Augen nicht, die mit scharfer Aufmerksamkeit umherblicken und durch Form und Hiille auf den Kern der Dinge zu dringen scheinen. Um den feinen Mund, dessen schmale Lippen sich vorsichtig nach innen zuriickziehen, spielt ein leises Lacheln; der Bart, der nach unten zu sich verbreitert, ist nach englischer Art gehalten und gibt diesem entschlossenen Kopfe den charak- teristischen Abschluss. Die Bekanntschaft ward schnell gemacht; und schnell erfuhr ich aus des Dichters Munde, wie tief in seiner Anschauung die Einsamkeit dieses Lebenswandels begriindet ist. Mit seinem " Volksfeind " spricht Ibsen: " Der starkste Mann der Welt ist derjenige, welcher allein steht." {Deutsche Bundschau 49, 1886; S. 193.) In dieser Stimmung hat er in einer Umgebung, die Goethen die Iphigenie und den Tasso diktirten> den " Brand " voUendet, ein Citations 175 Werk rauhester Art, von durqh und durch protestantischer Farbung, voll des kategorischen Imperativs. Aber inmitten eiserner Willenskrafte hat der Dichter sein Agnes gestellt, ein Weib und Mutter, ebenso hilflos und dem Untergange geweiht wie ein verirrter Schmetterling in der ungeheuern Gebirgswiiste des norwegischen Fj aides, eine dichterisehe Gestalt ersten Ganges, ebenbiirtig einer Imogen oder einem Gretchen. (Emanuel Brunn: "Peer Gynt" von Henrik Ibsen; Maga- zin f. d. Lit. d. Auslmdes 99, 1881, 1 ; S. 73-74.) Det gamle illusoriske Frankrig er slaet istykker; nar nu ogsa det nye faktiske Preussen er slaet istykker, sa er vi med et spring inde i en vordende tidsalder. Hej, hvor ideerne da vil ramie rundt omkring os! Og det kan sandelig ogsa vaere pa tiden. Alt det vi til dato lever pa, er jo dog kun smulerne fra revolutionsbordet i forrige arhundrede, og den kost er jo dog nu Isenge nok tygget og tygget om igen. Begreberne traenger til et nyt indhold og en ny forklaring. Frihed, lighed, og broder- skab er ikke Isenger de samme ting, som de var i salig guillotinens dage. Dette er det, som politikerne ikke vil forsta, og derfor jeg hader dem. De mennesker vil kun specialrevolutioner, revolutioner i det ydre, i det politiske o. s. v. Men alt sligt er pflleri. Hvad det gaelder er mehneskeandens revoltering. . . . ■ (Til Georg Brandes, Dresden, den 20 December, 1870. Breve fra Heririk Ibsen I, S. 220 ff.) Wir haben es hier (Kronpratendenten) mit einem Stiicke von markiger Kraft, von Kuhnheit und Gedankenreichthum und von einer schonen Sprache zu thun . . . und wir konnten uns wohl vorsteUen, dass dasselbe, mit Geschick fiir unsere Biihne ein- gerichtet, einen guten Erfolg zu gewartigen hatte. Ein gleich gunstiges Prognostikon wagen wir dem zweiten Stucke "der Bund der Jugend " jedoch nicht zu steUen. Dasselbe behandelt das Parteigetriebe der Neuzeit, und vielen der gezeiehneten Cha- raktere begegnen wir auch bei uns; dennoch liegen uns die ge- schilderten Verhaltnisse zu fern, als dass wir, bei aller Anner- 176 Appendia; kennung, die wir dem Bau und der Spraehe zollen^ ein lebhafteres luteresse dafiir fassen konnten. (J. H.: Henrik Ibsen, ein norweigischer Dramatiker; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslmdes 82, 1872, 2; p. 367 fg.) Es ist eine Vergeudung von Zeit, Arbeit und Geld, sich mit Schauspielen abzuqualen, die trotz ihres poetischen Werthes sich niemals auf einem deutschen Theater einbiirgern werden, weil sie uns in ihrem Kern ewig fremd sind und sein werden. (FrenZel, Dewfscfte Rundschau 8, 1876; S. 1S4.) tjberall die Lowenklaue des Dichters, nirgends der geborene Dramatiker. Das lyrische und das epische Element iiberwuchem so sehr den dramatischen Bau, dass ohne die riicksichtsloseste Anwendung des Eothstiftes gar nicht an die Vorfiihrung dieser Dichtungen als Theaterstiick zu denken ist. (Frenzel, Deutsche Rundschau 14, 1878; S. 485.) In Vienna, Berlin, and Hamburg, the following conclusion was substituted for the original of A Doll's House : Nora: — Dass unser Zusammenleben eine Ehe werden konnte, Leb' wohl! {Will gehen.') Helmer: — Nun dann gehe! (Fasst sie am Arm.) Aber erst soUst du deine Kinder zum letzten Male sehen! Nora: — Lass mich los! Ich wiU sie nicht sehen. Ich kann nicht. Helmer (siekt sie gegen die Thiir links) : Du soUst sie sehen. (Off net die Thiir und sagt leise:) Siehst du, dort schlafen sie sorglos und ruhig; morgen, wenn sie erwachen und rufen nach ihrer Mutter, dann sind sie — mutterlos. Nora (Bebend) : — Mutterlos — ! Helmer: — Wie du es gewesen bist. Nora : — Mlitterlos ! (Kampft innerlicJi, lasst die Reisetasche fallen und sagt:) Oh, ich versiindige mich gegen midi Citations 177 selbstj aber ich kann sie nicht verlassen. {Sinkt halb nieder vor ^er Thiir.) Helmer (freudig, aber leise) : — Nora ! (Der Vorhang fallW) Auch der warmste Verehrer des Dichters . . . wird zugeben miissen: das Werk ist vieldeutig. Es fehlt die sichere Fiihrung von Stufe zu Stufe bis zur Hohe hinauf, die eine freie Ausschau liber das Ganze gewahrt. Man fiihlt sich wie in einem Hause mit einer grossen Zahl