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The original of tiiis book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924027986789 
 
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
THOMAS PAPILLON, 
 
 Of London, Merchant, Sfc, 
 BORN 6th SEP., 1613, DIED 5th MAY, 1702. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 THOMAS PAPILLON, 
 
 OF 
 
 LONDON, MERCHANT. 
 
 (1623 — 1702). 
 
 BY 
 
 A. F. W. PAPILLON, 
 
 A LINEAL DESCENDANT. 
 
 COMPILED CHIEFLY FROM AUTOGRAPH MANUSCRIPTS, 
 WITH FAMILY AND OTHER PORTRAITS, ETC. 
 
 Joseph J. Beecroft, Printer. 
 1887. 
 
^xdntt 
 
 HE following Memoirs are compiled from 
 original documents, chiefly autograph MS.S. 
 of their subject, now in possession of Philip 
 Oxenden Papillon, of Crowhurst, Battle, 
 through the kindness of whom, and of his 
 late Father, the Compiler has had access to their 
 contents. 
 
 The varied virtues and failings of Thomas Papillon, of 
 London, form a picture worthy of study; his Huguenot 
 origin, his mercantile position, the times in which he 
 lived, and his unswerving trust in God, all lend their 
 colours to the scene. 
 
 Integrity, industry, energy, and piety were the leading 
 points of his character. As a merchant, he was active, 
 intelligent, and successful ; as a politician, sincere and 
 loyal ; as a financier, he was not in advance of his day ; 
 as a theologian, he was sound and earnest. 
 
 Though of foreign descent, he was a true Englishman. 
 Beginning life with small means, he rose to wealth 
 and eminence. 
 
VI. PREFACE. 
 
 Living in an age when Civil Government was unsettled, 
 and Commerce still in its infancy, he took an active 
 part in both, though only as circumstances required. 
 
 While always ready to espouse the cause of Justice 
 and Liberty, he was ever loyal to his Sovereign, and 
 disposed to peace. 
 
 Though decided in his views, he was never a slave to 
 party. 
 
 Imbued from youth with strong religious feelings, he 
 had grace to maintain them through life. He was a 
 diligent student of God's Word, and wrote several sound 
 religious essays. 
 
 When called to suffer for his- support of Civil and 
 Civic rights, and finding exile necessary, he patiently 
 submitted, and rejoiced in his seclusibn, as affording time 
 for reflection. His most valuable papers are of this 
 period. 
 
 Restored to his native land, and to his place in 
 Parliament, he resolutely declined Civic honours, but 
 was persuaded by the King to accept office under 
 Government ; — still retaining his independence of views. 
 
 His dearest earthlj' enjoyment was that of the family 
 circle, and the records of his worthy consort form an 
 interesting feature of the Memoirs. 
 
ItrttototrntT. 
 
 J EFORE entering on a record of the Life and Times 
 of Thomas Papillon, it may be well to glance at 
 his ancestry and their surroundings, as well as his 
 contemporaries still in France: for his family was 
 of French Protestant origin j and that involved a 
 good deal where the descendant followed suit. 
 The Reformation dawned on France before Luther had posted 
 his theses on the Church door of Wittenberg, and the truth was 
 eagerly embraced, especially by the educated classes ; but in no 
 country was the struggle between light and darkness so protracted 
 and so severe. 
 
 From its first appearance in 1512, the Reformation was 
 vehemently and virulently decried by the Papal Clergy : the 
 chief University, the Sorbonne, of Paris, declared against it : 
 the Courts of Law (Parlements) of Paris and the Provinces were 
 almost all against it; and Kings, Queens and Councillors of 
 State, jealous of infringement on their own power — and incited, 
 bribed, and pampered by Popes — ^joined with the Priests in 
 "Death to the Heretics!" 
 
 Notwithstanding all this, the Reformed increased in numbers 
 and influence, and violent persecutions ensued ; And on the 
 Massacre of Vassy, by the Duke de Guise, in 1562, reprisals 
 were made, and the flame of Civil and Religious War burst 
 over the land. This was the one fault and crime of the 
 Reformed, the attempt to support the spiritual by the temporal 
 sword; it wrought untold evils among them, and at last caused 
 
viii. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 their -utter extinction. Before accepting the oflfice of martial 
 leader, the great and good Coligny would gladly have withheld 
 his hand and that of others ; but his pious Wife, they say, urged 
 him to go forward on behalf of his oppressed brethren in the 
 faith. 
 
 In the early days of the Reformation in France, Francis I. 
 was King; a man able in war, accomplished and liberal in 
 peace, but greedy of glory and reprobate in morals. His pious 
 sister. Marguerite d'Angouleme, was able to deter him frequently 
 from allowing the Reformed to be persecuted, but with a view 
 in the first instance to conquer the Milanese, and afterwards to 
 secure immunity from his breach of contract with Charles V. 
 of Spain, and to recover from him his hostage sons — he sold 
 himself to the Pope, and more and more abetted most cruel 
 persecutions of the Reformed. 
 
 He reigned thirty-two years, dying in 1547. 
 His son, Henri II., succeeded him, and married Catherine 
 de Medici; and at her coronation he caused four Lutherans to 
 be burnt; one of them had confuted him in controversy; so he 
 resolved to witness his sufferings at the stake. But from that 
 place of torment the conquering victim gazed on the King with 
 such calmness and courage that the latter could bear it no longer, 
 
 and vowed he would never again attend such a scene. But 
 
 he repented not! 
 
 The Reformed increased in numbers, and persecution increased. 
 
 In 1559, at the age of forty, and after twelve years' reign, Henri 
 
 II. died from the wound of a lance at a tournament; leaving a 
 
 son and heir only nine years old. 
 
 Then, for forty years, Catherine de Medici and the two brothers 
 
 Guise, Duke and Cardinal, ruled France for the Pope with a 
 
 rod of iron : and then occurred the Religious Wars, which 
 
 lasted thirty-five years, and cost France 2,000,000 of men, and 
 
 _;^i 25,000,000 of money, present value. 
 
 In 1597 the Edict of Nantes gave rest to the Reformed; but 
 
 in i5io its author, Henri IV., was assassinated, and from that 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 time forward they had an uneasy time of it. For nearly fifty 
 years the kingdom was ruled by the Ministers Richelieu and 
 Mazarin; both of them bent on strengthening the power of the 
 Crown, and of weakening that of the Nobles, and of all others 
 that might thwart them : and as the Reformed possessed certain 
 political privileges (as well as some amount of Religious liberty), 
 to the wall they must go. After a long siege, Richelieu took 
 their chief stronghold, Rochelle — the English in vain appearing 
 for its relief. 
 
 Persecutions from time to time were not lacking. 
 
 Under such circumstances Louis XIV. ascended the throne, 
 about the time of the Restoration of Charles II. of England. 
 Both Sovereigns were alike evil in their lives; but Louis was 
 active, enterprising, politic, and powerful — the absolute king of 
 a large, warlike, and wealthy people. As regards his treatment 
 of the Reformed, suffice it to say that he began by forbidding 
 the assembly of their Synods, and ended in driving them out 
 of France by fire and sword. As to Charles, he was kind- 
 hearted and generous, but indolent and easy, and little disposed 
 to maintain his own rights or those of his Country. 
 
 Their mutual relationships will appear in the sequel. 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PORTRAIT OF PAPiLLON . . . Frontispiece 
 
 PAGE 
 
 DAVID PAPILLON AND A. M. PAPILLON HIS 
 
 SECOND WIFE {nk CALANDRINl) ... I 
 
 PAPILLON HALL 7 
 
 SIR JOSIAH CHILD . . . . . -75 
 
 ACRISE PLACE, KENT 97 
 
 PHOTOGRAPH OF REPORT OF ADVENTURERS . Il8 
 
 ALDERMAN CORNISH 250 
 
 JANE PAPILLON («^tf BROADNAx) . . . 385 
 
^antmts. 
 
 CHAPTER I. pp. 1—32. 
 
 LINEAGE — EDUCATION — APPRENTICESHIP AND EARLY LIFE. 
 
 David, Father of Thomas Papillon, brought to England in 1588, 
 when a boy; becomes an Architect and Military Engineer; 
 Marries, first, Marie Castol; secondly Anne Marie Calan- 
 drini, grand-daughter of Guilliano Calandrini, refugee from 
 Lucca, cir. 1560. David Papillon's Father, Thomas, Captain 
 of the Guard and Valet de Chambre to Henri IV.; his 
 eldest Son, Avocat au Parlement de Paris, and author of 
 various legal works. The Father of Thomas Papillon, Valet 
 de Chambre, a victim of the Massacre in Paris on St. 
 Bartholomew's day. Almaque Papillon, friend of Clement 
 Marot, and Valet de Chambre to Frangois I. Antoine 
 Papillon, friend of Aimet Maigret and Erasmus. Brothers 
 and Sister of Thomas Papillon, of London. 
 
 Early life of Thomas Papillon — Apprenticed to Thomas 
 Chambrelan, of London, Merchant, and to the Mercers' 
 Company — Begins business on his own account — Offer of 
 prospective Partnership with his Master — Troubles between 
 the Commonwealth Army, the Parliament, and the City — 
 Joins in an eifort to restore to power Charles I. and is 
 obliged in consequence to flee to France — Goes thither with 
 his cousin and friend, Michael Godfrey — Account of their 
 journey and stay at Rouen and Paris — Papillon returns to 
 London — His arrest and committal to Newgate — his release 
 — Anecdotes of Papillon and Michael Godfrey — Mention of 
 
Xll. THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Michael Godfrey, Jun., who aided William Paterson in 
 founding the Bank of England. 
 
 David Papillon, of Paris, Son of Thomas, the Avocat— his 
 imprisonment at Avranches, Normandy — is sent to England 
 in 1688— joins Thomas Papillon, his first cousin, in Holland 
 — Returns to England with him in 1689 — His letters to his 
 uncle David, and his cousin Thomas. 
 
 CHAPTER II. pp. 33—47- 
 
 MARRIAGE AND FAMILY. 
 
 Jane Broadnax — Courtship difficulties — I/etter from Papillon to 
 his Parents — is wilUng to abide the will of God, and their 
 consent — Letters from the Mother of Jane Broadnax to 
 Papillon's Parents, discouraging the match, but expressing 
 great regard for the suitor — Replies of Papillon's Father — 
 Marriage — Mutual affection and regard — Character of Jane 
 Papillon, as drawn by Rev. John Shower in his dedication of 
 her' Funeral Sermon— Children — Genealogical Table. 
 
 CHAPTER III. pp. 48—54. 
 
 DISPUTES IN THE FRENCH CHURCH IN LONDON. 
 
 M. Stoupe complains of M. Delm^ — the Consistory admonish the 
 latter — and he replies offensively — the Consistory reprove 
 him — he appeals to Cromwell to summon a Collogue — 
 Cromwell does so, and further appoints a Committee to 
 consider the matter — the Collogue remonstrate against this 
 invasion of their rights — Thomas Papillon and John Dubois 
 deputed by the Church to assert them — A Committee of 
 Ministers appointed by the Seven French Churches in 
 England — and a satisfactory Settlement effected. 
 
 The case of Mr. James Fell, educated at Dieppe, and 
 elected to a Cure of the Church in London. 
 
CONTENTS. XUl. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. pp. 55—59- 
 
 DISPUTES WITH THE CUSTOMS AND EXCISE OFFICERS; AND 
 GENERAL OBJECTIONS TO EXCISE DUTIES ON FOREIGN GOODS 
 
 IMPORTED. 
 
 In 1653 Papillon prepares a Case opposing demand by Customs 
 for an Export duty on Lead — Counsel confirms his view — 
 and the Council of State concurs— In 1668 he disputes the 
 right of the Customs and Excise Commissioners to charge 
 duty on Brandy as on "Strong Waters perfectly made" — the 
 Excise Commissioners order payment of the duty demanded, 
 though the Customs have seized the goods — the matter is 
 referred to the Law Courts and opposite judgments obtained 
 — order of the King in Council for an amicable settlement 
 by the Judges — result in favour of Papillon and Colleagues 
 — Sneering remarks of Pepys on Papillon's suit— Arguments 
 of Papillon against Excise import duties. 
 
 CHAPTER V. pp. 60— 74. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF TRADE ON THE GRIEVANCES OF THE 
 EASTLAND COMPANY RELATIVE TO THE NORWAY TIMBER TRADE, 
 
 ETC. REASONS AGAINST FURTHER SUSPENSION OF THE NAVIGATION 
 
 ACT, AND COUNSEL TO PERMIT THE PURCHASE OF SIXTY FOREIGN 
 
 TIMBER SHIPS MR. PAPILLON's AND MR. CHILd's EVIDENCE 
 
 BEFORE A COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS, RELATIVE TO THE 
 ALLEGED DECAY OF TRADE. 
 
 Reasons adduced by Papillon for not renewing the Suspension of 
 Navigation Act — probable objections, with replies — On the 
 Norway Timber Tirade — Papillon and others of the Council 
 of Trade state their views on the alleged decay of Trade — 
 Opinion of Mr. Child, and suggestions; a reduction of the 
 legal rate of interest recommended and adopted. 
 
XIV. THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. pp. 75—96. 
 
 THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 Sketch of the origin and progress of the Company — Papillon 
 joins it in 1657 — is. Director for several years, and twice 
 Deputy-Governor — is excluded from Directorate in 1676, 
 together with Mr. Child, by desire of the King — In 1681 
 favours a change in the Constitution of the Company — In 
 1689 joins the New Company since formed — and prepares 
 Articles of Constitution for it — Extract from Macaulay 
 describing the contest of the two Companies — and stoppage 
 in the Thames, by Admiralty order, of the Ship "£edbridge," 
 belonging to Gilbert Heathcote and others — The House 
 of Commons takes up the case — Papillon Chairman of 
 Committee of the whole House on it — Renewed conflict of 
 the two Companies — Establishment by Law of the New 
 Company — Papillon earnestly desires an accommodation — 
 his letter on it to Sir Josiah Child — Sir Josiah Child's reply 
 — very characteristic — Anonymous Letter on Papillon's 
 connection with the two Companies — In 1665 Papillon 
 remonstrates with an Alderman's wife on her having traduced 
 him in relation to her nephew, who had been discharged by 
 the Company — Papillon attends the Breda Treaty Con- 
 ference in 1667, as one of a Deputation from the Company. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. pp. 97—119. 
 
 PURCHASE OF ACRISE PLACE, KENT — BECOMES A CONTRACTOR FOR 
 VICTUALLING THE ROYAL NAVY — AN AUDITOR OF THE CITY OF 
 LONDON ACCOUNTS — AND TREASURER TO THE ADVENTURERS FOR 
 EMPLOYING POOR FRENCH PROTESTANTS IN LINEN MANUFACTURE. 
 
 Papillon's probable motives in purchasing Acrise Place — its 
 successive occupation by his descendants — Jane Papillon 
 passes the summer there in 1668 — her diligence, judgment, 
 and economy in the repair and furnishing of her new house, 
 and in attention to the farms, &c. — her general character — 
 
CONTENTS. XV. 
 
 Papillon's desire that his Son should take good care of the 
 property after his decease — In 1682 he holds a small Estate 
 in Ireland — Legal hindrance to Sale of Estate of the 
 Marquis of Antrim— Letter from Papillon to Dean Tillotson 
 on behalf of the Rector of Acrise— Letter to the latter 
 respecting his absence from public worship — Rev. J. Lewis, 
 subsequent Rector, relative to Papillon's criticisms of his 
 doctrine — Papillon's reply — Papillon's care for the suitable 
 marriage of his Son — Death of his Son's Wife, nk Anne 
 Jolliffe — Papillon builds a vault in Acrise Church— its 
 successive occupants, &c. — Acrise Place passes into the 
 hands of the Mackinnon family — Ancestral tablet in the 
 Church. 
 
 Papillon appointed a Member of the Council of the City 
 of London — and one of the Auditors— his efforts in favour 
 of order and economy — Also appointed Treasurer of the 
 "Adventurers for employing poor French Protestants at 
 Ipswich in the Manufacture of Linen" — List of the 
 Adventurers — Report of the first general Meeting, on 26th 
 March, 1683 — thanks to Papillon for his care as Treasurer, 
 and request to retain office for another year, when Mr. 
 Carbonnel consents to relieve him. 
 
 Photograph of Report of Meeting, bearing Signatures of 
 some of the more eminent of the Adventurers. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. pp. 120—175. 
 
 ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT, AND CAREER AS MEMBER. 
 
 Political condition of Dover, temp. Charles II. — Enforcement 
 of Conventicle Act — Attempt to suppress due Election 
 of Mayor — Vacancy in the Representation of Dover in 
 Parliament — Sir Edward Sprague and Thomas Papillon 
 Candidates — action of Mayor and Town Council in favour 
 of Sprague, who is returned by the Mayor — but Papillon 
 petitions — and the House of Commons decides in his favour 
 — Death meanwhile of Sir Edward Sprague — Re-election of 
 Papillon in 1679— Origin of the privileges of the Cinque 
 
XVI. THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Ports — attempts to infringe on their popular rights — 
 Condition of Politics in general on Papillon's Election — He 
 opposes the Government on a Grant for the Navy, 1679 — 
 He demands further information as to Treaties, before 
 voting supplies, 1678 — He opposes the imposition of Passes 
 from the Admiralty to ensure the protection of Merchant- 
 men, 1676 — He strongly opposes the renewal of Act pro- 
 hibiting the importation into England of Cattle and other 
 Farm produce from Ireland, 1672 — Speech of Papillon on 
 his re-election— Address to the Electors — Election Expenses. 
 Conditions of the New Parliament — The Popish Plot — 
 Charge against Williamson, Secretary of State, for granting 
 Commissions in the Army to Roman Catholics — Papillon 
 joins in vote for committing him to the Tower — Petitioners 
 and Abhorrers — Sir Francis Wythens expelled the House for 
 promoting an Abhorring Protest in the Grand Jury of 
 Westminster — Papillon supports the step — He presents a 
 petition to the Lord Mayor in favour of frequent assembly of 
 Parliament, &c. — Expulsion from the House of Sir Robert 
 Peyton — Papillon refuses to support it — Unjust apprehension 
 of Peter Norris — Papillon inveighs against it — General 
 remarks on Papillon's conduct in the Parliament of 
 Charles H. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. pp. 176—197. 
 
 STRICTURES ON THE CORPORATION OF DOVER — SURRENDER OF ITS 
 CHARTER — AND GRANT OF A NEW ONE. 
 
 Test and Corporation Act of 1661 dormant till 1680 — Orders 
 then sent to Dover to purge Corporation — resulting in 
 deposition of two Jurats and twenty-six Common Council- 
 men — Papillon advises Mayor to cause vacant seats to be 
 refilled without delay — Mayor requests Papillon's interest 
 with Secretary of State — Several Jurats object to assertion of 
 Corporate rights versus the Government — Secretary of State 
 defers final decision — Papillon again urges on Mayor the 
 prompt completion of Corporation — many oppose this 
 
CONTENTS. XVll. 
 
 counsel — hesitation on part of Mayor — Secretary of State 
 reports that Lieutenant-Governor of Dover Castle objects to 
 the Mayor's return as false — and opposes progress — Papillon 
 demands copy of objections — Partial re-election of Town 
 Council, with Names of those elected — Course of events in 
 the general surrender of Charters — Surrender of Dover 
 Charter — and thanks for a new one — Names of new 
 Members of Council — their eviction by King James, in 1688 
 — and restoration of old Members — Sketch of the life of Sir 
 Lionel Jenkins, Secretary of State during course of above 
 proceedings. 
 
 CHAPTER X. pp. 198—202. 
 
 ACQUITTAL OF THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY BY THE GRAND JURY OF 
 THE CITY OF LONDON. 
 
 Circumstances leading to the arrest of Lord Shaftesbury— The 
 character of the Witnesses against him— The Grand Jury — 
 The Judge's Charge — Demurs on the part of the Jury— 
 Finding — Incidental remarks by Papillon on the printed 
 report of the case — and of his own part in the matter. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. pp. 203—250. 
 
 ELECTION OF SHERIFFS FOR THE CITY OF LONDON — ARREST OF 
 THE LORD MAYOR — PROSECUTION OF PAPILLON. 
 
 Origin and course of the Conflict between Court and Country 
 Parties in the City, 1680 to 1682 — Election of a Court Party 
 Mayor obtained in 1681 — Conversation of Papillon with 
 Lord Mayor in April, 1682, relative to approaching Election 
 of Sheriffs — Roger North on the situation — Dudley North's 
 previous career and character — The Court resolves on the 
 Election of Dudley North as Sheriff — the Freemen of the 
 City on that of Papillon and Dubois — The Lord Mayor 
 nominates North — the Common Hall reject his Nomination 
 
XVlll. THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 — Legal Opinions on the case — Adjournment of the Hall 
 ignored by the Sheriffs, who proceed with the Poll — they are 
 committed to the Tower— The King in Council requires a 
 new Election — two Polls with opposite results — The Lord 
 Mayor declares in favour of North and Box as the new 
 Sheriffs— Box fines off— A new Hall— Attendance and action 
 of Train Bands in Guildhall— The Lord Mayor's assumed 
 indignation at conduct of Country Party — Sir John 
 Lawrence and Sir Robert Clayton deny his charges — 
 Papillon and Dubois present a declaration claiming to be 
 sworn in — The Lord Mayor refuses to receive it, or to attend 
 to the remonstrances of Aldermen — Proceedings at Law — 
 the Lord Mayor refuses to give an appearance — he is 
 arrested at the instance of Papillon and Dubois — He 
 summons Papillon before the Court of Aldermen, to account 
 for his conduct — Papillon is much abused by some of the 
 Court — he calmly defends the course taken — Prosecution 
 and conviction of the two Ex-Sheriffs — real object of their 
 trial — In consequence of the result, Papillon and Dubois 
 withdraw their suit against the Lord Mayor — "Quo 
 Warranto" against the City's Charter — Rye House Plot — 
 Song on the loss of the Charter — Sir William Pritchard, the 
 Lord Mayor, sues Papillon for false and malicious arrest, 
 and obtains a verdict for ;^io,ooo — Papillon retires to 
 Holland — Efforts of relatives and friends to obtain his 
 release from the Judgment — he refuses to compromise his 
 course of action — On change of Politics in Court of James 
 II., 1688, Sir William Pritchard gladly releases Papillon. 
 
 CHAPTER XIL pp. 251—347. 
 
 EXILE. 
 
 Letters from Papillon to his Wife on reaching Holland, and on 
 settlement at Utrecht— His loneliness — He refers to various 
 Political friends, some of them opponents, as possibly able 
 and willing to espouse his cause in case of a general pardon 
 
CONTENTS. XIX. 
 
 on accession of James II. — He leads a retired life — 
 Arrangements for his Wife and others to join him — Pious 
 reflections on his Exile — and on his previous course of life 
 — Writes a Treatise on the Sanctity of the Sabbath, at the 
 request of Mr. Paul D'Aranda, of Amsterdam — Striking 
 instance of his own regard for it — His systematic perusal of 
 the Bible— Christian Address to his Children at Utrecht, 
 August, 1686 — Confession of Sins, September, 1688 — 
 Letters to a fellow Exile, probably Sir Patience Ward, from 
 July to November, 1688 — their strong religious tone, 
 mingled with patriotism. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. pp. 348—376. 
 
 RETURN FROM EXILE— ATTENDANT ENGAGEMENTS. 
 
 Success in England of the Prince of Orange, 1688 — Papillon 
 presents to the Princess an Address of Congratulation— He 
 writes to the Mayor and others at Dover, again offering 
 himself as Member of Parliament for the Borough — His 
 Election — He warmly supports the Government — He is 
 pressed by the lyord Mayor and Aldermen of London to 
 take his seat among them, but he begs to be excused — He is 
 required by the King to accept the post of Commissioner 
 for Victualling the Navy — and reluctantly does so — 
 Disorganized state of the Department — and War with France 
 — Success of the New Commissioners notwithstanding 
 •difficulties — Interview of the Commissioners with the King 
 and the Lords of the Treasury, November, 1694 — 
 Reflections in Parliament on Victualling of Navy refuted — 
 Papillon reads before the King a statement of the depressed 
 •condition of the Department, with proposed remedies, 
 November, 1696 — Papillon petitions for release from Office, 
 .September, 1692, and November, 1694; and again in 1697- 
 •8-9 — Closing reflections on his career — His views on 
 Political and Religious Parties. 
 
XX. THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. pp. 377—383- 
 
 ILLNESS DEATH — BURIAL WILL. 
 
 Journal of severe illness at Acrise, from 30th January to loth 
 March, 1701, expressive of his sufferings, feelings, 8ic. — 
 Death in London on 5th May, 1702 — Burial at Acrise — 
 Concourse to meet the funeral cortige at Boughton Hill, 
 near Sittingbourne, and another on Barham Downs — Will — 
 various bequests — to Christ's Hospital; to the Mercers' 
 Company; to the Poor of St. Katherine Coleman, Fenchurch 
 Street ; to the Poor of the French Church in London ; and to 
 his Servants — Papillon's systematic benevolence — Legacy to 
 Corporation of Dover for Apprenticing Sons of Freemen — In 
 1703 the Mercers' Company place a portrait of Papillon in 
 their Hall — Epitaph by Mr. Justice George Hardinge, cir. 
 1806. 
 
 APPENDIX. pp. 385—421. 
 
 SELECTION FROM LETTERS OF JANE PAPILLON — 1667-8. 
 
 Selection of Letters of Jane Papillon — with some from her 
 daughter Elizabeth Papillon, afterwards wife of Edward 
 Ward, Esq., eventually Chief Baron of the Court of 
 Exchequer; and one from A. M. Papillon, her Mother-in-law 
 — Narrative of Pompeo Deodati. 
 
 INDEX. pp. 423 — 442, 
 

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 BORN 
 DIED 
 
 
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 S3 Q 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 LINEAGE— EDUCATION — APPRENTICESHIP AND 
 EARLY LIFE. 
 
 David, father of Thomas Papillon, brought to England in 1588, when a boy; 
 becomes an Architect and Military Engineer; Marries, first, Marie Castol; 
 secondly, Anne Marie Calandrini, grand-daughter of Guilliano Calandrini, 
 refugee from Lucca cir. 1560. David Papillon's father, Thomas, Captain 
 of the Guard and Valet de Chambre to Henri IV. ; his eldest son, Avocat 
 au Parlement de Paris, and author of various legal works. The father of 
 Thomas Papillon, Valet de Chambre, a victim of the Massacre in Paris 
 on St. Bartholomew's Day. Almaque Papillon, friend of Clement Marot, 
 and Valet de Chambre to Fran9ois I. Antoine Papillon, friend of Maigret 
 and Erasmus. Brothers and sister of Thomas Papillon, of London. 
 
 Early life of Thomas Papillon —Apprenticed to Thomas Chambrelan, 
 of London, Merchant, and to the Mercers' Company — Begins business 
 on his own account — Offer of prospective Partnership with his Master 
 — Troubles between the Commonwealth Army, the Parliament, and 
 the City — Joins in an effort to restore to power Charles I , and is obliged 
 in consequence to flee to France — Goes thither with his cousin and 
 friend, Michael Godfrey — Account of their journey and stay at Rouen 
 and Paris — Papillon returns to London — His arrest and Committal to 
 Newgate — his release — Anecdotes of Papillon and Michael Godfrey- 
 Mention of Michael Godfrey, jun., who aided William Paterson in 
 founding the Bank of England. 
 
 David Papillon, of Paris, son of Thomas, the Avocat — his imprisonment 
 at Avranches, Normandy — is sent to England in 1688 — joins Thomas 
 Papillon, his first cousin, in Holland — Returns to England with him in 
 1689 — His letters to his uncle David, and his cousin Thomas. 
 
 HOMAS PAPILLON was descended from an 
 old French family, originally of Tours, but 
 settled at Dijon in 1321. 
 
 His father, David Papillon, born on 14th 
 April, 1 581, was brought to England by his 
 mother (Jeane Vieue de la Pierre), in 1588, 
 when only seven years old. The vessel which brought 
 them was wrecked on the coast of Kent, near Hythe; the 
 mother was drowned, but the three children whom she 
 
2 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 brought — presumably Anne and Esther and himself— were 
 saved. David became a military engineer and architect, 
 built houses in the city and suburbs of London, and 
 became a deacon of the French Church in London. On 
 the 14th May, 1594, Anne and Esther were married in 
 London, respectively to David Chambrelan, of Rouen, 
 and to Abraham Chambrelan. Numerous French refugee 
 families were then settled in London, as also in South- 
 ampton, Canterbury, Norwich, and other towns in England ; 
 and, doubtless, David Papillon and his sisters found a 
 home among relatives. Their father was still in France, 
 and a man of considerable means. 
 
 Of this family, Anne was born on 28th December, 
 1573, and Esther on 29th February, 1576; then Thomas, 
 on 1 2th July, 1578, of whom more presently; and, after, 
 David, Elizabeth (date of birth not given), married to 
 Monsieur Breton, of Havre de Grace ; and Peter (date 
 of birth not given), married to Susanna, daughter of 
 John Hersent, of Southampton, died childless. He was 
 brought up by his brother David, and became a French 
 silk-merchant, whether in France or England does not 
 appear. He is said to have "dyed for dying crimson 
 in grain." 
 
 David was enthusiastic in his profession of military 
 engineer, and, in 1646, he fortified Gloucester for the 
 Parliament. He seems to have been in advance of his 
 time in the advocacy of detached forts on commanding 
 positions ; and he clearly had confidence in his views, 
 as shown by the following extract from a work on 
 "Fortification," which he had published in 1645, and 
 which is still extant : — 
 
 "The Art of Fortification was invented to preserve men's 
 habitations, and the suburbs of corporations, and not to burn 
 
THE ART OF FORTIFICATION. 3 
 
 or pull them down, as many of our engineers have done in these 
 days, to their shame and guilt of conscience. For if an engineer, 
 to comply with those in authority, or with the self-conceited men 
 of a garrison, assent to pull down suburbs or small hamlets that 
 are joined to their corporations, except they are suddenly in 
 danger of a siege, it argues that he is either unskilful in his pro- 
 fession or void of all Christian charity and natural humanities; 
 for by the experience of his art, or alteration of his method of 
 fortification, he may preserve these suburbs or hamlets to the 
 great advantage of the town, or of another fortification, and so 
 dispose of his works that he may secure them. And yet the 
 Corporation shall rather need fewer men to man their works than 
 it would require when these hamlets are pulled down. This hath 
 been the case at Leicester; for, had they not rejected a good 
 counsel, they might assuredly have been preserved by a larger 
 line of communication than there was by half a mile ; for this 
 line might have been defended with 300 men less than that they 
 made, for the which they were enforced to pull down many 
 honest men's houses, and draw a true imputation of inhumanity 
 upon themselves. What greater inhumanity could these poor 
 souls expect from their cruel enemies, than to see their houses 
 burned or pulled down ? And by this instance you may see how 
 dangerous it is for Committees and Governors to be led away 
 by the chat and ridiculous reasons of ignorant and self-conceited 
 men, that make no conscience what mischief they do to others, 
 so they secure themselves as they suppose ; for it is often rather a 
 supposition than a true security or preservation, because it falls 
 out oftentimes that if these hamlets or suburbs be fortified they 
 serve as bulwarks for the preservation of their town; and so, by 
 pulling down of them they advance their own ruin to save some 
 small charges, nay, they often increase them by pulling them 
 down. For instance, it is supposed by the judgment of such men 
 as aforementioned, that Cotton End, a small hamlet adjoining 
 to the South Ridge of Northampton, is to be pulled down if 
 threatened of a siege, to make the circumference of their works 
 the less, and to secure their bridge. But I will maintain that 
 if Nature itself, and the art of man had plotted together to place 
 a commodious seat to serve as a bulwark, not only to the South 
 
 B 2 
 
4 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Ridge but to the whole town, they could not have found out 
 a better than that part of Cotton End is. For being fortified 
 as it ought to be, it will make that side impregnable; and this end 
 might have been fortified and secured at the first with smaller 
 charges and a shorter line of circumference than that which they 
 have made, by which it is exposed to the enemy's mercy; and 
 yet their works are by it of less validity. 
 
 "And although this conceit is backed with the assent of a 
 learned divine, yet I will judge charitably of his assent, as being 
 in judgment so possessed, this being out of his element; yet 
 wisdom should induce him to rely more on the judgment of an 
 artist than upon his own, and specially when it is bent on the 
 safest and most charitable course. 
 
 "And this counsel I give them, to fortify only the said End, 
 according to the model inserted in the 23rd Plate. Now they 
 may do it, and will be worthy of thanks if they embrace it; 
 but if they do not, if ever they be besieged, it will produce an 
 after-wish, as those of Leicester did, when it was too late; O 
 that we had followed such an advice and counsel ! And so much 
 for the discharge of a good conscience." 
 
 He wrote to the Defence Committee of Northampton to 
 the same effect. 
 
 His career was varied. In 161 1, when 30 years old, he 
 married Marie Castol, native of London, and daughter of 
 Johan Castol, minister, deceased — doubtless the Pastor 
 of the French Church in London who replied to the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury when the latter by direction of 
 Queen Elizabeth appealed to the foreign Churches in 
 England to aid her Majesty in sending money to Henri 
 IV of France, who was fighting on behalf of Protestantism, 
 saying: — 
 
 "Those who are well off have already done all they can to 
 help the King, and the poor who can bear arms have gone to 
 join his army, leaving their wives and children to be supported 
 by the Church; while those who remain in England, exhausted 
 
THE CALANDRINI. 5 
 
 as they are by frequent losses, and 'suffering from a war so often 
 renewed, are scarcely able to maintain a miserable existence." * 
 
 By this marriage David Papillon had one son and one 
 daughter; the former, named Thomas, died in childhood; 
 the latter, named Mary, married Peter Fontaine, of Caen, 
 Normandy, and had twelve children, who were all born at 
 either Greenwich or London, except one, Abraham, who 
 was born at Caen. Only one son attained his majority, 
 and he died unmarried. 
 
 This Marie Papillon, nie Castol, died on 3rd May, 1614, 
 and was buried in Blackfriars Church, London. 
 
 On the 4th July, 1615, David Papillon again married, 
 his second wife being Annie Marie Calandrini, of a 
 distinguished Italian family, whose grandfather, Guilliano 
 Calandrini, with his brother Benedetto and their friends 
 and fellow-citizens, Burlamachi, Balbani, Deodati, and 
 others fled from Lucca between 1557 and 1567, leaving 
 behind them large estates and high positions; but being 
 obnoxious to the Papacy from their adoption of the 
 Reformed faith, they willingly sacrificed all. f 
 
 They first repaired to Lyons, where Guilliano Calandrini 
 had already set up as a merchant. From Lyons they went 
 to Paris, but the wars of the Catholic League and the 
 Huguenots again breaking out, they fled with Prince 
 Cond^ and his army after the battle of St. Denis, and 
 before long they were hospitably received at the ChS,teau 
 de Montargis, by Rert^e, Dowager Duchess of Ferrara, a 
 member of the royal family of France, — a true Protestant, 
 and a very kind-hearted woman. 
 
 A truce being made, they returned to Paris, seven miles 
 from which, the two— Calandrini and Deodati — occupied 
 the Chateau de Lurarches, — but the massacre of St. 
 
 •J. S. Bum's "History of Foreign Protestant Churches;" 8vo. Longmans, 1846. 
 1* See original Narrative at the end of the Appendix, 
 
O THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Bartholomew's Day occurring, they were thankful to 
 escape with their lives, and fled with the Duchess of 
 Bouillon, whom they met on the road, to her husband's 
 castle and territory of Sedan. Thence they dispersed, 
 some to Geneva, some to Holland, and some eventually to 
 London. Guilliano Calandrini died at Sedan; and the two 
 last known of his family died at Geneva not many years 
 ago, highly respected to the end. 
 
 It is worthy of note, that, at the massacre in Paris, the 
 three children of Michael Burlamachi were protected for 
 the time in the house of the Duke of Guise, leader of the 
 League, and of the massacre. As regards the conversion 
 of those who fled from Lucca, the eldest and natural son of 
 Guilliano Calandrini, named Scipione, was brought to a 
 knowledge of the truth by a domestic tutor, a disciple of 
 Aonio Paleario, and was afterwards more fully instructed 
 in it by Peter Martyr Vermiglio at Zurich, and again by 
 Calvin, Piet, Viret, and Beza at Geneva. 
 
 Nicholas Deodati was led to embrace "the Religion" by 
 the preaching at Lucca of Peter Martyr, while the latter 
 was still in the Romish Church, and prior of the Monastery 
 of St. Ferdiano; and his wife, Isabella, n^e Arnolfini, who 
 afterwards became the second wife of Guilliano Calandrini, 
 through an Augustine friar, to whom she went for 
 confession. 
 
 Anne Marie Calandrini was a truly pious woman, and 
 while retaining some of her native fire, she was ever kind 
 to her dependents and anxious for the spiritual walk and 
 welfare of her children. 
 
 David Papillon and his wife lived at various places — St. 
 Giles, Islington, Putney (Roehampton House), Northamp- 
 ton, Finsbury, and at Lubenham, Leicestershire, at which 
 latter place he acquired a small estate, and built a house of 
 an octagonal form, and suited for defence ; a description and 
 
IPapillon Pall. 
 
 Description of Papillon Hall, taken from Nichols' History of 
 Leicestershire, Vol. II., page 708; 1798; whenxe also the 
 above Sketch: — 
 
 "It is very singular in its structure, and is thought to have been built 
 with a view to defence. The shape is an octagon, and formerly it had only 
 one entrance, and very strong work in the windows. 
 
 "The rooms were so curiously planned thai each had a communication 
 with the next, so that a person could go through them all without returning 
 by the same door. The slated part of the roof is in the form of a cross, 
 with leaded spaces in the intervals, whence there is «. pleasant view of the 
 neighbourhood, as the house stands on high ground. Not long ago it was 
 surrounded by a Moat. The whole plan of the ground floor was altered 
 by the late owner, and the windows sashed." 
 
 The House and Property are now owned by Charles W. Walker, Esq, 
 
DAVID PAPILLON. f 
 
 sketch taken from "Nicholl's History of Leicestershire," is 
 annexed. It is still called Papillon Hall. 
 
 In 1629, by direction of the Earl of Dorchester, Minister 
 of State, David Papillon went to Holland in company 
 with Philippo Burlamachi (dealer in precious stones, and 
 brother-in-law of his wife), to redeem and sell the King's 
 jewels ; his commission of two per cent, amounted to ;^272. 
 
 From 1642 to 1646 he was treasurer of Leicestershire. 
 
 In 163 s he had translated into French three works of 
 the Puritan divine, Bolton; one of them being "Comfort 
 to the Afflicted " ; and by his will, executed the same year, 
 he bequeathed ;^SO for their publication, provided they 
 should be deemed worthy of it by his brother-in-law, Caesar 
 Calandrini, Minister of the Flemish Church in London, 
 and by two French ministers at Geneva. Whether they 
 were ever sent to press, does not appear. 
 
 In 164s, as already mentioned, he published his work 
 on "Fortification," and in 1651 that on "The Vanity of 
 the Lives and Passions of Men," which is still extant. 
 It evinces considerable knowledge of history — scriptural, 
 ancient, and modern, but its style is rather abstruse. 
 
 In 1647-8 he prepared, in M.S., a work entitled, 
 "Several Political and Military Observations." From a 
 M.S. abstract, we find that it treated of the virtues and 
 vices, and the various causes of failure, of different forms 
 of Government; his views being supported by numerous 
 cases in ancient and modern history, the tendency of his 
 arguments favouring moderation in any existing form of 
 Government, rather than a radical change. In Chapter I., 
 on " Order and Obedience," he observes that 
 
 "No Government can subsist without them, either in Church, 
 State, or Army; and from the want of them proceed all the 
 distractions of England now prevailing, every one doing as 
 seemeth good in his own eyes; the peasant will pay no tithe, 
 
O THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the artificer gets into the pulpit, and the soldier turns law-maker. 
 It's high time that Severus' law should be revived — that no one 
 should meddle with another's profession." 
 
 In Chapter VI., on "Just and absolute Monarchy," he 
 remarks that this is the best of the three simple forms — 
 (Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy), and most like 
 the Divine and paternal, but God is perfection itself, 
 and the ambition of a Father and a prince differ. The 
 best was the Roman, yet all had their failings ; and a 
 well-composed Monarchy, with the three estates of France, 
 or the Parliament of England, is to be preferred. 
 
 In Chapter XII., on the "Monarchy of England," he 
 remarks that it is one of the best Governments in 
 Christendom : — 
 
 "Though some of its Sovereigns, in imitation of the French 
 kings, would have reduced it to an absolute Monarchy, but for 
 the courage and resolution of Parliament. 
 
 In Chapter XXXVI., which is the last, he considers that 
 
 "The settling of the worship of God should have the pre- 
 cedence of all other matters. All foundations except that will 
 prove sandy." 
 
 The father of David Papillon was Thomas, Captain of 
 the Guard and Valet de Chambre to Henri IV. of France, 
 whom he tried in vain to deter from joining the Church 
 of Rome. He died in Paris in 1608. His eldest son 
 also named Thomas, elder brother of David, who was 
 born in 1578, and died about 1637, was a famous juris- 
 consult and Avocat au Parlement de Paris. He wrote 
 several treatises on Roman law — " De Jure accrescendi 
 Ltbellusl' "De Directis Hceredum Substiiutionibus," and 
 "Commentarii" published at Paris in 1613, 1616, and 
 1624 respectively. 
 
ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 
 
 The father of Thomas, Captain of the Guard, was a 
 victim of the massacre in Paris on 24th August, 1572, that 
 memorable anniversary of St. Bartholomew's Day. It 
 does not appear that he was attached to the Court of 
 Henri IV. ; but as the gathering of Reformers at Paris on 
 the occasion was chieiiy in honour of the King's marriage, 
 it seems probable that he was in his suite. 
 
 His grandson, David, owned a picture representing him 
 and other gentlemen on the occasion, attacked by men 
 armed with swords, themselves using the chairs of the 
 room for defence. This agrees well with the account given 
 by Le Tigre in "Le Tocsain contre les Auteurs du Massacre 
 de France^' to be found in "Les Archives Curienses" by L. 
 Cimber et F. Danjou: Paris, 1832-40; telling how the 
 favourite attendants of Henri were first inveigled into his 
 hotel, there seized by soldiers of the Royal Guard, and 
 then led forth to slaughter. 
 
 Beyond this victim of the Massacre, the trace of lineage 
 is defective; but family tradition carries it back to 
 Almaque Papillon, of Dijon, with whom Philibert Papillon, 
 in his "Histoire des Auteurs de Bourgoynel' Dijon, 1742, 
 connects the famous jurisconsult, Thomas Papillon, already 
 mentioned, whose portrait is still in the family. 
 
 Almaque Papillon was born in 1487, and died in 1559; 
 he was an intimate friend of the poet, Clement Marot, 
 who, with Beza, composed the metrical version of the 
 Psalms, which was set to music by Claude Goudinel, and 
 had much influence in promoting the Reformation in 
 France.* 
 
 At Papillon's request, Marot sought and obtained for 
 him the post of Valet de Chambre to Francis I., which he 
 
 * See Baird's "History of the Rise of the Huguenots," 2 vols., 8vo., London 
 and New York; 1880 — a work of much erudition and interest. 
 
lO THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 himself already held; and he thus describes the course 
 of the suit. Writing to Francis, he says : — 
 
 "Que Papillon tenoit en main la plume, 
 Et de tes fails faisoit un beau volume, 
 Quand maladie extrSme lui a fait 
 Son ceuvre exprfes demeurer imparfait." 
 
 And again: — 
 
 "Et lui offrant tout ce que Dieu ha mis 
 En mon pouvoir pour aider mes amis, 
 Dont il est I'un, tant pour I'amour du style, 
 Et du sgavoir de sa muse gentile. 
 Que pour autant que sa muse en Sant^ 
 A ta louange a toujours chants." 
 
 Then, addressing Papillon, he writes: — 
 
 "Si oncques Muse k I'autre fait plaisir, 
 Certfes la tienne est du Roi ^coutee." 
 
 And again, addressing Francis: — 
 
 "Dois je penser que ton coeur humain, • 
 
 Trouve mauvais si je prSte la main, 
 A un ami, le mSme que nous sommes, 
 Et lui et moi du nombre de tes hommes.'' 
 
 And elsewhere Marot wrote of Papillon: — 
 
 "Voilk les pleurs et regrets que je fais 
 Pour mon ami, le parfait des parfaits." 
 
 Both Marot and Papillon were with Francis at the 
 battle of Pavia (1525), and were taken prisoners with 
 him. 
 
 In a letter of Corneille Agrlppa, dated 31st December, 
 1527, he says: — 
 
 " Eruditissimus Papillio salutem ad me ex tuo nomine scripsit," 
 
EARLY DAYS. TI 
 
 Family tradition also claims connection with Antoine 
 Papillon, joint Almoner with Michel d'Arande to Mar- 
 guerite d'Angoul^me, the pious sister of Francis I., under 
 whose protection he and others did much to promote the 
 Reformation in Lyonnais and Dauphind, and at whose 
 instance her brother appointed him Maitre de Requites to 
 the Dauphin. But on the captivity of Francis, Marguerite 
 soon lost all influence. Antoine Papillon was exiled, and 
 not long after found dead, as was supposed from poison. 
 At the suggestion of his friend the Dominican friar, Aimet 
 Maigret, he had translated into French Luther's work on 
 "Monastic Vows." * He was also a friend of Erasmus. 
 
 Antoine Papillon's position at Court seems to favour 
 this tradition, but it is not supported by a letter from 
 David Papillon, only son of Thomas, the famous lawyer, 
 who speaks of the victim of the Massacre as the first of 
 the family who embraced "the true religion." 
 
 Thomas Papillon, the subject of these Memoirs, was 
 born at Roehampton House, Putney, on 6th September, 
 1623. He was the fifth child of his father's second 
 family, and the seventh of the two families combined. 
 As a boy, he was sent with his two elder brothers, Philip 
 and George, to a school of good repute at Drayton, 
 Northamptonshire ; and, by his father's will, executed 
 in 163S, ;^5o a year was bequeathed for the education of 
 the three sons — ;^20 each for the two elder — who were 
 designed for a University career and the ministry — and 
 ;£'io for Thomas ; and, on the latter being apprenticed 
 to a merchant, for which purpose and for his general 
 use, ;^SOo was bequeathed, the whole £^0 a year was 
 
 * "Italy and France in the Olden Time." by J. C. Colquhoun: London, 
 1858. A charming book. — Also, "Histoire de la France Protestante," par 
 les frferes Haag: Paris, i860, 
 
12 THOMAS PAPILLON, 
 
 to be applied to his brothers, "and no more, FOR THAT 
 IS SUFFICIENT." 
 
 Philip Papillon was born on ist January, 1620. While 
 at school he showed much aptitude in Latin prose and 
 verse, and several M.SS. of such remain in the family. 
 In September, 1634, he entered Exeter College, Oxford, 
 whence he graduated B.A. in April, 1638, and M.A. in 
 
 1640. On the latter occasion he made a gift to the 
 College of two gilt bowls for the use of the Commoners; 
 and in the same year he published a Tragedy, composed 
 by a fellow-collegian, Samuel Harding. During Philip's 
 University career, he abridged several works of Contro- 
 versial Divinity; explained many texts of Scripture; and 
 prepared about fifty sermons. He died at Lubenham in 
 
 1 64 1, and his remains were buried in the Parish Church 
 there. 
 
 His brother George eventually became a London 
 merchant. He lived till 6th July, 1684. In 1653 he 
 married Mary Nicholson, of Cambridge, and they had 
 ten children, chiefly daughters; of whom Phoebe became 
 the wife of Benjamin Smith, a Norwich factor; Mary, 
 of John Ball, a Hamburg merchant; and Ann, of 
 Thomas Hayward, ironmonger, Southwark ; their only 
 surviving son, Samuel, was married in October, 1697, 
 to Fiducia Steer, of Wootton, Surrey, and they had 
 two sons. The eldest, George, "born at their house in 
 Cornhill, at the sign of the King's Head, died young." 
 Their other son, John, died unmarried on 20th August, 
 1763, aged 58. He owned property at Great Bentley, 
 Essex, as recorded in Morant's History of the 
 County, which also states that he lived at Englefield, 
 Berks, at which place his servant, George Cocking, was 
 buried on 24th August, 1761, as recorded in the Parish 
 Register. 
 
APPRENTICESHIP. 13 
 
 The remaining children of David and Anne Marie 
 Papillon, who reached adult age, were — 
 
 1. Anne, born in London on 19th January, 1626; died 
 27th February, 1684. She was married in December, 
 1653, to William Brudenell, of Glaston, Rutlandshire, by 
 whom she had one son, William, born at Glaston, on 19th 
 September, 1654, who died without issue on 2nd October, 
 1734. She was again married in April, 1655, to Everard 
 Fawkner, of Bulwich, Northamptonshire, by whom she 
 had three sons — Anthony, Everard, and John — and one 
 daughter, Elizabeth, who was married at Utrecht, where 
 she was living with her uncle, Thomas Papillon, of 
 London, then an exile there, to Rev. John Shower, 
 Minister of the English Church at Rotterdam. Before and 
 after his stay in Holland, he was a Congregational Minister 
 in London: before, as Assistant Lecturer in Exchange 
 Alley, and after, as co-Minister with the famous John How, 
 D.D. His wife died in London on 24th August, 1691, 
 leaving one daughter, Ann, her eldest child, who was 
 eventually happily married to Mr. J. Warner. 
 
 2. Abraham, born on 6th May, 1630, at Bosworth, 
 Leicestershire; married to Katherine Billingsley, great- 
 granddaughter of his maternal grandfather, Jean Desmais- 
 tres. He died childless. 
 
 In T637, at the age of 14, Thomas Papillon was 
 apprenticed to Thomas Chambrelan (afterwards Sir 
 Thomas Chambrelan), merchant, of London, who had 
 married his (maternal) first cousin, Anne Marie Burlama- 
 chi, and who was probably related to his uncles, David 
 and Abraham Chambrelan, the husbands of his aunts, 
 Anne and Esther. In 1638, he was admitted into the 
 Worshipful the Mercers' Company, as an apprentice, and 
 in 1646 he became a freeman. He served his master with 
 much devotion and intelligence. 
 
14 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 In 164s, he began trade on his own account, though still 
 in apprenticeship; and in November, 1646, in order to 
 secure his services more permanently, his master offered to 
 take him into partnership in 1648, when he would be free 
 to do so. This offer Papillon did not accept, but he 
 remained with Thomas Chambrelan as agent up to 1650. 
 Meanwhile, the latter agreed to be bound with him for 
 ;^20o to his Aunt Chambrelan in a loan of ;£'i50 of the 
 children's money; and by the joint security of Papillon's 
 father, himself, and his brother and partner, Abraham 
 Chambrelan, he borrowed for his use, of the Mercers' 
 Company, the sum of ;^200, being a portion of ;^i,ooo 
 bequeathed in 1625 by Richard Fishbourne, to be lent to 
 five young men free of the Company, by ;^200 each, for 
 five years, gratis.* Singular to say, no loan has been 
 made since 1646, probably about the time of that to 
 Papillon. 
 
 As regards Papillon's moral condition when young, a 
 short extract from a M.S. "Confession of Sins," written by 
 him when in exile in 1688, at the age of 65, will throw 
 some little light, and will show how he then regarded it. 
 The original document is given in full in Chapter XII. 
 He says: — 
 
 "The sins and vanities of Youth ! Oh, how numberless 
 are they, both omissions of duty and commissions of evil, 
 mis-spending of time, ensnarements of evil company, and 
 though God was very gracious to me to keep me that I was 
 not carried to destruction of body and soul by those ways of 
 sin, evil examples and seducements — for which I desire to bless 
 His Name, — yet I have great cause to cry out with the Psalmist 
 (Psalm XXV., 7), 'Remember not the sins of my youth nor my 
 transgressions ; according to Thy mercy remember Thou me 
 
 * " City of London Livery Companies Commission Report and Appendix," 
 Vol. ii., p. 21, &c. 
 
BUSINESS CAREER. IS 
 
 for good, O Lord." I call to mind that once at Lubenham 
 House my brother and I entertained young Mr. Cooper, and 
 with wine we had sent from London, made him drunk, and we 
 took pleasure in it. The Lord hath made me sensible of this 
 sin, and often to reflect upon it with brokenness of heart, in 
 that by his righteous judgment my son was made drunk by one 
 
 Mr. N and Mr. J . I hope the Lord has 
 
 forgiven me, and my son also; and I pray the Lord to forgive 
 them. And I write this and mention it with tears. Oh ! let 
 all and every one take warning of sin, particularly of drawing 
 others into sin, lest the Lord in just judgment suffer it to be 
 retaliated in kind on them or their's, and they be brought 
 to say as I do— (Judges i., 7.) — 'As I have done, so the 
 Lord hath requited me,' 'Righteous art Thou, O Lord, and 
 upright are Thy judgments.' We may forget our sins, but 
 God will not forget them unless we repent, and by faith apply 
 to God in Christ for pardon, which I desire to do for all 
 my sins." 
 
 No doubt this self-judgment was just ; but it is only- 
 just to his memory to refer also to the moral and religious 
 conduct of himself and his friend, Michael Godfrey, while 
 visiting France together in the autumn of 1647, which will 
 soon appear; and again, to his high sense of filial duty 
 and Godly confidence concerning his desired engagement 
 for marriage in 1648. 
 
 As specimens of his early doings and sufferings, we 
 may quote some short notes, showing how fully his heart 
 was in business, and in the welfare of the City, while 
 submitting all to God : — 
 
 "18 April, 1646. — In many places running goods." 
 " His skill and diligence led the Guinea Company to seek his 
 aid in making up their books, and the creditors of Edward 
 Abbott in their audit of his; and thus from first to last he won 
 the confidence of his employers." 
 
r6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "27 May, 1647. — To Oliver Cromwell for business; and am 
 well assurred that T.C. will be as well pleased with it as if it 
 were for himself; having always done me the honour to love 
 and serve me in my affairs." 
 
 "21 June, 1647. — Little trade, because of. some differences 
 between Sir Tho. Fairfax's army and the Parliament." "Web- 
 berly broke." 
 
 "24 June, 1647. — Exchange high — 60 to France. The City 
 use all their efforts to reconcile Parliament and the army. 
 Thomas Chambrelan sent with other Commissioners to treat 
 with the army." 
 
 "29 July, 1647. — The City is put in a position of war, for 
 fear Sir T. Fairfax's army should come and give the law to 
 them, which they are resolved to hinder; but we hope all 
 things will be composed peaceably." 
 
 "3rd August, 1647. — At present I do no business because 
 of the troubles; Sir T. Fairfax's army have demanded of the 
 Parliament to have the government of the City put into their 
 hands, which the City opposes; and many believe that the army 
 will come here and force it, which makes the City defend itself. 
 Yet I hope God will send a good issue to His glory." 
 
 About this time 
 
 "His active mind would not confine itself to private affairs, 
 especially when the London apprentices endeavoured to oblige 
 the Parliament to restore the King. And upon this he valued 
 himself upon the Restoration and to the last, as appears by his 
 private letters and observations. I have seen a foul draft of the 
 manifesto of the 'Associated Counties' (a treasonable libel then 
 well-known) writ all in his own hand, with many obliterations and 
 alterations to make it as now printed." 
 
 This forced him to go abroad ; and he did so in August, 
 in company with his friend and fellow-apprentice, Michael 
 Godfrey,* who, it is probable, was involved in the same 
 
 * Note. — Michael Godfrey was also his cousin, Fapillon being grandson, 
 and Godfrey great-grandson of Jean Calandrini. He married Anna Maria, 
 
FLIGHT TO FRANCE. If 
 
 affair ; for on their parting in Paris, late in October, 
 Papillon recommended him to a friend in another part of 
 France, stating that he had been with Mr. Chambrelan 
 four years, and had " come abroad in consequence of the 
 troubles in England!' 
 
 Michael Godfrey was a worthy companion, and had 
 many of the qualities requisite for an upright and success- 
 ful merchant, as he afterwards proved himself. Economy, 
 attention, stedfastness, hopefulness, and courtesy. During 
 their absence from home, they wrote frequently to Mr. 
 Thos. Chambrelan in a joint letter, and separately to various 
 friends in England. They shared the same room, visited 
 and lionized together ; worshipped together ; kept regular 
 hours ; and carefully attended each other when ill, as they 
 each were, for a week or more at a time — Godfrey with 
 fever and ague, Papillon with dysentery. 
 
 They kept a joint diary, and from that are gathered the 
 following details of their journey and stay abroad, which 
 seem worthy of note as a picture of the time, and an index 
 of their own character. 
 
 They left London separately ; Papillon on Saturday, the 
 30th August, being escorted as far as Greenwich by his 
 brother George and his friends Lawrence, Martel, and 
 S. Vernon ; and by Martel to Tunbridge, where they slept 
 at the "Rose and Crown." On Sunday, the 31st, Martel 
 returned to London, and Papillon proceeded to Biddenden, 
 to the house of N. S., and slept there. On Monday, ist 
 
 daughter of (Sir) Thos. Chambrelan, their common master, and great-grand- 
 daughter of J. Calandrini. Michael Godfrey was brother of Sir Edmund 
 Berry Godfrey, the magistrate of Westminster, who was murdered (as supposed) 
 in 1678, soon after taking depositions from Titus Gates, in re " The Popish 
 Plot." The Godfrey family had long flourished in Kent, and, according to 
 tradition they were descended from Godfrey le Falconer, son of William 
 Fitz-Balderic, to whom Henry II. granted the manor of Hurst, Kent. Some 
 members of the family still reside at Lydd, Kent, and some at Woodford, 
 Essex. See monuments in churches at both places ; also at St. Swithin's 
 Church, London, and in Westminster Abbey. 
 
1 8 THOMAS PAPiLLO^f. 
 
 September, in company with N. S., he went on to West- 
 brook*, near Lydd, where he met Godfrey ; and they pro- 
 ceeded together to Rye, purposing to take boat to Dieppe 
 as soon as practicable ; but there being few passengers, 
 the boatmen demanded four times the usual fare, so they 
 resolved to -wait for a reduction, and forthwith wrote to 
 Mr. Chambrelan, and their respective friends — Papillon to 
 his brother George and Mr. Waad, of Dover, and Godfrey 
 to Mr. Edwd. Harrison and to Peter Godfrey, of Westbrook. 
 
 On this day occurred, at Rye, the " Beggar's Hill Fair," 
 for the sale of the North Sea take of fish. One penny 
 farthing per lb. was the price realized. 
 
 On the following day an order came froni London to stop 
 all passengers for France, with a view to secure Mr. Anthony 
 Nicols, one of eleven excluded M.P.'s, and this order being 
 shewn privately to Papillon and Godfrey, they at once 
 engaged passage, and shipped on board the " Thomas 
 Oak." 
 
 At one a.m. the next day, 3rd September, they were 
 becalmed, and anchored about six leagues from Rye. 
 They reached Dieppe Roads on the evening of Friday, 
 the Sth, and landed on the morning of the 6th September. 
 
 On Sunday, the 7th, after successful demurs about high 
 charges, they hired horses to take them to Rouen, and 
 arrived there that evening. Though moderate in their 
 habits, at the various stages, and when visiting friends, 
 they partook of the customary " chopin of wine." 
 
 They had letters of introduction to various persons at 
 Dieppe, Rouen, and Paris— especially at Rouen, of which 
 place Papillon's paternal uncle by marriage, David Cham- 
 brelan, was a native ; and all of these entertained and aided 
 them, more or less, in a friendly way. 
 
 * The seat of Captain Peter Godfrey, himself a staunch Royalist. 
 
STAY AT ROUEN. ig 
 
 They took with them ten yards of cloth, to make into 
 clothes ; and in connection with the landing of this at 
 Dieppe, they mention a custom of the place — that if any 
 tradesman should make a good purchase of foreign goods, 
 others of the town might share it with him. 
 
 On Saturday, the 13th September, just a week after they 
 had landed in France, Godfrey was seized with fever and 
 ague, .and was ill for eight days. 
 
 On Sunday, the 21st September, they went by boat 
 to Cheville near Rouen, and there attended Divine worship 
 at the Huguenot Church, which they describe as a round 
 building, in shape like a pigeon-house, having inside a 
 double gallery; and being capable of holding a large 
 congregation ; and outside an enclosed court, which was 
 strewn with sand, and contained some fine trees. They 
 attended morning and afternoon service, dining between 
 services with M. Budoc, a Rouen friend, whom they had 
 met at church, and another French gentleman ; and they 
 all four returned together to Rouen in the public boat, 
 paying half-penny each. There were many cabarets in 
 the neighbourhood of the church, for the refreshment of 
 worshippers both before and after service ; and the more 
 wealthy attendants kept rooms in private houses for the 
 same purpose. 
 
 On Sunday night, and all Monday, Papillon was much 
 indisposed ; very probably from a feast of fruit which some 
 friends had" given them on Saturday evening. Notwith- 
 standing this, having already engaged seats, he and 
 Godfrey mounted the coach for Paris early on Tuesday, 
 the 24th September; slept at Magny, where they were 
 " basely lodged ; " started again at three a.m. the next 
 day ; reached Paris at night, and put up at the " Croix 
 de Fer," Rue St. Denis, — " a good large inn, but a very 
 dear house." 
 
 C2 
 
26 THOMAS FAPILLON. 
 
 Poor Papillon became worse rather than better, and 
 continued so for some days ; and the landlord complained ; 
 so on Saturday, the 27th September, Godfrey sought for 
 lodgings elsewhere, and engaged a room in the Rue de 
 Bons Conseils, into which they removed early on Sunday 
 morning. 
 
 After dinner, Papillon being anxious to enjoy some 
 fresh air, their new landlord's son took them to the 
 Tuilleries Gardens, which they much admired ; and on 
 Monday they started sight-seeing, beginning with Notre 
 Dsime Cathedral, being escorted by their kind friend, M. 
 Boyer. But on Wednesday and Thursday, the 2nd and 
 3rd October, both Godfrey and Papillon were again 
 unwell. 
 
 On Sunday, the 6th October, they missed the Passage 
 Boat for Charenton, where they had purposed attending 
 the Huguenot Church Service ; " So M. Boyer," they say 
 in their journal, "lent us two Bibles, and we came home 
 and stirred not out all day." 
 
 On Monday, the 7th October, after presenting a letter 
 of recommendation to M. Gio Ludovici, who received 
 them courteously, they visited Papillon's Aunt, Madame 
 (Thomas) Papillon — veuve — in Rue St. Jean de Beauvais, 
 by whom they were kindly received. 
 
 On the afternoon of the next day, David Papillon, son 
 of Madame Papillon, visited them, and escorted them to 
 the Louvre, the Tapestry Works, the Mint, and the King's 
 Printing-house. 
 
 "On Wednesday, the 9th," says the journal, "we dined at 
 T.P. his Aunt's, where we had extra cheer; after dinner, Mr. 
 Papillon went with us to the Luxemborg, and on the way we 
 went to see the College of the Sorbonne," &c. "We went to 
 M. Boyer to sup, and came home about ten o'clock, conducted 
 by M. Boyer and three other gentlemen : we found the streets 
 as quiet as London." 
 
STAY AT PARIS. 21 
 
 On Thursday, the loth, they were escorted by David 
 Papillon to the Faubourg St. Germain, where they visited 
 his cousin, Madame Gerbrandt, — and to various sights, 
 Palais Richelieu, &c. ; and on Saturday the I2th he called 
 for them in a coach, and in company with his mother 
 and sister, his mother's sister and her daughter, and 
 Madame Gerbrandt, they went to Rowel, about two 
 leagues from Paris, — the handiwork of Richelieu ; — the 
 gardens were very fine, orange and lemon-trees in full 
 bearing; and in one part, at top of a mount, "the 
 portraiture of a city supposed to be Jerusalem, and after 
 that a mount where is the picture of Christ upon the 
 cross,'' &c. (Oh ! vain shadows of our reigning Lord ! ) 
 
 They returned home by the Bois de Boulogne, passing 
 the ChSiteau de Madrid, a house built by Francis I. in 
 imitation of that where he was kept a prisoner in 
 Spain. 
 
 On Sunday, the 13th October, they rose at five a.m., 
 and went with M. Boyer to Divine worship at the 
 Huguenot Church at Charenton, which they describe as 
 a very handsome stone building, having two large galleries 
 quite round it : — 
 
 "We went and came back by water;" — "When we came 
 home, we passed the time in reading till supper." 
 
 Here the journal ends, as regards the copy of it in 
 the Editor's hands ; but in M.S. notes, apparently taken 
 from Thomas Papillon's letters or memoranda, it is 
 said, — 
 
 "On 23rd October" (which in old style, according to that 
 of the journal, would have been the isth October) "Wrote 
 from Paris as follows to Mr. Thomas Chambrelan :— I will in two 
 or three days set forward from hence, and if the news which you 
 
22 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 mention continues, I will make what haste I can; desiring 
 nothing more earnestly than to be at London, to perform what 
 I have undertaken.'' 
 
 On the 26th (or i8th) October he wrote to his friends 
 L. Martel and Vernon : — 
 
 " I am obliged for your news as well as for your good advice, 
 but I am resolved, if the news is confirmed, to return directly. 
 I see by your's that the doctrine of John Lilbourne begins to 
 take place in the Army, which in a little time may divide them, 
 and break their designs : —I pray God to end all without 
 butcheries." 
 
 He left Rouen for Dieppe and London on the 25th 
 October ; and on the 3rd November he wrote to Michael 
 Godfrey, who was still in France, and to another friend, 
 telling them they need no longer address his letters under 
 false names, as he was going about publicly. 
 
 His confidence in immunity was however misplaced ; 
 for in February he was arrested and sent to Newgate ; 
 and with difficulty did he obtain release, as shewn by 
 the following autograph certificate, given by Thomas 
 Chambrelan in 1662. 
 
 "These are to certifie any whom it may concern y»- I have 
 knowne Thomas Papillon about 25 yeares, thirteen yeares therof 
 or therabouts he lived with me as an Apprentice and Agent, 
 and y'- the said Thomas Papillon hath constantly upon all 
 occasions manifested a Cordiall and Loyall affection to King 
 Charles the First, and Martir, of ever blessed memory, and y'- 
 for his endeavour to have restored his most sacred Majesty he 
 was by order of the then pretended House of Commons 
 committed to Newgate in about the month of February, 1647" 
 (1648) "and no bayle whatever would be taken for him; but 
 after some time w* much difficulty, after he had been once 
 
PAPILLON AND GODFREY. 23 
 
 examined, myselfe and Mr. Pompeo Calandrini* entering into a 
 Bond of very great somme for his appearance, he was dismissed." 
 "In testimony whereof I have heerunto sett my hand this 
 9th day of December, 1662. 
 
 "THO. CHAMBRELAN. 
 "Signed in the presence of us who 
 know the contents to be true. 
 
 "Charles Chambrelan, 
 "Jordan Fairfax." 
 Before Papillon and Godfrey parted company in France 
 they signed an agreement to enter into a partnership in 
 trade ; but differing upon some of the articles when drawn 
 up, Papillon resigned contract, but agreed to maintain 
 his friendship in a separate trade ; both to promote each 
 other's benefit next to his own. This was no doubt 
 better than a settled partnership ; each party being too 
 active and independent for such a tie. 
 
 A former agreement between them may be mentioned, 
 as shewing Godfrey's youthful hopefulness, and Papillon's 
 confidence in him. It occurred in 1643, when Papillon 
 had been apprentice six years, and Godfrey two-and-a-half; 
 Godfrey for certain considerations and money in hand 
 sealed a bond to Papillon, to give the latter or his heirs 
 the Sword-bearer's place, or its value, and ;£'200 besides, 
 when he should become Lord Mayor. 
 
 Godfrey's eldest son also named Michael, became an 
 alderman, and as Fox Bourne says, " One of the richest 
 and most honest city men of his time."-J- Towards the 
 close of his career he was specially famous as the chief 
 mercantile promoter of William Paterson's scheme for 
 the foundation of the Bank of England, which was finally 
 effected in 1694. 
 
 * Papillon's maternal uncle, 
 t See Fox Boijme'g "English Merchants,'' 2 vols., 8vo., Bentley, i856. 
 
24 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Prior to that event, bankers and traders had been the 
 only money-lenders, as well as care-takers ; and their 
 limited means often caused their own ruin and that of 
 others, notwithstanding the very high interest which they 
 charged on loans. Many of them naturally viewed with 
 hostility the establishment of a National Bank, as likely 
 to interfere with their business ; but Paterson met their 
 objections in sound and telling tracts, and Godfrey with 
 cogent reasoning; and at last they prevailed. 
 
 The Government also opposed the scheme for some 
 time, being unwilling to surrender their privilege of issuing 
 State Lotteries, and of regulating, the Coinage which they 
 sometimes debased, both of which practices Paterson 
 vigorously denounced. As regards this opposition, Charles 
 Montague, Chancellor of the Exchequer, came forward as 
 Paterson's constant and successful champion.* 
 
 On the establishment of the Bank, Godfrey became 
 Deputy Governor, and zealously promoted Paterson's 
 measures for working it; for the latter was only a 
 Director. 
 
 In the following year — 1695 — " Business took Godfrey 
 to the camp of William III. in the Netherlands, and 
 curiosity led him to be present at the siege of Namur. 
 ' Mr. Godfrey,' said the King, when he caught sight of 
 him among the officers of his staff, 'Mr. Godfrey, you 
 ought not to run these hazards : you are not a soldier ; 
 you can be of no use to us here.' ' Sir,' answered the 
 Merchant, 'I run no more hazard than your Majesty.' 
 ' Not so,' replied the King, ' I am where it is my duty 
 to be, and I may without presumption commit my life 
 
 to God's keeping : But you ' Godfrey never heard 
 
 the sentence finished. At that instant a cannon ball 
 struck him, and he fell dead at King William's feet.* 
 
 * Se? Fo^i Bourne's "English Merchant's," 2 vols., 8vo., Bentley, 1866, 
 
FRENCH RELATIONS. 2S 
 
 Nearly two years before he visited France, Thomas 
 Papillon wrote to his cousin David in Paris, desiring to 
 correspond with him ; but it does not appear that this 
 desire came to pass to any extent ; press of business 
 on the part of Thomas, and politico-religious troubles 
 on that of David, may have hindered it ; as also the 
 greater age of David. And we have seen how much the 
 acquaintance of Thomas with his Aunt and Cousins in 
 Paris had been checked, — first by his illnesses, and then 
 by his sudden recall to London, "where his presence was 
 much needed in Mr. Chambrelan's counting-house." (A 
 revived intimacy with unreformed France seems to have 
 been providentially averted.) He was very sensible, 
 however, of the attentions which his aunt and cousins 
 had shewn him ; and soon after he returned home he 
 wrote to David in terms of deep regard. A few words 
 relative to the Paris family may well find place here : — 
 
 Both David Papillon of Paris and his father Thomas 
 Papillon were Avocats au Parlement de Paris, and Elders 
 of the Church at Charenton ; as recorded above, page 
 8. Thomas was famous in his profession, and published 
 in Latin several books on Roman Law, which may be 
 found in "Otto's Thesaurus" (1733), and in that of 
 " Gerardus Meerman" (i/Si) ; the works themselves 
 having been published at Paris in 161 3, 1616, and 1624 
 respectively. He died in, or about the early part of 
 1637, in his fifty-eighth year. He was Scribe of the 
 Synod of Aries in 1620. His son David never married, 
 but lived in Paris with his mother, and his surviving 
 sister, Marie. On the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
 he was imprisoned in the Castle of Avranches in 
 Normandy ; and after three years' incarceration he was 
 sent to England, whence he joined his cousin Thomas 
 Papillon in Holland, returned to London with him early 
 
26 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 in 1689 ; and remained with him till his death, which 
 occurred on 22nd April, 1693. His remains were buried 
 in the Church of St. Catherine Coleman, Fenchurch 
 Street, under the passage between the chancel and the 
 vestry. 
 
 His sister had died in Paris on the 3rd June, 1692. On 
 her death-bed she refused to listen to the Cur^, who in 
 consequence refused to bury her ; and that last office was 
 performed by M. Trenchepain and another. 
 
 The following extracts from David Papillon's letters 
 shew on the one' hand the regard in which he held both 
 his cousin Thomas, and his uncle David, of Lubenham ; 
 and on the other the distressed condition of French 
 Protestants throughout his life. 
 
 On 17th August, 1652, he thus wrote to his uncle : — 
 
 [translation.] 
 " Highly esteemed Uncle, 
 
 "In the midst of the public miseries with which it has 
 pleased God to visit this realm, and especially in the City of 
 Paris, where for the last four years the usual exercise of our 
 
 Religion has been * it has been to me an extreme 
 
 consolation to learn through the letter of my cousin, your son, 
 of the continuance of your good health; that news having 
 reached me this morning, the day following that on which, in 
 obedience to the Ordinance of our Church, we kept a Fast, each 
 one in his own house. 
 
 " I have noticed in myself the compatibility of two passions 
 very opposite to each other; viz., the joy of knowing a thing I 
 ardently desire, and the sadness of seeing that our crimes have 
 merited from God's justice such visitations as it pleases Him 
 to inflict on this kingdom. 
 
 " I was equally rejoiced to hear of the satisfaction which you 
 doubtless experience in the birth of the son which God has 
 given to my cousin Thomas, your son. You see in that birth 
 
 * Verb omitted, probably "forbidden," 
 
LETTERS FROM FRENCH COUSIN. 2^ 
 
 the double posterity which the Prophet foretells for those who 
 readily fulfil the commands of the Omnipotent; and that, 
 coupled with the promises he makes elsewhere, that the Divine 
 blessing will rest on the children of those that fear him, easily 
 persuades me that God, in His goodness, has not commenced 
 His work, to leave it incomplete; but, continuing to pour out 
 His mercies upon father and son, will soon grant the former 
 further offspring ; and making his son to grow in all good qualities 
 of body and mind, will cause him to bear in future days fruits 
 worthy of the tree from which he sprang; and will moreover 
 bestow upon him all spiritual and temporal blessings. 
 
 " I have felt considerably overcome by the honour which my 
 cousin has been pleased to confer on my mother, my sister, 
 and myself, in inviting us to his house during the wars of our 
 country; and begging me personally to stand as sponsor at the 
 baptismal vows, and to give the name to the first-fruit of his 
 marriage, — is a proof of uncommon affection, which deserves 
 thanks equally uncommon. Many things would induce us to 
 undertake the journey; and among other considerations the hope 
 of seeing you again would not be the least ; I can assure you that 
 for my part, I should see your face with greater satisfaction than 
 the nations under the poles see that of the sun, when after a 
 night of six months' duration, they are said to. ascend to the 
 top of the mountains, in order to perceive his first rays ; but the 
 state of mind and bodily strength of my mother will not permit 
 her to undertake so long a journey; and my duty to her not 
 permitting me to leave her in a time and place, which her 
 confidence and affection towards me make her consider my 
 presence the more necessary, — we can only regard the proposed 
 journey as an opportunity of declaring how extremely obliged 
 we feel to him, who so ' generously offers us a refuge in his 
 house. 
 
 "As to the baptism of the child, I should have to apply to 
 somebody to take my place, and be present at the vows, and 
 at the blessing which is conferred by that Sacrament, if the 
 custom of your country require more than one person in it : 
 but seeing in the Directory which was printed a few years ago, 
 that one single friend in the father's 9,bsence, is as good as 
 
28 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 ten, I will not apply, if you please, to any other than yourself: 
 you will, therefore oblige me by doing this for yourself and me 
 at the same time. Since I transfer the whole honour of it to 
 you, and as God's blessing is to be implored on the child, I 
 follow in this case the example of that Ambassador, who being 
 unwilling on the one hand to decline a dignity, which was 
 honourable to him — and fearing on the other that the just anger 
 of the Prince to whom he was sent, might injure the success 
 of the negotiation entrusted to him — caused all the steps to be 
 taken, and all the proposals to be made by the person who 
 had been given him as a colleague, to share with him the 
 glory of the undertaking, which at last succeeded according 
 to the wishes of his master. 
 
 " Moreover, I beg you will continue to favour me with your 
 affectionate remembrance. 
 
 " I remain, highly esteemed Uncle, 
 
 "Your very humble and obedient Servant, 
 
 " Papillon.'' 
 "Paris, 17th August, 1652." 
 
 Another letter : — 
 
 [translation.] 
 "Much honoured Uncle, 
 
 "The letter you were so good as to send me more than six 
 months ago, dated 17 th September last, having been delivered 
 to me only to-day, together with the splendid and valuable 
 presents, with which my cousin George has been kind enough 
 to honour me, I trust you will excuse the apparent neglect which 
 such a long delay in my reply may have justly caused you to 
 impute to me. I never receive your letters without experiencing 
 extraordinary joy for several months, and the last always seems 
 to be better than those preceding; but I must say, that just 
 received has given me peculiar delight, for it contains so many 
 wise admonitions, so much prudent advice, and so many proofs 
 of your affection, and also tells me of the happy condition of 
 your family circle. 
 
 " Praised be God, who has so well guided my cousins, your 
 sons, giving them like-minded help-mates — wise and virtuous 
 
LtTTERS FROk FRENCH COUSIN. 2$ 
 
 wives — who so well comforts the widowhood of Mademoiselle,* 
 my cousin Fontaine, in giving her sons-in-law acceptable to her, 
 and wealth according to the number of her children ; and who 
 in short causes your life to overflow with blessings, such as He 
 promises to him, who — to use the expression in the Psalm, 
 according to our metrical version — 
 
 "Doth serve his God with all his will, 
 And ne'er forsake His paths." 
 
 I pray Him with all the powers of my soul, that He may 
 continue His gracious favours to you all ; to you first, and then 
 to Mademoiselle my aunt, directing my cousins Abraham and 
 Anne according to their respective wishes, granting to Madem- 
 oiselle my aunt desirable marriages for her other children, and 
 that He would bless my cousins' sons and daughters, who may 
 at a future period revive the Church, and renew in themselves 
 and their posterity the piety of their grandfather. 
 
 " Many thanks for the good advice you so kindly give me ; 
 I cannot thank you in proportion to its excellence, nor to the 
 obligation under which it places me; I can only assure you 
 that I will try to profit by it on every occasion that may present 
 itself. 
 
 " I entreat you still to confer on me, now and then, the same 
 benefit, both of your welcome counsel, and of your fervent 
 prayers: I hold them in such esteem as ever to consider them 
 an infallible mark of the highest blessing. 
 
 " I most humbly kiss your hands, as well as those of 
 Mademoiselle my aunt ; my mother and sister do so likewise. 
 I beg you to favour me with your commands ; and I pray God 
 that He may be pleased to preserve you in health and prosperity ; 
 and I remain, 
 
 "Much respected Uncle, 
 
 "Your very humble and very obedient Servant, 
 
 " Papillon." 
 
 * Before the Revolution, the title of "Mademoiselle''' was retained alter 
 marriage by ladies of good birth. 
 
30 THOMAS PAPlLLO^f. 
 
 From this period we have no particular record of David 
 Papillon of Paris till the year 1681, when he replied, as 
 in the following extract, to his cousin Thomas Papillon 
 of London, who evidently retained his former solicitude 
 for him, and renewed that of his father, David Papillon 
 of Lubenham ; and it is interesting to notice the sense of 
 duty and affection with which David of Paris regarded 
 the mutual family ties : — 
 
 David Papillon of Paris, to his cousin Thomas Papillon 
 of London, dated 8th February, 1681 : 
 
 " Nous vous remergions aussi des tesmoignages qu'il vous plait 
 nous donner de votre affection singulifere, particuliferement de 
 la forte et sainte exhortation que vous nous faites de demeurer 
 fermes en la foy et en la profession de la vraye religion. Cast 
 une chose que nous ne pouvons espferer de nos propres forces, 
 mais que nous devrons demander, et devrons attendre de Celuy, 
 en qui et par qui nous pouvons tous choses. 
 
 " II a conserve ce precieux don en la personne de notre 
 pbre Thomas et de notre aieul commun Thomas et de notre 
 bisaieul — , sur lequel II a primiferement fait relever la clarity 
 de son face et de son ^vangile, et luy a mesme fait I'honneur 
 d'estre du nombre' de ceux qui luy pr^senterent leur vie et 
 leur sang en ceste journde celfebre de I'ann^e, 1572, marchant 
 par ceste voie douloureuse sur les pas de son Sauveur et 
 marquant a ses descendants par son example que " ni mort, ni 
 vie, ni principaut6, ni haulteur, ni profondeur, ni chose pr^sente, 
 ni chose k venir ne doit les sdparer de TaiTection que Dieu 
 leur a temoignfe en son Fils." 
 
 " Vous scavez cela aussi bien que moy, mais il me semble que 
 ces examples domestiques ne doivent point estre oubliezj or 
 comme il est important de les imiter, il est trfes utile de les 
 repasser souvent en sa mdmoire et en sa pensSe. 
 
 " Comme je ne prends point de part dans I'administration des 
 choses publiques, et ne m'en mesle que par les priferes que 
 Dieu me commande de faire pour la paix de I'estat et de 
 I'dglise, je vous avoue que je voie bien que le dessin des ennemis 
 
LETTERS FROM FRENCH COUSIN. ^t 
 
 de notre religion est de I'exterpir, ainsi que vous m'avez marqufe 
 par votre lettre ; mais je n'ai assez de veux pour pdnetrer dans 
 les dvenements; je scay que la reformation de la religion est 
 un ceuvre de Dieu ; peut-estre ne voudra-t il pas la detruire ; 
 sa colfere n'est pas a toujours, et ses misfericordes sont ^ternelles. 
 Quoiqu'il soit, nous ne pouvons mieux faire que de Luy prier 
 les uns pour les autres, et Luy demander qu'il ait pitid de son 
 heritage ; qu'il ne I'abandonne point, et nous fait aussi la grace 
 de I'empecher que nous sortions de sa maison, ni de son 
 service." 
 
 [translation.] 
 
 " We thank you also for the proof you give us of your sincere 
 affection, especially in your earnest and solemn appeal that we 
 stand firm in the faith and confession of the true Religion. That 
 we cannot hope to do in our own strength, but we ought to seek 
 and expect it from Him in whom and by whom we can do all 
 things. 
 
 " God maintained this precious gift in our father Thomas, 
 in our common grandfather Thomas, and our great grandfather 
 on whom He first caused to shine the light of His countenance, 
 and of His gospel, and to whom He even granted the honour 
 to be of the number of those who laid down for Him their 
 lives, and shed their blood on that memorable day of the year 
 1572 — treading that thorny path in the steps of his Saviour, and 
 thus testifying to his descendants that neither death nor life, 
 nor principalities, nor height, nor depth, nor things present, nor 
 things to come, should separate them from the love that God 
 hath shewn them in His Son. 
 
 "You know all this as well as myself, but it seems to me 
 that these family examples should not be forgotten; for since 
 it is important to imitate them, it is expedient to recal them 
 frequently to our mind and thoughts. 
 
 " While I take no part in the administration of public affairs, 
 and enter into them only in the prayers which God commands 
 me to offer for the peace of the State and of the Church, I 
 confess to you I see clearly that the design of the enemies of 
 our Religion is to extirpate it, as you say in your letter; but 
 I have not sufficient foresight to dive into the future : I know 
 
32 THOMAS iPAPtLLON. 
 
 that the Reformation is a work of God ; perhaps He willeth not 
 its destruction; His anger endureth not for ever, and His 
 compassions are eternal. However it may be, we cannot do 
 better than pray to Him for one another, and beseech Him to 
 have pity on His heritage, to abandon it not ; and that He will 
 give to each of us grace to be faithful in His worship and 
 service." 
 
 To us, survivors of the English branch of the family 
 these are the last recorded words of the last member of 
 the French branch. May we receive them with the 
 thankfulness they merit ; and in the various temptations 
 and trials we may severally encounter, may we find grace 
 to follow the godly counsel they contain. 
 
 Note. — With reference to the slight information given in 
 page 2 relative to Peter Papillon, younger paternal uncle of 
 Thomas Papillon, — it is worthy of mention that in 1670 a 
 namesake resided at Boston, United States, who was ancestor 
 of a family of good position now in New England named 
 Pumpelly, to a member of which the author is indebted for the 
 fact. The corruption of the name began (in England) in early 
 days, being found in the Harleian M.SS. as "Pampelion" and 
 "Pompelion." 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 MARRIAGE AND FAMILY. 
 
 Jane Broadnax — Courtship difficulties — Letter from Papillon to his Parents — 
 is willing to abide the will of God, and their consent — Letters from the 
 Mother of Jane Broadnax to Papillon's parents, discouraging the match, 
 but expressing great regard for the suitor — Replies of Papillon's father — 
 Marriage — Mutual affection and regard — Character of Jane Papillon, as 
 drawn by Rev. John Shower in his dedication of her Funeral Sermon — 
 Children. 
 
 ^E have seen Thomas Papillon's steadiness 
 and industry as an Apprentice, his ardour 
 as a Merchant, his faithfulness as an Agent, 
 and his zeal for Royalty ; and though the 
 last brought pains and penalties, he lived 
 to see the triumph of the cause he had 
 espoused. Let us now glance at him as a Lover — with 
 strong affections under due control. " Faint heart ne'er 
 won fair lady," and he faltered not. A M.S. note among 
 the family papers thus records the course of events : — 
 
 "When he found by his settlement in trade that his small stock 
 was likely to improve regularly, he fixed his thoughts on his 
 cousin Jane Broadnax for a wife; which on the first application 
 
 she approved, though ; this was in 1648 ; it 
 
 was renewed; difficulties often arose on one side or the other; 
 yet his constancy and discretion at last prevailed, for his soul was 
 truly in it." 
 
 D 
 
34 THOMAS PAPILLON, 
 
 The following* was the mutual relationship of the lovers 
 as cousins ; and we will include that of Papillon's friend 
 and colleague, Michael Godfrey, of whom we wrote in the 
 last chapter. We may here mention that Jane Broadnax's 
 father was of a county family of two hundred years 
 standing, and owners of the fine domain of Godmersham, 
 Kent, between Ashford and Canterbury ; this may account 
 for his opposition to the proposed match ; while that of 
 Papillon's parents may have arisen from surprise and 
 faithless fears. On their part, however, all misgivings 
 soon vanished, and they warmly espoused their son's 
 cause, as the following letters will shew. 
 
 Solomon said by the Spirit, "Whoso findeth a wife 
 findeth a good thing, and obtaineth favour of the Lord," 
 (Proverbs xviii., 22); and again, "Houses and riches are 
 the inheritance of fathers, and a prudent wife is from the 
 Lord," (xix., 14) ; and Amos (iii., 3) on a still more 
 important subject, " How can two walk together except 
 they be agreed?" But in this case the lovers were truly 
 " agreed," especially in religion ; Jane Broadnax was 
 indeed "a prudent wife;" and their whole married life 
 showed that their unions was owned and blessed of God, 
 notwithstanding mutual trials and bereavements.-|- 
 
 * See page 47. 
 
 1* As regards the property at Godmersham, Kent, an anecdote is told, viz. : — 
 That Thomas Knight, the last direct descendant of the male line of the 
 Broadnax family, being engaged to act as sponsor at the baptism of William 
 Papillon, the great-great-grandson of Jane Papillon {nee Broadnax), proposed 
 to his father to give him the name of Knight, and probably the charge of him 
 in youth, but William Papillon's father declined. And Thomas Knight, 
 finding himself childless, adopted Edward Austen, the great-great-grandson of 
 his own great-great-uncle, John Austin, and bequeathed to him his estates. 
 
 William Papillon however was not without means, and was truly rich in 
 good works. At the age of 27 he married, but early became a widower, 
 without children. He was for many years Rector of Wymondham, Norfolk, 
 which he endowed with a Sunday Evening Lectureship; and he bequeathed 
 money to endow local almshouses. He died in 1836, aged 75. 
 
LETTER ON HIS ENGAGEMENT. 3S 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to his parents, written 
 in 1648: — 
 
 "I have received two letters, one from either of you; my 
 duty and respect to you, which I shall continue, whatever your 
 thoughts are, forbid me to make other replication than only 
 for your satisfaction to acquaint you with my resolution there- 
 upon, — which is that since you apprehend and absolutely conclude, 
 as in my mother's letter, that the settling of this land upon me 
 (without which no possibility of the marriage in hand) is to take 
 the bread out of the mouth of my aged parents, to wring the 
 flesh from my father's arm, and to bring my mother with sorrow 
 to the grave (expressions of that nature that I tremble at the 
 rehearsal) — I shall forbear any further prosecution till such time 
 as it shall please the Lord either to manifest to you the contrary 
 of what you seem now to apprehend, — or by some other way 
 to open a way for the accomplishment thereof; and that you 
 may with joy and rejoicing lend your assistance for perfecting 
 the same, as being by me, and formerly as I conceive by yourselves, 
 looked upon as one of the greatest blessings your son in this 
 world could expect, — a virtuous' wife being in the wise man's 
 apprehension a jewel of great price. 
 
 " In the meantime I shall choose rather to bear God's afflicting 
 rod, than to be that rod for the affliction of my mother. The 
 Lord enable me with a patient, submissive, spirit to undergo 
 what He is pleased to lay upon me, — to resign up myself wholly 
 to His will, and to draw me nearer and nearer to Himself by 
 all His dispensations towards me; while I shall not desist 
 constantly to pray for your health and prosperity, and in and 
 on all occasions to approve myself," &c., &c. 
 
 We now pass to the objections of the lady's parents, 
 and to the trite rejoinder they met from Thomas Papillon's 
 father. 
 
 Letter from Jane Broadnax, mother of the bride elect, 
 to the mother of Thomas Papillon : — 
 
 D2 
 
36 THOMAS PAPlLLON. 
 
 " My dear Cousin, 
 
 " I received thy kind letter with much Christian advice ; truly 
 I hope it may be advantageous to me ; especially if, as I believe, 
 you do second it with your prayers. 
 
 , "Since my coming home I have not been well, but I bless 
 God am now in a likely way of recovery; the Lord make me 
 walk suitable to mercies, that I may give Him the glory of all. 
 
 " I wish my habitation were not so remote from you, for I 
 confess you have been an instrument of much good to me, and 
 indeed you may believe me it afflicts my spirit that you should 
 desire any thing of me that I should not condescend to you 
 in. But truly, cousin, I know no city match that at present 
 we could comply withal ; and therefore I pray you to entreat 
 your son to draw off his thoughts from us — seeing, as far as I 
 can discern, there is no probability of it; for although without 
 such intentions as I conceive he hath of prosecuting the design 
 of further manifesting his affections to my daughter, there is no 
 kinsman in the world that would be more welcome unto me, 
 yet I apprehend in this case it would be a further injury to him 
 if I should allow him the opportunity he desires. 
 
 " I propose, God willing, to go to Ightham before I go to 
 Canterbury, and then according to your husband's will I shall 
 acquaint my mother with what he desired. In the meantime 
 I pray present my dear affections to your husband and son, and 
 believe that I am, 
 
 "Your truly affectionate Cousin, 
 
 "Jane Broadnax." 
 
 The same to the same : — 
 
 " 26th March, 1650. 
 "Dear Cousin, 
 
 " I received your last and former letter, and according to your 
 desire have acquainted my husband therewith, but can find in 
 him no inclination to give way thereunto, and intreat it may 
 be no prejudice to my cousin's preferment in marriage to any 
 other. 
 
 "We desire to return you many thanks for your love expressed 
 in your motion, as also for your good advice in warning us of 
 
LETTERS FROM JANE BROADNAX, SENIOR. 3/ 
 
 the dangers we may run into, by reason of ambition. Truly, 
 I confess we desire to bestow her as well as we can, and account 
 nothing worth the having unless the fear of God be joined with 
 it. If ambition had only been her aim, we could, I think, ere 
 this have bestowed her to great advance ; but truly we apprehend 
 the danger both of city and country matches at present to be 
 so great, that I think we are the most like not to haste the 
 bestowing of her, but rather wait till we may be enabled more 
 clearly to discern what may be more safe than we can in these 
 uncertain days. 
 
 "Dear Cousin, it is very pleasing to me that you say this 
 occasion shall in no way hinder our ancient love and respects 
 to each other ; and I beseech you believe it is neither for want 
 of a due esteem of my Cousin's worth, nor of your family, that 
 we proceed not in this matter; for I really profess you are all 
 more than ordinarily accounted of by us, and so I hope shall 
 ever be, and with our affectionate respects, shall endeavour to 
 approve ourselves, dear Cousin, 
 
 " Yours in all endeared affection, 
 
 "Jane Broadnax.'' 
 "Canterbury, 1650, March the 26th.'' 
 
 From Jane Broadnax as above to David, father of 
 Thomas Papillon : — 
 
 "Dear Cousin, 
 
 " I desire not to come short in such endeared affections as 
 I confess to have received long and ample testimony of both 
 from yourself and dear wife ; amongst which I must confess this 
 last not to be the least, although I know not how to requite 
 according to merit; for believe me there is that esteem in my 
 heart of you and yours that I know not any of my relations 
 to whom my heart does so freely enlarge itself, and particularly 
 to that branch in whom I believe much desert, although I 
 cannot find how to accomplish my loving desires; my husband 
 apprehending the city to be in a very tottering condition at 
 present, and trading more hazardous than ever, I must confess 
 does rather desire to dispose of his daughter into the country; 
 
38 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 but that her affections are no otherwise fixed, that I hope and 
 believe not, she ever having had more privilege in the particular 
 of manifesting her desires than is ordinarily given to daughters. 
 
 " Truly, Cousin, I must confess we all esteem ourselves obliged 
 to you in this motion, and without dissimulation have a better 
 and more worthy esteem of my Cousin than of any man in his 
 condition, yet cannot resolve to proceed according to your desire, 
 but shall heartily wish, if God guide you to another choice, it 
 may be a blessing to your family, and joy of heart unto you 
 all. Farther, dear Cousin, let me beg this favour, that this, 
 according to the ordinary custom of the world, may not beget 
 any strangeness or alienation in our true love and respects to 
 each other; for truly it is an addition and new bond to tie me 
 more fast unto you all, and shall be an engagement to my spirit 
 for my performance of whatever at any time shall be in my 
 power. 
 
 " I shall conclude with this request and my endeared affections 
 unto you all, and remain for ever, 
 
 " Your most respective Cousin to serve you, 
 
 "Jane Broadnax.'' 
 " My husband together with us presents 
 
 his due respects to you and yours." 
 
 From David Papillon to Jane Broadnax, in reply : — 
 
 "Dear Cousin, 
 
 " The disparity between parties in their circumstances, viz., 
 in their inclination, in their descent, in their age, in their religion, 
 in their means, in their gifts of nature and of mind, doth ever 
 cause such marriages to be fatal to the parents, and destructive 
 to the children : contrarily, the parity between parties in the like 
 circumstances doth ever cause the marriages to be comfortable to 
 • the parents and prosperous to the children. 
 
 " I wonder that my Cousin major should seek after these rocks 
 of disparity, and shun the streams of parity. 
 
 " There is such parity between my cousin and the bearer 
 hereof in all these fore-cited circumstances, that two parallel lines 
 in geometry are not more like one another ; and yet he refuseth 
 his assent upon these weak arguments — imitating, it seems, the 
 common proverb, 'A bad excuse is better than none at all.' 
 
REPLY FROM DAVID PAPILLON. 39 
 
 "Excuse me, dear Cousin, the laws of true friendship will 
 not permit me to let that argument pass without reply, out of 
 fear that my silent approbation of them might be prejudicial to 
 the future comfort you expect to receive of the marriage of my 
 cousin Jane. 
 
 "His arguments contained in your answer to my letter were 
 these ; ist — That the miseries of these times ; 2nd— The 
 apprehensions of the decay of trade; 3rd— The fears of the 
 ruin of the city; 4th — The advantage of single life in these 
 days, addicted to mutations and changes — made him conceive 
 it more wisdom to marry his daughter to a great landed man 
 than to a merchant. 
 
 " I answer, — That the miseries of the times should not move 
 a prudent gentleman, as he is, to resolve upon anything that 
 is not grounded upon reason. For the 2nd — Trade must be 
 supported by the State, or the State cannot subsist ; for trade 
 is the pillar of a State ; and no trade, no vent of commodities — 
 How will the great landed men receive their rents? They will 
 certainly fall into greater streights than the merchants. For 
 industrious merchants can live gallantly in all parts of Christen- 
 dom ; so cannot great landed men if they are deprived of their 
 rents. For the 3rd — The fears of the ruin of the city are mere 
 chimeras ; for the ruin of the city will draw after it the desolation 
 of the whole nation : neither can the Parliament, nor the Army 
 subsist after the destruction of it; and can there be any probability 
 that they will ruin that which supports them? But it may be 
 objected, That foreigners will come in, and destroy it. If it 
 comes to that, what will become of the great landed men ? 
 Certainly they will be in the like case ; as the great landed 
 men are the King's party at present — viz. — most miserable. 
 4th — As for the advantages of a single life in the days of 
 affliction, it is mere paradox, and a popular error — for Solomon 
 saith — 'Woe to him that is alone, because he hath none to 
 comfort him ; ' and the histories are full of instances of the 
 comforts that meti may receive in the days of affliction of their 
 wives, and women of their loving husbands. And as for the 
 result of his arguments, I deny the consequences : for the 
 condition of the man that hath some land and some industry, 
 
40 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 is far safer than the condition of a great landed man who hath 
 ho industry. Peter de Medicis, Duke of Florence, was expelled 
 from his dukedom by mutation of State ; and had been enforced 
 to beg his bread, if he had not in his youth been brought up 
 in the trade of merchandize ; but by his industry he maintained 
 himself and his family very gaily during his abode at Venice. 
 
 "I acquaint you of these things, dear Cousin, that you may 
 endeavour to clear my Cousin major of these conceits ; and th^t 
 aiming to promote his daughter over highly he may not make 
 her for ever miserable." * 
 
 Either this letter or a condensed copy of it, which is 
 extant, David Papillon sent to Mrs. Broadnax by the 
 hand of his son Thomas ; the followring shewrs the light 
 in vi^hich the latter regarded his errand : — 
 
 "Most respected Father, 
 
 "You might very well suppose me indiscreet, if I should neglect 
 to follow your direction in a business which I have undertaken 
 at your request, and in obedience to your commands ; and 
 therefore I have chosen to be wholly guided by you in the 
 managing thereof, being desirous to perform my duty in relation 
 to yourself, as being the greatest obligation I have in the world; 
 and if things succeed not according to expectations, it shall 
 sufficiently satisfy me that thereby I have manifested my obedience 
 to your commands, and my willingness in all things to comply 
 with your desires — though possibly in some things contrary to 
 my own judgment — which, as I have hitherto done, I shall 
 always submit to yours. Upon which consideration, on my late 
 being in the country, I delivered your letter, with the part of 
 your book upon the Passions, into my cousin Broadnax the 
 Elder her own hands; your letter now sent me shall be sent 
 on Monday according to your desire; the issue I leave to the 
 heavenly Providence. 
 