von Zimmern, deren jedes drei und mehr Thiiren hat, unter denen die Wahl frei steht; man ist nie sicher, durch die richtige gegangen zu sein, und im nachsten Raume hebt der Zweifel von NeUem an. Das reizt freilicb, iiber den verwiekelten Plan zur Klarheit zu gelangen, oder mit iiberzeu- gung sagen zu konnen: Unsinn. War aber den Versuch macben woUte, einen einheitlichen Gedanken bis ins Einzebie nachzu- weisen, oder umgekehrt zu zeigen, dass ein einbeitlieber Gedanke nicht. aufzufinden ist, miisste sich entschliessen, einen Com- mentar zu schreiben, der leicht ein Buch werden konnte. Auch wer das Ganze fiir ein Buch mit sieben Siegeln halt, wird in Einzelnen Scenen von grosser dramatischer Kraft, Stellen von poetischer Schonheit, geistvolle Auspriiche in Fiille finden. (Ernst Wichert: Henrik Ibsen; Im neuen Reich, 1880, 2; S. 901.) Sehliesslieh erinnert sich jeder Leser, dass Peer Gynt der Sohn eines Saufers und einer ToUhauslerin yra.r, und fangt an, das Thema nicht mehr der Poesie, sondern der Krankheits- geschichte des menschlichen Geistes zu iiber weisen, wohin es nach unserer Meinung auch hingehort. (Eugen Zabel: Henrik Ibsen; Unsere Zeit, 1881, 1; S. S27.) Der Peer Gynt gleicht in der Beziehung manchen Musik- stiicken, die erst nach wiederholtem Horen sich uns gleichsam entschleiern; einer Bach'schen Filge oder einer der letzten gros- 178 Appendix sen Kompositionen Beethovens. Wie vieler Jahrzehnte hat es nicht bedurft, bis man die " Neunte Symphonic " zu schatzen vermocht hat ! Man wolle nicht iibcrsehen, dass der Fidelio bci seiner ersten Auffiihrung auf den grossten Widcrspruch stiess; dass ein Dichter wie Heinrich von Kleist mchrere Jahrzehnte bedurfte, um auch nur genannt zu werden. (Emanuel Brunn, Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 99, 1881; S. 77.) Kcin grosserer Schmerz fiir einen Dichter, als die Liige, welche die Welt beherrscht; nicht jene naive Liige des phantasie- voUen Menschen oder des Kindes und des Uebertreters, die nach einer Ausrede suchen; sondern die allgemeine, konventionelle, hochgeachtete Liige, welche sich in Gesellschaft, Politik, Staat und Kirche breit macht, mit der Anmassung der Alleinberechti- gung auftritt und die Wahrheit verfolgt. Diese Liige in.jeder Form aufzudecken und an den Pranger zu stellen, ist seit Menander und Aristophanes die Auf gabe j edes Dichters gewesen, der sich nicht in eine ideale Welt iliichtet, sondern seinen Blick auf die Gegenwart rjchtet. Dieses neueste Drama Ibsens hat die Bedeutung eines die Luft reinigenden Gewitters. Es handelt nicht mehr von Hecuba, nicht von den Freuden und Leiden einer einsamen Menschen- seele, es fiihrt uns zu den hochsten Hohen der Menschheit wie auf einen der grossen schueeigen Bergkolosse Norwegens und zeigt uns iiber dem Qualm der niedern Tallandschaft die silberfun- kelnde Bergreihe einer fernen aber erreichbaren Gebirgsweite. Mit sicherm Schritt, wie ein Alpenfiihrer, leitet er uns hinauf; denn hier schweigt jedes Bedenken, jeder kleinliche Zweifel. (L. Passarge: Ein neues Drama von Ibsen; Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes lOS, S. 98, 101.) Da geschah es eines Tages, dass wir in das winzige " Stadt- theater " in Ati Lindenstrasse gerieten, zu den " Stiitzen der Gesellschaft " ; und sogleich empfingen wir die erste Ahnung Citations 179 einer neuen poetischen Welt, wir fiihlten mis, ein erstesmal, vor Menschen unserer Tage gestellt, an die wir glauben konnten, und aus einer allumfassenden sozialen Kritik der Gegenwart sahen wir die Ideale der Freiheit und der Wahrheit als die Stiit- zen der Gesellschaft, siegreich emporsteigen. Von Stund an gehorten wir dieser neuen Wirklichkeitskunst, und unser asthe- tisches Leben hatte seinen Inhalt empfangen. (Brahm: Kritische Schriften, S. 447 fg.) Ueber all dem blinkenden und schillernden Theaterplunder ringsum gingen uns damals die jungen Augen auf. Wir bebten und jauchzten. . . . Wir gingen immer wieder ins Theater; tagiiber lasen wir in Wilhelm Langes scheussliehem Deutsch das Stiick. Weder die poesielose, papierne Uebersetzung, noch die ■bretternen Seelen der Vorstadtschauspieler konnten gegen die Gewalten dieser Dichtung an. So muss neunzig Jahre friiher Schillers Kabale und Liebe auf die nicht mehr ganz unreife Jugend gewirkt haben. . . . Durch dieses Stiick erst lernten wir Ibsen lieben, fiirs Leben lieben. Ich darf fiir viele meiner Altersgenossen das Bekenntniss ablegen, dass unter dem Einfluss " dieser modernen Wirkliehkeitsdichtung zur entscheidenden Lebenszeit in uns diejenige Geschmackslinie entstand, die fiirs Leben entschieden hat. Im Zeitalter der genialsten Realpolitik herangebildet, trat uns hier die kraftigste Eealpoesie entgegen. Aus Handel und Wandel des alltaglichen Lebens, aus Geschaft und Arbeit sahen wir eine Dichtung aufsteigen, die uns um so tiefer ergriff, je weniger uns die. Epigonen Schillers oder die . vertrocknete Nachromantik geniigten. Es war eine Lust zu leben, solange Schiller und Goethe sebufen, es war eine Lust zu leben, solange die Romantik bliihte — nun war es wieder eine Lust zu leben, denn mit uns lebte ein Dichter, der den Inhalt unserer Zeit in eigene Hande nahm. (Paul Schlenthei': Ibsens sammtliche Werke in deutscher Sprache, VI, S. XVII, XVIII.) 