 ■ « Note. — In furtherance, however, of the marriage, David Papillon adduced 
 something more tangible than arguments, viz., the settlement on the happy 
 couple of eighty-four acres of meadow land of his estate at Lubenham, 
 subject to a charge on behalf of his two younger children, equal in amount 
 to two-thirds of the bride's marriage portion: such was the marriage settlement. 
 
MARRIAGE. 4 1 
 
 " As to your desire that my brother and myself should go 
 down at Easter, I shall entreat you not to lay an injunction 
 upon us, the rather because I calculate it will be impossible for 
 me to do it at that time without prejudice to myself, which I 
 know you do not desire; but I assure you it shall be as soon 
 as our affairs will permit, &c., &c. 
 
 " I remain, your dutiful Son, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon," 
 "His most respected father, 
 "Mr. David Papillon, these, &c., 
 at Lubenham." 
 
 Patience and perseverance, duly pursued, at last met 
 their sure reward ; and the marriage of the happy couple 
 was celebrated " in the great Church in Canterbury" on 
 Thursday, the 30th October, 165 1. 
 
 Their mutual affection and regard through life is 
 testified by their letters, extracts of which will appear in 
 various parts of these Memoirs, and by the letters in 
 the Appendix. Meanwhile we may quote the following 
 letter written by Jane Papillon to her husband in 1667, 
 soon after he had gone to Breda, in Holland, as one of 
 a Deputation from the East India Company, to watch 
 the progress of a Treaty of Peace between Holland and 
 England, in which the Company was interested. It was 
 written from Thomas Papillon's house in Fenchurch 
 Street, London : — 
 
 "May 3rd, 1667. 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 "With whoni I can truly say I have lived in personal distance; 
 I must say I have found it no easy thing complacently to submit 
 to the will of God in this separating providence. Many repining 
 and perplexing fears have slept and waked with me, but God 
 has concluded them in enlarging my heart and mouth in desires 
 of blessings on thee, and in belief that He has qualified thee 
 for the receiving of them. Our God has enlarged me in desires 
 
42 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 and prayers that the fulness of His blessing and spirit might 
 accompany thee, and that in thy voyage and affairs He would 
 make thee sensible of the advantage of His presence, that He 
 would make thee upright before Him, and be thy Buckler, that 
 thou mayst never decline from the words of His mouth, that 
 our God will increase every grace in thee, and ability to service — 
 and yet keep thee humble, and not suffer thee to lean to thine 
 own understanding ; that in the affair thou art gone about, the 
 preparation of thy heart and the words of thy mouth may both 
 be from the Lord; that when thou goest thy steps may not 
 be straitened, and when thou runnest thou mayest not stumble, 
 but that thou mayest walk at liberty and without offence; and 
 that however any may incline to hard thoughts of thee, and 
 be unsatisfied with the produce of this Treaty — yet God may 
 vindicate thy uprightness, even before men, and that I nor 
 nothing in me may impede thy blessing — for I have been and 
 am sensible that in justice these blessings, which with my soul 
 I have desired for thee, might for my sake be denied unto 
 thee ; but that God, that has ever made it my request that I 
 might do thee good all the days of thy life, and not evil — will, 
 I trust, say that thou shalt never suffer on account of my 
 foolishness. 
 
 "This morning I endeavoured to meet thee at the throne of 
 grace, persuading myself that ere this time thou hadst refreshed 
 thyself after thy weary voyage, and it was to me as if the Lord 
 had said. Thou art a son that dost desire : yea, thou hast and 
 wilt receive His words, and hide His commandments with thee, 
 thou hast inclined thine ear to wisdom and applied thy heart 
 to understanding, thou seekest for wisdom as silver, and searchest 
 for her as for hid treasure; and thou hast and shalt understand 
 the fear of the Lord, and find the knowledge of the Most 
 High; and thou shalt understand righteousness and judgment 
 and equity : yea, and every good path ; the Lord hath laid up 
 sound wisdom for thee, and will be a Buckler to thee : nay, my 
 God hath given thee wisdom, and He will keep thee in the 
 way of judgment and preserve thy way ; wisdom hath entered 
 into thy heart, and knowledge has been pleasant to thy soul, 
 and discretion shall preserve thee, and understanding shall keep 
 thee. 
 
LETTER FROM JANE PAPILLON. 43 
 
 " Now what remains but that I should live praise to this God 
 of love and bounty, to whom I have committed thee as unto 
 a faithful Creator? And oh, that I and all within me, yea, 
 and all without me, may give glory to God ! Oh, beg wisdom 
 for me, and faithfulness for the discharge of every duty God 
 hath appointed me unto : I have too, too long been as a fool 
 entrusted with a prize, and not known how to use it ; now help 
 me with your prayers, that I may know my work and duty in 
 its season, and improve present opportunities and advantages 
 for service. 
 
 "Thy son and daughter Betty are both my bedfellows. My 
 soul desires to be instrumental for good to them according to 
 their capacities; and oh that our God that has given them to 
 us would make me instrumental in prevailing with Him, that 
 He, would own them from their tender years, and so render them 
 blessings to thee and me. It grieves me that I have not as 
 much ability as desire to approve myself to thy interest; but 
 this I can say is the language of my heart. What I know not, 
 Lord teach me; and what I am not. Lord make me— for the 
 advancement of the honour of thy great Name, and the comfort 
 of him that of men thou hast made dearest unto me. 
 
 "Anne Marie went to nurse last Saturday; the rest are in 
 health, and intreat me to desire your blessing for them, although 
 they cannot come daily to ask it of you. 
 
 " Our dear mother ventured out it being sacrament day, and 
 I hope is not the worse for it. I need not tell thee thou art 
 dear to her. ' Praise to God for the womb that bare thee, and 
 the paps that gave thee suck.' 
 
 " Mr. Church hath hitherto constantly afforded us his company, 
 and Mr. Harrison sometimes ; Mr. Mokett also this morning 
 offered himself to join with us in prayer for thee. Blessed be 
 God for thy interest in the prayers of the faithful ; and let them 
 prosper that love thee. 
 
 " Our relations in Kent, and particularly our dear mother, 
 are much in desire of blessing for thee; and it is the joy of 
 my heart that any in relation to me have that spiritual skill 
 whereby they may contribute to thy good. 
 
 "Our brother Papillon is the only person that has given us 
 
44 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 a visit on the account of my solitariness — unless I may say brother 
 Turner. I hear my brother Broadnax intends a visit this week ; 
 but I fear my mother is not well enough to accompany him. 
 
 "Mr. Harrison assures me he has given thee a full account 
 of all thy affairs, which I would have been witness to, could 
 the post have stayed my reading of it. I hope business is not 
 neglected; they seem very diligent; the rest are as you left 
 them. 
 
 " My conclusion must not be without some blame to myself 
 for too long detaining thee, either from your improvement of 
 better company, or the entertainment of thy own thoughts, which 
 I am sure always suggest something of more worth than is subject 
 to the expression of her, whose blessing it is in the strictest 
 tie of affection to be thine," 
 
 "Jane Papillon.'' 
 
 This worthy lady lived to the age of seventy-two, 
 retaining her health and faculties nearly up to the time 
 of her death. On that occasion, in July, 1698, her husband 
 requested the Rev. John Shower, Independent Minister in 
 London, who, as above-mentioned, had married his niece, 
 Elizabeth Fawkner — to preach a Funeral Sermon ; and 
 the following dedication shews the high esteem in which 
 he held the memory of the departed : — 
 
 "To THE MUCH HONOURED ThOMAS PaPILLON, EsQ., &C. 
 
 " The following sermon was preached, and is now published, 
 at your desire; your near relation to the extraordinary person 
 deceased, and that which I have the honour to bear to you, doth 
 manifestly determine my choice to whom to address it. 
 
 "You will not expect, sir, in this epistle, that I should give 
 the world an account of your eminent qualities, after the manner 
 of modern dedications ; the aversion I ought to have for flattery, 
 and that which you have for any thing that looks like being 
 flattered, besides the censoriousness of this nice age (which will 
 not hear the praises of those who very well deserve them) make 
 
CHARACTER OF JANE PAPlLLON. 4S 
 
 this point so tender to be touched, that I dare not adventure 
 to draw your character. However, if your children and grand- 
 children, following the worthy example of their parents, in great 
 part are, and the rest like to be, excellent examples unto others — 
 that, sir, is a living panegyric upon you, which you cannot 
 escape. 
 
 "Upon the like reason I have said so very little of the 
 deceased, your positive prohibition not suffering me to do her 
 that justice which the audience expected. I should otherwise 
 have mentioned her exemplary piety and devotion, the great 
 moderation of her principles and temper; her concern at heart 
 for the division among Protestants ; her strict observance of the 
 Lord's day in public and family worship ; her extraordinary care 
 to take a frequent account of the state of her soul, and of 
 her progress towards perfection; her love to all good men, of 
 whatsoever denomination; her prudent administrations at home, 
 and her diffusive charity abroad (a charity not confined to a 
 party, but measured only by the merit and necessity of the 
 object.) 
 
 "And to her honour I should have taken notice of the wise 
 and successful education of her children, and the regard she 
 had to the regular behaviour of her servants, on whom she 
 endeavoured to leave some lasting impressions of religion. 
 
 "In short, I should have declared that she discharged the 
 duties of every relation as a wife, mother, mistress, neighbour, 
 &c., in the manner as perhaps there have been few such examples 
 of piety and prudence in our age. 
 
 " In not doing this I observed your order, which I ought to 
 mention as a just excuse for that defect in my sermon. 
 
 " Dear Sir, may all the blessings of a holy and honourable old 
 age, which I have named, be long yours ! 
 
 "May it please God to satisfy you with long life, and afterwards 
 shew you His salvation ! 
 
 " This is the hearty prayer of, Sir, 
 
 " Your affectionate obliged Nephew and humble Servant, 
 
 "John Shower." 
 
 " London, November 3rd, 1698." 
 
46 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 The children of this marriage were : — 
 
 David, born 29th July, 1652 ; died 6th August, 1652 ; 
 buried in Parish Church of St. Katherine Coleman, 
 Fenchurch Street. 
 
 Thomas, born 25th October, 1653; died 22nd August, 
 1654 ; buried in the Church of St. Katherine Coleman. 
 
 Jane, born 12th December, 1654; died i6th September, 
 1657 ; buried in the Church of St. Katherine Coleman. 
 
 Anne, born 23rd January, 1656; died at Canterbury on 
 5th May, 1659 ; buried in the Cathedral. 
 
 Elizabeth, born 27th July, 1658; married on 30th March, 
 1676, to Edward Ward, Barrister of the Inner Temple, 
 and afterwards Attorney General and L. C. Baron of 
 the Exchequer : Jane, their first child, married THOMAS 
 Hunt, of Boreatton, Salop ; and thence the family of 
 Ward-Hunt. 
 
 Philip, born 26th November, 1660 ; married loth 
 September, 1689, to Anne, daughter of William 
 Jolliffe, Esq.j of Caverswall Castle, Staffordshire : hence 
 the PapiUon family of Kent, Essex, and Sussex. 
 
 Sarah, born loth February, 1664; married 14th August, 
 1683, to Samuel Rawston, Esq., of Bucklersbury, who 
 died at Lexden, near Colchester (where he had purchased 
 a property), on 17th February, 1720. 
 
 Anne Marie, born 13th November, 1665 ; married, 27th 
 August, 1689, to William Turner, Esq., Barrister of 
 Gray's Inn : their son William married Elizabeth, 
 co-heiress of Thomas Scott, Esq., of Longage, parish 
 of Lyminge, Kent, who was descended from the house 
 of Robert Bruce. Their grand-daughter, Bridget 
 Turner married David Papillon, grandson of Philip 
 the brother of Anne Marie. 
 
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CHAPTER III. 
 DISPUTES IN THE FRENCH CHURCH IN LONDON. 
 
 M. StDupe complains of M. Delme — the Consistory admonish the latter — and 
 he replies offensively — the Consistory reprove him — he appeals to 
 Cromwell to summon a Collogue — Cromwell does so, and further appoints 
 a Committee to consider the matter — the Collogue remonstrate against 
 this invasion of their rights — Thomas Papillon and John Dubois deputed 
 by the Church to assert them — ^A Committee of Ministers appointed by 
 . the Seven French Churches in England — and a satisfactory Settlement 
 effected. 
 
 The case of Mr. James Fell, educated at Dieppe, and elected to a Cure 
 of the Church in London. 
 
 N 1657 we find Thomas Papillon engaged with 
 his friend John Dubois on behalf of the French 
 Church in London, of which they were Deacons, 
 in claiming from the Government their legal 
 and prescriptive right of self-government by 
 consistory, coetus, collogue, and synod. 
 The matter arose thus: — In December, 1654, a complaint 
 was made to the Consistory by M. Stoupe, one of the 
 Pastors, that another Pastor, M. Delm^ had inveighed from 
 the pulpit against his preaching, as being too legal. The 
 Consistory admonished M. Delmd, and on his replying in 
 offensive language, they adjudged him guilty of a breach 
 of discipline, but still only desired a promise from the two 
 parties that they would refrain from mutual recrimination, 
 and from publishing the proceeds of the Consistory. To 
 this M. Delmd partially assented, but maintained his right 
 
DISPUTES IN FRENCH CHURCH. 49 
 
 to oppose " all manner of errors and vices without respect 
 of persons," and defended his past conduct " in opposing 
 Holy days." He also complained of another Pastor for 
 having written against him to the Church at Norwich. 
 
 The Consistory then ordered all the three Pastors 
 mutually to ask pardon ; and on M. Delm^ refusing, they 
 adjudged him guilty of rebellion against Ecclesiastical 
 Order, and suspended him. They also called a Coetus 
 or Assembly of the Ministers and Elders of the French 
 and Dutch Churches in London, to confirm or modify 
 their sentence ; and M. Delm^ consented to submit to the 
 decision, "if according to God and reason.'' 
 
 The decision of the Coetus was very moderate and 
 conciliatory ; still, M. Delm^ would not agree to it, but 
 with various fathers of families, who took his part, he 
 appealed to the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, to summon 
 a Collogue or Assembly of the Ministers and Elders of 
 the several French Churches in England, viz., those at 
 London, Canterbury, Southampton, Norwich, Dover, 
 Santoff in the Isle of Axholme, and Torre Abbey. 
 
 On the partial assembly of the Collogue, and on 
 objections being made by some of the members who 
 presented themselves, M. Delm^ and his friends again 
 appealed to the Protector, requesting that the proceedings 
 might be submitted to a body of English Divines — a 
 proposal already made by the Protector, but rejected by 
 the Collogue. 
 
 The Protector, however, carried his point, and appointed 
 a Committee of the Privy Council, consisting of Lord 
 Strickland, Lord Mulgrave, General Desborow, Major-Gen. 
 Skippon, to receive the Report of the Divines, and to treat 
 with the parties at issue. 
 
 At this stage, the French Church in London deputed 
 Thomas Papillon and John Dubois to remonstrate with 
 
so THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the Committee against the infringement of the State on 
 their right of Self-Government by the Church according as 
 by Law and Custom estabUshed. Whether this proceeding 
 had immediate effect does not appear; for either before 
 or after its occurrence, both parties pleaded several times 
 before the Committee ; but at last, by means of the Dutch 
 Ministers, and of a Mr. David Stuart, a Minister from 
 the Low Countries, a project was accepted and signed by 
 both parties, in pursuance of which Pastors of all the seven 
 French Churches in England, together with four assistants, 
 viz., Caesar Calandrini and Theodore Diodati on the part 
 of the Consistory of London, and Mr. David Stuart 
 and M. Muoy on the part of M. Delmd and his 
 adherents, met in Collogue and decided — " that there have 
 been great breaches of charity, which have occasioned 
 irregularities and factions that threaten the Church : they 
 order therefore that they humble themselves before God, 
 ask mutual pardon, embrace each other, and efface all 
 books and memorials relating to the case. That M. Delm^ 
 should confess himself by his words or actions to have 
 offended the Consistory, so that the latter should think 
 he was too much attached to his own sentiments ; and 
 then be restored. The adherents who were suspended, to 
 ask pardon and be restored." 
 
 All acquiesced in this arrangement except four, whose 
 names have not appeared in the above narration. 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon and John Dubois to the 
 Committee of the Privy Council : — 
 
 "Right Honourables, 
 
 " We, with several others, have been divers times to wait upon 
 your Honour, being thereto deputed by the French Congregation 
 of London, to give your Honour information of the state of our 
 
FRENCH CHURCH IN ENGLAND. Si 
 
 matters, and that we are, as we always have been, ready in a 
 disciplinary way (notwithstanding the indication of our proceedings 
 in the Coetus and Collogue) to allow M. Delmd the liberty of an 
 appeal to a Synod, for the determination of all differences, that 
 being, according to our discipline, the only proper and supreme 
 judge now left. 
 
 "It was before the Right Honourable the Committee appointed 
 to hear this business on our parts demonstrated at the last 
 hearing, before your Honour came in, that we had not been 
 heard by the Rev. the English Divines as to the matters in 
 difference, but only to the point of the Collogue, and that only 
 by papers, being never called before them (as we expected) to 
 know wherein they were unsatisfied, and that the allegations 
 before them as to matters of fact being without proof, were 
 no more than 'yea and nay.' Being charged by the other party 
 with having protested against his Highness's authority, we 
 declared that we did own his Highness as Supreme Magistrate 
 in this Nation, and as such should always submit to his 
 commands, actively or passively, but that the matters in question 
 were touching suspension and excommunication, the judgment 
 whereof by unquestionable right from Jesus Christ belongeth to 
 the Church, to be exercised within, and not by any extrinsical 
 power. 
 
 "That besides that right, we had legal right, by Patent, by 
 long practice, and by Law ; and that for above one hundred 
 years never any King or Magistrate in this Nation have taken 
 upon them to judge our Ecclesiastical matters, but have always 
 left us to our own government — all which was then insisted upon, 
 but now too tedious to trouble your Honour withal. 
 
 " Upon your Honour coming, they finding the former charge 
 invalid, and not to stick, object that we did consent to refer 
 the matters in question to his Highness, or such as he had 
 appointed — which, how inconsistent it is with their former 
 charge, several times repeated against his Highness's authority — 
 is obvious to any common capacity. 
 
 " By the paper enclosed, being a narrative of the transactions 
 before his Highness (the truth whereof the other gentlemen will 
 acknowledge) your Honour will perceive that we neither did nor 
 
 E2 
 
52 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 could consent to refer any thing out of a disciplinary way, unto 
 which we are strictly bound. 
 
 "If before that time by any private person any thing was 
 said touching to any other effect, the Consistory cannot be 
 therein concerned, as being contrary to their Order, and not in 
 their power; and having since (before any thing done) declared 
 the contrary. 
 
 " Enclosed your Honour will find a Certificate of the nature 
 and constitution of the Ccetus, and of their proceedings touching 
 these differences, by which your Honour will see who indeed 
 are those who do endeavour peace, and who they are that 
 obstruct it: also a copy of an Order of Parliament of the 21st 
 January, 1642, establishing the privileges of our Churches; and 
 also a copy of an Order for the Committee for Plundered 
 Ministers, of the 27th August, anno 1647, leaving the 
 determination of a business of a very like nature, touching the 
 Suspension of a Minister, ' to a Synod, as the proper judge 
 thereof; and the Parliament, who understood the rights of our 
 Churches, and the evil consequences that might ensue to 
 Protestants in foreign parts, under Popish Magistrates, if those 
 rights of exercising our discipline amongst ourselves were taken 
 from us — did make it a charge of High Treason against the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury for endeavouring to deprive us of the 
 same, as in the 7 th Article of his Impeachment is laid down. 
 
 "All which we humbly pray your Honour to take into your 
 serious consideration ; and that it is not any private or particular 
 quarrel that we have against any person or persons, but the 
 upholding of that Church which from Christ is derived to us; 
 and the maintenance of those rights which, by the favour of 
 his Highness's predecessors, and laws of this land, have been 
 hitherto enjoyed by our Churches. 
 
 "That some of the Dissenters are good men (as we hope) 
 argues not that their matters are right, or that they do well in 
 rejecting the judgment of the CcEtus, Collogue, and Synod, the 
 proper Ecclesiastical jurisdiction according to our discipline and 
 practice for many years, as aforesaid : the best men are subject 
 to failings, whereof (with sorrow we may say it) we could give 
 sufficient demonstration, if to recriminate were to the question, 
 
t-bEl^CH CHURCH IN ENGLAND. S^ 
 
 or would tend to that end which we aim at, viz. : Union in 
 our Churches in the continuance of our ancient liberties for 
 deciding of all Ecclesiastical matters among ourselves by 
 Consistory, Coetus, Collogue, and Synod, and doubt not but the 
 Right Honourable Committee and your Honour in particular, 
 (whose public negotiations abroad have given your Honour the 
 knowledge of the government of the Protestant Churches in 
 foreign parts, to which ours is conformable), will take such care 
 that the same may be continued to us as heretofore. 
 
 "We did intend to have delivered this (with some enlargements) 
 verbally to your honour; but wanting an opportunity, we have 
 thought good to present the same to your Honour in writing, 
 humbly begging your Honours' favourable excuse, and to give 
 us the privilege to subscribe ourselves, 
 " Right Honourables, 
 
 " Your Honours' most devoted Servants, 
 "Tho. Papillon, 
 "John Dubois, 
 
 " In the name of ourselves and the 
 rest deputed from the French 
 Consistory, London." 
 "8th September, 1657." 
 
 The interest taken by Thomas Papillon in the 
 independence of the French Church in England is also 
 shewn by the following abridged (autograph) account of 
 another dispute, in which the invasion of their rights was 
 threatened by the Synod of Normandy. 
 
 Mr. James Fell, who was educated by the French 
 Church at Dieppe in order to be their Minister, came 
 to London, and was desired by the French Church there 
 to remain with them. He wrote to the Church at Dieppe 
 to acquaint them of it, and to request that as he had 
 finished his University studies, they should either at 
 once call him to their Church, or permit him to accept 
 this advantageous offer : the Church at Dieppe, in full 
 
S4 THOMAS PAPlLLON. 
 
 Consistory, allow him to accept it; but some among 
 them, without declaring at the time, apply to the Synod 
 of Normandy to call him, which the Synod order; but 
 in the meantime the Church of London elect him, and 
 in a Ccetus offer to ordain him, together with Mr. Primrose, 
 likewise chosen to be a Minister. But at Mr. Rosseau's 
 desire they defer action till they procure his formal 
 discharge from Dieppe ; and they of Dieppe excuse 
 themselves, their Synod having otherwise ordered. On 
 this the London Church resolve to retain him: i — Because 
 he was regularly discharged from Dieppe. 2 — There was 
 no appeal to the Synod. 3 — Our Churches are not liable 
 to the orders of a French Synod. 4 — The Church in 
 London universally insist on it and only a few in France 
 oppose it. Thomas Papillon drew up the reasons. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DISPUTES WITH THE CUSTOMS AND EXCISE OFFICERS ; 
 
 AND GENERAL OBJECTIONS TO EXCISE DUTIES ON 
 
 FOREIGN GOODS IMPORTED. 
 
 In 1653 Papillon prepares a Case opposing demand by Customs for an Export 
 duty on Lead — Counsel confirms his view — and the Council of State 
 concurs — In 1668 he disputes the right of the Customs and Excise 
 Commissioners to charge duty on Brandy as on " Strong Waters perfectly 
 made " — the Excise Commissioners order payment of the duty demanded, 
 though the Customs have seized the goods — the matter is referred to the 
 I^aw Courts and opposite judgments obtained — order of the King in 
 Council for an amicable settlement by the Judges — result in favour of 
 Papillon and Colleagues — Sneering remarks of Pepys on Papillon's 
 suit — Arguments of Papillon against Excise import duties. 
 
 HE foregoing remonstrance in relation to Church 
 discipHne was not Thomas Papillon's first 
 contest on behalf of supposed right; although 
 he had been willing to submit to parental 
 authority, and was ever ready to respect legal 
 demands, he could not brook the unjust claims 
 of those in office. Gallic combativeness, and inherent love 
 of justice impelled him no doubt in the latter direction, 
 while moral and religious feelings induced the former. 
 
 In 1653, when under thirty years of age, we find him 
 successfully disputing a Customs' claim on the exportation 
 of lead to foreign parts, though such was due only from 
 aliens. The claim was made under an Act of 1642, which 
 based its demands on one of 27th Edward III. limiting 
 the charge to aliens, while the Customs claimed the duty 
 as a new impost on English subjects. 
 
$6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Thomas Papillon drew up a case for Counsel (which 
 is among his autograph M.SS.) and submitted it to Mr. 
 Wyndham, who gave an opinion decidedly favourable to 
 his view; and he was at once joined by nineteen other 
 merchants in a Petition to the Council of State, by which 
 the matter was " adjourned in their favour." 
 
 About fourteen years later, he resisted an illegal claim 
 of double duty on brandy, made by the Customs and 
 Excise farmers, and supported by their Commissioners, 
 as though it were " Strong Waters perfectly made." 
 
 Two Acts had been passed in 1660, each directing "For 
 every gallon of spirits made of any kind of wine or cider 
 imported, 2d. ; for every gallon of strong waters perfectly 
 made, imported from beyond the seas, 4.6." 
 
 For about six years from the time of these enactments, 
 the Commissioners of Customs and excise, and the farmers 
 both past and present, levied only 2d. a gallon on spirits, 
 including brandy; but the importation of this article much 
 increased, and the farmers insisted that the duty of only 
 2d. applied to "Wine and cider imported," and that brandy 
 must be regarded as " Strong Waters perfectly made," 
 (which it is not ; though it was apprehended that the 
 farmers intended to sue Parliament to declare it such in 
 a new Act.) 
 
 The brandy merchants, led by Thomas Papillon, 
 promptly entered a suit in the Court of Exchequer 
 against this novel and unjust construction of the Acts, 
 and obtained a verdict in their favour ; but the Com- 
 missioners obtained an opposite verdict in the Court of 
 King's Bench : and the farmers iinding they could not 
 seize the goods while protected by the Court of Exchequer, 
 nor sue the importers who entered them under false names, 
 proposed to the merchants that suits should be entered 
 
Customs and excise. S? 
 
 afresh in the Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and 
 Exchequer, and that the verdict should rest with the 
 majority of judgments given. To this, however, the 
 merchants would not agree, being already secure in the 
 Exchequer. The farmers therefore appealed for protection 
 to the King in Council, who referred the case to all the 
 Judges "To consider of the matter in difference between 
 the merchants and the petitioners concerning the said 
 duty on brandy, and in case they do not agree in their 
 opinions (all the parties concerned seeming willing to 
 submit to their determination) that the said Judges 
 present to his Majesty in Council such expedients as 
 they shall judge proper for putting an end to the said 
 differences by trial, with equality both to the petitioners 
 and the said merchants, and also for preventing the 
 entering of goods in the names of unknown persons (not 
 the rightful proprietors) by means whereof his Majesty 
 may be defrauded of the duties due and accruing according 
 to law." 
 
 This Order in Council was made on 31st March, 1669, 
 and was finally favourable to the merchants; but on 21st 
 August following it appears from Pepys' Diary that, as 
 he says, " Here also [in the Council Chamber] I heard 
 Mr. Papillon make his defence against some complaints 
 of the farmers of Excise ; but it was so weak, and done 
 only by his own seeking, that it was to his injury more 
 than profit, being ill-managed, and in a cause against 
 the King." Pepys was a thorough-going supporter of the 
 Government, and thus sneered at Papillon's proceedings, 
 but surely "there was a cause." 
 
 The case was several years in progress, and in the 
 petition to the King in Council above-mentioned, the 
 Excise farmers refer to it as "the great contest between 
 the merchants and themselves." 
 
58 tHOMAS PAPtLLON. 
 
 On i8th March, 1669, the Excise Commissioners held 
 a Court, in which Thomas Papillon was sued for 
 ;^88o 1 6s. lod. value of brandy on which the duty on 
 strong waters had not been paid ; and although the 
 Customs had seized the goods, the Excise Commissioners 
 demanded their value. 
 
 The fact is that the system of farming the revenue 
 constantly proved an incentive to fraud and oppression, 
 and led to collusion between the Commissioners and 
 the farmers. (See Gray's Parliamentary Debates, vol. I. 
 pp. 237, &c.) 
 
 Moreover, the frequent imposition of new duties for 
 specific purposes much complicated fiscal proceedings, 
 and rendered extortion the easier. 
 
 In February, 1 671, Papillon drew up a paper headed 
 " Some brief Reasons against the Excise of foreign 
 Commodities,'' &c., of which the following is an abstract: 
 
 " ' ist^That the additional duty already charged at the 
 Customs House was declared to be in lieu of Excise, and 
 therefore to set up another Excise on the same commodities, is 
 a double charge, and seems contrary to the former declaration.' 
 
 " 2nd — These additional duties will much injure the trade of 
 the country : — 
 
 " (i) — By inducing other countries to retaliate, to the reduction 
 of English exports ; such a step is already mooted in Brittany, 
 where our drapery has been hitherto admitted duty free. 
 " (2) — By impeding the importation of goods with a view to 
 their exportation ; the King of France is so sensible of the 
 benefit accruing to trade from this practice, that he affords 
 it every facility; but if he be hampered by the vexations 
 attending English Excise, merchants will not undertake it : 
 and by these vexations even home trade will be discouraged. 
 
CUSTOMS AND EXCISE. ^9 
 
 " (3rd) — Excessive duties are sure to involve their illicit evasion, 
 to the injury of the honest trader, and of trade at large. 
 
 " (4th) — The retrospective character of these duties will place 
 both merchants and shopkeepers in a most unfair and 
 invidious position ; no one will be secure, nor aware how 
 he stands. 
 
 " Lastly — ' The method of collecting, recovering, and securing 
 the Excise by penalties, forfeitures, and oaths, and the 
 erection of an ofifice (court) whereby traders are liable to be 
 undone every day on the oath of a single person, swearing in 
 part for his own profit,' liable also 'to have their houses broken 
 open on any ground of jealousy or malicious pretence, to 
 have their goods, and other men's goods in their custody, 
 carried away at any officer's pleasure, whether the owner 
 be present or no, and the said goods confiscated and sold 
 if the true owner come not to claim them by a certain day, 
 whether he have notice of it or no, or be in a capacity 
 to attend,' — these, and various attendant circumstances are 
 indeed intolerable.'" 
 
 Extortions by the Customs Officers were clearly of old 
 date ; for in the records of the House of Lords of 1624 
 (see Historical M.SS. Commission — Report HI. page 33) 
 we find mention : " May 20th " of a " Draft of an Act to 
 avoid the extortions and exactions of customers, controllers, 
 surveyors, collectors, searchers, waiters, clerks, and other 
 officers or persons employed in and about the Customs 
 and subsidies of our Sovereign Lord the King." 
 
 How necessary was it for such fiscal evils to again be 
 held up to reprobation. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF TRADE ON THE GRIEVANCES 
 OF THE EASTLAND COMPANY RELATIVE TO THE NORWAY 
 TIMBER TRADE, ETC. — REASONS AGAINST FURTHER 
 SUSPENSION OF THE NAVIGATION ACT, AND COUNSEL 
 TO PERMIT THE PURCHASE OF SIXTY FOREIGN TIMBER 
 SHIPS — MR. PAPILLON'S AND MR. CHILD'S EVIDENCE 
 BEFORE A COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS, 
 RELATIVE TO THE DECAY OF TRADE. 
 
 Reasons adduced by Papillon for not renewing the Suspension of Navigation 
 Act — probable objections, with replies — On the Norway Timber Trade — 
 Papillon and others of the Council of Trade state their views on the 
 alleged decay of Trade — Opinion of Mr. Child, and suggestions; a 
 reduction of the legal rate of interest recommended and adopted. 
 
 ^N the beginning of 1669, Thomas Papillon appears 
 to have been an active member of the Council 
 of Trade, which was a body of statesmen and 
 merchants recently formed, to advise the Govern- 
 ment on mercantile affairs ; and various M.SS., 
 some autograph, some otherwise, relative to its 
 proceedings, are among his papers. 
 
 I. — The first matter was a petition of the Eastland 
 (Baltic) Company, praying for the restoration of their 
 exclusive privileges, and for redress against the Danish 
 Government, which had of late much oppressed them in 
 their trade ; the petition being accompanied by a statement 
 
THE EASTLAND COMPANY. 6l 
 
 of their success in the trade, to the national benefit, from 
 the date of their charter in 2 1st Elizabeth to the time 
 of the Civil War. 
 
 The statement of the Company is an interesting document, 
 shewing the purpose and effect of ancient trading charters, 
 and seems worthy of record in extenso ; while the report 
 of the Council of Trade on their petition will disclose 
 the tenour of the latter, and the mercantile views of the 
 day. It disregards, however, their prayer for restoration 
 of exclusive privileges. 
 
 " Further Reasons, humbly offered to the Right 
 Honourable the Council for Trade, for support 
 OF THE Company of Eastland Merchants. 
 
 "The trade of the Baltic Seas, was above 300 years past, 
 discovered by our predecessors at great charge and hazard ; in 
 which notwithstanding the English had no great interest until 
 it pleased Queen Elizabeth (21° Regni) to incorporate them by 
 a charter ; which was granted, not only for their encouragement, 
 but also to enable them under a well ordered government to 
 rescue the trade from the hands of other nations, who then 
 almost wholly enjoyed it; and to advance it in the hands of 
 skilful and native merchants ; to protect it abroad from foreign 
 injuries and oppression. And with what success of honour 
 and benefit to this kingdom the same hath been pursued, the 
 precedents of former times do clearly testify, and may appear by 
 the following instances, which have fallen within the compass 
 of our own memory and experience. 
 
 " I. — We have in former years exported annually 14,000 broad 
 cloths, fully manufactured, besides kerseys, perpetuanes, northern 
 dozens, and other commodities of wool to the like value. Not- 
 withstanding which great quantities exported by us, our constant 
 care was, not to debase the commodity, by selling the same at 
 mean rates; but rather, in the case of too full a market, to 
 preserve it in magazines abroad till an opportunity of better 
 sale ; by which means the credit^ of our English manufactures 
 
62 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 hath been so upheld in foreign parts, that our main profit hath 
 been raised upon the same, out of the purse of the stranger; 
 and not Upon our returns here sold to the English, as now it is. 
 
 " 2— Having made this advantage by our English commodities 
 abroad, we were thereby enabled to make plentiful returns in 
 hemp, flax, pitch, tar, potash, tallow, masts, oars, deals, copper, 
 iron, steel, corn, and other commodities, being of absolute 
 necessity for the strength and service of this land, and for 
 employment of the poor : with all which this kingdom was 
 furnished at reasonable rates (sometimes cheaper than the cost) 
 besides an overplus in gold and silver, which we have frequently 
 imported in great quantities, to the increase of the general stock 
 of the nation : and of these foreign commodities we also kept 
 a magazine in England ; not only for a constant supply of the 
 markets here, but sufficient to furnish other foreign places, and 
 that at easier rates than since the time our Government hath 
 desisted. 
 
 "3.- — In this large trade, out and home, we have employed 
 about 200 English ships yearly, all of good burthen and fit for 
 defence and service; by which means this Company proved a 
 singular nursery of seamen; having by computation disbursed in 
 way of freight ;^6o,ooo per annum; it being also their constant 
 endeavour and care, to use English ships only (if such were 
 to be had) and no other; thereby performing the intent of the 
 Act of Navigation before it was m being; and that with more 
 advantage to the public interest of that trade, than is now 
 produced by the Act. 
 
 "4. — Being looked upon abroad as an united society, we 
 have been understood as able to make or divert a trade; and 
 consequently to oblige cities to procure justice, and to serve 
 and honour his Majesty and his kingdoms, on several occasions ; 
 having obtained such immunities in foreign parts as have 
 equalled, if not exceeded, those of the natives; as particularly, 
 a freedom from taxes, and several burthens which the natives 
 themselves bore; a liberty to buy and sell, not only with the 
 citizens where we traded, but with strangers also; a power to 
 preserve the estate of any Englishman dying in Poland, which 
 by the laws of that country is confiscated to the Prince ; a 
 
THE EASTLAND COMPANY. 63 
 
 power to end differences of the English amongst themselves, 
 without being exposed to the snares and rigour of foreign laws ; 
 and if any injury were done by strangers to any particular factor, 
 the same was resented as done against the whole body, and 
 reparation gained by them with more facility and less charge : 
 which services, with many others, were not to be effected by 
 single persons, who are not so able to resist injuries, nor can 
 expect that respect abroad, which an united society may enjoy. 
 
 "And that these advantages are to be accounted to a well 
 regulated Association may further appear by considering what 
 contrary and sad effects have been produced since the govern- 
 ment of this Company hath been intermitted for these many 
 years past, viz., since the beginning of the late unhappy troubles, 
 for, 
 
 "(i.) — Our native commodities are incredibly debased in the 
 foreign places of our trade; which hath happened by the confused 
 and uncontrolled trading of interlopers and unskilful persons of 
 late years, and the continued trading of strangers now; By 
 whose practices we being disabled to make profit of our English 
 manufactures abroad, are necessitated to advance the same upon 
 the foreign commodities imported ; which we confess must prove 
 a great diminution to the stock of this kingdom. 
 
 " (2).^As an effect of this irregular trading and debasing the 
 English manufactures abroad, our cloth and other commodities 
 vented in the East parts, is contracted to a small proportion 
 of the former quantities there sold by us : and of 200 English 
 
 ships formerly employed in this trade, scarce are now used 
 
 in a year. 
 
 "(3.) — The discredit of our manufactures abroad, and the 
 lessening of that trade occasion the exportation of gold and 
 silver, which is the customary practice of the stranger, as these 
 late times have abundantly testified : and the permission and 
 enlargement of the trade of strangers will much more occasion 
 that evil. 
 
 "(4.) — Great hath been the industry of strangers in Poland 
 and Prussia of late years, to advance their manufactures of cloth, 
 by procuring English workmen and stealing fullers' earth into 
 those parts ; and as great hath been the care of our Company 
 
S4 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 to prevent such conveyances ; whereas an open trade will much 
 more help and confirm them in those designs, to the destruction 
 of our native commodities : and we dare boldly affirm, that 
 nothing hath more promoted foreign clothing than the want of 
 encouragement to Corporations of Merchants in these late 
 times. 
 
 "(5.) — It is evident that through the want of government 
 here we are already in great measure, and shall in a short time 
 be totally deprived of what foreign privileges we have formerly 
 had, and might still enjoy; and instead thereof be exposed to 
 unusual burthens, when we shall be wholly unable to expel them. 
 
 " By all which may easily be discerned the benefits of govern- 
 ment, and the ill consequences attending the want thereof: most 
 of which mischiefs we humbly conceive will not be effectually 
 remedied otherwise than by encouraging the traders with such 
 privileges and power as they formerly had, and in particular 
 with a continuance of the Proclamation first granted by King 
 James, and afterwards by his late Majesty, and since ordered 
 to be renewed by his now Majesty. The sole question in this 
 case seeming to be, Whether the carrying on of this trade (so 
 considerable in many respects) should be in the hands of his 
 Majesty's subjects, or of Strangers. 
 
 "All which is humbly submitted." 
 
 The follovi^ing is from an autograph paper by Thomas 
 Papillon, docketed, " Copy of Report to the Council of 
 Trade from the Committee touching the Norway trade ; 
 made the nth February, 1668." 
 
 Thomas Papillon was a member of the Committee of 
 the Council appointed to report upon the Eastland 
 Company's Petition, and from the additions and erasures 
 in this paper it seems probable that he prepared it 
 himself. 
 
 "The Committee in pursuance of the order of the Council 
 of Trade of the 14th January last, have heard the Eastland 
 
THE NORWAY TIMBER TRADE. 65 
 
 merchants, and other owners of ships, and mariners, touching 
 the grievances and obstructions of the English trade in Norway 
 and Denmark, and through the Sound, and humbly report to 
 the Board as followeth : — 
 
 "That by the Treaty made in anno 1660, between his Majesty 
 and the King of Denmark, provision was made in the 13th and 
 24th Articles, That the English should enjoy the same privileges 
 and pay no greater or other tolls and impositions than the Dutch 
 or any other nation except the Swede. 
 
 " Yet since the late war, the Treaty made at Breda not having, 
 as we find, particularly confirmed the same, the officers of the 
 King of Denmark on pretence that the English are strangers, 
 and without the tractate, as they call it, do very much abuse 
 the English. 
 
 " In measuring their ships at their pleasure without any fixed 
 known rule, and generally one-third part at least more than 
 formerly — in exacting greater tolls and impositions of the English 
 than of the Dutch and French, about one-third more than was 
 paid since the foresaid Treaty of 1660 — as also a certain duty 
 of eight rix dollars on every ship above 50 last, for liberty of 
 trade, called ' Ingoen de toll.' 
 
 " For particular instance of which they have caused two 
 Tollsedles of one and the same ship to be translated and 
 hereunto annexed, whereby it appears that the same ship which 
 in April, 1664, was measured but at 120 last, and paid but 96 
 rix dollars, was in June last measured 160 last, and paid 240 
 rix dollars. 
 
 " Further, by the said Treaty in anno 1660, it was provided 
 in the iSth Article, That firs, masts, or other timber laden on 
 board English ships should not be visited after laden, nor the 
 English any way troubled for the same, on pretence that any 
 part was prohibited. 
 
 " Yet now the English are daily in danger of the confiscation 
 of their ships and goods in case they lade any large masts or 
 great timber. 
 
 "Also the English in several parts of Norway are debarred 
 the free liberty of selling their goods, even to burghers of these 
 towns, but at certain times and seasons, viz., at Dennten they 
 
66 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 are limited to sell only in the months of March and September ; 
 at Christiana and Bergen they are not permitted to sell their 
 goods unless the same be done within 14 days' time of the 
 ship's arrival, and in case any be not sold in that time the 
 officers at Christiana take the remaining goods out of the 
 possession of the English, and carry them to the Tolboth or 
 Customs House, where they remain till another ship comes in, 
 and then they have liberty again for 14 days for sale of them 
 together with the new goods brought, and so from time to time. 
 
 "Also the English passing the Sound have had more toll 
 taken from them than ought to be by any public placard or 
 book of rates, the ofScers pretending private books that none 
 ought to have but themselves : and though upon complaint some 
 part hath sometimes been restored, yet not all, as appears by 
 a letter from John Paul, H.M.'s Consul at Elsinore, bearing 
 date the 10th March last. 
 
 " By reason of which extraordinary impositions and exactions 
 English ships cannot be employed but at great disadvantage, 
 and thereby the Dane increaseth much in shipping, and enhanceth 
 his freights, and the English decrease, and in a little time that 
 trade, unless some speedy remedy be applied, will wholly fall 
 into the hands of Strangers, and be managed only in foreign 
 ships, to the discouragement of the English navigation and 
 seamen, and the obstruction of the vent of English manufactures. 
 
 " For remedy whereof, and to oblige the Dane to allow the 
 English the same privileges as formerly, and also for the supply 
 of the present occasions of the City [of London] some have 
 proposed, — 
 
 "That the liberty his Majesty was pleased in great wisdom 
 to grant the last year to the English to import Norway timber 
 and deals in any foreign ships whatsoever, might continue for 
 a longer time; yet, forasmuch as H.M. intended the same 
 only for the present exigency [viz., the rebuilding of London 
 after the great Fire], — it is to be remarked, — That the state of 
 affairs is much altered since that time, and that it is much 
 opposed by owners and builders of ships, and seamen, as being 
 contrary to the Act of Navigation, as also that on several 
 other considerations such liberty may not now be advantageous 
 
THE DENMARK AND NORWAY TRADE. 6/ 
 
 to H.M.'s kingdom in general. The Committee cannot be of 
 opinion at present that H.M. be advised to continue the said 
 permission any longer than the 2Sth March next, to which 
 time H.M. hath limited the same, 
 
 "But do in all humility report their opinion that this Board 
 would present it as their humble opinion and advice to his 
 Majesty, 
 
 "That H.M. would be graciously pleased by some Treaty 
 with the King of Denmark, to procure the same privileges for 
 the English as they had by the Treaty of 1660, and that the 
 English may have the like free liberty to sell their goods at 
 any time in any of the cities or other places of Denmark and 
 Norway as the subjects of the King of Denmark have in 
 England. 
 
 "As also that having paid their due customs, they may not 
 be put out of the possession of their goods ; and also such other 
 privileges as H.M. shall think good, which they humbly conceive 
 the Dane ought in all equity to admit, for that they have and 
 do enjoy the same privileges in England now, as they did 
 immediately after the Treaty of 1660, and are as favourably 
 treated by H.M.'s officers as are the English themselves. 
 
 "But in case the Dane on treaty will not give reciprocal 
 privileges to the English, — Then that some imposition may be 
 laid on his ships, to answer in proportion what he exacts of the 
 English, that so the English ships may be put in a capacity of 
 trading on equal terms. 
 
 " And to the end there may not be a want of English ships 
 for carrying on this trade, at this time more especially so 
 necessary, — It is humbly proposed : 
 
 "That his Majesty may please to grant, That the ships taken 
 by virtue of H.M.'s Commission in the late wars by the Scots, 
 and that shall have been, or hereafter be, bought by the English, 
 may be allowed for free English ships, to be employed in the 
 Norway trade, or the Baltic Seas, or for Salt from any place, 
 they sailing with an English Master, and three-fourths of the 
 mariners English : 
 
 "As also, — That permission may be given to the English to 
 buy some foreign built ships not exceeding the number of 60 
 
68 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 in all; which said ships so bought to enjoy the freedom of 
 English ships to be employed in trades, and under the 
 limitations before mentioned. 
 
 "All which is humbly submitted," &c. 
 
 Having disposed of the subject of the Norway timber 
 trade as regards the Danish and English Governments 
 respectively, the Council of Trade soon considered it in 
 its more domestic aspect, especially in regard to the 
 prolonged suspension of the Navigation Act, which some 
 people proposed. The views of the Council, as drawn 
 up by a Committee, again appears in an autograph 
 paper by Papillon, of which the following is an abstract : 
 the paper is docketed April, 1669, and bears this heading: 
 
 " Some of the Reasons and grounds that induced the 
 Committee and afterwards the Council of Trade to advise 
 his Majesty not to continue the Suspension of the Act 
 of Navigation, but to give liberty for buying of 60 foreign 
 built ships to be appropriated to that trade and for Salt." 
 
 [Abstract of Reasons, &c.J 
 
 " I. — It is very necessary that timber should be imported from 
 Norway, sufiScient for the rebuilding of London. 
 
 " 2. — But it is very undesirable to prolong the Suspension of 
 the Navigation Act, as it will materially affect Ship-building 
 and Seamanship, which are most requisite industries, both 
 for trade and defence — and will throw all the profits attending 
 them into the hands of foreigners, thus reducing the stock 
 of the nation : The cost of carrying goods is equal in amount 
 to half the value of the goods imported; so that if ;^2oo,ooo 
 worth of timber be imported annually, ;£ioo,ooo goes to the 
 ship-builder, merchant, and seamen; and if foreign ships 
 bring it, so much is lost to the nation : Moreover, if the 
 
THE TIJIBER TRADE. 69 
 
 trade be discouraged it will pass permanently into foreign 
 hands, the Danes and the Dutch — and it is easier to lose 
 a trade than to regain it. 
 ' 3. — But the English neither have, nor ever have had, ships 
 suitable for the timber trade — those hitherto used having 
 been chiefly foreign prizes — it is therefore very desirable 
 that the purchase of, say 60, foreign timber ships be 
 permitted: i — To maintain the necessary supply of timber; 
 2 — To serve as the nucleus for a national stock of such 
 ships. 
 
 ' If it be objected that, ' The buying of these ships will 
 take away as much stock of the nation as the Suspension 
 of the Act of Navigation,' 
 
 "'Answer i. — No; the buying of 60 ships, if we 
 account _;^i,ooo a ship, will cost but ;^6o,ooo ; the stock 
 of the nation will lose by the other in one year above 
 
 ;^I00,000.' 
 
 "'Answer 2. — For the laying out of this ;^6o,ooo, you 
 do accrue a suitable addition of riches to the nation ; for 
 shipping is equivalent to the money in value ; ' Whereas 
 the other is gone, and nothing left.' ' 
 
 "'Answer 3. — The disbursement of this ;^6o,ooo is 
 but like seed; it will bring in more; whereas the other 
 is a seed sown on an enemy's ground, who will reap the 
 crop.' 
 
 '"Answer 4.— When we have ships of our own. The 
 
 provisions of the nation go for victualling, and manufactures 
 
 for clothing, and all trades are set to work: whereas if 
 
 Strangers be our Carriers, they carry away our Money, 
 
 but expend little or none of our commodities.' 
 
 '4- — It is worthy of consideration whether a similar step should 
 
 not be adopted with respect to the Eastland trade, from 
 
 which the Dutch now reap a large profit in the importation 
 
 of salt, wine, brandy, &c. 
 
 "The purchase of foreign ships was opposed, i — As 
 unnecessary; 2 — As throwing money into the hands of the 
 foreigner. But these objections had already been met by 
 the facts adduced." 
 
70 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 In the' autumn of 1669 a Committee of the House of 
 Lords sat " to consider of the causes and grounds of the 
 fall of rents and decay of trade within these kingdoms." 
 Several of the Council of Trade were summoned to give 
 evidence, and among them Thomas Papillon ; and a 
 summary of his evidence, as of other members, appears 
 in the Records of the House of Lords, quoted by the 
 Historical M.SS. Commission, Report VHI. ; but the 
 following more accurate and fuller statement is among 
 his own autograph M.SS. : — 
 
 " The substance of what I said at the Committee of the House 
 of Lords for enquiring the reasons of the decay of trade, the 
 4th November, 1669 : 
 
 " Mr. Josias Child having been very long in insisting on the 
 means the Dutch had taken to advance their trade, on several 
 defects in our laws, &c., I was desired not to speak again to 
 what had been spoken, so I was prohibited in what I might 
 have said, — 
 
 " I told their Lordships that the consideration of trade and all 
 the circumstances and necessary dependencies thereupon, was of 
 so large an extent, as they might perceive by the many particulars 
 before instanced, that it would require not only a day, but many 
 days' study of the most able and judicious persons,^ 
 
 " That I conceived there were three essentials of trade, without 
 the concurrence of which trade could not be carried on and 
 increased, to wit, 
 " 'Stock, 
 People, 
 And the improvement of both.' 
 
 "By Stock, I meant not only Money but all Commodities; 
 by People, not only Merchants, but all sorts, handicraftsmen, 
 artificers, &c. 
 
 " As to Stock, the late fire had without question been a great 
 impairing of the same, specially considering how much was now 
 employed in building, which would otherwise have been employed 
 in trade. 
 
ALLEGED DECAY OF TRADE. 7 1 
 
 "As to People, the late Plague had consumed some hundred 
 thousands, and so deprived us of so many hands to improve our 
 commodities by manufacture, and so many mouths' to have 
 consumed our corn and provisions ; and this could not but 
 occasion a decay in trade. 
 
 "As to the improvement of both Stock and People, 
 "ist. — I told them we did not improve our commodities by 
 manufacture ; but great quantities of wool were exported 
 from Ireland and England, which was very prejudicial to 
 the nation; one lb. of wool sold raw yielded but lod., which 
 manufactured would yield 2s. 6d. to 3s. and 4s., which was 
 so much addition to the stock of the nation, being only the 
 labour and industry of the People. 
 " 2ndly — That by trivial and vexatious law suits, both at 
 Common Law and Civil Law, much of the stock and many 
 of the people were diverted from trade; and the money 
 and time expended in that way, if employed in trade, would 
 be a great advantage to the nation. 
 "Srdly — That the unsettledness of men's minds in reference 
 to Religion was a great diversion, and impediment to trade : 
 For people being always under fears of being debarred of 
 their liberty that way, would not freely engage in trade, 
 that they might on that account have no hindrance to 
 remove, —many choosing rather to go to other countries 
 where they might have liberty, than to stay here in case 
 they should be denied the same. 
 
 "And whereas it had been proposed in order to the 
 advance of trade that a general liberty of foreigners to 
 settle here would be advantageous, I did agree therein 
 with this caution, that they be such Foreigners as might 
 and would incorporate into the nation, and become English ; 
 for that otherwise, I conceived they would suck the riches 
 and treasure of the nation, and in the end carry it away 
 to other countries : I instanced the Jews that never would 
 incorporate with us, but that the French and Walloons and 
 other Protestants would marry here, and become one with 
 us. 
 
 " I gave them an account of some French Weavers that 
 
f2 ' THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 were now imprisoned by the Weavers' Company for working 
 here, which practice was to drive away trade, and not the 
 way to increase it. 
 
 "As to the general, 
 
 " I did conceive that trade was not so decayed as people did 
 imagine — For there was as much trade now as ever, but the profits 
 on trade were less ; And so, the improvements of land were as 
 much and more than formerly, both in regard of the Fens and 
 other waste lands, but the profits were less, both depending on 
 one another. 
 
 " I said that what had been told them as to the loss of the 
 Irish trade was true, that now that trade was wholly drove by 
 foreigners, and though I would not assign the reason of it, yet it 
 was a great loss to the nation. 
 
 "That the reason, as I conceived. Why the profits in trade 
 decreased, was because other countries did more than ever addict 
 themselves to the encouragement and advance of trade; and in 
 particular the French King, who gave all encouragement to his 
 own people and manufactures, and discouragement to Foreigners 
 by high impositions, as on drapery, &c. 
 
 "And therefore their Lordships might see what great reason 
 there was to make trade easy, and remove all burdens on trade ; 
 for that if we could not trade on as easy terms, and furnish 
 commodities as cheap, as other nations, we should not only in 
 a little time cause our trade to decay, but lose our trade itself, 
 and be beaten out of all trade. 
 
 " And here I took occasion to acknowledge his Majesty's great 
 care, and of those Ministers he employs of late in reference to 
 foreign treaties, to send to the merchants to advise how such 
 treaties might be made, as might be for the good of trade, as 
 in the French and Norway treaties now on foot. 
 
 "And so we concluded that we had cause to bless God for 
 his Majesty, and for those employed by him, and also for their 
 Lordships, that God had put it into their hearts to mind and 
 consider the trade of the nation, wherein so much of the good 
 and welfare of the nation depended, and desired God to bless 
 their consultations therein." 
 
MR. CHILD ON THE STATE OF TRADE. 73 
 
 Both historically and relatively we will here record the 
 views of Mr. Child (afterwards Sir Josiah Child) on the 
 subject, as closely corresponding with those of Thomas 
 Papillon, though within a few years they were to differ, 
 even to opposition, in relation to the conduct of the East 
 India Company. 
 
 The following account is taken from Report VIII. of 
 the Historical M.SS. Commission, pp. 133-4: — 
 
 "House of Lords — 1669, Oct. 28. Decay of Trade, &c. 
 " Minutes of proceedings of the Committee appointed to consider 
 
 of the causes and grounds of the fall of rents and decay of 
 
 trade within these kingdoms. 
 
 " Dr. Worsley, Mr. Child, and other members 
 
 of the Council of Trade gave evidence before it. 
 
 " Mr. Child attributed the prosperity of the trade of the 
 Dutch to their fidelity in their seal, encouragement of Inventors 
 (whom they reward, and make their inventions public, instead 
 of granting a Patent as here), thrift, small ships, low duties, 
 poor laws, mercantile law, easy admission of burghers, inland 
 navigation, low interest, fisheries, colonies, religious Uberty, 
 education. 
 
 " English trade had increased in gross. Persecutions abroad 
 had brought us several trades, such as Milan and jean fustians ; 
 comfit-makers brought in by one that escaped the Inquisition ; 
 Maidstone thread is carried all over the world. 
 
 "The drawbacks to English trade, are dishonest aulnage, 
 dishonest packing of fish, Bankruptcy Statute, Taxes on home 
 manufactures. Statutory obligation to serve Apprentice, export of 
 coin, trade bye-laws, bad poor laws, scarcity of labour, the Fire 
 and the Plague, and the heavy land-taxes which preceded them, 
 usual plenty of corn, racking up of rents 51 and 52, high 
 bank rates, anticipation of revenue; improvement of Ireland, 
 which exports to the Colonies in Dutch ships : — The Irish Cattle 
 Act ineffectual. The Eastland, Russia, Norway, Greenland, 
 and Scotch trades much impaired by the exclusiveness of the 
 Companies' high duties, or free trade without reciprocity. 
 
74 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " The way to promote trade is by increasing the capital of the 
 nation, and by the use of bills of exchange and registers. Perfect 
 free trade is an advantage. Increase the stock of labour and 
 capital." 
 
 On receiving the first Report, the House proceeded to 
 consider the question of reducing the rate of interest; and on 
 the I St December several persons were examined before a 
 Committee of the whole House. 
 
 Against the reduction were Captain Titus and Mr. Clayton, 
 while in favour of it were Mr. Child, Mr. Gold, Mr. Papillon, Sir 
 Henry Blunt, Mr. Buckworth, and Mr. Hobland" (Houblon), 
 &c., &c. 
 
Qj \JoJtc7ji C/ula: J3ar. 
 
 f>u.$l,:yAeJ a, tAc A.'l..-/^r.WsJ/.'-'./^.'^ ■■'■'■ {v W;?:-.4.^n/^^r Ci^tl^J :-^l^i-'^'- -'? ' 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 
 
 §ketch of the origin and progress of the Company— Papillon joins it in 1657 — 
 is Director for several years, and twice Deputy-Governor — is excluded 
 from Directorate in 1676, together with Mr. Child, by desire of the King 
 — In 1681 favours a change in the Constitution of the Company — In 1689 
 joins the New Company smce formed — and prepares Articles of Constitution 
 for it — Extract, from Macaulay describing the contest of the two Companies 
 — and stoppage in the Thames, by Admiralty order, of the Ship Redbridge^ 
 belonging to Sir Gill)ert Heathcote and others — The House of Commons 
 takes up the case — Papillon Chairman of Committee of the whole House 
 on it — Renewed conflict of the two Companies — Establishment by Law 
 of the New Company — Papillon earnestly desires an accommodation — 
 his letter on it to Sir Josiah Child — Sir Josiah Child's reply — very 
 characteristic — Anonymous Letter on Papillon's connection with the two 
 Companies — In 1665 Papillon remonstrates with an Alderman's Wife 
 on her having traduced him in relation to her Nephew, who had been 
 discharged by the Company — Papillon attends the Breda Treaty Conference 
 in 1667, as one of a Deputation from the Company. 
 
 OWARDS the end of the sixteenth century the 
 foreign trade of England was still young ; and 
 as children look to their parents for support, 
 so did merchants to their Sovereign. Hence 
 arose the Royal Charters for trading to various 
 parts — as those of the Turkey Company, the 
 Eastland Company, the Guinea Company — and lastly, on 
 31st December, 1600, that granted by Queen Elizabeth to 
 the East India Company. 
 
 The Sovereign was glad to promote- trade, and the 
 merchants were glad of the protection afforded ; but tb<> 
 charters were limited in their benefits to the members 
 the particular companies, or to parties licensed by them ; 
 and thus individual enterprise, the soul of commerce, was 
 checked, and nepotism fostered, 
 
76 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 On the other hand, trade in distant parts was often 
 insecure — sometimes from the armed ships of hostile 
 European nations ; and sometimes from the caprice of 
 native princes ; for in those days the Royal Navy seldom 
 visited remote shores, and consuls were unknown. Hence, 
 the privileged union of certain traders was beneficial, so 
 far as " Union is strength." 
 
 When Queen Elizabeth granted her Charter to the East 
 India Company, the Portuguese, with whom England was 
 at war, claimed the exclusive right of trading eastward 
 of the Cape of Good Hope, in virtue of their discovery 
 of that route to the East Indies ; but the Dutch, then a 
 rising Republic, had successfully disputed the right, and 
 had established themselves at various places in the Indian 
 seas ; and thus, when the English went there, they had 
 both nations as rivals and enemies ; nevertheless, they 
 gradually founded Settlements, and made treaties with 
 Native Princes. 
 
 Though many merchants gladly subscribed to the 
 Charter of Elizabeth, few paid up their calls ; and for 
 twelve years or more the trade of the Company was 
 carried on by individual members, who combined, from 
 time to time, to fit out and despatch ships, and divided 
 the profits inter se. 
 
 In 1612, however, the Directors of the Company, whose 
 office had as yet been a sinecure, induced the members 
 to declare for nothing but joint-stock trading; and thus 
 they themselves acquired considerable power and influence. 
 
 The joint-stock system was pursued without much 
 precision, and with very varying results, during the 
 remainder of the reign of James I., and that of Charles 
 I., each of which Monarchs renewed the Charter of 
 Elizabeth, 
 
PROGRESS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. yy 
 
 In 163s, private merchants began to trade to the East 
 Indies in spite of the Charter. 
 
 During the Civil War, the Company's trade waxed very- 
 low ; and they had a new rival in Sir William Courtney 
 and Company, to whom Charles I. had granted a Charter 
 for trading to places contiguous to those occupied by the 
 East India Company ; and though, at the instance of the 
 Company,- he had revoked this Charter in 1638, Courtney 
 and Company still traded under it up to 1650 ; then the 
 East India Company appealed to the Council of State, 
 and Parliament united the two parties. 
 
 Again in 1654, various of the original members of the 
 Company sent out ships on their own account ; and in 
 1655, Cromwell gave them leave to 'despatch four more; 
 but in 1657, by advice of the Council of State, he renewed 
 the exclusive Charter of Charles I., taking care, however, 
 to unite with the Company the original members — or, 
 " Merchant Adventurers " — whom he had previously 
 recognized as independent traders.* 
 
 In 1661, Charles II. renewed the Charter of the 
 Company, and in addition to the right of Civil Jurisdic- 
 tion in their Settlements, which they had already enjoyed, 
 he authorized the Company to make war or peace with 
 non-Christian princes, and to seize and send home any 
 unlicensed traders frequenting their coasts. These arbitrary 
 powers resulted in much oppression, both to Natives and 
 Englishmen. 
 
 The trade of the Company increased rapidly, and 
 became very profitable during the reign of Charles II. : 
 private traders increased also ; and conflicts frequently 
 occurred ; so that at home and abroad two hostile camps 
 
 Vide Mill's History of British India. 
 
78 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 existed. The Company often established new settlements, 
 but the private traders and the Dutch were constant 
 rivals. 
 
 Thomas Papillon became a member of the Company 
 on its revival in 1657, and took an active part in its 
 proceedings for twenty-five years ; being a Director from 
 1663 to 1670 inclusive, again in 1675, and from 1677 to 
 1682 inclusive, and Deputy-Governor in 1680 and 1681 ; 
 his exclusion from the Directorate in 1676 was owing to 
 a Cabal, in which some of his colleagues induced the King 
 to write a letter enjoining that neither he nor Mr. Child 
 should be elected — as appears from the following note in 
 the Appendix to Report VII. of the Historical M.SS. 
 Commission, p. 467 : — 
 
 "1676. April 26. John Verney to Sir H. Verney. 
 
 " Disturbances among the East India Company, who were to 
 bring in their votes for a new Government, &c., on Monday last, 
 which was done. But some of them procured a letter from his 
 Majesty forbidding the choice of Mr. Child or Mr. Papillon into 
 that Committee. So the votes were sealed up, and some of them 
 have been at the Council Board." 
 
 This interference was brought before the House of 
 Commons as a grievance by Sir John Mallett, without 
 the cognizance of Papillon ; and the latter replied in 
 dignified and loyal terms : — 
 
 " Mallett's mentioning him as above was a great surprise to 
 him. He will not now open that matter, unless called on. It 
 was a great trouble to him to have the King's displeasure ; but 
 if the matter be examined it will appear he has not merited it." * 
 
 Gray's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. iv., pp. 138-9. 
 
CHILD AND PAPILLON EXCLUDED. yg 
 
 It appears from the records of the Company, access to 
 which has been kindly granted at the India Office, that 
 on the eve of the election, the Secretary of State, Sir 
 Joseph Williamson, wrote to the Chairman of the old 
 Committee, stating that his Majesty having understood 
 it was proposed to elect Mr. Child and Mr. Papillon as 
 Governor and Deputy-Governor for the ensuing year, 
 and being persons who had not behaved well to his 
 Majesty, his Majesty would take it very ill from the 
 Company if they should thus elect them. 
 
 The next day the annual meeting of the Company 
 took place, and the Chairman read the Secretary's letter 
 to the assembled shareholders. Debate at once ensued ; 
 and some regarded the interference as illegal, suggesting 
 that counsel's opinion should be- obtained, whereon the 
 meeting was adjourned for three days. Meanwhile, the 
 King sent for the Governor, and told him that he had 
 always been kind to the Company, as the Company had 
 been to himself, and that he had always respected their 
 privileges, and was ready to do so still ; but he hoped 
 they would not elect as Governor, Deputy-Governor, or 
 Committee-men, those who had behaved very ill to 
 himself. And on the morning of the adjourned meeting 
 of the shareholders. Secretary Williamson wrote again to 
 the Governor, expressing his Majesty's sentiments as 
 above. 
 
 The Governor supported the King's desire and proposed 
 a resolution expressing the deep gratitude of the Company 
 to his Majesty, " under the beams of whose sun they had 
 prospered, and without which they would wither and 
 decay;" and suggesting that no steps should be taken 
 for a new election. This resolution was adopted ; and on 
 the Governor producing the list of elected Committee-men 
 neither Child nor Papillon was found on it. 
 
8o THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 What may have raised a dispute in the matter among 
 the old Committee-men — or Directors — does not appear ; 
 nor what gave the King a pretext for objection to Child 
 and Papillon. But the resolution of both Directors and 
 Shareholders to secure his Majesty's favour, is very 
 apparent. Possibly this view of the matter may have 
 influenced Mr. Child in his subsequent course, as recorded 
 further on. Both Child and Papillon were at this time 
 Whigs; and in 1672-3 they had been associated together 
 as contractors for victualling the Navy. Papillon was in 
 Parliament, and had supported the opposition. 
 
 In 1680, when interlopers were becoming numerous, 
 and when many desired that the trade should be thrown 
 open, Papillon published a pamphlet strenuously maintain- 
 ing that it could be pursued far better by an exclusive 
 Joint-stock Company, i — On account of treaties with 
 Native Princes in India, without whose consent trade 
 could not be prosecuted. 2 — On account of the necessary 
 establishment and maintenance of Factories and Forts. 
 3 — On account of the greater profits to be obtained by 
 a single company than by competing Traders.* 
 
 He always maintained the necessity of a privileged 
 company ; but being very averse to unjust or oppressive 
 treatment of others, and desirous only of safe and 
 profitable trading, he lent an ear to the loud complaints 
 of interlopers and their friends, respecting the harsh and 
 arbitrary treatment they had received in the East at the 
 hands of the Company, and was ready to promote the 
 formation of a new Company, which should comprise the 
 old one, and be subject to popular guidance : the majority 
 
 A copy of this pamphlet is in the British Musevun Library. 
 
EAST INDIA COMPANY. 8 1 
 
 of the Directors, however, would brook no interference ; 
 and as to India itself, they aimed at becoming Rulers as 
 well as Traders. 
 
 (Which of these was the sounder view has long been a 
 contested point. For 150 years complaints against the 
 Company were so rife that Parliament often interfered 
 to restrict their powers ; and the Company was often in 
 debt. Let us be thankful, however, for the good results 
 hitherto attained, and hope and strive for more.) 
 
 This difference of views appears in the footnotes of 
 the following M.S. draft by Papillon of a Petition of the 
 Company, prepared in November, 1681, when Mr. Child 
 (afterwards Sir Josiah) who led the majority, was Governor, 
 and Papillon Deputy-Governor. The climax is graphically 
 described by Macaulay in his History of England.* 
 
 "When the Oxford Parliament had been dissolved, when 
 many signs indicated that a strong reaction in favour of the 
 prerogative was at hand, and when all the Corporations which 
 had incurred the royal displeasure were beginning to tremble for 
 their franchises, a rapid and complete revolution took place at 
 the India House. 
 
 "Child, who was then Governor, separated himself from his 
 old friends, excluded them from the Direction, and negotiated 
 a treaty of peace and close alliance with the Court. 
 
 " Papillon, Barnardiston, and other Whig 
 
 Shareholders sold their stock; their places in the Committee were 
 supplied by persons devoted to Child; and he was thenceforth 
 the Autocrat of the Company. The treasures of the Company 
 
 were at his absolute disposal A present of 
 
 10,000 guineas was graciously received from him by Charles : 
 10,000 more were accepted by James, who readily consented 
 to become a holder of stock. All who would help or hurt at 
 Court, Ministers, Mistresses, Priests, were kept in good humour 
 
 * Macaulay's "History of England," chap, xviii. 
 
82 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 by presents of shawls, silks, birds' nests, and atar of roses, balses 
 of diamonds, and bags of guineas. Of what the Dictator expended 
 no account was asked by his colleagues ; and in truth he seems 
 to have deserved the confidence reposed in him. His bribes, 
 distributed with judicious prodigality, speedily produced a large 
 return. Just when the Court became all-powerful in the 
 State, he became all-powerful at Court. Jeffreys pronounced a 
 decision in favour of the monopoly, and of the strongest acts 
 which had been done in defence of the monopoly. James 
 ordered his seal to be put to a new Charter, which confirmed 
 and extended all the privileges bestowed on the Company by 
 his predecessors." 
 
 "nth November, 1681. Copy of the East India Company's 
 
 Petition to the King for a Proclamation. 
 " Sheweth, 
 
 "That the trade to and from the East Indies is most conducing 
 to render a Nation rich and opulent. The strenuous endeavours 
 of so many European Nations to make themselves masters of the 
 same doth undeniably demonstrate, as also doth their practice, 
 That it can no way be so advantageously managed to those ends 
 as by a Company in a Joint Stock. 
 
 " That your Petitioners, though with great charge, and after 
 very considerable losses sustained for some years at first, yet 
 by your Majesty's gracious favour and encouragement, as well 
 by their own endeavours (through God's blessing), ,on the 
 management, have now brought the said trade as renders it 
 most beneficial to your Majesty, and your kingdoms, as well as 
 profitable in some measure to themselves, —insomuch that it is 
 the admiration and envy of the neighbour Nations. 
 
 " But so it is, may it please your Majesty, That some persons 
 for their own private lucre and gain, without your Majesty's 
 leave, and in contempt of your Majesty's Royal Charter, have 
 of late taken upon them, in an irregular and clandestine way, 
 to send ships, and to trade into those countries, and to hold 
 correspondence with those heathen Princes and Governors. 
 
 "And your Petitioners further humbly shew unto your Majesty, 
 That unless such Interloping and irregular trading be restrained, 
 
PETITION OF EAST INDIA COMPANY. 83 
 
 it will be impossible for your Petitioners to hold out and maintain 
 
 the said trade, your Petitioners being at extraordinary charge to 
 
 entertain Treaties and procure privileges from the Kings and 
 
 Governors, as also to maintain Islands, Forts, and Factories, — 
 
 Whereas these Interlopers by sinister v^ays partake of the 
 
 privileges by them procured at vast expence without contributing 
 
 anything to the charge ; Besides, your Petitioners' estates in those 
 
 countries be exposed to answer for any injury or damage that 
 
 these heathen Kings, Princes, or Governors may at any time 
 
 pretend such Interlopers have done, which may in an instant 
 
 bring a total ruin on your Petitioners and the whole trade, — 
 
 Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray. That your Majesty will 
 
 graciously take the premises unto your princely consideration, 
 
 and by your Royal Proclamation or otherwise, as in your Majesty's 
 
 great wisdom shall be found most convenient, provide a remedy 
 
 to prevent the loss of so beneiicial a trade to the kingdom. 
 
 This not " And your Petitioners do in all humility declare 
 
 in fair their willingness after three years from the loth April 
 
 copy, next, if your Majesty shall please so to direct, to put 
 
 a conclusion to the present Joint Stock, and in the 
 
 meantime to lay open a book of Subscription for all 
 
 that will adventure in a new Joint Stock, to commence 
 
 at the expiration of the said term, on such conditions as 
 
 your Majesty shall think indifferent. 
 
 " And your Petitioners shall ever pray. 
 
 " The last part left 
 
 out on debate. 
 
 '■'■The Governor "The Governor in this debate said that 
 saith he was to meet 'Sir Jo. Ashe upon the former application 
 the Lords to perfect said the King would not do it' : There is 
 the Report upon the no record of this answer. 
 Petitions. "The Governor said, 'This clause 
 
 brought in to do us a mischief : Upon 
 which the Deputy vindicated himself." 
 "nth November, 1681." 
 
 On reference to the Minutes of the Court of Adventurers 
 of the East India Company, preserved at the India Office 
 
 G2 
 
84 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 — kindly granted by the authorities there — it appears that 
 on this occasion Mr. (afterwards Sir Josiah) Child was the 
 Governor, and Thomas Papillon the Deputy-Governor; 
 and thus it is evident that even then they much differed 
 in opinion as to the enlargement and reconstruction of 
 the Company. 
 
 Child's success at Court increased the popular clamour 
 against himself and the Company; and so many Interlopers 
 — chiefly Whigs — engaged in the trade that they became 
 a powerful and compact body, bent on resistance to the 
 claims of the Monopoly. It does not appear that Papillon 
 took part, at first, in this hostility; for soon after the 
 beginning of his exile in 1685, we find him on several 
 occasions enquiring of his wife, who was still in London, 
 after the progress of the Company ; but on his return from 
 exile in 1689, when he found the rival or New Company 
 in actual existence, it would seem that he soon joined it, 
 and warmly espoused its cause. 
 
 Before long the new Company demanded union with 
 the old. Proposals to this effect were made to Parliament 
 in February, 1691, and were well received ; but the old 
 Company, with Child as leader, would listen to nothing 
 of the sort, and the strife became more and more 
 embittered. To remedy this state of things, the King, 
 in 1693, granted a modified Charter to the old Company, 
 but so far from pacifying it towards the new, it rendered 
 it more autocratic than ever, as described by Macaulay, 
 Chapter XX., History of England. 
 
 Among Papillon's autograph papers is a draft of 
 
 " Rules for the management of th6 trade to the East 
 
 Indies to prevent the abuses and irregularities formerly 
 
 observed therein." 
 
 The paper bears no date, but its tenor would indicate 
 
STOPPAGE OF THE " REDBRIDGE." 85 
 
 1 690- 1, being similar in most respects to the proposals 
 made to Parliament in February, 1691 — the common 
 object being that of preventing the trade falling into the 
 management of one person, ^ 
 
 The immediate sequel to these rivalries is thus eloquently- 
 described by Macaulay, Chapter XX., History of England. 
 
 "Soon after the Parliament met [in 1693] the attention of the 
 Commons was again called to the state of the trade with India, 
 and the Charter which had just been granted to the old Company 
 was laid before them. They would probably have been disposed 
 to sanction the new arrangement, which in truth differed little 
 from that which they had themselves suggested not many months 
 before, if the Directors had acted with prudence. 
 
 " But the Directors, from the day on which they had obtained 
 their new Charter, had persecuted the Interlopers without mercy, 
 and had quite forgotten that it was one thing to persecute 
 Interlopers in the Eastern Seas, and another to persecute them 
 in the port of London. Hitherto, the war of the monopolists 
 against the private trade had been carried on at the distance 
 of 15,000 miles from England. If harsh things were done, the 
 English public did not see them done, and did not hear of them 
 till long after they had been done ; nor was it by any means 
 easy to ascertain at Westminster who had been right and who 
 had been wrong in a dispute which had arisen three or four 
 years before, at Moorshedabad or Canton. With incredible 
 rashness the Directors determined at the very moment when the 
 fate of their Company was in the balance, to give the people of 
 this country a near view of the most odious features of the 
 monopoly. 
 
 "Some wealthy merchants of London had equipped a fine 
 ship, the Redbridge. Her crew was numerous, her cargo of 
 immense value. Her papers had been made out for Alicante; 
 but there was some reason to suspect that she was really bound 
 for the countries lying beyond the Cape of Good Hope. She 
 was stopped by the Admiralty, in obedience to an order which 
 the Company obtained from the Privy Council, doubtless by 
 
85 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the help of the Lord President. Every day that she lay in the 
 Thames caused a heavy expense to the owners. The indignation 
 in the City was great and general. The Company maintained 
 that from the legality of the monopoly the legality of the detention 
 necessarily followed. The public turned the argument round, 
 and being firmly convinced that the detention was illegal, drew 
 the inference that the monopoly must be illegal too. The dispute 
 was at its height when the Parliament met. Petitions on both 
 sides were speedily laid on the table of the Commons ; and it was 
 resolved that these Petitions should be taken into consideration 
 by a Committee of the whole House. The first question on 
 which the conflicting parties tried their strength was the choice 
 of a chairman. The enemies of the old Company proposed 
 Papillon, once the closest ally, and subsequently the keenest 
 opponent of Child,* and carried their point by 138 votes to 
 136. The Committee proceeded to enquire by what authority 
 the Redbridge had been stopped. One of her owners, Gilbert 
 Heathcote, a rich merchant, and a staunch Whig, appeared at 
 the Bar as a Witness. He was asked whether he would venture 
 to deny that the ship had been really fitted for the India trade. 
 ' It is no sin that I know of,' he answered, ' to trade with India, 
 and I shall trade with India till I am restrained by Act of 
 Parliament.' Papillon reported that in the opinion of the- 
 Committee the detention of the Redbridge was illegal. The 
 question was then put that the House would agree with the 
 Committee. The friends of the old Company ventured on a 
 second division, and were defeated by 171 votes to 125. 
 
 " The blow was quickly followed up. A few days later it was 
 moved that all subjects of England had equal right to trade 
 to the East Indies unless prohibited by Act of Parliament ; and 
 
 * For this change of conduct towards the old Company, Macaulay charges 
 Papillon with inconsistency ; but regarding the growing divergence of views 
 between himself and Child, above recorded, and the conduct of the latter, as 
 described by Macaulay himself, Papillon's action is sufficiently justified. 
 
 Concerning the oppression of Interlopers in the Indies, it was no rare thing 
 for the old Company's officers and ships to take possession vi et armis of the 
 Interlopers' craft, and to cast into prison the leaders, detaining them there 
 so long that on some occasions the climate and circumstances induced thw 
 death. 
 
OLD AND NEW EAST INDIA COMPANIES. 87 
 
 the supporters of the old Company sensible that they were in a 
 minority, suffered the motion to pass without a division. 
 
 "This memorable vote settled the most important of those 
 Constitutional questions which had been left unsettled by the 
 Bill of Rights. It has ever since been held to be sound doctrine, 
 that no power but that of the whole Legislature can give to any 
 person, or to any society, an exclusive privilege of trading to any 
 part of the world." 
 
 This decision gave a great stimulus to the new 
 Company ; and the old Company, as usual, redoubled 
 its exclusive efforts ; and thus matters proceeded ; but in 
 1698, Charles Montague, the able and adroit Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer, being much in want of money, proposed 
 a Bill in Parliament, and eventually carried it, establishing 
 a new Company — or " General Society for trading to the 
 East Indies '' — which was first to raise iJ^2,ooo,ooo as a 
 loan to the Government at eight per cent., and then to 
 have power to trade to the East Indies to the same 
 extent. 
 
 The old Company at once subscribed .£'315,000 to the 
 fund, and resolved still to oppose the new Company in 
 in every way it could. 
 
 Papillon much regretted this antagonism, and hence 
 his letter as follows, to Sir Josiah Child, and similar 
 applications, written and personal, to both old .and new 
 Companies. As heretofore the former would make no 
 compromise ; and Papillon did not live to see the two 
 Companies united ; but within four months of his death 
 (1702) it was effected, at the earnest recommendation of 
 William III., and within seven years the Companies were 
 amalgamated. 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to Sir Josiah Child : — 
 
88 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Sir Josiah Child, 
 
 "Honourable Sir, 
 "I omitted to acquaint you yesterday that I spake to the 
 Lords on Wednesday last to appoint a time for the settling our 
 Victualling Account. Their Lordships promised that the next 
 time I came to their Board they would fix a time for it ; I pray 
 you therefore to direct Mr. Thorogood to be ready, and to 
 attend it, that if possible it may be adjusted before we die. 
 
 "As to the other matter we discoursed of, I pray you to 
 consider of such moderate and equal methods of composing 
 matters, that we as Christians and Englishmen may prevent 
 inconveniences that may befall one or the other Company if 
 there be not an agreement, and that Ambassadors be sent at 
 this juncture; the consequences of which, I apprehend, may 
 be prejudicial to both, and to the nation in general. This will 
 redound much to your honour, and if I can contribute any 
 thing thereto, I shall be very happy to serve the Company, and 
 assure you that I am in all sincerity, &c., 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 "22nd October, 1698." 
 
 [Reply.] 
 
 " Honoured Sir, 
 
 "In answer to yours of the 22nd I have reason to hope that 
 you, that have known me from a youth, will believe me when 
 I tell you that in point of my own interest, now when I am 
 going out of the world, I am neither concerned for the Old 
 Company nor the New one; the first has been under the saw 
 of persecution ever since we were rid of our fears of Popery and 
 French Government; and I, being in the case of Mephibosheth, 
 since the Nation is safe and the King, have no anxious care for 
 the increase of my own Estate, or my family's. 
 
 "I cannot say no member of the Company ever committed 
 any fault, but I protest, and must do it to my death, that I do 
 not yet know any one fault or mistake in their conduct that the 
 Company committed during the late reigns. 
 
 "The worst that ever I knew them do, was lately in the sending 
 of that roughling, immoral man, Mr. to India last year, 
 
LETTER FROM SIR JOSIAH CHILD. 89 
 
 which everybody knows I was always against; and the Adventurers 
 resented it to such a degree as to turn out eighteen of that 
 Committee, whereas I never before knew above eight removed. 
 
 "But to return to the business, if I can serve his Majesty or 
 his Ministers for the good of my Country, I shall most gladly do 
 it to the utmost of my poor ability; but I think our masters, 
 the King's Ministers, Lords and Commons, are at the wrong 
 end of their business. The first consideration, in my poor 
 opinion, ought to be abstractively what powers a National East 
 India Company ought to have for the public good, to hold up 
 against the Dutch and other foreign Nations in India; and I 
 say, and will maintain it against all mankind, by reason and 
 experience, that it ought to be not less than absolute sovereign 
 power in India : All other nations have the same, though variously 
 expressed; which you may take notice of in the Dutch Rowktroy, 
 the Scotch Act, or the last Charter of King James; any thing 
 less than is contained in each of them is but daubing with 
 untempered mortar, or building upon the sand ; but to apprehend 
 this notion fully will require more than one very serious debate. 
 
 " Next, as to conjoining the two Companies, if their bottom 
 be good, I am so far from limiting, that I think all mankind, 
 not only the Old and New Company, but Turks, Jews, and 
 Infidels should be admitted, that will bring in their money, as 
 they are admitted in Holland by the wiser Dutch. 
 
 "Touching the Forts, Cities, Towns, Castles and Ordnance 
 mounted, which I presume are above 900, if not 1,000 by this 
 time, and the Revenues and all Military Stores belonging to 
 land, — soldiers, or garrisons, which verily I believe have cost the 
 Company above ^^ 1,000,000 sterling, and are worth a great 
 deal more to England ; — their standing Revenue and Rents at 
 this day I have reason to believe are not so little as ;^s 0,000 
 sterling per annum, and are and will be increasing every year. 
 These I think the Company that is to be, should pay for in 
 some reasonable manner, and that for the further increase of 
 their stock, old and new Adventurers and Strangers ought to 
 bring in ready-money. 
 
 " The Old Company to enjoy and bring home all their quick 
 stock by the three years' end, and make the best they can of 
 
90 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 it, and of what cannot be brought over in that time, and divide 
 among the Adventurers by the Trustees as it comes home. 
 
 " By what I have said already you will see I think the present 
 Act of Parliament no good foundation to erect a lasting East 
 India Company upon, that can withstand the craft and force of 
 the Dutch or French in India; neither do I think the gentlemen 
 entrusted with the New Company's affairs sufificient for such an 
 undertaking, but you are a better judge of that than 
 " Honoured Sir, 
 
 "Your most humble Servant, 
 " Wanstead, " Josiah Child." 
 
 "22nd October, 1698." 
 
 In 1696, the pamphlet on the advantage of an exclusive 
 Company M^hich Thomas Papillon had issued in 1680, as 
 mentioned in page 80, was reprinted anonymously "for 
 the better satisfaction of himself and others," and the 
 following curious letter was written by the editor to some 
 friend, to whom he sent a copy : — 
 
 "To 
 
 " Sir, I present you with this edition of the following discourse, 
 because I know the high esteem you have always expressed for 
 
 Mr. that worthy citizen, who from the beginning of the 
 
 East India Company under Oliver to the year 1683 had a very 
 considerable influence in it, when he was drove from this country 
 for his great judgment and abilities in supporting the liberties 
 of the nation. 
 
 "The Papists, under the avowed protection of the Duke of York 
 having first used all their endeavours in the too usual manner 
 to bribe, or blind his understanding,^ — ^And after the Revolution, 
 when he returned, however personally he himself was ill-used, 
 he still continued his endeavours to model a New East India 
 Company. But the same means which prevailed against him 
 in the reign of Charles II., equally succeeded in that of King 
 William, and his best schemes were in a great measure defeated, 
 though with sufficient credit to himself, he being twice chosen 
 Member for the City on that interest, in favour of which this 
 discourse was written ; It contains many of his sentiments, which 
 
PAPILLON RESENTS UNFOUNDED CHARGE. 9 1 
 
 I hope you will not think inferior to many others, though the 
 length of time has since produced a great number, &c., &c. 
 " I am, 
 
 "Your humble Servant, 
 
 "The Editor." 
 
 Recurring to Papillon's earlier days in connection with 
 the Directorate of the East India Company, the following 
 letters will shew how single was his aim, what a horror 
 he entertained of mean conduct, how little he sought 
 prominence in the guidance of affairs ; and how constantly 
 present to his mind were the maxims of Holy writ. 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to Mrs. Wife of 
 
 an Alderman, who had defamed him : — 
 
 " Madam, 
 
 "Though you are little known to me, and I think myself as 
 little known to you, yet for the vindication of myself, and in 
 compliance to that Scripture in the 19th Leviticus verse 17, I am 
 necessitated to the following lines. 
 
 " Madam, I do plainly understand that you have been pleased, 
 publicly speaking of your son-in-law Mr. A.'s business, to say that 
 all this hath been because he would not comply with Mr. Papillon; 
 and that if he would have complied with me I would have 
 brought him off for ;^2,ooo, or words to that effect. What your 
 meaning was you best know ; those that heard you do conclude 
 your words implied, That I would have taken some bribe from 
 Mr. A. to have betrayed the Company's interest; God, who 
 searcheth the hearts, knows my integrity, to whom I can freely 
 appeal from such suggestions : Indeed, I have often said to Mr. 
 A. and to others that the work wherein I was engaged was not 
 a work I delighted in, and that I should be glad to be freed 
 from the employment ; upon which account, among others, I did 
 resolv£ to have waived being of the Committee this present 
 year ; not. Madam, that I thought the Company did any wrong 
 to Mr. A., for that I do and cannot do otherwise than think 
 (I may say know) and that from my own conscience, the contrary, 
 and that the wrong was by him ; whether intentionally or through 
 
92 THOMAS PAPII>LON. 
 
 mistake or inadvertency, God and his conscience best knows : 
 I intend not herein to go about to excuse myself for prosecuting 
 Mr. A. ; what I have done therein I am fully satisfied needs it 
 not ; but if I should have been willing or desirous, or ever have 
 made overtures to Mr. A. or any other for private advantage, 
 to have brought him off for _;^2,ooo, yea or for some hundreds 
 more than the Arbitrators have awarded, I should have therein 
 been unjust and have acted contrary to my conscience, and this I 
 confess had been an iniquity to be punished by the Judges, as Job 
 speaks xxxi. 7 — 11. Madam, you have publicly charged me as 
 guilty of such a crime; I beg no favour of you, or any in the world, 
 in this matter; either make out your charge, or vindicate my repute: 
 The first I am sure you cannot; the second I demand from 
 you in justice, as you will answer it before God another day. 
 It is not a slight thing in Scripture account, to take away another's 
 good name, being an express breach of the Commandment. I 
 am told you are one that make an eminent profession of Piety ; 
 let me prevail with you in your secret retirements between God 
 and your own heart, to take a serious review of that Scripture 
 in the ist James 26, 'If any man among you seem to be religious 
 and bridleth not his tongue, but deceiveth his own heart, that 
 man's religion is vain;' and of that in the 15th Psalm verse 3, 
 where he that shall abide in God's tabernacle, and dwell in his holy 
 hill, is described to be one 'that backbiteth not with his tongue, 
 nor doth evil to his neighbour, nor taketh up a reproach against 
 his neighbour.' I do not know that I have ever spoke to you 
 in my life, so that either your scandalous words of me, have 
 been the imaginations and conjectures of your own heart, or 
 have arisen from others' reports. If the first, can you without 
 guilt assume God's throne, and pass sentence on another without 
 better grounds than that it must be, because you think so? If 
 the latter, is it not a taking up a reproach against, and your 
 publishing it behind my back, a backbiting your neighbour? 
 In like cases. Divines agree that there is no remission without 
 restitution; which you may consider, and do as becoming a 
 woman professing godliness. 
 
 " I rest, 
 
 " Your Friend and Servant, 
 "Sent 17th July, 1665." "T. Papillon." 
 
TREATY OF BREDA — 1667. 93 
 
 Letter of Thomas Papillon to Alderman 
 
 "To Alderman 
 
 " Sir, 
 
 "Enclosed I send you a letter for your Lady, occasioned 
 from her public defaming of me : such an answer I shall expect 
 by your means, as is just and Christianlike; so I rest, &c., 
 
 "T. Papillon.'' 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to Mr. A 
 
 "Mr. A 
 
 "Sir, 
 
 " I understand that you are at present visited with sickness ; 
 I heartily wish your recovery. 
 
 " Both you and I must ere long (and we know not how soon, 
 especially in these sickly times*) by death be called to God's 
 tribunal, to render an account of all our actiqns ; Your mother- 
 in-law, Mrs. , hath been pleased publicly to asperse 
 
 me, as if I -would have been bribed by you, and for private 
 advantage, if you would have complied with me, I would have 
 undertaken to have brought you off for ;^2,ooo ; and that because 
 you refused to comply with me, therefore I have prosecuted so 
 much against you : God, and my own conscience, and you also 
 know this to be abominably false : As you will answer for it 
 before God, I require you to declare the truth in this thing. 
 " I am, 
 
 "Your Friend and Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 
 In conclusion, we may mention that during the progress 
 of the Treaty of Breda, in 1667, Thomas Papillon was 
 sent as one of a Deputation from the East India Company, 
 to watch the course of proceedings. But his letters thence 
 represent their presence as having proved of little use. 
 
 The period of the Plague in London. 
 
94 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 The English Plenipotentiaries were bent on peace, and 
 the Dutch were stiff in their terms. The island of Polerone, 
 off Java, was not ceded, as the Company desired. 
 
 During the latter part of his absence, his Wife wrote to 
 him as follows : — 
 
 " I have a promise from the Committee (Directors) that their 
 letters shall be for your dismission, if the Ambassador will consent, 
 which they say is as much as they can do; they all judge it reason. 
 The Lord Bartlett came out to me, and bade me assure you 
 he had not been wanting wherein he could serve you; they all 
 think your desire reasonable, I am sure thou wilt be more 
 welcome at home than ever thou hast been in Holland. But 
 must ''the Ambassadors of peace return weeping V 
 
 " My suffering is augmented in thy absence, because the 
 
 Company can be no gainers by it I hear 
 
 that you are well spoken of, for your carriage in order to peace. 
 
 The following prayers, compiled for the use of the 
 Directors, Traders, Agents, Officers, and Seamen of the 
 New East India Company, are interesting relics ; they 
 are taken from a printed copy in the British Museum 
 Library., 
 
 "A Prayer for the Honourable English Company trading to the 
 East Indies. — To be used on board their Ships. 
 
 " O Almighty and most merciful Lord God, Thou art the Sovereign 
 Protector of all that trust in Thee, and the author of all spiritual 
 and temporal blessings. Let Thy grace, we most humbly beseech 
 Thee, be always present with the servants of the English Company 
 trading to the East Indies. Compass them with thy favour as 
 with a shield. Prosper them in all their public undertakings, 
 and make them successful in all their affairs both by sea and 
 land. Grant that they may prove a common blessing, by the 
 increase of Honour, Wealth, and Power, to our Country, and 
 to all mankind, by promoting the Holy Religion of our Lord 
 
PRAYERS FOR USE OF NEW EAST INDIA COMPANY. 95 
 
 Jesus Christ. Be more especially at this time favourable to us 
 who are separated from all the world, and have our sole 
 dependence upon Thee here in the great waters. Thou shewest 
 thy wonders in the deep by commanding the winds and the 
 seas as Thou pleasest, ^nd Thou alone canst bring us into the 
 haven where we would be. To thy mercy and power we 
 therefore fly for refuge and protection from all the dangers of 
 this long and perilous voyage. Guard us continually by thy 
 good providence in every place. 
 
 "Preserve our relations and friends whom we have left, and 
 at length bring us home to them in safety, and with the desired 
 success. Grant that every one of us, being always mindful of 
 thy fatherly goodness and tender compassion towards us, may 
 glorify thy Name by a constant profession of the Christian 
 Faith, and by a sober, just, and pious conversation through the 
 remaining part of our lives. All this we beg for the sake of 
 our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with Thee and the Blessed 
 Spirit be ascribed all Honour, Praise, and Dominion both now 
 and for evermore. Amen. 
 
 " December 2nd, 169 1. We do conceive that this Prayer may 
 be very proper to be used for the purpose expressed in the Title 
 of it. 
 
 "Tho. Cantuar, 
 "H. London." 
 
 " A Prayer for the Honourable English Company trading to the 
 East Indies. — To be used in the Factories abroad. 
 " O Almighty and most merciful Lord God, Thou art the Sovereign 
 Preserver of all that trust in Thee," &c., &c., "to our Native 
 Country. Give to us and all thy servants whom thy providence 
 has placed in these remote parts of the world grace to discharge 
 our several duties with piety towards Thee our God, loyalty towards 
 our King, fidelity and diligence towards them by whom we are 
 employed, kindness and love towards one another, and sincere 
 charity towards all men : That we adorning the Gospel of our 
 Lord and Saviour in all things, these Indian Nations among 
 whom we dwell, beholding our good works, may be w.on over 
 
9^ THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 thereby to the love ^f our most Holy Religion, and glorify 
 Thee our Father which art in Heaven. All this we beg for the 
 sake of our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with Thee and the 
 ever blessed Spirit be ascribed all Honour, Praise and Dominion 
 both now and evermore. Amen. 
 
 "December 2nd, i6g8. 
 
 (As the former Prayer.) 
 
 "Tho. Cantaur, 
 " H. London." 
 
 "A Prayer for the English Company,'' &c. — "To be used at 
 Home." 
 
 " O Almighty and most merciful Lord God," &c., &c. [as the 
 first Prayer to 'as with a shield.'] Direct their consultations and 
 designs to the advancement of thy glory by a prudent and careful 
 management of all their affairs, by a strict observance of justice 
 and equity in their traffic, and a constant encouragement of Piely 
 and all Christian virtues : That so, by thy blessing on their honest 
 endeavours and public undertakings they may be successful both 
 by sea and land to the Promoting of the Christian Religion, and 
 the increase of the Honour, Wealth, and Power of this Nation. 
 This we beg for the sake of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
 to whom with Thee and the blessed Spirit be ascribed all Honour, 
 Praise, and Dominion both now and for evermore. Amen. 
 
 'December 2nd, 1698. &c., &c. 
 
 "Tho. Cantaur, 
 " H. London." 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PURCHASE OF ACRISE PLACE, KENT — BECOMES A CON- 
 TRACTOR FOR VICTUALLING THE ROYAL NAVY — AN 
 AUDITOR OF THE CITY OF LONDON ACCOUNTS — AND 
 TREASURER TO THE ADVENTURERS FOR EMPLOYING 
 POOR FRENCH PROTESTANTS IN LINEN MANUFACTURE. 
 
 Papillon's probable motives in purchasing Acrise Place — its successive 
 occupation by his descendants — Jane Papillon passes the summer there 
 in 1668 — her diligence, judgment, and economy in the repair and 
 furnishing of her new house, and in attention to the farms, &c. — her 
 general character — Papillon's desire that his Son should take good care 
 of the property after his decease — In 1682 he holds a small Estate in 
 Ireland — Legal hindrance to Sale of Estate of the Marquis of Antrim 
 — Letter from Papillon to Dean Tillotson on behalf of the Rector of 
 Acrise — Letter to the latter respecting his absence from public worship 
 — Rev. J. Lewis, subsequent Rector, relative to Papillon's criticisms of 
 his doctrine — Papillon's reply — Papillon's care for the suitable marriage 
 of his Son — Death of his Son's Wife, nee Anne Jolliffe — Papillon builds 
 a vault in Acrise Church — its successive occupants, &c. —Acrise Place 
 passes into the hands of the Mackinnon family — Ancestral tablet in the 
 Church. 
 
 Papillon appointed a Member of the Council of the City of London — 
 and one of the Auditors — his efforts in favour of order and economy 
 — Also appointed Treasurer of the "Adventurers for employing poor 
 French Protestants at Ipswich in the Manufacture of Linen" — List of 
 the Adventurers — Report of the first general meeting, on 26th March, 
 1683 — thanks to Papillon for his care as Treasurer, and request to retain 
 office for another year, when Mr. Carbonnel consents to relieve him. 
 
 (Photograph of Report of Meeting, bearing Signatures of some of the 
 more eminent of the Adventurers.) 
 
 I^N t666, while busily engaged in mercantile affairs, 
 Thomas Papillon purchased Acrise Place, Kent ; 
 and in a letter written soon after, his Wife alludes 
 to it as his " good bargain." A year or two later 
 he valued it at ;^ 5,000. He bought it of Mr. 
 Robert Lewkenor, a relative, we presume, of Sir 
 Lewis Lewkenor, who in 161 3 was envoy to the Prince 
 
98 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 of Modena, and of Edward Lewkenor, Esq., who on his 
 death-bed in 1556 sent a message to Queen Mary, imploring 
 forgiveness and grace for his Wife and Children* 
 
 Thomas Papillon may probably have been attracted to 
 the spot by its neighbourhood to Godmersham, the seat of 
 his brother-in-law — to Canterbury, the residence of his 
 Wife's sister and her husband, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas 
 Turner — and to Dene House, near Wingham, the seat of 
 his friend Sir Henry Oxenden, Bart., whose brother Sir 
 George was Governor of Bombay. And it may have been 
 agreeable to himself and his Wife to acquire the comfort 
 of a country seat, a rural retreat for themselves and their 
 children, though business, mercantile or political, seldom 
 allowed him to enjoy it in person. 
 
 And here we may trace its occupation by subsequent 
 generations of his family. His son and heir, Philip, who 
 outlived him thirty-four years, appears to have dwelt 
 chiefly in the paternal home in Fenchurch Street, a house 
 with a large gateway near Billiter Street. His grandson 
 David lived at Acrise from his marriage in 17 17 to the 
 time of his purchase of a house and grounds at Lee, Kent, 
 about 1742, when he had been appointed a Commissioner 
 of Excise at the instance of the great Lord Hardwicke, 
 to whom in his youth his father had shown kindness. 
 His great-grandson David, who by Lord Hardwicke's 
 renewed efforts succeeded his father in office in 1754 
 and held it for thirty-six years, appears to have lived 
 chiefly at Lee ; and on the marriage of his eldest son 
 Thomas, Captain and afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel 
 •of the East Kent Militia, in 1791, he gave up to him 
 the place and property ati Acrise, and remained at Lee 
 till his death in 1809, paying an annual visit to his 
 
 * See Appendix to Report III. of Historical M.SS. Commission, pp. 239, 264. 
 
ACRISE PLACE. 99 
 
 son and family in the ancestral hall ; travelling down 
 and back in his chariot drawn by four black horses. 
 Thomas lived there, with a short interval, till his death 
 in 1838; and himself and his dear Wife and Children 
 became much attached to the place. Each generation 
 had been buried in the Parish Church, which is very 
 near the house. 
 
 As a rural retreat, the site of Acrise is very complete; 
 being ten miles from Dover, twelve from Canterbury, 
 which was found most convenient for a post-town, seven 
 from Hythe, and five from Folkestone, then only a 
 small fishing town. The country about the place is 
 very pretty, consisting of small ridges, well wooded, 
 running generally N.E. and S.W. with occasional plateaux, 
 the whole being on an undulating slope northward from 
 the hills overlooking Folkstone and Shorncliffe ; the 
 views from Paddlesworth, Arpinge, and the hills just 
 eastward of Ashley Wood and Beachborough, looking 
 S.W. across Romney Marsh to Fairlight Downs, near 
 Hastings, are indeed beautiful. 
 
 In 1668, Jane Papillon, with her Mother-in-law and 
 Children, spent the whole summer at Acrise, reaching it 
 on 23rd April, and not leaving it to return to London till 
 late in October. Her husband often hoped to join them ; 
 at first he named a day in June, then in July, and then in 
 August ; but business of one sort or other always hindered, 
 so that he paid only a few days' visit in September. 
 
 In August he had become a Contractor, in conjunction 
 with Mr. Child of the East India Company, for Victualling 
 the Royal Navy ; and doubtless this post detained him in 
 London. 
 
 His Wife's remarks on this engagement are worthy of 
 record: on first hearing of it, she wrote on 31st August, 
 as follows : — 
 
 K2 
 
100 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "I see thou hast resolved to undertake the Navy business; the 
 Lord Almighty bless thee in it. It is no small comfort to me 
 that by prayer I may approve myself a help to thee, when I 
 can be so in nothing else. Now my God furnish thee with 
 wisdom to govern thine affairs with discretion, deliver thee from 
 the evil of any snare or temptation that may be in it, and neither 
 in this nor in any other employment whatever suffer thee to 
 wound conscience, or become the scorn of fools. My heart is 
 with thee in our personal distance ; and were I not conscious 
 of my own incapacity to be any addition to thy delight or comfort 
 by my company, I would a thousand times regret at my absence 
 from thee," &c. 
 
 On the 8th September she wrote : — 
 
 "As to the Navy business, truly I judge it may be well not 
 to cast it off, since Providence does so eminently fasten it on 
 thee; but since thy last, conversing with our good Mother [Ms 
 Mother] she says to me, ' What would he do if the Navy were 
 employed against the Church of God?' This I thought to 
 acquaint thee with; I am not fit to advise thee, but I earnestly 
 beg the counsel of the all-wise God for thee. Our Mother told 
 me my father and my uncle Burlamachi were employed in such 
 an affair against Rochelle; and the Shipmaster Confrences not 
 giving them leave, they left their ships and returned empty." 
 
 Truly his Mother's fears came to pass, for in June, 1672, 
 when the nation had been unwittingly led into a naval 
 war against the Protestant Dutch, and into close alliance 
 with the rapacious and Popish King of France, Papillon 
 was personally engaged in revictualling the fleet at the 
 Nore, after one of its hard-fought engagements. Happily, 
 he was soon enabled, in his place in Parliament, to join 
 the majority in opposition to so base a policy. 
 
 During her six months' stay at Acrise, Jane Papillon 
 found plenty to do in attending to the repair of the house 
 and the supply of common household furniture, in putting 
 
JANE PAPILLON AT ACRISE. lOI 
 
 the gardens and court into order, in gathering in the hay 
 and corn harvests, in looking after a defaulting tenant, 
 and in various other concerns attendant on a country- 
 place. She had no fixed steward, but was much aided 
 by Mr. Gibbons, Mayor of Dover, who frequently visited 
 her; and in return, she earnestly begged her husband to 
 obtain for him a post in London. From a brother residing 
 at one of the Judge's Chambers in Serjeants' Inn, he had 
 heard of a Waitership in the Customs, which he might 
 possibly obtain for three years through some lady, on 
 payment of ;^So ; should this fail, Jane Papillon begged 
 her husband to seek some other berth for him. She was 
 also advised by a neighboui-, Mr. Forrester, concerning the 
 farms. 
 
 She frequently reported to her husband the condition 
 of affairs, and the steps she had taken to remedy the 
 general disorder, assuring him at times that she was doing 
 her very best to act as a faithful steward, and to spend 
 no more than was absolutely requisite. She complained 
 of the inactivity and indifference of the country workmen. 
 She demanded few things from London ; the first was 
 a clock ; and the next a good sounding bell, to call 
 together the family. She conducted household worship 
 morning and evening ; and during harvest, when the 
 reapers took their meals in the house, she lamented that 
 she could never induce them to attend morning prayers, 
 though they willingly came in the evening. 
 
 It is difficult, however, to describe her assiduity, her 
 discretion, and her pious zeal. To understand them properly, 
 the reader must refer to her numerous letters of this period 
 in the Appendix ; he will there see how the lady, the 
 mother, the kind and sociable neighbour, the pious matron, 
 and the careful housewife were all combined in her; and 
 that the character drawn of her by the Rev. John Shower 
 
I02 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 in his dedication of her Funeral Sermon, recorded in 
 Chapter II., was not without due warrant. 
 
 In 1677, Thomas Papillon proposed to build a new 
 house at Acrise, and obtained plans from an architect, 
 but abandoned the idea as too expensive. Writing to his 
 Wife from London, on 2nd July, he says : — 
 
 "I have received one from thee this day, which was very 
 welcome, being the first I have had from thee since my coming 
 hither; for I know not how to call it home in thy absence. Truly, 
 my dear, methinks as Dr. Horton said on that text (' The winter 
 is past, the rain is over and gone,') when we have so much 
 freedom from hurrying employs, we should be more spiritual 
 and improve our time. But alas ! my dead and carnal heart 
 and vain mind shew me that the excuse for want of time is 
 vain, and the fault Ues within. The Lord humble me and enable 
 me to put forth acts of faith upon the Lord Jesus, to derive a 
 spirit of life from Him, that I may more and more savour 
 divine things. The passage of the Apostle in the 8th Romans, 
 which he experienced, I desire and beg that I and all mine may 
 really and experimentally feel made good in us, to wit, that the 
 spirit of life in Christ Jesus may free me from the law of sin 
 and death. The carnal mind is enmity to God, and yet this 
 is the frame that too much takes hold on me ; the Lord subdue 
 it, and make me more heavenly, &c. 
 
 " Mrs. Jenny Floate went away on Saturday ; she had with 
 her a box of sugar, which I hope she will take care to convey 
 to you. Yesternight, my son and cousin John supped with us 
 on a cold breast of mutton and a salad ; and this day Mr. Mayor 
 and some Dover men dined with me. They had the ascendant 
 of Serjeant Hardres at the trial ; he came off very bluely, and 
 in his own cause he hath not shewn himself so good a lawyer 
 as the world thought him.* Mr. Woodstock hath made me a 
 draft of the house; which is handsome, but I fear it will come 
 
 * Serjeant H. laid claim to the office of Steward — or permanent Counsel— to 
 the Corporation of Dover, on the ground of long service and tacit agreement ; 
 but the Corporation resisted the claim, denying the existence of such an office, 
 or such appointment of him. (See No, 2,120, Egertou M.SS., British Museum.) 
 
PAPILLON'S CARE OF ACRISE. IO3 
 
 to too much money; I think it were not amiss if you sent for 
 Nevett, and discoursed with him to know what he would take 
 to repair it, putting in new timbers, and make it up just as it 
 now is, and then putting tiles on the outside to secure it from 
 the weather, which may serve our time very well; I suppose 
 it may be done for ;^So, or not much more, &c. Sir James 
 Oxenden is gone down this day. 
 
 "Thine, T. P." 
 
 Whether Thomas Papillon made any addition to the 
 Acrise Estate does not appear from his M.SS., probably not 
 much, for in 1684 he estimated the value at ^6,000, an increase 
 of only ;£'i, 000 after eighteen years' occupation ; howrever, 
 soon after his purchase of the place there was a prospect 
 of the neighbouring manor of " Mount's Court " being for 
 sale. In 1667, one year after he had bought Acrise, he 
 took of his brother-in-law, Sir William Broadnax, seventy 
 acres of land, with a farm-house on it, in Romney Marsh, 
 and he afterwards bought some more of Sir William's 
 son ; he also bought some of Sir Bazil Dixwell, Bart, of 
 Broome Park, Kent. In making his final Will in 1701, 
 he left the whole of his real estate to his only son Philip, 
 the properties in Kent and Leicestershire in remainder 
 to his grandson, David Papillon, and his heirs ; and his 
 house in Fenchurch Street, absolutely. As regarded the 
 Acrise property, he thus expressed himself: — 
 
 " And I do recommend to my said son Philip Papillon while 
 he lives to keep the houses at Acrise in good repair, and to 
 preserve the household stuff and utensils thereto belonging, that 
 after his death the same may go to my grandson David Papillon 
 if he be then living : And if it shall please God to bless my son 
 Philip with any increase of his estate, I desire him to make 
 addition to what is settled on and given by me after his death 
 to my said grandson David, that the same may be not less, but 
 rather more, than to any of his other children, he being the 
 eldest. 
 
I04 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 It appears that in 1 68 1-4, Thomas Papillon held a small 
 Estate in Ireland; and even in 1663, we find the copy of 
 a letter from a lawyer there, but to whom addressed, or 
 by whom copied, does not appear ; setting forth the failure 
 at law to establish a claim to the Estate of the Marquis 
 of Antrim. It is in these words : — 
 
 "Ireland, August 22nd, 1663. 
 "Ever Honoured Sir, 
 
 " Last Thursday we came to trial with my Lord Marquis of 
 Antrim, but according to my fears (which you always surmised 
 to be in vain) he was by the King's extraordinary and peremptory 
 letter of favour restored to his estate as an Innocent Papist. 
 
 "We proved eight qualifications in the Act of Settlement 
 against him, the least of which made him incapable of being 
 restored as Innocent. We proved, — 
 
 " I. — That he was to have a hand in surprising the Castle 
 
 of Dublin in the year 1641. 
 "2. — That he was of the Rebels' party before the isth 
 September, 1643, which we made appear by his hourly 
 and frequent intercourse with Renny O'Moore and many 
 others ; being himself the most notorious of the said Rebels. 
 " 3. —That he entered into the Rtoman Catholic confederacy 
 
 before the peace in 1643. 
 "4- — That he constantly adhered to the Nuncio's party, in 
 
 opposition to His Majesty's authority. 
 " 5. — That he sat from time to time in the Supreme Council of 
 
 Kilkenny. 
 " 6. — That he signed that execrable oath of Association. 
 " 7. — That he was commissioned and acted as Lieutenant 
 
 General from the said Assembly of Kilkenny. 
 
 " 8. — That he declared (by several letters of his own penning) 
 
 himself in conjunction with Owen Ro O'Neale, and a 
 
 constant opposer to the several peaces made by the Lord 
 
 Lieutenant with the Irish. 
 
 " We were seven hours by the clock in proving our evidence 
 
 against him ; but at last, the King's letter being opened and read 
 
MARQUIS OF ANTRIM'S ESTATE. 105 
 
 in Court, Rainsford, one of the Commissioners, told us, That 
 the King's letter on his behalf was evidence without exception, 
 and thereupon declared him to be an Innocent Papist. 
 
 "This cause, Sir, hath (though many reflections have passed 
 upon the Commissioners before) more startled the judgment of 
 all men than all the trials since the beginning of their sitting; 
 and it is very strange and wonderful to all of the Long Robe 
 that the King should give such a letter, having divested himself 
 of that authority, and reposed the trust in the Commissioners for 
 that purpose : And likewise it is admired that the Commissioners 
 having taken solemn oaths to execute nothing but according to 
 and in pursuance of the Acts of Settlement, should barely upon 
 His Majesty's letter have declared the Marquis Innocent. 
 
 " To be short, there never was so great a Rebel had so much 
 favour from so good a King; and it is very evident to me, though 
 young and scarce yet brought on the stage, that the consequence 
 of these things will be very bad ; and if God of his extraordinary 
 grace do not prevent it, war and (if possible) greater judgments 
 cannot be far from us, — where vice is patronized, and Antrim, 
 a Rebel upon record, and so lately proved one, should have no 
 other colour for his actions but the King's own letter, which 
 takes all imputations from Antrim and lays them totally upon 
 his own father. 
 
 "Sir, I shall by the next, if possible, send you over one of 
 our Briefs against my Lord by some friend; it is too large for 
 a packet, being no less in bulk than a Book of Martyrs. I have 
 no more at present, but refer you to the King's letter hereto 
 annexed." 
 
 "The Royal letter was dated from 'Our Court at Whitehall, 
 July loth, in the isth year of our reign, 1663,' and was addressed, 
 ' To our Right Trusty and right entirely well beloved Cousin and 
 Councillor James Duke of Ormond, our Lieutenant General and 
 General Governor of our Kingdom of Ireland, and to the Lords 
 of our Council of that Kingdom. " 
 
 As regards the estate which Thomas Papillon held in 
 Ireland in 168 1-4, we find an autograph rough draft of 
 Instructions to an Agent proceeding to it from England, 
 
I06 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 by which it appears that the property was mainly in charge 
 of Major Toogood, but the Agent was directed on landing 
 at Dublin to find Mr. Joseph Fish, and also to consult 
 with Mr. Thomas Cook. Thomas Papillon seems to have 
 been very deficient of information respecting the property. 
 Whether he had acquired it as a bad debt, or how, does 
 not appear; and the draft of instructions bears no date. 
 But in May, 1684, he received a letter, written from Dublin 
 by Mr. William Hodson, enclosing a Bill on a Russian 
 Merchant in London — Mr. Francis Pargiter — for;^27 i8s., 
 equal to ;^30, less cost of exchange, for the two years' 
 rent due in May, 1683. Mr. Hodson wrote thus : — 
 
 " Dublin, the 3rd May, 1684. 
 "Sir, 
 
 " My last was in answer to yours of the 8th January past ; I 
 have not heard from you since. The times are very sad with 
 us here ; half the cattle of the country are dead ; starved with 
 cold and want of fodder. Such a winter was never in the 
 memory of man. Though the tenants are much put to it, yet 
 I have made shift to remit you the two years' rent due last 
 May, 1683," &c. 
 
 We 'find no further mention of the property; so no 
 doubt Thomas Papillon parted with it. 
 
 While Thomas Papillon was careful for the due 
 maintenance of his property at Acrise, he did not neglect 
 the higher interests of its residents, and the credit of the 
 Rector of the parish ; soon after, however, justly acting 
 as his censor; and as regarded a subsequent Incumbent, 
 questioning the soundness of his doctrine. His letters on 
 these points speak for themselves. 
 
 25th May, 16 — . Copy of letter from Thomas Papillon 
 to Dean Tillotson ; — 
 
CHURCH SERVICES AT ACRISE. lO/ 
 
 "Reverend Sir, 
 
 " By a letter received last night from Acrise, in Kent, where 
 my house is, I am informed that some complaint hath been made 
 to the Lord Bishop of Peterborough (who, I am told, hath visited 
 on behalf of his Grace the Lord Archbishop) that the cure of 
 our parish hath been very much neglected, which is but too. 
 true, occasioned by some bodily indisposition of our Minister, 
 
 Mr. . They now acquaint that Mr. hath provided 
 
 for the place to the full content and satisfaction of the Parishioners, 
 and that they have Divine Service twice a day, and also preaching. 
 The same is confirmed to me by my Wife, with a desire that I 
 would signify so much by some means to his Grace the Lord 
 Archbishop ; lest upon the complaint made by the Bishop of 
 Peterborough, any other way of supply should be thought of, 
 which would now be unnecessary, the place being well provided 
 for," &c. 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to the Incumbent of 
 Acrise, dated 23rd November, 16 — : — 
 
 'Mr. 
 
 "The Apostle in the loth of Hebrews having shewn the 
 weakness and insufficiency of the legal sacrifices to remove and 
 take away the guilt of sin, and the fulness and all-sufficiency of 
 the sacrifice of the Lord Jesus, who by one offering hath for ever 
 perfected them that are sanctified, whereof the Holy Ghost bears 
 witness in that new and better Covenant — as it is said the Covenant 
 of Grace in that God promiseth to write His law in our hearts, and 
 to remember our sins no more — proceeds in the 19th verse to 
 improve the privilege purchased by Christ and to draw near with 
 a true heart in full assurance of faith, &c., which drawing near 
 •seems to me by the following words to be a drawing nigh to 
 God in the public administrations of Gospel ordinances, and 
 public owning of the faith we profess thereby, as in verses 23-4-5 ; 
 and he requires not only every particular person to this duty, 
 but lays an injunction that we should consider one another to 
 provoke unto love and to good works, not forsaking the assembling 
 of ourselves (as the manner of some is) but exhorting one another, 
 and so much the rather, or the more, as ye see the day approach- 
 
I08 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 ing. What that day is, which the Apostle means in this place, 
 I will not positively determine. Whether the day of general 
 judgment, or of every one's particular death and judgment, or the 
 day of persecution and taking away the liberty of Christians in 
 the free enjoyment of Gospel ordinances by the Heathen 
 Emperors, or by the Man of Sin that was to be revealed, — 
 however it be, there are dreadful judgments denounced in the 
 following part of the chapter against such as slight or neglect 
 the Grace of God tendered in the .Covenant in Christ. From 
 the consideration hereof I am induced to write you these few 
 lines; and as the Apostle II. Cor. v. ii.,— knowing the terror 
 of the Lord, to persuade you, — 
 
 "I was to have seen you yesterday, and to have discoursed 
 you, but did not meet you at home; therefore to supply that, 
 I send you these few lines, which I hope you will consider ; and 
 I humbly beg that God by His Spirit would rnake them profitable 
 to you. 
 
 " You have preached the truths of Christ to others ; you have 
 told us that it was our duty to attend upon God in the administra- 
 tion of Gospel ordinances, both Word, prayer, and Sacraments, — 
 and how is it that when the door of God's house is open and 
 His ordinances duly administered you are engaged in walking 
 the fields or lying in bed. Is not this a forsaking your own 
 mercies ? an undervaluing the institutions of Jesus Christ, as 
 if they were useless and unnecessary? May it not be an 
 occasion for others to slight coming to Church, and attending 
 on the Word and Sacraments, when they see you a Minister 
 thus to do? What can you say? What will you plead when 
 God shall call you to an account? It is a fearful thing to fall 
 into the hands of the living God; oh, therefore call to remembrance 
 the former. Do not give place to the Devil. Are you well 
 enough to walk in the fields, and are you not well enough to 
 walk to God's house? You are not well enough to exercise 
 the function of a Minister as formerly ; but are you not to worship, 
 serve, and glorify God as you are able ? Are you so proud that 
 because you are not in a capacity at present to be a teacher 
 of Christian truths, that therefore you will not be a hearer and 
 learner ? Are you under trouble for sins past ? Where can you 
 
Neglect of public worship. 109 
 
 expect to meet with ease, but by applying to God in Christ in 
 His own institutions ? I will hear, saith David, what the Lord 
 will speak, for He will speak peace, &c. Are you under temporal 
 trouble and affliction ? Where can you find comfort but in God's 
 sanctuary? David experienced that one day in God's courts 
 was better than a thousand elsewhere. Will you give David the 
 lie, and say he was mistaken, — 'It is better to walk in the fields 
 or lie abed ? ' 
 
 " Oh Sir, pardon me if I am free with you ; it is out of love 
 and compassion for your soul : I desire you seriously to read 
 and ponder the loth Chapter of Hebrews, in which there is 
 mercy and judgment; mercy for the full remission of all our 
 sins, and obtaining grace through the sacrifice of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ assured to the believing soul by the Covenant of God, 
 who cannot lie ; judgment against all that slight and neglect this 
 grace, for ' Vengeance is mine' saith the Lord, ' I will repay : ' 
 I hope I may say, as the Apostle in another place, 'I am 
 persuaded better things of you, and things that accompany 
 salvation, though I thus speak.' 
 
 " The next Lord's day the Sacrament of the Lord's - Supper is 
 to be administered. You have been long wandering from God's 
 ways ; oh, why should you not come to renew your Covenant 
 with God, to obtain a sense of God's love in Christ, to overcorhe 
 your temptations — to enable you to do your duty? Can you 
 overcome the evil one by your own power? No, surely; Be not 
 deceived; if Christ don't strengthen you, the Devil will be too hard 
 for you. Can you expect strength from Christ if you will not come 
 to Him for it in the way that He hath appointed — the way of 
 His ordinances ? Oh, come Sir ; God invites you, hath prepared 
 a feast for you. Make no vain and idle excuses ; come, and the 
 Lord will fill you with joy and peace in believing. 
 
 " Sir, as I have invited you to God's house, so give me leave 
 to invite you to my own, where you shall be kindly welcome 
 at any time. I am returning to London after the next Lord's 
 day, and therefore should be glad to see you before that time. 
 The Lord be with you. Amen. 
 
 "Your loving Friend, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 
tlO THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Letter from Rev. J. Lewis, Incumbent of Acrise, to 
 Thomas Papillon : — 
 
 "Honoured Sir, 
 
 "Your question, occasioned I presume by a passage in my 
 sermon. Whether Christ put us only in a capacity of Salvation ; 
 I've often thought of since, and am afraid I did not answer it 
 distinctly enough. 
 
 " By it I only meant that by Christ salvation was not so purchased 
 as to be absolutely conferred on us without any condition on 
 our parts to be fulfilled. For that Christ is styled the Mediator 
 and Surety of a Covenant made betwixt God and us, which 
 implies conditions on our part to do, as well as favours on God's 
 part to bestow ; though, at the same time, as a Christian I own 
 that as I am unable of myself to perform any of these established 
 conditions of Salvation, as Faith, Repentance, and new obedience, so 
 I ought to depend and pray for the supernatural power, whereby 
 we are first excited to goodness, and afterwards assisted in it. 
 
 " I crave leave to return my humble thanks for the many 
 civilities I received from you when in Town. I hope you will 
 pardon this trouble from, 
 
 " Honoured Sir, 
 
 " Your most obliged and humble Servant, 
 "Acryse. "J. Lewis." 
 
 [Reply to above by Thomas Papillon.] 
 
 "Reverend Sir, 
 
 "I received your letter without date, which I suppose was 
 about the beginning of this month, March, if§^. You therein 
 exercise the grace of humiUty in endeavouring to satisfy me 
 touching the question I proposed to you, for which I return 
 you thanks, and take it as an evidence of the grace of God 
 in you, which I pray God to increase. You did rightly presume 
 that my question was occasioned by a passage in your sermon, 
 and I am glad that you have often since thought on't, and desire 
 you to think more and more thereon, and earnestly to beg of 
 God His Spirit clearly and savingly to enlighten you in the 
 knowledge of His truth. 
 
CRITICISRt OF DOCTRINE. Ill 
 
 " I shall not take upon me the nice distinctions that possibly 
 are used by Divines concerning conditions and qualifications. 
 But I firmly believe that the Lord Jesus Christ hath purchased 
 and merited Salvation for all the elect, and that whatever any 
 of God's children may be enabled to do in a way of duty, cannot 
 merit any thing; and I think it would be sinful for any to join 
 their own work with Christ's. He only ought to have the glory 
 of our redemption and Salvation, which you, as a Minister of 
 Christ, are bound to publish and set forth. And I doubt not 
 but you will endeavour to do your utmost therein, that you may 
 receive the reward at last of, 'Well done, good and faithful 
 servant,' &c. 
 
 "Your very affectionate Friend and Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 "nth March, i||^." 
 
 Mention has been made of the care which Thomas 
 Papillon evinced in his Will for the due descent of his 
 Acrise property. He had previously taken much pains 
 for the suitable marriage of his son, promoting his suit 
 as far as possible. 
 
 His son's wife — Anne JoUiffe — died alas, within three- 
 and-half years of their marriage, on the birth of her third 
 child ; and her father-in-law then constructed a large vault 
 in Acrise Church, whither he caused her remains, and 
 those of her infant, who died on the same day, to be 
 removed from London. 
 
 In this vault no less than six young children of Thomas 
 Papillon's youngest daughter, Anne Marie [Turner] of 
 Canterbury, were buried. Also his wife, himself, and their 
 descendants to the fourth generation. Thomas Papillon, 
 the inheritor of Acrise of the fifth generation, built a new 
 vault, in which were buried several of his children, himself, 
 and his dear wife, Ann [Pelham] ; and finally in 1856, 
 his daughter Frances, of pious memory, aged sixty; her 
 
112 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 remains occupying the last niche. And in less than five 
 years afterwards the property passed away from the family.* 
 
 (The Author rejoices to know that the present owner, 
 William Alexander Mackinnon, Esq., and his family take 
 much interest in the place.) 
 
 The Author may be further excused, he hopes, for 
 mentioning a marble tablet, still in the Parish Church, 
 which was placed there by Thomas Papillon's grandson 
 David, bearing the following inscription : — 
 
 "H. J., 
 
 Ex gente Papillonum, 
 Ab avis, atavisque longfe, 
 
 Clara Pietate, 
 In Deum, Patriam, et sues, 
 Assidui, forti, pura, 
 jiEmulentur Posteri. 
 (Sic vovet David Papillon nepos.)" 
 
 [translation.] 
 
 "Sons of Papillon race beneath do lie, 
 A race renowned for famous ancestry; 
 In love to God, to Country, and to Kin, 
 For ever constant, brave, averse to sin : 
 May children yet unborn these virtues share : 
 David Papillon thus records his prayer." 
 
 Papillon's acquisition of Acrise, and subsequently of a 
 seat in Parliament, tended not to damp his ardour in 
 promoting the public interests with which he was 
 connected ; he sought not yet the " otium cum dignitate," 
 but was bent on exerting himself commercially, civically. 
 
 * The advantages and disadvantages of country-seats, in a moral, social, and 
 educational poinl of view, is a subject worthy of consideration. 
 
AUDITOR OF CITY ACCOUNTS. II3 
 
 or politically as occasion required ; industry and rectitude 
 were vital traits in his character, and they brought their 
 sure reward. Albeit he suffered at times, meanwhile. 
 Thus in a family memorandum it is said : — 
 
 "In 1672, 3, 5, 6, 7, 80, 81, he was of Common Council 
 [of London] and Auditor of the City Accounts, and himself drew 
 all their Reports, as to the Chamber, Bridge-house, and Gresham 
 College, vide the part of his Accounts too of the Waters and 
 Aqueducts — the disputes of the proportion of the taxes, and 
 whether the Commissioners of Customs should be taxed — were 
 of his management." 
 
 Autograph M.SS. remain on two of these subjects, viz., 
 the Bridge-house Service, and the General State of the 
 Finances of the City. 
 
 On the first of these subjects is a Table shewing 
 precisely the respective duties and emoluments of the 
 various Officers, Bridgemasters, the Clerk Comptroller, 
 the Master Mason, the Master Tide Carpenter, the 
 Shootsman, the Purveyor, and the Porter; and in con- 
 nection with this table is a series of suggestions, drawn 
 up 'Hn order of perfecting the Table" the main object of 
 which was evidently to suppress all indefinite perquisites 
 and to replace them by specific awards. 
 
 No date is afSxed to this Table and list of suggestions, 
 but it is presumed they were prepared soon after he took 
 office as Auditor ; it being probable that he would first 
 master the details of the accounts. 
 
 A Report on the General State of the City Accounts 
 under date 12th June, 1674, appears in the following 
 autograph M.S. : — 
 
 "At the Audit of the Chamber Accounts for the City of London, 
 at Guildhall, the 12th June, 1674, 
 
 I 
 
1 14 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "The Auditors do humbly offer to the consideration of the 
 
 Right Honourable The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common 
 
 Council, 
 
 "That in regard of the present state of the City, all possible 
 care may be taken, that may consist with the honour of the City, 
 both to increase their revenue and diminish their expences and 
 to avoid all unnecessary ones. 
 
 "That in regard it hath not been an Ancient Custom of the 
 City to provide a Sermon for the Lord Mayor in the afternoon, 
 but that his Lordship hath usually given countenance by his 
 presence to the Minister of the parish where he resides. That 
 his Lordship may be desired to do so in future, and that the 
 allowance for an afternoon Sermon to Dr. Hitchcoat, set on 
 foot by reason of the necessity brought on by the Fire for want 
 of Churches, may not be continued, the necessity being now 
 through God's mercy removed; and that the said Doctor may 
 have notice thereof, that he may expect no more from the City, 
 but apply to the parish for his maintenance. 
 
 "That a Committee may be appointed to examine the Tolls 
 above and below Bridge wherein Dr. Carpenter is concerned. 
 That the City's right may be preserved, and the charge supplied 
 without an annual allowance from the Chamber. 
 
 "That consideration may be had of the Aqueducts, to find 
 out how the charge accruing thereon may be maintained, and 
 the City's rights preserved. 
 
 " That whereas we find several sums paid out of the Chamber 
 for work and other matters, which ought to be borne and paid 
 out of the Coal Account, Mr. Chamberlain be required to 
 examine all that hath been so paid, and to charge the same 
 on the Coal Account with the interest that the City hath paid 
 thereon.* 
 
 "That whereas James Cole, Clerk of the Commissioners of 
 Sewers, hath received ;^ioo per annum out of the Chamber, 
 The same may be inspected into, and if it be a due to him. 
 
 * No doubt an account relating to the rebuilding and improvement of the 
 City of London after the Great Fire, in support of which a duty on Coals was 
 first levied. 
 
REPORT OF AUDITORS. IIS 
 
 that it may be paid to him by the said Commissioners, and not 
 be laid as a perpetual charge on the Chamber. 
 
 " We find that the Marshalls receive a great sum of money 
 for to look after the Vagrants and Beggars, and yet there is a 
 great complaint of their neglect in their duty, which we offer 
 to your Honours' consideration to take care in. 
 
 " We find that far greater sums have been of late disbursed 
 for charge of keeping the Courts of Conservancy than the ;^3oo 
 your Honours have appointed, which we could not pass, but 
 make exception thereof on signing the Account ; wherefore we 
 offer it to your consideration that such sum may be settled for 
 the same thing as may consist with the honour of the City, and 
 that it be not exceeded. 
 
 "We find ;£'4,642 los. od. owing by several for fines of 
 Aldermen and Sheriffs, some of which may be desperate, and 
 others, if due care be taken to prosecute, may be recovered. 
 Whereof we offer it to consideration that an inspection may be 
 made thereof, and such as be desperate may by order of this 
 Court be discharged, and the others prosecuted to effect. As 
 also that a Committee be appointed to inspect all the other 
 debts owing to the City, to the end that such may be discharged, 
 and the others effectually prosecuted. 
 
 "The Auditor having made a motion to us. That he might 
 have the same allowance of ;£s° 1?^^ annum as he had in times 
 past, in regard his business is greater than formerly. We humbly 
 offer the same to our humble opinion that he may deserve your 
 favour therein during the pleasure of the Court. 
 
 "This paper was signed by Sir Thomas Allen, Sir George 
 Waterman, Sir Robert Handson, Sir Joseph Sheldon, Sir Robert 
 Jeffries, Squire Lane, and Thomas Papillon, and left in the hands 
 of Sir Thomas Allen, the 12th June, 1674." 
 
 How far the proposals of Thomas Papillon and his 
 colleagues were adopted does not appear, but from the 
 two following statements in Papillon's handwriting, it is 
 clear that the general expenditure was continually exceed- 
 ing the income : — 
 
 I 2 
 
Il6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " The General State of the City Accounts at Michaelmas, 
 1676. 
 
 The City Owes There is Owing to the City 
 
 ;^ s. d. £ s. d. 
 
 To Orphans...: 428,404 18 loj Arrears by outstand- 
 
 Money at Interest ... 126,207 '7 S ing persons 144,861 i 6J 
 
 TotheBridgeAccount 14,384 3 4 In Cash 32.053 3 ^4 
 
 Balance 392,082 14 6J 
 
 ;^S68,996 19 7i ;f568,996 19 7J 
 
 "By the Account above it appears that the City is indebted 
 ;^392,o82 14s. 6;|d. more than what is owing to them, and if 
 it be considered that a great part if not most of the ;^i44,86i 
 IS. 6jd. above-mentioned is desperate and never to be recovered, 
 it will be found that the debt of the City beyond what they may 
 recover of the arrears owing to them will be upwards of 500 
 Thousand pounds. 
 
 "Note that in anno 1672 the City's debt on the balance of 
 the General Account was but ;^28i,iii 6s. 3|d. ; now in anno 
 1676, it is ;^392,o82 14s. 6Jd. ; whence it appears that in four 
 years' time the City's debt is increased on them ^110,971 8s. 2fd. 
 which is upwards of 27,000 every year, one year with another. 
 The last year, 1676, the debt was augmented above what it was 
 the year before, ;^28,ss3; and if it should continue to go on 
 thus, it is evident that the consequence would be ruinous and 
 destructive. 
 
 "Anno ;^ s. d. ;^ s. d. 
 
 1672 BalanceofCity'sdebt 281,111 6 3J 
 
 1673 Ditto 302,702 7 si Increase in 1 year 21,591 i ij 
 1675 Ditto 365,928 6 loj Ditto 2 years 63,255 19 5 
 1676- Ditto 392,082 14 6i Ditto i year 26,154 7 8 
 
 The City's debt is increased in four years ;£'iio,97i 8 2| 
 
 The above paper is docketed thus : — 
 
 "31st May, 1677. The General State of the City's Accounts 
 presented lo the Lord Mayor, Sir Thomas Davis," 
 
AUDIT OF CITY ACCOUNTS. II 7 
 
 The remaining document on the subject is docketed 
 thus : — 
 
 "31st May, 1677. Copy of the Auditors' Representation to 
 Lord and Aldermen of the City of London." 
 
 " The Auditors of the City humbly Represent, 
 "That notwithstanding of late years several Representations 
 have been made by their Predecessors yet they still find the 
 City on every Audit to go more and more behind hand, a true 
 state whereof they shall at any time be ready to impart to such 
 Committee as your Honours shall appoint; and in discharge 
 of their duty to the City, and to your Honours the fathers 
 thereof, they crave leave in all humility to declare unto you 
 their fears and apprehensions, That (unless some effectual course 
 be speedily taken and put in practice to lessen the charge, and 
 to find out some other means and methods for raising money 
 to defray the same) the charge every year so much surpassing 
 the receipt will in a Uttle time augment the City debit to that 
 proportion that it may be unretrievable ; what the consequences 
 may be thereupon they cannot say, but that it may not be at 
 their doors (and they hope it never shall at your Honours') 
 They earnestly beseech your Honours without delay to consider 
 thereof, and to apply such suitable remedies to prevent them, 
 and to uphold the honour and credit of the City, as in your 
 wisdom shall be found most proper. 
 
 "Tho. Papillon, 
 "Tho. Pilkington, 
 " Tho. Heatley, 
 "31st May, 1667. "John du Bois." 
 
 Some years later, another instance of willing service on 
 Papillon's part was the treasurership of the ^'■Adventurers 
 in the stock raised for setting poor French Protestants to 
 work at Ipswich in the Linen Manufacture'' 
 
 It appears that the undertaking was begun early in 
 168 1, and was supported by nearly seventy Adventurers, 
 
Il8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 who subscribed for amounts varying from £$ to ;^8o ; 
 some of them spreading their subscriptions over a period 
 of three or four years. 
 
 At a General Meeting held on 26th March, 1683, the 
 amount of subscriptions still due — being rather more than 
 half — was ;£'i,i48 iSs.; and while the purpose in hand had 
 been accomplished, of usefully employing the Refugees; 
 the business was still unremunerative, in the common 
 acceptation of the term. 
 
 The detailed balance sheet presented by the Treasurer 
 on the occasion, gives the following list of Adventurers, 
 from whom part of their respective subscriptions was still 
 due. And the annexed photograph of the Report of the 
 General Meeting gives the autograph signatures of some 
 of the more eminent among them. The first part is 
 in the handwriting -of Thomas Papillon; the latter part, 
 containing the verdict of the meeting on his balance sheet, 
 he left to others to transcribe. 
 
 List of Adventurers owing one-half or more of their 
 respective subscriptions on the 28th February, 1683 : — 
 
 Sir John Moore (late Lord Mayor) Thomas Papillon 
 Henry, Lord Bishop of London George Earl of Berkeley 
 Sir Josiah Child Sir Henry Johnson 
 
 Sir Joseph Ashe Peter Barr 
 
 Sir John Lawrance Peter Heringhooke 
 
 Sir Robert Clayton Peter Kesterman 
 
 John Morden Isaac de Vinck 
 
 Edward Stillingfleet (Dean of Sir John Fredrick 
 St. Paul's) Sir Robert Viner 
 
 Joseph Heme William Carbonnel 
 
 Sir James Edwards Alderman Henry Cornish 
 
 Sir Patience Ward John Drign^ 
 
07 
 
 
 
 ^^Ln.a,f\x^g^4jttVi£U a4-c- 
 
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 ttcXG^J4Brtj.V ^''-^ma^'lttaa aJ-WJpJroitA ^ (h -VVAi^ trajfTi'^ 0,ru) 
 
 Ilc^ kiCi t<il£a.n t« /A(V ajfair, /uc ion,/' P«v't7'c3 /<j t^miinue IKc (fiayftr 
 
 (U>^"^^ w^ nolo afre£i, xOr^e/S Ja ^ r'^t£wU^Aa-0 fa t/1 /P; 0t^c' 
 On'? Jo c^^UA. ou< iflic- ^me^.n^v, Co-vryin^ on o-/ f/iit t/erutcx- ^wa.t^t 
 
 my ih^e/i^ 
 
 PiPJWSM*"-"' 
 
 ."^s- 
 
 ^^S^m .* JT^K^rtM 
 
ADVENTURERS IN LINEN MANUFACTURE. 
 
 119 
 
 Abraham Stibert 
 James de New 
 John Willaw 
 Daniel du Prie 
 Peter Hashaw 
 David Primrose 
 Benjamin de Jeune 
 Christopher le Thuillier 
 Moses Coulon 
 Peter Renew 
 David Coquard 
 Peter Delm^ 
 
 Isaac and Jacob de Lillers 
 Samuel de Thuillier 
 Herman Olmius 
 John Tavernier 
 John Blondel 
 Gerard Vanhuythussen 
 Francis Tyssen 
 James Williamson 
 Nathanael Letten 
 John PoUexfen 
 Dr. John Tillotson (Dean of 
 Canterbury) 
 
 Sir William Turner 
 
 George Dashwood 
 
 William Sedgwick 
 
 Roger Lock 
 
 John Houblon 
 
 Charles Thorold 
 
 Abraham Dolius 
 
 John and Thomas Lane 
 
 Jacob Lucy 
 
 Sir William Pritchard 
 
 Mayor) 
 Thomas Sheppeard 
 Isaac Jurin 
 Humphrey Edwin 
 John Gray 
 Peter Houblon 
 James Houblon 
 Nathanael Tench 
 John Cudworth 
 Edward Rudge 
 John Paige 
 Sir James Oxenden 
 
 (Lord 
 
 »^ 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT, AND CAREER AS MEMBER. 
 
 Political condition of Dover, temp. Charles II. — Enforcement of Conventicle 
 Act — Attempt to suppress due Election of Mayor — Vacancy in the 
 representation of Dover in Parliament — Sir Edward Sprague and Thomas 
 Papillon Candidates -action of Mayor and Town Council in favour of 
 Sprague, who is returned by the Mayor — but Papillon petitions — and the 
 House of Commons decides in his favour — Death meanwhile of Sir 
 Edward Sprague^ — Re-election of Papillon in i679^0rigin of the 
 privileges of the Cinque Ports — attempt to infringe on their popular 
 rights — Condition of Politics in general on Papillon's Election — He 
 opposes the Government on a Grant for the Navy, 1679 — He demands 
 further information as to Treaties, before voting supplies, 1678 — He 
 opposes the imposition of Passes from the Admiralty to ensure the 
 protection of Merchantmen, 1676 — He strongly opposes the renewal of 
 Act prohibiting the importation into England of Cattle and other Farm 
 produce from Ireland, 1672 — Speech of Papillon on his re-election — 
 address to the Electors — Election Expenses. 
 
 Conditions of the new Parliament — The Popish Plot — Charge against 
 Williamson, Secretary of State, for granting Commissions in the Army 
 to Roman Catholics — Papillon joins in vote for committing him to the 
 Tower — Petitioners and Abhorrers — Sir Francis Wytliens expelled the 
 House for promoting an Abhorring Protest in the Grand Jury of 
 Westminster — Papillon supports the step — He presents a Petition to the 
 Lord Mayor in favour of frequent assembly of Parliament, &c. — Expulsion 
 from the House of Sir Robert Peyton- — Papillon refuses to support it- 
 Unjust apprehension of Peter Norris — Papillon inveighs against it — 
 General remarks on Papillon's conduct in the Parliament of Charles II. 
 
 HOMAS Papillon's first election to Parliament 
 occurred not quite thirteen years after the 
 Restoration. The Civil War and the era of 
 the Commonwealth had created strong political 
 feelings throughout the land. Many who had 
 heartily welcomed the return of Charles II. 
 strongly reprobated the corruption of the Court and 
 Government, but others as warmly supported them. 
 
 Dover supplied its quota on either side ; and local 
 feelings added fuel to the flame. 
 
BOROUGH OF DOVER — 167O. 121 
 
 For many years Patrician and Plebeian had contended 
 for Municipal honours and privileges ; and latterly, 
 " Church " and " Dissent " had increased the divisions 
 and animosities. 
 
 Two instances of such contentions occurred in 1670. 
 
 The first is the subject of the following letter from 
 James, Duke of York, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, 
 to his Deputy, the Lieut. Governor of Dover Castle : — 
 
 " His Majesty having been informed in Council of divers 
 Conventicles and unlawful meetings frequently kept and held 
 in the town of Dover, and the remissness of the Magistrates in 
 suppressing the same, and punishing the oflFenders according to 
 the Act of Parliament, to the contempt of his Majesty's laws, 
 and encouragement to others to offend in the like case, did 
 think fit (for redress thereof) in Council to order that Richard 
 Matson, late Mayor of Dover, Edward Dell, Samuel Taverner, 
 Nathaniel Borrey, Symon Yorke, and Anthony Street should 
 appear at the Council Board, to answer the Premises; who 
 accordingly appearing, and being severally heard, and reproved 
 for their misdemeanours, his Majesty was pleased by his Order, 
 sitting in Council, dated 13th instant, to authorise me to give 
 speedy and effectual Orders to shut up (in the said town of 
 Dover) all such houses as lately have, are, or shall, be made 
 use of, for the meeting of persons disaffected to the Government 
 by Law established, under pretence of religious worship, so as 
 no assembly be from henceforth kept therein, as also to give 
 directions for the pulling down all Pulpits, Couches, and other 
 seats as shall be found placed in such houses for the conveniency 
 of Conventiclers, and particularly the Pulpits and seats in the 
 house of the above-named Samuel Taverner, or any other; as 
 also to cause the Laws made against unlawful meetings, as well 
 as the Act made at Oxford, as the Act lately made against 
 Conventicles, to be put in full and due execution against all 
 persons who have or shall hereafter offend in any matter 
 contained in the said Acts or either of them : 
 
 " I do therefore desire that you will immediately give strict 
 and effectual orders to the Magistrates of Dover to cause all 
 
122 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the particulars of his Majesty's said Order in Council of the 
 13th of this instant January to be punctually observed, performed, 
 and duly executed according to the terms of the said Order. 
 
 " I am, your loving Friend, 
 " Whitehall, « James." 
 
 "21st January, 1670, 
 
 " To Colonel John Strode, 
 Lieutenant of Dover Castle." 
 
 Rev. John Lyon, Vicar of St. Mary's, Dover, in his 
 History of Dover, published in 1813, refers with much 
 regret to the persecution of Samuel Taverner, whom he 
 mentions as having been a truly pious man, and formerly 
 Captain of a Troop of Horse. 
 
 The second instance occurred at the Annual Election 
 of Mayor, and the case is set forth in an Order of the 
 King in Council dated 20th September, 1670, giving 
 judgment on an appeal against the conduct of the election 
 to the office of Mayor, and these are the facts adduced. 
 
 In 1578, at the instance of the Lords and others of Her 
 Majesty's Privy Council, an Order was made by the 
 Common Council of Dover that the Annual Election of 
 Mayor should take place on the 8th September, when 
 between eight and ten a.m., the Mayor and Jurats should 
 meet in the Guildhall, and select the old Mayor and four 
 Jurats as candidates for the new Mayoralty, and that at 
 two p.m., the five names should be submitted by the 
 Town Clerk to the Freemen, so that the latter might 
 elect. This practice was maintained till 1644, when the 
 Common Council threw open the nomination of Jurats 
 as candidates to the Freemen at large ; in 1664 the 
 Common Council by another Decree reverted to the 
 Order of 1578; and in 1667 they again reverted to that 
 of 1644: 
 
ELECTION OF MAYOR— DOVER— 1 670. 1 23 
 
 But in 1670, as the Order of the King in Council sets 
 forth :— 
 
 " The Mayor, calling a Common Council, did (as it is alleged) 
 to prevent differences which might arise about the Election, two 
 persons contending for the same, on the said 8th September, 
 in the morning make void to the said last Decree for a General 
 Election, and confirmed again the former practice pursuant to 
 the first Decree of the year 1578, and according to the Mayor 
 and four Jurats made choice of the said John Carlile to be 
 Mayor, who had 39 voices for him, and was one of the four 
 named with the old Mayor. 
 
 " On the contrary, the Counsel on behalf of the said Richard 
 Barly [who was nominated by the Freemen] alleged that the 
 disannulling of the former Order of the year 1667, and ever 
 since practised, was irregularly done, and by surprise and design 
 the very morning of the day of Election, and that there were 
 not a full number to make up a Common Council, inferring from 
 thence that the Freemen had legally proceeded and made choice 
 of the said Richard Barly to be Mayor, who had 113 voices, 
 whereas the said John Carlile had but 39. 
 
 " Both parties having been duly heard, and We (well approving 
 of the rule prescribed by the Decree of the 20th Queen Elizabeth 
 as tending to the peace and quiet of that place in the Election 
 of Mayor) have thought good with the advice of Our Privy 
 Council, hereby to declare Our Pleasure, and accordingly Our 
 Will and Pleasure is. That the last Decree of Common Council 
 touching the manner and right of Electing a Mayor yearly for 
 that Corporation shall stand and be established so far as the 
 same agrees with the Decree of Council of the 20th year of 
 Queen Elizabeth, which we do hereby appoint to be observed 
 as a constant Rule in the Election of all the Mayors there in 
 the future ; and to the end that no complaint may remain upon 
 any pretence of surprise in the late proceedings. Our farther 
 Will and Pleasure is. That the said late Election of the said 
 John CarUle by you, as likewise of the said Richard Barly by 
 the Freemen, to be Mayor of the said town of Dover, shall 
 both be null and void, and that you, John Matson (the Mayor 
 as yet) and the Jurats are required speedily to meet and appoint 
 
124 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 a day for the Election of a New Mayor in such manner and 
 form as is prescribed by the late Decree of Council pursuant 
 to that of the year 1578, and to nominate the said Richard Early 
 (being already a Jurat) to be one of the four Jurats who together 
 with the said John Matson are to be presented in order to the 
 Election of a New Mayor for the succeeding year. 
 
 " Whereof you may not fail, for which these Letters shall be 
 your Warrant, and so We bid you farewell. 
 
 "Given at Our Court at Whitehall, the 20th September, 1670, 
 " By his Majesty's command, 
 "To * " Arlington.'' 
 
 "Our trusty and well-beloved 
 
 John Matson the Mayor as yet of 
 
 Our town of Dover, and the Jurats 
 
 and Commorl Council there." 
 
 (The result was the election of Richard Early in 1670 
 and 1 67 1.) 
 
 Such was the Borough which called Thomas Papillon 
 to a seat in Parliament. Before inviting him to become 
 a candidate, the Liberal electors had doubtless heard of 
 his successful efforts to resist unjust demands from the 
 Customs and Excise ; of the active part he had taken 
 as a Director of the East India Company ; and of his 
 general prosperity in business, and therefore deemed him 
 well suited to promote their cause ; his recent purchase 
 of Acrise Place probably also had some influence in their 
 choice. 
 
 He was elected in February, 1673; the vacancy occurred 
 through the succession to the Peerage, as Earl of Sandwich, 
 of the former member. Lord Hinchinbrook. 
 
 Parliament was not sitting at the time, having been 
 prorogued in 1671, and not re-opened for business till 4th 
 February, 1673. 
 
 Writs had meanwhile been issued by the Lord Chancellor 
 
ELECTION OF M.P. — DOVER — 1 67 3. 135 
 
 for many vacant seats ; the Government, it was supposed, 
 hoping to profit by the step. But on the re-assembly of 
 Parliament the House of Commons at once resented this 
 invasion of their rights, declared the seats to be still vacant, 
 and ordered the issue of new writs ; this occurred on the 
 6th February : on the i ith, however, a return was made 
 from Dover, declaring Sir Edward Sprague, and not 
 Thomas Papillon, to have been elected. 
 
 The course of the election is well described in the 
 following letter from Thomas Papillon to his Wife, 
 written on its eve ; and in the " case " for petition after- 
 wards submitted to the House : — 
 
 "My Dear, 
 
 " Since my last I have little to inform you of but the strange 
 and undue manner of carriage here, sending from person to 
 person, and threatening them if they will not give their vote 
 
 for Sir E S *; and yesterday the Mayor sent for 
 
 all the Pilots, and told them what a man Sir E. S. was, and 
 that they should vote for him : Two of them were, it seems, 
 resolved for me ; one that went declared that he could not 
 vote for Sir S. E., and the other did not come, for whom they 
 immediately sent a Warrant to take and carry aboard a ship in 
 the Roads, that he might be absent at the Election. 
 
 "This day they have appointed a Common Council on design 
 to make new Freemen, to serve their purpose; and as I am 
 informed they intend the Election to-morrow. The Lord direct 
 all for His glory, and give me wisdom and courage, that I may 
 carry it like a Christian, and not be afraid of man. 
 
 "Sir Henry Oxenden and Bro. Turner are pleased to bear 
 me company. 
 
 "I desire to be affected with the goodness of God in preserving 
 thee and our family in the time of the late Fire, and to be 
 abased under God's mighty hand, Who is yet pleased to contend 
 
 * Admiral Sir Edward Sprague, the "Court Party" candidate, and thus the 
 rival of Thomas Papillon, the •' Country Party " candidate. 
 
126 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 with us by fire ; His anger is not turned away, but His wrath 
 is stretched out still: Oh, that we could see His hand and return 
 to Him, that judgment may be prevented. 
 
 " I have nothing to write to Mr. Harrison,* but pray remember 
 me kindly to him ; and present my duty to my Mother, and tell 
 her I need her prayers for God's presence and assistance in this 
 affair. My love to all my little ones, and present my respects to 
 Sir James Oxenden and to all my friends. 
 
 "Thine in all endeared affections, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 " Dover, this 31st January, f|." 
 
 According to ^^The Case of Thomas Papillon, relating 
 to his Election at Dover, it appears : — 
 
 " I. — That the Election lay with the Freemen of the Borough ; 
 and such only were : i — Those who had served seven years' 
 apprenticeship, and were enrolled. 2 — The sons and sons-in-law 
 of Freemen. 3 — Freeholders of ;^5 a year. 4 — Those who 
 purchased their Freedom by payment of ;^io. 
 
 "II.— That the Mayor by threats endeavoured to secure votes 
 for Sprague, but finding that Papillon would have the majority 
 he hastily summoned a Town Council, forcibly excluding some 
 members, and in order to make new Freemen who would vote 
 for Sprague, he proposed the immediate repeal of the ;^io 
 purchase Bye-law; and although some of the Jurats present 
 objected, and desired to be heard on the matter, he would not 
 allow it; the proposal was adopted; fifty-two men, pledged to 
 vote for Sir Edward Sprague were admitted as Freemen, and 
 others who applied, and brought the ;^io purchase-money were 
 rejected. And the Mayor appointed the following morning, ist 
 February, 1673, for the Poll. In such haste were things done, 
 that the need of Repeal of a prior Bye-law requiring only ;^s 
 purchase-money, was quite forgotten. 
 
 "III. — The day of Election on the second Writ was the nth 
 February, 1673. Papillon protested against the illegal admission 
 
 * His head clerk. 
 
PAPILLON PETITIONS PARLIAMENT. 1 2/ 
 
 of the quasi New Freemen, but the Mayor replied that he would 
 justify them as Freemen, and take that upon himself 
 
 " The old and legal Freemen were then called over, and voted : 
 For Papillon, 137 ; for Sprague, 106.- Whereupon the Mayor 
 was requested to declare the Election, but he refused to do so, 
 and proceeded to call over the new-made Freemen. 
 
 "The first of them being called, the people called out, 'No 
 faggots, no faggots, Mr. Papillon is fairly chosen.' Upon this, 
 soldiers were threatened to be serit for, if the Mayor would not 
 go on; and the Mayor was obliged to call over the fifty-two 
 persons, of whom forty-seven appeared and unanimously voted 
 for Sir Edward Sprague. 
 
 "This made his votes 153, whereupon the Mayor declared 
 him Burgess, and made his Return, refusing to return Papillon 
 though in truth he had thirty-one votes of the legal Freemen 
 more than Sprague. 
 
 " Finally, ;^3oo was promised to the town by Sir E. Sprague, 
 or some one on his behalf, provided he were elected." 
 
 Before Papillon's petition could be presented, poor 
 Sprague had fallen in the hard-fought action off the Texel 
 on the nth August, 1673. As usual, his antagonist was 
 the able and gallant Van Tromp ; and after guiding his 
 squadron, first from the " Royal Prince," and w^hen she 
 was disabled, from the " St. George ; " he was again 
 shifting his flag for renewed efforts, when a shot sunk 
 this boat, and he was drowned ! * 
 
 Parliament met on 20th October, and a motion was at 
 once made that the Speaker should issue writs for the 
 election of members for places of which the former members 
 were dead, except for any where Petitions were depending. 
 The motion was renewed on the 27th October, and on 
 each occasion, — 
 
 * Hume's England, Chapter LXV. 
 
128 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "It was moved by the Governor of Dover Castle, or some 
 other, That Dover might not be included in the exception, 
 but the House rejected the latter motion, and would not allow 
 of any new Writ till the merits of the cause on the former 
 Election were determined." [Autograph M.S. of Thomas 
 Papillon.] 
 
 Papillon was declared by the House to be duly elected. 
 
 This Parliament, which dated its existence from May, 
 1 66 1, though often out of session, was not dissolved till 
 24th January, 1679, when a new one was soon summoned ; 
 and Thomas Papillon was again a candidate for one of 
 the two seats allotted to Dover. 
 
 His fellow-candidates were Colonel John Strode, the 
 Lieutenant Governor of Dover Castle ; Captain William 
 Stokes, Mayor of Dover; and Mr. Tiddeman. 
 
 The first and last were supporters of Government ; 
 
 Stokes and Papillon were in opposition. 
 
 The votes polled were: — For Papillon, 201; Stokes, 
 193; Tiddeman, 121; Lieutenant-Governor, 113. 
 
 The following letter from Papillon to his Wife, on the 
 eve of the election is in strong contrast with that written 
 prior to his election in 1673 ; and it is also worthy of 
 notice for his loyal attention in visiting the Lieutenant- 
 Governor soon after his arrival in Dover: — 
 
 "My Dear, 
 
 "I wrote you from Sittingbourne on Wednesday night, and 
 also from Canterbury on Thursday ; that night I came here, and 
 have been received with great kindness. Yesterday, being Friday, 
 was spent at Dover, where I was treated at Mr. Mayor's ; and I 
 find generally all the people of the town express themselves freely 
 for me ; and I think it will be as clear for Mr. Mayor ; and at 
 Sandwich for Sir James Oxenden, 
 
ELECTION AT DOVER — 1 679. tzg 
 
 ''At Canterbury, Mr. Hales and Dr. Jacob are chosen. The 
 time of election is not yet fixed at either place, but I think it will 
 be at the end of next week. 
 
 " I did yesterday, when I came to Dover, give a visit to the 
 Governor at the Castle ; he was very civil, like a gentleman ; and 
 I doubt not but there will be a very clear and peaceable election. 
 
 "Thou art much upon my heart, and I hope thou art also 
 dear to the Lord, and that He will preserve thee and our family 
 in safety, and give us a happy meeting again to His glory and 
 our comfort. I am in haste, the messenger staying; so cannot 
 enlarge. 
 
 "I am, Thine in all the endeared bonds of conjugal and 
 Christian love. 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 
 *Deane, the 8th February, i67|-." 
 
 Though the desired end w^as thus easily attained by 
 Papillon, not so by his colleague. Captain William Stokes. 
 
 The writ had been addressed, as usual, to the Lord 
 Warden of the Cinque Ports, whose resident Deputy, the 
 Lieutenant Governor of Dover Castle, was one of the 
 candidates. The latter endorsed the writ as locum tenens 
 of the Lord Warden, and annexed to it a precept to the 
 Mayor, Jurats, and Commonalty, to choose two Barons. 
 
 The writ was returned to Parliament with the precept 
 and two other documents annexed. One was indenture 
 between the Lieutenant-Governor on the one part, and 
 the Mayor, Jurats, and Commonalty on the other, whereby 
 the latter chose William Stokes and Thomas Papillon as 
 their Barons in Parliament, in witness whereof they sealed 
 it with their common seal. The other document was a 
 writing, purporting to be an indenture, but made between 
 nobody, witnessing — 
 
 * The seat of Sir James Oxenden, Bart., near Wingham, Kent, 
 
I30 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " That we the Mayor, Jurats, and Barons of the town and Port 
 of Dover, in a full hundred there, that is to say, George West, 
 
 Deputy Mayor, J. W and A W , Jurats, five 
 
 of the Common Council, and ten others styled Barons of the 
 said Port, have chosen Thomas Papillon, Gent., and John Strode 
 [the Lieutenant Governor] our Combarons, in witness whereof," 
 they severally signed and sealed. 
 
 Soon after the meeting of Parliament, a petition was 
 presented from the Lieutenant-Governor, claiming his ow^n 
 election in place of that of Stokes ; but the House regarded 
 the Mayor's return as genuine, and declared Stokes to be 
 duly elected. 
 
 It appears from subsequent decisions of the House, and 
 from an address by the Corporation to James H. on his 
 accession to the throne, that the Lord Warden claimed 
 a right to name one member for election by the borough ; 
 in 1684, on tamely resigning its Charter (see chap, ix.) 
 the Corporation accepted the claim; and in 1689, the Lord 
 Warden, acting on it as regarded Hastings, "by threats 
 and menaces," it was said, caused himself to be elected 
 by the " select body " of the Corporation, which then held 
 rule there. The pretended power, however, of such "select 
 body" was set aside by the House, though the claimant 
 was allowed to retain his seat. The right to name either 
 of the members for Dover was declared void by a special 
 Act of Parliament passed in 1690. 
 
 On reference to the history of the Cinque Ports, and 
 of boroughs at large, three points are clear respecting 
 these controversies : — 
 
 I. — That they owed their origin, as self-governing and 
 elective bodies, to convenience on the one hand, and on 
 the other to special services which they rendered. Thus, 
 the Cinque Ports were required to furnish the Sovereign, 
 on demand, with so many ships fully armed and manned; 
 
ORIGIN OF BOROUGH PRIVILEGES, ETC. 13I 
 
 Dover's quota was fifty-seven. And each borough was 
 responsible for its own internal law and order. 
 
 2. — As regards the return of members to Parliament, 
 the original call to do so was made for party purposes ; 
 and on boroughs becoming troublesome to the Government 
 of the day, a counterpoise was established by the revival 
 of "Decayed Boroughs," such as from poverty had long 
 declined to send members, owing to the expense of 
 supporting them while in session, or by the creation of 
 new boroughs, in both cases by charter. 
 
 These practices obtained during the reigns of Henry 
 VIII., Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, James I., Charles 
 I. and Charles II.; and Cromwell created one new borough 
 — Swansea. 
 
 3. — During all these reigns the liberty of the subject 
 was gaining ground, and was often at variance with the 
 governing body of the State ; hence mutual jealousies and 
 schemes by successive Governments, and their supporters 
 in the boroughs, to control and restrict the rights of 
 electors. A notable instance occurred in 1526. Riots 
 having often taken place at the elections of Mayors for 
 the several Cinque Ports, it was decreed 
 
 "At a Court of Brotherhood (or Guestling) held at Romney 
 by the Mayors, Jurats, and other persons there assembled, that 
 in all the Towns and Ports within their jurisdiction, 37 persons 
 named by themselves in each of their Ports, and 24 persons in 
 each of their Towns, should assume the sole right of electing 
 their respective Mayors, Jurats, &c. But this bold attempt on 
 the privileges of the Barons [Freemen] of Dover met with 
 considerable opposition from time to time; and the self-elected 
 Magistrates, iinding they could not maintain their authority, 
 seemed inclined to resign it. In the 4th Edward IV. they 
 proposed a meeting with the Barons, and the contending parties 
 agreed that if the 37 men appointed by the Act of Brotherhood 
 
 K2 
 
132 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 had not full power and lawful authority to elect the Magistrates 
 and Officers, the latter should be chosen according to the 
 immemorial practice recorded in the Customal of the Port."* 
 
 Again, on 26th September, 165 1, at a Common Assembly 
 at Dover of the Mayor, Jurats, Common Councilmen, 
 and Commonalty, eighty-two being present, assisted "by 
 their Counsel learned in the law, and supported by a letter 
 from one of the Queen's Ministers, stating that such a 
 course would be pleasing to her Majesty, it was decreed 
 'that thirty-seven of the discreetest Commons' should be 
 chosen by the Mayor and Jurats, for the purpose of electing 
 burgesses for Parliament, and all other officers belonging 
 to the Town and Port, which had before been elected 
 by the Commons ; and this mode of proceeding prevailed 
 till 1623. The Freemen then petitioned the House of 
 Commons against such election of Sir Edward Cecil 
 and Sir Richard Younge, as being " contrary to their 
 own just rights and ancient privileges." The House 
 supported the complaint, and quashed the election. How- 
 ever, the same two candidates were afterwards returned 
 by the Freemen.-f- 
 
 From a remote period the Warden of the Cinque Ports, 
 who had also been Governor of Dover Castle, was charged 
 among others, with two duties : — 
 
 I. — To aid the Mayor and Corporation in maintaining 
 law and order. 
 
 2. — To take care that nothing should be done by them 
 to the prejudice of the King. 
 
 In 1679, the Lieutenant-Governor naturally sided with 
 the Court ; and his desire to supplant Stokes probably 
 
 * Lyon's Dover. t Glanville's Reports. 
 
STATE OF POLITICS — 1 674. 133 
 
 arose from his strong desire to support the Royal cause : 
 so keen were the feelings of the period. 
 
 The epoch of Papillon's entrance into Parliament was 
 an important one. During the long recess above-mentioned, 
 the King had entered into close alliance with France, and 
 had joined with her in war against Holland, though he 
 had previously secured funds from Parliament for the 
 very opposite course; and for the remainder of his reign, 
 "France, Popery, and Arbitrary Government," were the 
 alarm cry of the Country Party. 
 
 The King had also suspended the Penal Statutes against 
 Roman Catholics and Dissenters, and the Navigation Act ; 
 and in order to carry on the war without recourse to 
 Parliament, at the suggestion of Clifford, as is now 
 believed, he had closed the Exchequer, and appropriated 
 its contents, consisting of bankers' and merchants' balances. 
 
 These arbitrary proceedings, so contrary to the bent 
 of the nation, provoked much opposition, and the more 
 so since Louis XIV. made rapid progress in Holland, 
 and the French fleet ill supported the English in every 
 engagement, so that the Dutch were able to hold their 
 own at sea. 
 
 By collusion with the leaders of the Opposition money 
 was obtained to prolong the war, but general aversion 
 to it increased, and on 28th February, 1674, less than two 
 yeaKs after its declaration, Charles H. made peace with 
 Holland. 
 
 Thomas Papillon remained a silent member till Novem- 
 ber, 1675 ; then the Report of a Committee of the whole 
 House was brought up, recommending a grant of ;^300,ooo 
 "for the building, rigging, and towards the furnishing of 
 twenty ships." Ministers had demanded a larger sum, 
 but the Country Party considered that sufficient for a 
 
134 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 time of peace, having doubts as to the use that might 
 be made of a fully equipped fleet. Papillon voted with 
 the Country Party, and spoke to this effect: — 
 
 "A man is perfectly clothed though he has not three coats 
 or three shirts; a ship is fitted though she has not three suits 
 of sails. 'Tis truly said that in war we must have more, but 
 we are not at war ; and doing more will be anticipating money. 
 If the King engages in a war he will consult you for four times 
 as many cables and anchors. The question, it seems, is, Whether 
 we shall provide now as in war. Many of these provisions are 
 wasting and decaying, as sails and cables, and as for the Navy, 
 would have that he : — Therefore would agree " [to the Report 
 of the Committee.] * 
 
 Again in February, 1676, he advised caution and economy 
 on a similar occasion, saying : — 
 
 "There may very well be spared ;^5o,ooo for stores out of this 
 sum, as by former calculations." f 
 
 In February, 1678, the question came forward of support- 
 ing the King in alliances he had made with a view to the 
 benefit of Holland, Spain, and Germany, against France. 
 The Protestant States of Europe, and England herself, had 
 long desired the King to interfere between the contending 
 parties, but himself and his Ministers were in the pay of 
 France, and therefore turned a deaf ear to all entreaties. 
 At last, however, they were obliged to yield, and even 
 Louis XIV. was glad to treat, as his funds were running 
 short. 
 
 The King told the House he had engaged in treaties 
 for the preservation of Flanders and Holland, but they 
 must supply him with money to maintain the army he had 
 raised, or he could not ensure the result. The Commons 
 
 \Gray's Parliamtary Debates, f Ibid. 
 
FOREIGN ALLIANCES— 1678. 1 35 
 
 desired to know the particulars of the treaties, and expressed 
 doubts of their sufficiency; the King refused to inform 
 them precisely, as infringing on his prerogative. Some 
 members declared the army at home (25,000 men) to be 
 a nuisance, and dangerous to liberty. One said, "We 
 have raised an army to make war against France, and 
 it has made peace with her." Another, " Most armies are 
 a terror to their enemies, this one to its friends." The 
 Ministers were very urgent in their demands for a liberal 
 supply. Papillon sided with the Opposition, and took a 
 mercantile as well as a political view of the question, as 
 on several other occasions. He said : — 
 
 "The- question is. Whether we shall give the King supply, 
 without naming Alliances. If the Prince of Orange take the 
 power of Holland upon him — I suppose it only — shall we be 
 obliged to maintain that Alliance? So that the doubt lies, 
 whether we shall grant a supply to maintain these Alliances ; 
 and some would know the Alliances better. We have had a 
 peace hitherto, to aggrandise the King of France, rather than 
 to lessen him. France gains upon us ;^8oo,ooo in trade every 
 year. The King has been the greatest friend to Trade that 
 ever was, but his Ministers have not done their part, and France 
 has made war with our money. And now of a sudden, we must 
 have a war with France, and no stop to that inundation of money 
 thither. I would know whether by this peace we here talk of, 
 that will be stopped. If there be nothing in this Alliance to 
 prevent this, or the greatness of France — if I am left thus in 
 the dark, I cannot give my vote in this case. I move therefore 
 to address the King to know ' Whether these Alliances have 
 been made pursuant to our Address.' " * 
 
 On the 2nd May, the treaties were laid before the House, 
 and it appeared that, while ostensibly engaging England 
 in a league offensive and defensive with Holland and her 
 
 * Gray's Parliamentary Debates. 
 
136 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 allies, they would really impose on them a peace favourable 
 to France; and Holland was unwilling to ratify; preferring 
 to make peace for herself, for she distrusted England. 
 
 Under all the circumstances, the House condemned the 
 treaties by 166 to 150, as "not pursuant to the Addresses 
 of this House, nor consistent with the good and safety 
 of the Kingdom. Papillon spoke thus on the occasion : — 
 
 " I would not hold the Dutch in this Jreaty one hour longer. 
 You are told that the French have refused it; so the King is 
 disengaged as to them, and likewise to the Dutch. It is for 
 the King's honour now to take new measures, and he is ready 
 for your advice. Therefore since the House does not like this 
 Treaty, now is your time to do it : and I would without an hour's 
 delay." * 
 
 (It is remarkable how few members spoke in this long 
 Parliament, except those of the Country Party.) 
 
 The concern for the liberty of trade, which Papillon had 
 shewn many years before, as recorded in Chapters IV. and 
 v., soon displayed itself in Parliament. 
 
 In March, 1676, in a Committee of the whole House 
 on " Grievances," the subject came up of " Passes," which 
 the Government required English ships to take out under 
 bond at the Custom-House, and to refer to the Admiralty 
 and the Secretary of State, under pain of forfeiting the 
 King's protection against hostile powers; and various 
 members denounced them as a "Grievance." But Mr. 
 Pepys, Secretary of the Admiralty, avowed that they 
 had been established deliberately, after discussion with 
 King at the Council table, with the Admiralty, the 
 Customs House, and the merchants, and he believed them 
 to be necessary. 
 
 * Gray's Parliamentary Debates. 
 
PASSES FOR MERCHANTMEN. 137 
 
 In reply to this, Papillon said : — 
 
 "He never heard of any considerable Merchant advised with 
 in these Passes. In his own case, Passes were evermore a 
 destructive thing. The King sincerely intended the benefit of 
 the Merchants by them, though they that informed him have 
 not taken their measures right. Formerly an English ship and 
 EngUshmen was Security, but now a Pass must be shown. Had 
 the property of the goods only been the Pass, trade had been 
 good ; but now the Dutch get these Passes, and hinder our trade. 
 He has been told that the King would not own him in trade, 
 if his ship had no Pass; if so, then he must submit to whatever 
 is imposed, or sit down and not trade at all. This imposing 
 money for these Passes and Bonds, is contrary to Law in all 
 its steps. In his own case, in the Spanish articles. Passes were 
 to be had from the Commissioners of the Custom House, but 
 they refused him Passes till they had advised above. A ship 
 went for France ; they told the Master he must go for a new 
 Pass ; he went to the Commissioners of the Navy ; they told him 
 they would not give it unless the Owner was bound, who told 
 them none would do it for an action another was to do. He 
 desired the Commissioners to take the Master's Bond, but none 
 would do but one of the Owner's Bonds. He alleged that it 
 was against Law, but was free. They told him he must not be 
 under the King's protection, unless he did submit to this Order. 
 The Master took his oath before the Lord Mayor, and had a 
 Pass from him ; and the Lord Mayor was chid by the Lords 
 of the Council, and was forbid to give these Passes. They 
 may impose ;£20 or 20s. at this rate, or else the Merchant 
 must lose his trade. This is a particular matter, for the profit 
 of particular men, and I hope you will take care to provide 
 against it." 
 
 Sir John Knight, Mr. Love, Sir Samuel Barnardiston, 
 Sir Eliab Harvey, Sir Thomas Lee, and Mr. Poole also 
 condemned these passes ; Secretaries Coventry and Wil- 
 liamson, Mr. Pepys, Mr. Garroway, and the Speaker 
 supported them, but the two latter objected to fees being 
 
138 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 levied on them. Ultimately, at the suggestion of Mr. 
 Pepys himself, who received the chief fees, and who 
 indignantly repudiated any desire for private gain, and 
 had reduced the charge of 30J., made by his predecessor, 
 to 25J. per pass, the matter was referred to a Committee. 
 
 In May, 1679, a Continuance Act for "Prohibiting the 
 Importation into England of Irish Cattle" &c., gave 
 occasion to Papillon to enter very fully into the question ; 
 for though much interested in domestic and foreign policy 
 at large, the interests of trade lay near his heart, and he 
 was well conversant with them. 
 
 A short extract from Hume's History of England (Vol. 
 Vn. page 447, edition 1788) may be a good prelude to 
 the case. Writing of the year 1666, Hume says : — 
 
 "Ireland began to attain a state of some composure when it 
 was disturbed by a violent Act, passed by the English Parliament, 
 which prohibited the importation into England of Irish Cattle. 
 The Duke of Ormond (Lord Lieutenant) remonstrated strongly 
 against this law. He said that the present trade, carried on 
 between England and Ireland, was extremely to the advantage 
 of the former kingdom, which received only provisions or rude 
 materials in return for every species of manufacture. That if 
 the catde of Ireland were prohibited, the inhabitants of that 
 Island had no other commodity, by which they could pay England 
 for their importations, and must have recourse to other nations 
 for a supply. That the industrious inhabitants of England, if 
 deprived of Irish provisions, which made living cheap, would 
 be obliged to augment the price of labour, and thereby render 
 their manufactures too dear to be exported to foreign markets. 
 That the indolent inhabitants of Ireland, finding provisions fall 
 almost to nothing would never be induced to labour, but would 
 perpetuate to all generations their native sloth and barbarism. 
 That by cutting off almost entirely the trade between the 
 
EXCLUSION OF IRISH CATTLE, ETC. 139 
 
 Kingdoms, all the natural bonds of union were dissolved, and 
 nothing remained to keep the Irish in their duty but force and 
 violence; and that by reducing that Kingdom to extreme poverty, 
 it would even be rendered incapable of maintaining that military 
 power, by which, during its well grounded discontents, it must 
 necessarily be retained in subjection. 
 
 "The King was so much convinced of the justice of these 
 reasons, that he used all his interest to oppose the Bill; and 
 he openly declared, that he could not give his assent to it with 
 a safe conscience. But the Commons were resolute in their 
 purpose. Some of the rents of England had fallen of late years, 
 which had been ascribed entirely to the importation of Irish 
 Cattle. Several intrigues had contributed to inflame that 
 prejudice, particularly those of Buckingham and Ashley, who 
 were desirous of giving Ormond disturbance in his Government : 
 and the spirit of tyranny, of which nations are as susceptible 
 as individuals, had extremely animated the English to exert 
 their superiority over their dependent State. No affair could 
 be conducted with greater violence than this was by the 
 Commons. They even went so far in the preamble of the Bill, 
 as to declare the importation of Irish Cattle to be a nuisance. 
 By this expression they gave scope to their passion, and at the 
 same time barred the King's prerogative, by which he might 
 think himself entitled to dispense with a law so full of injustice 
 and bad policy. The Lords expunged the word : but as the 
 King was sensible that no supply would be given by the 
 Commons, unless they were gratified in their prejudices, he 
 was obliged both to employ his interest with the Peers to pass 
 the Bill, and to give the royal assent to it. He could not, 
 however, forbear expressing his displeasure at the jealousy 
 entertained against him, and at the intention which the 
 Commons discovered of retrenching his prerogative. 
 
 "This law brought great distress for some time upon the 
 Irish : but it has occasioned their applying with greater industry 
 to manufactures, and has proved in the issue beneficial to that 
 kingdom." 
 
 The part taken by Thomas Papillon was as follows : — 
 
140 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Tuesday, 6th of May, 1679. 
 
 " 'npHE Bill for continuing and enforcing the Act for prohibiting 
 JL the Importing of Irish Cattle, was read the first time and 
 ordered a second Reading. 
 
 " 184 Yeas for Commitment. 
 
 " 133 Noes. 
 
 "Tuesday, the 13TH of May, 1679. 
 
 "'T^HE Bill for continuing the Act for prohibiting of Irish 
 X Cattle, read the second Time and committed. 
 " 183 Yeas for Commitment. 
 " IS I Noes. 
 " On a Question, Whether all that came should have Voices at 
 the said Committee. 
 
 " 149 Yeas. 
 "172 Noes. 
 
 "A Breviate of two Arguments made use of against the 
 
 CONTINUING THE BiLL FOR PROHIBITION OF IrISH CaTTLE, 
 
 by Thomas Papillon, Esq. 
 
 '"T'^HE first Argument was made the 6th May, 1679, on 
 
 X the first reading of the Bill, and was taken from the 
 Consideration of England and Ireland as they stand in relation 
 to the other. 
 
 " Ireland is an Acquest belonging to England, which hath been 
 acquired and maintained, at great Expence of English Blood and 
 Treasure. 
 
 "The State of the Question is. What the true Interest of 
 England is in Reference to Ireland, which certainly is, to make 
 Ireland serviceable and advantageous to England, and not to 
 set up Ireland in Competition with England. 
 
 "It is a Consideration worthy of an English Parliament to 
 make Ireland profitable to England. 
 
 "This cannot be done by excluding them from a Trade to 
 England, that's to make them' independent of England, and to 
 force them to a Trade with foreign Countries, and so to a 
 Familiarity and Correspondence with thera. 
 
EXCLUSION OF IRISH CATTLE, ETC. 141 
 
 The Way for England to make Ireland advantageous, is, that 
 England should be Master of all the Commodities of Ireland, 
 and no Commodities whatsoever to be transported out of Ireland 
 to any other Part but to England, and so from England handed 
 to all other Parts of the World. 
 
 "Is it not a great Advantage to any Country to have the Staple 
 of Trade, and to be the Magazine of Commodities ? 
 
 " Why do Persons engross Commodities, but that when they 
 are the sole Masters of such or such a Commodity, and have 
 it all in their own Hands to make an Advantage by raising the 
 Price ? 
 
 "The French and Dutch Armies and Garrisons were, during 
 the last Wars, supplied and upheld by Irish Provisions, Corn, 
 Beef, Butter, &c. ; if these must have been handed to them thro' 
 England, besides that it would have been in the Power of England 
 to have distressed one side by with-holding, and accommodated 
 another by furnishing them according as its Interest lay, would 
 not much Advantage have accrued to the Enghsh in the Employ- 
 ment of People and Ships for carrying the said Provisions, and 
 also Profit thereon, which must all have been paid for by the 
 Foreigners ? 
 
 "If all the Commodities of Ireland must pass thro' England, 
 then all foreign Commodities that Ireland wants would be supplied 
 by the §ame Way, which would be of great Advantage to England. 
 
 " How have the Dutch arrived to that Wealth and Greatness 
 they have attained to ? Not by forbidding the bringing in of 
 Commodities from other Countries ; but by encouraging the 
 Importation, by engrossing the Commodities of other Countries, 
 and making Holland the Staple, and from thence handing them 
 to the rest of the World. 
 
 "God hath given Ireland to England, all its Riches, all its 
 Commodities are ours, and what, shall we reject them, and say 
 we won't have them, let France have them, let Holland have 
 them, we will not suffer them to come into England ? 
 
 "And what's the Reason? If Irish Cattle come in, it will make 
 English Cattle fall in Price, and thereby the Rents of our Breeding 
 Lands will fall. 
 
 " Pray consider. How came the Lands in England to the Value 
 
142 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 they are now at ? That which in ancient Time was worth but 
 40s. a Year is now worth 20/. a Year. Whence came this Advance 
 of I>ands ? Certainly from Trade, from foreign Trade ; it is that 
 which hath raised our Lands to what they are. 
 
 " Those Gentlemen that would by a Law keep out Irish Cattle 
 to advance the Rents of the Land, will find they mistake their 
 own Interest. There is a present Good and a future Good. It 
 may possibly fall out that for the present they may make some 
 Advantage till the Trade comes to find another Course. Trade 
 will not be forced, but will have its Course; If it meets with 
 a Stop in one Place, it will find a Vent another Way. Cheapness 
 of Provisions, in a natural way is a great Blessing, and so is 
 Dearness of Provisions by the increase pf Trade and People. 
 
 " But to make Things dear by Force, in keeping out Supplies, 
 is a despising of God's Blessing, and will bring a Cheapness, by 
 a Decay of People and Trade. For consider, 
 
 "What will be the Consequences to England, of prohibiting 
 the Irish a Trade to England ? 
 
 "Ireland is seated for the Trade of the World, more advan- 
 tageously than England ; hath abundance of good Harbours, lies 
 open to the Sea, and hath a People gone out from England, and 
 planted there, that are acquainted with Trade, &c. 
 
 "You will not let their Cattle come into England. 
 
 "This puts them on breeding Sheep, for which Purpose Quantities 
 have been sent out of England thither since this Act was first made. 
 
 "They will set up the Trade of making Cloth and Stuffs, which 
 by Reason of the Cheapness of their Provisions, they may afford 
 40/. per Cent, cheaper than those made in England. 
 
 "Hereupon our Clothiers and Manufacturers will be forced to 
 go and settle in Ireland; what gain will there be to keep out 
 three-score thousand Beasts, and send away 100,000 Men, for 
 so it will be in Time. 
 
 "And because from Ireland they cannot send their Cattle alive 
 to any other Place so well as to England, they will take care 
 to feed them, and furnish all the World with their Flesh, Tallow 
 and Hides. 
 
 "The Commodities which the French and Dutch have from 
 Ireland, sets them up, and enables them to out-do the English 
 
EXCLUSION OF IRISH PRODUCE. I43 
 
 in Trade.— Thereby they are enabled to victual their Ships 
 cheaper, having Irish Beef at 6s. or 7^. per Cwt., when we pay 
 22s. to 24.S. per Cwt. 
 
 "They are supplied with Irish Wool for their Manufactures, 
 which is one Reason ours are slighted, and though there be 
 Laws against the transporting of Wool but to England, yet they 
 are easily evaded when the Course of their Trade lies with 
 Foreigners, and is denied in a great measure to England. 
 
 "So that the Consequence of excluding the Trade of Cattle 
 from Ireland, will set up Ireland in Competition with England 
 for Trade. And Ireland having the Advantage, must needs 
 diminish. England; and as Trade declines in England, the 
 Rents of Lands will fall, and they that now so passionately 
 press for this Act will repent it, but not be able to retrieve it. 
 
 "Whereas, if all the Commodities of Ireland were only to be 
 from thence brought into England, it would very much increase 
 the Trade of England, prevent the setting up the Trade of 
 Woollen Manufactures in Ireland, the Linen Manufacture being 
 most proper, to which they might be encouraged, and by the 
 Increase and Continuance of the Trade in England Rents of 
 Lands would augment and hold in Succession. 
 
 "It was objected. Are not the Irish so settled already in their 
 foreign Trades and Correspondences, that though this Act be 
 laid aside, and the Trade of England open again, yet the Irish 
 would go on in their Trade to foreign Countries, and thereby 
 England would be deprived of any Advantage or Benefit ? 
 
 " To this it was answered, 
 
 " That as it was this Act at first, that put the Irish on foreign 
 Trade, and took them off from their trading to England, so it 
 might be hoped that if this Act ceased, they would alter their 
 Course again in a great Measure at least, they not being fully 
 fixed, the Nature of their Land being more proper for Breed of 
 great Cattle, and their Inclinations not yet totally alienated from 
 England. 
 
 " However, it was good to try this Experiment, as being the 
 most moderate Way, and if this did not do, other Expedients 
 must be thought on. 
 
 " So concluded to reject the Bill. 
 
144 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "THE Other Argument was made the 13th of May, 1679, on 
 the second reading the Bill, and was taken from the Consideration 
 of England in itself. 
 
 "An English Parliament did represent all the People of 
 England, and therefore ought not to be carried by any particular 
 Interest, but to mind the general Concern of the Kingdom. 
 
 "Eight Parts in ten of the People of England had neither 
 breeding Land nor feeding Land, and it was the Interest of all 
 of them to have Provisions cheap. 
 
 "If it be said, that it is the Lands of England that bear the 
 Charge and Burden of the Government, and therefore that is 
 principally to be considered. 
 
 " It is answered, 
 
 "I. That though it be true, that the Lands bear the extra- 
 ordinary Taxes and Charge, yet the constant and standing 
 Revenue of the Kingdom is borne by the People in Customs, 
 Excise, &c. So that on that Account the People ought to be 
 considered in the first Place. 
 
 " II. That of those two-tenth Parts that were Owners of 
 Land, the Owners of the feeding Lands did bear at least the 
 two third Parts of all the extraordinary taxes. 
 
 "All the thirteen Counties in Wales paid but about 1,200/. per 
 month to the Tax, and the County df Suffolk alone paid above 
 1600/. 
 
 "The County of Cornwall paid but about 700/. per month, and 
 had forty-four Members in Parliament, the City of London paid 
 2100/. per Month, and had but four Members of Parliament 
 
 "So that it was demonstratively the Interest of nine Parts in 
 ten of all the People of England to have a free Importation of 
 Irish Cattle, and to have Provisions as cheap as may be. 
 " Therefore moved to reject the Bill. 
 
 "BUT if notwithstanding all that can be said, the House 
 should be of Opinion to commit and pass the Bill, 
 
 " Then he did move by way of Addition or Amendment to the 
 Bill, and therein did appeal to the Justice of the House, 
 
 "Thai as live Cattle were prohibited for the Benefit of the 
 breeding Land, so that Butter, Hides, Tallow and Corn might 
 
EXCLUSION OP IRISH CATTLE, ETC. 14S 
 
 be prohibited for the Advantage of the feeding Lands, there 
 being the same Reason for one as the other. He said he might 
 also move for the Prohibition of Irish Wool into England on 
 the same Ground, but that he knew it so destructive, that he 
 forbore, though the same Justice might challenge it. 
 
 " Further he moved, That if the Act must pass, it might be 
 made perpetual, that so the Owners of rich Lands might not 
 neglect to apply themselves to breeding Cattle, on Hopes, that at 
 the Expiration of this Act the Trade would be open again. 
 
 " Lastly, as to the declaring the Importation of Irish Cattle a 
 common Nuisance, he could not understand it. 
 
 "A common Nuisance must be that which is detrimental and 
 prejudicial to the Generality of the People : That which is only 
 detrimental to a particular Person or to a few in Comparison of 
 the whole Nation, cannot be a common Nuisance. 
 
 "Now he takes it, that the Prohibition (and not the Importation) 
 of Irish Cattle is detrimental to the whole, but take it at the best, 
 there is but one Part in ten that have Benefit by it, and the other 
 nine Parts have Loss by it ; so that it is impossible it should be a 
 common Nuisance when but one of ten suffer by the Importation : 
 Much more Reason there is to say, that the Prohibition is a 
 common Nuisance, because nine Parts of ten are Sufferers thereby, 
 and but one Part Gainers. It was alledged formerly, that though 
 the Thing itself was not a common Nuisance, yet the not yielding 
 Obedience to an Act of Parliament was a common Nuisance ; 
 but this though true (it being a great Evil that Laws should be 
 eluded) is no Reason why it should be inserted in this Act, more 
 than in any other : For if the not doing every Thing enjoyned by 
 a Law, and the doing every Thing, or any Thing forbidden by a 
 Law must be a common Nuisance, then this Clause ought as well 
 to be inserted in every Act of Parliament as well as this. 
 
 "Further he said, he hoped the Justice of the House, and 
 even of those Gentlemen that were so earnest for this Act, would 
 be mindful, that if this Law passed, Care should be taken when 
 any Taxes came to be charged on Lands, that those Counties 
 that received Benefit by this Act, should be raised considerably 
 in their Proportions and the others abated. Some Gentlemen 
 had said, if this Act did not pass, they should lose some looo, 
 
146 THOMAS PAPirxON. 
 
 some 200, 300, or 400/. a Year. If their Advance in Rents was 
 so great by this Act, it was but Justice that their Proportion of 
 the Taxes should be raised accordingly." 
 
 Though slightly retrogressive it may be well to record 
 here the speech made by Papillon to the electors of Dover 
 on his re-election by them in February, 1679 ; it sets forth 
 the principles which guided him in his political career up 
 to the period of his exile in 1685; and how far his conduct 
 was valued by the electors is shown by their address to 
 himself and his colleague on their joint re-election for the 
 third time in February, 1681 : 
 
 Papillon's speech in February, 1679, was as follows : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, — You have been pleased by this second choice 
 of me to represent you in Parliament, to give a testimony of the 
 continuance of your affection to me, and an evidence of your 
 acceptance of my former endeavours, and thereby I am not only 
 encouraged cheerfully to accept the service, but also engage to 
 return you my hearty thanks. 
 
 "And, Gentlemen, I do return you all my most hearty thanks 
 for the honour you have done me herein, and I do assure you 
 I will endeavour to the uttermost of my ability to discharge the 
 service so as to approve myself a sincere Protestant, a loyal 
 subject, a true Englishman, and a Freeman of Dover, being 
 engaged under the sacred tie of an oath, and under the strictest 
 obligation of repeated kindness to endeavour the welfare of this 
 Corporation and of every member thereof. 
 
 "Now God Almighty, Who ruleth over all, of His infinite 
 mercy so guide and direct all the consultations of this Parliament 
 as may most conduce to the honour of the King, the safety and 
 preservation of his Royal Person and Authority, to the security 
 and maintaining the true Protestant Religion, and the Laws, 
 Liberties, and ancient Government of this Kingdom, and to the 
 further discovery and dissipating of all the pernicious designs, 
 plots, and conspiracies of Papists, both at home and abroad, 
 against his Majesty's sacred Person, our Religion, and Government, 
 and let every true Englishman, and loyal subject say. Amen." 
 
ADDRESS BY ELECTORS OF DOVER. 
 
 147 
 
 Address of the electors of Dover in February, 1680 : — 
 "To Thomas Papillon and William Stokes, Esquires, the 
 
 LATE AND NEW-ELECTED MEMBERS TO SERVE IN PARLIAMENT 
 
 FOR THE Town and Port of Dover, in the County of 
 
 Kent, — 
 
 " We, the Mayor, Jurats, and Commonalty of the said Town 
 of Dover having duly considered the good abilities and great 
 faithfulness of you who have been our Representatives in the 
 two preceding Parliaments, and have therein given demonstration 
 of your loyalty to his Majesty, and for the security of his Majesty's 
 kingdoms, do with all gratefulness return you our hearty thanks, 
 and do pray that in pursuance of the trust we have now again 
 reposed in you, you will with the same candour and faithfulness 
 endeavour the security of his Majesty's Person, the Protestant 
 Religion, and his Majesty's Protestant subjects by your utmost 
 endeavours for the perfecting of those good Bills that were before 
 you in the last ParUament, in prosecution of which we will stand 
 by you with our Lives and Fortunes." 
 
 (Ere long, alas, they were unwilling even to stand up 
 for their own Corporate rights. "Tempora mutantur," &c.) 
 
 Descending from great to small, the following bill for 
 entertainment may interest some : — 
 
 "Charge at the Election the 14TH of October, 1679. 
 
 £ .. d. 
 
 Paid for Flesh at several prices — Beef, Pork, Veal, and Mutton i6 
 
 Paid for Goose, Turkey, and other Fowls I 
 
 For two hogsheads of White Wine and half hogshead of Claret 17 
 To Mr. Pepper for a butt of Marsh Beer, and a barrel besides 3 
 For Cook, Scullions, Attendants, and Servants ... ... ... 8 
 
 For Wood and Coals in all o 
 
 For Bread and Pastry 2 
 
 For Salt, white and brown ... ... ... ... ... ... o 
 
 For Tobacco — I3lbs. and Pipes I 
 
 For Butter and Cheese o 
 
 For one dozen Candles ... ... ... ... ... ... o 
 
 Paid Captain •Tavenor's Bill ... I 
 
 Paid Carpenters, to set up and take down the Tables and Forms i 
 
 For Nails 096 
 
 For Plates, Bottles, Pots, &c., lost i 15 6 
 
 /CS9 19 4 
 
 9 
 6 
 o 
 o 
 o 
 o 
 o 
 6 
 o 
 6 
 6 
 
 10 I 
 10 6 
 
 L2 
 
148 • THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Also, — Tiddeman's Note. 
 
 "Laid out at several times at my house in Drink and some 
 Victuals for several of the poorest Freemen, who came to me 
 at several times that I would not put them off for fear of our 
 loss in the business, and disbursed by me .. 4 '4 
 
 " (Signed) Henry Tiddeman." 
 
 The sea on which the new Parliament embarked was 
 indeed a stormy one. The old fears of Popery, France, 
 and Arbitrary Power had been increased by the so-called 
 Popish Plot, which was related to the King in September, 
 1678, and was made known by him to Parliament in the 
 following month. It was the production of Dr. Titus 
 Oates, who was afterwards convicted of perjury. He 
 asserted that a deep conspiracy was in progress, under 
 the direction of Jesuits, for the murder of the King, the 
 subversion of the Government, and the re-establishment of 
 Popery ; and that commissions had been already prepared 
 for various Civil and Military Officers among the supposed 
 insurgents. 
 
 On the first examination of Oates by the King in 
 Council, the King detected him in a positive untruth ; 
 but the false evidence of Oates harmonized well with the 
 just fears of the people ; and poor Charles felt constrained 
 to yield to the popular fury, to permit Oates to propagate 
 his base tales, which both Houses of Parliament greedily 
 swallowed, to lodge him at their desire at Whitehall with 
 a guard and a pension of ;^i,200 a year, and to sanction 
 the unjust trial and execution of many innocent victims, 
 ending with that of the venerable Earl of Stafford, who 
 had faithfully clung to the cause of his father, Charles I. 
 
 Two circumstances gave credence to the plot in the 
 days of its infancy ; first, the mysterious murder of Sir 
 Edmondbury Godfrey, a famous Westminster magistrate, 
 
THE POPISH PLOT, ETC. 1 49 
 
 to whom Oates had made a deposition of his tale ; and 
 secondly, the seized letters of Coleman, a Jesuit, and late 
 secretary to the Duchess of York ; the letters disclosed 
 a correspondence with the French King's Confessor, carried 
 on with the knowledge of the Duke, and aiming at a 
 supply of money from Louis XIV., wherewith to suborn 
 men in office towards the interest of the policy of France, 
 and of the furtherance of Popery in England. 
 
 About the same time, Montague, the English Ambassador 
 at Paris, returned home without leave, and laid before the 
 House of Commons, of which he was a member, a letter 
 from Earl Danby, the Lord Treasurer, countersigned by 
 the King, in which the latter stipulated with Louis XIV., 
 during the negociations for the Treaty of Nimeguen, that 
 if the latter should be brought to a successful issue he 
 should grant him ^£'300,000 a year for three years, as the 
 English Parliament would be sure to restrict their grants. 
 
 On the meeting of Parliament in October, 1678, being 
 informed by the King of this " Popish Plot," as above 
 related, both Houses at once applied to his Majesty for 
 the proclamation of a Fast-day ; and in replying to his 
 Majesty's speech, the Commons requested him to cause 
 the removal of all Popish rescusants to the distance of 
 ten miles from his various places of residence ; and that 
 the Duke of York might be removed from his presence 
 and Councils. 
 
 Parliament also passed an Act, precluding all Papists, 
 except the Duke of York from sitting as members ; and 
 both Houses evinced much zeal in prosecuting those 
 implicated in the plot according to the evidence of Oates, 
 and of his new associate, Bedlow. 
 
 In these heated proceedings it does not appear how far 
 Thomas Papillon took part; but on a charge being brought 
 against Secretary Williamson for having issued Military 
 
1 50 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Commissions to Papists, contrary to law, he did not remain 
 silent. 
 
 On the 1 8th November, 1678, the matter was brought 
 forward, and Williamson admitted the fact, but pleaded 
 extenuating circumstances, and the course of official 
 routine. After a short debate it was moved and carried 
 that he should be sent to the Tower; and Thomas 
 Papillon spoke as follows : — 
 
 " I have been pondering this matter of the Commissions in 
 my heart, and I am in great apprehensions that Williamson 
 should have signed he knows not what. It might have been 
 to destroy my life and fortune. I have heard mention made 
 of the Act of the Militia, wherein the Lord Lieutenants and 
 Deputies are obliged to swear not to oppose persons commisioned 
 by the King in pursuance of such Military Commissions. 
 
 " Therefore great care should be taken of these Commissions, 
 how they are granted out, that must not be disobeyed. Therefore 
 you must shew your displeasure against this Minister, who signs 
 he knows not what. Formerly we had no standing Army ; only 
 the King's Gentlemen attended him ; and what may become of 
 us, now we have a standing Army and a Plot, if such Commissions 
 be granted out ? 
 
 " At this rate, Williamson might have commissioned the Pope's 
 Army, and these Commissions were granted out in October, in 
 the height of the Plot. 
 
 " If you will not do something in this, the people will believe 
 that you apprehend no danger of Popery : This is in your power 
 to furnish, and you may do it, though you could not remove 
 ill Ministers. 
 
 "Therefore I move, that Secretary Williamson be made an 
 example.'' 
 
 The resolution was carried, — 
 
 "That Sir Joseph Wiliamson, Secretary of State, be immediately 
 sent to the Tower, for signing Warrants for Popish Officers to be 
 mustered and receive pay according to Law." 
 
RELEASE OF SECRETARY WILLIAMSON. 151 
 
 The next day the King ordered the attendance of the 
 House, and expressed surprise at the arrest of his 
 Secretary; his Majesty also explained the circumstances 
 of the case, shewing how the officers who had been in 
 the French Service, would have otherwise suffered. 
 
 The House again debated the question on the ground 
 of Popery and France, and finally addressed the King, 
 courteously supporting the step they had taken, and humbly 
 desiring his Majesty to recall all Commissions granted 
 to Papists, or reputed Papists at home or abroad. 
 