180 Appendix Mit nye skuespil er nu udkommet og har vakt en voldsom allarm i den skandinaviske presse. Daglig modtager jeg breve og avisartikler for og imod ... jeg anser det for en fuld- staendig umnlighed for tiden at fa dette stykke op fort pa noget tysk teater; jeg tror neppe at man i de nordiske lande tor spille det in den naermeste fremtid. (To Ludwig Passarge, Home, Dec. 22, 1881. Breve, II, p. 97.) Die schone Pflicht, ein ganzes Publikum in planmassigen Zusammenhang in den Gedankengang des Dichters einzufiihren, und durch eine Darstellung seiner modernen Schauspiele, vom " Bund der Jugend " an gerechnet, die deutschen Theaterbesucher Ibsen-reif zu machen, hat bisher Niemand eingelost. Aber naher oder ferner, die Zeit muss kommen, in der die Erkenntniss solcher Pflicht unter uns aufsteht. Denn hier ist ein Dicbter erwachsen, der, allem Epigonenthum entsagend, zum unbekannten Strande den Mast richtet: den es mit wehenden Wimpeln einer im Werden begriiFenen Kunst entgegen zieht. (Otto Brahm: Henrik Ibsen; Deutsche Rundschau 49, S. 219, 220.) Ich habe etwas Ahnliches nie wieder erlebt. Nachdem der Vorhang zum erstenmal gefallen war, herrschte einige Secunden lang tieffste Ruhe, alles stand unter dem Banne der machtigen Dichtung. Dann aber brach ein Sturm, ein Orkan, los, wie ich ihn im Theater noch nicht gehort hatte. Widerspruchlos, einstimmig wurde der Dichter hervorgejubelt, und willig, sieges- trunken liess er sich oftmals an die Eampen Ziehen, warend ihm die hellen Freudenthranen iiber die Wangen liefen. (Lothar: Henrik Ibsen, S. 112.) . . . Wenn die Entwicklung in aller Dichtung hierauf ziehlt, poetisches neues Land dem Leben abzugewinnen, gleich wie Faust Land abzwang dem Meere — so ist kein neuerer Dramati- ker kiihner und grossartiger nach vorwarts geschritten als de? Verfasser der " Gespenster." . . . Citations 181 Aber was ist denn das Neue, Entscheidende in dem Werke? Es ist die unbedingte Wahreit, die unbarmherzige, grelle Wahr- heit, wenn man will, in der Schilderung mensehlicher Charaktere. Menschen stellt der Diehter vor uns bin, wirkliehe und leibhaftige Menschen, in voUer Figur gesehen, rundum und ganz ; und gerade weil er est wagt, hinter diese Gestalten so unbedingt zuruck- zutreten, so neigen diejenigen, die nicht wissen, was das heisst: kiinstleriscbe Objectivitat, stets von neuem dazu, dem Diehter und seine Menschen zu identifizieren. (Brahm: Kritische Schriften iiber Drama und Theater, S. 107 fg.) " Rosmersholm." Ibsens Dramen sind ein fortgesetzter Eampf gegen die Liige und ein Sieg des Geistes und der Wahr- heit. Worin liegt ihre dramatische Starke? In der Handlung? Es gibt hundert Stiicke mit mehr und ausserlich beteudenderer Handlung. Im Dialog? Es gibt eleganteren, flussigeren, leichter fasslichen Dialog. Im EiFekt? Die gemeinen Effekte sind fast puritanisch vermieden. — Ihre sieghafte Starke liegt einzig in der Idee, in der strikten Ausfiihrung dieser Idee, die nichts vom ihrem Ziel ablenkt — kein falscher Effektzierrat, kein Phrasengeschnorkel, keine iiberfliissigen Romankapitel. Der eine Gedanke, der das Stiick aufbaut, ist so gross, so wahr und erschiittemd, dass er uns fortreisst, erdriickt — und frei macht! Ibsen keimt wie kein anderer moderner Diehter das Geheimnis der dramatischen Wucht. . . . Es mutet uns ja manches fremdartig an in den Charakteren, den Sitten, der Redeweise. Es ist ein anderer, reckenhafter, rauherer und zugleich traumerischerer Menschenschiag, der da spricht und handelt — aber wir fuhlen doch, so und so miissen diese urgermanischen Hiinennaturen sprechen und handeln. . . . Ich glaube, wir Deutsche von heute vermogen's nicht ganz und voU (Ibsen aufzufiihren) — und das ist sehr schade. Eine bes- sere Zukunft muss bei uns fiir Ibsen nicht nur das rechte Pub- likum, sondern auch die rechten Darsteller erziehen. Die ewige Franzoselei hat beide unfahig gemacht, die wahrhaftige deutsche 182 Appendix Kunst aus reirier Quelle zu schopfen — und zu ertragen. Darum ist Ibsen so vielen ein Argernis. (L. Willfried: Dramatische Litteratur; GeselUchaft, 1887, 2; S. 748 fg.) Zwar ist es richtig, dass der Realismus heutzutage sehr einge- rissen ist, das ist aber eine Krankheit der Zeit ebenso wie die sentimentale Riehtung, die den Werther im vorigen Jahrhundert -hervorrief. Fiir diese Krankheit fehlt vorlaufig der Arzt, aber ich zweifele keinen Augenblick daran, dass er kommen werde. Freilich hinterlasst fast jede Krankheit ihre Spuren, wirkt aber haufig lauterud und wohltuend auf den ganzen Organismus; wir woUen holFen, dass auch jetzt diese Wirkung nicht aus- bleiben wird. So sind der Pessimismus, Realismus, Naturalis- mus, etc. nur Geschwiire, Auswiichse, die vielleicht eine nahende Revolution ankiindigen, und deren schlechte Safte aus dem Gan- zen, so lange es noch gesund und lebensfahig ist, ebenso mit der Zeit ausgestossen werden miissen, trie das friiher mit solchen Dingen der Fall gewesen ist. Zudem ist unter den Realisten eine solche Verschiedenheit, dass man manchmal kaum weiss, woran man ist, ich mochte fast sagen, es giebt auch idealistische Realisten. (H. von Pilgrim: Die Biihne und ihre Zukunft; Magasin f. d. Lit. d. Audandes 111, 1887; S. 329.) Solche Dramen, wie z. B. die von Henrik Ibsen, beweisen dadurch, dass sie jetzt gerade Mode sind, wie wenig Lebenskraft in ihnen steckt. Es ist niemals Sache der Kunst gewesen uns das Widerwartige vorzufiihren, das Ebenmass und die ruhige, erhabene Schonheit sind ihre Kennzeichen; es ist Zeit, dass wir uns wieder die Worte unseres unsterblichen Dichters ins Gedacht- nis zuriickruf en : Ernst ist das Leben, heiter ist die Kunst. (H. von Pilgrim: Die Biihne und ihre Zukunft; Magasin f. d. Lit. d. Auslandes 111> 1887; S. 330.) Citations 183 Es war im Cafe Maximilian. Seit Ibsen In Munchen wohnt, ist er dort taglieh zu sehen, bei jedem Wetter, abends zwischen 147 und 1^8, zu fceiner andern Stunde, immer am zweiten oder dritten Tischchen rechts vom Eingang, gewohnlieh ganz allein, ein Seidel Bier oder ein Glaschen Cognac mit einer Wasserflasche vor sich, in der Hand ein Zeitungsblatt, iiber welches er meistens Mnausliest mit seinem grossen ruhigen Blick, denn die Menschen, die hier ein- und ausgehen, sind selbst eine Chronika , eine lebendige Zeitungssammlung, mindestens ebenso wichtig und in- teressant, wie das bedruckte Papier der Tagesblatter. Sebr oft sitzt Ibsen auch da wie ein steinerner Gast, unbeweglich, den Blick nach innen gekehrt, die Lippen eingekniffen, die linke Hand auf dem Schenkel, die rechte leicht auf dem Marmortisch- chen ruhend, die Finger als hielten sie die Feder — wie in Gedanken am Werktisch, in absorbierender Denkarbeit. Dann steht er ruhig auf, nimmt Stock, Cylinderhut, Handschuhe, die immer nebenan auf dem Stuhle liegen, und geht stiU. zur Thiir hinaus mit kurzen, leisen Schritten. Also es war in Cafe Maximilian. Als ich daselbst Henrik Ibsen zum dritten Male gesehen hatte, fasste ich mir ein Herz, seine Einsamkeit zu storen; ich ging hin und stellte mich vor. Er gab mir die Hand und blieb stehen; als das Formelle wegge- redet war, lud er mich ein, mich zu ihm zu setzen. Er sprach in einem leisen, milden Ton, wobei sein sonst unbewegliches Gesicht einen ungemein gewinnenden, warmen Ausdruck bekam. Ich habe ihn seitdem nie anders sprechen horen. (Fritz Hammer: Mein Verkehr mit Henrik Ibsen; Gesell- schaft, 1888, 2; S. 741, 742.) In Danemark und Norwegen ist die Biihne zum Eatheder geworden, auf dem die Frauenemancipation, das sociele Wesen der Ehe, die Kindererziehung, die Unsittlichkeit der oberen Stande, das traurige Loos der M^dchen aus dem Volke, der Eampf gegen Branntwein erortert werden; die dramatische Form wird nicht der Eunst, sondern ihrer starkeren Wirkimg- auf grosse Massen wegen gewahlt. Absichtlich stellt sich das 184 Appendia: dichterische Talent in den Dienst der Volkswohlfahrt; fiir den EealismuSj der nach Wahrheit und nicht nach Schonheit verlangt, miissen schliesslich die Zwecke und Machte, die mit der Kunst an sich nichts zu thun haben^ die Hauptsache wprden. In diesen Gleisen wandelt Ibsen, seit er das Stiick " Stiitzen der Gesell- schaft " schrieb, nur dass seine Tendenzen bei dem Scfaleier, der auf seinen letzten Werken ruht, dem Zuhorer unklarer bleiben und der Rest von Idealismus, der in ihm steckt, immer in die realistiche Fabel und Charakteristik ein phantastiches Element hineinsehmuggelt. So fiihlt der Zuschauer wohl, dass die Ab- sicht des Dichters in dem Schauspiel " Die Wildente " dahin geht, die Erbarmlichkeit und Nichtswiirdigkeit des Lebens und der Durchschnittsmenschen gegeniiber der " idealen Forderung " darzustellen und die voUige Trostlosigkeit seiner Weltanschauung zum ergreifenden Ausdruck zu bringen: aber diese Empfindung wird bestandig durch die Betrachtung verwirrt, dass Gregers Werle, der die " ideale Forderung " stellt, ein Narr ist, desseu tappisches hereinfahren den Tod eines liebenswiirdigen Kindes verschuldetj wahrend er einen moralisch gesunkenen Freund zu einem neuen Leben erheben will. Wie Johaimes Eosmer ist auch Gregers Werle von der fixen Idee besessen, aus AUtagsmen- schen " Adelsmenschen " machen zu wollen, um nach dem Schei- tern seines Versuches zu erkennen, dass er keine andere Bestim- mung hat als der Dreizehnte bei Tisch zu sein. Diese Unklarheiteuj dieser Mangel an Freimuth, die Dinge bei ihren wahren Namen zu nennen, sind charakteristisch fiir Ibsen's Darstellungsweise ; wir, die Zuschauer, soUen erraten, was er, der Dichter, nicht klipp und klar zu sagen wagt. Die Schilderung der vier Personen, ihrer Umgebung in der Mischung von