 In this debate Thomas Papillon spoke thus : — 
 
 " I will not speak to point of Law m this matter. I am 
 convinced that it is your best way to represent to the King 
 your reasons for what you did. 
 
 "What can endanger the King's life, but the Papists? It 
 has been said, 'To secure the King's life, it is the best way 
 to put it in no man's power to change the Government, should 
 he die.' It is a Popish Army and Officers that put the King's 
 life in danger, though the Magistrates be Protestants. I would 
 neither dispute the King's power, nor question our own in this 
 matter. For I take not the King's speech to be so bitter as 
 some do ; I would address the King not to release Williamson, 
 and shew our reasons why we committed him." 
 
 However, the King at once released him, courteously 
 promising to revoke all Commissions to Papists. 
 
 In the session from May to July, 1678, it soon became 
 clear to the House of Commons that the King would 
 not make war against France, as they had desired ; and 
 they passed a resolution for the payment and disbanding 
 of the Army, though the King expressly desired its 
 maintenance till a general peace might be settled. 
 
 On assembling in October, the House found that the 
 Army had been paid, but nof disbanded, the King 
 repeating his former reasons for its maintenance, and 
 
152 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 specially for that of the troops in Flanders, lest the 
 Spanish interests there should suffer. But the House 
 feared evil designs, and determined to adhere to their 
 former resolution. 
 
 Thus one member (Colonel Titus) said : — 
 
 "A strange circumstance attends this Army. It was raised 
 for an actual War with France, and it has made an actual 
 Peace. Other armies are a terror to their Enemies, this to their 
 Friends. There is an end of an army when disbanded ; but this 
 
 is continued after disbanding It is true, the 
 
 Plot was more ancient than the Army; — and though the Army 
 was younger than the Plot, pray God it be not part of the Plot ! 
 In Peace, there is nothing for an Army to subdue but Magna 
 Charta. Justices of the Peace and Constables are more requisite 
 now than Captains and Colonels, at present not necessary. But 
 before we enquire why this Army was not disbanded, according 
 to Law, I would first disband them. Enquire how we got the 
 disease; but get a remedy for it first. I move you, therefore, 
 first to vote ' That this Army be disbanded.^ " 
 
 Thomas Papillon said : — 
 
 "There are not above 5,000 of these men in Flanders; the 
 rest of the 30,000 are in England — for what intent I know 
 not. Those in Flanders, that went over for the honour of the 
 Nation, are unpaid; and those here are paid, and in no want. 
 Those in England are a grievance, all agree; and that never 
 looked towards Flanders. My meaning is, that by this the 
 Flanders Forces could not longer be paid." 
 
 It was resolved, nem. con. : — 
 
 "That it is necessary for the safety of his Majesty's person, 
 and the peace of the Government, that all the Forces which 
 have been raised since September 29th, 1677, and all others 
 (that since that time have been brought over from beyond the 
 seas from foreign service) be forthwith disbanded." 
 
 Resolved : — 
 
DISBANDING THE ARMY. I S3 
 
 "That it is the humble opinion and desire of this House, 
 that the Forces which are now in Flanders, may be immediately 
 called over, in order to their disbanding." 
 
 Notwithstanding this, the Army was still kept up, and 
 in the next session the House declared its maintenance 
 to be "Illegal," and made strict provision for its disband- 
 ment. 
 
 In that session, which lasted only from 6th March to 
 27th May, 1679, the Habeas Corpus Act was passed, and 
 the prosecution of supposed accomplices in the Popish 
 Plot was carried on ; and last, not least, the House of 
 Commons passed a Bill for the exclusion of the Duke 
 of York from succession to the Throne, on account of his 
 being a Papist. The House was also very ardent in the 
 impeachment of the Earl of Danby, late Lord Treasurer, 
 for the part he had taken in negociating with Louis XIV. 
 for a secret pension to Charles II. 
 
 These various measures of Parliament, so restrictive of 
 what the King considered his rights, and so contrary to 
 his desires, led him to prorogue Parliament on 27th May, 
 1679, and to dissolve it on loth July; and although a 
 new Parliament was elected in October, it was not called 
 together for business for a year, viz., on 21st October, 
 1680. 
 
 But the popular fury would brook no delay; the country 
 was urgent for the further discovery and arrest of the 
 authors of the Popish Plot, and they felt that that would 
 be carried out, only by Parliament. Accordingly, numerous 
 petitions poured in, praying the King for its re-assembly, 
 with a view to "the protection of his Majesty's person, 
 and of the Protestant Religion,, and to the prosecution 
 of those concerned in the Popish Plot." 
 
 The King issued a proclamation condemning such 
 
1 54 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 petitions as unlawful, and an interference with his pre- 
 rogative in the prorogation or re-assembly of Parliament ; 
 and the Court Party made counter petitions, expressing 
 their abhorrence of such proceedings. Hence the two 
 parties were styled "Petitioners" and "Abhorrers." 
 
 (The fear of the Plot was at this time so great, that 
 a city celebrity was reported to have said, "That unless 
 people were active in its extinction, they might all awake 
 some morning with their throats cut !) 
 
 The House of Commons upon their assembling did not 
 long delay to declare boldly in favour of the Petitioners. 
 On the 27th October, it was resolved, nem. con. : — 
 
 " That it is (and ever hath been) the undoubted Right of the 
 Subjects of England to petition the King for the calling and 
 sitting of Parliaments, and redressing Grievances." 
 
 Also, it was resolved, nem. con.: — 
 
 " That to traduce such Petitioning as a violation of duty, and 
 to represent it to his Majesty as tumultuous and seditious, is 
 to betray the liberty of the subject, and contributes to the design 
 of subverting the ancient legal Constitution of this Kingdom, 
 and introducing arbitrary Power." 
 
 No sooner were these resolutions passed than Colonel 
 Titus rose and said: — 
 
 "You are right in this vote: Then those who have done 
 against it are m the wrong. He that poisons me, or hinders 
 me from an antidote, contributes to destroy me. Are we so 
 great sinners that they will hinder us to pray? But for those 
 that should assert your liberties, to betray you ! If there be 
 any amongst us that are loth we should sit, we may be loth 
 too that they should sit amongst us. Let every such member 
 be heard in his place, and then of right he may be heard at 
 the Bar. If Sir Francis Wythens be not in the House, pray 
 send for him, that he may be heard in his place." 
 
CHARGE AGAINST SIR FRANCIS WYTHENS. 155 
 
 Sir Francis Wythens was Member of Parliament for 
 Westminster, and Deputy Steward of the Westminster 
 Sessions. He attended in his place on the following day, 
 and spoke as follows : — 
 
 "I account it the greatest misfortune in the world that I 
 am fallen into the displeasure of this illustrious Assembly. I 
 am satisfied in my own conscience that I intended no ill. I 
 am a stranger to four parts in five of this House, and am fallen 
 into the displeasure of them that know no good of me; and 
 likewise it is the first time I ever appeared as a delinquent to 
 excuse what I have done amiss. I do acknowledge it a great 
 offence in delivering the Address to the King from the Grand 
 Jury of Westminster, and I humbly confess I do not think fit 
 to baffle here. I was Chairman at the Sessions, and the Justices 
 made an Order, and agreed to it, and desired me to present 
 it to the Jury. At the Justices' request I did it, not as any 
 
 voluntary act of mine, but as theirs I am 
 
 for the legal Government, and have been a Justice of the Peace 
 these three years, and have with great earnestness prosecuted the 
 persons who would have destroyed the King and the Protestant 
 
 Religion I humbly submit myself to you. 
 
 Where so great prudence is, there will be clemency." 
 
 The Justices, on being called, did not support Sir Francis 
 Wythen's statement. Papillon spoke thus : — 
 
 " It seems, by the evidence, that the Clerk of the Peace moved 
 the Justices to sign the Petition; and that Mr. (Justice) Robinson 
 and the rest decUned it. Wythens' was a promoter and a setter 
 on of it, and he moved the Justices after dinner to sign it ; and 
 knowing it to be against the Law, and the Subjects' birthright, 
 and he, a man of Law, not to inform them, but to move the 
 Justices to sign it ! I know not what more can be said." 
 
 Sir Thomas Clarges said : — 
 
 " I would be careful, in what concerns a Member, not to 
 proceed hastily or arbitrarily. You have heard Wythens' speak 
 in his place, and you are not ripe upon a general informadon 
 
I S6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 to give an opinion, which no court can give judgment upon. 
 I would refer it to a Committee, that they may go upon it, to 
 examine the matter, and have it reported, that we may have 
 something on our books to justify what we shall do." 
 
 Mr. Harford spoke thus : — 
 
 "Next to Popery, this matter of Petitioning is the greatest 
 point. How will you come to have Parliament sit, when, it 
 may be, those about the King, of bigger bulk than this gentleman, 
 behind the curtain persuade the King, that these Petitions are 
 tumultuous and seditious ? " &c. 
 
 Several members spoke pro, and con. Papillon spake 
 again : — 
 
 " What is this gentleman's crime ? It is betraying the Liberties 
 of the Subjects of England, by petitioning to subvert the Rights 
 of the Subjects. He has confessed it, and can bring no witnesses. 
 The thing is plain before you for judgment. The main crime 
 he has confessed, of hindering these Petitions, &c., contrary to 
 the liberty of the subject, and their common natural right. Will 
 you give him time to prove any thing against his own confession?" 
 
 Eventually, he was expelled the House ; the Speaker, 
 in delivering judgment, saying: — 
 
 "This is a great crime, committed by you, a Member of 
 Parliament, against the Parliament, a crime against known 
 Law!" &c. 
 
 Thomas Papillon's judgment of Sir Francis Wythens 
 was a natural sequence to the part he had himself taken 
 on the 29th July previous (1680) in presenting a petition 
 to the Lord Mayor, vindicating the conduct of the Whig 
 Party in the City, in their recent election of Bethel and 
 Cornish as Sheriffs, against the aspersions of the Court 
 Party, who would have magnified the excitement of the 
 occasion into a "Riot," and urging the King to cause the 
 re-assembly of Parliament, And by a paper in Thomas 
 
PETITION TO THE KING BY THE CITY. 1 57 
 
 Papillon's handwriting it would seem that he had prepared 
 another form of petition more strongly expressing his sense 
 of the emergency. 
 
 The two petitions were as follows : — 
 
 Petition actually presented by Thomas Papillon : — 
 
 " To THE Right Honourable Sir Robert Clayton, Knight, 
 
 Lord Mayor of the City of London, 
 
 "We the Commons of this City now in Common Hall assembled, 
 cannot but take notice how our last meeting on this occasion 
 hath by some of this City been misrepresented to his Majesty 
 as tumultuous and disorderly; and though we did not observe 
 any thing of that kind, but what might commonly happen in 
 such great assemblies on like occasions, yet not knowing how 
 far the indiscretion of the informers may have carried that 
 scandal in prejudice of us, we hold ourselves bound in duty 
 to declare (as hereby we do) That the heat that then appeared 
 among us, was no other than the effect of emulation for his 
 Majesty's service, and the preservation of our own just rights; 
 and therefore we do utterly detest any thought of violating our 
 allegiance to our Sovereign, or of doing the least thing that may 
 bear the interpretation of an affront to his Majesty's Government, 
 or a disaffection to his Royal Person. 
 
 " We pray your Lordship to represent us as such to the King, 
 that he may no longer be deceived in this matter, nor his gracious 
 intentions towards us in any way diverted; and withal humbly 
 to assure his Majesty that we will with one heart and one hand, 
 to the uttermost peril of all that is dear to us, join in the defence 
 of his Royal Person and the Protestant Religion, against all 
 attempts and plots to the contrary, though ever so often repeated 
 upon us, 
 
 "And being deeply sensible that it hath been the design of 
 the Popish Party for many years and still is, for to destroy him 
 and it. And that there is under God no way so effectual, to 
 prevent these their cruel and bloody purposes, as by his Majesty's 
 authority in Parliament. 
 
 " We therefore further pray your Lordship, humbly to beseech 
 his Majesty in our names, That for the preservation of his Royal 
 
IS8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion to us and 
 our posterity, he would graciously please to order that this 
 Parliament, his great Council, may assemble and sit, that the 
 most speedy and effectual course may be taken to search into 
 and prevent those grievous cruelties, desolations, and destructions 
 which the Councils of Rome have determined and are still 
 endeavouring to execute on this Kingdom. And as by that 
 means we have hopes we shall be secured against all our 
 fears, so we shall have cause to thank your Lordship for thus 
 representing us to his Majesty, and humbly to pray for his long 
 life and happy reign over us, as becomes us who profess ourselves 
 to be his Majesty's Obedient, Loyal, and Dutiful Subjects." 
 
 ("Copy of Petition designed to have presented to the Lord 
 Mayor by the Common Hall, but now waived and another 
 presented in lieu thereof.") 
 
 "To THE Right Honourable Sir Robert Clayton, Knight, 
 
 Lord Mayor of the City of London, 
 
 " The Commons of the said City in Common Hall assembled, 
 being sensible That it hath been the design of the Popish and 
 Jesuitical Party, for many years to subvert and destroy the 
 Protestant Religion and the established Government of this 
 Kingdom. 
 
 ■" That in order thereto not only the burning of the City, and 
 many attempts since of that kind, but also that late devilish and 
 horrid Plot and conspiracy, was continued for the assassinating 
 his Majesty's Royal Person, they well knowing that while he 
 lives they can never accomplish their end; and 
 
 "That notwithstanding Divine Providence hath hitherto in 
 a wonderful manner prevented it, yet they are unwearied and 
 restless in their endeavours, and are still by various methods 
 carrying on the same design. 
 
 "That it is only by his Majesty's authority in Parliament 
 (as the said Commons with humble submission suggest) that 
 suitable provision can be made for the safety and preservation 
 of his Majesty's Royal Person, for securing the Protestant 
 Religion to posterity, for the uniting and begetting a mutual 
 confidence between all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, and 
 
PROPOSED PETITION TO THE KING. 1 59 
 
 for the bringing to punishment the authors of the pernicious 
 conspiracies, 
 
 "That whilst the sitting of the Parliament is deferred, the 
 Popish and Jesuitical Party not only take encouragement to 
 themselves in hopes of his Majesty's death (which God prevent) 
 before such provision can be made, but also by their Agents 
 and emissaries, who disperse themselves among all sorts, 
 endeavour to gain advantage by secret whispering insinuations 
 and private misrepresentations, to take off the belief of the 
 Plot, To raise jealousies of, and amongst his Majesty's 
 Protestant Subjects, and to asperse his most Loyal Subjects, 
 and particularly the Commons of the City, as disaffected to his 
 Majesty, 
 
 "The said Commons do therefore upon serious consideration 
 of the premises, make it their earnest request to your Lordship, 
 
 "That your Lordship would please to make a true representation 
 to his Majesty of their unfeigned loyalty and sincere affection to 
 his Majesty's Person and Government, — And humbly to intercede 
 with his Majesty, That in the most speedy and proper way that 
 his Majesty shall think best, the Parliament may sit so as to 
 bring to effect what shall be found necessary for the honour and 
 safety of his Royal Person, and for the security of the Protestant 
 Religion to posterity, and humbly to beseech his Majesty, That 
 no private representation to their prejudice may make any 
 impression on his Royal breast, for that they are and always 
 will continue his Majesty's most dutiful and Loyal Subjects, 
 and constantly adhere to his Royal Person and the Protestant 
 Religion, and readily hazard their lives and fortunes in the 
 defence thereof." 
 
 Although we may smile at the credulity of our ancestors 
 as regards the Popish Plot, and must deeply deplore the 
 fate of its innocent victims, we must admit that the 
 proceedings of the Court Party, both at home and abroad, 
 favoured the general belief in it. 
 
 The aspect on the Continent also was most alarming; 
 Louis XIV. of France, the constant friend and ally of 
 Charles IL, was crushing the small remnants of religious 
 
l6o THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 liberty in his own country, and was using his utmost 
 efforts to conquer Holland, almost the only asylum on 
 the Continent for refugee Protestants. 
 
 The Duke of York also was a devoted Papist, and a 
 man of much decision of character (though happily of 
 no finesse) ; and the House of Lords refused to pass the 
 Exclusion Bill. 
 
 Is it surprising, under all these circumstances, that our 
 Protestant forefathers should have been somewhat rash 
 and hasty in the defence of these precious rights, to 
 obtain which their fathers had bled and suffered ? 
 
 And had they been milder in their course of action, 
 can we feel sure that the Revolution of 1688 would have 
 crowned our national independence? 
 
 The following address, copied from the State Paper 
 Office, . is a sign of the feeling of the Country at that 
 time : — 
 
 "The Address of the Freeholders or the County of 
 Sussex to the Knights of their Shire, Sir John Fagge 
 AND Sir William Thomas, Baronets, at their choice 
 AT Lewes, March the 3RD, (16)80/1. 
 
 "Gentlemen, 
 
 "Had we not heard well of your fidelity and ability in 
 discharging former Public Trusts we had not this day called 
 you to the same employ, for they that betray or neglect our 
 service shall never receive our trusts again; and though we 
 have no intention to limit or circumscribe the power we have 
 laid in you, yet we must desire and that with earnestness, as 
 becometh those that beg for no less than the Ufe of their King, 
 Government, Religion, Laws, Liberties, and Properties, yea, the 
 very lives and being of all the Protestants in the world, that you 
 would please as our Representatives to have an essential regard 
 for these particulars following : — 
 
THE CASE OF SIR ROBERT PEYTON. l6l 
 
 "i. — That you would effectually secure his Majesty's Royal 
 life, and the lives of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects 
 by a firm and legal association. 
 
 "2. — That you would repeat the endeavours of the two former 
 worthy Parliaments in barring the door against all Popish 
 successors to the Crown, and in particular against James 
 Duke of York, and against Arbitrary Government. 
 
 "3. — That you would be incessant in your endeavours for 
 uniting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects. 
 
 "4. — That you would further search to the bottom those 
 damnable and hellish Plots of the Papists that have been 
 laid against his Majesty's life, the Protestant Religion, and 
 the Government ; and bring these horrid criminals to justice. 
 
 "5. — That you would not forget those execrable villains that 
 by receiving pensions betrayed their trusts and our liberties 
 in the late Long Parliament, but do serve exemplary justice 
 on them, that all others for the future may fear, and do 
 no more so wickedly. 
 
 "And in doing these things, and all other that you may judge 
 necessary for the peace, safety, and prosperity of the Nation, 
 we shall not only stand by you as thankful acknowledgers of 
 your service, but reckon it our duty, if any hazard threaten you, 
 to defend you as worthy Patriots with our lives and fortunes." 
 
 In December, 1680, another case of expulsion from the 
 House occurred in that of Sir Robert Peyton, Member 
 of Parliament for Middlesex; but Papillon wrould not 
 join in the verdict. 
 
 Sir Robert had been a vehement opponent of the Court 
 Party; so much so that he was deposed, with others, 
 from the Commission of the Peace; was mentioned in 
 the fictitious "Meal Tub Plot" and was committed to 
 the Tower. In an evil hour he had become acquainted 
 with one Gadbery, a man of low repute, a pretended 
 astrologer, and an informant of the Court Party. 
 
 The times seemed critical, some apprehending a return 
 to Parliamentary Government, others to Monarchical. 
 
 M 
 
l62 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Sir Robert Peyton shewed signs of relenting in his 
 opposition to the Court; Gadbery improved the occasion, 
 as did some of the King's Ministers, and arrangements 
 were made for him^ to come to terms with the Duke of 
 York, and so with the King. 
 
 But no sooner had he taken his seat again in Parliament, 
 than Gadbery appeared against him, on account of the 
 visit to the Duke of York which he had himself promoted ; 
 further alleging various damaging statements. 
 
 He was thereon called to explain to the House, and did 
 so thus : — 
 
 " I am a little surprised to hear their report. I did not hear 
 this language at the Committee. Gadbery moved my meeting 
 Lord Peterborough at his house, to me, not I to him. I did 
 say to the Duke, 'That I was for the Bill of Exclusion; not 
 for any pique against him, but for the good of the Nation.' I 
 never saw Mrs. Cellier, nor heard of her, till after I was with 
 my Lord of Peterborough, who repeated the actions the Duke 
 took ill of me. Mrs. Cellier asked for Gadbery, and came into 
 the tavern where we were, and discoursed of Chancery suits] 
 But of '20,000 men' that I could command, I know nothing. 
 What passed was a mixed discourse, after having drunk a good 
 deal of wine. Gadbery in his examination did accuse Cellier 
 and Lord Castlemaine, and at his trial did renounce alL You 
 may see by this what manner of man Gadbery is; a man of 
 uncertain reputation, and I hope you will give him no credit. 
 
 " In waiting upon the Duke, I aimed at no more than a 
 personal reconciliation to the Duke; who said, 'He was sorry 
 i should have any marks of the King's displeasure, and that 
 he would put me in Commission again ; ' which I said I would 
 not be, unless those gentlemen came in again, who were turned 
 
 out with me The Duke said further to me, 
 
 'You have appeared against the King and me, the last Parliament, 
 and was of the Green Ribbon Club.'* I parted with the Duke 
 
 * A Club of Exclusionists. 
 
THE CASE OF SIR ROBERT PEYTON. 1 63 
 
 and he was not well pleased with me, that I would not engage 
 in some things, but would follow my conscience; and I never 
 saw the Duke since. 
 
 "There was treason sworn against me upon forgery, and I 
 was committed to the Tower, and I might have been immediately 
 tried upon it. I afifirm upon my honour, I did not know how 
 soon times might turn, andl lie in jail; and so I made a personal 
 reconciliation with the Duke, and I did only see him — in which, 
 if I have offended, I humbly beg pardon of the House, and 
 submit myself to your determination," &c.* 
 
 Sir Thomas Player, who had been on intimate terms 
 with Sir Robert Peyton, declared against him, saying :— 
 
 "I will be content to let the matter go as Peyton says, 'That 
 Gadbery courted him, and not he Gadbery.' Whether I will 
 be knave by inclination or solicitation of another, surely is no 
 extenuation of the crime. It may be the House will do a great 
 \service to the Kingdom of England, to declare your resentment 
 against them that court so cursed an interest as that of the Duke 
 of York. He has confessed that he has been with Gadbery, who 
 
 is a predicting fellow, and pretends to prophecy," &c 
 
 "And must be introduced by Lord Peterborough! Not one 
 person Peyton corresponds with, that you can make a good 
 construction of. And I hope in time you will think of Lord 
 Peterborough. Had I a mind to reconcile myself to the Duke, 
 all the world should see that my going to him was out of an 
 honest interest; but to go by night, like a rogue, makes it a 
 work of darkness, not a Compliment only to the Duke. But 
 I know the Duke so well, that the Popish designs are not to 
 converse with people in a compliment : He designs greater 
 matters. I think him not fit in this House that holds 
 correspondence with the Duke. Pray clear the House of him," 
 &c. 
 
 Serjeant Maynard said he could not exculpate Peyton's 
 recent conduct after his previous violence, on the opposite 
 side, but concluded his remarks by saying : — 
 
 * Gray's Parliamentary Debates. 
 
 M2 
 
164 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "I know not how to acquit him; but if upon Gadbery's 
 information only, I think he is not guilty." 
 
 Thomas Papillon said : — 
 
 " I have no acquaintance with Peyton. I have as ill thoughts 
 of such actions as he is charged with, as any man ; but I must 
 crave pardon if I am not of the opinion of some gentlemen. It 
 may be the concern of any gentleman here. You are going to 
 expel him the House. What was his crime? He was twice 
 with the Duke. You are told what kind of person Gadbery 
 is. I cannot believe what Gadbery says. I take it that he 
 denies all things but his being with the Duke. If it were our 
 case, any of us might have gone to the Duke. I am afraid this 
 gentleman had too great an inclination to make some compliance 
 with the Duke. Members in the Long Parliament that have 
 had elections depending, it may be a month or six weeks, when 
 the contest has been over, and the matter at an end, or they 
 thought they could get any advantage by it, have spoken a 
 different language in the House to what they had done before. 
 But Peyton would not come up to do the Duke's business, and 
 then he was prosecuted with all the maUce that could be, — ' That 
 he was in the Presbyterian Plot (Meal Tub) with Cellier and 
 Gadbery.' And this is the bottom of it. I think he was inclinable 
 to some compliance ; but I cannot think this a crime for which 
 he ought to be expelled the House." 
 
 Eventually, the House passed the following resolutions 
 on the unfortunate Member : — 
 
 " It appearing to this House by the report made at the Bar, 
 and the confession of Sir Robert Peyton in his place, that Sir 
 Robert Peyton had secret negotiations with the Duke of York, 
 by means of the Duke of Peterborough, Mrs. Cellier and Mr. 
 Gadbery, at such time as they were turning the Popish Plot 
 upon the Protestants. 
 
 "Ordered, That Sir Robert Peyton be expelled this House; 
 (and that he be brought to the Bar, and do receive the censure 
 of the House upon his knees from the Speaker.) " 
 
THE CASE OF SIR ROBERT PEYTON. 16$ 
 
 On the following day, the Speaker thus delivered 
 judgment on him :: — 
 
 "Sir Robert Peyton, It is a long time that you have had 
 reputation in the world, and that you have served as Knight 
 of the Shire for the County of Middlesex. Two Parhaments, 
 the last and this, your Country made a free election of you ; 
 your Country had a great opinion of you; and now you are 
 in that condition that you have appeared to the world the man 
 you really were not. You have made a show, and have acted 
 a part against Popery and Arbitrary Power, yet really and 
 inwardly you have only sought your own advantage, and not 
 that of your Country. It is manifest by the report from the 
 Committee; and your own defence makes it clear. Many 
 gentlemen here, whose eyes are in their heads, their tongues 
 and eyes have moved as well as yours. You have sat betwixt 
 the Devil and the Witch, Mr. Gadbery and Mrs. Cellier. The 
 dark ways you have taken shew your ill designs ; your company 
 and conductors shew your errand. You are fallen from being an 
 Angel to be a Devil. From the beginning you sought your own 
 interest. To set up a Commonwealth you had '20,000 men,' to 
 make your interest the stronger. You were bustling, like the wind, 
 in this House and in coffee houses. Your Country chose you 
 to this place, not only for your interest, but for an example 
 to other men, not with noise and thundering, but to behave 
 yourself without vanity or ostentation ; you are one of them that 
 have played your own game and part; and that all men may 
 take notice, you are a warning for all other members, and I 
 hope there are none such. It shews that this Parliament 
 nauseates such members as you are. You are no longer a part 
 of this noble body. How you will reconcile yourself to your 
 Country, is another consideration. You are discharged this 
 House, and the custody of the Serjeant, paying your fees." 
 
 (The coarseness and severity of the terms of this 
 judgment so exasperated the victim that at the end of 
 the session, he challenged the Speaker; but the latter 
 
1^6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 reporting the matter to the Privy Council, poor Sir 
 Robert was again committed to the Tower.) 
 
 One other incident in the Parliaments of Charles II. 
 may be mentioned as evincing Thomas Papillon's jealousy 
 of the liberty of the subject. 
 
 In the Spring of 1680, Peter Norris, a Scotchman, 
 tailor to the Duke of Monmouth, informed the Country 
 Party that he knew of one Dowdall, a Roman Catholic 
 Priest, residing in Flanders, who could reveal all about 
 the Popish Plot ; and he was sent over to fetch him. 
 
 The Privy Council, however, had heard of Dowdall in 
 July, 1679, and had issued an order for him to be brought 
 to England ; but he never came, so far as is known ; and 
 ere Norris could bring him, he had died. 
 
 Norris had no sooner started on his errand, than one, 
 Sheridan, an informant of Sir Lionel Jenkins, Secretary 
 of State, brought him word of it, and gave him a 
 description of Norris. Sir Lionel Jenkins at once 
 informed the Committee of Council, and by their direction 
 he sent orders to the Mayors of Dover and Rye to arrest 
 him and any one with him, on his return. 
 
 He was accordingly arrested at Dover, and put in jail 
 there ; but making his escape, he appeared before the 
 House, which thoroughly investigated the matter ; and on 
 -1 0th December, 1680, the following resolution was 
 adopted : — 
 
 "That the late imprisonment of Peter Norris, at Dover, was 
 illegal, and that the proceedings of Sir Lionel Jenkins, Knight, 
 one of the Principal Secretaries of State, by describing the person 
 of the said Norris, and directing such his imprisonment, was 
 illegal and arbitrary, and an obstruction to the evidence for the 
 discovery of the horrid Popish Plot." 
 
ARREST OF PETER ^ NORRIS. 1 6/ 
 
 In the debate, the following had previously passed, 
 in the House between Thomas Papillon and Sir Lionel 
 Jenkins : — 
 
 Mr. Papillon. — "Norris went over and did not acquaint the 
 Lords of the Council. I would be satisfied why it was Jenkins's 
 duty to stop this man, because he had not acquainted the Lords 
 of the Council." 
 
 Sir Lionel Jenkins. — " I was but Ministerial in this. My duty 
 was to acquaint the Lords of the Council, and to receive their 
 direction, or advice at least, to command the Mayor of Dover to 
 stop him. My business was to carry the information." 
 
 Mr. Papillon. — " This description was near costing Norris his 
 life. Several descriptions were given of Norris. To the first 
 description Jenkins is clear. To the second he is charged by 
 Sheridan. I do not know what stopping a man on the way 
 or road is, if ordered to be immediately sent up to the Council 
 by a Mayor or Officer upon verbal order, &c. But there is 
 something lies hid (not to be discovered) from the eyes of 
 the world — Without, they are Protestants ; within, they carry on 
 the Plot — (I speak not of Jenkins.) The manner of penning 
 this letter to take Norris, looks like disguise. Consider the 
 nature of it, how this letter is penned. It sends a description 
 of Norris, &c. If he went to discover the Plot, the service was 
 not great, to stop him. The Officer was to tender him the 
 oaths, &c. : which if he refused, to stop him. Let all the world 
 know that ; but if not, find a handsome way to detain him. Stop 
 him, and not stop him; imprison him, and not iniprison him. 
 It looks with a Popish face upon a Protestant business. I know 
 not what it is." 
 
 Parliament was suddenly prorogued, and then dissolved 
 in January, 1681, and a new one, of similar stamp, met 
 at Oxford, on 21st March. The House of Commons soon 
 decided again to bring in an Exclusion Bill; and they 
 then proceeded nominally to impeach — but really to 
 protect — Fitzharris, the author of another fictitious Plot ; 
 
1 68 THOMAS PAPIIXON. 
 
 but the House of Lords refused to sanction this step ; and 
 the King took occasion thereon to dissolve Parliament on 
 the 8th day of its session, and he never called another. 
 
 In closing this account of Thomas Papillon's career in 
 the Parliaments of Charles II. it is pleasing to notice 
 that the interests of Commerce — his own special sphere — 
 engaged him more than party politics ; and that though 
 ready to take his fair share in the latter, and to speak 
 plainly when requisite, he was seldom concerned in the 
 more violent and personal disputes which engaged the 
 House of Commons, and the Country at large.* 
 
 A glance at the following list of Committees on which 
 he sat, and of the speeches he made, will abundantly prove 
 this :— 
 
 List of Committees of the House of Commons, of which 
 Thomas Papillon was a Member during the Reign of 
 Charles II. 
 
 2 1 St Jan., 1674. On the Petition of several Shipmasters of 
 
 London, in the Newcastle trade. 
 31st „ „ Information against a Member for prospective 
 
 corruption. 
 iSth Oct., 1675. To consider of the Trade between England 
 
 and France. 
 26th „ „ Duties on Iron and Brass Ordnance, and 
 
 Customs Officers' Fees. 
 9th Nov., „ Petition against the East India Company. 
 I ith „ „ Bill to suppress Pedlars, &c. 
 22nd „ „ (Parliament prorogued till ISth February, 1677.) 
 7th Mar., 1677. To examine into the Complaints as to granting 
 
 Ship Passes, &c. 
 1 6th July, „ (P^rliamentadjourned till 28th January, 1678.) 
 
 * The high opinion in which he was held in the House is shewn inter alia 
 by the fact of his having served on sixty-eight Committees — many relative to 
 Commerce — during the seven years odd from 1674 t° 1681. 
 
COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 1 69 
 
 i6th, Feb., 1678. Bill to prevent the Exportation of Wool. 
 19th „ „ Charge to be levied on New Buildings about 
 London. 
 Sth Mar., „ To perpetuate an Act to prevent unnecessary 
 
 Suits, Delays, &c. 
 1 6th „ „ To enquire as to forfeitures on Quakers, &c., 
 
 as Popish Recusants. 
 2 1 St „ „ Bill to Empower Protestant Strangers to pursue 
 
 their Callings. 
 27th May, „ Bill concerning Bankrupts ; specially to prevent 
 a Minority of Creditors from Obstructing a 
 Composition; introduced by Mr. Papillon. 
 30th „ „ Two Petitions — One from Levant Merchants ; 
 the other from Mohair Workers. 
 Pay due to Forces ordered to be Disbanded. 
 Bill to increase the Revenue of the Dean of 
 
 St. Paul's Cathedral. 
 Bill for the Exportation of Leather. 
 Bill for Burying in Woollen Manufactures. 
 Bill to prevent the Exportation of Wool. 
 Bill for Naturalizing John Scoppens. 
 Bill for the Encouragement of Sowing Hemp 
 
 and Flax. 
 Touching the Prohibition of French Goods. 
 Bill to enable Creditors to recover from 
 Executors, 
 nth „ „ Bill to settle Lands for the Benefit of the 
 Parish of Kelsall, Suffolk. 
 (Parliament prorogued.) 
 Committee of Privileges and Elections. 
 To translate the Letters of Mr. Coleman. 
 To inspect the Journals of the House, and 
 
 Report Errors, &c., weekly. 
 (Parliament prorogued, and afterwards Dis- 
 solved.) 
 To examine the Accounts of the Paymaster of 
 the Army as to the Pay still due to the 
 Forces ordered to be Disbanded. 
 
 30th 
 
 » 
 
 7lh June, 
 
 8th 
 
 )J 
 
 nth 
 
 i9 
 
 14th 
 
 » 
 
 24th 
 
 }) 
 
 zsth 
 
 J> 
 
 27th 
 
 I) 
 
 ist , 
 
 July, 
 
 15th „ 
 
 ») 
 
 2 1 St Oct., 
 
 )» 
 
 28th „. 
 
 u 
 
 nth Dec, 
 
 ), 
 
 30th „ 
 
 1) 
 
 I St April, 
 
 1679. 
 
170 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 2nd April, 1669. A Bill for better securing the Liberty of the 
 
 Subject. 
 A Bill for better regulating the Election of 
 
 Members. 
 To examine the Charge against Sir J. Robinson, 
 
 M.P., as to Prisoners in the Xpwer. 
 A Bill to disable persons from Sitting who had 
 
 not taken the Oaths. 
 A Bill to perpetuate the Act against the 
 
 Importation of Irish Cattle, &c. 
 To Inspect Laws now in force against Swearing, 
 
 DrunkennesSjUncleanness, Sabbath-breaking, 
 &c. 
 A Bill for securing the King and Kingdom 
 
 against growth of Popery. 
 To receive proposals concerning the Royal 
 
 Fishery. 
 A Bill to Banish all Papists, , and reputed 
 
 Papists, 20 miles from London. 
 A Bill to prevent Minority of Creditors Com- 
 posing with Bankrupt; introduced , by Mr. 
 
 Papillon. 
 Address to the King to remove the Duke of 
 
 Lauderdale from all Offices. 
 To enquire into the Abuses and Exorbitancies 
 
 of the Post Office. 
 To enquire about the Guns, &c., lately sent 
 
 from Tower to various places. 
 Petition of a Distiller against the Farmers and 
 
 Collectors of Excise. 
 To Inspect Journals relative to ; the Impeach- 
 ment of Earl Danby. 
 Answer to the Lords relative to Earl Danb/s 
 
 pardon. , . 
 
 Touching Bill for Reversing Outlawries in 
 
 King's Bench. 
 27th ,t ,, (Parliament prorogued and Dissolved.) 
 23th Oct., 1680. Committee of Privileges and Elections. 
 
 5th 
 
 » 
 
 7th 
 
 11 
 
 8th 
 
 11 
 
 loth 
 
 » 
 
 1 2th 
 
 j> 
 
 1 6th 
 
 )) 
 
 23rd 
 
 J) 
 
 27th 
 
 j> 
 
 2nd 
 
 May, 
 
 6th 
 
 ii 
 
 loth 
 
 »j 
 
 1 2th 
 
 )i 
 
 i6th 
 
 » 
 
 22nd 
 
 II 
 
 24th 
 
 ji 
 
 26th 
 
 )) 
 
28th Oct., 
 
 i68o. 
 
 4th Nov., 
 
 » 
 
 4th „ 
 6th „ 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 171 
 
 To Inspect Journals of two last Parliaments, 
 
 and report on them about Popish Plot. 
 On Bill for further encouragement of Manu- 
 facture of Woollen Goods. 
 Concerning the Maintenance of the Poor. 
 To Inspect the Law on the Observance of the 
 Sth November. 
 8tb „ „ Reference with the Lords about the Popish 
 
 Plot in Ireland. 
 I Sth „ „ Bill for better regulating the Trial of Peers, 
 i^th „ ■„ Relative to Charges against Sir Robert Peyton. 
 Sth Dec, „ Bill for the Exportation of Leather. 
 9th „ „ Perusal and Care of Papers of Mr. Sheridan 
 ■ • relative to apprehension and imprisonment 
 
 at Dover of Peter Norris by order of Sir 
 Lionel Jenkins. 
 20th „ „ On Bill for the Sale of Billingford, Norfolk, to 
 
 pay debts. 
 20th „ „ To examine Accounts of Commissioners for 
 Paying off the Forces. 
 Naturalization of Peter Elers, &c. (Mr. 
 
 Papillon to carry it to the Lords.) 
 Bill for the Easier Collecting of Hearth Money. 
 Bill to Repeal the Corporation Act of 1661. 
 On Bill for the better discovery of Settlements 
 for Superstitious Uses, 
 loth „ „ (Parliament prorogued and afterwards Dis- 
 solved.) 
 2Sth Mar., „ To prepare for a Conference with the Lords 
 on the Constitution of Parliaments in passing 
 : Bills. 
 
 25* „ „ Impeachment of Edward Fitzharris for High 
 Treason. 
 
 3rd Jan., 
 
 1681. 
 
 6th „ 
 
 if 
 
 6th „ 
 
 »i 
 
 7th „ 
 
 )) 
 
172 
 
 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 A List of Measures of an extreme character introduced 
 IN THE House of Commons by the Country Party from 
 1674 to 1681; especially those for the consideration 
 
 AND preparation OF WHICH COMMITTEES WERE APPOINTED. 
 
 7th Feb., 1674. 
 23rd April, 1675. 
 
 26th „ 
 2 1 St May, 
 
 27th „ 
 
 2ist Feb., 1677. 
 
 26th Mar., 
 
 27th „ 
 
 1 6th April, 
 23rd May, 
 28th Jan., 1678. 
 31st Oct., 
 13th Nov., 
 1 6th Nov., 
 1 6th „ 
 28th „ 
 28th „ 
 
 Resolution — Standing Army a Great Grievance. 
 Petition to the King against the Duke of 
 
 Lauderdale. 
 Impeachment of Earl Danby. 
 Bill to prevent Papists from sitting in either 
 
 House of Parliament. 
 Bill to prevent the Growth of Popery. 
 Bill to recall his Majesty's Subjects in the 
 
 service of the King of France. 
 Address to King promising support in a War 
 
 against France. 
 Bill for Securing the Education of the Children 
 
 of the Royal Family in the Protestant 
 
 Religion. 
 Address in reply to one from King requiring 
 
 new Funds rather than Old. 
 Address to the King beseeching him to enter 
 
 into Alliances against France. 
 Address to the King beseeching that no Treaty 
 
 be made below that of the Pyrenees. 
 Resolution — "That a damnable and hellish 
 
 Plot," &c. 
 Address to King for a Commission for Tender- 
 ing Oaths to the Queen's Menials. 
 Address to the King to raise one-third of the 
 
 Militia. 
 Secretary Williamson sent to the Tower for 
 
 issuing Commissions in the Army to Papists. 
 Address praying for the removal of the Queen 
 
 from Whitehall. 
 Resolved — "To address the King for the 
 
 Apprehension and Security of all Papists." 
 
COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 173 
 
 2nd Dec, 1678.' Resolved and Committed — 
 
 I — " To tell the King of dangers owing to 
 
 his neglect of the advice of Parliament." 
 
 2 — "Ditto ditto from the Growth of Popery." 
 
 3 — "Ditto ditto from non-observance of the 
 
 Law." 
 
 igth „ „ To prepare Articles of Impeachment against 
 Earl Danby. 
 
 17th April, 1679. Committee of Secrecy to draw up Evidence 
 against Earl Danby. 
 
 26th „ „ Address to the King praying him to order 
 Execution of Pickering; and to order the 
 Judges to issue Warrants for the Execution 
 of Popish Priests whom they have con- 
 demned ! 
 
 nth May, „ "Exclusion Bill" against the Duke of York. 
 
 nth „ „ Address to the King, vowing vengeance on 
 the Papists, should his Majesty come to a 
 violent death. — Committed. 
 
 22nd May, „ Sir Anthony Deane and Mr. Pepys sent to 
 the Tower; and the Attorney-General 
 directed forthwith to prosecute them and 
 others concerned in the fitting out and 
 career of the Sloop Hunter, &c. 
 
 27th Oct., 1680. Address to the King, requesting his Majesty's 
 pardon for all persons who within two 
 months shall give Evidence on the Popish 
 Plot. Also an Address, delaring the resolu- 
 tion of the House to preserve and support 
 the King's person, the Government, and the 
 Protestant Religion, at home and abroad. 
 
 2nd Nov., „ Resolved nem. con. — " That the Duke of York 
 being a Papist, and the hopes of his coming 
 to the Crown as such, hath given the 
 greatest countenance and encouragement 
 to the present designs and conspiracies of 
 the Papists against the King and the 
 Protestant Religion. 
 
174 THOMAS PAHLLON. 
 
 Resolved nem. con. — "That in defence 
 of the King's person and Government and 
 of the Protestant Religion, This House 
 doth declare that they will stand by the 
 King with their lives and fortunes : and 
 that if his Majesty should come to a violent 
 death, which God forbid ! they will avenge 
 it to the utmost on the Papists." 
 
 Resolved— "That a Bill be brought in 
 to disable the Duke of York to inherit the 
 Imperial Crown of these Realms." 
 
 Ordered — " That a Committee be appointed 
 to prepare and draw up such a Bill." 
 
 I ith Nov., 1680. Address to the King, reflecting on his Majesty's 
 frequent prorogation of Parliament to the 
 hindrance of the prosecution of the Popish 
 Plot; and praying his Majesty not to be 
 diverted again into such a course. 
 
 1 2th „ „ Address to the King, requesting his Majesty's 
 pardon for Edmund Murphy, Hobart Bourck, 
 Thomas Samson, John Mac Namarra, John 
 Fitzgerald, and Eustace Coning, Informers 
 of Popish Plot in Ireland. 
 
 1 2th „ „ Resolution to acquaint the Lords of resolve 
 to proceed at once with the Trial of the 
 Lords in the Tower, beginning with Viscount 
 Stafford. 
 
 1 2th „ „ That a humble Address be made to his Majesty 
 to remove Sir George Jeffreys out of all 
 public offices. 
 
 1 2th „ „ That a humble Address be made to his Majesty 
 to remove George, Earl of Halifax from his 
 Majesty's presence and Councils for ever. 
 
 19th „ „ A humble Address to his Majesty to appoint a 
 Day for a Solemn Fast and Humiliation. 
 
 20th „ „ Impeachment of Edward Seymour, Esq., 
 Treasurer of the Navy for Mis-appropriation 
 of Public Moneys. 
 
COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 175 
 
 22ndNov.,i68o. Charge against the Earl of Halifax for pro- 
 moting prorogation of Parliaments. 
 27th „ „ Very long Address to the King, recapitulating 
 the support that has been given to Popery 
 on various occasions, and stipulating for his 
 Majesty's discountenance of all persons so 
 disposed, — in which case the House will 
 vote money for the maintenance of Tangier. 
 13th Dec, „ Bill to be brought in for the Banishment of 
 Papists and suspected Papists from London 
 and Westminster, and from twenty miles 
 beyond. 
 
 Ordered — "That the Members for the 
 Counties, Boroughs, and the Cinque Ports 
 bring in Lists of the Papists residing in 
 their respective localities." 
 iSth „ „ Resolved — "That as long as there is any 
 prospect of the Duke of York succeeding 
 to the Throne, the lives of the King and 
 of Protestants are unsafe." 
 iSth „ „ That a Bill be brought in for an Association of 
 
 ^ all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects for 
 preservation and Exclusion. 
 
 Very long and dictatorial Address to the King. 
 
 Impeachment against Sir Francis North, Sir 
 William Scroggs, Sir Thomas Jones, and Sir 
 Richard Weston, Judges. 
 
 Renewal of necessity for the Exclusion Bill, 
 and request for the Removal from Office, 
 &c., of the Earl of Hahfax. Laurence Hyde, 
 and Marquis of Worcester, because opposed 
 to it ; of the Earl of Clarendon ; and of the 
 Earl of Feversham, because a promoter of 
 French interests and Popery. 
 
 20th „ 
 
 )i 
 
 23rd „ 
 
 )) 
 
 7th Jan., 
 
 1681 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 STRICTURES ON THE CORPORATION OF DOVER — 
 
 SURRENDER OF ITS CHARTER— AND GRANT OF A 
 
 NEW ONE. 
 
 Test and Corporation Act of 1661 dormant till 1680 — Orders then sent to 
 Dover to purge Corporation — resulting in deposition of two Jurats and 
 twenty-six Common Councilmen — Papillon advises Mayor to cause vacant 
 seats to be refilled without delay— Mayor requests Papillon's interest with 
 Secretary of State — Several Jurats object to assertion of Corporate rights 
 versus the Government — Secretary of State defers final decision — FapiUon 
 again urges on Mayor the prompt completion of Corporation — many 
 oppose this counsel — hesitation on part of Mayor — Secretary of State 
 reports that Lieutenant-Governor of Dover Castle objects to the Mayor's 
 return as false — and opposes progress — Papillon demands copy of objections 
 — Partial re-election of Town Council, with Names of those elected — Course 
 of events in the general surrender of Charters — Surrender of Dover Charter 
 — and thanks for a new one —Names of new Members of Council — their 
 eviction by King James, in 1688 — and restoration of old Members— Sketch 
 of the life of Sir Lionel Jenkins, Secretary of State during course of above 
 proceedings. 
 
 N the early part of the last Chapter various 
 facts were adduced to shew the state of 
 parties in boroughs generally, and in Dover 
 in particular ; as also the steps that successive 
 Governments were apt to take to influence the 
 elections to Parliament. 
 Thus we find that from 1646 to 1660 the House of 
 Commons formed a Committee for considering how the 
 Corporations could be settled, and their Charters altered 
 and renewed, so as to be held under the authority of the 
 Commonwealth; and in 1656 a Committee was appointed 
 
TEST AND CORPORATION ACT. 1 77 
 
 to bring in a Bill " to prevent the election into Corporations 
 of denounced persons,* 
 
 On the Restoration, in this as in other departments of 
 State, re-action set in strong; and in 1661 an Act was 
 passed "for regulating Corporations," reciting that 
 "questions were likely to arise concerning the validity 
 of the Elections and Removals during the late Troubles, 
 contrary to their Charters ; and to the end that the 
 succession in such Corporations may be the most properly 
 perpetuated in the hands of persons well affected to his 
 Majesty and the Government — it being too well known 
 that notwithstanding all his Majesty's endeavours and 
 unparalleled indulgence in pardoning all that is past — 
 nevertheless many evil spirits are still working," — Therefore 
 it was enacted that no Charter should be avoided for 
 any thing that had passed, but that all persons henceforth 
 elected to any office in a borough should as a qualification 
 take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and subscribe 
 a Declaration denouncing the Solemn League and Covenant, 
 and further that they should have partaken of the Lord's 
 Supper according to the rites of the Church of England 
 within one year of their election to office ; and the Act gave 
 authority to the King in Council to appoint Commissioners 
 for the Regulation of Boroughs accordingly. 
 
 On 2Sth August, 1662, Commissioners visited Dover, 
 and deposed from office two Common Councilmen for 
 refusing to take the Oaths and subscribe the Declaration, 
 and as concerned seven Jurats and thirteen Common 
 Councilmen they recorded : — 
 
 "We, the said Commissioners for divers good causes and 
 reasons us thereunto moving have thought fit and requisite for 
 
 * See Merewether and Stephens's "History of Boroughs." 
 
 N 
 
178 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the public peace and safety of this Kingdom, to displace and 
 remove all and every of the said persons from all and every their 
 said places, offices," &c. 
 
 After this sudden outburst of Parliamentary and Regal 
 rule it would seem that the Borough of Dover, as other 
 boroughs, was allowed to pursue its wonted course. In 
 1668 the King renewed the Charter of the Cinque Ports, 
 confirming them in all their ancient rights and privileges. 
 The Act of 1 66 1 was allowed to slumber. The King 
 loved ease. The elections to office in the Corporations 
 sympathising with the country at large, inclined to the 
 Liberal Party ; and the Act was much neglected. 
 
 The dissolutions of Parliament in January and May, 1679, 
 and the consequent appeals to the people, brought to light 
 the hostile power of the Boroughs, and the conflict between 
 the Court and the Commons grew more and more violent 
 
 In 1680 the King in Council began to bestir themselves, 
 with a view to purge the Corporations of Nonconformists, 
 and to introduce others more likely to support the Govern- 
 ment at the elections. In common with various other 
 boroughs, the Corporation of Dover was ordered through 
 its Mayor, Nicholas Cullen, Esq., forthwith to remove from 
 office all who had not complied with the Act of 1661, and 
 to make a Return thereof to the Privy Council. 
 
 The ferment and dismay of some, and the hopes and 
 intrigues of others, which this step produced, are vividly 
 pourtrayed in a lengthened correspondence between the 
 Mayor and others of Dover and Thomas Papillon, of 
 which the following is a summary : Dover, however, was 
 not alone in its divisions and final discomfiture, and a 
 future Chapter will record how Papillon himself was 
 driven from his native land about the same time, and in 
 connection with the same cause — the contest of the Crown 
 and the Corporations. 
 
DOVER CORPORATION PURGED. I 79 
 
 On the i6th April, 1680, an order was sent from the 
 Privy Council to the Mayor and Corporation, directing 
 them to examine how the Act of 1661 had been observed ; 
 to remove from office all members who had not duly 
 complied with it ; and to make a Return thereof to the 
 Privy Council. 
 
 On the 30th April, the Mayor and Corporation made 
 a return, reporting the removal of two Jurats who had 
 not taken the Oaths, of nine Common Councilmen who 
 were not entered on the books as having done so, and 
 of seventeen Common Councilmen who had not partaken 
 of the Lord's Supper. 
 
 On the 5th May, Papillon's fellow M.P., Captain William 
 Stokes, wrote from Dover, informing him of the above, 
 and stating that the Lieutenant Governor of Dover Castle, 
 Colonel John Strode, approved of the Return when made, 
 but was then said to raise objections to it, and to design 
 that particular men should be put into office, to the 
 manifest infringement of their Charter. He referred to 
 a letter of the Mayor, and requested Thomas Papillon to 
 ascertain at the Home Office how matters stood, offering 
 to go to London himself if requisite. 
 
 Papillon promptly replied, advising that in a Common 
 Assembly of all the Freemen, new Jurats and Common 
 Councilmen should be elected in place of those removed, 
 and that it be not left to the Secretary of State and 
 the Lieutenant Governor, to put into office objectionable 
 persons. 
 
 Captain Stokes expressed his approval of this counsel, 
 but neither himself nor the Mayor were disposed to adopt 
 it ; and the latter begged Papillon to enquire a:t the Home 
 Office if the Return was approved, and to use his interest 
 on behalf of the Corporation. 
 
 The Secretary — Sir Lionel Jenkins — expressed a doubt 
 
 N2 
 
l8o THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 as to the power of the remaining members to complete 
 their number, so that a new Charter might be requisite. 
 Papillon replied that the original Charter of 1578, which 
 had been confirmed by the King in 1670, gave them full 
 power, whereon Sir Lionel Jenkins requested a copy of 
 it. 
 
 Papillon at once informed the Mayor, warned him 
 against expecting any help from the Secretary, and urged 
 that himself and the remaining Jurats should proceed 
 without delay to complete their body, before unwelcome 
 men should be thrust on them. 
 
 However, the Mayor and the only two Jurats who sided 
 with him. Captain Stokes and Mr. Richards, were irresolute ; 
 and others opposed any assertion of inherent rights in 
 opposition to Sir Lionel. On the contrary they sought 
 the aid and interest of the Lieutenant Governor, who 
 promised it ; though it soon appeared he was drafting 
 official objections to the soundness of the Mayor's Return. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Secretary informed the Mayor through 
 Papillon that the Return and copy of Charter had been 
 laid up in a box on the table of the Privy Council, 
 to be duly considered with the Returns, &c., of other 
 Corporations ; and soon afterwards he informed Papillon 
 that exceptions having been made to the Return, a case 
 must be prepared for the opinion of the Attorney General 
 — the King would require it. Papillon pressed for the 
 authorship of these exceptions, and learning it was the 
 Lieutenant Governor, he sougjit and at last found him 
 at the Secretary's lodgings ; and challenging him as to 
 the nature of his charges, the latter declined to reply, 
 but said he would prove them before the Privy Council; 
 moreover, he said he was supported in them by various 
 Jurats and Common Councilmen, whom he named; but 
 they denied his assertion. 
 
ELECTION OF COMMON COUNCILMEN. l8l 
 
 The end of May had nearly come, six weeks worse 
 than lost; Papillon, writing to Captain Stokes, reminds 
 him and his friends of their neglect of his counsel — 
 supported as it was by legal advice — but still urges them 
 to immediate completion of their body. 
 
 Early in June the Privy Council appoint a Committee 
 to examine the Returns, &c., of all the Corporations, and 
 as some concluded, to regulate the admission of new 
 members. This throws fresh alarm into the minds of 
 the Mayor's party, and hopes of preferment into those 
 opposed to them. On the 15th June, the Lieutenant 
 Governor delivers to the Secretary his exceptions to the 
 Mayor's Return ; in due course they are refuted by the 
 Corporation ; and again the Lieutenant Governor objects 
 to the refutations. And thus Sir Lionel Jenkins acquires 
 a plea for stay of proceedings. 
 
 On the 2nd September, the Mayor applied to the 
 Secretary for leave to complete the Jurats and Common 
 Councilmen, in view of the forthcoming election of Mayor 
 on the 8th ; he requests Papillon to deliver his letter, 
 and ask for reply ; and informs him of the still divided 
 counsels of the Jurats. Whether Papillon complied with 
 the request does not appear; he had told the Mayor on 
 the 27th May, that he had much reluctance in visiting 
 the Secretary; and as to a reply from the Secretary, 
 there is no record. 
 
 On the 8th September, Nicholas Cullen was re-elected 
 Mayor; and on the 28th December, 1680, 
 
 At a Common Assembly, present, Nicholas Cullen, 
 Mayor, and six Jurats, viz. : John Holder, William Stokes, 
 William Richards, John Bullarke, John Vayly, and Charles 
 Vayly ; the nine following were elected Common Council- 
 men, and took the required Oaths, viz. : Richard Baxe, 
 Thomas Raworth, Edward Francklyn, Isaacke Lamb, 
 
1 82 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 William Everard, Edward Bayler, Thomas Peirce, Bar- 
 tholomew Worthington," and Henry Broadley. 
 
 On the 31st December, 1680, the following were elected 
 and took the Oaths, viz.: Thomas Scott, as a Jurat; 
 Thomas Pepper, continued as Town Serjeant; and 
 Thomas Peirce and Thomas Raworth, as Chamberlains. 
 
 At a Common Assembly held on 9th January, 1682, 
 present The Mayor, five Jurats, and twelve Common 
 Councilmen, It was deemed expedient to address a letter 
 to the Common Council with a view to impose fines 
 on members not acting or qualifying, so as to secure 
 a fuller attendance ; and on 25th June, 1682, at a 
 Common Assembly, present, Nicholas Cullen, Mayor, and 
 others, the following were elected Jurats and Common 
 Councilmen, viz. : 
 
 Richard Baxe, Edward Francklyn, and Thomas Raworth, 
 as Jurats ; and the two former qualified at once : As 
 Common Councilmen, Edward Wivell and Thomas 
 Hamerdon, who qualified on the 30th June; Thomas 
 Bedingfield, George Wellard, John Danaber, and William 
 Peene, who qualified on the 7th July ; John Holland and 
 Robert Colloy, who qualified on the 21st July; and John 
 Foord and William Gearie, who qualified on the 2Sth 
 October ; and at a Common Assembly on the latter date, 
 Common Councilmen William Eaton, Merchant; Peter 
 Peters, Surgeon; Thomas Gibbon; Richard Hills, Mariner; 
 George White, Maltster ; and William Nepnon, Merchant ; 
 were fined ;£'io each : while Benjamin Goodwyn, Haber- 
 dasher, Thomas Dawkes, Richard Dawkes, Robert 
 Kennett, Butcher, John Hollingsbury, Maltster, and 
 Edward Pitts, Freeholder ; were allowed a month's grace. 
 On the same day, Edward Wivell, Common Councilman, 
 was elected Jurat, and at once qualified. 
 
 It appears from these data that the attempt in 1680 to 
 
CORPORATION CHARTERS THREATENED. I 83 
 
 complete the Town Council was quite a failure; Thomas 
 Papillon's first advice to the Mayor, to summon the 
 Freemen to renew the Council was clearly distasteful, 
 and his subsequent efforts to rouse the Mayor and Jurats 
 to action, on their own inherent power, met with little 
 response. The Secretary of State and the Lieutenant 
 Governor with their friends in the Borough, desired to 
 impede active measures, in order to promote Court 
 influence ; and those in oiifice in the Borough had neither 
 the energy nor the ability to resist them. In 1681, when 
 the King suddenly dissolved the Oxford Parliament without 
 calling another, and popular opinion — that versatile power 
 — turned in his favour, it is probable that the Municipal 
 hopes and fears subsided ; and thus in 1682 some success 
 attended the efforts of the Mayor and Jurats to replace 
 the Council on a working basis : — The Government, however, 
 were in no way disposed to let things rest on such uncertain 
 ground ; but resolved to call in all the Charters they could, 
 and renew them on more restricted conditions, so that the 
 Crown might always be master of the situation. 
 
 In the autumn of 1682 a Writ of Quo Warranto was 
 issued against the Corporation of London; the Government, 
 for special reasons, being very anxious for complete control 
 in the City. After a prolonged trial (see State Trials) 
 the Charter was pronounced to be forfeitable to the Crown ; 
 and before long the Court Party in the City carried a 
 motion for its surrender. 
 
 No sooner had the Government gained this victory, 
 than writs and menaces were directed against boroughs 
 throughout the Kingdom ; and seeing that London, the 
 stronghold of the "Country Party," with all its wealth, 
 had failed, how could they (the smaller boroughs said) 
 
1 84 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 resist the Court, now ruling without a Parliament ? They 
 almost all succumbed without a blow. 
 
 Thus, says Roger North (a strong Court partizan) in his 
 " Life of Lord Keeper Guilford " : — 
 
 "The course adopted after the judgment" (against London) 
 " was either to court or frighten harmless or orderly Corporations 
 to surrender — or upon refusal, to plunge them in the chargeable 
 and defenceless condition of going to law against the Crown — 
 whereby that which would not come by fair means, was extorted 
 by violence.'' 
 
 Again : — 
 
 " The trade of Charters ran to excess, and turned to an avowed 
 practice of garbling the Corporations for the purpose of carrying , 
 elections to Parliament.'' 
 
 Respecting this general surrender of Charters, the 
 following remarks were made in the House of Commons 
 in 1689, on the discussion on the Corporations Bill, then 
 in course of enactment. 
 
 Sir Henry Goodrich appears to have fairly summed up 
 the causes of the surrenders in the words, Avarice, Force, 
 and Easiness. 
 
 Sir Thomas Clarges said that he knew a Corporation 
 of £6<X) a year, advised by the Lord Chief Justice to 
 surrender; or else, if judged against them, their lands 
 would go to the next heir of the grantor. 
 
 Sir William Williams said, " In some Corporations of 
 600 who had a right to give consent to a surrender, not 
 above thirty-four were for it, and they prevailed ; and how 
 came this about? This was a packed Common Council 
 
 by ; and in Chestei-, there were still 500 in being 
 
 against the surrender." 
 
 Mr. Finch (another Constitutional lawyer) spoke of the 
 surrender as a fault, but said it was general, and attributed 
 
PARLIAMENT OF JAMES II. iSS 
 
 them to the judgment in the London Quo Warranto, after 
 which most of them occurred. 
 
 The result of this surrender of Charters was such that 
 combined with other causes, on the assembly of Parliament 
 after the accession of James II., the King said : — 
 
 " There were not above forty members, but such as he himself 
 desired ; " 
 
 and most obsequious they were to please him. Burnett 
 says : — 
 
 "Everything was granted with such a profusion that the House 
 was more ready to give than the King to ask." 
 
 As regards the previous inquisition into Corporations, 
 such as that of Dover in 1680, the following letters — in 
 the Public Records Office — shew the unhealthy condition 
 of men's minds at the time ; and how severity and tale- 
 bearing go hand in hand. 
 
 " To THE Right Honourable Sir Lionel Jenkins, Principal 
 
 SECRETARY OF StATE, AT WHITEHALL. 
 
 " Rye, May the 8th, 1680. 
 " May IT PLEASE YOUR Honour, 
 
 "Thinking myself obliged by oath and duty to serve his 
 Majesty to the utmost of my power in those capacities that his 
 Majesty hath been graciously pleased to bestow upon me by 
 giving your Honour an account that there hath come letters 
 on both sides of this place for the Regulating of Corporations, 
 and that there is hardly one place in England that wants if 
 so much as this, it being wholly governed by those who are not 
 at all capable by the Act ; and there being no letter come here 
 makes them think they are secure; or if there be any come, 
 it is kept up' by the Mayor, which cannot read it; who was 
 the greatest instrument for encouraging those to appear to give 
 their votes for electing himself; and afterwards of Burgesses 
 for this place — by sending his Serjeants to warn them in, that 
 never durst presume to give their votes since the execution of 
 
1 86 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the said Act, when they were turned out as disaffected to the 
 King and Government. This I thought good to acquaint your 
 Honour, and humbly leave it to your consideration, hoping you 
 will pardon the presumption of one who had the honour of being 
 known to you at my Lord Chancellor Clarendon's by the name 
 of Honoured Sir, your Honour's most humble Servant, 
 
 "(Signed) R H .' 
 
 " To THE Right Honourable Sir Lionel Jenkins, 
 "Right Honourable, 
 
 " I congratulate your high but deserved promotion and 
 being now one of those that are placed to hold the stem of 
 the Kingdom, it is requisite that some one in the place he 
 lives in, should inform such as you with the inclinations and 
 affections of the people there to the established Government ; 
 for the Council must expect an ' Omnia bene ' from a Corporation, 
 when they are to give an account of themselves. Take then this 
 true character of the Corporation men of Bath from a lover of 
 the King and the discipline of the Established Church, viz. : — 
 
 " The present Mayor is a legal, well-principled man. 
 
 " Robert C n. No fanatic; speaks flattering to all parties. 
 
 " Captain C n. An old honest Cavalier. 
 
 " Watt. G s. A huffish Alderman, but a lover of the established 
 
 Government. 
 
 " B k of the Shop. A sly fanatic. 
 
 " B r. An insolent fanatic. 
 
 " B k, of Westgate House. A plain, downright man. 
 
 " H e. A very honest man. 
 
 " P r. A harmless, peaceable man. 
 
 " B 1. A loyal-hearted man, — So much for the Aldermen. 
 
 "Common Councilmen. 
 
 " C e. A decrepit old Cavalier. 
 
 " W s. An ignoramus ; the selling a barrel of Ale will make 
 
 him vote for anything. 
 
 " W d. A chip in porridge. 
 
 " A s. An atheistical fellow, and knight of the post. 
 
 " C y. A man of good principles. 
 
CORPORATION MEN OF BATH. I 87 
 
 " John S n. A damnable antimonarchial man ; a frequenter 
 
 of Conventicles. 
 "A d. His wholly devoted creature. A frequenter of Con- 
 venticles. 
 
 "Ben B n. It is no matter what he is; for he has not an 
 
 atom of sense. 
 
 " S s. An honest, industrious man. 
 
 " Tom G s. A furioso, but well affected towards the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 " Will C n. Richard M r. Both loyal and jolly fellows. 
 
 "P e. Is well enough, but when he is influenced by the 
 
 Country (Party). 
 
 " C 1, alias Old Rock. Firm to the King and his friends. 
 
 " J s. A Church of England man. 
 
 "W— - — e A dapper Apothecary. In loyalty equals the best 
 of them. 
 
 " S e. A well-meaning man. 
 
 " Will S n. Is quite opposite to the principles of his brother 
 
 John. 
 
 " R s. A fantastical, shatter-headed coxcomb. 
 
 "This is a truer account than what they will send of themselves 
 to the Council, and if the Corporation acquaint not the Council 
 
 of the malicious practices of and others against the 
 
 King and his Government, and reform irregularities, permitting 
 a suspected Popish Priest here, without tendering the Oaths, and 
 suffering fanatical Minfeters to reside in the Corporation to 
 disaffect the people against the King and Government, by telling 
 the people that the King will let in Popery upon us by suffering 
 the Duke of York to be nigh him, who they say will make the 
 King do any thing against the Protestants, so that under fear 
 of Popery they endeavour to influence the people into rebellion, 
 which God forbid, so prayeth 
 
 "Your F. S., 
 "A. R." 
 
 The data relative to the attachment and surrender of 
 the Dover Charter are very limited. The Minutes of 
 
1 88 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Assembly contain no reference to it beyond the following, 
 made more than two years after the occurrence : — 
 
 " nth January, 1686. At a Common Assembly held this day, 
 appeared Robert Jacob, Esq., Mayor, George West, Esq., &c. 
 
 " Upon reading a letter from the Honourable Colonel Strode, 
 touching the proportion of moneys of this Port to be paid to the 
 Solicitors for the charge of Removing the General Charter for the 
 Cinque Ports, — 
 
 " It is ordered that the Town Clerk write to the Town Clerk 
 of New Romney for a copy of all the proceedings at the last 
 Guestling, and the several proportions of each Port in defraying 
 the charge of renewing the said Charter. 
 
 "Ordered — Upon presenting Mr. Veel's Letter and Charges 
 in presenting the. Quo Warranto against this Corporation, and 
 
 the " [word illegible] "at the Assizes, that a letter be written 
 
 to him by the Mayor, requesting him to send copies of such 
 letters and orders as he hath in his custody for such prosecution, 
 that they may further consider therein; and in the mean time 
 Captain West, Mr. Wellard, &c., are hereby appointed and 
 ordered to examine his accounts, and prepare a charge of what 
 moneys have been paid him towards his charges in this service." 
 
 The Rev. John Lyons in his " History of Dover," (pp. 
 2 1 5-7) gives the following account of the proceedings : — 
 
 " Whilst the Attorney General was prosecuting the Quo 
 Warranto against the Corporation in the King's name, a Petition 
 signed by 128 of the inhabitants was sent to the Duke of 
 Albermarle to be presented to the Sovereign; and he received 
 it very graciously. They assured his Majesty that they were 
 deeply penetrated with a sense of their unhappy situation in 
 belonging to a Corporate Body which had some of its members 
 disaffected, and who refused to put the laws into execution 
 against Conventicles ; by which they promoted and kept up 
 sedition among the people ; while they with all humility 
 prostrated themselves, and laid the benefit they had in their 
 Charter, and the franchises of his Town and Port of Dover at 
 his Royal feet. ,,.... To convince the King how 
 
GRANT OF A NEW CHARTER. 1 89 
 
 zealous and active they were in his interest, they assured him 
 they had already convicted Nicholas Cullen, the late pretended 
 Mayor, and William Stokes, their Chief Magistrate; and that 
 they had indicted some others for similar offences. 
 
 "The Grand Jury at a Special Sessions of ^ Oyer and Terminer,^ 
 held by the Admiralty Court on 29th April, 1682, agreed also 
 to address the King. They assured him 'how sensible they 
 were of the unparalleled happiness they enjoyed under his mild 
 Government ; and they congratulated him against the hellish plot 
 and contrivances invented to oppose his authority; but more 
 especially for his detecting the traitorous project for association in 
 the proceedings of the Earl of Shaftesbury ; and such proceedings, 
 they said, carried in them the very quintessence of rebellion.' 
 
 " They continued in the same strain for some time, and then 
 they offered his Majesty their most sincere thanks for placing his 
 royal brother, their late Warden, High Commissioner of Scotland. 
 "The Court of Brotherhood assembled at Romney in 1683, 
 declared in their Address to the King that they thought it their 
 duty to offer him their loyal and thankful obedience, as the 
 first-fruits of their Assembly, after a discontinuance of their 
 meetings for many years. They further assured the King of 
 their great attachment to his person, and of their gratitude for 
 his mild Government, and that they detested all opposition to 
 the Laws and separation from the Church, as a sin against God; 
 and to complete all, they were ready to offer up their lives in 
 defence of his person. 
 
 "These Addresses, and the surrender of their Charter, saved 
 the Attorney General the trouble of prosecuting the 'Quo 
 Warranto ;' and as the Addresses seemed as pliable as wax in 
 the hands of an artist, and as capable of being moulded into 
 whatever form they wanted, the King granted them a new 
 Charter. 
 
 "This Charter was drawn up on the plan of 1578; and not- 
 withstanding it gave the Magistrates the privilege of continuing 
 in their offices for life, it met with the same fate as most of those 
 granted by Charles II. ; for it was disowned by the persons who 
 obtained it, or by their successors. 
 
 " The King had reserved to himself the privilege of dismissing 
 
190 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 at pleasure all those whom he had placed in authority ; but this 
 was considered by the Lawyers (temp. William and Mary) an 
 illegal and unconstitutional stretch of his power; and in their 
 language, he was ^deceived in his Grant;' and his Charter, though 
 not void, was voidable if controverted. 
 
 " On the arrival of King William III. the Magistrates did not 
 refer to the new Charter, but pleaded their right of prescription 
 to act as a Corporation," &c. 
 
 By the Minutes of Assembly it appears that Messrs. 
 Nicholas CuUen and William Stokes, and their friends 
 remained in office till the surrender of the Charter. 
 
 Captain Stokes was elected Mayor on the 8th September, 
 1683. From that date a blank of several pages occurs in 
 the Minute Book, and then is written : — 
 
 " 1684. 
 " George West, Esq., Mayor. 
 " At a Common Assembly held on 25th August, 1684, 
 "Present — George West, Esq., Mayor; 
 " Jurats, 
 " Thomas Tiddeman Aaron Wellard 
 
 Thomas Wool Warham Jemmett 
 
 Nathl. Denew Samuel Lucas 
 
 Robert Jacob Clement Burke 
 
 "Common Councilmen, 
 "Thomas Russell Robert Gallant 
 
 Peter Peters Robert Colloy 
 
 Thomas Bedingfield Edward Pitts 
 
 Benjamin Hawkins John Gardner 
 
 George Wellard Charles Gill 
 
 Benjamin Godwyn Thomas Statfold 
 
 John Holland William Elwin 
 
 Robert Hogden Robert Kennett 
 
 Thomas Gibbon Richard Edwards, Jun. 
 
 Richard Hills Eleazor Shewnall " 
 
REMOVAL OF MAYOR, JURATS, AND C. C. MEN. I9I 
 
 In the autumn of 1688, James II. having discovered 
 too late the folly of the course he had been led to adopt, 
 set to work to court the Country Party, and restored the 
 displaced members of Corporations, including those of 
 Dover. Hence we find the following Minutes in the 
 Assembly Book of Dover: — 
 
 "At an Assembly of the Mayor and Jurats held in the Guildhall 
 on Monday, the 17th September, 1688, appeared — Robert Jacob, 
 Esq., Mayor, George West, Thomas Tiddeman, Edward Roberts, 
 Thomas Veel, and Nathl. Denew, Esquires ; Thomas Nowell, 
 Warham Jemmett, Samuel Lucas, Clement Burke, John Golden, 
 and William Smith, Jurats, the following Order was produced 
 and read, viz. : — 
 
 "Lo. f^ "At the Court at Windsor the 9th September, 1688 : 
 SigillSJ "By the King's most excellent Majesty and the Lords 
 of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, 
 
 "Whereas by the Charter granted to the Town and Port of 
 Dover it is reserved to his Majesty by his Order in Council to 
 remove from their employment any officers in the said Town 
 ■his Majesty in Council is pleased to order, and it is hereby 
 Ordered that Robert Jacob, Mayor, and Warham Jemmett, 
 George West, Clement Burke, John Golden, and William Smith, 
 Jurats J Benjamin Goodwyn, Robert Osborne, and George 
 Wellard, Common Councilmen, be and they are hereby 
 removed and displaced from their employments and offices in 
 the said Town of Dover. 
 
 "(Signed) Edward Roberts, Mayor. 
 „ William Bridgeman." 
 
 On the 20th September, 1688, Edward Roberts, Esq., 
 was elected Mayor for the year ending 8th September, 
 1689 ; but soon after we find the following entry in the 
 Minute of Assembly : — 
 
192 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "William Stokes, Esq., Mayor. 1688. 
 
 "In the Guildhall on the 25th October, 1688, in the fourth 
 year of the reign, &c. 
 
 " Memorandum— That William Stokes, Esq., Mayor of this 
 Town and Port, Dr. John Colder, Captain Ceorge West, Messrs. 
 William Richards, John Bullarke, Nicholas Cullen, John Vaylie, 
 Thomas Scott, Edward Franklyn, and Edward Wivell, Jurats 
 of the same, did on the said 2Sth of October, 1688, pursuant 
 to his Majesty's gracious and Royal Proclamation this day 
 publicly proclaimed in the Market Place of the said Town, 
 enter into and upon the Covernment of this Corporation and 
 the power and places of Mayor and Jurats thereof, took possession 
 of the said Cuildhall with the Ensign of the White Staff of 
 Mayoralty, which the said Mayor took up accordingly." 
 
 On the 26th October, 1688, William Stokes, Esq., Mayor, 
 Thomas Scott, Edward Franklyn, and Edward Wivell, 
 took the Oaths, &c. ; and on the 29th October, Dr. John 
 Golder, and Messrs. William Richards, John Bullarke, 
 Nicholas Cullen, and John Vaylie did likewise. 
 
 A private M.S. mem. among Papillon's papers contains 
 the following statement : — 
 
 "Soon after the verdict against him [meaning Thomas Papillon*] 
 the town of Dover surrendered their Charter, viz., 24th October, 
 1683. At a Common Council they ordered the Mayor, Mr. 
 Stokes, to carry their Address to the King, and with an unanimous 
 consent submitted to his Majesty's pleasure, when the same shall 
 be known, in all matters relating to the ' Quo Warranto ' brought 
 against them, and that Mr. Mayor take advice of Mr. Secretary 
 
 * The verdict here mentioned was not really against Thomas Papillon, 
 but against Thomas Pilkington, Samuel Shute, and others who had been 
 instrumental in the Return of himself and John Dubois as Sheriffs of London 
 and Middlesex; which Return was disallowed by the Mayor, and Pilkington, 
 Shute, &c,, were convicted of a Riot. See " State Trials," 8th May, 1683. 
 
SURRENDER OF DOVER CHARTER. I 93 
 
 Jenkins, or Mr. Attorney General, what course to take in the 
 management thereof, but the Mayor is not to cause further 
 prosecution to be made in defence of the said Quo Warranto. 
 "They likewise submitted to the recommendation of his 
 Majesty, as Lord Warden, of one person to be chosen as Baron 
 to serve in the next Parliament, whenever his Majesty shall please 
 to call one, and as much as in them lies, will accept thereof." 
 
 Soon after the surrender, Thomas Papillon met Captain 
 Stokes in London, and expressed his surprise how he 
 could so readily abandon the Charter and its privileges, 
 which they had repeatedly swrorn to defend. Captain 
 Stokes replied that no one w^ould expend one shilling in 
 the cause. 
 
 In reviewing the whole case, as regards Thomas 
 Papillon, we are struck with his strong and inherent love 
 of justice and liberty, and his earnest efforts to secure 
 these treasures for the Borough of Dover; and though 
 he failed at the time, and in little more than a year 
 became an exile himself — his principles triumphed at 
 last, and in him was fulfilled the promise 
 
 " He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed, shall 
 doubtless come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves with 
 him." — Psalm cxxvi. 
 
 The active part taken by Sir Lionel Jenkins in these 
 and other proceedings, which infringed or tended to 
 infringe the rights of the subject, call for a few lines on 
 his history and character. 
 
 Individually he seems to have been a man of high 
 integrity and honour, and possessing much regard for 
 religion ; but when exalted to the post of Secretary of 
 
194 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 State, his excessive sense of loyalty and obedience to the 
 Crown led him into many acts which his better judgment 
 would have condemned. The King knew this man. 
 
 The following sketch is taken chiefly from the "Life 
 of Sir Leoline Jenkins" by William Wynne, of the Middle 
 Temple (his relative and admirer). London, 1724. 
 
 "Born 1625. Son of Leoline Jenkins, or Jenkins Lluellin, of 
 the parish of Llanbithian, Glamorganshire ; a man of about jP^/^o 
 a year. Mr. David Jenkins, one of the Judges of North Wales, 
 and a famous champion of the Royal cause, patronized him, and 
 recommended him to Dr. Wilkins, Warden of Wadham College, 
 Oxford. Sir Lionel Jenkins went to school at Cowbridge, and 
 in 1 641, when not quite sixteen, he was admitted to Jesus College, 
 Oxford, of which JDr. Mansell, a learned and virtuous man, and 
 staunch Royalist, was the Principal ; but both Principal and loyal 
 Student were soon obliged to flee, and the latter took up arms 
 on the Royal side. On its collapse in 1648 he became Tutor 
 to the sons of various loyal gentlemen, and afterwards visited 
 several countries of Europe with them. 
 
 " But on the Restoration he returned to Jesus College, and 
 was at once elected a Fellow. On Dr. Mansell's resignation 
 soon after, he was chosen Principal ; and with prudence and 
 much pains he set about to restore the College to discipline 
 and competence, from which it had sadly fallen of late years. 
 Dr. Mansell generously settled on it the remains of his estate; 
 and Dr. Jenkins followed his example by remembering it in 
 his will. 
 
 " He remained Principal till 1673, when he was called away to 
 act as Ambassador at Cologne. 
 
 "He was appointed Commissary of the peculiar and exempt 
 Jurisdiction of the Deanery of Bridgenorth, Salop ; 
 
 " Registrar of the Consistory Court belonging to the Collegiate 
 Church of St. Peter's, Westminster; and soon after — by Dr. 
 Sheldon — to be Commissary for the Diocese of Canterbury; 
 and 
 
 " Assessor of the Chancellor's Court, Oxford. 
 
 " He was a truly virtuous, industrious, and Godly man ; an 
 
LIFE OF SIR LIONEL JENKINS. ipS 
 
 ardent lover of learning ; well-read in Canon and Civil Law ; and 
 a good linguist in French, Latin, &c. 
 
 "In 1663, he was admitted to Doctors' Commons,. and to 
 practice in the Court of Arches; and very soon he was made 
 Deputy to the Dean of Arches, who was aged and feeble. 
 
 "On the first Dutch War breaking out the King appointed 
 a new kind of Commission, consisting of the Lords of the Privy 
 Council, viz., The Admiralty Court ; and the Commissioners 
 called on Dr. Jenkins to compile a body of Rules and Ordinances 
 by which the Judge of the Court should adjudicate on Prizes. On 
 the 2 1 St March, 1664, Dr. Jenkins was appointed 'Assistant' to 
 Dr. Exton, the 'Judge,' and on Dr, Exton's death, not long 
 after, he was made sole Judge. 
 
 " In these capacities he became very eminent as a Juris-Consult, 
 and noted for his integrity and sound judgment. He was also 
 tender and compassionate towards prisoners, and often remitted 
 his own legal fees. 
 
 "In 1668, he was made Judge of the Prerogative Court of 
 Canterbury, on the recommendation of the King. 
 
 "In 1669, he was appointed Commissioner, jointly with Mr. 
 Montague, the Ambassador at Paris, to reclaim the effects of the 
 Queen Mother Henrietta^ in which he finally succeeded ; and on 
 his return to England he was knighted. 
 
 " During his stay in Paris he defended the religious character 
 of Charles I. from a charge of infidelity brought against him by 
 Father Senault in his Funeral Oration of him, as the only 
 assignable cause for the afflictions which he suffered by Divine 
 Providence. 
 
 "In 1669, or early in 1670, he was appointed a Commissioner 
 for the Union of England and Scotland. 
 
 "In 1671, he was returned as Member of Parliament for Hythe, 
 Kent — one of the Cinque Ports. 
 
 "In May, 1673, he was appointed Ambassador and Pleni- 
 potentiary at Cologne, together with Lord Sunderland and Sir 
 Joseph Williamson, to arrange a Treaty of Peace with Holland, 
 after the Second Dutch War. He returned home in 1674. 
 
 "At the end of 1675, or early in 1676, he was sent as Ambas- 
 sador, &c., to Nimeguen, to act in conjunction with Lord Berkley, 
 N 2 
 
196 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Ambassador at Paris, and Sir William Temple, Ambassador at 
 the Hague ; and in this post he ever exerted himself to maintain 
 the honour due to his King and Country." 
 
 Of his conduct there Sir William Temple says in his 
 " Memoirs " : — 
 
 "Two more different men were never joined in one Commission, 
 nor agreed better in it : As in evening entertainments or collations, 
 in dancing or play, I seldom failed of taking a part, so my 
 colleague. Sir Lionel Jenkins never had .any in them — ^which 
 gave occasion for a good mot that was passed on it — ' That the 
 mediation was always on foot,' for I went to bed and rose late, 
 while Jenkins was a bed by eight and up at four." 
 
 "He was punctual," says Wynne, "in keeping to his 
 instructions, where he was limited ; wary and cautious 
 where he was left free." 
 
 He refused most persistently to receive presents, 
 especially those of Louis XIV., after the Treaty of 
 Nimeguen ; while Sir William Temple received all, as 
 was usual in those days. 
 
 In March, 1681, he was elected Member of Parliament 
 for the University of Oxford, and in 1680- 1, he had been 
 appointed Secretary of State. 
 
 In this latter position, Burnett says of him •.^— 
 
 "Jenkins, now made Secretary of State in Coventry's place, 
 was the chief manager for the Court [against the Exclusion 
 Bill]. He was a man of exemplary life, and considerably learned; 
 but he was dull and slow. He was suspected of leaning to 
 Popery, though very unjustly ; but he was set on every punctilio 
 of the Church of England to superstition, and was a great 
 assertor of the Divine Right of Monarchy, and was for carrying 
 the prerogative high. He neither spoke nor wrote well; but 
 being eminent for the most courtly qualifications, other matters 
 were the more easily dispensed with. All his speeches and 
 arguments against the Exclusion were heard with indignation; 
 so the bill was brought in." 
 
LIFE OF SECRETARY JENKINS. 197 
 
 This sketch maybe seasonably concluded with b. precis 
 of Sir Lionel Jenkins' "Disquisition on the Condition of 
 Affairs in 1 680-1" as given also by his Biographer': — 
 
 " The Acts of Law and Justice are, 
 
 " I. — The securing Religion from Atheism, Profaneness, and 
 Immorality. 
 
 " 2. — The punishing offenders against the Law, relating to 
 public or private Right indifferently, without respect of Persons. 
 
 " 3. — Seeing that the Laws themselves be not a snare or burden 
 to the Subject. 
 
 "Secondly — What amendments discretion of policy may require 
 in the present future of Affairs ? 
 
 " There are three Parties in this Kingdom to be considered, — 
 
 " I — The Church of England. 2 — The Nonconformists. 3— 
 The Papists. 
 
 "The last cannot be accounted, without contradicting the 
 established laws, irritating the whole body of the Nation, and 
 ruining all. 
 
 "As to the Second Party they are now numerous; but will 
 they, who cannot be governed now they have no power, be 
 more easily governed when they have a share in the power and 
 Government of the Nation ? Can any method be found to unite 
 and cement them to the Church of England ? 
 
 " The things most to be apprehended are — A Commonwealth, 
 Popery, and a lasting war about the Succession.. 
 
 "A Commonwealth — if the Factions on foot prevail; Popery — 
 if the Duke succeed ; and a lasting War — if he be excluded. 
 
 " People generally would reprobate most : i — ^Popery. 2 — 
 War. 3 — A Commonwealth. But the latter cannot be established 
 but by the grossest injustice. 
 
 " Query— Will the Duke recant ? " 
 
 Sir Lionel Jenkins pleaded against the Quo Warranto 
 on the Corporation of London, deeming it a very 
 inexpedient and harsh measure. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 ACQUITTAL OF THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY BY THE 
 GRAND JURY OF THE CITY OF LONDON. 
 
 Circumstances leading to the arrest of Lord Shaftesbury — The character of 
 the Witnesses against him — The Grand Jury — The Judge's Charge — 
 Demurs on the part of the Jury — Finding — Incidental remarks by Papillon 
 on the printed report of the case — and of his own part in the matter. 
 
 jHEN Charles II., supported by the Cabal, 
 engaged in the base alliance with France — 
 1670-72 — the upright and venerable Duke 
 of Ormond was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 and a Member of the Committee on Foreign 
 Affairs : The King was at once induced 
 to remove him from the latter post, and soon after from 
 the former; but with gravity and decorum he still paid 
 stated visits at Court, and never espoused violent counsels. 
 In 1677, the King, repenting of his harsh treatment 
 of so loyal and able a servant, reinstated him as Lord 
 Lieutenant of Ireland ; * where he ruled with such 
 moderation and vigilance, that Protestants and Roman 
 Catholics alike were contented and prosperous. 
 
 The Country Party who had so ardently espoused the 
 fiction of the Popish Plot, and wondered at its explosion 
 — could not understand this peaceful state of Ireland, 
 
 * "By long forbearing is a prince persuaded; and a soft tongue breaketh 
 the bone." — Proverbs xxv. 15. 
 
SPIES SENT TO IRELAND. J99 
 
 where Roman Catholics were in a large majority — and 
 in 1 680- 1 some of the leaders personally averse to 
 Ormond, first attacked his Government of Ireland in the 
 House of Lords ; and on that failing, through the splendid 
 defence of Ormond's gallant son Lord Ossory, they sent 
 spies to Ireland to search for arms jand papers, and offered 
 rewards for information of sedition. 
 
 At length some informants appeared ; the Oxford 
 Parliament received their tales; and the peaceable Oliver 
 Plunket, Roman Catholic Archbishop (and Primate) of 
 Ireland fell a victim to their evidence. 
 
 But when Parliament was suddenly dissolved, and the 
 Court Party became masters, these informants veered 
 round, and brought charges of Treason against the Earl 
 of Shaftesbury, the leader of the Country Party.* 
 
 He was at once committed to prison, and brought to 
 trial in the City of London, as recorded in the " State 
 Trials" 
 
 The Grand Jury on the occasion consisted of twenty-one 
 members, including Sir Samuel Barnadiston, Foreman ; 
 Thomas Papillon, and his old friend Michael Godfrey. 
 
 The Judge to try the case was Lord Chief Justice 
 Pemberton. He specially charged the Jury to find a 
 "True Bill," or otherwise, simply according to the evidence 
 that might be adduced, without regard to its credibility : — 
 the judgment of that he said, being the province of the 
 Petty Jury; and he further required in the King's name, 
 that the witnesses should be examined in open Court. 
 
 The Jury strongly objected to this latter course, as 
 contrary to custom, and liable to defeat the ends of 
 
 * Hume's "England," 
 
200 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 justice; and PapiUon argued against it; but the Lord 
 Chief Justice over-ruled their objections, and they sub- 
 mitted. 
 
 The witnesses were first examined in Court by the 
 Crown Lawyers — Sir Francis Wythens chiefly — and that 
 ended, PapiUon plainly told the Lord Chief Justice 
 
 " If we are not left to consider the credibility of the Witnesses, 
 we cannot satisfy our consciences." 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice replied that if they personally 
 knew any thing against them they might act on it; and 
 to this the Jury assented. 
 
 The Grand Jury then cross-examined the witnesses one 
 by one ; the Foreman, Godfrey, and especially PapiUon 
 taking lead in the matter ; and the Lord Chief Justice 
 occasionally interposing. 
 
 This concluded, the Jury returned a verdict of "Igno- 
 ramus" and thus Lord Shaftesbury was set free. 
 
 Law and History have alike approved of the Finding; 
 deeming that it would have been wrong to send to trial 
 one arraigned on base evidence ; but the Court Party who 
 urged the suit, and felt they had secured their relentless 
 foe, were much incensed at the result ; following, as it 
 did, a similar acquittal of poor CoUedge, "the Protestant 
 Joiner" of London ; a noisy fellow whom the Government, 
 bent on judgment, sent to Oxford, the scene of his alleged 
 offences, and there obtained his conviction ! 
 
 The trial occurred on the 24th November, 1681 ; and in 
 April, 1682, the following remarks were incidentally made 
 by Thomas PapiUon, when discoursing with the Lord 
 Mayor and Lady Mayoress, relative to the coming election 
 of Sheriffs. The remarks appear in an autograph account 
 of it by Thomas PapiUon : — 
 
TRIAL OF EARL SHAFTESBURY. 201 
 
 "I was saying that it was a great evil when Magistrates did 
 not consider things, but looked on persons and judged of things 
 by persons, whereas justice ought to regard the matter, and not 
 the persons. 
 
 "As I was saying something of this nature, the Chaplain or 
 Parson comes in, and replies upon me, ' Mr. Papillon, did you 
 not look on persons in the trial of my Lord Shaftesbury ? ' 
 
 "I answered, 'Sir, I suppose you cannot think it proper for 
 me to argue that matter with you or any person living; I did 
 therein discharge my conscience on my oath to God, the King, 
 and Country, and that is sufficient. We had the Laws, the 
 Indictment, the Evidence all before us, and I will not give an 
 account upon what we went, and what induced us to give our 
 Verdict.' 
 
 " My Lord said the Parson was at the trial, and that he did 
 own that we did right upon the whole matter. 
 
 "The Parson acknowledged the same, but said, 'Had the 
 Witnesses been credible persons, they swore enough to have 
 found the Bill, and brought the matter to trial.' I answered, 
 ' That was his opinion, but I would not tell him what was mine, 
 nor upon what we went' 
 
 " I said there were many mistakes in the printed book of that 
 trial, both as to questions asked by the- Jury, and as to what 
 the Witnesses said — for instance, it said, ' We asked whether this 
 paper, or the Association in this paper was read in the House 
 of Commons, whereas no such question was asked. The Parson 
 said, 'No, it was whether there was not debate or discourse in 
 the House of Commons about an Association.' 'Yes,' said I 
 'it was so; and whether the Act about the Association in Queen 
 Elizabeth's time was not read.' 
 
 "Another thing, one of the Witnesses said, ' My Lord Shaftes- 
 bury was sorry the King did not see his own danger,' and in the 
 printed book, it is, ' He was glad the King did not see his own 
 danger,' which is very different. 
 
 "I said there were many other mistakes in the printed relation, 
 though it was said to be published by authority ; yet no person 
 owning it, we did not trouble ourselves about it, but satisfied 
 ourselves in having faithfully discharged our consciences. 
 
202 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Then I took leave, and my Lord accompanied 
 
 me to the gate." 
 
 In February, 1683, the Foreman, Sir Samuel Barnadiston, 
 was tried for a misdemeanour on account of having in 
 three private letters decried the Popish Plot, and predicted 
 as probable an early change in the King's surroundings, 
 especially the restoration, to office of the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, &c. He was convicted, and sentenced to a fine 
 of ;£'lO,000 ! * 
 
 In November, 1684', Thomas Papillon as Defendant in 
 an action for False Arrest incurred the indirect censure 
 of the Judge respecting ^^ Ignoramus Juries." He also was 
 sentenced to a fine of ;£'io,ooo ! 
 
 And Wilner, Foreman of the Grand Jury which acquitted 
 Colledge, was soon after tried on a charge of "Replegiando 
 Hominem" for having sent abroad on business a lad in 
 his employment."!" 
 
 * See "State Trials." 
 
 t See Sir — Hawk's Remarks on certain Trials, published in "State Trials." 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 ELECTION OF SHERIFFS FOR THE CITY OF LONDON — 
 ARREST OF THE LORD MAYOR — PROSECUTION. 
 
 Origin and course of the conflict between Court and Country Parties in 
 the City, 1680 to 1682 — Election of a Court Party Mayor obtained in 
 1681 — -Conversation of Papillon with Lord Mayor in April, 1682, relative 
 to approaching Election of Sheriffs — Roger North on the situation — Dudley 
 North's previous career and character — The Court resolves on the Election 
 of Roger North as Sheriff — the Freemen of the City on that of Papillon 
 and Dubois — The Lord Mayor nominates North — the Common Hall 
 reject his Nomination — Legal opinions on the case — Adjournment of 
 the Hall ignored by the Sheriffs, viho proceed with the Poll — they are 
 committed to the Tower — The King in Council requires a new Election- 
 two Polls with opposite results — The Lord Mayor declares in favour of 
 North and Box as the new Sheriffs — Box fines off — A new Hall — 
 Attendance and action of Train Bands in Guildhall — The Lord Mayor's 
 assumed indignation at conduct of Country Party — Sir John Lawrence 
 and Sir Robert Clayton deny his charges — Papillon and Dubois present 
 a declaration claiming to be sworn in — the Lord Mayor refuses to receive 
 it, or to attend to the remonstrances of Aldermen — Proceedings at Law 
 — the Lord Mayor refuses to give an appearance — he is arrested at the 
 instance of Papillon and Dubois, and consents to an appearance —He 
 summons Papillon before the Court of Aldermen, to account for his 
 conduct — Papillon is much abused by some of the Court — ^he calmly 
 defends the course taken — Prosecution and conviction of the two Ex- 
 Sheriffs — ^real object of their trial — In consequence of the result, Papillon 
 and Dubois withdraw their suit against the Lord Mayor — "Quo Warranto" 
 against the City's Charter — Rye House Plot— Song on the loss of the 
 Charter — Sir William Pritchard, the Lord Mayor, sues Papillon for false 
 and malicious arrest, and obtains a verdict for ;£'io,ooo — Papillon retires 
 to Holland — Efforts of relatives and friends to obtain his release from 
 the Judgment — he refuses to compromise his course of action — On change 
 of Politics in Court of James II., 1688, Sir WilUam Pritchard gladly 
 releases Papillon. 
 
 HROUGHOUT life Thomas Papillon had 
 resisted the exercise of arbitrary and unjust 
 power. 1 — In opposing the action of Fairfax's 
 Army with regard to the Parliament and 
 London in 1647. 2 — In the matter of the 
 government of the French Church in London. 
 3 — In resisting the exactions of the Customs and Excise 
 
204 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Courts as recorded in Chapter IV. 4 — In the East India 
 Company, as in Chapter VI. 5 — On various occasions 
 in Parliament. 6 — In the trial of the Earl of Shaftesbury. 
 And now that the Government were invading the rights of 
 the City of London, he stood to his colours, and was drawn 
 into the vortex which swamped many — some in death, 
 and more in exile. Happily for the cause and Country, 
 nay, for all Europe, and the world at large, the Revolution 
 brought restoration, as shall the Resurrection of the just 
 to all believers. 
 
 But though involved in politics, Thomas Papillon was 
 not politic ; and while his love of justice, and dread of 
 Popery led him into many contests, his love of peace and 
 high sense of loyalty often rendered the task uncongenial, 
 and his action somewhat feeble. 
 
 In his prosecution before Lord Chief Justice Jeffreys, 
 the latter truly said of him : — 
 
 " ' I know Mr. Papillon's humour so well that I am confident 
 he would much rather have been contented to sit in his counting- 
 house than in Guildhall in a scarlet gown. Alack-a-day, I know 
 Mr. Papillon knows how to spend his time to better advantage 
 to himself.' And then he proceeded to declaim against his 
 conduct as the fruit of a common design in the City to subvert 
 the Government ; but he little knew, and less valued, the power 
 of those Huguenot principles which had guided him through 
 life." 
 
 In the conflict of the " Court " and " Country " parties 
 the City of London played an important part on the side 
 of the latter. It was the focus of the wealth, commerce, 
 and aristocracy of the kingdom ; and its proximity to the 
 seat of Parliament and the Court, increased its influence. 
 
 Though Parties were distinctly formed. Party Government 
 
 • was yet far distant; and those who opposed the Court were 
 
 treated as personal enemies, however loyal they might be. 
 
CHOICE OF SHERIFFS FOR LONDON — 1680. 20$ 
 
 (Papillon himself had experienced this in his exclusion 
 from the Directory of the East India Company in 1677, 
 as mentioned in Chapter VI.) 
 
 And the City, foreseeing that its course of action might 
 render it obnoxious to the Government, resolved in 1680 
 to fortify itself in the Courts of Law by the election of 
 Sheriffs who would appoint sound Juries, both Grand and 
 Petty ; and this was the more requisite, as the Judges were 
 not only appointed by the Crown, but were removable at 
 its pleasure. 
 
 The conduct of the leaders in the City is thus described 
 by Thornton in his ^^ History of London" pp. 222-3, temp. 
 1680 :— 
 
 "They put up and supported Slingsby Bethel and Henry 
 Cornish, two Independents, in opposition to Box and Nicholson, 
 who were offered by the Court : The two former having the shew 
 of a considerable majority, and a poll being demanded on behalf 
 of the latter, a tumult ensued, which was improved by the Lord 
 Mayor and other devotees of the Court into a Riot. And the 
 matter was represented to the King with such aggravating 
 circumstances that his Majesty, the same evening, issued a 
 Commission for the trial of the Rioters. 
 
 "This, however, was so far from deterring the Anti-Court 
 Party that they supported the Country interest with greater spirit, 
 and not only pursued all measures for a vigorous prosecution of 
 the Popish Conspirators, but likewise for excluding the Duke of 
 York from the succession. 
 
 "The King to prevent the execution of their designs, prorogued 
 the Parliament; in consequence of which the Lord Mayor, Alder- 
 men, and Common Council presented a Petition to his Majesty, 
 representing the prejudice it would be to himself and the Nation 
 should the Parliamentary enquiry into the late Plot be stopped 
 and prevented, and the bad consequences that must result from 
 their being disenabled to proceed against those Lords who had 
 been impeached for Treason. They therefore humbly prayed 
 
2o6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 that he would permit the Parliament immediately to sit, as the 
 only means to quiet the minds and extinguish the fears of his 
 Protestant people. 
 