Diirftigkeit und Phantastik, die Trottelhaftigkeit des Alten, Gina's Resolutheit, das verschwommene, verlogene, schauspielerische Wesen Hjalmar's, der poetische Duft, der Hewig umschwebt, ist in ihrer Wahrheit und ihrer eigenthiim- lichen Localfarbe bewunderungswiirdig und von ergreifender Citations 185 Wirkung. Selbst die Symbolik mit der Wildente stort nicht allzusehr; man gewohnt sich an das abenteuerliche Geschopf des DichterSj so gleichgiiltig es auch fiir die Handlung ist. (Karl Frenzel; Deutsche Rundschau 55, S. 461, 462, 463.) Darum beriihrt uns jedes neue Werk Ibsens wie eine Ent- deckung auf dem Gebiete der dramatischen Kunst, eine Erweite- rung ihrer Grenzen. Das Studium dieses Dichters aber sei alien empfohlen, die das Schlagwort der Unfahigkeit unserer Zeit zum Drama nachbeten, vor allem aber sei es empfohlen dem jungen Deutschland. Ibsens Dramen sind die beste Poetik fur angehende Dramatiker (womit naturlich noch lange nicht die Nachahmnng empfohlen sein soil), sie sind auch die beste Ethik fur werdende Manner. (Julius Brand; Gesellschaft, 1888, 2; S. 1137-38.) Fast konnte man sagen: Ibsen ist Hebbel redivivus in voU- kommenerer Gestalt. Er ist gleichsam seine Erfiillung. Bei- nahe Alles, was Hebbel versucht, hat Ibsen erreicht; was jener gewoUt, hat dieser durchgesetzt. Wo bei jenem nur noch ein dunkeles Eessentiment bestand, heerscht bei Ibsen helles Be- wusstsein und voile Klarheit. Es gibt vielleicht nicht bald ein zweites Beispiel in der Litter aturgeschichte, wie das an dem einen Ort unterbrochene SchaiFen fast unmittelbar an einem anderen aufgenommen wird: der Eine ist die Voraussetzung des Anderen, wie dieser die Rechtfertigung des Eirsten. (Leo Berg: Zwischen zwei Jahrhunderten; Hebbel und Ib- sen, S. 260.) Der ganze Ibsen ist also eine alte deutsche Melodie, iiber deren Sinn sich unsere Vater bereits den Kopf zerbrochen hatten, z. B. der alte Vischer, der den Hebbel sein Lebtag bewundert und geliebt, aber nie begriffen hat.) (Berg: Hebbel und Ibsen, S. 272.) Ibsen ist ein grosses dichterisches Genie und er hat eine ganze Reihe von Stiicken geschrieben, die unsere Bewunderung ver- 186 Appendix dienen. Die " Gespenster " aber konnen wir nicht dazu zahlen. Die kiihnej vielvermogende dramatische Gestaltungskraft des Dichters, imponirt uns auch in dem technischen tind psyeho- logischen Aufbau dieses Dramas, und Ibsen's Kunst der Charak- teristik ist in den " Gespenstern " so gross wie in seinen reifsten Schopfungen; aber das Widerwartige zu adeln, das Willkiirliche der Erfindung zu mildern, das hat seine Kunst nicht vermocht. Schiller betrachtete die Schaubiihne als moralische Anstalt, Ibsen betrachtet sie in den " Gespenstern " als Strafanstalt fiir die Gesellschaft, als einen Sezirsaal. Er will uns nicht mit Worten, nicht mit schonen Sittenspriichen bessern^ er kommt mit dem Messer des Anotomen und beweist uns als Vivisektor an den lebendigen Menschen seiner Dichtung, was aus unseren Nach- kommen wird, wenn wir lasterhaft sind. . . . Und er verstrickt sich schliesslich in aU' jene Irrthiimer und Willkiirlichkeitenj in welche unsere philosophierenden Naturwissenschaftler so haufig verf alien. (Adam Miiller-Guttenbrunn : Dramaturgische Gange, S. 166.) Man muss diesem Abschluss des peinlichen Stiickes eine gewaltige poetische Kraft zuerkennen. Aber zu spat hat Ibsen sich daran erinnert, dass er Dichter ist; der Leser kann sich dem Eindruck dieser Poesie vielleicht hingeben, der Zuschauer im Theater hat schon die Flucht ergrifFen, wenn die Sonne fiber den Sumpf emporsteigt. (Miiller-Guttenbrunn: Dramaturgische Gange, S. 170.) . . . Denn dies zuerst und zuletzt treibt sie in ihr patholo- gisches Thun, treibt sie in den Tod: Dass sie dem ungeliebten droUigen Manne ein Kind gebahren soil, einen leibhaftigen kleinen Jorgen, wahrend Lovborg's und Thea's geistiges Kind, das grosse Zukunftswerk, den Namen des gliicklicheren Paares zu den Sternen tragt. Und dann all dies HassUche, dies un- f reiwillig DroUige, was sich ' fiir ihren egotistischen Schonheits- sinn an das Mutterwerden kniipft, die lachelnden Bemerkungen Citations 187 der Intimen, das Krankenbett vielleicht und der Verlust ihrer reifen Beize — " still davon ! " ruft zornig sie dem Rathe zu, ■'nie soUen sie etwas derart erleben." . . . Eine Versorgungs- Ehe hat sie, unfahig ihr eigenes Leben zu gestalten, eingehen miissen, und an dem Widerspruch zwischen den verbildeten sozialen Zustanden, die sie so weit getrieben, und dem freien Willen einer starkeren Natur, die die Horigkeit nicht dulden kann, zerschellt sie: gerade hier erweitert sich, was ein eng psychologischer Vorgang schien^ zum modernen Weltbilde. Ein sozialer Typus wird deutlich, wie Nora, wie EUida; und was der Meister, in die Zukunft hellen Sinnes blickend, so geschafFen, kann weder durch torichtes Einreden noch durch seelenloses Darstellen dauernd verdunkelt werden. Auch wenn " Hedda Gabler" jetzt von der BiiJine verschwindet, sie