 "This Petition gave great offence to the King, and to shew 
 his resentment he immediately dissolved the Parliament; and 
 writs being issued for a new Election, the Citizens exerted 
 themselves with such diligence that on the 4th February, i68t, 
 notwithstanding the great efforts made by the Court Party to 
 oppose them, they re-chose their four late Representatives, viz. : 
 Sir Robert Clayton, Sir Thomas Player, Thomas Pilkington, and 
 William Love, Esquires. 
 
 ***** 
 
 "In June, 1681, the Citizens obtained another victory over 
 the Court Party, by electing Pilkington and Shute, for Sheriffs, in 
 opposition to others offered by the Court. 
 
 " The King soon after shewed his resentment at this ; for on 
 the 13th October, the two Sheriffs being sent with the Recorder 
 to desire the honour of his Majesty's company at Guildhall, on 
 the approaching Lord Mayor's Day, his answer was ' Mr. Recorder, 
 an invitation from the Lord Mayor and City is very acceptable 
 to me ; and to shew that it is so, notwithstanding that it is brought 
 by messengers so unwelcome to me as those two Sheriffs are, yet 
 I accept it.' " 
 
 In giving this reply, it may be presumed the King was 
 well aware of the victory he had obtained on Michaelmas 
 Day, in the election of Sir John Moore as the new Lord 
 Mayor. That event is thus described by Burnett, in his 
 " History of his own Times " : — 
 
 " He [Sir John Moore] was the Alderman on whom the Election 
 fell in course. Yet some who knew him well were for setting 
 him aside, as one whom the Court would easily manage. He 
 had been a Nonconformist himself, till he grew so rich, that he 
 had a mind to go through the dignities of the City ; but though 
 he conformed to the Church, yet he was still looked on, as 
 one that favoured the Sectaries : And upon this occasion he 
 persuaded some of their preachers to go among their congregations 
 
'DRINKING' TO A SHERIFF-ELECT, 207 
 
 to get votes for him. Others, who knew him to be a flexible and 
 faint-hearted man opposed his Election. Yet it was carried for 
 him. 
 
 " The opposition that was made to his Election had sharpened 
 him so much that he became in all things compliant to the Court, 
 in particular to Secretary Jenkins." 
 
 Of the conduct of Jenkins in this and other matters 
 relative to the City, Burnett says : — 
 
 " He seemed to think it necessary to bring the City to a 
 dependence on the Court in the fairest methods he could fall 
 on ; and if these did not succeed, that then he was to take the 
 most effectual, hoping that a good intention would excuse bad 
 practices.'' 
 
 It was well known in the City that the Whig Party 
 would again try to carry the election of Sheriffs, and it 
 was rumoured that the Lord Mayor would seek the 
 appointment of one of them by drinking to him* 
 
 Accordingly, on the 29th April, 1682, Thomas Papillon 
 visited the Lord Mayor and conversed with him on the 
 matter, as recorded in the following autograph M.S. And 
 whatever opinion may be formed as to his wisdom in this 
 step, it clearly evinced his loyalty both to the Lord Mayor 
 and to the City, and his desire to prevent contentions, and 
 to forestall dangers. 
 
 "29th April, 1682. — Discourse with Sir John Moore, Lord 
 
 Mayor, about Drinking to a Sheriff. 
 
 "Saturday, 29th April, 1682. — I was at my Lord Mayor's about 
 eight of the clock and stayed till towards ten : 
 
 * This practice was first introduced in 1585, and it often met with the tacit 
 assent of the Masters, Wardens, and Liverymen of the City Companies, with 
 whom the choice of Sheriffs duly lay ; but on various occasions this assumed 
 right of the Lord Mayor was disputed, and on one of them the question vfas 
 referred to the Judges, who gave an equivocal opinion, recommending the 
 acceptance of the Mayor's nominee, but leaving the rights of the Freemen an 
 open question. 
 
2o8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " Was carried into the Little Parlour, where my Lady sat, and 
 continued there all the while. 
 
 "After some time spent in discourse about the East India 
 Company affairs, and coming to speak of my wife's going into 
 the country, I said I had a mind to accompany her, but could 
 not tell whether I could, for I was to attend my Lord at the 
 Bridge House audit, and so desired to know when it would be. 
 My Lord said when the Bridge Masters were ready ; he thought 
 it would be about the 20th May. 
 
 " Hereupon I took occasion to say there was an affair that lay 
 on my Lord's hands, that might be of great consequence to the 
 public, and also to his Lordship : He asked 'What?' I said, 
 ' Touching his drinking to a Sheriff.' 
 
 " If the Common Hall should not confirm the person, and his 
 Lordship should insist on it, the dispute might occasion great 
 inconvenience, possibly the loss of the Charter which was now 
 in contest. His Lordship said, 'Why should not he have his 
 freedom, as well as others?' I answered, 'No reason but he 
 should, but there was great caution to be used, to avoid 
 inconveniences at this juncture.' His Lordship said, 'Why^ 
 what could he do?' I answered, 'He might drink to such a 
 person as would fine, and then the City would be left to their 
 free choice.' 
 
 " This my Lady seemed offended with, and said it was that 
 my Lord had been often told, and that all the Cabal (or some 
 such word) had been upon ; and said, ' What do you think my 
 Lord is a fool ? ' &c. I said I was no Caballer, nor acquainted 
 with any such, but out of respect to my Lord, as well as to 
 the City, I was willing to discourse my Lord about it That it 
 was a very critical time, and a miscarriage in the manner of 
 transacting this affair would be very evil. My Lady said, ' Why, 
 was this a more critical time than Michaelmas Day?' I said, 
 ' Yes, the City Charter was not then in question, and an error 
 either on my Lord's part, or the Common Hall, in this affair 
 might possibly be the loss of the Charter, and how fatal that 
 might be could not be imagined.' 
 
 " My Lady said, ' Do you not know the reason why the Charter 
 was called in question?' I said, 'No indeed, Madam, I do not 
 
DISCOURSE WITH SIR JOHN MOORE. 209 
 
 know, and shall be glad your Ladyship will tell me ? ' My Lady 
 seemed to know it, but would not inform me ; so I said, ' That 
 may be it might arise from some person giving misinformation, 
 and aggravating matters, because they did not go exactly according 
 to their minds.' Her Ladyship did much insist upon Michaelmas 
 Day, and that it was a strange thing to poll for a Lord Mayor — a 
 thing never heard of, and that if it was not against his Lordship 
 it would not have been put up so.' I answered, 'I did never 
 before know, indeed, of a poll for a Lord Mayor, but I had 
 known several times that Lord Mayors had been taken out of 
 turn; Sir Richard Ford was put by, and Sterling taken; to which 
 it was said that Sterling had served Sheriff before the other.' I 
 said, 'Alderman Fowke was put by four or five- years.' His 
 Lordship said, 'What great matter can there be as to one Sheriff?' 
 I said, 'His Lordship did know there was a great matter in it, 
 the Sheriffs being to return the Juries; and it was of great 
 moment to have good and indifferent Juries.' His Lordship 
 seemed to say that there had been faults in that kind on both 
 sides. I said, ' I knew of none, and I was never but of one, 
 which was contrary to my desire; but I did therein discharge 
 my conscience to God, my King, and Country; and I was 
 confident my Lord was satisfied therein,' which his Lordship 
 said he was. 
 
 "I said, 'If his Lordship did think it amiss to drink to one 
 that would fine, then he would do well to name a moderate 
 man, that the City might have no disgust against.' My Lady 
 said that people talked very extravagantly, and said such were 
 Papists, or popishly affected, and that my Lord would drink to 
 none but such and such — whereas my Lord had not said to 
 whom he would drink. 
 
 "I said it was very indiscreet for any persons to talk so of 
 any they did not know to be such, but the fault was as much 
 on those that charged men to be disloyal, and enemies to the 
 Government ; which is as much as to say a man is forsworn, and 
 a traitor ; but I said I did not mind what many foolish indiscreet 
 persons said. 
 
 " I told his Lordship that this prerogative of the Lord Mayor 
 had always been contested. That in Sir Robert Clayton's time 
 
2IO THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Mr. Hockenhul was drunk to, and not chosen, and by way of 
 expedient the matter was accommodated ; but if it was so that 
 the dispute was not prevented, and a Resolve not to accommodate 
 it, the consequences might be very fatal. 
 
 " I said, ' The common talk was that my Lord would drink 
 to Mr. North or Mr. Box.' My Lady said, 'Aye, Mr. North, 
 this is two or three day's discourse.' My Lord said, ' Mr. North, 
 he hardly knew ; he had once sold him lead, but Mr. Box he had 
 known a long time, and seemed to speak much in his favour.' 
 
 " I said, 'As to the persons I would not say anything of them, 
 but I thought there was some respect to be shewn to the City, 
 and if it were my case I should never pitch on a man that they 
 had twice refused.' 
 
 " In fine, perceiving my Lady a little warm, so that my Lord 
 did often say to her, ' Patience,' and my Lord so resolved as 
 not freely to discourse the matter, I said, 'All the advice that I 
 should give his Lordship was 
 
 "That in his secret Retirements between God and his own 
 soul he should beg of God to direct him, and then to act as 
 he should find most for God's glory, and satisfactory to his own 
 conscience, so that he might be able to have inward peace, and 
 
 not be afraid of any thJng without.' Then I took 
 
 leave and my Lord accompanied me to the gate,'' &c. 
 
 But Papillon w^as "a day after the fair," and with 
 others of like views he incurred from the Court Party 
 ridicule for his fears, and abuse for his interference. 
 
 The Whigs of the City were " The Faction" they were 
 deemed guilty in many ways, but their crying offence was 
 " Ignoramus Juries " — the monster " Ignoramus." 
 
 Their power to protect any whom the Court might 
 arraign, was more than the latter could bear. Their 
 plans for self-protection were reckoned seditious ; and 
 their motives fanatical. Each party felt it to be a 
 life-and-death struggle, affecting themselves and the whole 
 country; and so it proved. 
 
THE LORD mayor's 'DRINKING.' 2X1 
 
 The following passages from Roger North's " Examen " 
 show what was taking place at the Court side, at the time 
 in question, pp. 600-1. 
 
 " But now, as to the fact at this time, it was from the Citizens 
 that the Court was first admonished of this Expedient for 
 regulating the Sheriffs office by a Revival of this ancient custom 
 of My Zord Mayor's Drinking. But after it had been com- 
 municated to the King, and well considered by those about him, 
 it was well approved of; and a resolution was taken to put it in 
 execution, and, if possible, to carry it through. And the King 
 was so sensible of his safety and interest in the consequence, 
 that he resolved by himself to prove the Lord Mayor, and if he 
 complied, to take care the Laws should defend him in it, as all 
 agreed they would do : — And for other disorders, if any happened, 
 that he would not be unprovided to assist the Government, and 
 keep peace in the City. 
 
 "The Lord Mayor had been before pressed by divers of the 
 Citizens to do it of himself; but he was scrupulous and doubtful, 
 and would determine nothing. At length, he was sent for by the 
 King, and in His Majesty's presence, divers of the Council, and 
 the Attorney-General (Sir Robert Sawyer), explained his power to 
 him, that he might nominate one Sheriff, as the Custom of the 
 City was, though some of his immediate predecessors thought fit 
 to waive it. And the King himself encouraged him with 
 expressions, not only of Protection but Command ; and at last, 
 after much hesitation, he~determined roundly to conform, and all 
 at once promised the King to send his Cup to any Citizen His 
 Majesty should nominate to him. He was slow, but sure ; and 
 what with his judgment that the City was in such a state that a 
 Regulation was become necessary, and what with the King's 
 promise to stand by him, together with the concurrent advice of 
 the Court of Aldermen, who were his regular Council, he con- 
 tracted a firmness of mind to pursue his point, and he made it 
 good ; but with many a hard rub and difficulty emerging, that 
 Faction stirred up against him ; as may readily be imagined by 
 those who know the humour of abused popularity." 
 02 
 
212 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 When the plan of the Court became known in the City, 
 numerous efforts were made to deter the Lord Mayor 
 from his proposed course on the one hand, and to predict 
 retribution in the Law Courts and Parliament, on the 
 other. Little, alas, did most think how despotic a monarch 
 the King would soon become ! 
 
 North continues : — 
 
 " While these intimidations ran high, the Court at a loss for a 
 good man, the Citizens as busy as bees, some persuading others, 
 but none inclined to stand, every one wanting courage to bear the 
 brunt,— Sir George Jeffreys the Recorder (of the City), or through 
 him some of the Citizens, insinuated that the Lord-Keepe'r's 
 brother, a Turkey Merchant, lately arrived from Constantinople, 
 and settled in London, rich, and a single man, was every way 
 qualified to be Sheriff at this time, in case he could be prevailed 
 
 with to stand This extremely took with the King, 
 
 and soon set him at ease." * 
 
 The Lord-Keeper undertook to propose the matter to 
 him, and prevailed ; and throughout the contest took a 
 leading part. He suggested to his brother that tenure of 
 the office might lead to Court favour ; and as to risk from 
 prosecution for holding it on the Lord Mayor's Drinking, — 
 
 "He thought there was 'more squeak than wool'; for whatever 
 people thought was at the bottom, if a Citizen were called upon to 
 fill an office by the Government of the City, and obeys, where is 
 the crime of that ? But he knew also my Lord Mayor was in the 
 right, and that his proceeding would be justified." + 
 
 Thus were Court and Bench arrayed against the Country 
 Party, and their battle-field was the City. 
 
 The Court Champion — Dudley North — was well chosen. 
 He was an able and successful Merch&nt ; — a man of ready 
 
 • North's " Examen." 
 t North's " Life of Rt. Hon. Sir Francis North,'' &c. 
 
CHARACTER OF SIR DUDLEY NORTH. 213 
 
 insight and deep penetration, fearless and prompt in action 
 and reply, upright, jovial, and good tempered. And in 
 addition to these gifts and graces — so useful for his new 
 position — he had lived for twenty years under the shade of 
 the Mosque of St. Sophia ; had there done battle against 
 Eastern knavery in the Law Courts, and outwitted his 
 rivals on the Exchange ; almost always feeing the Judges, 
 and often employing fictitious rather than real witnesses, 
 as the more capable at giving sound evidence. And he 
 generally won his cause. 
 
 Thus, scruples of procedure did not trouble him ; nor 
 Constitutional Rights ; nor Religious either, judging by the 
 portrait his brother, Roger North, has left of him. The 
 Lord-Keeper had easily led him to espouse the cause of 
 the Court Party, and he cheerfully and warmly adopted it. 
 In the heat of the contest he went about the City as usual, 
 regardless of the stir, and the forebodings of his adver- 
 saries, — and thus acquired the surname of the Blind 
 Bayard. 
 
 The Court was resolved on the Election of Dudley 
 North at all practicable hazards, and directed the Lord- 
 Keeper and the Attorney-General to be at hand at the 
 time, so as to support the Lord Mayor in the design. 
 Another case of Riot — such as had been said to occur in 
 1680 — seems to have been expected. During the first 
 day's polling various men of the Court Party swaggered 
 about the Guildhall Yard, using offensive language, which 
 the Voters treated with little more than silent contempt. 
 The Sheriffs, Pilkington and Shute, on account of their 
 persistence in carrying on the Poll after the Lord Mayor's 
 adjournment of the Common Hall, were sent to the 
 Tower. And finally, the Lord Mayor's declaration of the 
 so-called Election of the Court Party Candidates, North 
 and Rich, was made under force of arms, a Company of 
 
214 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the City Militia being expressly in attendance, and acting 
 with violence towards various Aldermen of the Country 
 Party. 
 
 Truly, the Court's horses were Force and Riot. 
 
 The Freemen generally were resolved on electing both 
 their own Candidates, PapiUon and Dubois, and on rejecting 
 the Lord Mayor's Nomination of Dudley North. They 
 relied — (i) on the Charter of the City; (2) on the Law 
 Courts ; (3) on Parliament — to secure to them, through the 
 old Sheriffs, Pilkington and Shute, their free and unfettered 
 Election of the new ones. 
 
 Their horses were City Rights and Common Hall. 
 
 As regards the Lord Mayor, it would seem that he had 
 bound himself to serve the Court in the matter; but his 
 policy was never pronounced till the last moment. He 
 generally wore the garb of hesitation, but never threw off 
 Court influence. He began the race on his horse Nomi- 
 nation, made all the running on Adjournment, and finally 
 slipped past the winning-post on Declaration. 
 
 On the 23rd June, the eve of the Election, a Court of 
 Aldermen was held to consider the matter involved in the 
 singular form of Precept which the Lord Mayor had issued 
 to the various City Companies, viz., — to attend at Guild- 
 hall to Confirm his Election of one Sheriff, and to Elect the 
 other. The Recorder, Mr. Pollexfen, was called on for his 
 opinion, and "he declared that the right of Election of both 
 the Sheriffs lay in the Commonalty" or Common Hall, 
 " and that the Sheriffs pro tempore were judges of the Poll, 
 if there was one ; in which opinion the Court universally 
 concurred " (Thornton's " History of London," p. 224). 
 
 On the 24th June the Lord Mayor nominated North ; 
 the Common Hall indignantly rejected the Nomination, 
 and demanded a free Election of two Sheriffs out of the 
 four Candidates — North, Papillon, Dubois, and Box, 
 
POLLING FOR THE SHERIFFS. 21 5 
 
 The Lord Mayor tacitly assented, and the old Sheriffs 
 forthwith set up Polling-tables ; and much excitement was 
 naturally displayed on the occasion. 
 
 The Lord Mayor and his friends seem now to have 
 been uneasy ; an Adjournment was mooted, and the 
 opinion of the Recorder was again demanded. He 
 supported the conduct of the Sheriffs, as similar to that 
 on the Election of Members of Parliament. But the 
 Attorney-General at once appeared, and controverted 
 that view, maintaining that the Sheriffs were merely 
 King's Officers, subject in all things to the direction of 
 the Lord Mayor. 
 
 The latter hesitated for some time what to do. The 
 Election was running strong in favour of Papillon and 
 Dubois. At about 6 p.m. he sent to the Sheriffs, desiring 
 them to stop the Polling, and to come to himself and the 
 Aldermen. They declined at first to quit the Polling, but 
 soon went up, and remonstrated against its disturbance ; — 
 and the Lord Mayor seemed to acquiesce. But at 7 p.m., 
 after more hesitation, he rose up, saying " If I die, I die," 
 he went to the Hustings, ordered the Common Cryer to 
 adjourn the Hall, and then left. 
 
 The crowd was so great and so excited, that in descend- 
 ing the steps of the building, the Lord Mayor stumbled, 
 and his hat fell off, which was magnified into personal ill- 
 usage. And on the Common Cryer prefacing the order for 
 Adjournment, as usual, with " God save the King !" many 
 in the yard cried out " No, God save the Protestant 
 Sheriffs ! " Of course this was Treason itself in the eyes 
 of the Court. 
 
 It may be well to mention that neither Papillon nor 
 Dubois were present during the election ; and further to 
 relate the conduct of Papillon on a somewhat similar 
 occasion two years before, as recorded in the State Trial 
 
2l6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 of Pilkington and Shute and others : On that occasion 
 the Common Serjeant gave evidence as follows : — 
 
 " I remember particularly when Sir Robert Clayton was Lord 
 Mayor, it was about the choice of Mr. Slingsby Bethel and Mr. 
 Alderman Cornish [as Sheriffs] and there was a great disturbance 
 in the Hall ; then I came into the Court, and after I had made 
 my Report, I offered to give the paper to the Recorder that 
 was. Sir George Jeffreys. He told me that the people would 
 not hear him, and therefore he would not take the paper. Upon 
 that Sir Robert Clayton said to me, 'Prithee, do thou speak to 
 them, they will hear thee if they will hear anybody; for the 
 Hall was in a great uproar, and they called to throw me off the 
 hustings, and then I made answer to Sir Robert Clayton; 'Sir, 
 it is not the duty of my office, and when I do any thing that 
 is not my office, I shall expect particular directions.' Then saith 
 he, 'You must tell them, I must adjourn them till Monday, 
 because I go to the Old Bailey to try the assassinators of Arnold.' 
 Thereupon the Hall was adjourned, and Proclamation made to 
 depart; and my Lord Mayor attempting to go, was beat back 
 twice or thrice, but at last they let him and the Aldermen go, 
 and kept the Sheriffs and me till evening. At last Mr. Papillon 
 came up to me ; ' Mr. Papillon,' says I, ' I am glad to see you, 
 you will hear reason ; ' says he, ' Why do you not go on with 
 the Poll?' I told him, 'My Lord Mayor had adjourned the 
 Hall' Says he, 'I did not hear it before; but now you tell 
 me so, I will go out of the Hall.' Says I, ' Sir, you will do very 
 well to tell the Hall so;' which he did, and some went away; and 
 further adjournments were made by the direction of my Lord 
 Mayor."* 
 
 The order of Adjournment was imperfectly heard through 
 the noise and clamour; but doubtless the Sheriffs were 
 soon told of it ; still they let the polling go on till eight 
 p.m., and then they adjourned the Hall till Tuesday, the 
 
 * See "State Trials," 8th May, 1683. 
 
CONTESTS ON ELECTION OF SHERIFFS. 217 
 
 27th, according to the Lord Mayor's directions. In both 
 the continuance of the Poll, and the Adjournment of the 
 Hall, they felt they were quite within their proper province. 
 
 On Monday, the 26th, complaint having been made to 
 the King and Council of the Lord Mayor having been 
 grossly insulted, the latter, with the Aldermen and Sheriffs, 
 were ordered to appear before them ; and after examination, 
 the Sheriffs were committed to the Tower, and orders given 
 to the Attorney General to prosecute all encouragers and 
 promoters of the tumult. (Thornton's " History of London," 
 p. 225.) 
 
 On Tuesday, the 27th, with the advice of the Court of 
 Aldermen, the Lord Mayor again adjourned the Hall to 
 the 5th July. A Protest signed by various Citizens was 
 entered against this adjournment, as a dangerous proceed- 
 ing, and an invasion of the rights and liberties of the City, 
 which they were all bound by oath to maintain. 
 
 On the 29th, the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen 
 published a Collection of Records relating to the Election 
 of Sheriffs, as a Response to Statements which had been 
 printed by the opposite party. The latter entered a 
 Protest against the Collection as imperfect and partial. 
 
 On the Sth July, the Recorder brought word from the 
 Lord Mayor that he was ill in bed, and that he desired 
 the Hall to Adjourn till the 7th; but the Hall, feeling 
 that the Lord Mayor had no power to Adjourn them till 
 the Election was complete, refused to be Adjourned, and 
 completed the Election ; and the Sheriffs declared it to 
 have fallen on Papillon and Dubois.* The polling being 
 as follows, viz. : — 
 
 * That "the Sherififs and Common Hall had good ground for resisting the 
 Lord Mayor's Adjournment, existed in the fact that it had been decided a 
 few years before in the Courts of Common Pleas and King's Bench (Turner 
 V. Sir Samuel Starling, Lord Mayor), that the Lord Mayor could not dismiss 
 
2l8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "July Sth, 1682. 
 "Whereas the Poll touching the Election of Sheriffs for the 
 Cittie of London and Countie of Middx. for the yeare ensuing 
 by sundry Adjournments hath beene continued from Saturday, 
 June the 24th last past unto this present day, And whereas 
 Proclamacon hath beene made, and due attendance given to take 
 the same accordingly, Now upon the casting up, and adjusting 
 the Bookes wherein the same was taken, it doth appeare, 
 
 " Votes 
 
 " For Dudley North, Esq 1552 
 
 „ Thomas Papillon ... ... ... 2750 
 
 ,, John Dubois ... ... ... ... 2706 
 
 „ Mr. Ralph Box 1606 
 
 "Whereby the Election is fallen upon the said Thomas Papillon 
 and John Dubois, Wee doe therefore desire according to the Act 
 of Common Councell for that purpose made That Proclamacon 
 be made in the Court of Hustings That the said Thomas Papillon 
 and John Dubois doe come forth and take the said Office of 
 Sheriffs upon them, upon the Penaltyes in the said Act menconed. 
 
 "Tho. Pilkington, 
 "Saml. Shute." 
 
 On the 7th July, many of the Court of Aldermen felt 
 that the Election declared by the Sheriffs must be set 
 aside by law, before it could be ignored ; whereupon it 
 was suggested that the matter should be argued before 
 them by Counsel ; the Country Party called on Pollexfen 
 and Williams ; and the Court Party on Sir George Jeffreys 
 and Saunders, both of whom were engaged in the Quo 
 Warranto against the Charter. On the opinion of the 
 latter, backed, it is said, by a letter from a Minister of 
 State, the Lord Mayor again adjourned the Hall to the 
 14th July. 
 
 the Common Hall without the consent or against the will of the electors ; — Sir 
 Matthew Hale remarking that "if my Lord Mayor were allowed such a 
 privilege, it would directly tend to the subversion of all the privileges of the 
 City." This was in respect of the election of a Bridgemaster. — Ralph's 
 " History of England," vol. I., p. 691, 
 
THE ELECTION QUASHED. 219 
 
 On the 13th, the King in Council sent for the Lord 
 Mayor, told him that the past proceedings were null and 
 void ; that the promoters would be prosecuted for a Riot^ 
 and severely punished ; and that he must return to the 
 City, and commence the Election de novo ; and an order 
 to that effect was drawn out, and delivered to the Mayor. 
 
 " C. R. 
 
 "At the Court at Whitehall, the 13th of July, 1682; Present, 
 The King's Most Excellent Majestic, &c. 
 
 " His Majestie having been informed by the Lord Mayor and 
 divers of the Aldermen of London, That the Disorders and Riots 
 arisen in that City upon the day appointed for the Election 
 of Sheriffs have been chiefly occasioned by the Proceedings of 
 the Common Hall in an irregular way, contrary to what hath 
 been anciently accustomed ; 
 
 " His Majestie by the advice of his Council hath thought fit 
 for the better keeping of the peace of the City, to direct, and 
 hereby to require the Lord Mayor to maintain and preserve 
 entire the ancient customs of the City. 
 
 " And for the better doing thereof, to take effectual order that 
 at the Common Hall to be held to-morrow, all proceedings be 
 begun anew, and carried on in the usual manner, as they ought to 
 have been upon the 24th day of June last." 
 
 On the 14th July, the Common Hall being again 
 assembled, the Lord Mayor caused the King's Order to be 
 read, and the people listened respectfully. Some requested 
 that the Act of Parliament of 7 Charles L, declaring the 
 interposition of the Privy Council in Civil causes and 
 matters to be contrary to the laws of the land, might be 
 read ; but this the Lord Mayor refused, nor would he 
 allow various questions to be put. 
 
 By advice of the Court of Aldermen, he declared Dudley 
 North to be Sheriff-Elect ; but the Hall rejected it, and 
 demanded a poll for the election of both the Sheriffs. To 
 
220 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 this the Lord Mayor agreed, and books were accordingly- 
 prepared by the Town Clerk ; but the hour being late, the 
 Election was deferred till the next day. 
 
 On the 15th, the Lord Mayor renewed his assent to the 
 election of both Sheriffs ; and the old Sheriffs, with the 
 approval of the Common Hall, proceeded. But before 
 long, the Common Serjeant and others told them they had 
 the Lord Mayor's order to conduct it themselves ; and 
 accordingly they opened separate books, and refused to 
 poll for more than one Sheriff. 
 
 This change on the part of the Lord Mayor, it is said 
 was due to a letter from Secretary Jenkins. 
 
 At about 6 p.m. the Sheriffs, having finished their poll, 
 demanded the Common Serjeant's books, so that both sets 
 might be cast-up, but he refused to deliver them ; so they 
 cast-up their own alone, viz. : — 
 
 " For Dudley North 107 
 
 „ Papillon ... ... ... ... 2487 
 
 „ Dubois 2480 
 
 „ Box 173" 
 
 And— 
 
 "Against Confirmation of North ... ... 2414" 
 
 In the Common Serjeant's Books were — 
 
 "For Box 1180 
 
 „ Papillon ... ... ... ... — 
 
 „ Dubois ... ... .. — " 
 
 In the evening the Sheriffs came on the Hustings, and 
 declared the number of votes taken by them ; and then 
 went up to the Lord Mayor, who with some Aldermen 
 came down. But what was there whispered by the 
 Common Serjeant could not be called a publishing of 
 
NORTH AND BOX DECLARED SHERIFFS. 221 
 
 anything, few having heard a word of what was said. But 
 it proved, eventually, to be the Lord Mayor's Declaration 
 of the Election of North and Box ! ! 
 
 The Lord Mayor and Aldermen having withdrawn, the 
 Sheriffs declared to the Common Hall that their Election 
 had fallen on Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois ; and so the 
 Hall dissolved. 
 
 Before long Box fined off, being unwilling to encounter 
 actions-at-law for service on undue Election ; but, as the 
 new Sheriffs must be sworn in on the 28th September, a 
 Common Hall was summoned on the 19th, to supply the 
 vacancy. The proceedings on the occasion are recorded in 
 a M.S. found among Papillon's papers, as follows : — 
 
 "Tuesday, y= 19th Sept., 1682. — There being a Common 
 Hall between 10 and 11 of the clock, the Mayor and about 
 thirteen of his Aldermen came down upon the Hustings, and the 
 Common Cryer began to make Proclamation in words to this 
 purpose, viz. : — ' Ye good men of the Livery summoned to 
 
 appear here this day to chuse a Sheriff' Upon which almost 
 
 the whole Hall cried out, ' No, no ! ' and some said, ' We have 
 chosen Sheriffs already !' which cries continued very long and 
 loud ; and if the Common Cryer did say anything further, it was 
 with so low a voice, and the cry so great, that those that were 
 before him heard it not ; but the Lord Mayor and Aldermen 
 presently withdrew. Upon which divers called for the Sheriffs 
 to come forward on the Hustings ; but the Common Serjeant 
 appearing with a paper in his hand, offered to speak; but the Hall 
 would not hear him, and continued to cry out, ' Away with the 
 Common Serjeant ! let the Sheriffs come forth ! ' And accordingly 
 they' did, as soon as room was made for them. Then they were 
 required to put this question — ' As many of you as are of opinion 
 that Thomas Papillon and John Dubois, Esqrs., are legally chosen 
 Sheriffs of London and the County of Middlesex for the year 
 ensuing, and will abide by that choice, hold up your hands !' 
 to which almost the whole Hall expressed their consent by lifting 
 up their hands, and loud acclamations; then was the same 
 
222 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 question put in the negative, to which there were very few hands. 
 Notwithstanding, the Poll was demanded upon the question ; then 
 did the Sheriffs put a question to this purpose. Whether it were 
 the pleasure of that Hall that the present Sheriffs should manage 
 that Poll and the rest of the business of the Common Hall, which 
 question was also put in the Negative, but carried in the Affirmative 
 almost unanimously. Then the Sheriffs told the Hall that they 
 would acquaint my Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen what 
 they had done; and accordingly they went up, and soon after, 
 my Lord Mayor and his Aldermen came down upon the Hustings, 
 upon which the Poll upon the aforesaid question was demanded 
 of his Lordship, and his Lordship seeming to take no notice 
 of it, Mr. Canterill went out of the Pitt, crossed the Hustings 
 to his Lordship's chaire, and told him the aforesaid question 
 as it had been put, and that he had demanded a Poll upon 
 the Sheriffs, and told him that if his Lordship claimed any 
 Jurisdiction there, he did likewise demand the Poll of his 
 Lordship; but his Lordship not answering, he askt him again 
 whether he did grant the Poll, but obtaining no answer, he asked 
 him again whether he denied the Poll, but he answered nothing 
 at all. Now the Common Serjeant came forward with a paper 
 in his hand, as if he would have said something ; but if he did 
 speak at all, those that stood just before him and beside him 
 did not hear him speak one word ; upon which some few people 
 behind him shouted, and threw up their hats; upon which y= Lord 
 Mayor and his Aldermen withdrew, and the Sheriffs adjourned 
 y Poll for an hour ; and afterwards some persons in the Hall 
 told us that Peter Rich, Esq. was chosen Sheriff. 
 
 "Sir Thomas Player, 
 
 "Mr. Juckes, 
 
 " Mr. Rulle, 
 
 " Mr. Cockerill." 
 
 Thus the opposing parties pursued their respective ends ; 
 the one on regal power and silent contempt, the other on 
 Civil Rights noisily proclaimed. 
 
 Roger North, in his " Examen," charges the Earl of 
 Shaftesbury with having, when in power, promoted an 
 
FINAL DECLARATION OF SHERIFFS. 223 
 
 undue lowering of the City franchise, in favour of the 
 Country Party, and of what he is pleased to term 
 " Ignoramus Juries ; " and certainly the popular element 
 was very manifest in the Election ; but the autocratic 
 element appeared even as strongly on the other side, to 
 the subversion of legal rights. 
 
 And now nothing remained to complete the play, but 
 for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to swear in their own 
 Sheriffs under a guard of the City Trained Bands, and in 
 face of the protest of those elected by the people. 
 
 This occurred on the 28th September. A party of the 
 Trained Bands had been placed in and about Guildhall 
 on the previous night; and in the morning Papillon and 
 Dubois proceeded thither, escorted by their friends, 
 Aldermen Sir John Lawrence, Sir Robert Clayton, Sir 
 Patience Ward, Sir John Shorter, and Mr. Cornish. 
 
 On arrival they were politely allowed to pass in, but 
 on the Colonel in command coming on the scene, he 
 forced them away from the Hustings end of the Hall, 
 meeting their remonstrances by the assertion of orders 
 from the Lieutenancy — in other words from the Mayor. 
 
 On the entry of the Lord Mayor the said Aldermen 
 followed him into the Council Chamber, and took with 
 them Papillon and Dubois. 
 
 My Lord Mayor at once exclaimed : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, here are fine doings, to go and swear Sheriffs, 
 and I not present ! " 
 
 Sir John Lawrence replied : — 
 
 " Whoever told your Lordship so misinformed your lyordship ; 
 we came very peaceably to the Hall to perform our duty, and 
 know well what it is to administer an Oath, and had not the 
 slightest intention of such a thing, but to lay our claim by 
 presenting Sheriffs." 
 
224 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Sir Robert Clayton also told his Lordship he ought 
 to be angry with those that had given him false information, 
 rather than with those he was misinformed of; and that 
 nothing was intended or designed contrary to his Lordshifs 
 frequent and public Declaration, which was that the matter 
 should be determ,ined by Law ; and it was advised that 
 could not be done, unless Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois 
 did present themselves to be sworn. 
 
 Whereupon his Lordship seemed to rest satisfied ; and 
 immediately the rest of the Aldermen, with the other 
 Sheriffs, coming in, Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois 
 presented themselves to his Lordship, and Mr. Papillon 
 read a paper,* the contents whereof were as follows : — ; 
 
 "To THE Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court 
 OF Aldermen : The humble Declaration of Thomas 
 Papillon, Mercer, and John Dubois, Weaver, Citizens 
 OF London. 
 
 " Our absence in the Country on Midsummer day last, and 
 for some time before and since, and our being personally strangers 
 to, and no way appearing or concerning ourselves with, any of 
 the transactions or proceedings then or since used in the Choice 
 of Sherififs for this Honourable City and County of Middlesex 
 for the ensuing year, would have excused our attendance upon 
 your Lordship and this Honourable Court at this time, and upon 
 this occasion, had we not been informed by divers, that by the 
 Suffrages of the majority of the Citizens in Common Hall, We 
 were, and stand duly elected Sheriffs for this City and the 
 County of Middlesex for the ensuing year. 
 
 " Now though our personal unacquaintance with the Proceedings 
 used in that affair hath been such, and that we have not received 
 any Intimation or Command concerning the same from your 
 Lordship or this Honourable Court, whereby we might have had 
 
 * This Declaration was prepared by Papillon's Son-in-law, Edward Ward, 
 Barrister, who became Attorney-General in March, 1693, and Chief Baron 
 of the Exchequer in June, 1695. The M.S. is among Papillon's papers. 
 
LORD mayor's refusal OF TENDER. 225 
 
 an opportunity of declaring ourselves either ready to accept or 
 desirous to be excused from that ofiSce, as hath been usual in 
 former cases of the like nature ; yet in regard of the aforesaid 
 Information, and that the time for such Declaration, as well as for 
 any further Election, is now elapsed, and not knowing of what 
 consequence it may be to us, nor what inconveniences or hazard 
 we might be obnoxious or exposed unto, if we should continue 
 silent or passive in that affair ; 
 
 " Therefore, for the avoiding all prejudices and inconveniences, 
 we have thought it a duty incumbent on us to appear at this time 
 before your Lordship and this Honourable Court, not to debate 
 or question any of the proceedings or transactions in this matter, 
 nor officiously to court an office so chargeable in itself, and so 
 ip^convenient to us ; but, as being Citizens of London, and so 
 under obligation to serve the King and country, when duly called 
 thereto ; and desirous to excuse ourselves from all imputation of 
 crime or neglect of duty that might be charged upon us ; we do 
 with all submission hereby declare unto your Lordship and this 
 Honourable Court that we are ready and do now tender ourselves 
 to take upon us the office of Sheriffs for the City of London and 
 County of Middlesex for the ensuing year, and to be sworn and 
 admitted into that office according to our Election ; and in order 
 thereunto, to attend your Lordship and the Aldermen to the 
 Hustings, or elsewhere, and either there or in any other proper 
 place and manner to take the oaths of the said office, and such 
 other oaths as the Law requires, and further to do and perform 
 whatsoever the Law or the Rights and Customs of this City 
 require of us concerning the said office ; and we humbly beg your 
 Lordship's and the Court's answer therein. 
 
 " Guildhall, 28 September, 1682. 
 
 "Thomas Papillon. 
 "John Dubois." 
 
 The virhich having read, Mr. Papillon presented it to my 
 Lord Mayor ; but he refusing to take it, Mr. Papillon gave 
 it to a Member of the Court, who accepted to prove the 
 tender of themselves. 
 
 And his Lordship being pressed to take the matter into 
 
226 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 debate, for that the Aldermen had been summoned to a 
 Court, he answered — There was no business. To which it 
 was replied : — 
 
 " We have much to say; for the Citizens seem to be thrown out 
 of possession of the Sheriffwick, which they have enjoyed so 
 many ages by free election. We desire fairly to tender our 
 Sheriffs, in order to have the business more fairly determined at 
 Law, according to your Lordship's promise and answer to the 
 many addresses made, that the Law should determine it ; and it 
 is the only way left us, though troublesome and chargeable. And 
 we also desire the matter may be debated, that an answer may be 
 given to the Sheriffs who have tendered themselves." 
 
 Sir Patience Ward then moved that the aforesaid paper, 
 and his Lordship's refusal of it, might be recorded. Then 
 Sir Robert Clayton whispered to his Lordship, and told him 
 that if he took a vote of the Court, he would engage them 
 in it, and their averseness to it ought to alarm him not to 
 take it upon himself; upon which he did hesitate some 
 time, but yet at length was prevailed with to go to the 
 Hustings without further ado, taking Mr. North, and 
 calling to Mr. Rich to go with him. Mr. Papillon and 
 Mr. Dubois went along with him also, and did prepare 
 themselves to have spoken to his Lordship and the Court 
 on the Hustings, and so did several of the Aldermeni 
 the Lord Mayor having declared in the Council Chamber 
 that they might say what they had to say on the Hustings : 
 But his Lordship would not hear them when they came 
 thither; and the Military Guards, after admitting a few 
 persons, closed again, so that the Liveries attending 
 could not come near; and then his Lordship called Mr. 
 North and Mr. Rich to the book to be sworn. Mr. 
 Papillon, being on the Hustings, pressed the Lord Mayor 
 that he might be heard ; but my Lord refusing to hear 
 
NORTH AND RICH SWORN IN. 227 
 
 him, Mr. Papillon presented a paper, signed by himself 
 and Mr. Dubois, as follows, the substance of which he 
 designed to have spoken: — 
 
 "To THE Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Aldermen 
 AT THE Court of Hustings, in the Guildhall, London, 
 assembled for the admission and swearing the sheriffs 
 for the City' of London and County of Middlesex for 
 
 THE ensuing year, THIS 28TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1682. 
 
 " We do here present ourselves, and are ready to take upon 
 ourselves the Office of Sheriffs of this Honourable City of London 
 and County of Middlesex for the ensuing year, to which as we 
 are informed, we are chosen by the Majority of the Citizens, at 
 the Common Hall of this City ; and we are here ready, and do 
 tender ourselves to be admitted thereunto, and to take the Oath of 
 Office, and such other Oaths as the Law requires, and to do 
 and perform whatsoever the Law or the Rights and Customs 
 of this City require of us, relating to that Office. 
 
 " But this Paper being rejected by his Lordship with great 
 heat, it was delivered to Sir John Lawrence as an evidence of 
 their tender; upon this Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois went to 
 the Book with Mr. North and Mr. Rich, and Mr. Papillon laid 
 his hand on the Book, and continued it there for some time, 
 until the Lord Mayor and some of the Aldermen commanded 
 them to forbear, and to keep the Peace, and be gone; which they 
 complied with, and retired; having before earnestly pressed to 
 be heard, for that they had something of importance to say; 
 and some of the Aldermen said, ' My Lord, when we came 
 out of the Council Chamber you said what we had to say on 
 the -subject, we might speak on the Hustings, and therefore we 
 claim of it right to be heard;' but he refused all, and ordered 
 the Officer to proceed in Administering the Oath to North and 
 Rich, whereupon the duly elected Sheriffs and six Aldermen 
 withdrew, Protesting against all the Irregular and Illegal 
 Proceedings." * 
 
 * A M.S. account by Thomas Papillon is to the same effect ; it gives fuller 
 particulars in some points, but is not so full on the whole ; as is sure to result 
 from the narrative of only one person engaged. 
 P2 
 
228 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 By a M.S. paper of Thomas Papillon it appears that 
 on 27th July and Sth and 12th September, 1682, the 
 Lord Mayor and Aldermen returned answer to various 
 petitions which were presented to them touching the 
 mode of conducting the Election of Sheriffs : — 
 
 "That wherein they thought they [the Lord Mayor and 
 Aldermen] did otherwise than according to Law, the Law must 
 judge between them : Accordingly, a Mandamus was brought 
 against the Lord Mayor and Aldermen on the 28th November, 
 1682, and a Return made to it, denying that Papillon and Dubois 
 had been duly returned as Sheriffs, and therefore refusing to 
 comply with the Writ by swearing them into office. A Writ 
 was taken out in Hilary Term, and the Coroner attended the 
 Lord Mayor, Sir William Pritchard, requiring him to give an 
 appearance; several of the Aldermen were attended in like 
 manner; six of them said they would appear, but did not; 
 others made some scruples, and desired the Coroner to attend 
 on the Court of Aldermen; he attended the Court, and was 
 asked if he came to execute them; he said, 'No, but to desire 
 an appearance : ' he asked the Court if they would indemnify 
 him; they answered, 'No.' He told them, he hoped that in 
 case he was troubled for not doing his duty, they would let the 
 City Counsel defend him ; they answered, ' No. ' 
 
 " Another Writ was taken out the same term, but it expired, 
 and nothing was done upon it : and in Easter Term another was 
 brought to the Coroner." 
 
 The 24th April, 1683, at Alderman Cornish's house, 
 
 "Mr. Goodenough [Solicitor] came to Mr. Papillon and Mr. 
 Dubois, and told them nothing could be done to bring the right 
 to a fair trial unless the Lord Mayor and Aldermen would appear 
 to the Suit, and desired orders how to proceed. It was answered 
 by Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois that they desired the matter 
 of right might be brought to a fair trial according to the course 
 of law, and that what was requisite legally to be done in order 
 thereto, he had order for, but withal they gave him an express 
 charge to carry it with all respect to the Lord Mayor and 
 
ARREST AND RELEASE OF THE LORD MAYOR. 229 
 
 Aldermen, and to go to their several houses, and desire them 
 to order an Attorney to appear for them; and if the Coroner 
 went with the Writ, he should acquaint them that he had express 
 orders not to insist on bail, but to accept a note to any Attorney 
 for an appearance. 
 
 "The Coroner granted Warrants, but went with the persons 
 to my Lord Mayor's house; his Lordship being at dinner, he 
 went away, and came again, and stayed till four o'clock, my 
 Lord being engaged in hearing of causes ; after his Lordship 
 had finished, and was retired into the Little Parlour, he went 
 to his Lordship, and acquainted him with the occasion, arid 
 desired his Lordship to give an appearance. After his Lordship 
 had refused the same, he acquainted his Lordship that he had 
 given Warrants to the persons thereto, who then arrested his 
 Lordship. The Coroner stayed, and finally conducted the Lord 
 Mayor as a prisoner to his own house." 
 
 But in about six hours came a party of the Trained 
 Bands ; the Coroner was arrested on a counter-charge, 
 and the Lord Mayor released ! 
 
 An autograph M.S. of Thomas Papillon describes the 
 conduct of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and of their 
 Sheriff-elect, Sir Dudley North, on the following day, 
 and also that of Papillon and Dubois : — 
 
 "The 2Sth April, 1683, about eight of the clock my Lord 
 Mayor sent an OfBcer to Thomas Papillon, to desire him to 
 come to speak with his Lordship at nine of the clock ; he made 
 answer he would wait on his Lordship ; accordingly he went 
 with Mr. Peter Houblon, Mr. Samuel Swinock, and Mr. James 
 de New. When he came, he was called in to my Lord Mayor, 
 where was Sir Henry Tulse, Sir James Smith, Sir Dudley North, 
 Mr. Rich, Mr. Town Clerk, and several others. 
 
 " My Lord Mayor asked whether he had given orders to arrest 
 him. He desired his Lordship that Mr. Peter Houblon, Mr. 
 Samuel Swinock, and Mr. James de New, that came along with 
 him, might be called in, that there might be some persons to 
 hear and be witness of what passed, besides those present ; his 
 Lordship thereupon gave order to call them in; which being 
 
230 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 done, Mr. Papillon said, 'My Lord, there was an Officer of 
 your Lordship with me this morning, to acquaint me that your 
 Lordship desired to speak with me ; and that I might, according 
 to my duty, shew all respect to authority, I am accordingly come 
 to wait on your Lordship, and desire to know your Lordship's 
 pleasure;' whereupon my Lord asked this question, 'Whether 
 I had given orders to arrest his Lordship,' to which was answered 
 that I had given order for process to bring the right of the Citizens 
 to a fair trial in a peaceable and quiet way, and that I should 
 submit and acquiesce in the determination of the Law, and that 
 nothing was required but an appearance, or a note to an Attorney 
 to appear. My Lord Mayor said, ' Did you give order to arrest 
 me, and for the Officers, strangers, I know not who they were, 
 to take me when I was about the King's business?' To which 
 was answered, 'That if the Officers or persons employed had 
 done any thing that was illegal, or indecent, or unbecoming 
 them, they were to answer for that; they had express order to 
 require no bail, but to accept an appearance.' Sir Dudley North 
 said, 'The Writ was positively to arrest, and it was at the party's 
 option to go to prison, or give bail, or demand the favour only 
 of an appearance.' Thomas Papillon answered, 'He did not 
 understand the Law, but all that was desired was an appearance, 
 that the matter might fairly, and quietly, and peaceably be tried.' 
 
 "Then Mr. Dubois came in, and my Lord Mayor asked him 
 Whether he had given order to arrest him. Mr. Dubois said 
 that when the choice of Sheriffs was, he was out of town, and 
 knew nothing but what was the common discourse; and that 
 he might not be obnoxious for neglect, he had tendered himself 
 for the office; and that he had lent his name to try the right 
 of the Citizens. Sir Dudley North cried out, 'Gentlemen, pray 
 bear witness, he saith, he hath lent his name: To whom have 
 you lent your name? Mr. Dubois said he had given an order 
 to an Attorney to bring the matter to an issue according to the 
 course of Law, and if they proceeded any otherwise than in a 
 legal course they must answer for it' Mr. Dubois was often 
 pressed by my Lord Mayor, by Sir Dudley North, and especially 
 by Sir Henry Tulse, over and over again, to give a direct answer, 
 Whether he did give direction to arrest my Lord Mayor, that 
 
PAPILLON AND DUBOIS BEFORE LORD MAYOR. 23I 
 
 the Writ was at his suit, &c. To all their often pressing Mr. 
 Dubois said he could give no other answer than he had given, 
 that he had given order to proceed in a legal course, to bring 
 the right to a trial; and if the Officers had done any thing illegal, 
 they were to answer for it. 
 
 "Sir Dudley North said, 'My Lord, Mr. Dubois saith he 
 hath lent his name to the Citizens, and Mr. Papillon spoke of 
 Citizens, which is the same thing. Pray let us know, who they 
 mean by Citizens, whether the Body Corporate of the City or 
 a few prowling fellows, being, they say, they have lent their 
 names. Let us know to whom.' Mr. Papillon said, ' Sir Dudley 
 North, I did not say I had lent my name.' ' No,' said he, ' but 
 you spoke of Citizens.' Mr. Papillon said, 'It is notoriously 
 known that we [meaning Mr. Dubois and himself] were out of 
 town when the choice of Sheriffs was, and we know nothing 
 of the affair but by common report and discourse. It is publicly 
 known that several Citizens did make application to the Lord 
 Mayor and Court of Aldermen. Whether Sir Dudley North 
 means them to be growling fellows, I know not ; for I know 
 not who they were; but I had seen something printed, said to 
 be the answer of the Lord Mayor given to them.' Sir James 
 Smith said, ' Ay, any thing may be printed ; that's nothing.' Mr. 
 Papillon said he did not say it was my Lord Mayor's answer 
 (whether it was or not he could not tell) in which the Citizens 
 were directed to take their course at Law ; and nothing more 
 was desired but that the right might be quietly and peaceably 
 tried ; and in order thereto, that there might be an appearance. 
 
 "Sir James Smith said some opprobrious words to Mr. 
 Papillon and Mr. Dubois, that they were French or Walloon 
 Protestants that came into this nation for refuge, and had got 
 estates, and would overthrow the Government, and cut our 
 throats, &c. Mr. Papillon said, 'Sir James, you do give very 
 hard and opprobrious words, to provoke, but I will not be 
 provoked, nor make any answer.' Sir James Smith said again, 
 addressing himself to my Lord Mayor, 'It is true these are 
 French or Walloon Protestants, and now there is come over 
 a great many more of late, and in a little time they will be 
 the same as these are.' To which my Lord Mayor replied, 'I 
 
232 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 hope the King will take a course to send them back again to 
 their country. 
 
 "Then some moved that the Coroner and Mr. Goodenough 
 might be called in before Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois ; but my 
 Lord said he could not stay ; and so they were dismissed. 
 
 " Mr. Papillon said, ' Pray my Lord, if I may ask, did not the 
 Officers tell your Lordship that they had order only to desire an 
 appearance, or an order to an Attorney to appear for your 
 Lordship?' His Lordship was not pleased to' answer directly 
 thereto, but said he had told them last term that he would not 
 appear. Sir Henry Tulse said they did but desire an appearance 
 of him.'' 
 
 Meanwhile, the Court was not idle ; and within two 
 weeks of the Lord Mayor's arrest, an action for Riot and 
 Assault was brought by the Crown against the old Sheriffs, 
 Pilkington and Shute, and others who had been concerned 
 in the Election^as the King had long before threatened. 
 
 The Indictment recounted various proceedings at the 
 Election, and especially the Adjournment by the Lord 
 Mayor. The Counsel for the Defence pleaded that until 
 the legality of that Adjournment was settled, they had a 
 right to challenge the whole panel of the Jury which had 
 been returned by Sir Dudley North. The Lord Chief 
 Justice (Sir Edmond Saunders) over-ruled the plea, and 
 refused a Bill of Exceptions. 
 
 In reading the report of the trial, it would seem that 
 the guilt of the parties accused was a foregone conclusion, 
 and the urgency of Serjeant Jeffreys, who was third 
 Counsel for the Crown, is very striking. 
 
 Mr. Thompson, the leading Counsel for the Defence, 
 declared at the outset that the object of the trial was 
 really to legalize the Election as conducted by the Lord 
 Mayor; and although the Crown Counsel denied this, 
 they used every effort to establish the justice of the 
 proceedings. 
 
ACTS ON THE ELECTION OF SHERIFFS, ETC. 233 
 
 The counter-evidence on this point seems to have been 
 given in a lame and half-hearted way, as if the witnesses 
 had spoken with halters round their necks. 
 
 The accused, fourteen in number, were all found guilty, 
 and were sentenced to fines varying from 100 to 1,000 
 marks: — £^o to £^00. 
 
 This decision, however, seems to have been held to be 
 unsound security by the party now dominant in the City ; 
 for on the 6th June, 1683, in a Court of Common Council, 
 the Committee charged with the preparation of an Act 
 on the subject, in referring to the Act of 7 Charles I., 
 regulating the Election of Sheriffs, speak thus : — 
 
 "We are of opinion that an addition or explanation should 
 be made in some particulars, which seem not sufificiently provided 
 for thereby : And we have prepared a Bill for that purpose, 
 which we here present to this Honourable Court : And therein 
 also the said usage of the Lord Mayor's Nomination or Election 
 of one Sheriff is further declared, and provision made to remove 
 all disputes that might hereafter be made touching the saihe, 
 by which the peace and quiet of this City hath been of late 
 so greatly disturbed." 
 
 And accordingly the Bill provided that the Lord Mayor's 
 nominee should be held to be elected ; and the Lord Mayor, 
 Aldermen, and Commons were to elect the other Sheriff. 
 
 This Act of Common Council was repealed and annulled 
 by another Act on the 15th June, 1694; and in 1695 a 
 further Act was passed, " for settling the methods of calling, 
 adjourning, and dissolving Common Halls upon the Election 
 of the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs," &c. By this Act the manage- 
 ment of Elections was vested in the Sheriffs ; but if they 
 should disagree it devolved on the Lord Mayor : And the 
 power to dissolve the Common Halls summoned by the 
 
234 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Lord Mayor for such Elections rested in his Lordship, 
 " after such Elections were made and finished, and not 
 otherwise^ 
 
 The Verdict and Sentence against Pilkington, Shute, and 
 others were reversed by Parliament on the accession of 
 William and Mary. 
 
 In consequence of the Ruling and Verdict of this triaL 
 Papillon and Dubois were advised to discontinue the 
 prosecution of their Suit ; and accordingly on the 8th 
 June, 1683, the former made a declaration in Court to 
 that effect, and paid costs; Mr. Dubois having meanwhile 
 died. 
 
 But since they began their Suit in Michaelmas term, 
 
 1682, matters had taken a serious turn ; and Politics had 
 developed into Tragedy. 
 
 The Court had no sooner secured their own Sheriffs 
 than they set about to obtain a new Lord Mayor to their 
 mind ; and effected it only by doubtful exceptions to 
 voters. To crown all, they brought a Writ of Quo 
 Warranto against the Charter of the City ; and thus, 
 under cover of a legal process, seized her Liberties. 
 
 Discontent had long prevailed among the Whig Leaders, 
 and some of them entertained schemes of insurrection, 
 but resolved to wait patiently for better times. In the 
 City, however, ardent spirits of a lower class often met 
 together to plot treason ; and finally, in the spring of 
 
 1683, Josias Keiling, the very man who had arrested 
 the Lord Mayor, followed by Goodenough the Solicitor 
 in the case — revealed the Rye House Plot, in which they 
 were concerned — and soon afterwards, Lord William 
 Russell, the Earls Essex and Howard, Algernon Sydney, 
 and Hampden, were apprehended for treasonable con- 
 spiracy; and many were thus brought to the scaffold. 
 
THE RYE HOUSE PLOT. 235 
 
 The discovery of the Rye House Plot caused a general 
 revulsion of feeling against the Whigs ; and reconciled 
 many to the unfair trials of Russell, Sydney, and Hampden. 
 In those days life was evidently held comparatively cheap, 
 as Isaiah spake to Israel, " Your hands are full of blood!' 
 
 At the time of the Election of Sheriffs, Lord Halifax 
 was credited with having said, "/ see there'll be hanging, 
 and I am resolved to hang last;" and Buncombe, the 
 famous Banker, that he could not see why people should 
 make so much fuss in the matter, for the Court only wanted 
 to hang some nine or ten persons who were obnoxious to 
 them. 
 
 And as evidence of the feeling of many relative to the 
 arrest of the Lord Mayor, to which Papillon and Dubois 
 had been driven, and the seizure of the Charter, see the 
 following Ballad of the day : — 
 
 "London's Lamentation, or An Excellent New Song on 
 THE Loss of London's Charter. 
 
 To the tune of " Packington's Pound." 
 
 " You Freemen and Masters, and Prentices mourn, 
 For now you are left with your Charter forlorn : 
 Since London was London I dare boldly say, 
 For your riots you never so dearly did pay ; 
 In Westminster Hall 
 Your Dagon did fall. 
 That caus'd you to riot and mutiny all : 
 Oh London ! Oh London ! Thou'dst better had none, 
 Than thus with thy Charter to vie with the Throne. 
 
236 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 2. 
 
 Oh London ! Oh London ! how could'st thou pretend 
 Against thy Defender thy crimes to defend ? 
 Thy Freedom and Rights from kind Princes did spring, 
 And yet in contempt thou withstandest thy King : 
 
 With bold brazen face 
 
 They pleaded thy case, 
 In hopes to the Charter the King would give place : 
 Oh London ! thou'dst better no Charter at all, 
 Than thus for Rebellion thy Charter should fall. 
 
 3- 
 
 Since Britons to London came over to dwell, 
 You had an old Charter, to buy and to sell ; 
 And while in Allegiance each honest man lives. 
 Then you had a Charter for Lord May'r and Shrieves : 
 
 But when with your pride 
 
 You began to backslide, 
 And London of Factions did run with the tide, 
 Then London, Oh London ! V« time to withdraw. 
 Lest the flood of your Factions the Land overflow. 
 
 4- 
 When Faction and fury of Rebels prevailed ; 
 When Coblers were Kings, and Monarchs were jailed ; 
 When Masters in tumults their Prentices led, 
 And the Tail did begin to make war with the Head ; 
 
 When Thomas and Kate, 
 
 Did bring in their plate, 
 T'uphold the Old Cause of the Rump of the State ; 
 Then tell me. Oh London ! I prithee now tell, 
 Hadst thou e'er a Charter to fight and Rebel? 
 
 5- 
 When zealous Sham Sheriffs the City oppose 
 In spite of the Charter, the Kings and the Laws, 
 
BALLAD ON LOSS OF LONDON'S CHARTER. 237 
 
 And made such a riot and rout in the town, 
 That never before such a racket was known ; 
 
 When Rioters dare 
 
 Arrest the Lord May'r, 
 And force the King's Substitute out of the Chair ; 
 Oh London ! whose Charter is now on the lees, 
 Did your Charter ier warrant such actions as these i 
 
 6. 
 
 Alas for the Brethren ! what now must they do 
 For choosing Whig Sheriffs and Burgesses too ? 
 The Charter with Patience* is gone to the pot, 
 And the Doctor f is lost in the depth of the Plot. 
 
 St. Stephen his Flail 
 
 No more will prevail, 
 Nor Sir Robert's 'dagger, the Charter to bail : 
 Oh London ! Thou'dst better have suffered by Fire 
 Than thus thy old Charter should stick in the Mire. 
 
 7- 
 But since with your folly, your Faction and pride, 
 You sink with the Charter, who strove with the tide ; 
 Let all the lost rivers return to the main 
 From whence they descended ; they'll spring o'er again ; 
 
 Submit to the King 
 
 In every thing, 
 Then of a new Charter new Sonnets we'll sing. 
 As London the Phmnix of England ne'er dies, 
 So out of the flames a new Charter will rise.'' 
 
 Under the influence of such feelings, it cannot be 
 deemed strange that vengeance should be sought on 
 Papillon for the part he had taken ; and accordingly in 
 
 * Sir Patience Ward.— See "State Trials" &c. f Doubtless Dr. Titus Dates. 
 
238 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 November,. 1684, Sir William Pritchard, late Lord Mayor, 
 brought an action against him for False and Malicious 
 Arrest. 
 
 The Suit of Papillon v. the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, 
 and that of Sir William Pritchard v. Papillon, were each 
 brought in their own names ; but from the evidence of 
 Papillon's friend. Alderman Cornish, and the admission 
 of his own Counsel on the trial of the latter case, as 
 well as from Papillon's own assertions previously, it is 
 clear that he brought his Suit on behalf of those who 
 felt aggrieved throughout the City Companies; while 
 from copies of private correspondence of Papillon relative 
 to his release from Judgment in 1688, it is equally clear 
 that Sir William Pritchard acted under Government 
 influence. 
 
 Sir William's Suit resulted in a Verdict against Papillon, 
 with Damages of ;^ 10,000. This he did not pay; but 
 feeling his position in England insecure, if not even his 
 life,— he mortgaged his estates in Kent to his Son-in-law, 
 Samuel Rawstorn, and retired into Holland. In 1687, 
 when James IL was restoring to Municipal offices the 
 suppressed Whigs, and with some exceptions had issued 
 a general pardon to exiles, Papillon was urged by friends 
 at home to apply to the Crown for a release from the 
 Judgment; but this Papillon refused to do, as shewn by 
 the following summary of correspondence. 
 
 On the 1 2th August, 1687, Jane Papillon wrote to her 
 husband : — 
 
 "Mrs. Cook writ me a letter, which I suppose was contrived 
 by Sir William Pritchard, to tell me that she had solicited Sir 
 William to give us his release, or some way to secure us that 
 no future hurt should come to us by his heirs. She writes, ' He 
 gives her abundance of good words ; but yet she will not flatter 
 
PAPILLON URGED TO PURCHASE FAVOUR. 239 
 
 us ; she is afraid there is a snake in the grass.' Says she, ' What 
 if Sir William or any of his should never be the better for the 
 Judgment, yet if it should be made over to the Chamber, you 
 are, I fear, in a worse condition than now ; and therefore,' says 
 she, ' if I were worthy to advise you, I would counsel that Mr. 
 Papillon take some care speedily to compromise that concern. If 
 order hath been given him [Sir William Pritchard] formerly not 
 to agree with you but with Royal Assent, how easily may the 
 friends of Mr. Papillon procure that for him : Methinks, you 
 seem not to know how gracious our King is, that you apply 
 not to his Majesty, who now, I believe, would readily grant 
 what you desire. You see his general pardon, his gracious 
 declaration of toleration ; his pardoning Mr. Pilkington and Sir 
 Patience Ward, who had offended him; his preferring such men 
 as Mr. Thomson Kiffin and Mr. Edwin into the very places of 
 Sir William Turner, Sir John Moor, and Sir William Pritchard, 
 degraded by Royal pleasure; and it is not unlikely if Mr. 
 Papillon was now here, we might be happy in his being Sheriff 
 of London, as in Sir John Shorter being Lord Mayor; for that 
 his Majesty at this day espouses that interest on which you 
 banish yourselves ; I mean the interest of tolerating the 
 Protestant Religion. Madam, Why should so good a man, 
 and so good a subject, as Mr. Papillon live out of his Country 
 in such a day as this, when it is manifestly the designed 
 endeavour of our Sovereign to have us live free and easy, in 
 the enjoyment of our liberty and properties? And what if 
 some great ones must be presented? Is not a native country 
 desirable? How little would Mr. Papillon regard the loss of 
 ;^5oo or more at sea? If you can but obtain favour of his 
 Majesty, I doubt not but we shall procure a release from Sir 
 William, so that they may return and enjoy their Children and 
 Religion, and all that is dear to you ; and we should be highly 
 pleased if you might be able to contribute to this : I assure you 
 we shall be always ready to the utmost of our endeavours.' 
 
 "(Signed) Margaret Cooke." 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon, at Utrecht, to his Son- 
 in-law, Samuel Rawston, dated 29th December, 1687 : — 
 
240 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " Here above you have the copy of a letter my Wife received 
 from M. Cooke by Cousin Showers, and also the copy of the 
 answer my Wife made thereunto. 
 
 " I am apt to think Mrs. Cooke's letter was written with the 
 privity, if not in the language, of Sir William Pritchard. You 
 are not ignorant how vast a loss that has been to me, and how 
 exceedingly prejudicial the matter has been to my Family ; and 
 the continuance of it is a very great burden, from which I would 
 be gladly freed; yet after many thoughts spent thereupon, I 
 cannot think it any way proper for me to made any application 
 but only to Sir William Pritchard; for whatever secret orders 
 or directions are intimated to be given, it was (if any) to him ; 
 and I doubt not it would be accounted criminal (or at least 
 it might be so) for me to think, and by any advice to employ 
 as if I thought, the Royal Majesty and Goodness did promote 
 and set forward Suits and quarrels between Subjects. 
 
 "His present Majesty hath manifested abundant grace and 
 mercy in pardoning many that were guilty of the highest crimes 
 against him, both by his general as also by particular pardons, 
 and it was a great aggravation of my misfortunes to have fallen 
 into a private hand, that stops the current of Royal Bounty 
 from flowing unto me. 
 
 " When you, or my Daughter, can with conveniency, it may 
 not be amiss to give a visit to Mrs. Cooke, to enquire of matters, 
 and to learn how she came to write in such forms, and how 
 my Wife's answer was taken; and how Sir William Pritchard 
 is inclined; and in case you judge it proper, you may speak 
 to Sir William yourself, as from me; but I cannot as before 
 noted, make application elsewhere; nor am I willing to be at 
 any charge concerning it. 
 
 "If you or my Son Ward can think of any other proper 
 medium for me to take, pray let me by this Bearer receive full 
 intimations. Remember my love to Son and Daughter Ward, 
 and my love to your Wife. 
 
 "Your loving and affectionate Father, 
 
 "Thomas Papillon. 
 "Pray shew this to my Son Ward, and advise with him together, 
 before you do anything; and if my Daughter Ward can spare time 
 to go with your Wife to Mrs. Cooke, it may be best." 
 
LETTER FROM ELIZABETH WARD. 24I 
 
 Letter from Elizabeth Ward to her Father, Thomas 
 Papillon, dated i6th February, 1688 : — 
 
 "Although I doubt not you will have a perfect account of 
 what relates to our great affair from another hand, yet having 
 the opportunity to write with freedom, that I may not be thought 
 unconcerned, and you may have a double testimony,— I beg 
 leave to give you the following account : 
 
 "Monday, 15th, we waited on Mrs. Cooke, who by asking if 
 there was no hope of seeing Mr. Papillon return, gave a good 
 opportunity for free discourse, she seemed very hearty in good 
 wishes, and ready to do any thing that might tend to our ease 
 and satisfaction, and told us that her husband and self had 
 often soUcited Sir William Pritchard about it, but to no purpose : 
 That she finding my Lady pretty well, who has been of late 
 much troubled with fits and vapours, did desire, if it might not 
 trouble her, to say something of Mr. Papillon; upon my Lady's 
 answer that it would not, she said, since Sir William has declared 
 that he nor none of his should ever be the better for that 
 Judgment, why would he not release it, that so he (Mr. Papillon) 
 might have freedom to see his native Country and Relations. 
 The Lady replied that though he had said that he nor his should 
 be the better for it, what if the City should? This hint gave 
 Mrs. Cooke occasion to write as she did ; yet both Mr. Cooke 
 and his Lady say they verily beUeve Sir William has not given 
 it out of his power; but that this was rather the effect of the 
 Lady's fear and concern. 
 
 "Sir WilUam's answer to them is still that he has promised 
 the King not to do any thing without his leave, and that since 
 the general pardon, as well as before, he did ask if he might 
 have leave (to make an end) and had this answer, 'No; for had 
 not Mr. Papillon been safe on that account, he had been excepted 
 out of the general pardon ; ' upon which account they think it 
 not fit for him to venture without a particular pardon, although 
 this Judgment were released : They think Sir William's interest 
 is now so low, being out of favour, and so turned out of place, 
 that should he adventure to obtain [seek] leave himself, it would 
 rather hinder than advantage the design. 
 
242 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Mr. Cooke wonders the City does not in general make it 
 their request that so worthy a member might be restored, since 
 it was for their sakes he suffered. I think they would be glad 
 to cast the blame of the business to any others. 
 
 " We fully urged the great loss it has been to Mr. Papillon 
 in his trade — children — hazards of health, and concerns here; 
 and that we could not in this make applications to any but 
 Sir William Pritchard, it not being fit for us to take notice of 
 any thing that passed between the King and him : And yet 
 whatever had been said at the trial, or otherwise, by any, as 
 to making the Arrest a public concern, was not to the purpose ; 
 for no man, surely, desiring a legal appearance can be the 
 occasion of disturbance in him that desires it, but ought to be 
 yielded to by all who live under Government; and that after 
 the Arrest, the withdrawing the Action, and paying the Charges, 
 should have satisfied. That at the trial it was over and over 
 again given upon oath by Sir Henry Tulse, that it was Sir 
 William Pritchard's private Action, and that the City was no 
 way concerned in giving directions about it, or any other way; 
 therefore we know of no other way but to address to him, having 
 no sense of any other offence ; and must lie under this till God 
 shall dispose him to release it. 
 
 "They (Mr. and Mrs. Cooke) say they will be very willing 
 to forward the Release all they can, but think it must be done 
 some other way; for it will not, they think, be done this way: 
 And if any person on Mr. Papillon's account would move the 
 King that he might have liberty to return, and should receive 
 your answer that he does not keep out, it is a private business, 
 it might be answered that Sir William Pritchard is willing to 
 release if he (the King) will give leave. 
 
 "Friday, the 2nd. Gentlemen were with Sir William, and 
 had long discourse, and left nothing unsaid, but could obtain 
 no more but that he never made any promise or grant of the 
 thing, save his saying in the Court of Aldermen soon after the 
 Verdict, that he would make no advantage; but what was received 
 or recovered should go to the Orphans : That he holds himself in 
 no sort bound by that promise because he is now resolved that 
 neither he nor any of his, nor any other whatever, shall ever make 
 
SIR WILLIAM PRITCHARD ON RELEASE. 243 
 
 benefit or advantage of the Judgment : That he is, hath been, 
 and shall be very ready and willing upon leave granted by the 
 King to discharge and release the Judgment: That he holds 
 himself obliged not to do it without the King's leave : That 
 he thinks it altogether unfit and improper for him to make any 
 application to the King, or to any other to speak to the King 
 about it — he being out of favour, and having received intimation 
 in the King's presence, about a year since — that unless he had 
 the Verdict, and so a hand over Mr. Papillon, he (Mr. Papillon) 
 had been excepted out of the Pardon : That he thinks it very 
 proper for Mr. Papillon to do it, but wholly declines it himself, 
 though earnestly pressed to it : That he cannot go by any but 
 the Chancellor, and thinks him the proper means; however, 
 confines us not to him, but by whatever way the King signifiies 
 his mind, he will obey. 
 
 It was not expressly said by him, but understood by them, 
 that he is wholly at the King's dispose; that if the King command 
 the taking out the Execution it must be dorie." 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon, at Utrecht, to his Son- 
 in-law, Edwrard Ward, Esq., Barrister, London, dated 
 ^^jth February, 1688:— 
 
 "My Dear Son, 
 
 " Having received of Mr. Durando, although as yet have not 
 seen him, the particular and distinct account my Daughter sent, 
 I could not omit to return you both, as also my Son and Daughter 
 Rawstorn thanks for your true love, diligent pains, and prudent 
 care in my concerns, and beg that the Lord will abundantly 
 recompense their love to us, in all spiritual and temporal blessings 
 to you and your's, and particularly in the childlike affection of 
 your Children to you, in time to coftie. 
 
 " Upon perusal and consideration of the whole matter, I 
 continue in my former sentiments, intimated in my last to my 
 son Rawstorn, that it is not proper or safe for me to make any 
 application but only to Sir William Pritchard; and that being 
 done, I must remain silent ; and therefore I pray you and my 
 son Rawstorn to forbear any moving therein, either as from me 
 or yourselves. 
 
 Q2 
 
244 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " I am not willing to be at any charge in the matter, except 
 it were the charge of taking out a Pardon under the Seal, if the 
 way was open thereunto ; for although I think myself clear, and 
 free from the least crime, against either his late or his present 
 Majesty, yet as I every day desire God's Pardon, so I will never 
 decline, but willingly accept the King's gracious pardon. 
 
 " I shall have occasion to write to my Son Rawstorn in a week 
 or two, on other accounts ; and in the meantime pray let him be 
 acquainted with the contents of this. 
 
 " My Wife desires my Daughter to excuse her for not writing 
 this post; she intends it by the next." 
 
 Letter from Elizabeth Ward, in London, to her Mother, 
 at Utrecht, under date 28th February, 1688 : — 
 
 "Honoured Mother, 
 
 "Although we have been fully satisfied of your mind as to 
 what is passed, by your's to Mr. Ward, yet something having 
 since happened, we think ourselves bound to let you know it, and 
 desire your further answer thereon. 
 
 " Since my last, Mr. Crips of Clapham has been with Brother 
 Rawstorn, and tells him he has been with Mr. Penn about my 
 dear Father's business, and is assured by him that the King is 
 very willing that Sir William Pritchard should compose the 
 business ; and that if any of Mr. Papillon's Sons or Daughters 
 will go to Mr. Penn, and promise that Mr. Papillon will live 
 peaceably and quietly, and not intermeddle in public affairs, 
 nor obstruct the taking off the Penal Laws and Tests, there 
 should be order given to Sir William Pritchard to discharge 
 it. 
 
 " This being wholly without our seeking or expectation makes 
 us desire direction whether to move in it ; and if to proceed, 
 whether not to move for something further at the same time; 
 which will certainly be better had with it than by itself afterwards, 
 — or whether wholly to let it fall. 
 
 "We have not been with Mr. Penn, nor done anything in it 
 yet, but shall waive it off till we receive your answer. 
 
 " It is to be considered what consideration will be put on a 
 
DELAY IN OBTAINING RELEASE. 24S 
 
 promise not to obstruct: — We heartily pray God to direct you 
 what may be most for the satisfaction and quiet of your mind, 
 and for his own Glory. 
 
 " Dear Mother, I am, 
 
 " Your most affectionate Daughter, 
 
 "E. W." 
 
 Statement by Jane Papillon : — 
 
 " May 4th, 1688. My husband received a letter from Captain 
 Johnson, which was written to Mr. Showers, speaking as follows : 
 'I hope it will not be long before we see Madam and Mr. 
 Papillon here, to whom pray present my humble service. I 
 doubt not but he has an account of Sir William Pritchard being 
 conscious of the hard measure that was done to him, and 
 is desirous to let him know that he doth freely remit the debt, 
 and is willing to give him any assurance that no man shall ever 
 demand one penny of him. But for the Judgment, he is 
 commanded by the King that it may not be vacated without his 
 consent; which it is believed may be easily obtained, upon a 
 Petition to his Majesty.' 
 
 " ' I found Sir William very kind in his expressions towards 
 Mr. Papiljpn ; for when he asked how he did, and why he came 
 not over, I replied to him it was a strange question for him to 
 put, who was the cause of his going, and consequently of his not 
 returning; but he desired me to let him know what I have here 
 signified to them all ; all which I acquainted Mr. Philip Papillon 
 with, whom I met that day upon the Exchange.' 
 
 " Mr. Showers acquainted Mr. Papillon with it, and Mr. Papillon 
 desired him to write that he had acquainted Mr. Papillon with 
 what Captain Johnson expressed in his letter, and that he and 
 his Aunt preseiit their cordial respects to Mr. Johnson, with 
 hearty thanks for his cordial affection and readiness to do them 
 any good office; he hath formerly from other hands had 
 intimations of the like import, and made answers thereto ; and 
 rests on the assurance you mention." 
 
 A letter from Samuel Rawstorn to his Father-in-law, 
 Thomas Papillon, dated 23rd July, 1688 : — 
 
246 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Honoured Sir, 
 
 "On Saturday last Sir William Pritchard sent to speak with 
 me ; he told me that he was just now come from waiting upon 
 the King,- and that the latter had given him leave to discharge 
 the Judgment, which he was ready to do ; but he had never had 
 one line from you to desire it, the which he expected. 
 
 "This day Alderman Radbird was with me, and told me he 
 was yesterday to wait on the King about some other business, 
 and he spoke to his Majesty about the Judgment: He made 
 answer that he had sent for Mr. Papillon [? Sir William Pritchard]. 
 I communicated this to Brother Ward. We are advised to write 
 you the very words, as near as I could. It is thought convenient 
 if you write to Sir William as soon as you can. So with my 
 Wife's and Sister's duty to yourself and dear Mother, I remain," 
 &c. 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to Sir William Pritchard : — 
 
 "Right Worshipful Sir William Pritchard, 
 "Honoured Sir, 
 
 "Though I am not conscious to have deserved on any 
 account what both I and mine have, and still suffer under the 
 burden of the Judgment which you did obtain, and continue 
 in force against me, yet I shall not now go about to justify 
 myself or blame you; but on the contrary return thanks for 
 the kindness and civilities you have expressed to my Wife, and 
 Mr. and Mrs. Cooke, in their applications to you on my behalf, 
 for the discharging and releasing me from the same; as also 
 to Captain Johnson and others that have occasionally discoursed 
 with you of that affair : And having received by the last post 
 intimation by my Son Rawstorn, that you are now more freely 
 inclined to grant my request therein than formerly, but expected 
 I should, under my own hand, make it my desire to you, this 
 is therefore to intreat that you will vacate the same Judgment, 
 and release and discharge me therefrom; which I shall acknowledge 
 and own as a special favour, and always remain, 
 
 " Honoured Sir, your most humble Servant, 
 "30 July, 1688." "Thomas Papillon." 
 
PAPILLON'S APPLICATION FOR RELEASE. 247 
 
 Letter from Thomas Papillon to his Son-in-law, Samuel 
 Rawstorn, of the same date as the above : — 
 
 " Dear Son, 
 
 "I have received your's of the 23rd which should have been 
 the 24th instant. We all wish my Daughter may find good by 
 the waters at Tunbridge, and shall long to know that it is so ; 
 you do not say whether she takes her litrie Jane with her, or 
 leaves her in London ; We do daily pray for a blessing on you 
 all ; for you are dear to us. 
 
 " As for what you intimate of Sir William Pritchard, enclosed 
 is a letter for him; and withal I have sent a general release to 
 him, lest he should scruple discharging me without a discharge 
 from me : Pray intreat my Son Ward to take care that the 
 Judgment be legally discharged; and if you have a general 
 release from Sir William, send me the original, or a copy of 
 it well attested. 
 
 "As to what you mention concerning Alderman Radbird, I 
 do not understand you if you said his Majesty's answer was that 
 he had sent for Mr. Papillon ; I suppose it should mean Sir 
 William Pritchard ; which was the Saturday before, and this was 
 on the Monday. Pray present my respects to Alderman Radbird, 
 and thank him for his kindness, but do not mention any thing 
 of my coming over; for as my affairs stand at present, I fear 
 I can't be able, although I should never so much desire it, to put 
 them in a posture for my return. 
 
 " All here present their true love to you and your's, and to my 
 Son and Daughter Ward, and all their Uttle ones. I am, &c. 
 
 "As soon as you possibly can, get Sir William Pritchard to 
 discharge the Judgment : and do not deliver the discharge till 
 Sir WiUiam has discharged me of the Judgment.'' 
 
 Letter from Edward Ward, Esq., to his Father-in-law, 
 Thomas Papillon, dated 7th August, 1688: — 
 
 "Honoured Sir, 
 
 "Yours of the 30th past directed to Brother Rawstorn, in his 
 absence at Tunbridge, was brought to me by Mr. Mitchell, who 
 intimated that I should open it, and put in execution the contents 
 
248 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 of it, and the enclosed to Sir William Pritchard. It came to 
 my hand on Saturday last between five and six in the evening," 
 &c. "And yesterday in the forenoon Mr. Baker and I waited 
 on Sir William at his house at Highgate, where he civilly received 
 us ; and I delivered him your letter, having first sealed it ; which 
 after reading, he said he was very wilUng you should be discharged 
 by him of all things so fully as he could, but desired we would 
 meet him this day at twelve o'clock at Garraway's Coffee House, 
 and to give notice to Mr. Borrett, the City Solicitor, who was 
 concerned for him, to be there at the same time ; and he then 
 called for a bottle of sack, and drank your health very respectfully; 
 but Mr. Borrett being at Tunbridge Sir William read over the 
 Warrant and 'Release, I telling him the reason why we desired 
 a Release, because we were told satisfaction could not by the 
 regular method of the Court be entered upon Record till the 
 next term, which was almost three months off, and therefore to 
 prevent hazards and accidents in the meantime we desired the 
 Release. He was well satisfied with the reason, and declared 
 himself very willing to discharge you of all he could. Mr. 
 Mitchell being with me, Mr. Baker having gone to the Kent 
 Assizes, Sir William called in Mr. Fermine, and a Brother-in-law 
 of Sir William, one Mr. Grace ; they three in my presence were 
 witnesses to the sealing and delivering both of the Warrant and 
 the Release : There were several persons saw us together ; who, 
 I believe, either knew or shrewdly guessed at the occasion ; 
 and I believe it is generally known, and possibly not fit to be 
 concealed. He expressed himself very well satisfied at the 
 sealing, and they were delivered to me for your use. He let 
 fall an expression to this effect, that he hoped, as he had not 
 ever designed to have a penny by that affair, so that none other 
 had ; of the truth whereof I assured him ; and he seemed very 
 well pleased, and heartily wished your health and welfare, &c. 
 
 "He took notice of an expression in your letter, as if you 
 thought him now more willing than formerly to discharge you; 
 he says he hopes you always believed that he, as of himself, was 
 as willing as now ; I told him I was satisfied you were ; and gave 
 him my sense of that expression, which he well accepted. 
 
 "At the first reading of your letter to him, my Wife and I 
 
GRANT OF RELEASE BY SIR WILLIAM PRITCHARD. 249 
 
 thought you had complimented him in expressions something too 
 high, but seeing his generous demeanour in this matter, we are 
 very well satisfied in it, &c. 
 
 " And now that all is done that can be, till term time, unless 
 satisfaction can possibly be entered in the meantime, which shall 
 if by any means it can. My Wife joins with me in our hearty 
 joy and congratulation for the removing that impediment and 
 clog — and sincerely wish all happiness and comfort may attend 
 you and your's in it. We do, as we ought, look to the over-ruling 
 hand of God in it, and desire to be sensible of it ; and I hope 
 I may not unfitly use that great saying, ' When a man's ways 
 please the Lord, he makes even his enemies to be at peace with him.' 
 
 " Time will not suff'er me to enlarge. I hope on this occasion 
 I have not been tedious, though long. 
 
 "This day Wife received Mother's of the 2nd instant, for which 
 she returns humble thanks, and will write next post herself, &c. 
 
 "Your most dutiful and obedient Son and Servant, 
 
 "Edward Ward." 
 
 The case of Pritchard v. Papillon is fully given in "State 
 Trials ; " and in order to know? virell the manner in which 
 it was conducted, the record itself must be read : 
 
 A few remarks, however, may be made. 
 
 I- — The Plaintiff's Counsel brought forward no proof 
 of malice or evil design on the part of the Defendant. 
 They simply proved the fact and circumstances of the 
 Arrest. 
 
 2.— By their own assertion the Plaintiff's Counsel tried 
 to confound the Arrest with the design of those concerned 
 in the Rye House Plot to seize the Lord Mayor, &c. ; for 
 which they had no evidence whatever, beyond the fact 
 that Goodenough and Keiling were the Solicitor and 
 Special Constable on the occasion ; and though the Judge 
 (Sir George Jeffreys) discountenanced the charge when 
 urged by the Counsel, he roundly asserted it when 
 summing up. 
 
3 so, THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 3.— In like manner the Plaintiff's Counsel pleaded that 
 as the Sheriff's ofifice was not one of personal emolument 
 the Defendant had no legal right to sue for it ; and the 
 Judge, in summing up, magnified this doctrine into an 
 indirect and damnable purpose of subverting the Govern- 
 ment, and poisoning the founts of Justice in the City, 
 through "Ignoramus Juries." 
 
 In fact, though the learned Judge began to sum up 
 most equitably, his strong Party bias and his wonted 
 use of it, appear to have run away with his better 
 judgment, as a vicious horse with his rider; and before 
 long he launched out against the Whig Party in the 
 City, as if it were not fit that such men should live. 
 
 The Defence had been plain and logical ; but the Jury 
 yielded implicitly to the dictum of the Judge ; though he 
 had previously warned them against attending to foreign 
 matter, even though introduced by himself. 
 

 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 EXILE. 
 
 Letters from Papillon to his Wife on reaching Holland, and on settlement 
 at Utrecht — His loneliness — He refers to various Political friends, some 
 of them opponents, as possibly able and willing to espouse his cause 
 in case of a general pardon on accession of James II. — He leads a 
 retired life — Arrangements for his Wife and others to join him— Pious 
 reflections on his Exile — and on his previous course of life — Writes a 
 Treatise on the Sanctity of the Sabbath, at the request of Mr. Paul 
 D'Aranda, of Amsterdam — Striking instance of his own regard for it — 
 His systematic perusal of the Bible— Christian Address to his Children 
 at Utrecht, August 1686 — Confession of Sins, September, 1688 — Letters 
 to a fellow Exile, probably Sir Patience Ward, from July to November, 
 1688 — their strong religious tone, mingled with patriotism. 
 
 HE feelings of Thomas Papillon when entering 
 upon exile, while suiifering exile, and when 
 about to return home — may be seen by the 
 following letters and treatises — his most valuable 
 remains, as remarked in the Preface. 
 
 Hostile critics may say, that when in trouble 
 he turned to God ; happy result, were that the case : — But 
 having regard to the former tenour of his life, we would 
 J rather say, that when freed from the strife and tumult 
 of his times, his mind instinctly found rest and peace in 
 God ; and when again engaged in the cares of office, 
 and anxious duly to fill his post, he ever maintained his 
 divine allegiance. 
 
 Letters from Thomas Papillon when entering on exile, 
 to his Wife who was still in London : — 
 
252 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 « Amsterdam, Td'T""' '^^^' 
 ' 8th February, 5. 
 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 " From the Brill I gave an account of my son Rawstorn, of 
 my arrival on Saturday the 24th of January, about two o'clock. 
 When I left you I went on board that night, but the ship not 
 being cleared, I went on shore on Sunday night, and did not 
 get on board till late Monday night, and the wind was contrary, 
 so that we could only turn down a little way; on Wednesday 
 morning we had a fair gale, and towards evening made over 
 for the coast of Holland; but the wind proved so high and 
 stormy, that we durst not set in too near the coast, but were 
 forced to beat it at sea all that day and the next night; on 
 Friday morning it was more clear, but the weather so hazy and 
 dark that we durst not set in for the shore ; but finding a vessel 
 belonging to Rotterdam lying at anchor, and waiting for clear 
 weather to go in, we went on board her, and the other ship 
 proceeded on her voyage to Newcastle, whither she was bound, 
 where I hope she arrived on Sunday or Monday night last. 
 Aboard the Dutch vessel we lay from Friday two o'clock to 
 Saturday eight o'clock, and then the weather clearing up, we 
 saw the shore, and had a pilot come aboard, and about two 
 o'clock we landed at the Brill, whence I went by water to 
 Masonsluice, and so intended for Delf, but the canals not being 
 cleared of the ice the boats did not go, nor were there any 
 waggons to be had; and there being no preaching either in 
 French or English at Masonsluice, I was necessitated from 
 thence to go afoot to Delf, being about eight English miles. 
 We arrived there about seven o'clock, and were at some trouble 
 to find lodging at any house where they spake French or English^ 
 but at last did find a good place. 
 
 " The Lord's day, I went to the English and French Churches, 
 in both which there was very honest and spiritual preaching, 
 directing us to be careful of our thoughts, words, and actions — 
 all that we do in the body — for we must all appear, &c. 11. 
 Corinthians v., 10. To make God our fear, and then we need 
 not fear any thing else, and to keep in memory the experience 
 of God's goodness and mercy to us, from that in Psalm Ixvi., 16 ; 
 
fAPILLON'S JOURNEY TO HOLLAND. 253 
 
 and from the three first petitions of the Lord's prayer, to make 
 God's glory our great and main desire, to have the kingdom of 
 God in our hearts, and to pray that it may be set up in the 
 world, and to bring our hearts to a full conformity to God's 
 will both in doing and suffering; a great deal of Christianity 
 lay in a free, humble submission to divine disposals; this was 
 very suitable. 
 
 "On Monday I went by waggon from Delf to Leyden, and 
 thence on Tuesday to Haarlem, and so to Amsterdam, where 
 it was evening before we arrived, and so took up my lodging 
 
 in a publichouse ; and that night wrote to and enclosed 
 
 a line for my Son, being assured you would be glad to hear from 
 me as often as you could. 
 
 " On Wednesday morning I was at the English Church, where 
 the subject was. He that will be my disciple must deny himself 
 and take up his cross and follow me. After sermon I went to 
 Mr. Paul D'Aranda's house, where at present I am. 
 
 " I have given thee this large account of my travels, that you 
 may observe God's goodness and mercy with me, and return 
 praise. Things do not in all circumstances fall out as we desire, 
 either in respect of matter or time ; our expectations are frustrated ; 
 the wind is contrary, sometimes stormy; the weather dark and 
 gloomy; and yet with patience, waiting, the issue God's orders 
 to be well, and every thing works for good at last. Thus it was 
 in my little journey, or voyage, from London to Amsterdam, and 
 so it hath been in my great journey from my birth to this time ; 
 and why should not I believe it will be so still, and that all in 
 the issue shall turn to the best ? 
 
 "I find you will do well to send me by the ship that comes for 
 Amsterdam, some more linen, &c. 
 
 "As to the Concern, if it can be accommodated, and a clear 
 end made both with Sir William Pritchard and all others pretending 
 on that account, I shall be glad— that so I might return speedily 
 to thee and my family, which is the great thing I desire, and my 
 absence from them my greatest affliction. But as to this, I must 
 leave it to the management of my dear son Ward, and shall be 
 glad to hear by every safe conveyance how things stand, and what 
 may be necessary on my part. Whether it may be convenient 
 
254 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 for me to write to Sir William Pritchard, or any other person, 
 in reference thereto. 
 
 "My most dear love to thee, and to my dear Children, and 
 Grandchildren, as if I named them particularly, they are all dear 
 to me and upon my heart, &c. 
 
 "As to the letting of the house, I cannot tell what to direct, 
 though I incline it best to let it if you have a good opportunity ; 
 and I think it not convenient to sell much of your things, but 
 only the lumber; for if you come hither, most of the things will 
 be useful. 
 
 "The Lord of His mercy direct all for the best, and bless 
 you and my Children, and give us a h£|,ppy meeting in His due 
 time; for my greatest contentment in this world is to enjoy thee, 
 — for I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P. 
 
 " In case there be no vessels bound for Amsterdam, you may 
 send by vessels for Rotterdam, directing the things to be sent 
 to Amsterdam, to Mr. Paul D'Aranda. 
 
 "The vessel I came over in, if she arrived at Newcastle on 
 Sunday or Monday night, as I hope she did, was not two days' 
 time out of her way in carrying me, so that I suppose Mr. H. 
 will not pretend any great matter for the service; I think ;^5 
 or ;£io at most; may be he will take nothing, being performed 
 in so little time, and without any prejudice to them ; however, 
 what he will have must be paid to him : I gave the Master 
 four guineas, for his provisions and pains ; and one guinea to 
 the Pilot, and one guinea to the Ship's company, besides what 
 I gave to the Cabin Boy and Cook." 
 
 "^th February, i^. 
 " My Dearest, 
 
 " I have received thine of the loth instant, and find thy 
 affections still working towards me, as mine to thee, and that 
 we cannot be content without the enjoyment and society of 
 each other ; I hope God in his providence will so order it, that 
 we may enjoy that blessing before many months be over. That 
 which is a grief to thee, that God hath hedged up thy way in 
 
PLANS FOR PERMANENT RESIDENCE. 255 
 
 response to actings for me, doth much affect me, and the more ■ 
 because thou leavest me in the dark about it. 
 
 " I take notice what you say, that you and all my friends 
 wish I were not in this place, which I apprehend is in reference 
 to the public; to which, first, you know I should not have 
 come into these countries if I could have gone into France 
 and have there enjoyed the exercises of religion : That which 
 you imagine that in France we may be allowed to keep a 
 Minister in the house, is not to be obtained. At Rouen, they 
 have now no public exercise of religion, and no Minister is 
 allowed to preach or pray in any private family, or to visit the 
 sick or baptize children ; so to go into a country where we must 
 be debarred of all the Ordinances of God, is that I cannot agree 
 to : As to what you say of the Duke of Lunenbourg's country, 
 I will enquire further therein; but I think it is quite out of 
 the way of all trade, and as our circumstances are, how shall 
 we live if we cannot some way or other improve our little 
 money? I am going to-morrow to Utrecht, and shall consider 
 how I like that place. As to this place, it may be convenient 
 in reference to trade, but as to all other things, I have no 
 liking of it; there is no Christian society; getting of money, 
 and saving of money, is the business ; and there is little of the 
 life, power, and spirituality of Religion. 
 
 " Since I have been here (except one day at first that I went 
 to the Exchange) I have not gone abroad, nor seen or conversed 
 with any English ; and indeed I do on the matter make myself 
 a prisoner, that I might be exempt from any occasion of meeting 
 with persons under evil characters — they are all strangers to me, 
 and so I resolve to be to them. Mr. Fentzell, by whom I wrote 
 thee two lines, who lay in the house where I lodge, can give 
 you an account how I live ; and he is a man well esteemed for 
 his loyalty, was one of the Jury whereof Mr. Percivall Gilborne 
 was foreman, though he was not in my trial. 
 
 "I think it will be necessary that my Son Rawstorn sell all 
 the stock at Acrise, horses, cows, sheep, &c. ; and that none 
 of the land be kept in his hand, but let the best we can; and 
 I think we had better bate of the rent, to have it well paid. 
 There need be only one maid there, and James the Gardener; 
 
2S6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 and consider whether it be not better to allow them board 
 wages, than to have them at charge of diet. Pray consider this, 
 for it will be convenient that you go down there to see all things 
 settled. 
 
 " It is well you will take care to send me the things I desired 
 as soon as you can with convenience. 
 
 "We must be very thrifty, and good husbands in all things, and 
 therefore must not keep many servants. 
 
 "Since Winny* is so unsatisfied, I am content he should come 
 with you. He must get all his things from Oxon. I suppose 
 my Cousin Fawkner will desire to stay with her brother; for 
 she cannot expect preferment here, especially living so retiredly 
 as we must do.f 
 
 "Houses here are dearer than in London, and provisions much 
 more dear ; besides, here is excise on every servant we keep ; for 
 gardens, there may be some at great houses, but I have seen 
 none; and for walks abroad, there is none better than in the 
 City, which in summer time is very pleasant, there being trees 
 planted in every street by the water side. I bless God I have 
 my health very well, and though I am very solitary, I am not 
 melancholy. There is no dry situation in this country, though 
 some are better than others. 
 
 " I wish Sir J. O. [James Oxenden, no doubt] and his Lady all 
 happiness in their intended journey to the waters at Burban. 
 
 * Wingfield Broadnax, an orphan nephew of Jane Papillon, who died at 
 Utrecht, in Thomas Papillon's house. 
 
 + This lady was an orphan niece of Thomas Papillon, and the following 
 allusion is made to her in "The Life of the Rev. John Shower, late Minister 
 of the Gospel in London" — by W. Tong, London, 1716: — 
 
 " It was not long before he came to Rotterdam, God provided a suitable 
 yoke-fellow for him — Mrs. Elizabeth Fawkner, niece to Mr. Papillon, in whose 
 family she then was, a voluntary sharer with them in all the inconveniences 
 of their exile. The character given of her by worthy Mr. Spademan, one 
 that knew not how to give flattering titles, is sufficient to show how happy 
 Mr. Shower was in that relation. They were married at Utrecht, 24th 
 September, 1687. They lived together not full four years, in which time 
 they had three children— Ann the eldest, born at Rotterdam, lived to be a 
 great comfort to her father, and very happily married to Mr. J. Warner; 
 the second, a son born at London, and died within a month, baptized John, 
 by Mr. Nathaniel Taylor ; the third, a daughter named Hannah, baptized 
 by Mr. Spademan ; the mother and child both died in less than a month's 
 time." 
 
THE PREACHING AT AMSTERDAM. 257 
 
 " The preaching here is not generally so spiritual as in England. 
 There is an Independent Church, but I was only there one 
 afternoon with my Landlord and Mr. Fentzell; I forbear going 
 there, because it is said most of the English, retired on public 
 accounts, go there, and not to the other Church; therefore I 
 have gone to the English Church allowed by the States, and the 
 last Lord's day was there at the Sacrament. 
 
 " I thank thee for the intimation of what affected thee ; I 
 hope I may say to the praise of God, I have no dependence 
 upon any ability of my own ; for I find every day, more and more, 
 a deficiency in myself, and a necessity of deriving influence 
 from Christ, to enable and quicken to every duty. In reference 
 to the Sacrament, I was much on the consideration of the 
 depravedness of my nature, from Genesis vi., 5, Psalm xiv., 2, 3, 
 Psalm liii., i, 2, 3, Romans iii., 20-38, and Ezekiel xvi., 3-6, xvL, 3-6, 
 but especially the iii. Romans; and then of the rich mercy 
 and great love of God, the exceeding riches of His grace from 
 Ephesians ii., i, 4, 5, and indeed the whole chapter. The 
 subject treated on, was the Psalm cxlvii, 3, ' He healeth the 
 broken in heart, and bindeth up their wounds.' Brokenness 
 of heart implies a sense of sin as the greatest evil, and mourning 
 for sin on discovery of God's love and grace in Christ by the 
 Gospel for the pardon of sin — a justifying God in all His 
 corrections and punishments — Psalm U., 4, and a restlessness of 
 soul till it comes to be made partaker of Christ and His grace ; 
 and to have some assurance of his love ; for comfort of such 
 truly humbled and broken-hearted sinners that are panting 
 after the manifestations of divine love to be healed, and to 
 have their wounds bound up — he said under the delay of God 
 in vouchsafing this mercy, we should labour to live by faith, 
 and not by sense, and for support should consider — ist — That 
 Christ is a merciful and faithful High Priest, Hebrews ii., 17, 
 iv., 15, 16. 2nd — How He is represented in Scripture; God 
 takes special care for the comfort and support of weak humble 
 Christians, Isaiah xl., n. 3rd — To consider Christ's office, 
 Isaiah Ixi., 3; and the end of His coming — to seek and to save 
 that which was lost. And if any object that God is a great 
 and glorious God — Will he take care of me, a poor contemptible 
 
258 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 creature? He bid us consider that in Psalm cxxxviii., 6; and 
 especially to remark that in Isaiah Ivii., 15, where God sets 
 out himself in His glorious majesty with raised expressions, yet 
 at the same time He declares His condescension to have regard 
 and respect to the humble soul, to revive and support them. 
 This last passage was considerable, and very affecting to me. 
 