wird wieder- kehren . . . und was sie dramatisch gilt, werden wir durch die Kontrolle der Biihne dann erst erfahren. . . . (Otto Brahm; Freie Biihne II, S. 171.) (Brahm: Kritische Schriften, S. 324, 325.) Was woUte denn eigentlich dieser Martin Greif ? Ich verstehe nicht. Was schreibt er denn fiir Dramen? Die Dramen von Leuten, die langst todt sind, die er niemals gekannt. Kann man iiber Unbekannte Dramen schreiben? Was gehen dem Martin Greif die Todten an? Er soil sie doch in Ruhe lassen und die Lebendigen dramatisieren soviel er will. Jetzt stort er die todten bayerischen Fiirsten in ihrer Grabesruhe. Wenn er mit diesen fertig ist, kommen wohl die hohenzoUerischen dran. Es ist wahr, es gibt genug todte Fiirsten. Die Gesehichte ist gross. Aber das ist heute doch nicht dieAufgabe der Dramatik. (Lothar: Henrik Ibsen, S. 127.) . . . Es schwirrt und fauscht hier durcheinander wie in einer grossen Symphonie, und diese Symphonie ist nichts anders als die Ouvertiire zu Henrik Ibsens moderner Produktion. Schon hier klingen alle Leitmotive vor. Als Bischof Nicolas den verhangnissvoUen Brief des Pfarrers Trond in Handen halt. 188 Appendix sagt er : " Hier hinter diesem diinnen Siegel liegt Norweg's Geschichte fiir hundert Jahre. Sie liegt und tramnt, wie der junge Vogel im Ei! " So liegt und traumt in den Kronpraten- denten Ibsens moderne Dichterseele. . . . Wenn wir uns dem historischen Stoffgebiet so sehr entfremdet haben^ dass trotz ihren rein menschlichen Consequenzen auch die Kronpratendenten etwas erkaltend' Haupt- und Staats- actionmassiges haben, so sind Hauptursacbe daran Ibsen's " Wildente," Ibsen's " Gespenster," Ibsen's " Nora." . . . Es gibt auch in der Kunst eine Art Stoffwechsel, und wie Formen veralten und entstehen^ so entstehen und veralten auch Stoffe. Das historische Drama entspricht nicht dem Geiste unserer Zeit. . . . Das spiirt man auch am Eindruck der Kronpratenden- ten. . . . Es kommen nun neue Wege, und erst eine feinere, wiederum veranderte Zeit wird zuriickkehren zu echt dichte- rischer Anschaui^ng historischer Vergangenheiten. Trotzdem soUten unsere Theaterdirektoren und Dramatiker sich durch solche Erwagungen nicht von dem Gedanken abbringen lassen, auch Ibsen's grosstes Werk, sein Weltdrama " Kaiser und Galilaer " auf Biihnenfahigkeit bin zu priifen. Denn dieses Werk umfasst keine in sich abgeschlossene Zeit, es umfasst, wie Goethe's Faust, die Welt. (Paul Schlenther; Freie Biihne II, S. 548, 549.) Geschichtlich betrachtet war es doch eine unabweisliche Not- wendigkeit, dass Ibsen, als er mit seinen modernen Stiicken zu uns kam, Vorbild des deutschen Dramas werden musste. Denn was man als Aufgabe ahnte, fand man bei ihm zuerst klar erkannt, bestimmt ausgfedriickt kiinstlerisch verarbeitet; und ich wiisste nicht, bei wem man sonst hatte diese Vorziige £nden konnen. (Albert Dresdner: Das Dritte Drama; Der Kunstwari IV, S. 290.) Citations 159 Der Kunstwart, V (1891-92), p. 258 Anonymous review of an article in the Allg. Zeitg. by Ernst Gnad. Quoted from Gnad: " Aus Ibsens Werken weht uns der Lufthauch eines kommenden Jahrhunderts entgegen, worin vieles fallen soil, was wir bisher als sichere Grundpfeiler unseres Daseins betrachtet haben. Der voeUige Bruch mit allem wirklich oder scheinbar Ueberlebten giebt ihnen ein ganz modernes Gepraege in einer Zeit, die, wie die unsrige, von dem dunkeln Vorgefuehl grosser Umwaelzungen auf alien Gebieten des Lebens erregt und beunruhigt wird." Fast mit jedem Ibsen'schen Drama hebt sich aus einem ver- borgenen Eeich eine mystiche Kraft in unsere Welt, die Leben gewinnt, indem sie beim Namen genannt wird, zu der wir selbst langst in unbewusster Beziehung gestanden. Im Baumeister Solness ist es das Unmogliche. Er hat einmal das Unmogliche getan. Uber die Grenzen seines Vermogens hinaus eine That, die ihm in der Erinnerung als etwas Furchtbares und tJber- menschliches und zugleich als die fliiehtige Erfiillung seiner hochsten Sehnsucht erscheint. (Hedwig Lachmann; Gesellschaft IX, 1893, 1; S. 348- 349.) Gott ist tod; nicht.nur fiir den einsamen Griibler ist er tod; sie haben langst auch den frohen Kindern des bunten Lebens den Glauben an ihn genommen. Und dieser Wahn war eben nur einer von vielen. Die anderen Wahnbegriffe — oder: Ideale — versinken wie er. Nichts Edles bleibt, keine sogenannte Liebe, niehts Feststehendes, kein Streben, das des Strebens wert ist, keine Gliicksmoglichkeit. Das Gesetz der Umwandlung herrscht; die HuUen sinken und was hold und leuchtend erschien, ist kalte graue Selbstsucht; der Mensch hat nichts so eigen, wie sich selbst; nicht zwei Seelen in der weiten Welt gehoren zu einander. S. 1640. Was ich an Klein Eyolf innig bewundere und verehre, und woratif es ankommt, ist: dass dieses Werk gewisSe Empfindungen 190 AppenAix wachruft, die eine schlechtweg religiose Gewalt haben, und das es etwas bietet, was nur die grossen Schopfungen grossei; Men- schen bieten: Ewigkeitsperspektiven. S. 1643. (Alfred Kerr; Mag. f. Lit.. 1894.) Der von der Tageskritik vergeblich angefochtene Ibsenglaube triumphirt : Die Thoren, dass sie wahnen, dieser Mann werde j emals Sieches und Sehwachliches in die Welt schicken ! Er- lahmt seine Kunst, so werden sich die auf einander gepresstCn Lippen eben noch fester schliessen, und er wird verstummen. Auch seine Kiinstlerschaft wird in Schonheit und Kraft sterben. Nicht minder unwahr ist die sich wiederholende Versicherung, die Alterswerke entbehrten der Biihnenwirkung. Gewiss, bei einem eiligen, stumpfen Publikunij das zwischen Geschaft und Souper schnell ein paar Erregungen erhascht! Einer hinge- bungsvoUen Kunstgemeinde sind gerade die letzten Schopfungen Ibsens Offenbarungen des hochsten Genius, deren erschiitternde Wirkung nicht ihresgleichen hat. Ich habe Klein Eyolf in massiger Darstellung auf der Biihne gesehen, vor einem Pub- likum, das keinen weiteren Vorzug hatte, als dass es nicht blasirt war und den naiv-heiligen Glauben an die Kunst besass. Ich habe nie ein Publikum in einer ahnlichen ErgriiFenheit gesehen. , Freilich stromen diese Werke Wirkungen'aus, die nicht in der Garderobe bereits erloschen. Sie begleiten uns auf die Strasse, in's Haus, in den Traum und erwachen mit uns wieder. Ich horte damals die Antwort einer Frau auf die Frage, wie ihr Klein Eyolf gef alien: Ich weiss noch nicht. Das naive Ge- standniss zeigt die einzige Moglichkeit eines Verhaltnisses zu Ibsen. Ibsen lasst sich nicht auf platte Formeln ziehen. Das Unend- liche ist in ihm. Wie in Natur und Leben bleibt in seinen Dichtungen ein Rest des Unergriindlichen. Die Vieldeutigkeit ist die diebterische Lebenskraft seiner Werke. Ein simpler Citations 191 Vorgang, in sauberster Arbeit liickenlos gefiigt . . . steigt zur feierlichen Transzendenz empor. Es sind Marchendramen in Geist, Wirklichkeiten in StofT. Musikalische Stimmungen liegen iiber diesen Dichtungen gebreitet, fest begrenzt in der Gefuhls- farbnng, zerflatternd im begrifflichen Ausdruck. (Sperans: Banquier-Symbolismus ; Sozialistische Monats- Hefte,B.eitn, 1897; S. 87,88.) En spillemand bar ikke bj em eller bo, ' , bans hu stsevner vidt, ban aldrig finder ro! Hver den, som ejer en sangbund i sit bryst, ban er bjeml^s i dale, ban er bjeml0s ved kyst; i liens l0vsal, pa den gr^nnende eng ma ban synge og rjifre den dirrende streng, ban ma lure pa det liv, som l^nligt bor under fossens vaeld, ved den vilde fjord, ma lure pa det liv, som i brystet banker, klaede folkets dr^mme i toner og ord; og klare dets gaerende tanker! {Olaf Liljekrans, Tredje Akt, tiende Scene.) Miincben, den 13. Februar, 1887. Herr stud. art. BjjSrn Kristensen. Kravet pa arbej de gar ganske visst igennem " Kosmersbolm." Men foruden dette bandler stykket om den kamp, som ethvert alvorligt menneske bar at besta med sig selv for at bringe sin livsf^relse i samklang med sin erkendelse. . . . Men f^rst og fremst er stykket naturligvis en digtning om mennesker og menneskesksebner. . . . (Breve fra Henrik Ibsen, 2; S. 168.) Miincben, den 4. December, 1890. Herr greve! 192 Afpendkt^ Det er i dette stykke ikke egentlig sakaldte problemer, jieg har villet behandle. Hovedsagen bar for mig vseret at skildre mennesker, menneskestemniiiger og menheskesksebner pa gnmd- lag af visse gaeldende samfundsforhold og anskuelser. . . . (Breve fra Henrik Ibsen, 2; S. 193, 194.) BIBLIOGRAPHY MAGAZINES: Eibliog. der deutschen Zeitschriften-Litteratur, Leipsic, 1897-1901. Cosmopolis, Paris, 1896-98. Deutsche Rundschau, Berlin, 1874-1900. Freie Buhne fur modernes Lehen, Berlin, 1890-1893. Gegenwart, Berlin, 1872-1900. Gesellschaft, Munich, 1885-86; Leipsic, 1887-1900. Grenzboten, Leipsic, 1870-1900. Im neuen Reich, Leipsic, 1871-1881. Jahresherichte fiir neuere deutsche Litieraturgeschichte, 1892-1900. Kunstwart, Dresden, 1887-1900. Magazin fur die Literatur des Auslandes (Later, Mag. f. d. Lit. d. In- und Auslandes; Mag. f. Literatur), Berlin, 1870-78; Leipsic, 1879-87; Dresden, 1888- 90; Berlin, 1891-96; Ber- lin and Weimar, 1897. Neue deutsche Rundschau (Freie Buhne), Berlin, 1894- 1900. Nord und Siid, Berlin, 1877-78; Breslau, 1879-90, 1895-96. Preussische Jahrbiicher, Berlin, 1870-1900. Sosialistische Monatshefte, Berlin, 1897-1900 (Incomplete). Unsere Zeit, Leipsic, 1870-1891. Anzengruber, Ludwig: Gesammelte Werhe, 10 vol., Cotta, Stutt- gart, 1897-98. 