 "Tell Phil, That I think, if the tin he bought will not sell 
 at the coinage without loss, if there be any opportunity of 
 shipping, he may send it here; but if there be no opportunity, 
 of shipping it away, then he had best sell it, that he may clear 
 all accounts, as much as he can, before he comes over. 
 
 "I would willingly know how the affairs of the East India 
 Company proceed; what the Stock is now worth; what goods 
 they sell next March; and what ships are now expected. My 
 Son may speak to Mr. Edwin, and pray him to give me an 
 account hereof; and to advise me if he thinks there is any thing 
 to be bought, either here or there, that may turn to account. 
 
 "As I wrote my son Rawstorn the loth instant, I was exceedingly 
 surprised at the sad news of his late Majesty's death : As I was 
 a sufferer for his father, so you know I was always a faithful and 
 loyal subject to him. I pray God to bless his present Majesty. 
 It's possible there may be some Act of Grace, or General Pardon, 
 proceed from his Majesty -to all but Capital Offenders; and 
 though my circumstances are such as will not be included in 
 such an Act of Grace, yet his Majesty's goodness may be an 
 example to Sir William Pritchard, &c., to discharge me. Now 
 the term is over, I hope my son Ward will do what may be 
 advisable. I hear my Lord Dartmouth is advanced ; may not 
 Madam Kendal engage him, if it be necessary, on my behalf 
 — as also the Duke of Albermarle? There is also Mr. Pepys, 
 who is a very ingenuous man; and one who, I believe, would 
 do any just, and lawful favour, on the request of Mr. James 
 Houblon. Pray let all things be considered, that may be necessary 
 and convenient. 
 
 "Have you, since my going, seen or heard from Sir Josiah 
 Child ? Pray write me who have been so kind as to visit you. 
 
 "My son or you may write to me every post, and acquaint 
 me how you all do ; and Philip may ask my advice in his business, 
 
VISITS UTRECHT, AND LIKES IT. 259 
 
 and quote the Exchange to all places, and advise any thing of 
 trade, and also send me an English Gazette. I am desirous 
 to hear every post from one or other; for I have no other 
 outward comfort like the interest in, frequent thoughts of, and 
 hopes to enjoy, thee and my dear Children. My sincere and 
 cordial love to them all, and to my Grandchildren : my kind love 
 to Cousin Fawkner, and to all Relations. I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P." 
 
 igth February, 1684. 
 "TTf-rprlit the — — — 
 
 Utrecnt, tne ^^^ ^^^^.^j^^ ^ 
 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 " I wrote the ^fth instant, to which I have at present nothing 
 to add but to acquaint thee that I came here last night in safety : 
 I have not yet been abroad to see the town, but Sir P. W. 
 
 [doubtless Sir Patience Ward, himself an exile] and Mr. 
 
 [name torn away by the seal on back of letter] do much commend 
 it. I hear here that some persons that formerly left England, 
 and are under some ill characters, are retired to the Duke of 
 Lunenbourg's country, and I hear of none here ; so that I may 
 incline to take a house here, if I find one convenient ; but of this 
 I shall write you more hereafter. 
 
 " My dear love to all my dear Children and Grandchildren ; 
 I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P. 
 
 "This place is an University, so that if we fix here, Winny 
 may follow his studies here, if his mind will be fixed. 
 
 " Since the writing I have been about the Town ; it is the most 
 pleasant place I have found in this Country." 
 
 23rd February, 1684. 
 Utrecnt, tne ^^^ ^^^^.^j^^ g^_ 
 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 "I wrote thee from Amsterdam the ^th February, and from 
 hence the i|jt S^Sf ''' since which I have received one from my 
 son of the 13th February. I bless God for your health and 
 safety. As I wrote thee, I cannot live comfortably without thee; 
 
 R 2 
 
26o THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 all the world is nothing to me in comparison; and indeed I live 
 as a prisoner, and one out of the world, conversing with none. 
 This hath engaged me to think of taking a house here, where 
 thou mayst be with me, and I think I shall agree for one this 
 day. It is an indifferent good house, and hath a good garden, 
 and stable and coach house. The place is a good air, and the 
 town pleasant, and good walks about the town. One tells me 
 that here were twenty persons of the English Church, that had 
 lived here a great while, that made up 1800 years, which is ninety 
 years one with the other, which is a sign of a healthy place. 
 
 "The house I must enter upon the 21st April, English style, 
 so that it will be convenient that against that time you send such 
 household stuff as you can spare, &c. 
 
 "Though it behoves us to live very thriftily, yet I would have 
 thee want no conveniency, and therefore you may also send the 
 coach, if you can have it; for I think it will not sell there 
 but very low, and it may be easily brought with small charge; 
 for horses, they are to be bought here; only if my Son will bring 
 his nag, he may; and let them also send my saddle. All the 
 other horses, as I wrote you, should be sold. They may take 
 them up, and feed them, to make them fit for sale. As for Acrise, 
 and things there, I refer you to my last. 
 
 "When you come, which must not be later than the latter 
 end of April or May, you may bring such other things as you 
 shall think good. I think you must bring no man servant with 
 you ; for it will be necessary for us to take a Dutch coachman, 
 who may also keep the garden, which is the custom here; and 
 our English will hardly do it. Wingfield coming with you will 
 supply. 
 
 "If my Son Ward and Daughter be willing, you may bring 
 one of the Children with you; you need bring no other maid, 
 I think, but my Cousin Calandrini,* for you must have another 
 
 * Probably one of the numerous family of Louis Calandrini, the ejected 
 Minister (1662) of Stapleford Abbot, Essex. — See "Annals of Evangelical 
 Nonconformity in Essex," by T. W. Davids, 1P38, Walford, Hodder & Co. 
 
 Louis Calandrini was son of Csesar Calandrini, Minister of the Flemish 
 Church in London (mentioned in Chapter III.), a highly gifted and accompUshed, 
 as well as pious man ; brother of Thomas Papillon's mother, Anne Marie 
 Calandrini. 
 
HOUSE AT UTRECHT. 26 T 
 
 maid for ordinary scrubbing work; yet if you think it convenient 
 to bring one more, you may do as you please. 
 
 "I am expecting to hear if any thing can be done for the 
 discharging me from Sir William Pritchard, &c. ; as I never did 
 any thing against the King or Government, so I never shall, nor 
 do I converse or hold correspondency with obnoxious persons. 
 
 " My most entire love to thee, and to all my dear Children and 
 Grandchildren, as if I had particularly named them. My love to 
 all friends. I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P. 
 
 "Sir P. and my Lady remember themselves kindly to you; we 
 often drink your health. 
 
 "Since the above was written, I have considered and find that 
 you must bring one maid besides Cousin Calandrini; and it will 
 be well if you can have one that speaks Dutch, and can tell how 
 to dress meat; for the Dutch maids here cannot dress meat after 
 the English fashion; so the maid you bring must serve for a 
 chambermaid, and also to dress victuals.'' 
 
 " Utrecht, the ^'^i March, i^. 
 ' My Dearest, 
 
 "I have none of thine since my last of the ^SmS"^' and 
 that thou mayest know the better how to order all things, I 
 have sent thee on the other side the particular dimensions of 
 the rooms in the house that I have taken, to which I was induced 
 that I might enjoy thee quietly, and in peace, without giving 
 offence to those that God hath set in authority over us; for 
 whatever the Gazette might say, or any imagine, I am resolved 
 not to intermeddle with any affairs of State, or to converse with 
 any that are obnoxious to the Government. 
 
 " I have nothing further to write to thee, but that I am well, 
 and in good health, and long to have thee with me, my dear : 
 Love to thee and my dear Children and Grandchildren. The 
 Lord bless you. I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P. 
 
 " My love to all friends. If you are content, I will write but 
 
262 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 once a week, and you need do no more; advise me of the receipt 
 of this, and on what day you choose to write. 
 
 "I would know how the aifairs of the East India Company 
 go ; for I have a kindness for them ; how the sale is ; and when 
 the Committee is chosen, their names, and number of votes : 
 My son may speak to some person to write me on that account. 
 Send me the Gazettes ; but let none write me any other public 
 news than what that contains. My letters are directed 'A Monsieur 
 Thomas, chez Mr. Paul D'Aranda, Marchand h. Amsterdam,' 
 or 'a Monsieur Thomas, Ten huys van St. Jacob Giligt, op 
 St. Pieters Kirkhoff, over de France Kirk, tot Utrecht.' The 
 letters that come directed directly for Utrecht, come a day sooner 
 to hand, than those that go directed to Amsterdam." 
 
 " Now you must consider how to order all with convenience, 
 and despatch the main away to be here by the 21st April, English 
 style. 
 
 "There must be four handsome beds, bedsteads, and all things 
 appertaining, to accommodate four chambers; three or four other 
 beds, bedsteads, blankets, and appurtenances, whereof two may 
 have bedsteads, but they must not be too high; not exceeding 
 6j4 feet high, or else must be made for canopies. 
 
 "If you can sell the hangings of tapestry well, you may sell 
 them; if not, you may send them, to save buying new. 
 
 "You may not do amiss to bring a piece or two of printed 
 stuff, proper for hangings where you shall think fit. 
 
 "You may bring your cabinets, and some boxes of drawers; 
 there are some presses in the house, to put in pewter and plate, 
 &c. Some tables will be necessary to be brought, but not many, 
 because they are too cumbersome. 
 
 "Bring what plate you please; and as I wrote, send the coach. 
 Books you may bring ; some both of Divinity and History ; and 
 what you leave may be sent to Acrise. 
 
 "This place is an University, and therefore I am the more 
 willing that Winny should come ; and let him bring all his things 
 from Oxford ; and let him remember to get the money for his 
 chamber furniture, according to the Constitution of the House. 
 
 "Your china that is good, you may bring; for everyone here 
 doth use of that sort, and it is very dear. 
 
QUIET LIFE AT UTRECHT. 263 
 
 "Great glasses, for furniture of some of the rooms, will be 
 necessary. 
 
 "As I wrote thee, I desire thee to consider thy convenience ; 
 for I would have thee deny thyself nothing that is for thy 
 accommodation. 
 
 "The affairs at Acrise I have already written you about; my 
 son Rawstorn will assist you. I think it best that between this 
 and Michaelmas he endeavour to let all the land, the best he 
 can, and sell off all the stock; corn is like to be very dear; so 
 they may take their time to sell what there is; and in its season 
 what shall grow next year. 
 
 "If you have any tea, you may bring some with you; a hamper 
 of good canary wine in bottles will be convenient to send." 
 
 26th February, 1684. 
 "Utrecht, le 8th March, 8?. 
 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 "I have received thine of the 17th February, and take notice 
 my letter per Mr. Fentzell was seized; I suppose when they have 
 perused it, you may have it sent you; I am sure none of my 
 letters have in them any thing prejudicial or disparaging to the 
 King or Government. As I am now free and discharged from 
 all public employment, so I intermeddle with nothing of that 
 kind, and have no greater ambition than to enjoy myself and 
 thee in peace and quietness, and to pray for the happiness and 
 prosperity of the King and Kingdom of England, my native 
 Country. 
 
 "I had not seen or heard, before I received thy letter, of that 
 print of the fgth February which makes mention of me, and so 
 know not what it is, but am sure I have given no occasion to 
 say or write any thing amiss of me ; for I am altogether private, 
 and converse with none of the obnoxious persons, nor so much 
 as see them, they being all strangers to me.* 
 
 * Papillon's frequent allusion to his own loyalty may seem to some to be 
 stilted, and unnecessary — or even insincere ; but the account given by Macaulay 
 (Chapter V., "History of England") of "the obnoxious persons^' shovrs how 
 soundly Papillon wrote on the matter. 
 
264 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "I bless God for that peace and quietness that you enjoy, and 
 hope it shall be continued. As I wrote thee in my last of the 
 ■^th mm™"^' I cannot find any satisfaction or content to myself 
 without thy company, and therefore I have taken a house in this 
 City, that we may enjoy ourselves, and avoid all matters of public 
 concerns, and I shall think every day a year till we meet. 
 
 "The house is but a small house in comparison, but it will 
 serve us in our private and retired condition. There is below 
 stairs a fore-room or entrance, one indifferent good parlour, one 
 little parlour and a room adjoining for a buttery or closet; one 
 room for a lodging room, but low pitched, and a good kitchen, 
 but it is four or five steps down, and joins to the little parlour; 
 then there is over the kitchen a good room, which may serve for 
 a spare lodging chamber; above stairs there are five chambers, 
 three of which are passable rooms and well pitched as to height; 
 the other two are low-roofed, but will serve for lodging rooms 
 for the maids, &c.; between these two chambers are two closets. 
 The rooms do not lie flush and even to one another, but up and 
 down, which is an inconvenience, but we must be content to suffer 
 some inconveniences. There are very good garrets for drying 
 of clothes. There are two gardens, one behind the other; the 
 furthermost is the biggest, but both of them are not bigger, or 
 very little bigger than the garden behind our house; between 
 the two gardens and the side of the first garden there is a 
 washhouse, rooms for laying of fuel, a room for men-servants to 
 lodge, and a room that may serve for a summer-house, or for 
 a counting-house for me and my Son. At the further end of the 
 farther garden there is a coach-house and a stable, and also a 
 place encompassed in, for the keeping and feeding of poultry. 
 
 " Thus I have given you the best description of the house that 
 I can : — Some of the rooms, to wit, the best parlour and the 
 room over the kitchen are hung now with tapestry, but they are 
 too high-roofed for our hangings except those in the dining room 
 or counting-house. You will consider what is fit to bring for 
 furniture, and sell the rest. 
 
 "I am to pay ^^i a year for the house, &c., which is not 
 dear. We are to enter upon it the 20th April, English style, 
 so that it will be convenient to hasten the sending the furniture, 
 
LIFE AT UTRECHT. 26$ 
 
 to be here against that time, which will quickly come on. Cane 
 chairs, I understand, are well esteemed here, so that if you bring 
 more than we use we may sell them. All provisions are indifferent 
 reasonable; veal, mutton, and beef throughout the year for 3}4d. 
 the pound, and very good fish at moderate rates. I suppose you 
 need not bring above two or three spits, and none of the greatest, 
 nor your great iron pots. Pewter will sell, if we do not use it. 
 
 "I hope if we are once settled, we may live together quietly 
 and comfortably. Enclosed is a procuration for my Son to make 
 use of on occasion. My dear love to all my Children ; the Lord 
 bless you and them, and give us a happy meeting. I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P." 
 
 " Tfth March, i^|. 
 " My Dearest, 
 
 "I wrote both to thee and my Son P., the ■^E^S™'^' and the 
 yfa March, all which I hope are come safe to hand. I have 
 now received two of thine, the last of which bears date the 27th 
 FejDruary; in answer to which I confirm to thee my former. 
 
 "I bless God I enjoy my health very well, and am not 
 melancholy, though as I wrote thee, I live very retiredly, and 
 converse with none, and have always avoided, and shall do still, 
 to converse with any obnoxious persons; for being now freed 
 from all public employs, it doth not belong to me to intermeddle, 
 but to leave the Government to those whom God hath called 
 to it. All I desire is to live quietly, and to enjoy thee and my 
 Children ; in order to which I have taken a house in this town, 
 and have writt to thee the dimensions of the rooms, that thou 
 mayst know how to order furniture for them; which I would 
 have thee to do, not scantily, but largely, as to all things. The 
 pictures over the stairs, of muskets and pikes, and all the other 
 pictures about the house, I would have thee bring, except the 
 great one of all,* which must go with the house : They must 
 be taken out of the frames, and made up so as not to spoil 
 
 * Possibly that owned by his father, and mentioned in Chapter I., representing 
 the attack on his great grandfather and companions at the Massacre of St, 
 Bartholomew, 
 
266 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 them ; and the frames packed up and marked, so as to be matched 
 again. You may get some limner to assist and help therein, &c. 
 
 "As I wrote you, I am willing my Son should come with you; 
 and if he leaves his business with R. M. there will be no need 
 for such a Covenant as you mention. Winny also may come, 
 for this place being an University, he may here follow his studies. 
 If Cousin Fawkner will come, you cannot refuse her, though we 
 have no reason at present to contract any charge but our own. 
 One or more of my Grandchildren will do well, if my Daughter 
 is wilUng and desirous of it. 
 
 "My landlady hath hired a Dutch maid for me against the 
 20th April; she is a good, strong maid, for scrubbing and cleaning 
 the house, but understands nothing of dressing any meat. I am 
 enquiring after a man-servant; if I can get one that is a gardener, 
 then Thomas may serve for coachman. Here is no good kind 
 of garden peas, so you may send a few to set. 
 
 " I take notice what you meant by that phrase of having your 
 way hedged up, and do concur in opinion with the advice given 
 to sit still; and therefore you need not make use of those persons 
 I mentioned, unless there be occasion. • 
 
 "As to Captain James Kendall, enclosed is a letter for him. 
 My Son may begin to pay him as he can raise money; and if 
 he does not accept the two ships, we must find some one to 
 supply it. Let my Son, before he pays him any money, be sure 
 that he is Executor, and that he hath proved the Will. Methinks 
 if Mr. John Kendall hath left us nothing, yet his Executor should 
 give us mourning, or make us a handsome present to remember 
 him by; for though I say it myself, I have been as a father to 
 him, and he had never left such an Estate but through my means 
 and assistance. 
 
 "It is well my Son will get Mr. Edwin, or Mr. Beyer, or any 
 body else to give me an account of the East India affairs; for 
 I shall be glad to hear that they thrive — and am desirous to know 
 how it goes from time to time. 
 
 "I am sorry the house is not let, we must make a virtue of 
 necessity; and if my Son Rawstorn cannot let it to the worth, 
 he must let it for what he can; but then it must not be for 
 a long time, but for five or seven years, as he meets with 
 
EXECUTORSHIP OF BROTHER GEORGE. 267 
 
 opportunity. A very strict Inventory or Schedule must be 
 taken of all things, to be annexed to the Lease; and when you 
 take down your things to pack up, you may remove to your 
 Daughter's till you come away. 
 
 "You may consider and advise with my Son Rawstorn and 
 Mr. J. W. for the manner of your sending all the household 
 goods and your own coming. The goods and chairs, and stools, 
 tables, beds, &c., will be a good quantity; and if you freight 
 a Dutch vessel to carry all, upon the same vessel the maid, 
 Wingfield, &c., may go— all but yourself, Son, Daughter, and 
 Children, and you may go in a hackney coach to Harwich ; and 
 so go over in the Packet boat, carrying with you only your jewels, 
 and what is necessary for your journey; but whether this be best 
 or no, I leave to the consideration of my Son Rawstorn and 
 friends. 
 
 " If Mr. J. W. desires any thing of you, pray do accommodate 
 him if possible. 
 
 "My dear love to all my Children. I pray God to bless you 
 and bring us together in safety. I am, 
 
 "Thine, T. P." 
 
 This letter is from an autograph of Thomas Papillon, 
 without date, or signature ; but it is docketed by his Wife, 
 "My Dear's ; about the Executorship of Brother George, one 
 of his first letters'" Brother George Papillon had died in 
 July, 1684, and no doubt this letter was written by Thomas 
 Papillon to his Wife soon after he went to Holland : — 
 
 " My " Dearest, 
 
 "I have thine, and return thee thanks for all thy care and 
 pains in my concerns, and so I do also to my dear Sons Ward 
 and Rawstorn, whose love and kindness I am very sensible of 
 and pray God abundantly to make it up to them and their's. 
 
 "As touching my Brother's Will, as circumstances stand I 
 think I shall not contract any sin if I renounce the Executorship ; 
 and therefore I am inclined so to do, and heartily pray that such 
 person may have it as will do the Children right. 
 
268 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "I love thee as my own soul, and I hope God will bring 
 us together in his due time with comfort, that we may spend the 
 rest of our days in a more spiritual and heavenly manner. The 
 Lord do us good, and cause all Grace to abound in us. 
 
 "Walking in the garden, I observed (the wind being high) 
 clouds intercepting the sight of the sun, some were black and 
 dark that hid it more, others were more light and airy that did 
 not so much darken it; the wind did dispel those clouds and 
 gave a more clear sight of the sun, which gave this meditation : — 
 Our sins, which are as dark and black clouds, do separate between 
 God and our souls, so that we cannot discern the light of His 
 countenance. Temporal and earthly good things, that are lawful 
 in themselves, like the lighter and more airy clouds, do often 
 interpose and obstruct our clear discoveries of God. The wind of 
 affliction, when God pleaseth to sanctify it, becomes instrumental 
 to purge away sin, and to take our affections off from creature 
 comforts, and thereby brings us to have more clear discoveries 
 of God and fruition of him. This was a sudden occasional 
 thought; by further meditation it might be improved; I only 
 hint to thee that thou mayest join in prayer, that God would 
 make this affliction efficacious to us both for our purification 
 from sin, and weanedness from the world— and that He would 
 vouchsafe more dear and full discoveries of himself to our souls, 
 that we may have more communion with Him, and more delight 
 in Him." 
 
REFLECTIONS. 
 
 The following autograph Reflections are a natural 
 sequence to many expressions in the above letters ; and 
 though bearing no date, they may be attributed without 
 hesitation to the period of Papillon's exile. Either before 
 or after that event he was too much occupied for leisure 
 to prepare such a document, and his circumstances 
 were inapposite : — 
 
 " The wise man, in Ecclesiastes vii., 14,' directs for the day 
 of adversity to consider ; and the Church in Lamentations 
 iii., 43, being in an afflicted state, calls on us to search 
 and try our ways. It is certain there is no evil of suffering, 
 but it comes from God. Lamentations iii., 37, 38, 'Who 
 is he that saith, and it cometh to pass, when the Lord 
 commandeth it not ? Out of the mouth of the most High 
 proceedeth not evil and good?' that is, both evil (in a 
 way of punishment) and good proceed from God. Amos 
 iii., 6, 'Shall there be evil in the city, and the Lord 
 hath not done it?' Whatever God's providences and 
 dispensations are towards us, we ought to be diligent in 
 observing them, that we may understand the mind of 
 God in them, and demean ourselves suitably, &c. O my 
 God, be graciously pleased to assist me by Thy Holy 
 Spirit, that I may so consider of the present dispensations 
 of Thy providences towards me, that I may understand 
 Thy mind and my own duty, that I may discover and 
 repent of those sins whereby I have provoked Thee, and 
 may improve this affliction for all those ends and purposes 
 that Thou hast been pleased to send it ; and so may have 
 in the close a good issue, and be enabled to praise Thy 
 holy Name. 
 
270 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " 1st. — I desire to consider my present case, as the Church 
 saith in Lamentations, 'Why doth the living man complain, 
 a man for the punishment of his sins ? ' man a creature, a 
 sinful creature, and yet a living creature, under the absolute 
 sovereignty of his Lord and Creator, to be disposed of at 
 His pleasure ; under the sentence of a just and righteous 
 Judge, liable to eternal torments, and yet reprieved, and 
 in a state to sue out a pardon, reverse the sentence, obtain 
 favour, and be made eternally happy; for such a one to 
 complain, there is no reason for it; he hath more cause 
 to admire the mercy, patience, forbearance, long-suffering, 
 and free grace of God. The worst condition a sinner can 
 be in, so long as he is kept out of hell, there is mercy 
 in it : but in my case there are many mercies, so that 
 I have cause to be thankful ; my mercies are more and 
 greater than my sufferings ; God's dispensations towards 
 me are mercy and judgment, as David saith, Psalm ci. 
 There is a bright side and dark side ; both ought to be 
 meditated on ; that the sense of my sufferings may not 
 cause me to faint, nor the apprehension of my mercies 
 and blessing cause me to slight or despise the chastening 
 of the Lord, Hebrews xii., 5. 
 
 "First then, to consider the bright side; the mercies I 
 enjoy; for the general, I am a living man, health is 
 vouchsafed, comfortable and affectionate relations con- 
 tinued, plenty of worldly good things bestowed, so that, 
 if I should be deprived of what is sentenced against me, 
 there would remain more than I had at first. But, above 
 all, this is a most transcendent mercy, that God hath not 
 suffered me to take up with the world as my portion, 
 but hath given me desires to fix upon Himself as my 
 happiness ; and this both sweetens this cross, and alleviates 
 this burden, and engageth me through Jesus Christ not 
 only to submit to His will, and resign up all to God's 
 
REFLECTIONS ON HIS TRIAL, 2/ 1 
 
 disposal, but to delight myself more in the thoughts and 
 apprehensions of God, as that portion that cannot be 
 taken away. More particularly : — 
 
 " 1st. — In my present case there is this great mercy as 
 to the cause of my sufferings, that it is not for evil 
 doing, however my adversaries may suggest ; my conscience 
 bears me witness that I did nothing out of malice to any, 
 or on any sinister design, but sincerely what I deemed my 
 duty in the circumstances, fairly in a legal way to assert 
 and vindicate the rights and liberties of the City, which 
 I (and many others) apprehend to be invaded ; touching 
 which much might be said, but I forbear, and content 
 myself only to acknowledge the mercy of God to me, 
 that did so' guide me in all the passages thereof that my 
 adversaries upon the trial could not prove the least evil 
 against me, but on the contrary the very witnesses they 
 brought did rather vindicate me, so that had not the 
 Jury taken upon them to judge of the heart, which is 
 God's prerogative, and ought not to be judged by man 
 without evident demonstration ; in fact, they would not 
 have found it against me. It's true they were told. That 
 malice is a secret thing that lay in the heart ; but at the 
 same time, by the same person* they were also told. That 
 whatever he said, that was not in proof before them, 
 was to go for nothing, so that they ought to have 
 considered only the evidence given of the fact, and if 
 thereby there appeared no unjust and malicious proceeding, 
 they should have acquitted me ; and not judged according 
 to the imagination of their hearts of mine. The Lord 
 forgive them.-|- 
 
 * The Judge. 
 
 t Papillon adduces only the just portion of the Judge's address to the 
 Jury, and thus throws on the latter the whole blame of their Verdict ; but 
 as noticed in Chapter XL, after arguing justly on the merits of the case the 
 Judge launched out into so much partisan and personal invective against 
 Papillon, that he swayed the Jury into finding an adverse Verdict. 
 
272 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " 2ndly. — There is this mercy to be owned and acknow- 
 ledged, That God hath restrained the wrath and wickedness 
 of man against me. Though He hath suffered them thus 
 far to proceed, to touch my Estate or liberty, yet to what 
 might not malice have extended, if God had not withheld 
 it ? The Devil and wicked men are limited, and cannot 
 do that hurt, that many times they would, to the children 
 of God. Satan at first could not touch Job's person, and 
 afterwards could not touch his life. 
 
 " 3rdly. — It is a great mercy. That my sufferings are such, 
 that many good and godly people do sympathize with me 
 and do bear with me upon their hearts before the Lord for 
 the obtaining of mercy and blessings for me and mine. 
 
 "4thly. — It is a mercy. That God hath given me a son, 
 who I hope is £ruly gracious, of years of discretion to take 
 care of his, not to say my, concerns ; which are the main 
 as to outward things, for a little will serve me for the 
 rest of my time; my endeavours as to concerns in the 
 affairs of the world being only for my Children. 
 
 " Sthly. — I esteem it a great mercy, and bless God, That 
 in His providence he directed me in my retirement to 
 Mr. T. C, who, both himself and his Wife, are truly and 
 sincerely godly and religious, in whose conversation, and 
 in the exercise of religious duties in their family, I have 
 received much advantage and consolation : Their kindness 
 and love hath been very great to me; I desire to see 
 God in it, and beg of Him to return it a thousand-fold 
 on them and their's. 
 
 "All those mercies and favours, in general and in 
 particular, I partake of from God, even in and under 
 my present sufferings; and have I not then cause to be 
 thankful, and to admire God's goodness, and to rejoice 
 in the Lord? 
 " I. — When I consider my own deserts, by reason of 
 
REFLECTIONS ON HIS EXILE. 273 
 
 sin, which render me unworthy of the least mercy, and 
 obnoxious to the greatest judgments, so that the greatest 
 sufferings in this life are far less than my iniquities deserve ; 
 and 
 
 " 2. — When I consider, and can by the eye of faith see, 
 the gracious designs of God towards me in this afflicting 
 providence, that it is the chastisement of a father for 
 my profit, that I may be made partaker of His holiness; 
 that I may have more of the presence of God in, and 
 reap the peaceable fruits of righteousness by, my sufferings, 
 both of which I desire to consider and meditate upon. I 
 only now mention them, and so come, 
 
 " Secondly, To consider my present case as to the dark 
 side of it, as it is an afflictive evil. 
 
 " istly. — To have the malice and rage of men let out 
 against me; to have reproaches, slanders, and calumnies 
 vented to render me odious, and to insinuate as if I were 
 in design with those that were flatterers against his Majesty, 
 my lawful Sovereign, which I did, and do from my heart, 
 abominate, esteeming myself obliged by the principles of 
 the Christian reHgion which I profess, to be a faithful 
 and loyal subject. This is very grievous, and a sore 
 affliction. 
 
 "2ndly. — To have a Verdict of ;^ 10,000 passed against 
 me, a very great sum to be taken from my Estate, gained 
 in a long tract of time by the blessing of God on my 
 labours; and to be deprived thereof, and have it ravished 
 from me in a moment, is a very sore and great affliction. 
 
 " 3rdly. — That on this occasion I am deprived of the 
 comfortable enjoyment of my Wife and Children; forced 
 to leave my habitation to preserve my liberty; and by 
 this means to lose my trade and employment. This 
 cannot but be very bitter. 
 
 "4thly. — To be necessitated to be absent from the public 
 
274 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 worship of God, in the assemblies of His people, and so 
 from the participation of the blessed Sacrament — is yet 
 more grievous. 
 
 " This is the state and condition I am now in, and though 
 exceeding sad, yet God's mercies to me are many and 
 great, so that there is great cause for thankfulness and 
 admiring God's goodaess, and great cause for humiliation 
 and self-abasement under God's afflicting hand, and for 
 searching into the cause of God's displeasure, and as the 
 Church saith, To search and try my ways, and to turn 
 to the Lord; and I might in the next place enquire into 
 the reason of that malice and prejudice that is in the 
 minds of men against me; but in regard my conscience 
 bears testimony to me, that I have not given any just 
 cause thereof, having in public places to which I have 
 been called, laboured to discharge my duty to God, my 
 King, and my Country, without any bye or sinister end 
 or design whatever, I shall therefore remain silent, and 
 wait till any of my adversaries will let me know the cause 
 of their ill will towards me, and then doubt not to clear 
 up my innocency as to man ; and I rather choose to avoid 
 this, lest it might through my corrupt nature become a 
 temptation on me to make my heart rise against some 
 persons. It is more profitable for me to consider the 
 righteousness of God in this afflicting providence, arid to 
 examine what sins I may be guilty of, whereby I have 
 displeased His holy Majesty, and brought this affliction on 
 me ; as also what God's design towards me may be in this 
 chastisement, and what improvement I shall make thereof; 
 therefore, 
 
 "2ndly. — I desire to consider God's righteousness, and 
 my own sinfulness; I have deserved greater punishments 
 and chastisements from God ; the corrupt fountain of sin in 
 
REFLECTIONS ON PAST SINFULNESS. 27$ 
 
 my nature and the many sins of my life, both of commission 
 and omission, may justly humble me before God ; but in 
 a special and peculiar affliction there may be some special 
 sins that may occasion it. It concerns me then to enquire 
 out the Achan, the Judas — the special sins for which God 
 sends this affliction. 
 
 "istly. — I cannot but in the first place observe a very 
 great evil, and as the womb of many others, the looseness 
 and vanity of my mind, and sinfulness of my 'thoughts ; 
 my heart should always be fixed on God as the centre 
 of my happiness, and on His glory as the end of my 
 being ; and all my thoughts, words, and actions, should be 
 directed to the glory of God and my enjoyment of Him : 
 but through the looseness of my mind and thoughts 
 oftentimes my very religious services have been rendered 
 sinful, while I have not had my heart fixed on the great 
 end, but loose and at rovers, so that I have not served 
 God with intenseness of soul and delight of heart, as I 
 ought to have done ; and besides this, many times both 
 in the day and night, my mind and fancy have been filled 
 with sinful and vain conceptions and imaginations, which 
 have not always as they ought been repelled — but too, 
 too often harboured and pored upon — whereby I have 
 been defiled, and have grieved the holy Spirit of God, 
 and so become unsuited to communion with God, and to 
 the spiritual performance of duty by the withdrawing of 
 the quickening Spirit, and withholding of His divine 
 influences. 
 
 "A serious and steady and fixed frame of heart for 
 God, is that I find a want of; for which I mourn and 
 earnestly desire that God would unite my heart to fear 
 His name. 
 
 "2ndly. — I am sensible that I have not so diligently 
 
 minded my soul's eternal concerns — and as the Apostle 
 s 2 
 
2^6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 exhorts, given all diligence to make my calling and 
 election sure, — I have not seriously, and so frequently as 
 I ought set myself to the examination of my own heart 
 and ways, to prove my own work, but have been apt to 
 much slightness and carelessness in this great work. God 
 shews me the uncertainty of all things of this world, to 
 engage me to be more diligent in my endeavours to make 
 me sure of heaven. * 
 
 "3rdly.— I am convinced of much pride and worldliness. 
 
 " I. — In letting out our minds to seek after great things 
 in the world for ourselves and Children, especially when 
 we apprehend God is pulling down. This was Baruch's 
 sin, in xlv. Jeremiah. 
 
 "2. — Iri that, too frequently, thoughts of self-advancing, 
 and the esteem and praise of men, have mingled themselves 
 in those transactions wherein I have been engaged in the 
 public and other concerns, and sometimes even in religious 
 duties. Oh, the evil that is in the heart, that root of 
 corruption that takes occasion from God to ensnare to 
 sin ! As God is pleased by the falls and failings of His 
 people to do them good, and make them more humble 
 and more watchful, so Satan and my corrupt heart take 
 occasion from the good God enables me to do, to tempt 
 me to pride and self pleasing with the esteem of men. 
 This is a great evil, to be deeply bewailed and strove 
 against. Though I can say, I hope, through grace, that 
 in the main I have not made these my end, yet I am 
 sensible such thoughts and workings steal in too often 
 on the heart. Now God in this providence shews us 
 that we should have our minds taken off from the world, 
 which is so uncertain, and can so soon be taken from 
 us ; and that when we, through corruption, take occasion 
 to sin, through the good God enables us to do, God can 
 make our enemies correct us, by misrepresenting our 
 
REFLECTIONS ON PAST FAILINGS, 2^^ 
 
 actions, and vilifying our persons ; wherein however unjust 
 it is in them, yet it is most righteous in God. 
 
 "4thly. — In response to others, the Church of God, and 
 the Public, I find myself guilty before God. 
 
 " 1st. — That I have not so thoroughly laid to heart, and 
 been afflicted with, so as to mourn and be deeply humbled 
 before God, for the sins of others professing the true 
 Religion, whereby God's holy name fiath been dishonoured, 
 and His holy religion scandalised and evil spoken of The 
 atheism and contempt of God and the power of godliness, 
 the whoredoms, drunkenness, swearing, and debauchery — 
 the idolatry, superstition, and placing more in modes and 
 external forms, than in the inward and spiritual part of 
 religion — the hatred, malice, and envy in the hearts of 
 men, one against another, breaking out and shewing itself 
 in evil-speakings, revilings, and rejoicings in the evils that 
 come on them, laying snares to entrap men ; injustice, 
 oppression, perjury, frequent murders — a sin grown 
 ordinary and too often pardoned — and many the like, as 
 also the wicked designs of some miscreants to have taken 
 away the life of the King at Newmarket, the persons 
 therein involved being said to be Protestants, but I am . 
 sure therein acting quite contrary to the principles of that 
 Religion, however from thence the enemies of our Religion, 
 the Papists, have taken great occasion to vilify the true 
 Religion and to advance their false one, though it is 
 evident to them that will not shut their eyes, that the 
 Papists have been guilty of more cruelties, massacres, 
 dethroning, murdering, and assassinating kings, and other 
 public persons, than any other sort of men in the world, 
 and that such things have been countenanced, allowed, 
 and made matter of thanksgiving by the public authority 
 of that Church, as the learned Bishop of Lincoln and 
 others have evinced to the world. Alas ! how ready have 
 
2/8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 I been apt to complain of any injury or wrong done to 
 myself, when in the meantime the dishonour of God, and 
 the scandal brought about on the true Religion, hath not 
 touched me as it ought. This sin I was convinced of, 
 from the practice of holy David, Psalm cxix., 158, "I 
 beheld the transgressors and was grieved because they 
 kept not thy law ; " he was grieved, not because these 
 men did him injury, persecuted him, andT were his enemies, 
 and sought his ruin, but because they kept not God's law. 
 God was dishonoured by them. 
 
 "2ndly. — In not being of a more sympathising spirit, and 
 affected with the sufferings of the people of God in all 
 parts of the world, and drawn out in prayer for them, 
 for grace to support and carry them through all, to the 
 honour of God and religion, and for deliverance in God's 
 due time. 
 
 "3rdly. — In not being more affected with the condition 
 of the Church of God in the world, hearing of the 
 persecutions and hardships under which the people of 
 God are, and by the general course of things apprehending 
 many and great confederacies against them, in conjunction 
 with anti-Christ, to root out the name of Israel, the true 
 Protestant religion, out of the world ; and to hear these 
 things only as common news, without having the heart 
 touched, and applying to God by earnest prayer, to arise 
 and have mercy upon Zion — is a great evil. 
 
 "4thly. — In not being more zealous and sincere, and 
 fervent in prayer for the Magistrates and Ministers; I 
 have not neglected this totally, but I confess I have not 
 done it with the spirit and affection as I ought. It is 
 an Apostolical injunction, to pray 'for kings and all in 
 authority, that under them we may lead peaceable lives 
 in all godliness and honesty ;' and there are frequent 
 injunctions to pray for Ministers. Our Lord Jesus Christ 
 
REFLECTIONS ON PAST FAILINGS. 279 
 
 himself requires that we should 'pray the Lord of the 
 harvest to send forth labourers into His harvest.' If we 
 meet not with what we expect and look for from these 
 public persons, we ought to reflect, and consider whether 
 we have discharged our duties towards them in praying 
 for them ; I can say as to the King himself, I have hardly 
 ever gone to prayer but I have with desire begged a 
 blessing from the Lord on him ; as to others in general, 
 I have been too remiss and careless. The Ministers, many 
 truly godly, are laid aside and persecuted, while the Jews 
 and Papists, against whom there are severe laws, are not 
 molested. Many that preach in public do not preach 
 Christ, but themselves, and to please men, to gain 
 preferment; and turn the institution of God for pro- 
 mulgating the Gospel and converting souls only to a 
 carnal ■ and politic end. Many are debauched, and loose 
 in their principles and practices, so that it may be said, 
 Profaneness and wickedness hath gone out into the land 
 from the Priests ; yet this hath not been so thoroughly 
 bewailed and mourned for, as it ought, &c. 
 
 "These sins, when I consider the manifold convictions 
 I have had from God's word, by His Spirit, on my 
 conscience, the many mercies God hath pleased from 
 time to time to vouchsafe me, affording His assistance 
 in the discharge of duties He called me to, His blessing 
 in my calling and family. His protection and deliverance 
 from dangers, especially the Great Plague, and keeping 
 me from snares, together with the many engagements I 
 have made to God of close and spiritual walking before 
 Him, are exceedingly and greatly aggravated, as becoming 
 sins against knowledge, high ingratitude, and great un- 
 faithfulness ; and therefore I must acknowledge God is 
 righteous; yea, my God is merciful; 'He hath not dealt 
 with me according to my sins, nor rewarded me according 
 
28o THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 to mine iniquities,' but hath spared and pitied me as a 
 gracious Father, Psalm ciii., 13, 14., and I may say as 
 Ezra ix., 13, 'My Lord hath punished me less than mine 
 iniquities have deserved.' 
 
 "Now, therefore, it remains that I should seriously 
 consider God's design in bringing this affliction upon 
 me, and what improvement I should make of it. 
 
 " Certainly, God intends I should get my heart truly 
 affected and humbled before him for all my sins, both 
 of commission and omission — the sin of my nature and 
 the sins of my life — that I should confess and forsake 
 them, particularly those before mentioned ; repent after 
 a godly sort, and by faith apply to God in Christ for 
 the pardoning of them, that through the blood of Christ 
 they may be washed away, blotted out of the book of 
 God's remembrance; that God may be reconciled to me 
 through the Lord Jesus, and that from Him I may receive 
 divine grace and communications of strength to subdue 
 and mortify every corrupt affection, and to discharge and 
 perform every duty God requires, not only as to the 
 external acts, but in that frame of heart and in that 
 spiritual manner that is suitable and pleasing to God, 
 Who is a Spirit, and will be worshipped in spirit and in 
 truth; that I should labour after a more fixed and settled 
 frame of heart for God ; be more diligent in working out 
 my salvation, and assuring to my soul well grounded 
 evidences of a future happiness; get my heart more 
 weaned from the world, as vain and unable to afford 
 any real satisfaction ; and to bring under self and all 
 self-advancing thoughts, and to make it my design to 
 exalt God, and to glorify Him; to be more affected and 
 grieved at God's dishonour than my own sufferings; to 
 be more carried forth in desires for the good of the 
 
REFLECTIONS ON HIS EXILE. 28 1 
 
 Church ; to have a fellow-feeling for the sufferings of 
 God's people, to be more in earnest in prayer for them 
 and the Church of God, and for the Magistrates and 
 Ministers ; and in all to make God my Great end. 
 
 " O Lord my God, enable me hereunto ; and let me be 
 taught of Thee, that I may partake of that blessedness 
 pronounced in Thy Word as the portion of those whom 
 Thou correctest and teachest out of Thy Law. That I 
 may be able to say from experience, as David, 'It is good 
 for me that I have been afflicted that I might learn Thy 
 statutes.' " 
 
SANCTITY OF THE SABBATH. 
 
 About a year after he reached Holland as an Exile, 
 Thomas PapiUon wrote the following treatise on the 
 Sanctity of the Sabbath, in response to an appeal from 
 the friend at Amsterdam who had kindly afforded him 
 domicile on his arrival — Mr. Paul D'Aranda : — 
 
 "Though it is some time since I had from you an 
 invitation to communicate my thoughts concerning the 
 obligation that lies on Christians of keeping the Lord's 
 Day in a religious manner, and diligently to attend on 
 the preaching of the Word in public, and in the exercise 
 of other private and religious family duties, yet being 
 conscious of my own weakness and insufficiency, and 
 knowing how acute you are, and how well versed in the 
 controversies touching these matters — having as I under- 
 stand read much, if not most, of what hath been written 
 about them — I have hitherto remained silent ; but this 
 thing revolving in my mind, lest I should be wanting on 
 my part to one whom I so really love, and whose spiritual 
 as well as temporal good I so heartily desire, I have now 
 resolved as a Christian friend to write unto you with all 
 freedom, entreating you to take it in good part as it is 
 really intended, and without prejudice seriously and 
 unbiassedly to consider things in the presence of God, 
 before Whom we must shortly appear, when the secrets 
 of all -hearts shall be discovered. 
 
 " Touching the disputes concerning the morality of the 
 Sabbath, and the change of the seventh to the first day 
 of the week, now called the Lord's Day, I desire not 
 to perplex my mind therewith; I find that our Lord's 
 
ESSAY ON THE SABBATH. 283 
 
 resurrection was on the first day of the week ; that 
 afterwards, all His appearances to His Disciples mentioned 
 particularly in the Evangelists (except one spoken of in 
 John xxi.) were on the first day of the week, when they 
 were assembled together; that the Disciples were assembled 
 together, and received the unction of the Spirit on the 
 day of Pentecost, being the first day of the week ; that 
 it was the succeeding practice of the Christians to assemble 
 the first day of the week for Religious Worship, Acts xx., 
 7., I. Corinthians xvi., 2, and that it was called the Lord's 
 Day. Revelation i., 10. 
 
 " Certain it is from the very light of natural reason, if 
 we own a God, we must acknowledge he ought to be 
 worshipped both publicly and privately. If so, then there 
 must be a time for worship. What time shall that be? 
 It cannot be at every man's arbitrament, because we are 
 to worship God publicly, in a community, as well as 
 privately in retirement ; the practice of the Apostles and 
 primitive Christians, and the universal consent of the 
 Church of God ever since, seem to me sufficient to 
 determine us in this matter. 
 
 " But some may suggest and say. We do not speak 
 against the Lord's Day, nor plead for the Jewish seventh- 
 day Sabbath, but we say, 
 
 " I. — If it be a moral institution, then the day should 
 be kept with the strictness and exactness that the Jews 
 kept their Sabbath under the Law, and 
 
 " If it be not, then we are not precisely obliged to that 
 day, nor to spend the whole time in religious service, but 
 may, as occasion offers, employ ourselves in the affairs 
 of our callings, or in recreations, at least before the public 
 worship begins, and after it is ended. 
 
 " For answer to this, waiving the controversy touching 
 the morality of the Sabbath, — As to the first supposition, 
 
284 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 I satisfy myself with what our Saviour, answered to the 
 Pharisees on this very subject in Matthew xii. the beginning, 
 and verses 7 and 8, and thence conclude that there is a 
 greater latitude to Christians under the Gospel dispensation, 
 and that all acts of mercy and charity in reference to 
 ourselves and others, and whatever may tend to our more 
 cheerfully serving of God, is allowed on the Lord's Day. 
 
 "And as to the inference from the other supposition, 
 in cases of absolute necessity, where delay would be 
 ruinous, as when a house is on fire, a ship laden with 
 goods sunk or stranded, an enemy coming upon us. Sec, 
 I think the aforementioned rule laid down by our Saviour 
 gives a dispensation ; but we must beware lest the corruption 
 that is in our own hearts draw us off from the service of 
 God's people, and from family and closet retirement. 
 
 "I am induced to be of this belief: — 
 
 "i. — In general, on consideration of what our Saviour 
 saith in Mark ii., 27, that 'the Sabbath was made for man, 
 and not man for the Sabbath;' the words are very plain 
 and positive, and spoken by Him Who is truth itself, and 
 therefore not to be denied; and hence there seems to me 
 to be a very cogent argument deducible. If the Lord 
 made the Sabbath for man, methinks it clearly follows 
 that it is man's duty to improve the Sabbath. God made 
 all things very good, and nothing in vain ; He made the 
 Sabbath for man, i.e., for man's good and benefit; certainly 
 man is then obliged to improve it for that end for which 
 it was made. May not this be accounted a talent entrusted 
 to us ? and we know how sad the case of th?it man was in 
 Matthew xxv., 30, who was an unprofitable servant, and 
 improved not his talent that God had entrusted him with. 
 The Lord grant it may not be the case of any of us. 
 
 " ' The Sabbath was made for man.' When was it made ? 
 Surely first at the creation ; which by the way seems to 
 
THE DUE REST OF THE SABBATH. 285 
 
 me to thwart, if not overthrow, the conceit of those that 
 pretend to say there was no Sabbath observed till the 
 Mosaical dispensation. 
 
 " 'The Sabbath was made for man.' What ! for no other 
 end but that man should be idle and rest from bodily 
 labour? I cannot think that any endued with a rational 
 sou), and acting suitably thereto, can allow themselves in 
 such a notion, which would be to make man no more of a 
 man than a brute. Idleness is charged in Scripture for a 
 sin ; it must surely be a higher rest that man is called 
 to, viz., To the contemplation of the Lord, his Creator 
 and Redeemer, in all His great and glorious works, so as 
 to bring his soul unto the exercise of Faith and Love, and 
 other Christian Graces ; and to rest in God in Christ, his 
 ultimate and eternal blessedness: Hence, the Sabbath, in 
 many places in the Old Testament, is called a holy day, 
 a Sabbath of rest to the Lord, Exodus xxxv., 2 ; and there 
 is spoken of, a rest for our souls, Jeremiah vi., 16; and 
 David saith in Psalm cxvi., 7, 'Return unto thy rest, O 
 my soul.' 
 
 " In the New Testament we find our recovery from a 
 State of sin and wrath to a state of Grace ; and reconciliation 
 is called a rest for our souls, Matthew xi., 28, 29. The 
 blessedness of heaven is called a rest, II. Thessalonians i., 
 7 ; and we read in Hebrews iii., 4, of God's rest, and of our 
 entering into it : Surely then, this rest that Christians on 
 the Sabbath should labour after, is a spiritual rest; and 
 the outward and bodily rest, in abstaining from all worldly 
 and secular affairs, is required that our souls may be the 
 more free from those incumbrances to attend upon the 
 Lord without distraction, as the Apostle phrases it in 
 I. Corinthians vii., 35. 
 
 " If any shall oppose, and say that I plead for a Jewish 
 observance of a seventh-day Sabbath, I answer. In no wise. 
 
286 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 I have before declared what satisfieth me as to the change 
 of the seventh day to the first day of the week, and that 
 I desire not to intermeddle with the nice disputes of or 
 concerning the morality of the Sabbath ; and truly I fear 
 those disputes do not promote godliness, and were better 
 avoided, as some others of which the Apostle speaks in 
 I. Timothy vi., 3, 4, 5, and II. Timothy ii., 16-23. I shall 
 only observe that this passage of our Saviour, before 
 insisted on, seems to me, considering the preceding and 
 following words, to prove two things : — 
 
 " I. — That all such works as are necessary to the 
 upholding life, and the better disposing us for the service 
 of God, may be lawfully done on the Lord's Day; this is 
 plain, by our Saviour justifying His disciples in pulling the 
 ears of corn, and David in taking the shew-bread. 
 
 "2. — That our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of Man, is 
 Lord of the Sabbath, and hath power and authority to 
 change the Sabbath from the seventh day to the first 
 day of the week; which is also plain from our Saviour's 
 inference from this position in the following verse, 'there- 
 fore,' &c. 
 
 " You will say, shew me that the Lord Jesus hath made 
 such a change ; I answer as before. That Christ's rising, 
 Christ's constant appearing to His disciples, the practice 
 of the Apostles and the primitive Christians, and of the 
 universal Church of. Christ ever since, with whom Christ 
 promised His blessed presence — is to me fully satisfying. 
 
 "In Zephaniah iii., towards the latter end, which is 
 undoubtedly a prophecy of the times of the Gospel, God 
 saith, 'The Lord thy God in the midst of thee is mighty; 
 He will, save. He will rejoice over thee with joy; He will 
 rest in His love, and He will joy over thee with singing.' 
 Will God rest in His love towards us, and shall not we 
 make it our work and business on the Lord's Day to bring 
 
THE SABBATH A TALENT. 287 
 
 our souls to rest on God in Christ, and to take all our 
 delight and satisfaction in Him alone ? 
 
 " For a conclusion of this general consideration, I would 
 put the following queries to them that neglect the sanctify- 
 ing the Lord's Day, and employ it in the works of their 
 callings, or in carnal pleasure and recreations. 
 
 " I . — What time do you set apart, seriously and in 
 sincerity to examine your own hearts, and to consider how 
 matters stand between God and you, as to the eternal 
 concernments of your souls ? 
 
 "2. — What time do you take, in a solemn and spiritual 
 manner, to commemorate the work of God in Creation, 
 Providence, and especially in Redemption, so as to give 
 God the praise and glory of all His glorious perfections 
 shining forth in them, and so as to bring your souls into the 
 exercise of repentance, humility, faith, love, joy, delight 
 in God, and to rest with holy confidence in God in Christ 
 as your portion and happiness? A gracious soul will 
 never leave seeking after God till he comes to this rest 
 and satisfaction in God. Whoever takes not time for these 
 things, and is not serious and spiritual in them, it is to 
 be feared that the true reason of his declining Sabbath 
 sanctification in public and private is because he hath a 
 worldly, corrupt, and carnal heart, and never yet tasted 
 that the Lord is gracious — but is a stranger to God, and 
 void of true Grace. To such therefore I further query — 
 
 "3. — What do you think will be your condition at the 
 Day of Judgment ? God made the Sabbath for you, gave 
 it you as a talent to be improved for His glory and your 
 soul's good, made provision in the Gospel Ordinances, as 
 in Luke xiv., 16, &c., but you slighted His day, neglected 
 the improvement of this talent, and for worldly concerns 
 made light of His invitations and provisions in the Gospel. 
 What will you have to plead or say for yourself? Will it 
 
288 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 think you, be an available excuse to say you scrupled the 
 morality of the fourth commandment, and doubted whether 
 Christ ever appointed the change from the seventh to the 
 first day of the week, when as in truth you set apart no 
 days or fixed time to be employed and improved in a 
 solemn and spiritual manner for the worship of God, and 
 the working out your own salvation ? 
 
 "4. — More particularly, I believe it is my duty and 
 interest to keep and improve the Lord's Day in a holy 
 and spiritual manner as before mentioned, on account of 
 the several duties both public and private, to which I 
 am to attend; to all of which I find myself indispensably 
 obliged, in respect of both duty and interest, they being 
 not only commanded and enjoined by Divine authority, 
 but also instituted and appointed as means for my good 
 and salvation, in the performance whereof in that spiritual 
 manner God requires, I worship the Lord, owning and 
 acknowledging that homage I owe to His Sovereign 
 Majesty, and expect and wait for (of His goodness and 
 mercy) the communications of His Grace, and the 
 manifestations of His love in Christ, for my conversion, 
 sanctification, consolation, and eternal salvation. 
 
 " The public duties are, hearing the Word preached, and 
 joining with the Church and the people of God in prayer, 
 and in celebrating the praises of God, and receiving the 
 blessed Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. 
 
 "The private duties are, in the first place, to prepare 
 myself by sweet and closet meditation and prayer; and 
 if I be a Master of a family, to endeavour that those 
 under my charge may be prepared for the worship of 
 God in public; and to that end, to pray with them; and 
 then after the public worship is ended, to retire apart, 
 to seek for His blessing, and seriously to consider and 
 examine myself concerning the frame and temper, of my 
 
DUTY OF HEARING THE WORD. 289 
 
 heart in God's service, so as to be humbled and beg 
 pardon for all my failings and miscarriages, and to give 
 God praise for any assistance or otherwise of His Grace, 
 and to call to mind the words I have heard, and by 
 meditation and application to fix them on my own heart, 
 and also to help those of my family what I am able, and 
 pray with them. 
 
 "To attend on the preaching of the Word of God, is 
 both my duty and my interest. 
 
 "This it is my duty, I gather : — 
 
 "i. — From Christ's appointing persons to preach, as in 
 Matthew xxviii., 19, and Mark xvi., 16, 'Go ye into the 
 world and preach the Gospel to every creature.' 'When 
 He ascended up on high He led captivity captive, and 
 gave gifts to men,' 'and He gave some Apostles,' &c. 
 (i. Corinthians xii., 28, Ephesians iv., 8-1 1.) Now if Christ 
 hath appointed such officers to preach, it is certainly my 
 duty to hear. In II. Corinthians v., 20, Ministers are said 
 to be 'Ambassadors for Christ.' Doth the Lord send 
 ambassadors to us, and shall we refuse and neglect to 
 hear their message? This is to slight God himself, for 
 Christ tells us in Luke x., 16, ' He that heareth you 
 heareth Me, and he that despiseth you despiseth Me and 
 he that despiseth Me despiseth Him that sent Me.' 
 
 "2. — From the many commands and injunctions there- 
 unto, in the Old Testament, Deuteronomy iv., i, v., i, 
 vi., 3, 'Hear, O Israel,' &c.; It's the language of all the 
 Prophets, 'Hear ye the Word of the Lord:' The wise 
 man calleth us to this in Proverbs i., 8, iv., i-io, viii., 33; 
 and in the New Testament the Apostle tells us in Hebrews 
 i., that God who formerly in divers manners spake to the 
 fathers by the Prophets, in the last days hath spoken to 
 us by His Son ; and we are enjoined by God himself, by 
 
290 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 a voice from heaven, Matthew xvii., 5. Luke ix., 35, 'This 
 is My beloved Son ; hear Him.' Now Christ is gone to 
 heaven, how shall we hear Him? He Himself tells us 
 that to hear His Ministers, sent in His name, is to hear 
 Him, as in that aforementioned place, Luke x., t6. 'He 
 that heareth you heareth Me' ; and the Apostle James 
 requires and enjoins in his chapter i., 9, that every one 
 should be 'swift to hear.' To this I might add those 
 injunctions in the Gospel, and in Revelation ii., iii., 'Let 
 him that hath an ear hear what the Spirit saith unto the 
 Churches/ and also those cautions, Mark iv., 24, Luke viii., 
 18, Take heed how, and what, ye hear; all which implies 
 it is our duty to attend the ministry of the Word. But 
 it is not only my duty but also my interest and great 
 concern, carefully and diligently, to attend the preaching 
 of the Word ; and in that I am fully satisfied — for 
 
 "i. — I find that preaching is instituted and aippointed 
 as the ordinary means of Conversion and Salvation. The 
 Apostle tells us, Titus i., 2, 3, That God manifests His 
 word, that is His promise of eternal life, through preaching; 
 and in Ephesians iii., 8, 9, he saith. This grace was given 
 to him, that he 'should preach among the Gentiles the 
 unsearchable riches of Christ,' and 'to make all men see 
 what is the fellowship of the mystery which from the 
 beginning of the world was hid in God.' In I. Corinthians 
 i., 21, he tells us that it pleased God 'by the foolishness 
 of preaching to save them that believe ; ' that is — though 
 the world count and esteem preaching foolishness, yet it 
 is that way by which God is pleased to bring His people 
 to Salvation; and in Romans x., having quoted that 
 promise out of the prophet Joel, that 'Whosoever shall 
 call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved,' the 
 Apostle argues an impossibility of Salvation in the 
 ordinary way without preaching, [' How shall they call 
 
BLESSING ON HEEDING THE WORD. 29 1 
 
 on Him in whom they have not believed? And how 
 
 shall they believe in Him of whom they have not heard? 
 
 And how shall they hear without a preacher?' And 
 
 then concludes that faith is wrought by hearing the Word 
 
 of God preached ; and the same Apostle in Galatians iii., 
 
 speaking to them that cried up the works of the Law, 
 
 saith in verse 2, 'This one thing I would know, received 
 
 you the Spirit by the works of the Law, or by the hearing 
 
 of faith,' intimating plainly that the Spirit of His saving 
 
 gifts and graces was communicated in and by the preaching 
 
 of the Gospel; and in Acts xxvi., i8, we read that Paul 
 
 was sent a preacher to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, 
 
 and 'to turn them from darkness to light, and from the 
 
 power of Satan unto God, that they might receive 
 
 forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them that are 
 
 sanctified through faith that is in Christ.' It is in the 
 
 preaching of the Gospel that we, 'beholding as in a glass 
 
 the glory of God, are changed into the same image from 
 
 glory to glory,' II. Corinthians iii., i8. God who commanded 
 
 light to shine out of darkness, in the preaching of the 
 
 Gospel, gives the light of the knowledge of the glory of 
 
 God in the face of Jesus Christ, II. Corinthians iv., S, 6. 
 
 "2. — I find many gracious promises to them that attend 
 
 conscientiously the preaching of the Word, Isaiah Iv., 8, 
 
 ' Hear, and your soul shall live ; and I will make an 
 
 everlasting covenant with you, even the sure mercies of 
 
 David.' In Proverbs viii., 34, 'Blessed is the man that 
 
 heareth Me, watching daily at My gates, waiting at the 
 
 posts of My doors.' In John v., 2$, 'The dead shall hear 
 
 the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear shall 
 
 live.' Luke xi., 28, 'Blessed are they that hear the Word 
 
 of God, and keep it.' John v., 24, 'He that heareth My 
 
 Word, and believeth on Him that sent Me, hath everlasting 
 
 life.' Revelation iii., 20, 'Behold I stand at the door and 
 T 2 
 
292 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 knock.' How doth Christ knock? By His Spirit, in the 
 ministry of the Word ; so the following words expound 
 it, ' If any man hear My voice, and open the door, I will 
 come in to him, and sup with him, and he with Me.' 
 
 "3. — I find that as preaching was instituted by God as 
 the ordinary means of Conversion, and hath many promises 
 annexed to it, so also that it hath been accompanied 
 with success, God sending His Spirit, to make His Word 
 eiificacious, as our Lord Jesus Christ promised His Apostles 
 to be with them to the end of the world. We read in 
 Acts ii. and iv., of thousands converted at two sermons; 
 of Philip's preaching and success in chapter viii. ; of 
 Cornelius in chapter x., being directed to send for Peter 
 to preach to him, with the effect thereof. Of Lydia, 
 chapter xvi., and in the following history ; as also in 
 Paul's Epistles we read what great success his preaching 
 had in every place ; and the Apostle Peter tells them to 
 whom he wrote, that they were 'bom again, not of 
 corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, by the Word of 
 God that liveth and abideth for ever.' I. Peter i., 23. 
 
 "4. — I find very severe threatenings against those that 
 slight and neglect the hearing of the Word. A famine 
 of the Word is threatened as one of the greatest judgments, 
 Amos viii., 1 1 ; and contrariwise it is promised in Isaiah 
 xxx., 20, as the greatest blessing that they should 'see 
 their teachers,' and that they should not be driven into 
 corners. In Proverbs i., 24, 26, it says, 'Because I have 
 called, and ye refused ; I have streched out my hand, and 
 no man regarded,' ' I also will laugh at your calamity,' &c. 
 In Proverbs xxviii., 9, ' He that turneth away his ear from 
 hearing the law, even his prayer shall be abomination.' 
 In Psalm Ixxxi., 12, 'My people would not hearken, so 
 I gave them up to their own hearts lusts.' In Isaiah Ixv., 
 12, 'Therefore will I number you to the sword, because 
 
RESULT OF NEGLECTING THE WORD. 293 
 
 when I called ye did not answer, when I spake ye did 
 not hear,' and to the same purpose in Isaiah Ixvi., 4, and 
 Zechariah vii., 7-13. In Matthew x., 14, and Mark vi., 11, 
 Christ tells us that it should be more tolerable for Sodom 
 and Gomorrha in the day of Judgment than for them that 
 did not receive and hear His Ministers. 
 
 "I might further enlarge on this particular. It was 
 the commendation of Mary that she attended on Christ's 
 preaching, and our Saviour tells her (Luke x., 41, 42) that 
 'one thing was needful,' and she had chosen that good 
 part. It is the character of Christ's sheep to hear His 
 voice (John x., 27) of them that are of the truth (John 
 xviii., 37) of them that are of God (John viii., 47) and 
 of them that know God (l. John iv., 6) ; and on the 
 contrary, they that slight and neglect to hear God's Word 
 — the two last-mentioned Scriptures tell us they are not 
 of God ; as Dr. Horton in his sermon on John viii., 30, 
 page 96 saith, 'They that despise preaching, despise 
 conversion and regeneration, and the work of Grace to be 
 wrought in them, and so, in conclusion, Salvation itself; 
 which is no more than Paul says of the unbelieving Jews, 
 who put from them the preaching of the Word, and thereby 
 judged themselves unworthy of everlasting life.' Acts xiii., 
 46. 
 
 " Objection I. 
 
 " Some will possibly say, May we not attend on the 
 preaching of the Word on week-days, as well as on the 
 Lord's Day ? 
 
 ^^ Answer. — I answer. That I esteem it both laudable and 
 commendable, when there is opportunity, and that I can 
 redeem time from my calling and family concerns, to 
 attend on this ordinance of God on the week-day as well 
 as on the Lord's Day, but I do in no wise believe that 
 I may decline and forbear attendance on the public 
 
294 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 preaching on the Lord's Day, and by hearing on the 
 week-day supply the same, so as thereby to answer my 
 duty to God and my own soul — for 
 
 "i. — I consider, as before said, that God made the 
 Sabbath for man, and therefore I am convinced that I 
 ought to improve it, even that whole day, for my spiritual 
 benefit. 
 
 " I consider, that though I should question whether 
 under the Gospel, God hath appointed any peculiar day 
 or time for His service, yet considering the practice of 
 the Apostles and primitive Christians, I am not and cannot 
 be certain that He hath not: And if the Lord's Day 
 be of Divine institution, I apprehend that even the worship 
 and service of God on another day, with neglect of it 
 in the time of God's appointing, will be so far from 
 acceptable and pleasing to God, that it will be displeasing 
 to Him. That expression is remarkable in I. Kings xii., 
 33, as testifying God's dislike of Jeroboam's service, that 
 it was 'the month which he had devised of his own heart;' 
 therefore, in doubtful cases, as this, I judge the safe and 
 sure way the most eligible. 
 
 " 3. — Whatever can be said against the Divine institution 
 of the Christian Sabbath, yet as the state of affairs in the 
 world are at present, I cannot but conclude that the Lord's 
 Day is the most proper and fit season for my attendance 
 on the preaching of the Word. To worship and honour 
 God, and to benefit my own soul by my attendance, it 
 is necessary that my mind be free from worldly thoughts 
 and incumbrances ; and therefore I am to labour by serious 
 meditation and prayer beforehand to prepare my heart 
 that I may be in a suitable and spiritual frame ; and then 
 afterwards, it is necessary that I take time to meditate 
 on the truths I have heard, to examine the same by 
 Scripture, and my own state and condition, and that I 
 
NEED OF PREPARATION FOR HEARING. 295 
 
 endeavour to fix them on my soul, and pray to the Lord 
 for His Grace, that I may live in the comfort and practice 
 of them. 
 
 "To speak particularly in reference to preparation — and 
 afterwards how I should improve the occasion — is too large 
 a subject for a letter ; I shall therefore only mention some 
 few Scriptures which convince me that as it is of great 
 concern to me to come, so also is it how I come to this 
 Ordinance. 
 
 "In Matthew xiii. and Luke viii. we have the parable 
 of the sower, with the interpretation of it ; and we thereby 
 plainly learn that there is both something to be done 
 previous to hearing the Word, viz., plucking up the thorns, 
 removing the stones, and preparing the ground, i.e., our 
 own hearts ; and also something subsequent, viz., to take 
 heed that the seed be not devoured by the fowls, that is, 
 lest the devil catch or take the Word out of our hearts. 
 The prophet Jeremiah speaks of the first of these (iv., 3) 
 ' Break up the fallow ground, and sow not among thorns ; ' 
 and to the same purpose the prophet Hosea (x., 12) ; also 
 in I. Peter ii., i, 2. The Apostle exhorts to 'lay aside all 
 malice, and all guile and hypocrisies, and envy and evil 
 speakings, and as new born babes to desire the sincere 
 milk of the Word, that we may grow thereby;' and as to 
 the latter, concerning the Devil's obstructing the efficacy 
 of the Word, we read in II. Corinthians iv., 24, 'If the 
 Gospel be hid it is hid to them that are lost, in whom 
 the god of this world hath blinded the minds of them 
 that believe not, lest the light of the glorious Gospel of 
 Christ, Who is the image of God, should shine unto them.' 
 The ministry of the Gospel is to some 'a savour of life 
 unto life, and to others of death unto death' (ll. Corinthians 
 ii., 16), and therefore it behoves us to mind that caution in 
 Mark iv., and Luke viii. to take heed how and what we 
 
296 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 hear; and to imitate the Bereans, who are commended (Acts 
 xvii., 11) for that they received the Word with readiness 
 of mind, and searched the Scriptures whether those things 
 that were preached to them were so or no; and also the 
 Thessalonians who received the Word not as the word of 
 men, but as it is in truth the Word of God (l. Thessalonians 
 ii-, 13)- 
 
 "Now, if so much work lies upon me before I come to 
 the preaching of the Word, and so much after — what time 
 or season can be so fit and proper as the Lord's Day, on 
 which there is a cessation of all worldly negotiations in 
 public, when my mind may be free from the embarrass of 
 those affairs, which on the week-day is very difficult for 
 a person in trade — and if we consider the corruption of 
 our own hearts, almost impossible ? 
 
 "The wise man saith (Ecclesiastes iii.) that there is a 
 time and season for every purpose ; and in Ecclesiastes 
 viii., 6, 7, that it is a man's misery not to know it : I find 
 in Scripture much touching this particular — David — Psalm 
 Ixix., 13, speaks of praying in an acceptable time, &c. 
 
 "In II. Timothy iv., 2, the Apostle enjoins Timothy to 
 •preach the Word in season and out of season.' I will 
 not enquire critically what those words import, but since 
 the preaching of the Gospel is continued, and that it is an 
 indispensable duty, and my great interest and concern, to 
 attend thereon, and that the Lord's Day appears to me 
 to be the most fit and proper season for that purpose, 
 and that there may be great danger in neglecting the 
 season — I desire and am resolved by the Grace of God, 
 whatever others do, never to neglect that season — though 
 I think it my advantage, when I can redeem time without 
 prejudice to the affairs of my calling and family, to attend 
 to the preaching of the Gospel on the week-day also. 
 
 "To those that are of another mind, and absent them- 
 
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 297 
 
 selves from the public worship on the Lord's Day, and 
 employ their time on that day in the affairs of their 
 callings, as in casting up their accounts, writing in their 
 books, and the like, or in recreations not unlawful in 
 themselves, and think it sufficient to go to a week-day's 
 sermon, besides what is before said, I would propound to 
 them the following queries and considerations : — 
 
 "i. — Whether they think it will be pleasing to God, or 
 that it is reasonable in itself, that God, from Whom they 
 have life, and being, -and all that they enjoy, should be 
 put off with- an hour, or an hour and a half's service on a 
 week-day, in the midst of the hurry of worldly business, 
 when He gives them a whole day that may be employed 
 for that end ? And whether this may not expose them to 
 that curse denounced in Malachi i., 14 ? 
 
 "2. — Whether they do indeed conscientiously attend on 
 the preaching of the Word and worship of God on the 
 week-day, for though they may so speak in way of 
 argument, it can hardly be believed that they who neglect 
 the service of God on the Lord's Day will be careful, or 
 make much conscience, of giving God spiritual worship on 
 the week-day; and surely to neglect God's worship on the 
 Lord's Day on pretence that they will attend it on the 
 week-day, and then do it not, or at least not in that serious 
 and spiritual manner it ought to be, cannot but be very 
 provoking to God, and consequently destructive to their 
 own souls, unless they repent. 
 
 " 3. — Why cannot they do those works of their callings, 
 and take those recreations, on the week-day, when they 
 may do it without the hazard of sinning and provoking 
 God's displeasure against them? They pretend to take 
 time on the week-day to attend on the preaching of God's 
 Word ; that time might without doubt be lawfully employed 
 in their callings or recreations. If the business of their 
 
298 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 trades or callings be so much that they cannot compass it 
 in the six days of the week, or that they find on the Lord's 
 Day a greater freedom from company and interruptions, 
 and so take that time to sit the closer, and the better 
 to despatch their counting-house business; and in reference 
 to recreations, if they choose the Lord's Day because they 
 cannot spare time in the week for diversions, or because 
 on that day more persons are at leisure to accompany 
 them in such pastimes ; if any of these be the true reasons 
 for their neglecting the duties of religion on the Lord's 
 Day (which I refer to their own conscience) then whatever 
 they may pretend or scruple and doubt touching the 
 morality of the Sabbath— it is plain that Sin lieth at the 
 door; and that they mind, love, and prefer their worldly 
 profits and pleasures before and above the great concerns 
 of religion, and their soul's eternal welfare, and therein are 
 very unlike the children of God and in danger of eternal 
 perdition. 
 
 "The kingly prophet David tells us that it was the one 
 thing he desired and sought after, 'to dwell in the house 
 of the Lord, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to 
 enquire in His temple,' (Psalm xxvii., 4); that he found 
 more gladness in the discoveries of God's favour, than in 
 the increase of worldly goods (Psalm iv., 6, 7) ; and hence 
 it was that he so thirsted after, and followed hard after 
 God, to see His power and glory in the sanctuary, as he 
 expresses it in Psalm Ixiii., 1-3, and to the same purpose 
 in Psalm xlii. and Ixxxiv. He speaks of some, in Psalm 
 xvii., 14, who had their portion in this life, but he would 
 not be of that number; he looked for a blessed eternity, 
 as in verse 15. In Psalm xlix. he represents to us the 
 folly and vanity of worldly men, and how different their 
 condition and that of God's children will be, at and after 
 death. Indeed we find him under a sore temptation in 
 
VALUE OF DUE ATTENTION. 299 
 
 Psalm Ixxiii. by reason of worldly men's prosperity, which 
 made him ready to conclude, verse 13 (as those in Malachi 
 iii., 14, did, and as many now do) that true piety was folly, 
 and nowise advantageous; but when he was enlightened 
 in God's sanctuary to look to their end, verse 17, he owns 
 his ignorance and brutishness therein, and in the close of 
 that psalm declares the blessedness of them that prefer 
 God above all, and have interest in Him as their portion ; 
 and that it is good to draw nigh to Him. What will the 
 profits and pleasures of the world avail us in a dying hour, 
 when strength and heart and all will fail? Why then 
 should we neglect God and ourselves for the world ? The 
 wise man tells us in Proverbs xi., 14, that riches profit not 
 'in the day of wrath, but righteousness delivereth from 
 death;' and in the close of his book of Ecclesiastes, having 
 read us a lecture on the vanity of all earthly things, he 
 concludes that the whole duty of man, his chief and 
 main business, is to serve God, and he adds as a reason, 
 'For God will bring every work to judgment, with every 
 secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.' 
 In Mark viii., 36, 37, our blessed Saviour saith, 'What 
 shall it profit a man if he shall gain the whole world and 
 lose his own soul? or what shall a man give in exchange 
 for his soul ? ' Surely then it is great folly to employ our 
 time on the Lord's Day for the world, when it might be 
 improved for the service of God, and the salvation of our 
 souls. 
 
 "I heartily desire and pray for myself and others, as 
 in Deuteronomy xxxii., 29. Oh ! that God would make 
 us wise, that we may understand this, that we would 
 consider our latter end. 
 
 " Objection II. 
 
 " Some there are that many times abstain from attending 
 on the preaching of the Word, and object against the 
 
300 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 preachers, in regard to the meanness of their gifts and 
 abilities, and say they know as much as they can teach 
 them, and can read a sermon at home to more advantage. 
 
 "Answer. — I shall not enlarge in reply to this objection, 
 as not being proper to the purpose in hand, but only say 
 that preaching is God's ordinance, as before evidenced ; 
 and the Ministers are but instruments in God's hands ; 
 the power is of God (ll. Corinthians iv., 7), and the success 
 or increase also (l. Corinthians iii., 6) ; and therefore we 
 ought to have our eye to God, and not to man ; and from 
 experience I have chosen and resolved on the Lord's 
 Day to prefer the preaching of the Word of God in the 
 public assemblies, though by a Minister of the meanest 
 gifts and parts, if he be godly and orthodox, before 
 the reading of the most learned and elaborate sermon 
 that ever was made, yea before the reading of the 
 Scripture, and the sermons of Christ himself, and the 
 Apostles — at home. 
 
 "As to other public duties on the Lord's Day, viz., 
 joining with the Church and people of God in prayer, and 
 celebrating the praises of God, and receiving the Sacrament 
 (as also the private and family duties on that day, in 
 order to preparation for, and improvement of the public 
 worship) it is, as I conceive, very true, and might from 
 Scripture be clearly proved, touching these duties, as well 
 as the preaching of the Word, 
 
 « I. That it is not our only duty but likewise our interest 
 
 and great concern, to attend to them ; they being enjoined 
 and commanded as the worship and homage due from 
 us to the Lord, our Creator, Redeemer, and Preserver; 
 and also justified and appointed as the ordinary means, in 
 the due exercise and improvement whereof we may enjoy 
 communion with God, and receive and obtain from Him 
 Divine communications of His Spirit, with all blessings 
 
god's blessings to be sought. 301 
 
 we need either for our souls or bodies — both in relation 
 to this present life and that which is to come — as also 
 for the Church and people of God ; and 
 
 "2ndly. — That the Lord's Day is the fittest and most 
 proper season for the due and spiritual performance of 
 the said duties. But having already enlarged beyond my 
 first intentions, 1 forbear, and only add, That as I am a 
 Master of a family, and have children and servants, I do 
 believe that I am not only obliged, personally and with my 
 family, to the worship of God on the Lord's Day as before 
 intimated, but that there also lies on me a duty every day, 
 both personally in private and publicly in my family, to 
 worship the Lord, and call upon His Name. 
 
 "As we have our being from God, for" He made us and 
 not we ourselves (Psalm c, 3) and we are continually 
 upheld and preserved by Him, for 'in Him we live and 
 move, and have our being,' (Hebrews xvi., 28), so all good 
 things that tend to our well being, whether for the body 
 or the soul, for the present life or in order to a blessed 
 eternity, come from Him ; for it is He that gives us all 
 things richly to enjoy (l. Timothy vi., 17) ; He gives food 
 to all flesh (Psalm cxxxvi., 25); both riches and the 
 enjoyment of them is God's gift (Ecclesiastes v., 19) ; all 
 our labour and endeavours would be vain and fruitless 
 without the Lord's blessing, &c. 
 
 " If all be from God, and of His great gift, then certainly 
 God is to be sought unto, to bestow and to be praised 
 for bestowing, blessings on us ; prayer is the means without 
 which we cannot expect to receive the blessings God hath 
 promised, whether spiritual or temporal, for in Ezekiel 
 xxxvi., God having made gracious promises of both, we 
 read verse 37, 'thus saith the Lord God, I will yet for 
 this be enquired of by the house of Israel to do it for 
 them ;' and praise and thanksgiving is the tribute we owe 
 
302 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 to God for all His blessings and favours. God made all 
 things for Himself, for His own glory (Proverbs xvi., 4); 
 of Him, and through Him, and to 'Him are all things, 
 to Whom be glory for ever' (Romans xi., 36); and the 
 Psalmist tells us (1., 23) 'Whoso offereth praise glorifieth' 
 God. It would be endless to mention the many places 
 in Scripture wherein this duty of prayer and praise is 
 commanded and enjoined ; and that not only on some 
 special occasions, but as a daily and constant service. 
 ' Pray without ceasing ; ' ' In everything give thanks, for 
 this is the will of God in Christ Jesus concerning you ' 
 (l. Thessalonians v., 17, 18) ; 'In everything by prayer and 
 supplication with thanksgiving let your requests be made 
 known unto God ' (Philippians iv., 6). 
 
 " We have also the practice of the Saints of God for our 
 example ; Daniel prayed three times a day, and it was his 
 constant custom to do so, Daniel vi., 10 ; David saith, 'At 
 evening and at morning and at noon will I pray ' (Psalm 
 Iv., 17) ; and in Psalm cxix., 164, ' Seven times a day do I 
 praise thee ; ' and in Psalm cxlv., 2, ' Every day will I bless 
 thee, and praise Thy Name for ever and ever.' 
 
 "Many are the promises made to this duty, 'Whosoever 
 shall call upon the Name of the Lord shall be saved' 
 (Romans x., 13) ; and it is the character of wicked and 
 un regenerate men, not to seek and call upon God (Psalm 
 liii., 2, 4) ; and of hypocrites, that they are not constant, 
 and will not persevere in the performance of this duty (Job 
 xxvii., 10), whereas on the contrary it is a mark of a child 
 of God, as in Acts ix., 11, where it is said as an evidence 
 of Paul's conversion, 'Behold he prayeth.' The neglect of 
 this duty is very displeasing to God, and that whereof He 
 complains in Isaiah xliii., 21, 22, 'This people have I 
 formed for Myself, they shall shew forth My praise ; but 
 thou hast not called upon Me, O Jacob; but thou hast 
 
FAMILY WORSHIP INCUMBENT. 3O3 
 
 been weary of Me, O Israel,' and in Hosea vii., 7, 'there is 
 none of them that calleth upon Me.' 
 
 " From what has been said it is evident to me that this 
 duty of prayer and thanksgiving to God is so indispensable, 
 that whoever doth not personally and daily attend to it 
 is as yet a stranger to God, and as yet in a state of sin 
 and wrath ; and without repentance and reformation will 
 never obtain Salvation. 
 
 "This duty is not only personal, to be performed by 
 every one in secret, but I am fully persuaded that a duty 
 lies on me and on every Master of a family to worship 
 God in his family, and to pray with them ; for as we stand 
 in need of, and daily receive, not only blessings peculiar 
 to our own persons, but as we also stand related one to 
 another, and are in a family community, so, certainly, we 
 should own and acknowledge God in that community, 
 by seeking Him, and praising Him for family blessings. 
 We read in Ezekiel xliv., that God, as a motive or 
 encouragement to obedience, proposeth family blessings, 
 verse 30, 'that He may cause a blessing to rest in thine 
 house.' In Jeremiah xxxi., i, God saith, He will be 'the 
 God of all the families of the house of Israel.' That God 
 will not only be my God, but the God of my family is 
 a great mercy, and deserves to be both desired and 
 acknowledged. The blessings by and through Jesus 
 Christ, are extended to families (Genesis xii., 3) ; 'In thee 
 shall all the families of the earth be blessed.' In Proverbs 
 iii., 33, it is said, 'The curse of the Lord is in the house 
 of the wicked, but He blesseth the habitation of the just ; ' 
 and ought we not in prayer to deprecate the curse, and 
 beg the blessing? We find that the people of God have 
 taken a special care of their families ; Abraham circumcised 
 all the males in his family as God required (Genesis xvii., 
 
304 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 13, 23), and he is commended for the care of his family 
 (Genesis xviii., 19), 'I know that Abraham will command 
 his children and his household after him,' &c. ; and we find 
 Jacob going to worship God with his family, taking care 
 of them, that they might be prepared (Genesis xxxv., 2, 3). 
 Hence are those commands in Deuteronomy vi., 7 and xi., 
 19, to teach God's statutes to our children, and to talk to 
 them when we sit in our houses, &c. We read in II. 
 Samuel vi., 20, that after David had been worshipping 
 God in public he returned to bless his household; and in 
 Psalm ci. he tells us what care he would take of his family, 
 and how to demean himself in that relation, verse 2, ' I will 
 walk within my house with a perfect heart;' and there 
 seems to me, from the connection of the last clause of the 
 verse with the former part, to be an implication that a 
 man cannot expect God to come to him in favour and in 
 a way of blessing, without family, as well as, personal 
 worship. 
 
 "When persons were converted to the faith, they took 
 care of their families ; hence we read that when Lydia 
 was converted, she was baptized, and her household (Acts 
 xvi., 15); and the Jailor (verse 33), he and all his were 
 baptized ; and Acts xviii., 8, Crispus believed in the Lord 
 with all his house, and they were baptized. And in respect 
 of the worship of God in families, I suppose it may be the 
 reason (or at least one reason) of those expressions, 'the 
 Church in such an one's house.' Romans xvi., S, 10, 11. 
 I. Corinthians xvi., 19. Colossians iv., 15. Philemon 2. 
 And' it is said of Cornelius (Acts x., 2) that he feared 
 God with all his house, and prayed to God always, and 
 (verse 30) that at the ninth hour he prayed in his house, 
 so that it seems to have been a set time for his family 
 worship. In Zechariah xii. there is a prophecy that when 
 God should deliver and restore His Church, and destroy 
 
FAMILY WORSHIP INCUMBENT. 3OS 
 
 their enemies, a spirit of grace and supplication sliould 
 be poured out upon every family, that they should repent 
 and mourn apart; and as God extends mercy and grace 
 to families, so God threatens judgments on families in 
 Leviticus xx., 'I will set My face against that man and 
 his family;' and in Deuteronomy xxix., 18-20, 'lest there 
 should be among you man or woman, or family, or tribe, 
 whose heart turneth this day from the Lord, and the 
 Lord will not spare him,' &c. ; and in Jeremiah x., there 
 is a terrible imprecation on the families that call not 
 upon God ; — ' Pour out Thy wrath upon the heathen that 
 know Thee not, and upon the families that call not on 
 Thy Name.' 
 
 "Here I might further observe the practice of the 
 serious and truly pious persons in all times, who have 
 made conscience of family duties, and I never read or 
 heard of any amongst Christians (who were not atheistical 
 or wickedly profane) that did not in their judgment 
 approve, and in their speech acknowledge, that the 
 reading God's Word, and prayer, in families was religious 
 and commendable. The author of 'The whole duty of 
 Man,' saith ' Let no man that professes himself a Christian 
 keep so heathenish a family as not to see that God be 
 worshipped in it.' 
 
 "Well then, if we would obtain the blessing of God 
 on our families, and avoid His wrath and displeasure, 
 surely it is our duty and concern to take care of our 
 family, and to set up the worship of God there; and 
 therefore I desire to resolve with Joshua, whatever others 
 make their choice and practice, yet 'as for me and my 
 house, we will serve the Lord,' Joshua xxiv., 15. 
 
3o6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " Sir, — I crave your pardon for giving you the trouble to read 
 so long an Epistle, wherein yet I have said very little in comparison 
 of what might be said on this subject; and indeed I must confess, 
 as at the beginning, my, own inability for such a work, which had 
 been more proper for some able Divine ; but your desire of me, 
 and my sincere and cordial affection for you, hath engaged me 
 thus far ; and I make it my earnest request to you that you will 
 excuse and pass by all my failings and weaknesses herein, and 
 seriously consider and weigh the whole matter, as that which 
 is, and will appear of great import when we shall come to stand 
 before the Judgment Seat of Christ : And the God of all Grace 
 grant," &c. "Colossians i., 9, 10. Hebrews xii., 21. 
 
 " I rest, your most affectionate and truly Christian Friend, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 
 tl 20th February, 1686 » 
 ^nd March, 86' 
 
 The strength of Thomas Papillon's convictions, as set 
 forth in the foregoing treatise, can scarcely be doubted; 
 but as two records exist in proof of it, the Editor is glad 
 to be able to hand them down : 
 
 The first consists in the following memorandum which 
 appears in his own handwriting on the title page of a 
 4to M.S. book, bound in parchment, in which he recorded 
 his family relationships from his Grandfather and Grand- 
 mother down to his yougest Grandchild; and it may be 
 mentioned that the period of which he speaks embraced 
 his seventieth year : — 
 
 " The whole Old Testament was read over beginning 
 ys 17 June, 1692, and ending the 26 August, 1694, 
 being 2 years, 2 months, 9 days — which makes 795 
 days. 
 
 "There is in the Old Testament, besides y"= Psalms, 
 779 Chapters, the 16 days difference comes by reading 
 other Scripture sometimes, on Sacrament days, and on 
 special occasions. 
 
REFUSAL TO BREAK THE SABBATH. 307 
 
 "The New Testament contains 260 Chapters; soe 
 the New Testament will be read over, if God vouchsafes 
 life and health, from the 26 August, exclusive, to the 
 13 May, 169s, inclusive. 
 
 "So the whole Scriptures (Spsalmes excepted) con- 
 taining 1039 Chapters, at one Chapter each day, will be 
 read over in 2 years, 10 months, and 4 or 5 days." 
 
 From the elimination of the Psalms in this calculation, 
 and from one chapter a day in the reckoning, it is concluded 
 that Thomas Papillon invariably read a portion of the 
 former at either Morning or Evening Family Worship. 
 
 As regards Thomas Papillon's personal observance of 
 the Lord's Day, the following letter, written when he was 
 one of his Majesty's Commissioners for Victualling the 
 Navy, will abundantly testify : — 
 
 "Right Honourable, 
 
 " Last night late, your Honour's of the 9th inst. came to the 
 Victualling Office, signifying his Majesty's pleasure that the 
 Commissioners should attend him at your Office on Sunday next 
 at four of the clock, concerning the Instructions about paying in 
 Course. 
 
 "As to myself, as I make conscience of serving the King 
 faithfully, so I desire conscientiously to observe the Lord's Day, 
 in the exercise of Religious duties, both public, private, and with 
 my Family, and believe that unless it be in any case of necessity, 
 I am bound by the Word of God so to do ; and I cannot conceive 
 the case in question to be such, and therefore entreat your Honour 
 to make my humble excuse to his Majesty, and to beg his gracious 
 pardon for my non-attendance. 
 
 "As to the matter of payments in course, the substance of what 
 can be said hath been put into writing, to which I refer; and 
 humbly lay myself at his Majesty's feet, and with all submission 
 V 2 
 
308 THOMAS PAPILLON, 
 
 attend his pleasure. I shall always be heartily ready to serve his 
 Majesty, but under the present circumstances such an injunction 
 will render me incapable to do it in the Victualling Office. 
 " I am, Right Honourable, 
 
 "Your Honour's most humble and obedient Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 " loth November, 1693. 
 
 " To the Right Honourable Sir John Trenchard, 
 Principal Secretary of State." 
 
 So far from the course thus adopted by Papillon involving 
 his loss of office, he not only remained in it a trusted 
 servant, but on his desire during some years for release, 
 on account of his age and infirmities, &c., he had much 
 difficulty in obtaining it from those in authority, as will 
 subsequently appear. 
 
ADDRESS TO HIS CHILDREN. 
 
 Some may deem Papillon's principles regarding Sabbath 
 Observance to have arisen from Puritanical strictness, and 
 formality ; but such judgment must be dispelled on 
 discovering the soundness of his views on Christian faith 
 and love, as set forth in the following Address to his 
 Children, prepared about half a year later : — 
 
 "Utrecht. Thursday the J|*a August, 1686. 
 
 "This day all my Children being with me, I spake to 
 them something to the import of this paper, and prayed 
 with them. 
 
 " My dear Children, God hath vouchsafed us the comfort 
 to see the faces of one another, and now we are to part 
 in a few days, and we know not whether we may ever 
 meet again in this world, and therefore I have desired to 
 say something to you. 
 
 " Death is the lot of all. It is appointed for all men once 
 to die. In the chapters we have read of the Patriarchs 
 before the Flood, it is said, they lived and died. 
 
 "'After death comes Judgment' — Romans xiv., 12. 
 ' Every man must give an account of himself to God ' 
 — II. Corinthians v., 10. 'We must all appear before 
 the Judgment Seat of Christ,' &c. 
 
 " This Judgment whether the first, immediately on death, 
 or the last at the last general Resurrection, determines 
 all men to an eternal state of Misery or Blessedness, 
 
 "This we all profess to believe, but yet for the most part 
 we are not actually under the influence of this belief, so 
 as to be preparing for Death and Eternity, and to make 
 
3IO THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 sure of a blessed state hereafter. Nor are we so inquisitous 
 and solicitous about the last Judgment, as to examine our 
 case beforehand, that then we may stand in judgment and 
 be accepted of the Lord, &c. 
 
 "All men, by nature, as they come into the world, are 
 in a state of Sin and Wrath. We have a description of 
 man in his natural state in Psalms xiv. and liii., which 
 the Apostle allegeth in Romans iii., 9, 10, to prove all, 
 both Jews and Gentiles, to be under sin ; and in Ephesians 
 i., 1-3, we are said to be 'dead in trespasses and sins,' 
 and to be by nature 'children of wrath.' This is our 
 condition from Adam by natural generation. 
 
 "Salvation and Recovery is only by Jesus Christ, Acts 
 iv. 12. 'Neither is there salvation by any other, for 
 there is none other name under heaven given among 
 men whereby we must be saved.' 
 
 "As being in Adam the common stock, and from him 
 by a natural generation — we derive sin and condemnation, 
 — so being in Christ by faith, we derive from Him 
 spiritual regeneration and salvation, as the Apostle shews 
 in Romans v. 
 
 "Faith is that Grace which unites us to Christ; it is 
 the hand that receives and embraces him ; and therefore 
 in answer to that question in Acts xvi., 30, 31, 'What 
 must I do to be saved?' it is said, 'Believe on the Lord 
 Jesus Christ,' and in John iii., 36, 'He that believeth on 
 the Son hath everlasting life,' and in I. John v., 12, 'He 
 that hath the Son hath life,' and Acts x., 43, 'To him 
 give all the prophets witness, that whosoever believeth in 
 Him shall receive remission of sins,' and in Colossians 
 i., 14, 'In whom we have redemption through His blood, 
 even the forgiveness of sins.' 
 
 "This faith is called a receiving of Christ, John i., 12; 
 a leaning on Christ, Canticles viii., 5 ; a believing in 
 
THE DOCTRINE OF FAITH. 3II 
 
 Christ, John iii., 15, 16, John xi., 25, 26; a having Him, 
 I. John v., 12 ; a coming to Him, John v., 40. 
 
 "Faith is a receiving and embracing Christ, as tendered 
 in the Gospel, for Lord and Saviour — so as to have Him, 
 and be united to Him : It is the soul fixing upon Christ 
 for life and salvation, for grace and glory; He having 
 purchased both, and having power to bestow both. Acts 
 v., 31, 'Him hath God exalted to be a Prince and a 
 Saviour, to give repentance to Israel and remission of 
 sins ; and John v., 21, 'As the Father raiseth up the dead, 
 and quickeneth them, even so the Son quickeneth whom 
 He will;' and John xvii., 2, 'As Thou hast given Him 
 power over all flesh, that He should give eternal life to 
 as many as Thou hast given Him.' John vi., 33, ' For 
 the bread of God is He which cometh down from heaven, 
 and giveth life unto the world.' John x., 10, ' I am come 
 that they might have life, and that they might have it 
 more abundantly,' and verse 28, ' I give unto them eternal 
 life,' and John xx., 31, 'These things are written that 
 you might believe, and that believing you might have 
 life through His Name.' 
 
 "Some cry down the doctrine of Faith, and scandalize 
 those that teach it, as if it were contrary to good works 
 and holiness ; but this is from a mistake — for that Faith 
 which is required is a receiving Christ as Lord and 
 Saviour; not only to save, but to rule in us and over 
 us — the soul fixing on Christ for salvation and acceptance 
 with God, and for holiness and conformity to God, as 
 having purchased heaven and salvation, and also grace, 
 spiritual life, and a new nature for us. I. John iv., 9, 
 ' God sent His Son into the world, that we might live 
 through Him.' 
 
 "To preach good works without Christ, is to begin at 
 
312 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the wrong end: Our Saviour saith, Matthew vii., i8, 
 ' A corrupt tree cannot bring forth good fruit ; ' the tree 
 must first be made good ; we must be taken out of the 
 corrupt stock, and be ingrafted into Christ by faith before 
 we can do any good work. John xv., S, ' Without me ye 
 can do nothing.' 
 
 " Parents derive Corruption to their Children ; this should 
 be a matter of humiliation to us, and should engage us 
 to earnest endeavours for their change and conversion ; 
 the Apostle in Galatians iv., 19, saith, he travaileth in 
 birth till Christ was formed in them ; much more should 
 natural parents labour, and use all means, that their 
 children may be regenerated and become the children 
 of God. 
 
 " I have great cause for thankfulness and praise to God, 
 for the good work which I hope He hath begun in you. 
 
 " That which I would recommend to you, is the exercise 
 of faith, love, and joy in the Lord, which is spoken of 
 in I. Peter i. God's providence hath cast our lot in such 
 times as are there intimated ; we are scattered one from 
 another, and may expect further trials and sufferings. It 
 is my desire and prayer that we (as the Apostle saith 
 those Christians were) may be receiving the end of our 
 faith, the salvation of our souls. They had not received 
 full and complete salvation, that is reserved for the state 
 above, the state of glory ; they had not all, not the full, 
 but some beginnings, some earnest, some foretastes, and 
 were still receiving more; and even under, in, and by 
 their trials and sufferings, through the exercise of these 
 graces, they did advance further towards perfection. For 
 what is the end of our faith — the salvation we hope for — 
 but a full deliverance from Sin, perfection of Grace, and 
 full enjoyment of God ? This they were gradually 
 
SANCTIFICATION BY FAITH. 313 
 
 receiving ; Sin, every day, and by every trial, more 
 wrought out ; Grace more increased and purified, that it 
 might be found to praise and glory at the appearing of 
 Jesus Christ ; and hence through the exercise of Faith 
 'and Love they were enabled to rejoice with joy unspeakable 
 and full of glory, as having their hearts more and more 
 drawn out after God, and experiencing in their own souls 
 more communion with Him : Let me therefore press this 
 on myself, and on you, my dear Children, if I should 
 never see you again, or speak to you more, in this world. 
 That you live in the exercise of these Graces — Faith, 
 Love, and Joy in the Lord. 
 
 "ist. — Maintain the life of Faith, and live constantly in 
 the exercise of it. 
 
 "Faith hath Jesus Christ for its object, as given of God 
 — as held out in the Promise, in the Covenant ; and which 
 is in all His offices, in His merits, in His Grace : That 
 faith which is true lays hold on Christ as tendered ; a 
 whole Christ, as Lord and Saviour, as having purchased 
 all for us, and the application thereof to us. 
 
 "Justification and Sanctification are inseparable; he that 
 believes on Christ aright, embraceth Christ for both — what 
 God hath joined, must not be separated. 
 
 "Yet in regard of the weakness of our understandings, 
 we must distinguish things, in order to take a right notion 
 of them ; we cannot by one act of our understanding see 
 all at once : Therefore we may consider Faith: — 
 
 " 1st. — As it unites to Christ, and embraceth Him for 
 Justification and Salvation, viz : as given and appointed 
 by the Father, John iii., 16. As having made satisfaction 
 to divine Justice for our Sins, Isaiah liii., 5, i. Corinthians 
 XV., 3, Romans v., 11-16, Hebrews x., 14. As having 
 wrought perfect righteousness in fulfilling the law of God 
 His whole will — in our stead, as our Surety (Isaiah xlv., 
 
314 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 24, Daniel ix., 24, Romans v., 1 8, x. 4, I. Corinthians i., 30, 
 II. Corinthians v., 21, Hebrews vii., 22) ; whereby we came 
 to be reconciled to God (ll. Corinthians v., 18, Colossians 
 i., 21); to have our sins pardoned (Colossians i., 14, Acts 
 xiii., 38, 39) ; to be accepted of God, taken into favour,' 
 made sons, and entitled to the inheritance — to have a 
 right to heaven and eternal blessedness (Matthew iii., 17, 
 Ephesians i., 6-n, Galatians iv., 7, John i., 12, i. John iii., 
 I, 2, Romans viii., 17, Acts xxvi., 18, Colossians iii., 24. 
 Hebrews ix., 15). This comes purely from what Christ 
 hath done without us, is purely free, of mere Grace — the 
 righteousness of God made our's. Hence it is said, Isaiah 
 liv., 17, 'Their righteousness is of me, saith the Lord.' 
 (Also Psalm xxiv., 5, Isaiah xlv., 24, Jeremiah xxiii., 6, 
 Ephesians i., 7). 
 