193 194 Appendix Bj> I Kabale und Liebe, see Love and Intrigue Kainz, Joseph, 82 Kameraden, Die, 103 n. KaroUnger, Die, see The CaroUng- ians Keller, Gottfried, 53 n. Kerr, Alfred, 108 ff. Kierkegaard, Soren, 31 Kingsley, Charles, 133 Klein, Ulrich, 76 Kleist, von, Heinrich, 43, 66, 83, 130 Kollege Orampton, 102 n. Konigskinder, 102 n. Korner, Theodor, 110 Kotzebue, von, August, 84 Kretzer, Max, 57 Kuhnemann, Eugen, 78 Kiister, Konrad, 55 La Damie awe CarniSUas, 13, 70 Lady from the Sea, The, 78 ff., 80 ff., 98, 98 n., 110, 134, US, I48 Lady Inger of Gstr&t, 34, 34 n., 77, 113, ISS, 138, 146 Lange, Wilhelm, 35, 61 Last Days of Hutten, The, 63 Laube, H., 38 n. League of Youth, The, 23, 23 n., 30, 49, 59, 86 n., 97, 134, 136, 15ib Lear, 63 Leopardi, Giacomo, 117 Lermontoff, M. Y., 117 Lessing, G. E., 83, 84 Liebelei, 103 n. Lier, L., 116 Lindau, Paul, 13 ff., 24, 36 ff., 46, 48, 52 Lindberg, August, 60 n. Little Eyolf, 107 ff., 107 n., 109 n., 110 ff., 114, 135, 160, 16Z Litzmann, Berthold, 91 ff. Lobedanz, Edmund, 39 Lombroso, Caesar, 117 Lonely Lives, 103 n., 104 Lothar, R., 97 n., 136 Love and Intrigue, 51, 84 Love's Comedy, 98, 98 n., 116, 133, 150, 162, 110 Ludwig, Otto, 66, 86, 86, 87, 123 Macbeth, 62 Mackay, John Henry, 56 Magda, 14, 103 n. Malkowsky, Georg, 64 Maria and Magdalene, 14, 34 Maria Magdalena, see Mary Mag- dalene Marlowe, Christopher, 19 Mary Magdalene, 84, 86, 85 n., 139 n. 2oa Index Masterbmlder Solnest, SI, 105 ff., 107 n., 110, 114 n., 120, ISS, 158 Maurice, 39 n. Mauthner, Pritz^ 34 n., 82, 110 Meiningen, Duke of, 14, 33 Meininger Court Troupe, 14 ff., 23, 31, 53, 59, 123 Meister Olae, 103 n. Menander, SO Menonite, The, 52 n., 54 Mes haines, 15 Meyer, C. F., 53 Michael Kohlhaas, 66 MiU, John Stuart, 21 Mirbeau, Octave, 19 n. Miss Sara Saanpsotii, 84 Modern Poets, 67 Moderne Dichtercharaktere, see Modern Poets Morituri, 103 n. Mozart, W. A., 113 MuUer, Max, 21 Mtiller-Guttenbrunn, A., 92 Musset, de. A., 117 Mutter, Die, 102 n. Mwtter Erde, 102 n. Nana, 123 Napoleon (Bonaparte), 92 n. Neue Oebot, Das, 53 n. Neuen Menschen, Die, see ■ New men Neuvermiihlten, Die, see The Newly-Married Couple Newly-Married Couple, The, 19 n, 20, 23, 24 ff., 1S8 New Men, 93, 92 n. Nihehmgen, The, 89 n., 129 n. Niemann-Raabe, Frau Hedwig, 38 n., 80, 82 n. Nietzsche, Friedrich, 127 Nissen, Hermann, 70 Nora, see A Doll's House Nordau, Max, 117 f. Nygifte, De, see, The Newly-Mar- ried Couple Oehlenschlager, A. G., 19 Olaf Liljekrans, 113 ff., 114 n., ISSn., 164 Othello, 62 Our Forefathers, 53 Ovid, 61 Papa Hamlet, 99 Passarge, Ludwig, 41, 44 ff., 49, 58 Peer Gynt, 41 ff., 41 n., 44, 90, 116, 1S4, UO Petofy, S., 117 Pillxvrs of Society, The, 19 n., 22, 23 n., 28, 32 ff., 32 n., 33 n., 34 n., 35, 37, 49, 50 ff., 74, 81, 85 n., 93, 94, 1S4, 1S8, ISO, 151 Poems, 29, 41, 1S6, I40, W Powers of Darkness, The, 26 n. Pretenders, The, 29, 29 n., 30, 31 ff., 44, 96 ff., 98, 109, ISS, 1S6, 138, 154 Prozor, Count, 137 Quagmire, 92, 92 n. Qmtzows, Die, 53 n. Babensteinerin, Die, 53 n. Raphael, 113 "^ Ravens, The, 19 n. Reich, Emil, 104 ff. Reicher, Emanuel, 70 Reinhardt, Max, 70 R6jane, Gabrielle, 80 Renter, Fritz, 53 n. Ring of the Nibehtngen, The, 89 n. Rosmer, Ernst, 102 n. Rosmersholm, 19 n., 63, 63, 66 ff., 68 n., 75j 78, 98, 98n., 99, 120, • 127, IS4, 144 Rousseau, J. J., 17 Rttckert, H., 31 Sardou, V., 13, 61, 62 Sauer, Oscar, 70, 77 Schicksal, see Destiny Schiller, von. P., 14, 51 ff., 57, 66, 75, 78, 84, 88, 100, 122 Index n., 99 n., Schlaf, Johannes, 55, 102 n., 125 Schleehte Qesellschaft, see Bad Company Schlenther, Paul, 50 3., 55, 82, 96, 109 SchmitterKngsachlacht, Die, 103 n. Schmidt, R., 73 Schnitzler, Arthur, 102 n. Schopenhauer, Arthur, 127 Scribe, A. E., 13 SeUcke Family, The, 83 n., 99, 102 n., 119 Shakspere, W., 14, 68, 73, 78, 83, 91, 130 Siebold, P. F., 30, 30 n. SittUche Forderung, Die, 102 n. Sklavin, Die, 102 n. Sodoms Ende, 92 n., 103 n. Sorma, Agnes, 80 Spencer, Herbert, 21 Sperans, 110 ff. Spielhagen, Friedrich, 40, S3 Steiger, Edgar, 39 n. Stein, Philipp, 66, 70, 81, 105, 114 n. Stettenheim, Julius, 82 Strindberg, August, 21 n., 25 n. Strodtmann, Adolf, 30 ff., 31 n. Starmflut, 63 n. ■^Sudermann, Hermann, 14, 82 n., 92 n, 103 n., 126 Svmpf, see Quagmire Syimove Solbakken, 20 Taine, Hippolyte, 21 Talisman, Der, 102 n. Theatre libre, 82 Thomas Miinzer, 92 n. Tasao, 27 Tochter des Erasmus, Die, 53 n. Tolstoy, Leo, 16, 16 ff., 25 n., 29 n., 100, 120 Triesch, Irene, 80 Vater und SShne, see Father and Sons Verkommenen, Die, see The De- generate Verlorene Parodies, Das, 102 n. Versunkene Qlocke, Die, 102 n. Vierte Oebot, Das, see The Fifth Oommand/ment Vikings at Helgeland, The, 22 n., 32, 34, 34 n., 89, 89 n., 94, ISS, 1S8, 150 Vinje, A. O., 117 Vor Sonmenawfgang, see Before Dawn Voysey Inheritance, The, 19 n. Wagner, Richard, 12, 89 n. Waldleute, 102 n. WaUner, Franz, 59 ff. Warrior's Barrow, The, 113, ISS n., 164, i70 Weavers, The, 102 n., 119, 119 n. Weber, Die, see The Weavers Wedekind, Frank, 103 n. Welhaven, J. S., 31 n. Wergeland, Henrik, 31 n., 117 Werther (Die Leiden des jungen Werthers), 71, 130 When We Dead Awaken, 116 ff., 116 n., 128, 128 n., 1S5, 168 Wichert, Ernst, 41 Wild Duck, The, 67, 68, 72 ff., 73 n., 78, 79, 91, 97, -98, 98 n., 99, 1S4, ijfi, m Wildenbruch, von, Ernst, 15, 53 ff. Wille, Bruno, 93 Witkowski, G., 25 n. Woerner, Roman, 118 Wolff, Eugen, 66 ff. Zabel, Eugen, 42, 43 Zola, fimile, IS ff., 29 n., 99, 100, 123, 125, 126, 130 Zolling, Theophil, 48 Zwischen den Schlachten, see Be- tween the Battles ?^!ffW^