 " St. Paul laid the whole stress, counted all else to be 
 loss and dung, to be found in Christ, Philip, iii., 9, not 
 having his own righteousness, but the righteousness of 
 God by faith; hence in Galatians iv., 5, 6, it is said, 
 Christ came to redeem us, 'that we might receive the 
 adoption of sons, and because ye are sons, God hath sent 
 forth the Spirit of His Son into your hearts.' They were 
 sons, elected, chosen, and adopted in Christ, and redeemed 
 by Christ, and received the Spirit as a consequent of that ; 
 so in Romans v., 8, ' God commendeth His love to us, 
 in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us;' 
 so that all is of free and rich grace, without any desire 
 or desert of our's ; all purchased and accompUshed by 
 Jesus Christ, without us. 
 
 " This must be laid as a foundation, and maintained ; 
 for the evidence of our Justification ariseth from the work 
 in the heart, and a suitable conversation — conformity to 
 God, and communion with God in heart and life — the 
 Spirit bearing witness with our spirits, raising joy and 
 
RESTING IN CHRIST BY FAITH. 31S 
 
 rejoicing in the soul. Yet the foundation of all, as before 
 mentioned, is what Christ hath done without us, whereof 
 the Sanctification of our hearts, &c., is the evidence ; and 
 it may so fall out, that a child of God, through remaining 
 corruption, the power of temptation, and the darkness of 
 his own spirit — may be in that condition spoken of in 
 Isaiah 1., 11, to 'see no light! May be, all the soul may 
 be able to say, ' I am vile, undone, deserve damnation ; 
 there is Salvation in Christ, God tenders Him in the 
 Gospel, there is no other name whereby I can be saved ; 
 God commands me to believe ; I cannot find that work 
 of repentance, mortification, &c., that God requires : Yet 
 there will I bottom and cast myself, on what Christ hath 
 done and purchased! 
 
 "Oh, my dear Children, keep^fast hold of Christ; beware 
 of a Popish spirit, to think of any worthiness in yourselves 
 or duty, to render you accepted with God. Remember 
 what one of you once said when young, after some days' 
 working of mind — how you were sure you should go to 
 heaven — crying out one morning to your maid, 'I have 
 found it ; now I am sure He hath said, ' I will be your 
 God, and ye shall be my people.' Oh, forget not this 
 working of God's Spirit in your hearts so early. God's 
 Covenant in Christ is the foundation to build upon 1 
 
 " It is impossible a Sinner can satisfy for Sin ; it being 
 committed against an infinite God, a finite creature cannot 
 make atonement. If we could (which is impossible in 
 our fallen state) fulfil the whole Law, yet we could not 
 satisfy for what is past. All is duty ; and when we have 
 done all, we are unprofitable servants, Luke xvii,, 10 ; 
 and the best of us fall short of our duty, and in our 
 duties ; we have need to say with the Psalmist, ' Who 
 can understand his errors? cleanse Thou me from secret 
 faults' (Psalm xix., 12), and as in Psalm cxxx., 3, 'But 
 
3l6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 there is forgiveness with Thee, that Thou mayest be 
 feared.' Oh, beware of pride and self-advancing, thinking 
 to merit at God's hands ; this was the stumbling block at 
 which the Jews fell, Romans x., 3, &c. 
 
 " 2ndly. — Faith, as it unites us to Christ, and thereby 
 interesteth us in His satisfaction and righteousness, 
 whereby God becomes reconciled to us, and we entitled 
 to heaven : So also from this union we partake of 
 communion with Christ, and are brought into conformity 
 to Him ; hence it said, ' He that is joined to the Lord 
 is one Spirit,' I. Corinthians vi., 17; and 'If any man 
 have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of His,' Romans 
 viii., 9 ; ' He that is in Christ is a new creature,' II. 
 Corinthians v., 17; 'As He is, so are we in this world,' 
 I. John iv., 17 ; 'This is that meat which came down from 
 heaven, which endureth to everlasting life, which the Son 
 of man shall give unto you ; for Him hath God the Father 
 sealed,' John vi., . 27-5 1 ; and God is said to have sent 
 His only begotten Son into the world, that we may live 
 through Him. 
 
 "Jesus Christ — as He hath purchased for us a right to 
 heaven, and the adoption of Children — so He is the head, 
 the second Adam — from whom all grace and spiritual life 
 is derived. This is the merit of Christ's death ; and here 
 is the virtue and efficacy of it, and of His resurrection 
 (John i., 16, Romans vi., 4 to 6, 8, 11, Galatians ii., 20, 
 vi., 14, Philippians iii., 10, II. Timothy ii., 11, I. Peter i., 3, 
 
 ii., 24.) 
 
 "We are engrafted into Christ and must derive influence 
 from Christ, as the branch from the Vine; for without 
 Him we can do nothing, John xv., S ; our life depends 
 on Christ, ' Because I live, ye shall live also,' John xiv., 
 19 ; and in John vi., 57, 'As the living Father hath sent 
 
CHRIST THE SOURCE OF HOLINESS. 317 
 
 Me, and I live by the Father, so he that eateth Me, even 
 he shall live by Me.' 
 
 "Therefore faith must be kept up in a constant and daily 
 exercise, to derive life and influence from Christ, to the 
 performance of every duty, to the mortification of sin, 
 to the resisting and overcoming temptations, to the 
 perfecting holiness, and to serving God spiritually. 
 
 "All our outward profession of religion, and outward 
 performance of duties, will be nothing without this, if 
 they are not done by virtue of a principle of life derived 
 from Christ, and by strength and influence communicated 
 from Him. This is that life the Apostle would live, 
 Galatians ii., 20, ' I am crucified with Christ, nevertheless 
 I live ; yet not I, but Christ liveth in me, and the life 
 which I now live in the flesh I live by the faith of the 
 Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself for me ; ' 
 and in Philippians i., 21, he professeth that to him to 
 live was Christ. 
 
 "This life and exercise of faith we should labour to 
 maintain ; do we pray, read, meditate, &c. ? Oh, fetch 
 life from Christ, to do all ; else they will be but dead 
 works, and will not be found ' perfect before God.' We 
 may have a name to live, and be dead, as it was with 
 the Church of Sardis, Revelation iii., i, 2. 
 
 " Oh, my dear Children, I speak to you and to myself 
 We must not content ourselves to do duties by the power 
 only of natural abilities or by an outward form, nor to 
 live justly and unblameably in the world from only rational 
 considerations. We are exceedingly prone to a formal 
 and carnal spirit. Let us strive against it, and labour to 
 live this life of faith, constantly applying to Jesus Christ 
 to get life, grace, and strength from Him to walk with 
 God in our whole course ; and we have great encourgement 
 
3l8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 herein from the Scriptures before mentioned; and the 
 Apostle tells us in Romans v., lO, that ' if when we were 
 enemies we were reconciled to God by the death of His 
 Son, much more being reconciled, we shall be saved by 
 His life ; ' and in Hebrews ix., 14, ' The blood of Christ 
 purgeth the conscience from dead works to serve the 
 living God.' 
 
 "None can come to heaven but they thcit are sanctified; 
 nothing that defileth shall enter into the New Jerusalem, 
 Revelation xxi., 27 ; ' Blessed are they that do His 
 commandments, that they may have right to the tree of 
 life, and may enter in through the gates into the City; 
 for without are dogs,' &c.. Revelation xxii., 14, 15; 'Be 
 not deceived, neither idolators, nor adulterers,' &c., 'shall 
 inherit the kingdom of God,' I. Corinthians vi., 9, 10. It 
 is only the pure in heart that shall see God, Matthew v., 8 ; 
 ' Without holiness none shall see God,' Hebrews xii., 14. 
 
 "What Christ hath done for us, without us, entitles us 
 to blessedness ; what Christ communicates to us, and 
 works in us, capacitates and fits us for that blessedness; 
 we must be made meet to be partakers of the inheritance 
 of the Saints in light, Colossians i., 12 ; and it is said in 
 II. Corinthians v., 5, that those who after death shall 
 partake of a blessed life, are wrought for the same by 
 God. 
 
 "God is a righteous God; He justifies the ungodly of 
 free grace through faith in Jesus Christ, Romans iv., 5 ! 
 but He also makes them godly, regenerates them, sanctifies 
 them, conforms them to the image of His Son, as is 
 expressed in Romans viii., 29, 30 ; and therefore methinks 
 that Scripture in Romans i., 17, where it is said that in 
 the Gospel the righteousness of God is revealed from 
 faith to faith, as it is written, 'The just shall live by 
 
LIFE IN CHRIST. 319 
 
 faith' — may be understood, not only as the general 
 scope of interpreters carry it to mean — the righteousness 
 of Christ whereby we are justified through faith, and from 
 faith to faith, the degrees of that grace, but may be also 
 understood of the righteousness of God's dispensation in 
 the Gospel, for the salvation of sinners ; and so from 
 faith to faith, imports faith to justification, and faith to 
 sanctification, faith of union, and faith of communion, for 
 God saves none but holy and righteous ones ; though 
 He found them not so, yet He makes them so ; renews 
 them, and sanctifies them, Titus iii., 3 to 7 and ii., 11 to 
 the end. 
 
 "Therefore, as you look for happiness hereafter, labour 
 to be holy and righteous persons ; and that you may be 
 such, live in the exercise of faith on Christ ; fetch influence 
 from Him ; He is our life, Colossians iii., 3, 4. ' For ye 
 are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God ; when 
 Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall you also 
 appear with Him in glory.' 
 
 This is the first thing I recommend to you. 
 To maintain the life of Faith, and to live 
 Daily in the exercise of it ; this is the 
 Fundamental Grace, because it is that which 
 Unites to Christ, Who is the only foundation. 
 
 I. Corinthians iii., 1 1 . 
 
 "2ndly. — As faith is the foundation, in regard that it 
 unites us to Christ, makes what Christ hath done our's, 
 and derives life and grace from Him to conform us to 
 His image ; so this faith, assuring us of the love of God 
 and the love of Christ, draws out our souls in love to 
 God, and thereby makes us active and vigorous in all 
 the duty and work that God requireth of us ; and therefore 
 it is said in Gala'tians v., 6, that 'neither circumcision 
 
320 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 availeth anything, nor uncircumcision, but faith . which 
 worketh by love.' 
 
 " Love is an assimilating grace ; it changes us into the 
 similitude and likeness of the object beloved, I. John iv., 
 1 0-16, 'Herein is love,' &c., 'and we have known and 
 believed the love that God hath to us ; God is love, and 
 he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in God, and God in 
 him;' 'Love is the fulfilling of the Law,' Romans xiii., 
 10, the sum of the Commandments, Matthew xxii., 40; 
 without this grace, all gifts and performances are nothing 
 worth, as is plainly shewn in I. Corinthians xiii ; it is 
 Love that makes all duties easy, i. John v., 3. ' For this 
 is the love of God, that we keep His commandments, and 
 His commandments are not grievous.' 
 
 "Therefore be persuaded, 
 
 " To keep this grace in daily exercise ; get your hearts 
 more warmed with the sense of God's love towards you ; 
 be frequent in the meditation of the love of God, and 
 of Christ. This was much on Paul's mind, Galatians ii. 
 20, 'Who loved me, and gave Himself for me.' Remember 
 what David saith in Psalm xxvi., 3, upon which I did 
 lately enlarge in a letter to one of you. How came he 
 to walk so sincerely and constantly in the way of truth ? 
 Why, he had the lovingkindness of the Lord still before 
 his eyes. Whatever the providences and dispensations of 
 God may be towards you, maintain that conclusion in 
 Psalm Ixxiii,, i, ' Truly God is good to Israel. Who 
 can be in a more afflicted state than that mentioned in 
 Psalm xxii., i, 2, whether it is meant of David literally, or 
 a prophecy of Christ — God seeming to forsake — far from 
 helping — deaf to prayers that were fervent, constant, and 
 in faith, 'My God,' 'My roaring,' 'I cry in the day 
 and in the night season,' but in verse 3 this is concluded, 
 ' But Thou art holy, oh thou that inhabitest the praises of 
 
god's love enduring. 321 
 
 Israel' Still keep up good thoughts of God, and believe 
 that there is love at the bottom of every dispensation, 
 however grievous and bitter it may seem to flesh and 
 blood. Whom He loves, He loves to the end, John xiii., 
 I. Nothing can separate from the love of God, Romans 
 viii-, 3S> 39- The bitterest cup you can meet with, it is 
 a fruit of love, if you belong to God. Consider that in 
 I. Peter i., 7, 8, 9, they had great trials ; but it was that 
 their graces might be found to praise at the appearing 
 of Jesus Christ ; and therefore they found cause of 
 rejoicing, because in the exercise of this grace of love 
 with others, they were still on the receiving hand — recei- 
 ving Salvation. 
 
 "This love to God, in the exercise of it, will carry you 
 out to the love of the Church, and of the people of God 
 — and particularly to the love of one another — as the 
 Apostle John shews at large in his ist Epistle, which I 
 recommend to your study and meditation ; and I hope 
 I may say to you as the Apostle said to the Thessalonians, 
 I. Thessalonians iv., 9, ' But as touching brotherly love, 
 ye need not that I write unto you, for ye yourselves are 
 taught of God to love one another ; ' yet as he saith in 
 the following verse, ' I beseech you,' my dear Children, 
 'that ye do it more and more,' and lay aside whatever 
 may hinder or obstruct, either in words or actions. 
 
 "That which is contrary to the love of God, and the 
 love of one another, is the love of the world, pleasure, 
 profit, honour, to have our wills, to please our fancies, to 
 shew our wit in jests, and sometimes abusive ones, to 
 get advantage by injury and wrong, to advance our own 
 esteem and repute, to vilify, disparage, detract from, envy, 
 and malign others. This is the Apostle's exhortation, 
 I. John ii., 15, 'Love not the world, neither the things 
 that are in the world ; if any man love the world, the 
 
322 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 love of the Father is not in him ; ' and in the next verse 
 he tells us what he means by the world, viz., the pleasures, 
 profits, and honours of the world ; and in I. John v. 4., 
 he acquaints us how we may overcome, and get the victory, 
 even by faith, which gives us a sight of better things : All 
 these things perish and fade away. What will it avail to 
 be rich, great, esteemed of all men, and enjoying pleasures, 
 &c., when death comes ? Oh then all these things will be 
 as nothing. 
 
 "3rdly. — From the exercise of Faith in Love will follow 
 Holy Joy, a duty often commanded and commended in 
 Scripture. Psalm xxxiii., i, 'Rejoice in the Lord, ye 
 righteous.' I. Thessalonians v., 16, ' Rejoice evermore.' 
 Philippians iii., i, iv., 4, ' Rejoice in the Lord alway, arid 
 again I say, rejoice.' Let the joy of the Lord be your 
 strength, as it is said in Nehemiah viii., 10. 
 
 " Do not give way to dejections and sinkings of spirit, 
 whatever may befall you, or come to pass in the world ; 
 read Psalm xlvi. ' God is our refuge and strength, a very 
 present help in trouble ; therefore though the earth be 
 removed, we will not fear,' &c. 'There is a river, the 
 streams whereof shall make glad the city of God,' &c. 
 What's that ? The dispensations of God in His ordinances, 
 wherein His love in Christ is manifested to the soul — His 
 blessed Word, and the promises of the Covenant of Grace, 
 for our support ; and in regard of afflictions and troubles 
 in the world, we have many comforts set forth in the 
 Word of God, and frequent commands not to fear. God, 
 Who is our Father, orders all ; He loves us, and in all 
 His dealings towards us, designs good to us, Romans 
 viii., 28. He hath given us a command to cast our 
 burdens upon Him, and hath promised to sustain us, 
 Psalm Iv., 22 ; to commit our ways to Him ; to trust, 
 
FAREWELL WORDS. 323 
 
 and rest in Him, and patiently to wait for Him, Psalm 
 xxxiii., at the beginning; to 'be careful for nothing,' 
 Philippians iv., 6 ; and be content with such things as we 
 have ; for He saith, ' I will never leave thee, nor forsake 
 thee,' &c., Hebrews xiii., 5, 6. He hath bid us to seek 
 first the kingdom of God, and promised that all things 
 necessary for us in this world shall be added to us ; read 
 Matthew vi. from verse 24 to the end ; in verse 32 it says, 
 ' After all these things do the Gentiles seek ; and your 
 heavenly Father knoweth that ye have need of all these 
 things.' What ! You have a Father in heaven. Who 
 knows what you have need of — and will you be so 
 solicitous, and anxiously thoughtful, as Gentiles that know 
 not God, and are without God in the world ? This is very 
 unsuitable and very unbecoming. 
 
 " Labour therefore to comfort yourselves in God, as the 
 Psalmist in Psalm xciv., 19, ' In the multitude of my 
 thoughts within me, Thy comforts delight my soul.' 
 
 I might have mentioned the exercise of daily repentance, 
 constant watchfulness over your hearts and ways, frequent 
 prayer, &c. ; but I thought to recommend the exercise of 
 the three above-mentioned Graces, as not having time to 
 enlarge, and because faith in the exercise, working by love, 
 will engage you to all other duties ; and then that duty 
 of Joy in the Lord is a duty that Christians in such days 
 are not so ready to practise, but too often give way to 
 fears, dejections, and overwhelmings of spirit, which they 
 ought to beware of and resist. 
 
 " Finally, my dear Children, ' Farewell, be perfect, be of 
 good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace, and the God 
 of love and peace shall be with you,' IL Corinthians xiii., 
 
 II. 
 
 w 2 
 
324 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "I know not whether I may pray as the Apostle in 
 reference to the Thessalonians, I. Thessalonians iii., 1 1, If 
 the Lord sees good, He will give us to see one another's 
 faces again in our own country. His holy will be done. 
 But I desire to pray for you all in the following verses, 
 ' That the Lord would make you to increase and abound 
 in love, one towards another, and towards all men, even 
 as we do towards you, to the end He may stablish your 
 hearts unblamable in holiness before God, even our 
 Father, at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ with all 
 His Saints,' and as in I. Thessalonians v., 23, 'That the 
 very God of peace would sanctify you wholly, and that 
 your whole spirits, souls, and bodies may be preserved 
 blameless unto the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.' 
 ' Now the God of peace that brought again from the 
 dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great Shepherd of the 
 sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, 
 make you perfect in every good work, to do His will, 
 working in you that which is well pleasing in His sight 
 through Jesus Christ, to whom be glory for ever and ever 
 Amen,' Hebrews xiii., 20, 21. 
 
 "This is the sum and substance of what I then spake to my 
 dear Children, which I have collected, and put in writing for 
 their better remembrance. On some particulars, I did more 
 enlarge than is here expressed — as God put it into my mind — 
 which I cannot exactly set down in the words I then spake. 
 Their meditations will enlarge on the heads which I have here 
 inserted from the short notes I made use of at the time; and 
 I have added some quotations of Scripture which I did not then 
 mention — to illustrate and enforce the truth — which I recommend 
 them carefully to peruse; and the good Lord make the same, 
 and every word of His Grace, eflfectual for good to them and 
 me. Amen. 
 
 "Utrecht, this 7th December, 1686 (st. vet.)" 
 
CONFESSION OF SINS BY THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "The 6th September, 1688. 
 
 "This day twelvemonth the Lord put it into my heart 
 to set myself apart, to consider my past life, and to seek 
 the Lord with my whole heart. It is now a year since, 
 and the Lord hath preserved me and my family, and I 
 am now entered upon the sixty-sixth year of my age ; 
 and I desire to review over my past life, and in particular 
 the past year, to mourn before the Lord for my sins and 
 past failings, to repent and seek reconciliation with God 
 through my blessed Redeemer, and to give praise to the 
 Lord for all His goodness and mercy wherewith He hath 
 been pleased to follow me all my days, and to renew my 
 covenant with God, engaging through the Grace of Christ 
 to walk more closely with the Lord in all well pleasing. 
 
 " The Scriptures read this morning were the first of 
 Haggai (and Psalm cxxvi.,) in which there is an injunction, 
 twice repeated, ' Consider your ways.' Seeking the advan- 
 cing our own houses, with a careless neglect of God's house, 
 is displeasing to God, and brings a curse on our labours. 
 It is the Lord who must stir up our hearts to His work; 
 otherwise, the prophet's speaking, and our considering will 
 not have effect. 'They that sow in tears shall reap in' 
 joy.' 'He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious 
 seed, shall come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves 
 with him.' Oh Lord, enable me to consider my ways, stir 
 up my heart, give me a mourning and a broken frame 
 under a sense of sin and barrenness in Grace, and enable 
 me so to seek Thee that I may have joy, and become more 
 fruitful by Jesus Christ, 
 
326 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Last year, I began with the consideration that all our 
 duties and services bring no advantage to God;' 'My 
 goodness extendeth not to thee,' saith David, Psalm xvi., 
 2; and Job xxii., 2, 3, 'Can a man be profitable unto God, 
 as he that is wise is profitable to himself? Is it any 
 pleasure to the Almighty that thou art righteous, or is it 
 gain to Him that thou makest thy way perfect?' * and the 
 wise man saith, Proverbs ix., 12, 'If thou be wise, thou 
 shalt be wise for thyself.' 
 
 " This I desire to get established in my heart — for there 
 is a cursed proneness to put more on our duties, and 
 ascribe more to ourselves than we ought — I find it a 
 very hard and difificult thing, when the heart is enlarged 
 in duty, to maintain a humble and self-abasing frame, 
 without some risings and liftings-up of heart, as if we 
 should be accepted of God ; and on the other hand, when 
 there is dulness and deadness cleaving to us, and the heart 
 is under depression, then to keep up faith in exercise, and 
 not — through unbelief — to despond, and question our 
 acceptance — is likewise exceeding difficult. Though I 
 am fully convinced in my judgment that Christ is all in 
 all, that it is only through Him that I come to be accepted, 
 Ephesians i., 6, and that I am an unclean thing, and all 
 my righteousness but filthy rags, &c., Isaiah Ixiv., 6, and 
 'to be accounted but loss and dung,' Philippians iii., 7, 8. 
 yet I find secret risings of spirit, and secret despondings, 
 according as my actings in duty are more or less raised 
 and spiritual. I confess it should be matter of mourning 
 when I am straitened in duty, and do not with a full 
 desire of heart follow hard after God; for surely it is 
 because of some sin or miscarriage, some grieving or 
 quenching the motions of the Spirit that He withdraws; 
 
 * N,B. — These views Ciime from Job's quisi friend, and enemy, Eliphaz.— £«/, 
 
INDWELLING SIN. 327 
 
 and when I find it so, I would examine myself, and repent 
 and grieve for my sins : and on the other hand, it should 
 be, and I desire to make it, a matter of praise and 
 thanksgiving to God, when by His Spirit He quickens 
 and enlarges my heart to, and in, duty. 
 
 "But to have this cursed self to creep in, and jostle 
 (as it were) Christ out of the throne, as if my acceptance 
 were from my own works and duties, and not only from 
 Him, his full satisfaction, perfect righteousness, and 
 prevailing intercession, I desire to look upon it as very 
 sinful, and including pride, self love, unbelief, great 
 ingratitude, and in a manner all sin, so that it cannot 
 but be very displeasing and provoking to the Lord: And 
 that I find this still working in me, and that it so 
 easily and so often besets me, and is so hard and difficult 
 to overcome, is an undeniable evidence of that cursed and 
 corrupt nature that in some measure still remains in me. 
 When I have confessed, bewailed, mourned before God 
 under a sense of it, and for some time got above it, yet 
 it will be still returning, moving and working. The Lord 
 pardon me the motions and risings of this — for that is 
 sin even when there hath been no consenting, and too 
 often it hath prevailed. — Oh Lord, subdue it; give me 
 victory through our Lord Jesus Christ. On Him alone 
 I desire to bottom all my hopes for acceptance with God 
 and obtaining eternal life. 
 
 "All the assistance we have from the Spirit of God, all 
 our ability to duty, enlargements of duty and performance 
 of duty, can be no cause of our acceptance, Galatians iv., 6, 
 'Because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of 
 His Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.' Whence 
 it is evident that we are not accepted because of our 
 prayers and duties, or enlargements therein, but we have 
 the Spirit to enlarge our hearts in duties and the service 
 
328 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 of God, because we are accepted, and made sons in Christ. 
 So there is matter of praise and thanksgiving for the 
 Spirit's quickening and enlarging our hearts, but none for 
 self-advancing, or confidence in ourselves or duties, because 
 all is free Grace in Christ, and nothing of ourselves. 
 
 " In reference to Sin, 
 
 "When I look back, and review my past life in all the 
 several stages of it, oh, what an innumerable multitude 
 of sins have I been guilty of before the Lord, so that I 
 may say, as in Psalm xl., 'they are more than the hairs 
 of my head,' and in Psalm xxxviii., 4, 'Mine iniquities are 
 gone over my head, as an heavy burden they are too 
 heavy for me,' and Psalm xix., 12, 'Who can understand 
 his errors?' Alas, where shall I begin, and where can 
 I make an end? Sin came into the world with me, cleaves 
 to me, is rooted in my nature, is and hath been exceedingly 
 active in all the several ages and conditions of my life, 
 in all times and places, and under all circumstances where 
 Providence hath cast my lot. 
 
 "The multitude of childish follies, I cannot remember; 
 but the sins of that age, pride, stubbornness, disobedience 
 to parents, not improving instruction and correction as 
 I ought, and many others, though I cannot remember, yet 
 they were great sins, flowing from the cursed fountain of 
 sin in my nature ; and if not washed away by the blood 
 of Christ, remain in the Register of Conscience, and of 
 Divine knowledge, and will appear to condemnation. 
 
 "The sins and vanities of youth, oh, how numberless 
 are they, both in omissions of duty, and commissions of 
 evil, mis-spending of time, ensnarements of evil company; 
 and though God hath been very gracious to me, to keep 
 me that I was not carried away to destruction of body 
 and soul by those ways of sin, evil examples and 
 
SPECIAL SIN. 329 
 
 seducements, for which I desire to bless His Name, yet 
 I have great cause to cry out with the Psalmist, Psalm 
 XXV., 7, 'Remember not the sins of my youth, nor my 
 transgressions; according to Thy mercy remember Thou 
 me for good, O Lord.' I call to mind that once at 
 Lubenham House my brother and I entertained young 
 Mr. Cooper, and with wine we had sent from London 
 made him drunk, and we took pleasure in it. The Lord 
 hath *made me sensible of this sin, and often to reflect 
 upon it with brokenness of heart, in that, by His righteous 
 
 judgment, my son was made drunk by one Mr. N ■ 
 
 and Mr. J . I hope the Lord hath forgiven me, 
 
 and my son also; and I pray the Lord to forgive them; 
 and I write this, and mention it with tears; oh, let all 
 and every one take warning of sin, and particularly of 
 drawing others into sin, lest the Lord, in just judgment, 
 suffer it to be retaliated in kind on them or theirs, and 
 they be brought to say as I do. Judges i., 7, 'As I have 
 done, so the Lord hath requited me ; righteous art Thou, 
 O Lord, and upright are Thy judgments.' We may forget 
 our sins, but God will not forget them, unless we repent, 
 and by faith apply to God in Christ for pardon, which I 
 desire to do for all my sins. 
 
 "The sins of my life since I have come to years of 
 understanding, oh how innumerable have they been. 
 When I examine myself, and compare my life with the 
 holy Word of God, the first and second table, how 
 wanting in my duty to God, and how short in my duty 
 towards my neighbour; as also in reference to the blessed 
 Gospel. 
 
 "In religious duties and concerns, 
 
 "A general looseness of spirit, as if I were acting apart, 
 too frequently comes upon me, so that there are not 
 always hevt impression? of the majesty and ciuthority 
 
330 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 of God, of the fear and love of God, engaging the soul 
 in every act of duty and worship, as there ought to be. 
 
 "A neglect of serious preparation for duty. 
 
 "A dead and wandering frame in duty; want of spiritual 
 life. 
 
 " Not duly observing the frame of my heart in duty, and 
 not considering and examining myself, and what returns 
 from God, but letting matters go on in a careless and 
 slight manner, as if they were not matters of great moment. 
 The duty of self examination I find my heart exceedingly 
 backward to. 
 
 " Much of hypocrisy creeps in oftentimes, when there is 
 more care to approve myself before men than to please 
 God. Self love, and self-praise are apt to steal on me; 
 whereas God alone should be the ultimate end of all 
 duties. 
 
 "Sometimes a proneness to rest in the outward work. 
 
 " Unprofitableness and unfaithfulness under the ordinances 
 of the Gospel ; not duly prizing them ; not truly thankful 
 for them. 
 
 " Unstableness in my course and frame, nothwithstanding 
 my experiences and covenant engagements. 
 
 " Not living the life of faith by a daily exercise of faith, 
 deriving influence from the Lord Jesus Christ, as I have 
 often covenanted to do on receiving the Sacrament. 
 
 " In the outward conversation, in my calling, family, and 
 relations, public and private. 
 
 "Sometimes too eager pursuit of the affairs of this life, 
 and too much solicitousness about them ; envying at others' 
 successes, and discontented at my own, though I bless 
 God this hath not prevailed, yet sometimes these corrupt 
 motions have been rising, and have shewn themselves in 
 passions of anger and unsuitable expressions. 
 
 "In public concerns, I bless the Lord I have generally 
 
UNCONCERN FOR SIN IN OTHERS. 33 1 
 
 had a sincere desire to act according to the best of my 
 understanding, for the good and welfare of the Society, 
 City, Country, and State, without respect to any private 
 interest; yet I confess corruption hath many times been 
 rising and stirring, to the Hfting up myself in pride, and 
 applause of men ; something of self would be ever now 
 and then working, and acting, in me. 
 
 "So also in my family, and the duties thereof; 
 
 "And as to others, and the concerns of the Church of 
 God, 
 
 "I have not been so humbled for the dishonour done to 
 God by others' sins; have wanted much of the Spirit of 
 David, who said, 'I beheld the transgressors and was 
 grieved, because men kept not Thy law.' On this account, 
 surely I have contracted much guilt by others' sins; nay, 
 sometimes secret risings of content that others have fallen 
 into sin and disgrace, apprehending that would render me 
 more esteemed. I have not so grieved and mourned for 
 the sufferings of others, especially of the Church and people 
 of God, nor so applied to God in prayer for them, as I 
 ought. 
 
 "All these sins, and innumerable more which I cannot 
 reckon, have I been guilty of, both in omissions and 
 commissions, and have not had such a soft and tender 
 heart to mourn for them and bewail them before the Lord 
 as I ought, to get my heart affected with the evil of sin 
 after a Godly sort. 
 
 "Lord, I am guilty of great impenitency and hardness 
 of heart. The good Lord pardon me, and give me a 
 broken, contrite, and penitent frame. Our Lord Jesus 
 Christ was exalted to be a Prince and a Saviour, to give 
 repentance ; Lord, give it me ; I humbly beg it. 
 
 "I have been guilty of great unthankfulness for sparing 
 
332 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 mercies, preventing mercies, and restraining and renewing 
 Grace. 
 
 " My sins are exceeding aggravated, and out of measure 
 sinful, because I have had such knowledge and instruction, 
 such experience and tastes of the goodness and sweetness 
 of God's ways, such workings of God's Spirit, and checks 
 of conscience, and yet have sinned after confessions, 
 resolutions, and renewed covenant engagements. O Lord, 
 my sins are exceedingly great and very heinous, but 
 Thy mercy is infinite; Christ's satisfaction, merit, and 
 righteousness are pleasing to Thee, and Thou hast declared 
 that Thou art willing to be reconciled. With Thee, there 
 is forgiveness, therefore, O Lord, I come to Thee. 'Out 
 of the depths will I cry unto Thee,' Psalm cxxx. 
 
 "As my sins during these sixty-five years of my life 
 have been numberless, so have been the mercies of God. 
 
 "To be born of religious parents, in the days of the 
 Gospel, in such a place where the Truth shone in its lustre 
 and purity, and where anti-Christ had no power. 
 
 " To be in my infancy tendered to the Lord, and received 
 into the visible Church by Baptism, educated, instructed, 
 and brought up in the knowledge of God, and of His truth 
 and holy ways. 
 
 " After the vanity of childhood and youth, wherein God 
 graciously and wonderfully preserved me, that I was not 
 wholly carried away to looseness and wickedness, to my 
 utter undoing both of soul and body. Oh, how admirable 
 are the patience, long suffering, forbearance, and goodness 
 of God to me, such an unworthy and sinful creature, that 
 I should be brought to some sense of my miserable, lost, 
 and undone condition by nature, my utter inability and 
 insufficiency in myself, and in any thing to be done by 
 tne; that I saw sin and defilement cleaving to me in the 
 
god's abounding grace. 333 
 
 best duties, and so was brought to go out by myself, and 
 to look only to the Lord Jesus Christ and the Covenant 
 of Grace in Him, for life and salvation ; and so to renounce 
 all, and embrace Christ as tendered in the Gospel, and to 
 give up myself to the Lord, to enter into that blessed 
 covenant of Grace, into which I hope and believe the Lord 
 hath received me. 
 
 "And though I do and must confess, as before said, that 
 since the Grace of God was given to me, I have not carried 
 it as I ought, yet notwithstanding my unevenness and 
 inconstancy in God's ways, my sluggish and dead frame, 
 my often and repeated backslidings, which I desire to 
 mention with tears and Godly sorrow, — Yet to the praise 
 of Divine Grace, the Lord hath been pleased to uphold 
 some work of His Grace in me, so that I hope I may say, 
 'I have not wickedly departed from my God;' but there 
 hath been something within me, when I have been most 
 indisposed to good, that hath .phecked the power of 
 corruption, and made it burdensome to my soul, and 
 maintained some holy breathings after God; I may say, 
 If the Lord had not upheld His own work, I should have 
 fallen not only foully but finally from God: Oh, 'What 
 shall I render unto the Lord?' 'O, my soul, praise thou 
 the Lord, and all that is within me bless His holy Name, 
 that pardoneth all thine iniquities,' &c., Psalm ciii. 
 
 "The Lord hath been pleased, in all places where His 
 providence hath cast me, to vouchsafe to me the privilege 
 of enjoying His ordinances ; and I may say my soul hath 
 found great advantage and delight in and by them; and 
 in particular by the preaching of Mr. Best (which some 
 have undervalued, if not slighted — I pray God forgive 
 them); I can say the Lord hath made His preaching 
 profitable to me, both for quickening and comforting my 
 heart, and I desire to bless God for him. 
 
334 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "As to temporal blessings, the Lord hath been abundantly 
 good unto me in many ways, and hath made my temporal 
 mercies in some sort to be also spiritual mercies. 
 
 "He gave me my Wife graciously; united our hearts 
 in Himself; made her useful by her example and converse 
 to encourage, promote, and further me in the ways of 
 God: She hath all along shewn love to my soul, and 
 been a meet and blessed help to me in spirituals as well 
 as temporals. The Lord be blessed for her abundantly, 
 and recompense her love to me by the manifestations of 
 His love to her soul, &c. 
 
 "In many hazardous and accidental dangers the Lord 
 hath preserved me, when in the water, when thrown from 
 my horse : Hath continued health to me in a great 
 measure all my days, and preserved me and all my family 
 in the time of the Great Plague in London, anno 1665. 
 
 "When I was newly married, and in partnership with 
 my Sister, a design was laid to divest me of my trade 
 and ruin me : The Lord gave me wisdom, and so directed 
 affairs, that the cords were broken, and I escaped. 
 
 "When I received a great loss by Webberly [see page 
 16] God was pleased so to order it in His providence, that 
 in the end it turned to my advantage. 
 
 "When another loss befell me, and some thought by 
 false insinuations and reports to make advantage to my 
 prejudice, the Lord did frustrate their purpose, and 
 sustained me. 
 
 " I account it a great mercy that the Lord hath enabled 
 me, and given me heart, to do good to my Relations, 
 though some of them did repay me with unkindness, 
 and envied my prosperity. Yet the Lord, blessed be His 
 Name, kept me from a spirit of revenge or hatred, and 
 by His Grace enabled me to return good and not evil 
 to every one that evil entreated me. This I acknowledge 
 
god's directing grace. 335 
 
 to be not of myself, but of the Grace of God. To Him 
 I ascribe the praise and glory. 
 
 " When I was in the Victualling affair, the Lord directed 
 things so in His providence, that I was not ruined thereby, 
 as I might have been. 
 
 "When in public employs, in the East India Committee, 
 in the Company of Mercers, in the Hospital, in the 
 Parliament, in the City, — The Lord assisted and carried 
 me through all, so as I was accepted of the good, and 
 those that maligned me and sought occasions against me 
 (for no other cause but that I endeavoured conscientiously 
 to discharge my duty, and would not comply in any thing 
 I judged evil) could never accomplish their purpose. This 
 was of the Lord, blessed be His Name ! 
 
 "In the business of Shaftesbury's Jury, and of the Sheriff 
 of London, to which I was called unwillingly and contrary 
 to my own desire, the Lord carried me through all ; and 
 though the Lord permitted an Action to be illegally and 
 unjustly prosecuted against me by Sir William Pritchard, 
 whom God forgive, as also the Judge, Jury, and some of 
 the Witnesses, who swore and judged unduly, — Yet the 
 Lord hath done me good even thereby ; for though I lost 
 my trade and great outward advantages for getting an 
 estate, yet I was preserved from the malice of men, which 
 possibly might have designed to take away my life, and 
 I hope my outward losses are abundantly made up in 
 spiritual; the Lord having given me time from all worldly 
 concerns, to mind the better part, and weaned me in some 
 measure from seeking great things here. 
 
 "This year, without any application of mine to the King, 
 or any conditions, the Judgment Sir William Pritchard 
 obtained hath been released, which is a great mercy. 
 
 "Many other blessings the Lord hath vouchsafed to 
 me; good Children, some married, and very happily, all 
 
336 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 of them, I hope, in covenant with God; and continuance 
 of health to me and my family ; with many other mercies 
 which cannot all be reckoned; I may say, as in Psalms 
 xl, 5, cxxxix., 17, 18, 'Oh, how great is the sum of them,' 
 &c, 
 
 "O Lord, I desire to return praise, and renew my 
 Covenant, and give up myself to the Lord. O Lord, 
 enlarge my heart. 
 
 "Of my sins and mercies (as the Queen of Sheba) one 
 half is not here mentioned. Time and paper fail me, that 
 I can write no more." 
 
 And now drew near the memorable era of the Revolution, 
 bringing with it Papillon's return from Exile; and his 
 gradual return from spiritual to earthly concerns is apparent 
 in the following letters to a friend in the Netherlands, 
 himself a fellow-exile, whom internal evidence points out 
 as Sir Patience Ward ; one of the few Aldermen of London 
 who supported him in 1682. The letters are a small 
 selection from thirty-two which passed between them 
 during the latter half of 1688; the first is to Papillon, 
 the remaining six are from him : — 
 
 "Spa, 2nd July, 1688. 
 "My honoured and good Friend, 
 
 "The' temptation hath so much prevailed on public faith, 
 and its affections seemed once to have retreated into their winter 
 state, yet as a spring may come, with a renovation of all things — 
 which the faith that makes not haste waits for— so there are or 
 may be particulars, who through grace surmounting all difficulties 
 
LETTER FROM SIR PATIENCE WARD. 337 
 
 of times, compassionate the fallen, and rejoice and maintam a 
 concern for those who stand firm the shock of trials, and it is 
 the errand of this, Sir, to enquire after your own, and your Lady's 
 and relations' health, so much by me wished, with the continuance 
 of it unto those noble ends, which I am sure of your great 
 diligence towards, that I may in the words of the Divine John to 
 his beloved Gaius, wish above all things that you may prosper 
 and be in health as your soul prospers. 
 
 " After the conduct of my Nephew and Niece to the French 
 border (to whose Government you know the size of my affection) 
 I took the further tour of Flanders, the pleasure whereof I will 
 not recommend to a friend's trouble (otherwise than as 
 circumstances which vary cases, as my own, may prevail), and 
 at last I arrived here at the Spa ; whither my Lord Sutherland 
 who had spent six weeks at Aix, came, and for about fourteen 
 days hath given me the honour and benefit of his conversation, 
 and command of his great respects to you and Madam; and 
 here I abide as in a place and diet apted to contemplation, with 
 the advantage of health, which I hope with the Lord's blessing 
 for a continuance of, and hence dispose my wanderings as the 
 Lord shall direct, till I come to some little repose as I would 
 once hope to the body, which not without much difficulty can 
 be brought subject to the law of the Divme_ mind : Many have 
 been the experiences of God in our early days as provision for 
 our later times, but we have been left thereto but suitable 
 additions to our growing occasions ; and when I compare sufferings 
 with deliverances, and amongst them the infatuations befallen 
 some good men, I conclude with an emphasis or accent, ' What 
 hath the Lord done for us ! ' 
 
 " By this time I might expect to hear of your call homewards, 
 which I most heartily wish on such terms as most suit your 
 own mind, and that I may have knowledge thereof and of your 
 resolutions therein, that I may attend Madam' so far as herself 
 and my occasions (to be allowed of by her) will permit : It's 
 just to allow your inclinations thitherwards a preference to mine, 
 in respect of so much and many nearer relations there, and that 
 you have the happiness to carry along with you well near all 
 you brought forth thence, whilst what was dearest and most 
 
338 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 valuable to all that I had of this world must be left behind, 
 though not without many a looking back, as those who by 
 endeared affections go backwards and forwards, and are at a 
 straight what to do, but making frequent visits of the last place 
 they left their friend; and however others may judge, I doubt 
 not friends will admit the prevalence of this passion, as a reward 
 to that way which so fair a Guide would otherwise have made me. 
 "And now Sir, with acceptance of my sincere respects and 
 service to yourself and Madam and Relations, will you favour 
 me with the present of the same, as opportunity offers, to Sir 
 John Guise and my Lady, to Mr. Gee and his, and any other 
 of our colony which your prudence serves — not knowing whether 
 you be increased or lessened; the like to our very good friend 
 Mr. Best, to whom (after all our discourse) I pay a most hearty 
 veneration and love on many respects ; and will you please the 
 like to Mr. Ledicar ; my obligations to Mr. Clough, and that he 
 will favour me with the present to Mr. Wellard and his Lady; 
 and if Mr. Jackson be returned, that he will accept the same 
 and to his Lady, for I may presume upon that tenure. 
 
 " If you shall favour me with a word of your health, &c., the 
 address to Mr. David Vandenhennd, Marchant, h. Cologne, for 
 Mr. Francis Mott, will be sent safely wherever I shall be within 
 a month; for I think it will be two months before I shall get 
 back to Utrecht, and in the interim am as lost in a wood. My 
 respects to your kinsmen Mr. Walling and Mr. Lafleur, and if 
 you see Mr. Vanheyden, the same; I left one of his books with 
 Mr. Shower of Rotterdam (to whom and his Lady I present 
 due respects) to be restored him; my Niece's maid had taken 
 it to read, and forgot to restore it. 
 
 "I do presume upon our mutual prayers, for what the Lord 
 may see best for us, and a compliance with and complacency 
 in His holy will in all things, however cross they may seem 
 to our earthly part; and that the shaking of all things, and present 
 removal of many, may cause our receiving the kingdom which 
 cannot be shaken, and abide therein; that so the vicissitudes 
 of all the earthly estate may have no effect to disturb us, but 
 we may abide as on a rock against all the fluctuations and storms 
 of the world, as those whose minds are stayed on God j on which 
 
FROM PAPILLON TO SIR PATIENCE WARD, 339 
 
 subject it's unnecessary to enlarge to one so abundant in knowledge 
 and experience as yourself, Sir, whom I desire to retain me in 
 the character of. Dear Sir, your sincere affectionate Friend and 
 Brother." * 
 
 "Utrecht, if th July, 1688. 
 "Most honoured Sir, 
 
 "That faith which is truly divine, and centres on its right 
 object, God in Christ, not only frees from perplexing fears, and 
 maintains the mind in a perfect peace and tranquillity, but also 
 by receiving communications from the fountain enables a Christian 
 to surmount all difficulties and temptations that stand in the way 
 of his duty, and abide firm, and unmoved by the shocks of 
 trials; and not to be hasty, but with full submission and 
 resignation to divine pleasure patiently to wait for the issue of 
 things, and always to retain a truly Christian and compassionate 
 spirit and concern for and towards others : From hence it is 
 that you are pleased, in your most endearing letter of the 2nd 
 instant from the Spa — to enquire concerning me and my family, 
 for which we all return you our most hearty and humble thanks; 
 and as for myself I must confess it is not altogether so with me 
 as your charity and goodness prompt you to imagine — and 
 therefore I desire your prayers,' that the inward man may be 
 renewed day by day, and that I may answer the Apostles' 
 exhortation in Romans xii., i, 2. 
 
 "I rejoice the good hand of God hath conducted you so in 
 your travels that no disaster hath befallen you, and that you 
 meet not only advantage for bodily health, but for the intellectual 
 and better part. You are beginning to partake of the Celestial 
 delights ; for certainly it will be no small part of heavenly felicity, 
 to behold and contemplate how the Divine goodness hath disposed 
 all things towards us in this wilderness, and through so many 
 changes and such variety of dispensations guided us to glory. 
 Then we shall see indeed, with an emphasis. What hath the Lord 
 
 * It may be remembered (as in Chapter xii., 23) that Sir Patience Ward 
 was one of the three Aldermen who supported Papillon in his claim to be 
 installed by the Lord Mayor as Sheriff. — Frafe pp. 226-7. 
 X 2 
 
340 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 done for us; then we shall see that every thing that befell us 
 here, as well the outward evils and afflictions, the reproaches 
 and injuries of enemies, as the temporal good things, and love 
 and kindness of friends— came all from special love, and 
 concentred to our happiness— not one link of the chain of 
 providence could have been wanting; then we shall see how 
 our heavenly Father in infinite wisdom ordered all for good to 
 us. 
 
 "To be frequent in these meditations now (which is your 
 exercise) is of great advantage, as it disposeth for the state above, 
 and as it fits for what further changes may be allotted us here ; 
 and therefore as I highly esteem you in other respects, so in this ; 
 and shall desire to follow your example. 
 
 "What might incline you to expect my call homewards, I know 
 not ; but as yet I have nothing relating thereto ; however, I sense 
 your love in wishing that whenever it is, it may be on suitable 
 terms : And my Wife takes it for a very high favour that you are 
 pleased to express so great civility toward her. 
 
 "I could have enlarged on what follows in your letter, but 
 I forbear, lest I should occasion a suspension of those heavenly 
 delights before mentioned, by turning your thoughts on one single 
 link of the chain of Divine providence, which taken single and 
 apart by itself could not be but very bitter; whereas the whole, 
 viewed in conjunction with their tendencies, will afford most 
 sweet and delightful contemplation. 
 
 " I have, according to your desire, acquainted the friends with 
 your remembrance of them," &c. 
 
 " Utrecht, ^Ith September, 1688. 
 "Most honoured Sir, 
 
 " By your's of the 2nd instant I perceive how easily a pure 
 mind is raised by meditation to the highest raptures, and to be 
 swallowed up in the admiration of Divine love, which makes you 
 conclude, 'Oh the height and depth,' &c. 
 
 " This brings to my remembrance the Disciples on the Mount 
 of Transfiguration, who said, 'Master, it is good for us to be 
 here ; ' but they were afterwards to descend, and to be at Mount 
 
LETTERS FROM PAPILLON IN 1 688. 341 
 
 Calvary ; and those glorious manifestations were to prepare them 
 for those future trials, temptations, and dismal providences that 
 followed. Past experiences should, as you wisely observe, fit 
 us with a suitable frame, in expectation of things to come. We 
 may say in some sort, as the Psalmist, ' Woe is me that I dwell 
 in Mesech,' &c. ; and the times of this day are not much unlike 
 what the prophet Micah describes, chapter vii. ; the Lord enable 
 us to follow His example mentioned in verse 7, and the Church's 
 in the following verses. 
 
 " God's ways for the deliverance of His people are many times 
 very terrible and dark, as in Psalm xviii., 7 to 16; of this we 
 have had some experience, both in our own cases and in the 
 public affairs of our days : The improvement the Psalmist makes 
 thereof for future in the first three verses, viz., to love, trust, and 
 call upon God, I doubt not will be your practice ; and I pray 
 the Lord to enable me to make it mine ; as also that which the 
 prophet Habakkuk, chapter iii., 17-19, gives us from his example, 
 after he had pathetically set out the terrible manner of God's 
 appearing for deliverance of His people, marching through the 
 land in indignation, and riding upon His horses and chariots 
 of Salvation. 
 
 "What the issue of the present designs on foot may be, the 
 Lord only knows ; and I humbly pray that the Lord will direct 
 you and me and all His people, that we may know our duty and 
 be led in the right way, as in Psalm cvii., 7, and that we may 
 be fixed on that foundation laid in Zion mentioned in Isaiah 
 xxviii., 16. 
 
 "The armament here is hastened with all industry, and it 
 cannot be long before the design will be manifest. The French 
 and English Ambassadors have put in Memorials to the States, 
 to demand the reason thereof; and the French Ambassadors' 
 paper closeth thus, 'Toutes ces circonstances. Messieurs, et tant 
 d'autres que je ne dois pas rapporter igi, persuadent avec raison 
 Le Roi mon M^itre que cet armement regarde I'Angleterre,' 
 &c. By this it is apparent that both France and England will be 
 engaged ; and it may be doubted whether that which hath long 
 since been said may not be true, that England should pay the 
 piper. 
 
342 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " As I told .you in my last, I sit still and know nothing ; but 
 amongst the ordinary people it is talked, that most of the English 
 here will go with the Fleet. Whether it be so, or no, time will 
 shew. I should have been glad to have understood somewhat 
 of your apprehensions on what I intimated in my former; and 
 when you remove, I shall be glad to know which way you steer 
 your course. 
 
 " I have borrowed the book you mentioned in your last, and 
 shall send it you," &c. 
 
 " Utrecht, 2Sth September, 1688. 
 "Honoured Sir, 
 
 "I delayed till this day to answer yours of the 19th instant, 
 in expectation that matters would have so opened that I might 
 have advised you things certain; and though yet there is no 
 public declaration of the design of these great forces raised by 
 the Prince, &c., the King of France his reasons of invading the 
 Palatinate, &c., and his letter to Cardinal D'Estrdes to be 
 communicated to the Pope, doth discover his design to dweedle 
 and if possible to draw all the Papist Princes, without regard 
 to their civil or temporal interest, to promote what he hath 
 projected for the rooting out the Northern Heresy, as it is 
 called; and he tells the Pope that the Prince his design is 
 against England and against the Papists. 
 
 "You have no doubt heard what hath been said here, That 
 on the Prhice acquainting the States with the Treaties he had 
 made with several Princes, &c., they did return him thanks 
 for his great care on behalf of this Country, approved all, and 
 left all to him, with assurance of all supplies from them; so 
 that there seems to be a full and perfect understanding, and that 
 whatsoever his designs are, they will go on. It is said that 
 the Prince did by some secret ways penetrate into the counsels 
 of the French King for the ruin of this State (in order to his 
 grand work of destroying the Protestants, &c.,) and that thereupon 
 the Prince did bestir himself to confederate with the Protestant 
 
LETTERS FROM PAPILLON IN 1688. 343 
 
 Princes, and to countermine the French and popish designs; 
 and that things were secretly carried on, and not in the usual 
 way of this Country, to prevent disappointment. Things will 
 now speedily come to effect, and it will appear what is intended, 
 and on what grounds. The wind is this day come easterly, and 
 so all matters will be hastened. 
 
 " It is talked, but I know nothing of my own knowledge, that 
 Sir J. G. is to be a Colonel, also Mr. G. ; and that Mr. N. 
 is to be a Captain, as also Mr. W., who is already gone from 
 hence, and the rest will go, as I hear, this day, or to-morrow. 
 Some other particular persons of the English go from hence, 
 and many of the Scotch. It is said my Lord Wiltshire, Lord 
 Mordent, Lord Lovelace, Sir John Hothara, Mr. Herbert, Sir 
 Robert Peyton, and several others of quality are at The Hague 
 and Rotterdam, who will go with the Prince, and that most 
 of them are to be in Commission. I live retiredly, and am no 
 way privy to public affairs ; so I sit still, not hasting to meddle 
 in what I understand not, nor to act by an implicit faith, but beg 
 of God, as you do, to illuminate our minds, and to dispose us to 
 a conformity to His holy will. We ought all, as Ezra did (viii., 
 21) to join together 'to seek of God a right way for us,' &c. It 
 is very apparent that there are great contrivances and combinations 
 on foot, to destroy the Church and people of God ; and we may 
 apply what the Psalmist saith at the beginning of Psalm Ixxxiii., 
 to the present times, as also Psalm Ixiv., 4-6^ but as it follows, 
 verse 7, 8, &c., ' God can shoot at them with an arrow,' &c. ; 
 oh, that I and all the people of God could from David's example 
 in Psalm xxvii. take encouragement to act faith above fear, to 
 desire the enjoyment of the exercise of true Religion above all 
 worldly and temporal things, to answer God's call, and heartily 
 seek His favour, to be earnest in prayer, deprecating God's 
 displeasure and .the hiding of His face, imploring His help, 
 teaching, and conduct in a plain path, and to deliver us from 
 the will of enemies, and that we may by faith believe and hope 
 yet to ' see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living,' 
 and wait on Him for strengthening our hearts, that we may ' be 
 of good courage,' and still continue to 'wait on the Lord.' 
 
 " Your letters to Mr. Jackson I have delivered," &c, 
 
344 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "Utrecht, -^^ October, 1688. 
 " Most honoured Sir, 
 
 "You had from our good friend Mr. Jackson an account of 
 what passed on Friday last, which made me defer till this day to 
 answer yours of the 26th past, that so I might give you the most 
 certain information of things that I could. 
 
 " From Amsterdam, of the 9th and loth, they wrote thus :— 
 'We are assured that the Dutch Fleet, upwards of 50 sail of 
 Men-of-War, sailed for the Downs on the 6th instant, under the 
 command of Vice-Admiral Herbert, all carrying English colours, 
 &c. By the English post, come in this forenoon, almost every 
 letter hints that they have now the alarm of what is coming; 
 and one saith. The sheer report of the Dutch being at sea, and 
 designing to land, frighted us from shipping,' &c. 
 
 "This is what is advised from Amsterdam, &c. 
 
 " I was with Mrs. Peacock, who presents her respects ; she will 
 do her endeavour to enquire after convenient lodgings, &c. 
 
 " I have not time to enlarge, to tell you how my thoughts work 
 upon all things. When the manifesto or declaration comes out, 
 which is thought will not be till the Prince is landed in England, 
 then we shall have matter to contemplate; in the meantime, 
 I conclude with that of the wise man. Proverbs xvi., 33, 'The 
 lot is cast into the lap, but the whole disposing thereof is of the 
 Lord;' and therefore let us cast our burden upon the Lord, 
 as in Psalm Iv., 22; and let us never glory in anything but the 
 knowledge of Him, as in Jeremiah ix., 23, 24, and i. Corinthians 
 iii., 20, 21. 
 
 " I hope speedily to see you," &c. 
 
 "Utrecht, sth October, 1688. 
 "Most honoured Sir, 
 
 "I must crave your excuse if I be brief at this time in answer 
 to yours of the 3rd instant, in regard of the Preparation for the 
 Sacrament, on which account we are now going to Church ; and 
 if at all times it is necessary and our duty to get our souls 
 established in the assurance of God's love to us in Christ, and by 
 
LETTERS FROM PAPILLON IN 1 688. 34 5 
 
 faith to derive influence of grace and strength for Him, to enable 
 us comfortably to do and suffer as Christians, much more it is 
 so in this juncture, when things in the world are in so great 
 a fermentation, not unlike what is mentioned in Psalm xlvi., 2, 3; 
 and if I may allude to what is said in verse 4. This blessed 
 Ordinance is one of those streams, whereby the City of God 
 (true believers) are made glad, and from the sense and assurance 
 of the Divine love are engaged and strengthened in all conditions 
 to rejoice in God, and to live to His glory. 
 
 "As you very well say, we have great cause to fear what may 
 be the issue of things, because of our unsuitableness for so great 
 mercy, and the unqualifiedness of some to be instruments in 
 such a work; but God can give deliverance and holiness, as 
 is prophesied in Obadiah 17 ; and that it may be so, let us 
 wait and pray for the pourings out of the Spirit of Grace and 
 supplications — as you are pleased to mention from Zechariah 
 xii., 10. 
 
 "Since my last there is little news: All, both English and 
 Scotch, designed for the expedition, are gone from hence; and it 
 is said that this day all may be on board the Fleet, and then the 
 Prince will also go on board. 
 
 "The Fleet, commanded by Vice-Admiral Herbert, by reason 
 of the stormy winds hath not been over on the English coast. I 
 perceive you have heard what news was from England by the last 
 post; and that all fair weather was made towards the Church 
 party, &c. 
 
 "Touching lodgings for you, we are enquiring, but cannot yet 
 meet with any to satisfaction," &c. 
 
 "Utrecht, 27th November, 1688. 
 "Most honoured Sir, 
 
 "I find myself obliged to crave your pardon for my so unpolished 
 and defective reply to your most kind letter of the 21st instant, 
 being hurried by the late arrival and speedy departure of the 
 post; your goodness will observe the affection, and cover the 
 imperfections thereof; on this I depend. 
 
346 THOMAS PAPILLON. , 
 
 "There is no duty more commended to us in Scripture, no 
 grace more necessary to be exercised, and of more advantage 
 and benefit to ourselves and others — than Christian joy — which 
 is founded on our interest in Christ. In Him we are complete^ ; 
 in Him we have righteousness and strength,* &c. ; and as we 
 are His,' so all things become ours; and therefore neither our 
 own weaknesses or infirmities, nor the malice of enemies, nor 
 troubles and disturbances in the world, should hinder us firom 
 maintaining a cheerful spirit in all times and in all conditions; for 
 the joy of the Lord should be our strength.* 
 
 "The Lord hath pleased in the Holy Scriptures to make such 
 provision for supporting the hearts of His people, and such 
 gracious promises, as would require volumes to expatiate upon, 
 I only name two^ or three as footnotes, which probably have 
 reference to these latter days. You have great reason therefore, 
 Sir, to bewail that the Scripture is so much slighted by many, 
 and looked upon as Romances, and they even often preferred. 
 
 "We cannot say too much in magnifying the Word of God, 
 and His goodness in affording it to us, and sanctify our hearts 
 that we may be,- and have our conversation conformed to it, 
 that through patience and comfort of the Scriptures we may 
 have hope, and so be filled* with joy and peace in believing — 
 waiting for the coming'' of our Lord Jesus, and His glorious' 
 appearing — whether at the end of the world, when all things 
 shall be consummated, and the kingdom' shall be given up to 
 the Father, or before that time for the Restoration of all things, 
 and creating^" new heavens, &c. ; the Lord direct our^'^ hearts 
 into the love of God, and into the patient waiting for Christ.^^ 
 
 " Since my last we have had two posts, and though I doubt 
 not but you have the news otherwise, yet I send you enclosed. 
 This morning, from Rotterdam, I am advised there is a ketch 
 come in from Plymouth, that saith. As the Dutch Fleet went out 
 of Torbay they met with five French Men-of-War — took two, and 
 sunk three ; and that the Dutch Fleet lies at Falmouth, and the 
 English at the Isle of Wight. In a little time we shall see how 
 
 • Colossians ii., lO. ' Isaiah xlv., 24, 25. * I. Corinthians xiii., 21-23. 
 ' Nehemiah viii., 2. ' Isaiah xii., xxxv., Ixvi., S-15., John xiv. ' Romans 
 XV., 4. ' Romans xv., 12. ' i. Corinthians i., 7. ' Titus ii., 13. '" l- 
 Corinthians xv., 24. " Isaiah Ixv., 17, 18. " IJ. Thessalonians iii., 5. 
 
LETTER FROM PAPILLON, NOVEMBER, 1688. 347 
 
 things will go, and whether a free Parliament will be called. In 
 such case let me say to you, as you did lately to me, What is the 
 work which the day calls on us for? You are better able to 
 resolve the case than I ; and therefore I shall gladly be informed 
 of your sentiments ; for it may be not only a time for prayer, but 
 for actual service. God grant that we may know and do our 
 duty. 
 
 "My Wife and self and all mine, and Mr. Jackson and his 
 Lady, Mr. Best, and Mr. Clough present their humble service 
 to you, and long for your coming; Mr. Clough tells me Mr. 
 Welland often enquires of you. Rest, &c. 
 
 "Postscript. — The French have burned some villages near 
 Bolduc, and taken prisoners ; and the Ambassador, Monsieur 
 DyVvaux, is recalled, and hath taken his leave— so there is a 
 war declared with France. The post is arrived from England, 
 but as yet we have not the letters. It is talked as if it were like 
 to come to a battle between the King and the Prince." 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 RETURN FROM EXILE — ATTENDANT ENGAGEMENTS. 
 
 Success in England of the Prince of Orange, 1688— Papillon presents to the 
 Princess an Address of Congratulation— He writes to the Mayor and 
 others at Dover, again offering himself as Member of Parliament for the 
 Borough — His Election — He warmly supports the Government— lie is 
 pressed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to take his seat 
 among them, but he begs to be excused — He is required by the King to 
 accept the post of Commissioner for Victualling the Navy — and reluctanriy 
 does so — Disorganized state of the Department — and War with France — 
 Success of the New Commissioners notwithstanding difficulties— Interview 
 of the Commissioners with the King and the Lords of the Treasury, 
 November, 1694 — Reflections in Parliament on Victualling of Navy refuted 
 — Papillon reads before the King a statement of the depressed condition 
 of the Department, with proposed remedies, November, 1696 — Papillon 
 petitions for release from Office, September, 1692, and November, 1694; 
 and again in 1697-8-9 — Closing reflections on his career — His views on 
 Political and Religious Parties. 
 
 HE last working decade of Thomas Papillon's 
 life was dawning; and with it came the 
 prospect, as to Politics, of the fulfilment of 
 his most cherished desires. 
 
 On learning, while still in Holland, of the 
 success of William III. in England, and of 
 the free Parliament that His Royal Highness was 
 convoking, he delayed not to proffer his services again 
 to the Electors of Dover; and he then took an early 
 opportunity of presenting an address to Her Royal 
 Highness the Princess of Orange, who had not yet joined 
 her husband in England. 
 
 The address was as follows ; and Papillon notes at the 
 foot of his copy of it, that Her Royal Highness " most 
 Christianly owned the Divine hand in all, and professed 
 
ADDRESS TO H.R.H. THE PRINCESS OF ORANGE. 349 
 
 that all the undertakings of His Highness were sincerely- 
 designed for the glory of God and the good of His 
 Church." 
 
 [Address.] 
 
 " May it please your Royal Highness the Princess, and I hope 
 in a little time I may say, Gracious Sovereign. 
 
 "When I consider what God hath wrought in you, and by 
 your Royal self and his most Illustrious Highness, for the Church 
 of God in general, and the Kingdom of England in particular, 
 I cannot but think it an indispensable duty on me and on every 
 true Englishman and good Protestant, not only in the first place 
 to admire and adore God's Grace, and the wondrous workings 
 of His Divine providence, but also to acknowledge as instruments 
 under God your Royal self and His Illustrious Highness, and 
 to honour you whom God hath honoured, and pay you due 
 homage and obeisance, which I most humbly and heartily do : 
 
 "And as I humbly conceive the case hath some resemblance 
 to that of the kingly prophet David in the loist Psalm, so I 
 pray that the Lord would endue your Royal self and His Most 
 Illustrious Highness with the same Spirit, that you may act as 
 he professed to do, and as he longed for. So may you ever 
 desire and always enjoy the Divine presence, that the present and 
 succeeding generations may call you blessed." 
 
 Address to the Electors of Dover : — 
 
 " Utrecht, y« ^th December, 1688. 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 "Though for some time I have been absent from my country 
 and habitation, yet I have ever retained a true sense of the 
 kindness and respect which I received from your Corporation, 
 and think myself bound to testify the same on all occasions 
 wherein I may be capacitated to serve them ; And therefore 
 hearing (if it be true as is reported) that his Majesty has been 
 graciously pleased to summon a Parliament, I deemed it a duty 
 incumbent on me (being lately freed from that which caused 
 my absence) to let them know that I am ready to serve them, 
 and that if they shall please to make choice of me and call me 
 
350 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 thereto, I will not fail (God continuing life and health) to come 
 and attend the service, of which I entreat you to acquaint the 
 Corporation : 
 
 " I am sure, and can appeal to God, that when they honoured 
 me with their employ I sought not myself nor my own advantage, 
 but the good of my Country and the welfare of the Corporation 
 that entrusted me, — Whereof as my friends were then (as I doubt 
 not) fully satisfied, so I cannot but think that those who might in 
 those times through mistake have other apprehensions, are since 
 thoroughly convinced, and now are and will be my friends. 
 
 "There is nothing more desirable than Love and Union among 
 Christians, and nothing more conducing to the prosperity of a 
 Corporation than a friendly agreement of all the Members; when 
 there are divisions, and setting one party to supplant and turn 
 out another, the consequences are prejudicial to the whole, whereof 
 there hath been too much experience, which therefore I hope will 
 be avoided in future, and that we shall be all of one mind, and 
 evidence ourselves to be really sincere Protestant Christians, good 
 Subjects, and true Englishmen. 
 " I am, Gentlemen, 
 
 " Your most affectionate Friend and humble Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 "To 
 
 "The Worshipful William Stokes, 
 
 Nicholas Cullen, Sen., and Robert 
 
 Jacob, Esquires, and to Mr. Frederick 
 
 De Vinck, and Captain Taverner, &c., 
 
 these present and Dover. 
 
 "Pray remember my love and respects to all friends, and favour 
 me with an answer to this by the first." 
 
 The suit succeeded, and early in January Sir Basil 
 Dixwell, Bart., of Broome Park, and Thomas Papillon 
 v/ere duly elected to serve the Borough in Parliament; and 
 on the nth March, in a Grand Committee on the King's 
 Speech, we find Papillon warmly espousing his cause in 
 the way of Supply, thus :— 
 
PAPILLON SUPPORTS WILLIAM III. 35 1 
 
 "The consideration of Ireland, the Fleet, and Holland, all 
 depend upon the Revenue, of which some is for life, some for 
 a term of years. Some the other day thought all the Revenue 
 was vested in the King ; others did doubt it ; therefore we ought 
 to put it past doubt. Therefore I move for an Act to give and 
 grant the Revenue to the King, that it may be collected without 
 dispute, and an indemnity for the collecting it since the Vacancy; 
 and if the state of the Revenue be ready, I would have it delivered 
 in by Sir Robert Howard." 
 
 And again on the 14th March : — 
 
 "Our condition is not so secure as it is thought. There is 
 a great enemy that has an intention to destroy both the Dutch 
 and us. Here is yet no settlement of the Revenue, and they 
 will be hard put to it. I see not so hearty an union abroad 
 as I could wish, though I am glad to see it in this House ; but 
 I fear there is an intention to undermine us. Here is yet no 
 settlement of the Revenue, the Oaths, nor the Courts of Justice. 
 We know the computation of the charge pretty near, and I 
 believe the whole about 6 or ;£'7, 000,000, if you voluntarily 
 give the Dutch such a sum, without casting it to a penny or 
 twopence. 
 
 " But it is to me of great consequence, that as we address the 
 King on other occasions we may do it on this, that if we do 
 support Alliances we may be fixed in them. 
 
 "You cannot avoid war with France, and you must support 
 Alliances, and let the King know so much. 
 
 " As for the charge of Ireland, it is easily known, zo,ooo men 
 being the number given in ; if we go to particulars we shall never 
 have an end. And as for the Customs, though some of them 
 have been irregular, yet gather them as they have been these 
 twenty-eight years. 
 
 " Therefore I would address the King for an Alliance with the 
 Dutch, which will save us, and we will support him to support 
 them." 
 
 In August, 1689, Papillon was placed by the King on a 
 Commission of five, for the disbursement of £i,cx)0 a month 
 
3S2 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 in the relief of French refugees ; the other Commissioners 
 being the Bishops of London and Salisbury, Mr. Hampden 
 (a Commissioner of the Treasury and afterwards Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer), and Sir John Mordent. The King first 
 ordered the outlay, and Parliament confirmed it. 
 
 In October, 1689, Papillon was chosen Alderman of 
 Portsoken Ward. He arrived in London on the nth, 
 having come from Acrise ; and on the 14th several 
 gentlemen of the Ward waited upon him, begging him to 
 accept office ; but he told them at once that he could 
 not. On Tuesday the iSth, according to summons, he 
 attended the Court of Aldermen, and on his arrival in 
 the ante-chamber (the "Long Gallery") Sir Patience 
 Ward, Sir John Lawrence, and other friends, already 
 Aldermen, came out to urge his acceptance of the post, 
 and the Common Cryer brought a gown with the Lord 
 Mayor's orders to invest him; but he resolutely refused: 
 And on coming into the presence of the Court, he at 
 once begged the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to excuse 
 him on various accounts, which he named. The Court 
 were very unwilling to accede to his request, but out of 
 regard for his past services and sufferings, they granted 
 him time to consider the matter. Being called in a 
 second time, he told his Lordship that he had done so, 
 and his circumstances were such that he could not accept 
 the place; that he hoped his Lordship and the Court 
 would have considered the reasons he had already given : 
 That he had suffered greatly in his estate; and also in 
 his reputation with many, through misapprehension : That 
 he had been in the service of his Country and of the City 
 for nearly twenty years, without any pecuniary advantage, 
 nor had he desired such : That sixteen years ago, he 
 fined for Sheriff, and he then resolved not to entertain 
 
DISCHARGED FROM CALL AS ALDERMAN. 353 
 
 places of Government : That afterwards, when he was 
 chosen, and exposed himself for the vindication of the 
 Rights of the City, he had many solicitations and promises, 
 but when the trial came on, the next month, except Sir 
 Thomas Allen, which he must speak to his eternal praise, 
 and Alderman Cornish, who is dead, and the present 
 Chamberlain, none would own him, or so much as appear 
 to witness in the cause ; their memories were bad, and 
 they had forgotten all ; That through his sufferings and 
 loss of trade his estate was much impaired, so that he 
 was less able to maintain the honour of such a place ; 
 and also being engaged to service in Parliament, he could 
 not embrace other duties to the neglect of the former. 
 
 One Alderman suggested that according to custom he 
 must first take the Oath and his seat, before the Court 
 could consider his request for discharge; he replied that 
 he was ignorant of the custom ; and how could he take 
 the Oath when he could not accept the place? 
 
 On being called in a third time, the Lord Mayor told 
 him they had resolved to defer the matter to a future 
 day; and Papillon rejoined by expressing his hope that 
 the Court would kindly consider his objections, and 
 discharge him at their next meeting; and this they 
 eventually did on the loth December. 
 
 Though Papillon declined civic honours and attendant 
 charges, he was not proof against the urgent call of his 
 Sovereign, whom he had so warmly welcomed to the 
 throne. His Majesty sent for him in November, 1689, 
 and desired him to take office as First Commissioner for 
 Victualling the Navy ; he begged to be excused on account 
 of the neglected condition of the business, but the King 
 would take no refusal, and eventually raised his salary 
 from ;^400 to ;^ 1,000 a year. The post, however, was no 
 
354 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 sinecure ; for the war with France, which lasted from 
 April, 1689, till September, 1697, rendered the duties very 
 arduous, so that he was obliged to abandon all trade, and 
 devote himself to his Victualling duties from early morning 
 to late in the evening, and thus incurred far more labour 
 than the post of Alderman and occupation as a Merchant 
 would probably have involved. Moreover, as he had felt 
 hurt by the neglect of his City friends in the matter of 
 his efforts to support City Rights, so in his new office, 
 though acting most zealously and faithfully, he encountered 
 some unjust aspersions ; so hard is it for an honest man 
 to escape the shafts of the enemy. 
 
 The circumstances of Papillon's appointment as 
 Victualling Commissioner were these : — William III. had 
 undertaken the invasion of England for the avowed object 
 of restoring law and order; and as the first step in the 
 fulfilment of that purpose he summoned a free Parliament, 
 but the more tedious task of purging the various depart- 
 ments of the Government remained to be done. Laxity 
 was evident in most of them, and in the supply of 
 provisions to the Army and Navy gross negligence, to 
 say the least, had occurred. On ist June, 1689, the 
 matter was brought before the House of Commons; 
 other important questions hindered its full discussion, 
 and on 20th August Parliament had a month's recess; 
 but in November the subject was resumed, and the 
 Commissioners for Victualling the Navy were sent for in 
 custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms. 
 
 Meanwhile the King had not remained indifferent, but 
 had instituted a searching enquiry into the affair. His 
 heart was set on conquering the enemies of the Protestant 
 cause, and he well knew that sailors could not fight on 
 empty or ill-fed stomachs. The case is thus summarized 
 by Macaulay, Chapter XV. (1689). 
 
APPOINTED VICTUALLING COMMISSIONER. 35 5 
 
 "In the House of Commons there was, as might have been 
 expected, a series of sharp debates on the misfortunes of the 
 autumn. The negligence or corruption of the Navy Board, the 
 frauds of the Contractors, the rapacity of the Captains of the 
 King's ships, the losses of the London Merchants, were theme? 
 for many keen speeches. There was indeed reason for anger. 
 A severe enquiry, conducted by William in person at the 
 Treasury, had just elicited the fact that much of the salt with 
 which the meat furnished to the fleet had been cured, had 
 been by accident mixed with galls such as are used for the 
 purpose of making ink. The Victuallers threw the blame on 
 the rats, and maintained that the provisions thus seasoned, 
 though really disagreeable to the palate, were not injurious to 
 health. The Commons were in no temper to listen to such 
 excuses. Several persons who had been concerned in cheating 
 the Government and poisoning the seamen were taken into 
 custody by the Sergeant : But no censure was passed on the 
 the chief offender, Torrington; nor does it appear that a single 
 voice was raised against him : he had personal friends in both 
 parties ; he had many popular qualities," &c. 
 
 The result was the appointment of a new Board of 
 Victualling Commissioners for the Navy, in which Papillon 
 was placed first; his fellow-Commissioners being Symon 
 Mayne, John Agar, Humphry Hyles, and James Howe, 
 Esquires. 
 
 Though disposed as yet to admit both Whigs and 
 
 Tories into offices of trust, on this occasion the King 
 
 appointed only Whigs, well judging who were his true 
 
 friends. His special motive in selecting Papillon does 
 
 not appear, but his Majesty may very probably have 
 
 heard of his conduct as Contractor for Victualling the 
 
 Navy (in conjunction with Mr. Child and others) in 
 
 1672-3; as well as of his general character as a Merchant; 
 
 and of his well-tried zeal in the cause of civil and religious 
 
 liberty. 
 
 y 2 
 
3S6 THOMAS PAPILLOK. 
 
 As regards Papillon's success in the discharge of his 
 duties, Macaulay affords conclusive evidence, taking it in 
 connection with his own incidental remarks on the work. 
 
 Writing of the opening of Parliament in October, 1691, 
 not quite two years after the appointment of the new 
 Victualling Commissioners, Macaulay says, chapter XVIII. 
 
 "At sea there had been no great victory, but there had been 
 a great display of power and activity; and though many were 
 dissatisfied because not more had been done, none could deny 
 that there had been a change for the better. The ruin caused 
 by follies and vices of Torrington had been repaired; the fleet 
 had been well equipped, the rations had been abundant and 
 wholesome, and the health of the crews had consequently been, 
 for that age, wonderfully good." 
 
 And a footnote quotes a letter from an Officer serving 
 on board the Lennox^ forming a Journal of the English 
 and Dutch fleet, which says: — 
 
 "We attribute our health, under God, to the extraordinary 
 care taken in the well ordering of our provisions, both meat 
 and drink." 
 
 And again, writing of the year 1694, and of the conduct 
 of the British fleet under Admiral Russell on the Southern 
 Coast of Spain, Macaulay says, chapter XX. : — 
 
 "It is but just to him [Russell] to say that from the time 
 he became First Lord of the Admiralty there was a decided 
 improvement in the Naval administration. Though he lay with 
 his fleet many months near an inhospitable shore, and at a 
 great distance from England, there were no complaints about 
 the quality or quantity of provisions. The crews had better 
 food and drink than they had ever had before; comforts which 
 Spain did not afford were supplied from home; and yet the 
 charges were not greater than in Torrington's time, when the 
 sailor was poisoned with mouldy biscuit and nauseous beer." 
 
SUCCESS IN THE VICTUALLING. 357 
 
 The part which Papillon bore in effecting these happy 
 results will appear in some measure from his own statements 
 in the following Petitions for release, and partly also from 
 the reflections which others made on him as the head of 
 the Department : And the difficulties under which himself 
 and his colleagues carried on their duties are evident from 
 several M.SS. he has left, and from the general history of 
 the time as regards the condition of the Treasury. 
 
 The fact is that though Parliament unanimously 
 counselled war with France in 1689, promised to support 
 the King in its prosecution, and renewed their assurances 
 from time to time till a favourable peace was obtained in 
 1697, they seldom voted more than half the amount 
 necessary, and even this was often granted on certain 
 sources of income which failed to realize the expected 
 sums. In order to meet these deficiencies payments for 
 goods and labour were made to a great extent in " Tallies^ 
 and these again became so depreciated that at the close 
 of 1696 they were at a discount of 40, 50, and 60 per 
 cent.* 
 
 The depression of the Tallies, as also of Bank of 
 England notes, and of credit in general, was checked by 
 the firmness of the House of Commons and the sagacity 
 of Charles Montague, Chancellor of the Exchequer, New 
 taxes were imposed for the liquidation of arrears, the Bank 
 of England was supported by an additional Subscription 
 of ;£'8oo,ooo Capital, to be made in Tallies or Notes, and 
 a regular system of issue and redemption of Exchequer 
 Bills was inaugurated. Though many men of experience, 
 Papillon included, expressed grave doubts of the success 
 of the scheme, it thoroughly answered ; ;£' 1,000,000 was 
 soon subscribed to the Bank, and credit quickly revived. 
 
 * Rapin's and Tindal's "History of England." 
 
358 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 The straights endured beforehand by the Victualling 
 Department, and doubtless by others, will appear below : — 
 
 [Autograph MS.] 
 
 "A Brief Account of what passed at Kensington, the 
 1ST November, 1693. 
 
 " Monday the ist November, 1693, all the Commissioners and 
 Mr. Philip Papillon waited on the King at Kensington; they were 
 there before the Lords of the Treasury came, and Mr. Papillon 
 spake both to Mr. Chancellor and my Lord Godolphin, as they 
 went to introduce them. 
 
 "As his Majesty passed from the Queen's lodgings to the 
 Treasury we stood all together, and the King was pleased to 
 say as he passed, ' How do you do, Mr. Papillon ? ' 
 
 "A little while after the King was gone into the Treasury, 
 we were called in, and his Majesty gave us his hand to kissj 
 and then Mr. Papillon said 'May it please your Majesty, we 
 have been under very great difficulties, both from the greatness 
 of the action, the dearness of provisions, and the scarcity of 
 money; but I have served your Majesty with my heart as well 
 as with my hands and my head, and I hope I may say as 
 much for my partners.' Mr. Mayne thereupon said to the 
 same purpose that he had served his Majesty heartily. My 
 Lord said they had furnished us with as much money as the 
 Parliament had appointed, and he doubted not but when 
 matters were represented to Parliament by his Majesty's 
 command, and that those of us who were Members did second 
 the same, and represent that the moneys appointed by the 
 Parliament were _;^i 00,000 short by reason of the dearness and 
 scarcity of provisions, that the Parliament would give a credit 
 for money to be taken up for providing for the future service. 
 Mr. Papillon said, They that were Members would not be 
 wanting to do their part when the business came into the 
 House. The King said he hoped we did go on to make 
 provision; Mr. Papillon said they could not go on for want of 
 money; they had bought what they could by contract, and 
 could not now buy in the market without money. My Lord 
 
DIFFICULTIES IN THE VICTUALLING. 359 
 
 Godolphin said we must make use of some of the ;^2,ooo a 
 week towards buying of flesh, for that they could not supply 
 more money than the Parliament did make provision for. 
 
 "Mr. Papillon said that now was the season, and they would 
 do all that was possible; that it was a great inconvenience that 
 the Estimates to the Parliament were made much less than the 
 charge came to, and that greater qualities of provisions were 
 called for, than were put in the Estimates; the last year about 
 ;^7 0,000 value, and this year it would be more; all the fleet 
 were kept in victuals all the year long. But they would do 
 their uttermost endeavour." 
 
 Parliament re-assembled four days after this interview, 
 and was opened by the King in person. He appealed 
 earnestly for support in prosecution of the war, and 
 urged the need of increased forces. The Commons 
 responded readily, and voted nearly ;^S,ooo,ooo for the 
 Army and Navy ; but this was far below the amount 
 actually requisite. Indeed Ministers never demanded 
 nearly so much as they required. 
 
 An incident may be here mentioned touching Papillon's 
 ofificial position. Immediately after replying to the King's 
 Speech both Houses of Parliament proceeded to enquire 
 into the causes of the loss of the ''Smyrna fleet" of 
 Merchantmen in June, and the blame that might be due 
 to the Admirals who had been commissioned to protect 
 it. The enquiry lasted many days and was carried on 
 with much warmth. It was suggested that the English 
 fleet had been insufficiently provisioned; but Papillon at 
 once denied the charge. On the Victualling Commissioners 
 being called up as a body they confirmed his statement, 
 and the House exculpated them; but during the debate, 
 for such the enquiry became, Sir Christopher Musgrave 
 cynically remarked : — 
 
36o THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "It is said that the fleet was provisioned partly in kind, and 
 partly on Credit; I consider it no Credit to Papillon that he 
 should follow in the steps of Parsons " [one of the Commissioners 
 dismissed from office in 1689]. 
 
 No notice was taken of the remark. 
 
 On 30th December, 1696, three years later, Papillon 
 again attended the King at Kensington, and read two 
 papers, one describing the distressed condition of the 
 Department, and the other suggesting remedies for its 
 relief: — Allusion is made to another paper, "The State of 
 the Victualling," but that is missing. 
 
 "30th December, 1696. Foul Draft of Papers read before 
 
 THE King at Kensington. 
 By the Account of Debts delivered in the 
 
 30th September last there was owing 
 
 to the Victualling Office, as by the 
 
 particulars ^478.435 " 5 
 
 The balance of the Cash was deducted, 
 
 being £^,1^2 9 7 
 
 Of which there remains in Tallies un- 
 disposed of ;^3i.939 o 8 
 
 More reserved in Tallies for the Excise... ;^8,ooo o o 
 
 More a Note on the Excise unpaid .. . ;f 3,052 8 10 
 
 ;£4Z,99I 9 6 
 
 So the Victualling stood indebted to the 30th September, 1696, £,t,z\AT.'j o 11 
 
 "Besides the several debts not brought in, owing in the Straits, 
 and for short allowance money mentioned in the said list of 20th 
 September, with more for all Victuals issued from 30th September 
 to last of December; — so that it may appear that the Debt of the 
 Victualling to the last of December must be above _;^"6oo,ooo. 
 
 "It is true that there remains of the quota for the last year, 
 after the rate of 20s. per man per month, .3^38,772. 6. 5>^, 
 but it is likewise true that there is ;^42,99i. 9. 6. as above 
 remaining useless in Tallies, and ;^4,69S. 16. 7. allowed for 
 discount and short payment of Tallies, and that there is upwards 
 of ;^26o,ooo for over issues of Provisions, for which there hath 
 
NEED OF MORE MONEY. 361 
 
 been no money at all as yet assigned, besides the former great 
 debt in the four first years and in the year 1694, short of what 
 was settled by the Lords, as by the State of the Victualling 
 appears. 
 
 "For carrying on the Service there is money required, — To 
 send to all the several ports to make provision suitable to the 
 Declaration, which of flesh and some other species cannot be 
 done but in the season. For buying Beef and Pork and also 
 Peas, which cannot be procured without ready-money, nor at 
 any time of the year for flesh but in the proper season, which 
 is already about half-past, and so needs the greater sums, for 
 that all flesh is generally dearer by about 20 per cent, after 
 Christmas than before. 
 
 "To procure Bread, the Bakers having run out all their Stocks, 
 and desisted from baking, for want of money to buy Corn, and 
 requiring money to be advanced to them before they can deliver 
 any bread, for which they now ask 20s. per cwt., which is about 
 double the price in ordinary times : 
 
 "To pay the Brewers from time to time part of what was 
 delivered the last year, upon which they promise to go 011 
 brewing, provided some course be taken that the Commissioners 
 of Excise may give them time for paying the Excise of the beer 
 they deliver for the use of the Fleet, and that they may not 
 be forced to pay the Excise as for strong beer. 
 
 "For providing Malt, Hops, Oatmeal, Coals, Flour, Casks, &c., 
 of which nothing can be procured without payment of former 
 debts : 
 
 "For payment of Pursers their necessaria and extra necessaria 
 money, of which there is a very great sum in arrear, and the 
 Pursers cannot furnish their ships with necessaries unless they 
 have money : 
 
 "For payment of a month's freight to such ships as shall be 
 taken up for Victualling Ships to attend the Fleet with Bread and 
 Beer and such other provisions as they may want : 
 
 "For payment of money to the Cheesemongers on account of 
 Butter and Cheese formerly delivered, and to make provision of 
 those species for the outset of the Fleet, and for supply for the 
 rest of the ensuing year ; 
 
362 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 " For payment of Bills of Exchange drawn from Turkey and 
 from Ireland, which if not duly paid will be protested, and all 
 credit fail abroad; as also for many Bills of Exchange from the 
 West Indies, New England, Virginia, &c. : 
 
 " For buying Salt to cure the flesh withal : 
 
 "There are likewise great sums of money due to the Labourers, 
 Bakers, Coopers, and Workmen here in the Yards at London 
 and Chatham, Dover, and other Ports, to the value already of 
 _;^i3,ooo or ;^ 14,000, and without payment the poor men must 
 starve or leave the work and take other employment, as in some 
 places they have declared they will. 
 
 "The Public Works at Chatham cannot be maintained without 
 weekly supplies of money, and that considerable, as the number 
 of men increases , by the last letters from thence there were 3,000 
 men to be daily victualled. 
 
 "That which hath brought the Victualling Office to this 
 condition hath been: — 
 
 "ist. — The recoining the Money last year, by reason whereof 
 those that credited the Office were only paid in Tallies, by which 
 they lost very considerably, or else they have the Tallies remaining 
 in their hands useless. 
 
 "zndly. — The making the Declarations very much short of 
 what the Service required, by reason whereof moneys were not 
 provided to answer the demands of the Victualling. 
 
 "3rdly. — That the charge of the Victualling in dear years, 
 considering also the extraordinary charge of freights for Victual- 
 ling ships abroad, &c., hath far exceeded the allowance of zos. 
 per man per month. 
 
 "In the year '94, all provisions were nearly, and some above, 
 double the price of former years. In the years '95 and '96, 
 provisions were also very dear, above the usual rates, though not 
 so excessive as in '94, and in this year, 1697, they are likely to be 
 extraordinary dear, for bread they now demand 20s. per cwt., 
 which is double the ordinary price, and the want of money at the 
 beginning of the season will render all things more chargeable. 
 
 "December 30th, '96." 
 
REPORT ON DIFFICULTIES. 363 
 
 [suggestions.] 
 
 "That the provision in Ireland, Kinsale, and Dublin, for 1,000 
 men for 13 months, amounting to ;^i3,ooo at 20s. per man per 
 month, be supplied by the Lords Justices there. 
 
 "That besides remaining quota of the last year, 
 
 ;^2o,ooo per week be assigned for the Victualling in England, till 
 such time as the Parliamentary funds can be settled, and that the 
 remainder be assigned for the rest of the Declaration, which will 
 not serve longer than June. 
 
 "That for supply of several of the outposts, till money can be 
 raised more plentifully, credit may be given by the Commissioners 
 of Excise not exceeding the value of _^2o,ooo on the whole. 
 
 "That there be a distinct account kept of the Bills drawn for 
 the said ;^ 2 0,000 and that the same be paid as soon as the 
 Parliamentary Funds are settled, and assignments made thereon, 
 which is supposed may come in as soon as the Bills drawn may 
 be due, or within a month after at most. 
 
 "That for supplying the remaining part of the year, some care 
 may be taken in time for a suitable provision, as also against the 
 next year, to begin to make provision in season. 
 
 " December 30th, 1696." 
 
 The "State of the Victualling" and these tw^o papers 
 were read before the King at Kensington, on Wednesday, 
 30th December, 1696, with the following closing remarks: — 
 
 "As they [the Commissioners] have always done their utter- 
 most endeavour to carry on the Service, so they shall continue 
 still to do, and to use their best discretion to manage the same to 
 His Majesty's most advantage. 
 
 "They have in obedience to his Majesty's directions, as far as 
 was possible, observed the payments in course of the several 
 species with which the Office was credited, though that method 
 could not universally be a Rule in all things, and as the case now 
 stands cannot be practised, for that they must be paid in the first 
 place who will give new credit, and many sums of money that 
 have been ordered them have been by the Lords of the Treasury 
 appropriated to particular services, 
 
364 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "As the case now stands, they cannot see any prospect of 
 providing for carrying on the service without moneys be weekly 
 and punctually supplied, and that as soon as the Parliament have 
 settled their funds the whole for this year's Declaration may be 
 assigned by such notes or methods as may be passable from man 
 to man without loss, for the whole Declaration made for the year 
 '97, including the over-issues in the former, will be all required 
 before the last of June." 
 
 We have seen the difficulties and the successes attending 
 Papillon and his colleagues in their duties as Victualling 
 Commissioners ; the foUow^ing Petitions for release from 
 office whch Papillon made from time to time during 
 nearly seven years, will show how burdensome to him was 
 the post, the duties of which he so zealously discharged. 
 
 "To THE Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of 
 THEIR Majesty's Treasury, The humble Petition of 
 Thomas Papillon, one of the present Commissioners 
 for Victualling their Majesty's Navy — Sheweth 
 
 "That your Petitioner did enter upon this Service, not of 
 choice, but in obedience to his Majesty : 
 
 "That his Majesty was pleased to intimate that he would 
 consider him in particular, and accordingly as he hath understood 
 did direct Mr. Jephson, and afterwards Mr. Guy, that of his 
 Majesty's bounty he should be paid ;^i5o each quarter, to make 
 up the Salary of ;^6oo appointed as a Commissioner of the 
 Victualling to ;^ 1,000 per annum. 
 
 "That during the three years now ending at Michaelmas there 
 hath been the greatest action that ever was, and that for the well 
 performance of the same he hath been necessitated to lay aside 
 all trade and neglect his own private concerns, and hath taken 
 indefatigable pains, attended the service early and late, spent 
 his whole time therein, and hath neither directly or indirectly 
 made any advantage to himself thereby, save only what he hath 
 received and expects to receive from their Majesties: 
 
 "That through the blessing of God on his and his partners' 
 endeavours the Service hath been well and timely performed, 
 
PETITION FOR RELEASE FROM OFFICE. 365 
 
 and with as great frugality and good husbandry as was possible, 
 time and circumstances considered, and he may say that several 
 thousand pounds have been saved therein, through their manage- 
 ment. 
 
 "That of what his Majesty graciously intended him he hath 
 been paid only two quarters, so that at Michaelmas there will be 
 £i,S°° thereof behind : 
 
 "That during these three years many debts have been contracted 
 for carrying on the Service, a list whereof will be shortly tendered 
 to your Lordships, which he humbly recommends to your Lordships' 
 care: 
 
 "That he hath always been, is, and shall ever be ready to 
 serve their Majesties to his uttermost ability, but in regard of 
 his age, being now in his 70th year, finding himself unfit to 
 bear the tracasse and fatigue of his employment, which as 
 managed by him is beyond what is generally conceived, — He in 
 duty to their Majesties gives this timely notice, and earnestly 
 begs a dismission : 
 
 " Humbly beseeching your Lordships to represent his case and 
 request to his sacred Majesty, that his Majesty will be graciously 
 pleased to dismiss him from any further attendance on this Service, 
 and to direct that the said ;^i,5oo graciously intended him by his 
 Majesty may be paid him, or Assignments given him for the 
 same. 
 
 " And your Petitioner shall ever pray, &c., 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 
 " This Petition was intended to have been 
 presented the 23rd September, 1692, but Mr. 
 Hampden desired to discourse with me before 
 I presented it; so I was to wait on him on 
 Monday the 26th September, at Eight o'clock." 
 
 Whether it were finally presented, does not appear ; but 
 we may presume that Mr. Hampden, then Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer, persuaded Papillon to retain office for the 
 time being. 
 
 His next Petition for discharge from office was in 
 November, 1694, and ran thus : — 
 
366 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "To THE Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of 
 THEIR Majesties' Treasury. 
 
 "May it please your Lordships, 
 
 "I have served their Majesties upwards of five years in the 
 Victualling Office, the pains I have taken, and the hardships and 
 difficulties that I and the Office have been under, your Lordships 
 are not strangers to; I shall only say, as I yesterday told the 
 House of Commons, and am ready to make oath thereof, that 
 during the whole time I have not made one penny profit to 
 myself, beyond what his Majesty hath been pleased to allow me; 
 and of the allowance above the standing Salary there is 2^ years 
 behind at Michaelmas last : 
 
 " And being now in the 72nd year of my age, and the infirmities 
 of nature daily growing upon me, and there being no likelihood 
 (as I humbly conceive) to have sufficient provision for carrying 
 on the Service, the difficulties will more and more increase, so 
 that I cannot undergo the fatigue thereof without apparent hazard 
 of ending my days in trouble, which I am unwilling to, and 
 therefore thought it my duty to acquaint your Lordships so 
 much : And humbly pray your Lordships to represent the same 
 to his Majesty, That I may be discharged : 
 
 "And this favour I hope his Majesty will be the more inclined 
 to grant me, since there are, as was affirmed in your Lordships' 
 presence, very able Merchants that are ready to undertake the 
 Victualling affair, furnish all in kind, answer all demands, satisfy 
 and discharge all freights and whatever else is required for the 
 Service, as fully as hath been done for these five years last 
 past, and withal go on to pay and clear the debts already 
 contracted in proper course, without any more than 20s. per 
 man per month for this year ensuing. If his Majesty shall 
 please to direct your Lordships to send for those persons, and 
 the affair be so settled as may be to his Majesty's satisfaction, 
 and the King's own advantage, I shall rejoice and end my days 
 in peace, continually praying for their Majesties' lives and success 
 in their affairs, and with all thankfulness to your Lordships' care 
 and regard for the Victualling concern for the time past, in 
 
CHARGE OF PECULATION. 367 
 
 supplying the same as far as your Lordships' circumstances would 
 admit ; and subscribe myself, 
 
 "May it please your Lordships, 
 
 "Your Lordships' most obedient humble Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 
 The statement in the House of Commons to which 
 Papillon referred in this Petition was probably that made 
 in his own vindication against a wild charge brought 
 against himself and his son in his absence from the 
 House ; and as neither the charge nor the reply are given 
 in Gray's Parliamentary Debates nor in the Minutes of 
 the House of Commons, we will give them as recorded 
 in a M.S. by Papillon. Sir John Parsons, who made the 
 charge, was one of the Victualling Commissioners who 
 were superseded by Papillon and his colleagues. His 
 speech was to this effect : — 
 
 "That Mr. Papillon need not complain of the loss of his 
 trade, for that he understood that his son and he made eight, 
 ten, or twelve thousand a year; that when persons came to 
 demand moneys I sent them to my son, and when they came 
 to him, he told them he had not money but Tallies; and then 
 if they would take tallies he would send them to one that would 
 furnish them, and that he had ten or twenty per cent, of all the 
 moneys he paid." 
 
 Thomas Papillon's reply : — 
 
 "Mr. Speaker, 
 
 "I have so great a veneration for this honourable House 
 wherein all the Commons of England are represented that I 
 cannot but be sensibly affected at any thing that may be spoken 
 here that might any way reflect, or seem to lessen my reputation 
 in this honourable Assembly. 
 
 "I have understood that a gentleman was pleased in my 
 absence to make reflection on me with reference to my son, as 
 
368 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 if great profits were made of eight or ten thousand pounds a year 
 by preferring persons in payment — as if great profits were made 
 by me in undue ways. I shall only say, first as to myself, I never 
 made one penny advantage to myself, directly or indirectly, but 
 what his Majesty allows; and as to my son, I have examined him, 
 and do verily believe he never made with his Salary* and all 
 other things whatsoever i2d. in the ;£^ioo, this is for receiving 
 the same and accounting for it in the Exchequer, which I think 
 is hardly porter's wages; he hath order from the Commissioners 
 from time to time what to pay. 
 
 "Sir, had I been told any thing that did reflect on any Member 
 of this House, I should first have acquainted him therewith, 
 and been sure of the truth of the matter before I should have 
 adventured to vent it in this House. I know not what to move, 
 but submit to the pleasure of the House, being willing and 
 desirous that the matter should be strictly examined, and that 
 the Gentleman may produce his Witnesses or acknowledge his 
 mistake. 
 
 "Sir Jno. Parsons." 
 
 The general prevalence of official corruption at this 
 period may probably have led to these conjectures against 
 Papillon and his son; matters had reached such a pass 
 that in the following year the Speaker of the House of 
 Commons was convicted of receiving a douceur of i,ooo 
 guineas from the City of London for promoting a local 
 Bill, and was consequently superseded; and a former 
 Speaker and a leading Duke narrowly escaped the charge 
 of complicity in the bribery of the old East India 
 Company, f 
 
 As regards Papillon's recommendation of Contractors 
 for Victualling the Navy, it appears that in seeking release 
 two and a half years later he condemned such a change. 
 
 * £^^5° per annum as Cashier of the Victualling Office, 
 t See Macaulay's "History of England," Chapter XXI. 
 
APPEAL FOR RELEASE FROM OFFICE. 369 
 
 "Copy of my Letter to Mr. Montague. i6th April, 1697. 
 
 "Right Honourable, 
 
 "I have served the King 7}^ years in the Victualling most 
 faithfully and cordially, to the great prejudice of my health, 
 having by the palsy lost the use of writing, besides many other 
 weaknesses and infirmities through the fatigue and burden that 
 hath been on my body and mind; I have not got any thing 
 directly or indirectly but what the King allows, and when I 
 am paid what is behind of his Majesty's allowance to me, I 
 may say had I not been in this service I might have been a 
 better man of estate; I am sure I have done what never any 
 before did. Nothing troubles me so much as what passed 
 yesterday, as that none of the King's Ministers, and your 
 Honour in particular, who knows the service I have done, 
 should speak one word in my vindication. To [words illegible] 
 the Petition and a Committee appointed to examine abuses, 
 and nothing said afterwards (though the very Report saith that 
 the Petitioner proved nothing) seems a tacit aspersion, and I 
 am so sensible of it, that were I in a condition of health (which 
 I am far from) to go on with the Service, I should decline it 
 unless something were done for the just vindication of the Office 
 under the management of myself and the other Commissioners. 
 But my health and abilities failing me, I pray your Honour to 
 move his Majesty to release me, and put some other in my place; 
 possibly Mr. Arnold or Mr. Walters may desire it : Though if 
 I may advise, I think it were best under conduct of the Navy 
 
 Board, that what share their Office hath of the ;£ allotted 
 
 during war may help towards the Victualling; and I am fully 
 of opinion that it is best for his Majesty to keep it in Commission, 
 and never to admit of a Contract, which may be very pernicious 
 to his Majesty's interest. 
 
 " I am. Right Honourable, 
 
 "Your Honour's most humble Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 "r6th April, 1697. 
 
 "I hope and pray that whatever becomes of me, care may 
 be taken for the debts of the Office, and particularly of what 
 z 
 
370 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 is due to the Labourers and Workmen, many of whom and their 
 families are ready to starve." 
 
 "This was delivered to Mr. Montague in the morning; at night, 
 
 Mr. Agar, Mr. B gton, myself, and son were at Kensington, 
 
 delivered a Memorial to the Treasury, which was read before the 
 King, and we kissed the King's hand." 
 
 It would seem that this application for release from 
 office met writh the usual neglect, for in the November 
 following we find him again petitioning the King as 
 follows ; — 
 
 "To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty, The humble 
 Petition of Thomas Papillon, one of the Commissioners 
 FOR Victualling your Majesty's Navy — Sheweth 
 
 "That your Petitioner hath served your Majesty eight years 
 in the said employ, and by reason of the greatness of the action 
 exceeding far whatever was in any former time, and that the 
 burden hath lain chiefly on him, he did lay aside all trade and 
 wholly and constantly applied himself to your Majesty's Service 
 therein with indefatigable pains and sincere affection. 
 
 "That the fatigue of the said employ together with his age, 
 being now in his 75 th year, have brought many bodily infirmities 
 upon him, which render him less capable for service, and it 
 having pleased Almighty God so to bless and succeed your 
 Majesty's endeavours as to make your Majesty the happy 
 instrument of procuring Peace to these Nations and to Europe, 
 he humbly desires if it may stand with your Majesty's good 
 pleasure, to be discharged. 
 
 "That your Petitioner hath heard that some things have been 
 intimated to your Majesty against him; what they are he is totally 
 ignorant of. 
 
 "That of the allowance your Majesty was graciously pleased 
 to allot him for his Service there remained unassigned to him 
 at Michaelmas last, ;^i,3oo. 
 
 "That your Petitioner with Sir Josiah Child and others were 
 Contractors for the Victualling of the Navy in anno 1672 and 
 
FOURTH APPEAL FOR RELEASE. 37I 
 
 1673, the accounts whereof have long lain with the Auditors, but 
 for the want of the settling of some articles, which are depending 
 before the Right Honourable the Lords of your Majesty's Treasury, 
 the said accounts are not yet passed. 
 
 "Your Petitioner most humbly prays 
 
 "That your Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct the 
 thorough examination of what hath been or can be alleged against 
 your Petitioner, that your Majesty being fully satisfied of his 
 faithful Service may please to dismiss him from the said employ 
 with such testimony of your Majesty's approval and favour 
 towards him as your Majesty shall find him to have deserved, 
 and that your Majesty will graciously please to order the money 
 behind to be assigned to him. 
 
 "That your Majesty will graciously please to direct the Right 
 Honourable the Lords of the Treasury, to cause the former 
 accounts to be settled and adjusted. 
 
 "And your Petitioner shall ever pray," &c. 
 
 " 15th March, i69-|-. A Copy of my Letter to Mr. Chancellor 
 to desire him to intreat his majesty to discharge me 
 of my employment. 
 
 "Right Honourable, 
 
 "I suppose in a little time his Majesty will take into consider- 
 ation the settling Commissioners in the Senior Offices where they 
 are wanting, and particularly in that relating to the Victualling. 
 
 "The Petition I left with your Honour for his Majesty, I hope 
 his Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant. I have served 
 his Majesty now at Lady Day eight years and a half, and am 
 sure there is no Subject that hath served his Majesty with more 
 cordial and hearty affection, and with less regard to his own 
 private concerns, than myself; and I am still, as far as I am 
 able, entirely devoted to his Majesty's interest and Service; but 
 I must acquaint your Honour that by reason of my age, and the 
 fatigue I have undergone, I am so debilitated in body, both by 
 the palsy in my hands and other natural defects, and the gout 
 now returning upon me, which hath made me keep my chamber 
 ever since the sth instant, that I find myself no way capable, 
 z 3 
 
372 THOMAS PAPILLON, 
 
 nor sufficiently qualified, to perform the post wherein I am, which 
 I humbly intreat your Honour on my behalf to represent to his 
 Majesty on the renewing of the Commission, and that his Majesty 
 would be pleased to leave me out. 
 
 "Enclosed I send your Honour the copy of the Petition I sent 
 your Honour the 17th November last, which I hope his Majesty 
 will be graciously pleased to grant. I did hope I might have 
 continued in some reasonable measure of health, but now diseases 
 and infirmities flowing so fast upon me, it is not possible for me 
 to continue in the Service. 
 
 "I make no application but to your Honour, not doubting 
 but on your Honour's representation to his Majesty, his Majesty 
 will of his abounding goodness dismiss me the Service, and not 
 require of me what by reason of my bodily infirmities I am 
 utterly unable to perform. 
 
 " I am, Right Honourable, 
 
 " Your Honour's most obedient Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon." 
 
 In most of these Petitions one cannot but remark 
 Papillon's devotion to the King, and this seems to have 
 hindered him from insisting on immediate release from 
 office. As for trusting to Mr. Montague, wrho had so 
 long neglected his request, it bears the aspect of 
 simplicity; and the tone of several of his Petitions 
 approaches that of his Mother-in-law^'s letters to his 
 father, when the latter was pleading his suit; she said 
 "No," but meant "Yes." 
 
 Final letter to Mr. Montague:— 
 
 "Right Honourable, 
 
 " I did intend to have waited upon your Honour, and to have 
 desired your Honour's favour to have introduced me to his 
 Majesty, to have returned his Majesty my hearty thanks for 
 discharging me my present employment, which I am informed 
 this day is settled; but it hath pleased God to deprive me of my 
 dear Wife, with whom I have lived near forty-seven years, so that 
 
FINAL APPEAL FOR RELEASE. 373 
 
 I cannot at present stir abroad, and therefore humbly pray your 
 Honour to make my humble excuse to his Majesty for not 
 attending him. I have been his Majesty's most faithful Subject 
 and Servant, and whilst I live shall ever be so. The bodily 
 infirmities that have lately very much grown upon me, have 
 rendered me less capable of serving his Majesty, and desirous of 
 some ease from the fatigue of the service I was engaged in. 
 
 "I doubt not but your Honour hath moved his Majesty in 
 reference to the other particulars that were mentioned in my 
 Petition, and also for what is behind of the allowance his Majesty 
 was graciously pleased to order me; and as soon as I can come 
 abroad with decency I shall wait upon your Honour. 
 " Right Honourable, 
 
 " Your Honour's most humble and obedient Servant, 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 "London, 12th July, 1698." 
 
 Notwithstanding his prospect of immediate release, 
 Papillon had still to wait ten months for the desired 
 boon, as shewn by the following and final appeal to the 
 King : — 
 
 ^'To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty, The Humble 
 Petition of Thomas Papillon, one ok your Majesty's 
 Commissioners for Victualling the Navy — Sheweth 
 
 "That your Petitioner hath served your Majesty at Midsummer 
 next nine years and three quarters, and though as he always had, 
 and still continueth to have, a most hearty and entire affection 
 for your Majesty's Service, yet by reason of his age and many 
 bodily infirmities finding himself not so capable for the same, — 
 
 "He humbly begs*. That he may be dismissed from the said 
 employ with your Majesty's favour, and during the continuance 
 of my life. 
 
 "Your Petitioner shall daily pray, &c., 
 
 "Tho. Papillon. 
 
 "Not delivered, but attended 
 on the King, on Friday, the 26th 
 May, 1699." 
 
374 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Thus ended the public career of Thomas Papillon; the 
 energy of his youth and m'anhood had departed; he had 
 lost his dearly beloved Wife, and in the peace and affection 
 of his family, relying on the grace and favour of God, 
 Whom he had served — he had only to await the mighty 
 change which is our common lot. 
 
 Throughout life he had striven earnestly in each position 
 he had occupied, maintaining a single eye towards God 
 and his neighbour, and leaving in his course a striking 
 example of industry and integrity. As a Merchant, he 
 had acquired a competency, unblemished in repute; as a 
 Public Servant, he had been faithful and zealous; in 
 Politics, both civil and religious, while loyal to his 
 Sovereign, he had warmly supported the rights of the 
 Subject, and thus promoted those now enjoyed; in the 
 matter of the Popish Plot, in his opposition to Chancellor 
 Montague's successful scheme for the relief of the 
 Exchequer, and in his advocacy of the ruinous one of 
 Life Annuities for that of the Mercer's Company in 1698 
 (see Return of the Company to the City Companies 
 Commissioners, page 13) he was not in advance of his 
 times. But in all his dealings he acted openly and honestly. 
 The good he did, survived him ; the evil, who shall judge? 
 
 As a parting relic of Papillon's political views, we 
 subjoin an autograph memorandum, which was evidently 
 written a few years after the accession of William III.: — 
 
 "The Kingdom of England is made .up of Papists and 
 Protestants. 
 
 "The Protestants are divided, and of late years distinguished 
 by the name of Tories and Whigs. 
 
 "Under the name of Tories is comprehended all those that 
 cry up the Church of England in opposition to the Churches 
 of Christ in foreign parts, that press the forms and ceremonies 
 more than the Doctrines of the Church, which are sound and 
 
HIS GENERAL POLITICAL VIEWS. 375 
 
 Scriptural; and that either in their own practice are Swearers, 
 Drunkards, or loose in their Conversation, or do allow of and 
 are unwilling such should be punished, but give them all 
 countenance, provided they stickle for the forms and ceremonies, 
 and rail against and endeavour to discountenance all those that 
 are otherwise minded. 
 
 "Under the name of Whigs is comprehended most of the 
 sober and religious persons of the Church of England that 
 sincerely embrace the Doctrines of the Church, and put no such 
 stress on the forms and ceremonies, but look on them as human 
 institutions, and not as the Essentials of Religion, and are willing 
 that there might be a Reformation to take away offence, and 
 that desire that all Swearing, Drunkenness, and Ungodliness 
 should be discountenanced and punished, and do own the 
 foreign Protestant Churches as Churches of Christ, and hold 
 communion with them : — As also all dissenters of the several 
 persuasions are included under this title. 
 
 "The Papists have made it their work to set these two parties 
 one against the other, first by setting the Tories in power and 
 countenancing them to persecute and oppress the Whigs, both 
 Churchmen and Dissenters, that by these cruelties they might 
 be the more willing to comply with the Papists, to obtain the 
 ease and liberty which the Papists promised them : And then 
 drawing such of them as were not aware of their designs to fall 
 in to countenance the practices of King James the Second's 
 time, and to upon the Magistracy contrary to Law — by 
 
 which this Kingdom was almost brought to ruin, and Popery 
 near an Establishment. 
 
 " It pleased God to stir up the heart of the King, then Prince 
 of Orange, to come at the hazard of his person to redeem the 
 Nation from Thraldom and Popery, wherein God wonderfully 
 appeared in giving success, and prospering him in the under- 
 taking, to work our deliverance. 
 
 "It was hoped that after so great a mercy all distinctions 
 among Protestants should have been laid aside, and that all 
 persons should have gone under the name of Protestant or 
 Papist. 
 
 "The King at first did employ Protestants of various persuasions, 
 and when the Militia, or Lieutenancy of London, came to be 
 
376 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 settled there were many Tories put in, as well as Whigs; and by 
 the King it was moved to the Commons to remove some things 
 that caused the distinction and maintained animosities, but that 
 did not take effect answerable. 
 
 "There can be nothing more certain than that fomenting 
 divisions amongst Protestants, and dividing them into two parties, 
 will give great advantage to the Papists. 
 
 "And nothing can more tend to this than when the Government 
 shall countenance and encourage one party in contradistinction to 
 the other. 
 
 "They would suggest that the Whigs are inclined to a Common- 
 wealth, than which nothing can be more false as to the general; 
 the Monarchy of England is without doubt the best Government 
 in the world in its Constitution, and when rightly administered, 
 the safest; and the nature of the people is such as will not bear 
 a Commonwealth. When it was in that way, how soon and how 
 easily did it revert. 
 
 " It is also suggested that they would totally abolish Episcopacy. 
 This may be said of some Dissenters, but cannot be said of those 
 called Whigs in general; for this action will best agree with a 
 moderate Episcopacy; and when such are in place as promote 
 true Religion and piety, the Church will flourish and the Clergy 
 will be reverenced. But when the Essentials of Religion are not 
 upheld and countenanced, to wit Truth in doctrine, and holiness 
 of conversation, but the stress is laid on forms and ceremonies, 
 and all stigmatized and suppressed that come not fully up to 
 them, however good and godly soever, and others only preferred 
 how vicious and debauched soever, this will bring a disparagement 
 on the Episcopal Government, and especially if the Bishops shall 
 interest themselves so far in Civil affairs as to interpose their 
 Ecclesiastical power to over-rule the votes of the people in the 
 choice of their Representatives. 
 
 "There is no such way to preserve this Kingdom against the 
 common enemy, to wit France and Rome, as that the Government 
 do effectually take care to suppress all Sabbath profanation, and 
 all Drunkenness, Swearing, and Debauchery, and indifferently to 
 countenance and prefer to places of honour or profit such only as 
 are Protestants of sober and honest conversation, of whatsoever 
 persuasion they be." 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 ILLNESS — DEATH — BURIAL — WILL. 
 
 Journal of severe illness at Acrise, from 30th January to loth March, 1701, 
 expressive of his sufferings, feelings, &c. — Death in London on 5th May, 
 1702 — Burial at Acrise— Concourse to meet the funeral cortege at Broughton 
 Hill, near Sitlingbourne, and another on Barham Downs — Will — various 
 bequests — to Christ's Hospital; to the Mercer's Company; to the Poor 
 of St. Katherine Coleman, Fenchurch Street; to the Poor of the French 
 Church in London ; and to his Servants — Papillon's systematic benevolence 
 — Legacy to Corporation of Dover for Apprenticing Sons of Freemen — In 
 1703 the Mercers' Company place a portrait of Papillon in their Hall — 
 Epitaph by Mr. Justice George Hardinge, cir. 1806. 
 
 HE ruling passion strong in death" may be 
 aptly applied to Thomas Papillon during a 
 severe illness which he had in the early part 
 of 1 70 1 — rather more than a year prior to 
 his death. It lasted from the 30th January 
 to the loth March; and a daily journal, 
 apparently kept by one of his family, enables us to record 
 to some extent his sufferings and his feelings. The 
 glamour of the world had passed away, and while careful 
 to use means tending to recovery, we find him specially 
 set on the use of the ordinary means of grace ; and willing 
 to depart hence, should God see fit to remove him. The 
 love and fear of God were fully present in this season, 
 as throughout his life. 
 
 The illness occurred at Acrise, and the writer well 
 remembers the down-stairs room to which the patient 
 was removed when well enough; its use, however, had 
 fallen in his day, to that of a vestibule for great coats, 
 hats, &c. 
 
378 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 We believe that a few extracts from the Journal will 
 best describe the sufferer's position and frame of mind : — 
 
 "An Account of Thomas Papillon, Esquire, his Illness 
 
 BEGINNING THE 30TH JANUARY, lyof. 
 
 "30th, Thursday. — On Thursday, the 30th January, 170^, he 
 complained much of pains in his right shoulder, slept very ill 
 that night, and was very uneasy all the day. 
 
 "31st. — On Friday morning, about two or three o'clock, his 
 pains increased, and other pains seized his neck and side, so that 
 he was unable to help himself or turn in his bed. When he 
 arose in the morning he found himself full of pains all over, 
 accompanied with great shiverings. 
 
 "ist February. — On Saturday his pains were chiefly in his left 
 side and shoulder, and so continued together with shiverings all 
 that day ; he was very dozy and much incUned to sleep. At night 
 he had very little rest, groaning and sighing often. 
 
 " 2nd February. — On Sunday morning he endeavoured to rise 
 about .eight o'clock, but through pains and faintness was wholly 
 unable. He lay till 'most five in the afternoon, when he was 
 taken up ; he dozed and slept much, continually fetching deep 
 sighs; did not care to speak to any one, and so continued all 
 
 that day At night he endeavoured to perform 
 
 family prayer, but through great infirmity in his head was mighty 
 disordered. Soon after, he was put to bed, &c. 
 
 " 3rd, Monday. — On Monday morning he was carried into the 
 White Room; he could bear a little upon his feet; his pains 
 were somewhat abated, and he slept in his chair, apparently more 
 comfortably. At night he performed family prayer very well. 
 On the whole he was much revived. 
 
 " 8th February. — On Saturday morning he arose between nine 
 and ten. He was very dozy that day, spoke but very litde, and 
 ate very little dinner. In the afternoon he slept much, and when 
 he awoke could not be persuaded but that he was in bed, and 
 asked why they left his feet out; and how it came that Mr. P. 
 Papillon arose so early. 
 
 "He arose between seven and eight, and called for beer; was 
 very faint, and generally so in the morning. After his clothes 
 
SEVERE ILLNESS. 379 
 
 were put on he lay down again upon the bed for about one hour; 
 that morning he took a pipe of tobacco, and went to prayer soon 
 after; performed it very well. When he understood it was Sabbath 
 Day, he could hardly be persuaded to stay within, but would 
 have gone out to Church, and was prevented only because the 
 chair-man could not be found to carry him. When most of the 
 family had gone to Church, he caused the g6th Psalm to be read 
 and sung with him. He hath lately had many shaking fits of the 
 palsy all over him. Mr. Calandrini preached at home in the 
 afternoon. He held up pretty well, and took a pipe with Mr. 
 Calandrini after sermon. Took three eggs. 
 
 " loth, Monday. — On Monday morning he arose about eight 
 o'clock, and was carried into the White Room. He seemed to 
 be much better. He performed family prayer very well. He 
 ate a pretty good dinner; was not dozy, but more cheery and 
 revived; he talked pretty freely with his Children, &c., who came 
 to see him. At night he performed family prayer very well. 
 
 "nth February. — On Tuesday morning he was brought down 
 stairs, but was much worse than the day before. Would perform 
 family prayer himself, but his distemper having much affected 
 his head, he did it very disorderly, using many repetitions, &c. 
 About ten, he was carried up to his chamber; he was mighty 
 sore, and full of pain all over, especially in his arms and legs ; 
 he had a very restless night; would have been turned several 
 times, but cried out mightily if any one touched him. He prayed 
 often while in bed, and was understood to say, 'Lord, have mercy 
 upon me, and ease my pains,' and ' O Lord, prepare my heart to 
 serve Thee, and give me a spirit of prayer.' 
 
 " 14th February, Friday. — He arose between seven and eight, 
 and complained of pains all over him, but especially in his legs. 
 Was brought down into the White Room, where he performed 
 family prayer indifferently well. He talked much of going to 
 Church the next Lord's Day; with great difiSculty was got upstairs, 
 and with as much more into bed; was mighty fretful; he had 
 very ill rest all the night. 
 
 "i6th, Sunday. — He arose about eight o'clock; did perform 
 family prayer, but very disorderly, using many repetitions. Would 
 fain have gone to Church; called for his clothes and sent for 
 
380 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 the chairmen but they could not be found, on which he ordered 
 his coach to be got ready, saying none should keep him at home 
 that day as they had done the Sunday before: His Children, 
 &c., finding him so very unfit to go out — it not only being likely 
 to prove dangerous to him, but a great reflection on themselves 
 to agree to such a thing — they were forced to use all arguments 
 possible to hinder it, and at last prevailed : As soon as the family 
 were gone to Church, except those who tended him, himself 
 repeated the 11 6th Psalm, and they sung together with him; but 
 soon after, he forgot he had been at prayer— his distemper had so 
 affected his head. 
 
 "21st, Friday. — He arose about eight o'clock; drank some 
 broth, and sometime after, a glass of wormwood wine. Performed 
 the duty of prayer extraordinary well, his head being very clear. 
 Called in the assistance of another Doctor, himself clearly and 
 distinctly acquainting them with the reasons. Complained of 
 twitchings in the foot and back. Dr. Harris, Dr. Woodward, 
 and Dr. Havers, after a long consultation, ordered several things 
 for him. The plaisters were ordered to be taken off his feet. 
 He had this day some little shivering all over. At dinner he ate 
 some fowl with pretty good appetite, and drank a glass of wine, 
 and beer. Had an indifferent night's rest. 
 
 "23rd, Sunday. — He arose between seven and eight, drank 
 his broth and bitter wine, took chocolate, smoked, and ate an 
 indifferent dinner. Went to Church morning and afternoon. 
 Had an indifferent night's rest. 
 
 "26th, Wednesday. — He arose about ten; took several things; 
 was pretty cheery; performed family duty very well. Ate very 
 little dinner ; was laid on the bed about two, and slept very well 
 till between seven and eight. Had a shaking fit at noon. 
 Performed family prayer at night very well; was put to bed about 
 ten. Had a pretty good night. 
 
 "28th, Friday. — Arose about nine ; smoked a pipe; performed 
 family duty very well. Was very uneasy through faintness, and 
 desired very much to die, if it pleased God; was put on his bed, 
 thinking he might be more easy; but he was not, and therefore 
 was taken off again. Continued praying to God, if he thought 
 fit, to take him out of the world; spake often of his assurance 
 in God's favour. 
 
RECOVERY FROM ILLNESS. 38 1 
 
 "ist March, Saturday. — He arose at seven, and was seemingly 
 pretty cheery j walked into Mr. Philip Papillon's chamber; was 
 much tired j had a shaking fit in the chamber, which continued 
 some time ; after his return to his own chamber the fit went off, 
 and he was pretty cheery again. Performed family duty very 
 well. Ate a little dinner. Bore up without sleep all this day. 
 Rested pretty well at night. 
 
 "2nd March, Sunday. — Arose about seven, much refreshed; 
 was carried into the White Room ; smoked his pipe, and ate the 
 same things as usual when in health; performed family duty very 
 well. Went to the Sacrament in his chair, and continued in 
 it all the time; bore up very well. Ate an indifferent dinner. 
 Went to Church again in the afternoon; came out of his chair, 
 and sat in his pew; was somewhat weary when he got home; 
 yet he held out the day very well. Was in his closet about two 
 hours. Performed family prayer twice; at night very well. 
 
 " 3rd March, Monday. — Lay in bed till past ten, when he arose, 
 and took his pipe; and soon after he called the family together, 
 and performed family prayer very well. He slept a little in his 
 chair; ate a pretty good dinner; was pretty hearty, and very clear 
 in his understanding. 
 
 "9th March, Sunday. — Arose between six and seven, and was 
 pretty hearty. Was at Church twice this day; held up finely- 
 slept indifferently well at night. 
 
 "10th March, Monday. — Arose between seven and eight; was 
 brought into the White Room, being finely recovered; got no 
 hurt by going out yesterday; is very hearty, and as capable to do 
 business as he hath been for a twelvemonth, had he strength 
 in his limbs to walk." 
 
 No further record remains of the life of Thomas 
 Papillon. The foUowring is extant of his death and 
 burial : — 
 
 "He died (in London) on the sth May, 1702. 
 
 "He had expressly forbidden any funeral sermon, but the family 
 not seeing company till after the burial, they had sermons in the 
 house by those whom he usually heard, Mr. Lewis, who lived 
 
382 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 in the house at Acrise, and was then Rector of the Parish, Mr. 
 O. Hughes, of Canterbury, an old disciple, and Mr. W. 
 
 " He was carried out of Town and buried at Acrise on the 
 zist May; and though none were invited to his burial, yet his 
 own Children, and Grandchildren, attended him with twelve 
 coaches to Greenwich, when only four continued the journey, 
 designing it to be private; but on Broughton Hill they are met 
 by a number of horse, and some gentlemen's coaches, and 
 conducted to Canterbury; the next day the same company 
 attended with them, and at Barham Downs they were met by 
 a greater from Dover. 
 
 "Above three hundred rings were distributed, and nearly as 
 many pairs of gloves; and five shillings a piece were sent to all 
 the Freemen of Dover. 
 
 "As so great a company was not expected, though there were 
 plenty of provisions for their necessary refreshment at Acrise, yet 
 great confusion could not be avoided; and this probably made 
 his Son give such positive orders in his Will to be buried in the 
 most private manner. 
 
 "He left his Son sole Executor. Besides his legacies to his 
 Children he left to Christ's Hospital ;^ioo; to the Mercers' 
 Company ;^i,ooo, with a recommendation to them in these 
 words, 'that in case it should fall out in the providence of God 
 that any person or persons lineally descended from me shall 
 hereafter come to be in want, that they do afford him, her, or 
 them such charitable relief as they shall in their judgment find 
 convenient.' 
 
 "To the Poor of his Parish of St. Katherine Coleman, London, 
 ;^So; to the Poor of the French Church in London ;^ioo; and 
 to their Ministers, ;^25 each. Also legacies to all his Servants, 
 and to his Son, &c. 
 
 "From his first setting out in life he appropriated one tenth 
 of all his income to the poor, and kept a distinct account of it in 
 his books. At his decease 'that account was ;£^&g os. 8d. credit, 
 which was faithfully distributed by his Executor." 
 
 Another bequest worthy of record is that of ;£'400, to be 
 invested in land, of which the annual proceeds were to 
 
EPITAPH BY JUDGE HARDINGE. 383 
 
 be expended by the Corporation of Dover in the 
 Apprenticeship of lads belonging to the Borough, their 
 selection to be approved by his heirs: — The property is 
 now let for ;^ioo a year, and the nett revenue is duly 
 appropriated. 
 
 In 1703 the Worshipful the Mercers' Company placed a 
 portrait of Thomas Papillon in their Dining Hall, and 
 there it remained till the recent enlargement and alteration 
 of their premises, when it was removed to another room. 
 
 In closing these Memoirs, the writer would mention the 
 assistance he has derived from a printed copy of Thomas 
 Papillon's speeches in Parliament, made by the late Justice 
 George Hardinge, who had access to the documents 
 forming the basis of this book in 1805-6, and greatly 
 admired the character of the departed: He wrote the 
 following Epitaph on his life and character. — 
 
 "If public virtue can a race adorn, 
 What child of Howard is more nobly born, 
 Than he that for his ancestor can boast 
 A judge impartial* though at freedom's cost? 
 A merchant that in wealth by commerce wrought 
 Was never guilty of a selfish thought! 
 A pious victim of the chastening rod. 
 Stern to himself, but humble to his God: 
 Firm, though opposed, against the tyrant man, 
 To hearts that bled the good Samaritan: 
 A moralist, the champion of his trust. 
 Friend of the good, and parent of the just. 
 These are the birthrights, these demand the care, 
 And are the jewels of his fortune's heir. 
 But reader! thou I^st claims upon the mine, 
 For thou canst make the generous heirloom thine: 
 Religion of these treasures was the key; 
 Be a good Christian, and it's held by thee." 
 
 * In allusion to the Acquittal of the Earl of Shaftesbury. 
 
JANE BROADNAX, 
 
 Wife of Thomas Papillon, of London, 
 BORN J6th MARCH, 1627, DIED l»th JULY, 1698. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 SELECTION FROM LETTERS OF JANE PAPILLON — 1 667-8. 
 
 Selection of Letters of Jane Papillon — with some from her Daughter Elizabeth 
 Papillon, afterwards Wife of Edward Ward. Esq., eventually Chief Baron 
 of the Court of Exchequer ; and one from A. M. Papillon, her Mother-in- 
 law. 
 
 HOSE of 1667 were written from London while 
 her Husband, to whom she writes in every 
 case, was at Breda, as one of a Deputation 
 from the East India Company, in order to 
 watch the negociations in progress there for 
 a Treaty of Peace with Holland ; the Company 
 desiring to recover from the Dutch the Island of Polerone, 
 near Java, which the latter had taken 'from them during 
 the war still waging. 
 
 "May 31st, 1667. 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 "Thine from Breda of the Z4th instant I have received, which 
 as I read methought I apprehended something of the refreshing 
 nature of showers from heaven on the thirsty ground, and I must 
 tell thee it led me further — even to the fountain — where it fixed 
 me in love and praise. 
 
 "All that God has done for thee my soul rejoices in; and 
 I hope in faithfulness I may say, I love Him for the large 
 manifestations of His love to thee, and indwelling in thee; this 
 is a truth, that the joy I receive in contemplating the goodness 
 of God to thy soul is not by me to be expressed. I was, at the 
 reading of thine, as a vessel full, I err not if I say, ready to burst 
 for want of vent; but without flattery I now know how to drop 
 
 AA 
 
386 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 some praises. Oh ! that they were more proportionable to my 
 mercies in thee ! Surely, I have now sensed that thing of weeping 
 for joy. What a privilege is my relation to thee, owned, and 
 loved, and delighted in by God; and what an argument to plead 
 with God — Thy servant, as well as the son of thy handmaid. 
 
 "My soul magnifies the Lord that has loved thee and 
 commanded thy love, that has emptied thee of self and filled 
 thee with Himself, that has enamoured thee with His beauty, 
 united thee to Himself, and. caused thee to choose that portion 
 that can never be taken from thee. He loved first; from that 
 springs the sound and distinct knowledge thou hast of God and 
 thy Saviour, and the Spirit in its operations; His love has begotten 
 thy love, and that high Value thou hast for Him in all His offices. 
 Oh, how admirable is that love that fixed thine eyes upon God, 
 that so thou mayest be guided by His eye and made conformable 
 to Him, in aff'ection^ will, and practice. My God in blessing 
 thus bless thee, and render thee eminently serviceable to Himself, 
 and make thy conversation splendid in the crooked and perverse 
 generation in which we live. It has been much on my heart 
 to ask this boon for thee, that men seeing thy good works might 
 glorify our Father which is in Heaven. Self-denial will much 
 help in that duty; that grace shall certainly be sealed to thee, 
 since thou pressest so hard after it. 
 
 "I might by experience say something of the difficulty of 
 self-denial and taking up the cross, but I shall decline it; and 
 beg to share in thy prayers on that account; and bless the Lord 
 that has given thee those graces and endowments that have 
 occasioned me to try my strength, or rather find my impotency, 
 in this duty. I hope the language of my heart is. My God 
 improve thee for Himself, and enable me to resist repinings, 
 and to grow in praise for that mercy. 
 
 " That I am thine does in my own heart beget a pity for thee, 
 but is to myself the greatest blessing next to union with Christ. 
 Oh, what was I, and who am I, that God should love me, and 
 make thee to do so; not only the one, but the other makes me 
 admire the freeness of the Donor. I must say I never read, nor 
 see, nor any way sense thy love, but it leads me to the admiration 
 of that rich mercy that gave thee to me as a special help and 
 
LETTER FROM LONDON TO BREDA. 387 
 
 guide in the way to my Father's house, where I verily believe we 
 shall be fellow-heirs, however we must be separated here. Truly, 
 at our parting, and so still, I could not, nor yet cannot, but 
 entertain thoughts that our personal enjoyment of each other in 
 this life will again, some way or another, be interrupted; but how 
 I know not, nor am I without hope that God will be better to me 
 than my fears. 
 
 "I please myself in the thought that God has yet more work 
 for thee to do; yet I beg thou wouldest in duty be tenderly 
 careful of thyself I often muse upon my own uselessness, and 
 slothfulness, and how just it may be with God to take the talents 
 of liberty and time from me. Again, I reflect and consider how 
 little I have improved thee, and how deservedly I may be scattered 
 from thee. Truly, I find my spirit so stupid, as makes me fear 
 some awakening judgment does attend me: Our God, the God 
 of power, pluck me out of my sloth, and empower me to work 
 while it is day, for I cannot but think the night is near. 
 
 "The last obliging and heart-endearing letter I value more 
 than ever I did what the world accounts a jewel; I will assuredly 
 deck myself with it as an ornament; and owning thy worth as 
 from my God, it shall be my glory; and yet I trust it shall not 
 hinder my prayers that God may from time to time supply and 
 furnish thee with grace according to thy desire and need; for 
 I do not only intend to spread it before God in my daily praises, 
 but also to improve it as a help in my constant supplications. 
 
 "I thank thee for accepting my love to, and care of thine, 
 and also minding me it was a duty I owed to God, that so serving 
 this end I might with the more confidence look for His reward 
 in blessing my endeavour for their souls' good. Truly, hitherto 
 I may say I have done nothing, either considering my false heart 
 and bias, or considering them ; for there is no appearance of what 
 I have done for them. Betty retains her wildness still, and Philly 
 does not much advance for want of pronunciation; Sarah, I fear, 
 will be a dull girl, like the Mother; but yet I will not doubt but 
 however God shall deal with me, thou wilt find some reason to 
 continue thy tender love to every one of them: They all joy 
 exceedingly in the kisses you send them ; and ' Does Father 
 remember me?' 'and me,' they all say. Ann Mary is well. 
 
 AA 2 
 
388 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "The reason I wrote not to thee of Brother Abraham last time 
 was because he wrote himself at large to thee; for it is a truth I 
 have had a full game of visitants in one day, and once more, all 
 persons give and command handsome respects; they have all 
 endeared me by condoling thy absence : I have received them as 
 friends, but they have much prevented me in the retirement that 
 I would have chosen. I think all the Kentish acquaintance 
 except Brockman have been with me; but I have not had any 
 invite abroad from any person but those of Littleworth Castle, 
 and that was to dinner last Friday; but when we went at one 
 o'clock, the market having proved dear that day, none of them 
 were at home, which Mother took very ill, and Betty said she 
 never thought fit to fill her belly there. We have been in sight of 
 them since, but they never thought it deserved an apology. Our 
 dear Mother Broadnax is still frequent in her enquiries after thee, 
 and longings to hear of thee, for thou art her joy. 
 
 "There continues all good compliment between our young 
 men; and I hope thy business is well minded, although again 
 I see something of loss to be communicated. Our God bless 
 both loss and gain to us ; many have lost much more since we 
 parted; the Lord make us faithful stewards of what remains; we 
 have much. I have let Nat understand what you said of him in 
 yours to me, and I hope he will endeavour to answer your desire; 
 he has not sat at table with us ever since thy going from us. 
 
 "My dear, I am ashamed that I am still offering occasions 
 of expence to thee, but having taken a full view of my household 
 linen, I find the coarse diapers very thin, and especially that 
 which was made last ; it has done little service, so that I conceive 
 it may turn to advantage to bring home a little parcel with thee; 
 for it is much more. serviceable than the French, and we must 
 have some recruit of one or other. All the towels are worn to 
 rags also, but I freely submit to thy dispose in it. A little cheese 
 also, for thy own eating, I should be glad of. 
 
 "Truly, I have answered thy desire in order to Betty's letter, 
 and have not helped her in the least, only thus : — She has at 
 several times writ four copies by herself to see how I liked them, 
 and I have liked something pretty well in every one of them, 
 which I perceive she has observed, and so gathered some particular 
 
LETTER FROM ELIZABETH PAPILLON. 389 
 
 of every one of them into one, which, while she did, she shut 
 herself alone in the laundry room, and indeed lost her dinner 
 about it ; I have had much ado to get a sight of it myself Poor 
 rogue, she could be all day employed for you, if she thought she 
 could do or say anything worth your acceptance, but she is too 
 sensible of her own defects. Afford her thy prayers that she may 
 rather be humbled than discouraged by it; and it shall be well. 
 
 "For all affairs of trade I refer thee, for I would not give thee 
 double trouble. The greatest fault I find is that their letters 
 to thee are so late I cannot always have time to read them; but I 
 hope we shall find out some way to help that. 
 
 "We have not yet ended with Mr. Lewknor; * his own 
 occasions have prevented. I find myself every day better satisfied 
 in this particular. I have promised myself in a month after thy 
 return to see it, God not forbidding; my brother judges it very 
 necessary. There have been some overtures made to him, I 
 think it is of the Manor of Mount's Court ;t but he thought 
 it not wisdom to see me desirous of it; yet he will be watchful 
 that it may not go to any one else. Coals at present are ;^i 15s. 
 so that if they fall no lower, I shall rather desire to make the best 
 improvements of what I have, than to buy more, without your 
 advice further. 
 
 "This is what at present, and too much to trouble thee with, 
 unless of more importance. Excuse my blots, impertinences, and 
 broken expressions, and give me leave to conclude in prayer 
 that God would pour a double portion of gifts and graces on 
 thee, and render thee capable of the highest service for his praise; 
 and I entreat thine for me, that I may also receive what may 
 make me useful in my station to God's praise and thy comfort, 
 to whom I must ever desire that God would make me a blessing, 
 for I am thine in the truth of love. 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
 Enclosure from Elizabeth Papillon, daughter of the 
 above, then nearly nine years old; afterwards wife of 
 
 • Of whom Acrise Place had been purchased in 1666. 
 + A property contiguous to Acrise place, on the North side, which was 
 afterwards furnished. 
 
390 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Edward Ward, Esq., Barrister, who subsequently became 
 Attorney-General -and Lord Chief Baron of the Court 
 of Exchequer ; ancestors on one side of the Ward-Hunt 
 family. 
 
 "Honoured and dear Father, 
 
 " I have been very glad to hear of your safe arrival at Breda, 
 but I must needs tell you I thought it very long before the news 
 came. My hope is that God, that has preserved you hitherto, 
 will preserve you to the end, and give His angels charge over you 
 to keep you in all your ways. 
 
 "You have been pleased to give me leave to write to you 
 before you went away; and since, you have given me further 
 encouragement by your last letter to my dear Mother, but I 
 must confess I have been backward to it, because I know these 
 lines deserve not your precious time to read them. Our dear 
 Mother is as a Father and Mother both, to us; I think as much 
 as any Mother can be in the world; but yet I am sure I find 
 great want of your company. A.11 the talk at London is that we 
 shall have no peace; but if not, I shall a thousand times repent 
 that ever I knew what it was to part with you into Holland : 
 And pray, Sir, let me beg your prayers that I may be fit for 
 peace; for I am much troubled to think of that place, 'there 
 is no peace to the wicked;' and I am sure I am very wicked, for 
 I am very neglectful of my duties both to God and man, and do 
 not delight in His service as I have done. 
 
 "My Brother and Sister are in health, and wish they could 
 write to you as well as I, though it is in a pitiful manner; but I 
 hope you will accept of it, being I do it in obedience to your 
 command, for I am according to my little power, 
 
 "Your most affectionate and dutiful Daughter, 
 
 "Elizabeth Papillon." 
 
 "June 7th (1667). 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 "Since I have reflected by a second thought on my last to 
 thee, I find cause to beg pardon for the unreasonable length of it. 
 
LETTER FROM LONDON. 39 1 
 
 I know thy goodness will frame better arguments for my excuse 
 than I can offer. 
 
 "Since that, I have received two from thee bearing date 6th 
 and loth of May, for which accept my hearty thanks, and know 
 I esteem them very endearing. May I never think of thee, nor 
 them, without a heart raised in praise to God. The enclosed was 
 seasonable and sweet to me [illegible] it with thy prayers, that so 
 in gratitude to God and thee I may follow the advice of it; and 
 particularly my soul desires the grace of faith and prayer, both in 
 exercise on behalf of the Church of God, and also in regard of 
 my own deadness. 
 
 "I confess God's past mercies to His Church, this City, and 
 my own family dwell much on my heart to my encouragement ; I 
 can say the Lord hath heard the voice of my weeping : But my 
 dear, I know I want a praying frame : Pity me : Oh, how unlike 
 am I to holy David, as I discern in the 6th, 7th, and 8th Psalms; 
 and also to that spirit he expresses in the 17th, i8th, 19th, and 
 28th Psalms. 
 
 "I hope our young men still approve themselves well in the 
 business; I discern nothing but well. Our Mother is in good 
 health. 
 
 "Friends in Kent are affectionately mindful of thee, especially 
 our dear Mother. Last post, Betty sent thee a letter, but will 
 yet blush when she thinks of the blot in it: Poor heart, she 
 wants thy prayers that God would deliver her from her trifling 
 frame of spirit, and give her some composure of mind. 
 
 "We have now ended with Mr. Lewknor. 
 
 "It is my very great obligement that thou desirest not to 
 retard thy return to me; but sure it would be wisdom to see 
 relations and correspondents now thou art so near them, provided 
 thou goest not out of protection and endangerest thyself; all that 
 the whole world could yield as a present to me would not be 
 so acceptable as that kindness thy letters bear witness of to her 
 that is every way obliged both to be and to subscribe herself 
 thine in the truth of love. 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
392 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "June 2ist (1667). 
 "My Dear and Blessing, 
 
 "I am easily persuaded I shall sooner receive a pardon from 
 thee than from myself, that I writ thee not last week. Since that 
 I have received one from thee of the 14th. Thou art never 
 wanting to me. All thine to me bring glad tidings, as they report 
 thy health, and confirm me in the credit of thy constant affection; 
 and so they command my thanks to God. But let God have 
 my highest praises that thou lovest Him, and as the hart panteth 
 after Him, and those well-springs that are in Him, that God has 
 bespoken thy love, that thou hast closed with His command, 
 that the match is made between Him and thy soul, that thou 
 so lovest Him as not to be contented without a conformity to 
 His likeness; that He has made thee sensible of thy short-comings 
 towards Him, and watchful and industrious to approve thyself 
 to Him, and to give check to whatever may be unworthy in 
 thyself: Go on, and prosper my dear love; and let the Spirit 
 of my God flow forth into thy heart, and also influence thy life. 
 Let that good Spirit be still to thee a well of water springing up 
 into eternal life. God has never dealt me blessing with a scanty 
 hand; I will trust Him; and as His to thee has been by me 
 registered as mercy to myself, so shall it ever be : And be 
 assured that on thy behalf I judge myself obliged to delight in 
 the Lord, and to call upon His Name for the perfecting of Grace 
 in thee. The good thoughts thou hast of me show me what 
 I ought to be, and what I am, and engage my desire to be what 
 thou thinkest me, and so to approve myself to God and thee. I 
 am convinced of my own guilt in not weighing the providences 
 and the Word of God, and that my defect herein causes my 
 barrenness: Help me by thy prayers to redeem time. The 
 37th of Ezekiel has been a quickening word to me this morning, 
 both in relation to general and particular. 
 
 "I perceive thy desires bend very much homeward. I have 
 still omitted to speak of the sense I had of my own unhappiness 
 in thy absence, because I would not occasion thee to be less 
 cheerful in that service thou hast engaged to; but I am sure 
 I have a witness in myself, I did not mind my own but the things 
 of others, when I parted with thee; and I have experienced 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM LONDON. 393 
 
 something of self-denial and the cross in this particular. Oh, 
 that I may learn the more fully to follow Christ. Our longings 
 to meet again are mutual; yet since troubles arise, and are daily 
 like to arise more high with us — I desire the Lord may dispose 
 thee for the best for safety, though it should retard our meeting ; 
 for I can be happy at a distance, if that be best for thee. 
 
 "Is hall refer thee to Mr. Harrison for the account of our 
 present state ; I have no other way to inform myself but by him : 
 This only will I say, the spirits and behaviour of men now seem 
 much to answer what it was in the Fire time. 
 
 " I hear from Kent that force is sent to Dover to prevent the 
 French landing there. I am sensible that God is angry, and we 
 have deserved this overflowing scourge, this torrent of misery : Oh, 
 that my heart may be more and more affected with it, and that 
 God would speak to the heart of our King in this day of trouble. 
 We are now divided into two languages. There is no help for 
 him in God: And there is no help but in God; our help 
 standeth in Him. Our God governs the whole world; it is He 
 that rules the earth; it is He that said He will subdue all his 
 enemies under his feet; and whatever his enemies may think. He 
 will shew Himself a God in the earth. Let us hope; for redemption 
 draweth nigh; man's extremity is God's opportunity; when help 
 faileth both on the right hand and the left, God will shew Himself. 
 The more impotent we are, the more will God's grace and power 
 be magnified. I apprehend great trials and temptations, but if 
 the Lord will be with us in the water, and if the Lord will be 
 with us in the fire, it shall be well: And He has said, 'I will 
 not leave thee, nor forsake thee.' Oh, that God would yet 
 manifest His presence in poor England and London by pouring 
 out a spirit of prayer and faith and patience upon His saints 
 in it : For sure, the Church of God shall see vengeance repaid ; 
 the enemies of it must perish; Anti-Christ must fall; and I may 
 fall before the actual accomplishment of it, but by faith I see it 
 and rejoice. Our God quicken us to every duty, and particularly 
 that of praying for our King. Oh, that he may be as a fire-brand 
 plucked from the fire ! Surely this is the season wherein we 
 ought to lift up our prayers for him ; his heart is in God's hand. 
 That word has lately been brought to my remembrance, Daniel 
 
394 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 9th chapter, izth, 13th, 14th verses. Oh, that God would set 
 it home on every heart concerned ! I discern thy thoughts run 
 out much on that subject. Blessed be God. 
 
 "My Betty begs me to return her thanks for your kind letter, 
 and entreats your prayers that she may follow the good counsel 
 of it. Poor child, she stands in need of prayer. Lately she 
 desired to spend some time with me in my closet, and begged 
 of me with tears that I would pray to God for her that she 
 might be of a considering spirit; for, says she, I find that 
 rashness is the great occasion of all evils that I am apt to. So 
 I went to pray with her; but poor heart, she fell asleep instead 
 of praying. Poor heart, her defects, I am sure, represent my 
 own to my view, and give me a quick sense of the corruption 
 of my nature. 
 
 "Philly intreats me to remember his love to thee; blessed be 
 God, there is not much of corruption yet appears in him: he 
 drinks to me every meal, and remembers his father. Sarah is 
 well, and loses not her gravity : They are not without their 
 fears and contrivances when they hear the guns and drums, and 
 see the soldiers. The Lord pity them, and be their safety. To 
 think that God has chambers and rocks, and wings and hand, 
 to hide His with and in, is a cordial indeed in this day of danger, 
 and that bread shall be sure. Our God be all to us and ours; 
 and let me ever bless God that he has given me peace in lodging 
 my interest and concerns with Him. 
 
 "I cannot conclude without taking notice of thy kindness to 
 my relations as well as to myself; that design of love that thou 
 hast toward them, I am sensible of my obligement to thee and 
 thine on that account. All friends in Kent are in health, and 
 cordial in their desires of thy welfare. Our Mother with me 
 plies the throne of grace on thy behalf. Poor sister Fawkner 
 filled with care for thee. Abraham writes me that there are 
 several Land-Waiters that search all the waggons that come from 
 them, so that he shall not dare to send anything till better advice. 
 This is all at present from thine and endeared, 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM LONDON. 395 
 
 , , "July Sth (1667). 
 
 "My Dear, 
 
 "Thine of the — instant confirms thy affection to me. The 
 Lord help me to approve myself to Him, whereof to be judged 
 by thee. I should not doubt of approbation, and this I prize 
 as a great mercy, yet would not take up with it; and I can say 
 I do eye God's goodness in it; it is He that has persuaded thee 
 so well of me; it is He that has given our hearts to each other; 
 praise to Him, I hope I may say in subordination, and the 
 sweetness we taste in the stream maKfes us thirst, and sends us to 
 the fountain. The sense thou hast of thy own needs of the 
 prayers of friends I hope will prompt thee to consider mine : 
 Truly I am dull to every duty. I hope thy love to me may not 
 hinder thy prayer for me; for I am ascertained thou thinkest 
 much better of me than I am. I ill know how to plead with God 
 for myself; oh, the averseness that I find in myself to meditation 
 and prayer, both in respect to the word and providences of God : 
 My own wants, and the condition of the Church and Nation — 
 notwithstanding I look upon all in a distressed state — I do believe 
 God will get Himself a Name; and I do grieve I can be no more 
 importunate with Him for it; but my help even for this standeth 
 in Him : Oh, for the time when the heathen shall fear the Name 
 of the Lord, and all the kings of the earth His glory, and the 
 Lord shall build up Zion, and appear in His glory. We are now 
 indeed in a horrible pit, and miry clay; the Lord order our 
 goings; the Lord be Surety for His servants for good. In my 
 retirement, God lately fastened that Word on me, Isaiah xxix. ; 
 methought it was the condition of this poor Nation ; and together 
 with this Word, that of Ezekiel xiv., 22, 25, was brought to 
 my view. 
 
 "They say for certain that 1,200 Dutch are landed amongst us, 
 and that they have taken Mersey Island and the Block-house, 
 being six miles off from Colchester, and that they are in the 
 attempt to take Landguard Fort. We here have little expectation 
 of peace. The King, as it is reported, sent for the Lord Mayor 
 on Wednesday, and charged him to silence all speech of a peace 
 as much as in him lay. Brass guns, and carts with wheelbarrows 
 go by our house this day, well guarded; but we know not wherefore. 
 
396 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 The Papists did retire into the country about a fortnight since, 
 but are now returned. Again, we daily take some endeavouring 
 to fire more houses ; methinks that God prevents it, is a ground 
 for us to hope. 
 
 "I have a promise from the Committee that their letters shall 
 be for your dismission, if the Ambassador will consent, which 
 is much as they can do; they all judge it reason. The Lord 
 Bartlett came out to me, and bade me assure you he had not 
 been wanting wherein he could serve you; they all think your 
 desire reasonable. I am sure thou wilt be more welcome at 
 home than ever thou hast been in Holland: But must 'the 
 Ambassadors of peace return weeping ? ' 
 
 "The Children receive thy kisses and blessing with tears; 
 Betty is very much affected with thy affection to her; Philly 
 will have nothing but his love returned; the other little ones 
 are well. 
 
 "My suffering is augmented in thy absence, because the 
 Company can be no gainers by it. I am much pleased with 
 their resolution concerning trade. I hear you are well spoken 
 of for your carriage in order to peace. 
 
 "Mr. Dodson sent me a pen this afternoon, and entreats you 
 to accept of his and his Wife's good wishes. All thy servants 
 prize their relation to thee. All goes well and orderly with our 
 young men. We all long to hear how satisfying Mr. Danyell's 
 company is to thee. Mr. Church is your obliging friend; the 
 other has promised me news before I seal. 
 
 "The Duke of Albermarle has been with the East India 
 Company, to borrow money; they promise an answer to-morrow, 
 and in order to that have called a General Court; it is generally 
 apprehended they will grant. 
 
 "Excuse my matter and manner, both; for indeed my head 
 is so ill disposed that nothing but writing to thee could have kept 
 me from my bed. 
 
 "From her that is less than the least of His mercies, much less 
 this of being thine, and thine every imaginable endeared, 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
JANE papillon/from^acrise. 397 
 
 Letters of Jane Papillon written from Acrise to her 
 Husband who remained in London : — { 
 
 "April 23rd (1668). 
 "My Dear and Blessing, 
 
 "Through the great goodness of God we arrived safely at 
 Acrise between two and three of the clock. We had as pleasant 
 a journey as possible, leaving thee behind us; only the poor mare 
 was sick and lame, his horse went so hard; on which account 
 I was forced to hire another for him, but brought that with us, 
 hoping we might here make it serviceable, since we had leave to 
 keep it, and can iind a way to convey it home without charge. 
 
 "I find all in a most confounded condition; not the least done 
 to the best garden; and just begun a little to fit up the grass 
 of the Court. 
 
 " I am certain thou wilt still find a residence in my heart, and 
 free entertainment there, but I fear I shall not find time to write 
 to thee next week. ^ 
 
 "We drew our curtains close, and came through Canterbury: 
 Cousin Jenkins parted at Sir Basil Dixwell's house for Dover. 
 My Mother salutes thee; all thy Children present thy duties, and 
 are unsatisfied in their new house. I may not omit the Mayor's 
 requests; I am glad he is with us. Thus abruptly I must take 
 leave of thee, to whom I am all ways imaginable obliged to 
 subscribe myself thine beyond expression endeared, 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
 "April 26th (1668). 
 "My Dear and Blessing, 
 
 "Our thoughts in general, and my own in particular have so 
 much wrought on thee since our being here,- that I am a little 
 impatient until I may hear from thee. I have this day a little 
 time beyond my expectation, and cannot improve it more 
 desirably than in converse with thee. Through the goodness 
 of God, I can tell thee we all continue in health; but more than 
 that, I have no good news to send thee; for all things are terribly 
 in disorder. Goody Mugall within a month of her time. They 
 
398 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 say the woods have taken up his time; for nothing has been 
 done to the Court, but a little turf laid on, in one of the grass 
 plots, and it lies in gaps I may lay my thumb in, and is as bare 
 as the causeway, the grass having died for want of watering; 
 so that must be taken up again, and fresh laid: It has never 
 been washed till this day — I mean mowed — and it has been 
 the whole day's work, because his scythe was so bad: He is 
 very dropsical, and I doubt not will have a sore leg, occasioned 
 by an old surfeit and sprains. The best garden has not had 
 the least done to it; much of the wood lies about it, which might 
 have been cut and housed: And I am told that Foster, the old 
 wood-reef has stole at least a load of what was lopped off the 
 trees; so that I see Mugall is a sorry guard. The fence of the 
 kitchen garden, I perceive, has cost ;£i3, and is but as a stile, 
 so low that any person may get over it; only a little patch 
 ploughed up in it, to spare the pains of digging; and that is 
 sown with beans and peas. But I perceive the design was laid 
 to go on slowly with the gardens and court, and so to manage 
 them as to maintain a cow on them : this cow was brought down 
 this morning, but I sent it back again. 
 
 "I conceive the house has not been anything like well-aired; 
 but the beds have — my tenant Rainer's servants having lain on 
 them. Mr. Foster tells me, on examination, he has indeed found 
 Mugall very slack. 
 
 " I perceive the oats are like to prove a very bad crop : the 
 Mayor and I have thoughts to have it sowed with clover grass, 
 which will not at all make the oats already sown to prove the 
 worse; only we fear we shall not get seed. 
 
 "I have a great desire to turf my best garden while I am here; 
 but I know not how it may be in order to Sir Basil Dixwell, 
 whether or no leave must be asked of him. Mr. Foster says 
 that your own interest will bear you out, and that if it will not, all 
 the neighbourhood have been trespassers from time to time. Sir 
 Basil is now at London, and Sir Henry Oxenden; I could wish 
 thou wouldest understand how it is as soon as possible, that 
 so we might have the pleasure of it. I suppose Sir Henry 
 Oxenden can give you a perfect account of it; for I would not 
 willingly ask for what is my own, nor yet trespass on another's 
 right. 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 399 
 
 "My tenant Dene could not bear it, that a Dover waggon 
 should bring my goods, and has done two days' work in one 
 to prevent it. Our goods arrived on Saturday night, and this 
 morning very early; Dene and Grainger are gone for them, and 
 Stow also, to see them loaded, and so to take them out of the 
 ship and put them into the carts; and what they want of two 
 loads they are to make up with deal boards, after the rate of £io 
 and £1 a hundred; I suppose I shall not have 20 in all; and 
 without them I know not what to do, for I cannot get bench, or 
 stool, or table, for any use I want, — nor an old press, or any such 
 thing. The Mayor went on Saturday to choose out the deals ; I 
 find that if I had trusted to Mr. S. for them, I must have paid 
 more. The Mayor is indeed extraordinarily useful to me, and 
 Mr. Foster very civil. I have found no neighbour yet but he and 
 Dene: I have not yet heard of Mr. Moket; he was not come to 
 Canterbury on Friday night. Mr. Jenkins, I think, will spend 
 the next Sabbath with us. 
 
 "I suppose the Mayor will write thee, thinking I cannot. We 
 earnestly desire a clock; we cannot live comfortably without the 
 tubs also; and the two Turkey-work chairs in Mr. Kendal's closet 
 and chamber. 
 
 "I prithee write a letter of thanks to the Mayor; I wish heartily 
 thou couldest serve him in anything in London, so as that we 
 might continue him with us, for he is truly useful, and it is very 
 necessary I should have him a month or six weeks longer if I 
 could. As to Stow, he may do well, I hope, but as yet I can give 
 thee little account of him; what I have employed him in, of 
 business, I like well enough. Rainer, on my request, lent Mugall 
 a garret, and says he has the use of it at present. 
 
 "The barns want thatching very much; he says he will do it, 
 but I see no straw. The pigeon house is quite destroyed, they 
 mended it with nothing but dirt and such things; and it scented 
 so that the pigeons left the nests upon it : And all goes at such 
 rates ; but I will trouble thee no further at present, only to assure 
 thee I will be as careful, and faithful, and frugal a steward to thee 
 as lies in my power; and I doubt not of thy kind acceptance 
 of it. 
 
 "The poor Children are exceedingly disappointed in their 
 
400 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 expectation, and poor Els also; they wonder you would buy so 
 ugly a house. 
 
 " I have seen none of our Canterbury or Godmersham friends, 
 but both have sent to me. I enclose our Mother's. I have 
 written to every one of them, and sent thy letter to Sir William, 
 but as yet no answer. 
 
 " I believe Canterbury will be the best way of sending letters, 
 for I have a neighbour goes constantly twice a week thither : I 
 find Dover a dear market, and shall have little occasion to send 
 thither. 
 
 "We hear of great troubles in Ireland, and also that the Hyde 
 is wounded by discontented persons, in two or three places. 
 
 "The carts are now come home; yet I must not conclude 
 without the Children's duties and my Mother's love. We all 
 want thee, and I am endeared and on all accounts most obliged 
 and cordially affectionated, 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
 "My love to Mr. Kendall and Kitt; I must not forget Ehzabeth: 
 Whenever you have occasion, let my neighbour Jackson know 
 I love him; and express me to my neighbour Swinock, that I 
 took not leave of him.'' 
 
 "May 5th (1668). 
 "My Dearest, 
 
 "Thine are cordials to me: I have received thine, both of' 
 the 27th and 30th April; the latter came to me the same day 
 the post came; there are few days I hear not from Canterbury. 
 Cousin Jenkins preached to us on Friday, and left us on Saturday 
 about twelve of the clock; and the Mayor accompanied him 
 to Godmersham, with a purpose to return the same night, or 
 very early on Monday; but it is now eight on Tuesday, and 
 I have not heard of him, which does a little trouble me, not 
 only for his own sake, but because I entreated him to bring 
 something from Mother for me, which I should be concerned 
 to lose. I am in a great hurry, having divers at work, and none 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 4OI 
 
 but myself this morning to regard them. I find it is sad 
 employing workmen here; the best carpenter which is in the 
 country, they say, was a whole day planing a block for a 
 dresser, and setting legs to it. They do indeed vex me. I had 
 two fellows to saw and clean wood two days, and one of them 
 three, and I think I might easily have burnt it all in the time. 
 The wood cut for my own burning is yet in the wood, but to 
 be fetched home this day and to-morrow: and many more 
 vexations I could impart, but why should I add to thy trouble, 
 for I am sensible it is enough. My God be thy counsel and 
 safety, and I hope He will not be angry with me for saying, may 
 He guard and show kindness to thy person, though He should 
 try us in our Estate; for thou art dearer to me than all under 
 God Himself: let me therefore oblige thee to take care of thy 
 person above all. 
 
 "I thank thee for communicating what thou hast to me, for 
 indeed I want quickening to the great duty of faith and prayer ; 
 truly, when I consider myself I do expect a change; the Lord 
 help me to justify Him however He shall deal with me; and 
 if He shall please to continue mercy. Oh, that my life may 
 speak the high praises of my God, for I am less than the least 
 of His mercies. I would fain fetch counsel for thee from the 
 Wisest, from the Wonderful Counsellor; for I am sensible of my 
 own short sight, and inability to offer any worthy thy acceptance ; 
 but sure, I can be content with thy disposes however they succeed ; 
 for I know He will make good His Word of being near to thee, 
 of leading and guiding thee, of giving wisdom liberally to thee, of 
 making all work together for the best to thee. 
 
 "I thank thee for thy offer of more money, and for the freedom 
 thou givest me ; I shall endeavour not to abuse it, and truly I am 
 troubled to put thee to so much cost as I must; but I think the 
 chief of it will be in carriage, which the Tenants will deduct. 
 Yet if I had ;^io or;^2o by me, I would not be prodigal of it. 
 
 " I prithee let me hear of thee so often as thou canst, and write 
 me what news thou mayest ; for thy letters will be longed for by 
 her that is with thee at a great distance, and desires ever to 
 approve her being thine most affectionate, 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
 BB 
 
402 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "May 14th (1668). 
 "My Dear, 
 
 "Receive my thanks for thine of the 7th May, and thy good 
 acceptance of mine before it. I share with thee in all thy troubles, 
 and desire to live in admiration of that goodness of God, that 
 gives souls leave to meet and be useful to each other, whose 
 bodies must be separate. Oh, what cause to live and speak well 
 of our God : Yea, and to trust Him so long as we live. 
 
 "As concerning Stow, sure thou hast done for the best. Our 
 neighbours and I are generally in good compliment again, we 
 having discoursed together, and they promising never to ofifend 
 so again. 
 
 " I desire to know how the Mayor's business does go. I find 
 myself more unsettled this week, and less likely to settle. 
 
 "I have this day sent to my sister Turner, to buy me three 
 loads of Paris (I mean three bushels), and if it be not to be had, 
 to write to thee, which if she does, I prythee let it be sent from 
 London with all the speed it can. 
 
 "Brother and sister Turner were here on Monday, and fetched 
 away Nell, notwithstanding all importunity : They also brought a 
 cake and gossiping; could not be persuaded to stay all night. 
 Squire Brockman also dined with me. I think I wrote thee last 
 time that Squire Oxenden was to see me last week. 
 
 "I find our tenant Rainer daily in a worse condition, and selling 
 off to pay others; yesterday 40 sheep; offers his horse for sale; 
 has no corn in the barn, has not yet ploughed for wheat, according 
 to his agreement; cannot be persuaded to make over his stock to 
 thee for security: He fears being arrested every day; I suppose 
 people are more hasty on him for our being here : Yesterday, he 
 told Mr. Foster how he valued his Estate, which valuation I 
 enclose; and also how Mr. Foster values the corn on the ground, 
 as if it were harvested; we are to consider the reaping and binding 
 will cost ;^ 1 3 or ;^ 1 4, besides the carriage off to the barn. Rainer 
 says if you will take your farm he is ready to leave it, and the 
 goods shall be prized by two indifferent men; which, if it should 
 need, I should think John Fern might be a fit person for us to 
 choose. Rainer confesses he owes ;^so. He has j£^o a year in 
 land, but there is ;£zoo debt on it, and he holds it at twenty years' 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 403 
 
 purchase, and 'tis like there may be more judgment upon it. He 
 hath promised to plough for wheat next week, which he calls 
 making his summer land. Prythee advise what we shall do, and 
 whose advice shall be asked on this business; the Mayor is not 
 willing to undertake it alone, without counsel: He thinks it 
 necessary for me to receive something from you, fully to empower 
 me to act for you in the matter. 
 
 "The Mayor is most obligingly friendly and useful; I wish 
 heartily it may be in thy way to be serviceable to him in any thing, 
 but particularly if it might be to bring him into the Company's 
 service; but let not this expression of mine lessen his kindness, 
 for I never found he had such a hope from us, but I doubt not 
 but such a thing will be more pleasing to him than what I wrote 
 of last week; and I hope this week to receive a very particular 
 account from thee, that so he may be satisfied : His business is 
 not neglected while he so studiously minds mine. 
 
 "This week has been the fair at Elham, and it has debauched 
 all the workmen, so that I cannot despatch any thing, but am 
 rather worse off than I was last week. 
 
 "I bless the Lord we are all in health: Your son drinks to me 
 every meal, and remembers his father, in which trick myself and 
 all the rest find pleasure; there is no contest among them but 
 who shall and does love thee best. I must insert their particular 
 duties, our Mother's love, and Mr. Moket's and his wife's. I 
 hope his messenger will bring me a letter from thee. My love to 
 those that remembered me in thine ; I can say no more at present, 
 but that I am thine in the strictest tie of affection, 
 
 "Jane Papillon. 
 
 "N.B. — We very much want a bell, to call the family together. 
 It should have an excellent sound." 
 
 "May 2Sth (1668). 
 "My Dear, 
 
 "Last Saturday night made me exceeding joyful after a 
 melancholy week, for I then received three of thine, of the 14th 
 
 BB 2 
 
404 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 and 2 1 St May, which had not sooner met a messenger to convey 
 them, because every day with us proved so wet that none were 
 willing to stir out that would keep within. 
 
 " Now let me tell thee, my dear heart, that the love of God in 
 thy preservation, and His sanctifying it to thee, is an endearing 
 mercy to my soul. I thank thee for communicating those choice 
 truths to me in that of the 14th; oh, that God should make me 
 strong in grace by the power of His might, and that He would 
 teach me that Divine skill to improve and draw forth the mighty 
 power that is in Him, to strengthen me in grace. Our Minister 
 has lately spoken to us of the sudden, mighty, and irresistible 
 workings of the Spirit of God; and I desire thankfully to record 
 that it has been a means to quicken faith in me, and to engage 
 me in the duty of prayer. In the general, we have a very dull 
 ministry; but I bless the Lord I have cause to bless Him; He 
 meets me in His Ordinance. Both Floate and Moket are dull, 
 but, blessed be God, they preach the truth; and I find that God 
 speaks to me by them; let Him have the glory; I am sensible I 
 am less than the least of His mercies. I find we are not only 
 one flesh, but one soul, in the consideration of which I can truly 
 say I love the Lord; and be thou assured that I cannot forget 
 thee and that holy desire of thy soul, while I remember myself: 
 But pray for me that I may pray for thee and myself. 
 
 "That thou desirest to see me, I take a secret content in, for 
 how little so ever I can merit from thee, yet I greatly covet still 
 to be esteemed by thee; I am sure thou wilt never come before 
 thou art desired; but I could wish to know a day or two before 
 I see thee; for indeed I have not yet hung a curtain about a bed, 
 by reason of mending the ceilings — which might long since have 
 been done, but that the workmen come for a day or half a day, 
 and leave me for a week — which has been so vexatious that I 
 every day contrive to bear with what is, rather than to have more 
 to do with them when they have finished what is begun. 
 
 "I begin now to pick a little salad and parsley out of my 
 garden. I have begun to level my best garden, that so I might 
 have the advantage of that rich mould to mix with dung, for the 
 advantage of my other garden ; so that thou wilt find confusion 
 in both, when thou comest. 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 4OS 
 
 "I have received the Paris, but cannot get it wrought out. As 
 to Rainer, since thou leavest the business so much to me, I 
 resolve to do nothing before thy coming, unless I find he attempt 
 to sell his horses : for I reckon the longer it is before we come to 
 agreement, the better judgment may be given of the corn. I find 
 Foster a little too much biassed to his country neighbours. 
 
 "The Mayor indeed continues very useful and obliging; but 
 we join in that I would not have him at any loss on our account : 
 I think he will go to London this week about his business ; but I 
 perceive he accounts the cost three score pounds, and he could 
 wish if it might be to delay a little, rather than to be hasty to 
 part with such a sum of money in this nick of time. I perceive 
 the other employment would be much more grateful to him, 
 although the salary be small : I think he need not fear but to 
 rise when he is employed by ingenuous persons; and I believe 
 thou wouldest never repent of recommending him to the place. 
 
 "The Children have all most joyfully received thy kind remem- 
 brance of them. Betty is very much confounded in herself that 
 she has not prevented you by a letter; but indeed we have been 
 very busy since we came ; but I hope another week will settle us ; 
 and when we come to ourselves, thou mayest challenge more 
 from us: At present, she has never a little corner to herself. 
 I am yet forced to lie with my Mother, and the Maid and three 
 Children in a bed : the weather has favoured us. I cannot get 
 one simple bedstead made, since I have been in the country; 
 yet if thou canst spare thy time, thou mayest receive some 
 satisfaction with us; I am sure we shall with thee. Philly begins 
 to take delight in his book, and grows spirited; he has a pretty 
 play-fellow in one of Mr. Floate's sons. When I read your 
 commendations to Betty, she was sensible she did not deserve 
 such a father; Philly melted into tears; Sarah thanked God she 
 had such a father; Ann Mary smiled, and leaped, and kissed me 
 again. Blessed be God, she thrives very well. She loved me 
 very fondly the first week or two, but afterwards she discovered 
 that her Grandmother and Mr. Moket were fond of her, and 
 cockling, and moaning of her, and that her Grandmother often 
 found fault that her humour was not more observed, and took 
 her part whenever I chode the child — she grew not to value me 
 
406 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 in the least, but rather contemned me — so that I was forced 
 to say that if I might not have the government of my Children 
 alone, I would wholly give her up to her Grandmother's; so for 
 two or three days I never found the least fault in her, nor seemed 
 to instruct her in any thing as I did the rest; and my Mother, 
 seeing the inconveniency of it, desired it might not be so, but 
 that I would do by her as the rest, and she would leave her 
 wholly to my discretion; since which the child becomes very 
 obliging and tractable: She has great understanding, and when 
 she saw her Grandmother took her part against me, she walked 
 in defiance of me, and scowled and turned her back upon me 
 when I came in her way. Now, I bless God we have no wrinkle 
 awry amongst us: you need take no notice of this. The air 
 agrees very well with her. 
 
 "My Mother Broadnax writes to me every week, and very 
 affectionately. I think she may be here within three weeks. I 
 would willingly have gone to her for a day before; but I lay aside 
 the thought, because I cannot have a coach from Canterbury 
 to Acrise, and go thither, under 40s. I like mighty well to be 
 confined to home. 
 
 "I prythee return Mr. Dodson my thanks for his kind remem- 
 brance of me. I have yet heard nothing of the arrival of the 
 goods Mr. Matson sent me the 20th, and two dozen of China 
 oranges for a token from his Wife. 
 
 "We have been forced to part with poor Nell Turner; and in a 
 pretty, obliging manner the Child parted, and desired her service 
 presented to thee, and that we would pray for her though she was 
 gone from us. 
 
 " I take notice of thy hope that I will send for no more things, 
 and truly, my dear, it has been with regret that I must, or that I 
 have sent for so much; but truly I knew not how to order it 
 better. Assure thyself I will not be prodigal, nor am I unsensible 
 of thy care and hazards, nor of thy loss; but it troubles me to 
 think how little I am able to improve this loss. 
 
 "Excuse my long scrawl; for methinks I am talking with thee, 
 and very loth to conclude; yet I must only say I am thine in all 
 endeared affection, 
 
 "Jane Papillon. 
 
LETTERS FROM ELIZABETH PAPILLON. 407 
 
 "The Maids are very sensible of your favour to them. My 
 love to Nat, and Mr. Kendall, and Elizabeth. The Mayor 
 presents his service and thanks to you. Mr. Moket and his 
 Wife his; Mr. Floate and his Wife. Mr. Foster, Ben, and 
 Oldfield have each of them brought me a little money, which 
 I will not waste." 
 
 Letter from Elizabeth Papillon ("Betty") afterwards 
 Wife of Edward Ward, Esq., &c., to her father, Thomas 
 Papillon from Acrise, when nearly ten years old: — 
 
 "June ist (1668). 
 "My Honoured and Dear Father, 
 
 "I should long ere this have presented you with a letter, but 
 I was unwilling to trouble you with my impertinences, knowing 
 it would not be worth carriage; but now having received your 
 commands, I desire to present you my duty in giving you an 
 account that I found nothing wanting in this country air but 
 your good company, which would make it a paradise to me; 
 and without which no place can be pleasant ; and I do the more 
 desire your company, because I know the times are dangerous : 
 But God has promised that nothing shall hurt His people; no 
 weapon formed against His shall prosper : And though the times 
 be bad, yet all shall work together for the good of His : Now 
 I desire to build faith upon His promised Word, and to believe 
 that God who hath preserved us hitherto, will preserve us to 
 the end, and bring us together again. This is the desire of her 
 that is, 
 
 "Your most affectionate and dutiful Daughter, 
 
 "Elizabeth Papillon. 
 
 "My Brother and Sisters desire to present their duty to yourself." 
 
 Another letter from Elizabeth Papillon to her father, 
 written from Acrise in August, 1668 : — 
 
 "Honoured Sir, and my Dear Father, 
 
 "Since you have given me the freedom, and expressed yourself 
 best pleased when I improve the liberty you have given me of 
 
408 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 writing to you, I cannot but tell you that your sudden departure 
 hath much afflicted me, insomuch that it hath put me upon 
 thoughts of the uncertain time I have to enjoy my best mercy. 
 Oh, therefore that God would give me wisdom to improve you 
 while I may, that so I may not provoke Him to snatch you from 
 me for ever. But truly, Sir, I have a very bad heart, and that 
 makes me to have a very unprofitable life, I am sinsible, both 
 to my dear Mother and to yourself; and it also makes me wonder 
 that God continues in any measure your affections to me, for 
 it were just with God to punish my iniquity with extinguishing 
 your loves, but He is pleased to punish me less than my deserts. 
 I do often conceive grief when I apprehend your kindness to me, 
 and especially my dear Mother's; but I must acknowledge myself 
 less than the least of all the favour you are both pleased to 
 continue to me. For my sins of Sabbath-breaking, my sins 
 against convictions and resolutions and reproofs, and corrections 
 and exhortations, and my trifling frame of spirit, and mis-spending 
 the precious talent of time, and slighting the Word and Ordinances 
 of God — any one of them had been sufficient to have justified 
 God in making you and making my dear Mother to have shut 
 me out of your affections, but God has been better to me than 
 my deserts, and I hope I shall love Him for it as long as I live, 
 and strive wherein I have done amiss to do so no more : And 
 I beg your prayers that God would enable me to keep close to my 
 resolutions of better obedience, and particularly that He would 
 give me the spirit of supplication, that so I may daily fetch strength 
 from Him to maintain the conflict against my own corruptions, 
 and in the end to overcome them, and eternally praise God 
 through Jesus Christ for giving me the victory : And pray, Sir, 
 do not love me less for my infirmities, but exercise your compassion 
 towards me, and pray for me according to my wants — for I would 
 fain prove myself well pleasing to God and yourself — for I am by 
 both obliged to be your most respectful and dutiful Child, 
 
 "Elizabeth Papillon." 
 
JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 409 
 
 "October ist (1668). 
 "My most endearing Dear, 
 
 "Receive my hearty thanks for thy readiness to satisfy me 
 of thy safe arrival, for which mgj-cy my heart joins with thee in 
 praise : I confess that when Mugall told me that you went alone, 
 my heart sank within me, and a strange stupidity settled on me, 
 which is not yet quite off. I have been full of fears for thee. 
 Blessed be God that He has been better to me than my fears. 
 Oh, that I could give thanks. 
 
 "It has been very much on my heart to consider that word 
 of our Saviour's, 'Let nothing be lost.' No, not the crumbs of 
 the meanest creatures. What cause have I then to reflect and 
 condemn myself that lose the richest mercies, the whole mercies, 
 and do not gather them up, and endeavour the improvement 
 of them: Ah, I abhor myself for my ingratitude: Strive with 
 the Lord for a thankful heart for me : Surely I would despise 
 neither the command, nor the Giver of it: That God, that has 
 wrought the will in me, work also the deed ; its Thy prerogative 
 to effect the grace, as well as to command it; Lord, say Amen to 
 the desire of my soul; Thou hast laden me with mercies; fill me 
 with praise ; render me comely by that grace. 
 
 " My dear, I do unfeignedly long to be with thee, but as yet 
 do not see how to effect it till the very end of this month. I 
 shall do my utmost to hasten it. Prythee let me know how 
 thy occasions will order, whether or no thou mayest have thoughts 
 of seeing Acrise again, or meeting at our Inn, whether it be 
 Gravesend or Sittingbourne. I hope thy house will look a little 
 better upon thee than it did: Our cistern is almost up, and 
 our roof began; and some other small occasions I hope will 
 be accommodated. 
 
 "I have been fain to have fifty pounds of Mr. Stoke, because 
 of buying seed, and for Goody Rainer and Mr. Floate. We have 
 many men at work for this short time I shall be here, so that 
 I durst not send for less; to-morrow, I must send for a load 
 of deal; we are now going about our gutters, I would fain see 
 them done. 
 
 "I am sorry the business succeeds not in respect of the Mayor; 
 prythee if it should nOt, think of some way else for him. 
 
410 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 "All thy Children joyed to hear from thee. I shall make a 
 return of the respects of those remembered in thine; but I can 
 say no more, only I am thine entirely affectionated in the Lord 
 Christ, 
 
 "Jane Papillon." 
 
 Letter from A. M. Papillon, Wife of David Papillon to 
 a Servant left at Papillon Hall, Lubenham: — 
 
 "Loving Friend, 
 
 "I am sorry to hear there should be any differences between 
 you and Goody Ryland; she ought to be contented, if it be 
 my Husband's pleasure rather to entrust you with the key of 
 the house; he is at liberty to dispose of it as he pleaseth. 
 Concerning the key of the box, she having my linens to wash, 
 I bade her lay them up in the box, and take the key; not because 
 I mistrusted you, but I would not have her think I mistrusted 
 her. I pray you tell her that she should let me know if I 
 owe her any thing; I will pay her to the full. I hope before 
 this time my Husband is come thither; and I much long to 
 hear from him how it is with all your family. 
 
 "Remember my love to your husband, your daughters, and 
 son; remember me also to John and Alice Ryland; and I pray 
 you let there not be any misunderstanding between you, to break 
 love; for I desire to love you both. Thus committing you to the 
 protection of the Almighty, I rest, 
 
 "Your affectionate Friend, 
 
 "A. M. Papillon. 
 
 " From London, the ist of November." 
 
NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 
 
 "A Narration made by me, Pompeo Deodati, of my Life 
 and of the several favours received of the lord 
 Jesus, written as well for my own use as for my 
 Children : — 
 
 "Nicholas, my father, son of Alexander Deodati, was born at 
 Lucca A.D. 15 ii. He was a merchant, and dwelt for some 
 years in Antwerp, and lived prudently and honourably. He was 
 married A.D. 1540, to Mrs. Elizabeth, daughter of Giorolamo 
 Arnolfini, my mother, who brought me into the world the 14th 
 of August, 1542, and my brother Nicholas in October, 1544, 
 while my father was sick of a violent fever, and died two days 
 after, thus leaving my mother, then only twenty-one years old. 
 
 "The Lord had given my father grace some years before he 
 died to know the true religion, by means of Mr. Peter Martyr 
 Vermiglio, who at that time was Prior of St. Ferdiano, and who 
 preached the truth very freely at Lucca, which did so work upon 
 my father that he resolved to depart from Lucca with all his 
 family. He often acquainted my mother with his purpose, but 
 at that time she did not like it; but within a little time after, 
 the Lord was gracious to her also, giving her the knowledge of 
 the same truth by means of an Augustine Friar, to whom she 
 went (as usual) to confession. Though he did not know her, 
 instead of confessing her, he instructed her fully in the principal 
 articles of the true religion, exhorting her to detest all Popery 
 and its evils; and she received his teaching with such zeal that 
 she resolved as far as in her lay to escape from so great an 
 abomination, and to withdraw to Geneva: But this being very 
 diflScult to accomplish, owing to her youth and lack of aid, she 
 lived twenty- two years in this resolution, under great horrors 
 of conscience and much danger, refraining as much as she 
 could from idolatry: And her intentions being known to many 
 she informed her sister Mrs. Magdalen Calandrini, and her 
 brother-in-law Mr. Benedict Calandrini; and found both of them 
 inclining the same way, though foreseeing many difficulties in 
 
412 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 its accomplishment. Every year my mother was much troubled 
 with a complaint which often brought her to death's door; and 
 her father and mother often urged her again to marry; but she 
 always refused, hoping the Lord would shew her the way to 
 remove thence : And to that end, being moved by Mr. Benedict 
 Calandrini to marry his brother Julian, she condescended to do 
 so; nevertheless, the numerous difficulties of removal did not 
 lessen, but rather increased every day. 
 
 "It fell out that in 1562 I resolved to wait upon the Lord 
 Alexander Bonvisi, sent by the State of Lucca as Ambassador 
 to the Duke of Savoy, which was my first excursion, and a happy 
 one for me. At my departure my mother charged me to make 
 haste home, for she was about to leave on account of the 
 Religion. I did what I could to put this out of her head, 
 having then no such thoughts, though from our childhood she 
 had instructed my brother and myself in the true Religion, 
 and I knew it very well, and approved of it, but not with such 
 fervent zeal as to forsake my country and the temporal blessings 
 the Lord had bestowed upon me. I had till then spent my 
 time partly at school, and partly in trading, the Lord having in 
 His mercy preserved me from the dangers and corruptions into 
 which youth were so apt to fall in those parts. For curiosity- 
 sake I went from Piedmont to Lyons, whither God's providence 
 had directed my steps, to make me partaker of a great treasure, 
 which I was not seeking. 
 
 "It came to pass within a fortnight of my arrival at Lyons, 
 that those of the Reformed Religion there adopted it, and having 
 quite cast out all idolatry, they established the true Religion, 
 whereby I had occasion to learn how much I was indebted to 
 God for the knowledge he had given me : I attended the 
 preaching, and by the Grace of God the seed which had hitherto 
 lain hidden and fruitless within me began to take root, so far 
 that I resolved henceforward to free myself from the yoke of 
 Anti-Christ, and to dedicate myself wholly to the pure service 
 of God; and by His help I have never since done any thing 
 contrary to this holy resolution, notwithstanding the dangers 
 and trials it has involved; and for this the praise is due wholly 
 to God, having been incapable in myself of the least resolution, 
 
NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 413 
 
 or execution of that which His Grace enabled me to perform: 
 Wherein I do acknowledge that I am extremely obliged to Him, 
 and do beseech Him to give me Grace to render Him a true 
 and faithful account of the talent He hath given me; as I do 
 trust He will. 
 
 "I then resolved to come hither to Geneva; which greatly 
 comforted my mother; and she charged me to return to Lucca, 
 to help her to escape — an undertaking to which my love for 
 her alone engaged me, foreseeing the many trials and dangers 
 I should encounter in consequence of my public profession of 
 the Religion at Lyons. 
 
 "I went to Lucca in October, 1562, and told them of our 
 resolution to be gone with the Calandrini; and we all agreed 
 to eifect it, and to help each other : But it was a difficult matter 
 for the Calandrini, for the mother of Mr. Benedict was yet alive, 
 and unable to stir; besides they desired to sell their lands; and 
 thus we could not accomplish it for four years: Meanwhile, I 
 was chiefly at Lucca, in great danger and perplexity, owing to 
 the opposition of my nearest relatives, and on account of my 
 young brother, lest he should be left there alone. 
 
 "In order not to be at Lucca at Easter, when every one is 
 obliged to communicate to that Abomination, I went in 1563 
 to Venice, in 1564 to Lyons, and in 1565 to Geneva; and that 
 at much risk, for I made an open profession, being unwilling 
 that any should think I consented to idolatry; but the Lord 
 did most miraculously preserve me. 
 
 "We advised my brother Nicholas to marry, and he did so 
 with Mrs. Julia, daughter of Mr. Benedict Bonvisi; and I resolved 
 to take Laura, daughter of Mr. Julian Calandrini : But as I 
 would not be subject to idolatry I could not marry at Lucca, 
 though much urged to do so; and by not consenting I placed 
 Laura and her friends in danger of being detained there; for 
 my engagement to her was publicly known, and our espousal 
 recognized. At last, seeing I could put it off no longer, I went 
 away in March, 1566, it being arranged that my mother should 
 follow me with my Bride within six months. I found much 
 comfort in my departure, and resolved never to return, though 
 I was leaving my native country and many objects dear to 
 
414 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 me — being fully convinced that we should ere long be banished 
 from it, and persecuted; as it came to pass: But I was glad 
 to be free from so hard a bondage, the torments of which none 
 can express. 
 
 "My mother and our friends much feared the sale of their 
 estates would be hindered, for most of our kindred were averse 
 to her departure, and every one knew the cause of mine: But 
 the Lord did miraculously open the way, so that notwithstanding 
 all difficulties my mother and my wife came away in the following 
 September, accompanied by Mr. Benedict Calandrini and my 
 brother Nicholas; and I went with them from Lyons to Paris. 
 Our parting from Nicholas was very trying; he requesting my 
 mother with many entreaties, to stay one year more with him 
 at Lucca, till he had instructed his wife better in governing her 
 house, for she was then very young; and other snares were laid 
 to detain her, and prevent her leaving at all; but the Lord 
 strengthened her, so that in spite of all temptations she came 
 away with us. 
 
 "Mr. Benedict and Mr. Michael Burlamachi came also with 
 their families in the following March, without any hindrance ; 
 and we all gave thanks to God for bringing us safely to His 
 Church. 
 
 "I had purposed that we should have all come directly to 
 Geneva; but at the persuasion of our friends, who thought it 
 would facilitate our escape and defer our prosecution from those 
 at Lucca — we resolved to purchase Lusarches, a castle and plot 
 of ground about seven miles from Paris, whither we all repaired : 
 And my mother was married to Mr. Julian Calandrini as promised 
 some years before. 
 
 "In June, 1567, we were all cited to appear in person at 
 Lucca, on pain of being banished. This was the beginning of 
 the persecution wherewith the Lord did honour us to bear His 
 banner, and to suffer for His Name : And none appearing, we 
 were all condemned to death, our goods were confiscated, and 
 a prohibition was laid on all at Lucca to speak to us, or have 
 any communication with us whatsoever; our names,- with various 
 extracts from the Decree of Banishment, &c., were hung up in 
 the Court of Chancery; and within some five years the sum of 
 
NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 415 
 
 300 crowns was set upon our heads, to be paid to him that 
 should kill any of us in France, Spain, Italy, or Flanders; thus 
 they used the utmost rigour against us, as is usually done in 
 the most criminal causes. But while banished from our earthly 
 country, we became Citizens of Heaven. 
 
 "Not long after we were all settled at Lusarches, the French 
 Religious Wars again broke out: The Prince of Condd lay at 
 St. Denis, and about the loth November the battle of that 
 place was fought; many were slain on both sides, and three 
 days afterwards the Prince went away with those of our side 
 towards Brie; and lest we should suffer from the other party 
 we resolved to leave Lusarches with our families, and follow his 
 army, not knowing whither: Our departure was so sudden that 
 we could make but few arrangements, so that our house 
 was plundered of its comfortable furniture; and having no 
 acquaintances in the army, we were much suspected, were 
 often in want of food, once were robbed of some of our silk, 
 which however we recovered at considerable cost — and incurred 
 dangers which were very trying to our women, especially to my 
 wife and her sister, who were both with child: But the Lord, 
 Who ever guarded us, led the Prince to send his wife to Orleans 
 with all who were not disposed to follow him ; he having resolved 
 to march towards Lorraine, to meet some auxiliaries from 
 Germany. We determined to follow the Princess and her party, 
 and after many hazards we reached Montargis, and sent to 
 Madame of Ferrara, owner of the place, for leave to stay there, 
 which she very courteously granted, though she had refused 
 the privilege to the rest of our company. It was indeed 
 refreshing to receive the attentions both of the Duchess and 
 her Court; and after some weeks, an order reaching her 
 Highness from the King to send away all those of the Religion, 
 she was obliged to do so in regard of some, but she took us 
 to her own Castle, where my wife was delivered of a son; but 
 the birth being premature, the infant died within six hours. 
 
 "We remained at the Chateau till June, 1568, when a Treaty 
 of Peace was made, and my father-in-law and myself with our 
 wives returned to Lusarches, and the rest of our party to Paris. 
 We were not long at rest, however, for in January, 1569, the 
 
4l6 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Wars again broke out; and feeling ourselves very insecure, we 
 resolved to go to Sedan, which we did in August, 1569, and 
 were very courteously received there by the Duchess of Bouillon 
 on letters of recommendation from her husband, who was then 
 at Court: They were both of the reformed Religion, and during 
 the persecutions in France they entertained at Sedan many of 
 their refugee brethren. 
 
 "Before long the rest of our party joined us, and we lived 
 together in peace and security. My daughter Judith was born 
 there on the 14th May, 1570. 
 
 "All this time we kept Lusarches on our hands, and lost 
 much on its farm, and by robbery of our goods; but it was 
 no small comfort to us at Sedan and Montargis to meet many 
 Protestants, and to hear many sermons, while at Lusarches we 
 could hear but few, and even then with danger. 
 
 "Peace being again restored, we returned to Lusarches in 
 October, 1570, and remained there till the Massacre; always 
 in more or less danger. My wife was delivered of a son on 
 24th March, 1572, but he died within twenty-two days. 
 
 "The King of Navarre's wedding was kept at Paris in August, 
 1572, and I went there with my wife; but on the Admiral 
 (Coligny) being wounded, we returned to Lusarches on the 
 23rd, the day before that horrid Massacre of so many Protestants 
 of all ranks. The next day, I sent my man-servant to Paris to 
 ascertain what was going on; he was a Papist, and his wife 
 was in the City, and hearing of the Massacre he resolved to 
 go in, and return to us no more ; but the Lord, who would 
 make use of him to bring us word, caused the gates to be 
 shut against him. We were at supper when he brought us the 
 sad news, bitter indeed to us on account of our many friends 
 of quality who had fallen, and for the danger in which it 
 involved us personally; for our town was full of angry and 
 cruel persecutors of the Religion; and though we had done all 
 we could to pacify them, they eagerly desired our death; for 
 having stolen many of our goods, they feared we might some 
 day prosecute them. Our Minister, Mr. Capello, was with us 
 that evening, and after he had prayed to God to have pity on 
 us, and direct us what to do, we resolved to be off again to 
 
NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 417 
 
 Sedan that very night, much fearing that our neighbours would 
 murder us as soon as they should learn what had happened in 
 Paris: And the Lord miraculously saved us on this occasion 
 also; for strange to say, none of our town's folk heard of the 
 Massacre till the following day, though we were only seven 
 miles distant, on a much-frequented road. We prepared to 
 start as soon as the people should have retired to rest, but 
 they were dancing in the street till close on midnight: Then 
 we went, taking little with us but what was on our backs; all 
 that we left behind, household stuff, provisions, great store of 
 cattle, and many things of value were plundered the next day 
 by the enraged mob, who eagerly searched for ourselves to kill 
 us, and cursed the day of our escape. 
 
 "As many on the road knew the cause of our departure, and 
 threatened us, we went to [illegible], and there met the Duchess 
 of Bouillon, on her way from Paris to Sedan, in as great or 
 greater fear, than ourselves: She kindly took us into her 
 company, and by God's mercy we reached Sedan in safety, 
 without in any way compromising our Religion, though often 
 urged to do so — for instance to put a white cross on our hats, 
 as many of our company did, as if they were Papists; but God 
 be thanked, we did it not. 
 
 "On reaching Sedan we barely obtained admission the 
 Governor refusing it to all who were fleeing for Religion's sake; 
 but the Duchess prevailed with him on our behalf, with a 
 proviso that we should not stir out of doors for many days. 
 
 "At first we were told that all our friends in Paris had been 
 killed, which grieved us very much; but afterwards we learned 
 that by the good providence of God they had all miraculously 
 escaped. Michael Burlamachi's three children had been sent 
 to the Duke of Guise, who kept them for some time in his 
 house; and the others were taken in by Monsieur de Bouillon, 
 and they stayed with him for some months, often in much 
 danger, and urged to attend Mass as the only way of saving 
 their lives; but the Lord did strengthen them all, so that neither 
 there nor at the Duke of Guise's, did the least child give way 
 to temptation. 
 
 "At last, they all came to Sedan, in company with the Due 
 
 ec 
 
41 8 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 de Bouillon, and it was a very great comfort to us all to be 
 together again in health and safety: but we had sustained great 
 losses, not only at Lusarches, but in much money that I had 
 laid out there, which was all lost. However, the Lord dealt 
 very graciously with us, in comparison with many of our 
 brethren; and in all our flights it was a great comfort to us 
 to hear the Word of God abundantly preached. 
 
 "On the 13th June, 1573, my daughter Susanna was born 
 at Sedan; and though my wife and infant were very ill, the 
 Lord preserved them, and in August I took my wife to Spa 
 for a time. 
 
 "In the following December, Mr. Julian Calandrini died: 
 Ever since he married my mother we had lived together in 
 one household. 
 
 "In June, 1574, I returned to Spa, and took my family with 
 me, having resolved to go thence to Geneva, which I had all along 
 desired, and feeling that God had afflicted us in France because 
 we had not gone thither in the first instance, as I purposed. 
 
 "We remained at Spa all the summer, in order to drink the 
 waters, and we then went to [illegible], where we remained all 
 the winter, and enjoyed the free exercise of our religion. 
 
 "We left Spa on the 3rd April, 1575, and were in much danger 
 of being wrecked on the Rhine, but by God's mercy we arrived 
 here on the 5th May; and it was a great comfort to us, after 
 so many storms and trials, to find so many of our kindred and 
 countrymen, and many other blessings that the Lord hath granted 
 us, with the hope that we may now have some rest, without any 
 more of the wanderings wherewith He hath visited us, though 
 amidst all He hath not failed to watch over us, and to make all 
 to work together for good. 
 
 "On the nth May, 1576, my son Elias was born: Through 
 his mother's indisposition he was put to several nurses, and 
 became very ill, but the Lord graciously restored him, and he 
 has been well ever since. 
 
 "In May, 1578, I had a violent fever; and the Plague was 
 then raging at Geneva, as it did for several years before and after; 
 but the Lord in His mercy delivered me from my sickness. 
 
 "On the 4th March, 1579, my son Deodati was born. 
 
NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 419 
 
 "In the summer I went into France to try to recover some 
 of the large amounts due to me at Lusarches; but I had little 
 success, and was in much danger, my debtors threatening to 
 kill me, as was often done to those of the Religion, but the 
 Lord preserved me. 
 
 "On the 24th April, 1580, the Lord was pleased to lay a heavy 
 affliction upon me, in taking away my dear wife Laura: She 
 was sick two weeks with shortness of breath, and evinced much 
 faith and piety. She had been a great help to me in all my 
 troubles. 
 
 "It pleased the Lord to leave to me my mother, who aided 
 me much in ordering my family after my wife's death; but on 
 the 14th December, 1582, she also died, after a fever of two 
 weeks' duration : She departed with her full understanding ; 
 well comforted, and assured of her salvation. 
 
 "This second loss was a great blow, leaving me with four 
 children, and destitute of two such dear and valuable companions ; 
 but the Lord never abandoned me; in all my trials He upheld 
 me by His Grace, so that I could recognize His aid in all my 
 needs. 
 
 "In 1581, at my mother's suggestion, I had bought the land 
 at Sacconet, and within a few months I built a house there; 
 but she could not enjoy it, for the year following the Duke of 
 Savoy sent an army under Monsieur de Racconis, intending to 
 surprise Geneva; and failing in that they remained in the 
 neighbourhood several months, and kept us in much apprehension 
 till April, 1589, when war against the Duke was openly declared. 
 The City was driven to this by his continual plots and hostile 
 devices. The war lasted for several years, and the City and 
 surrounding country suffered very much, the Duke coming near 
 the walls with his numerous army, while we were left to our 
 own defence. 
 
 "By the Duke's order the Manor of Glex was burned; and 
 the inhabitants were subjected to barbarous cruelties. In order 
 to starve us out the Duke caused a fort to be built at Versoy, 
 and when it was completed and garrisoned we found ourselves 
 reduced to such extremities that we resolved to attempt its 
 surprise; and the Lord helping us we did so with a force of 
 
 cc 2 
 
420 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 four hundred men, slaying many of the defenders, and razing 
 the work. This gave us rest for some time, but before long 
 my house at Sacconet was burnt down, and all my horses and 
 cattle were carried off. Many of the rural population had fled 
 into the City for protection, and it was pitiable to witness their 
 distress; but much Uberality was shewn to them by various 
 people of means. 
 
 "During the first year of the war we sent our wives and 
 children to Basle. In 15 91 I went thither. On the 6th August 
 I gave my daughter Sarah in marriage to Nicholas Balbani, and 
 we returned to Geneva about a month afterwards. 
 
 "I had no thoughts of marrying again, but I was led to do so 
 for various reasons; and in this, as in other matters, the Lord's 
 hand was with me; for contrary to the frequent experience in 
 such cases, great unanimity prevailed in our family. 
 
 "In January, 1592, I bestowed my daughter Judith on Mr. 
 Fabricio Burlamachi, who by God's grace had left idolatry the 
 year before, and had come hither to Geneva. It is a cause 
 for much praise to God, for he has many good qualities and 
 much zeal for the Religion. 
 
 "In April, 1592, my son Nicholas was born, and my daughter 
 Elizabeth in February, 1594. In November, 1595, my wife 
 was delivered of twin sons, who were baptized, and named 
 Theodore and Paul; but they were born prematurely, and the 
 Lord was pleased to take them after a while. 
 
 "About this time my son Elias went into France, to pursue 
 his studies in Law: I was averse at first to his going, but gave 
 my consent to it on several accounts; and I earnestly pray God 
 that he may do well. 
 
 "In 1597, my daughter Susanna was married to Monsieur 
 Babtista de Saussure, son of Monsieur Dommartino, of 
 Lausanne. 
 
 "In 1598, sickness again broke out at Geneva, and it pleased 
 God to take away my son-in-law. Monsieur Fabricio Burlamachi, 
 after two-and-a-half days' illness: This was a great grief to us 
 all; for he was a delightful companion, well disposed, and of 
 very good judgment, and I had hoped that he might succeed 
 myself as the mainstay of our family; but it was the Lord's 
 
NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 42 1 
 
 pleasure on this, as on many other occasions, to shew us the 
 frailty of all earthly things. He was well advanced in the 
 Religion, and gave up his spirit, full of zeal and faith. He 
 died in our house; and we attended him to the last, full of 
 grief and fear ; for both our families were in evident danger : 
 his consisted of his poor wife, a daughter of three years, and a 
 son of seven weeks. 
 
 "With difficulty we removed for a time, and the Lord graciously 
 preserved us from various attacks; which was a great blessing, 
 considering the danger, and our afflictions in mind and body. 
 This loss was one of my greatest trials, for my daughter loved 
 her husband with an ardent and reciprocal affection ;' and now, 
 at twenty-eight years old, she was reduced to a widow, having 
 enjoyed his company only some months, for all the rest of his 
 time he was in France, following the Court through troubles 
 and dangers: Still in this matter also, the Lord did not fail 
 to assist us, and to comfort us by His mercy. 
 
 "In May, 1598, my son Alexander was born; his godfather 
 was Mr. Francisco Turrettini. 
 
 "Here end the Observations of Mr. Pompeo Deodati, written 
 by his own hand." 
 
 N.B. — The diction being rather strained and un-English 
 in the original, the Author has modified it in these 
 respects. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Acrise Place, Kent, purchased of Robert Lewkenor, Esq., by 
 Thomas Papillon, 97. Service of the church there, 106-7, 
 iio-i. Vault built in the church by Thomas Papillon, 
 and its successive occupants, in. The property passes 
 into the hands of the Mackinnon family, 112. 
 
 Address to his Children, by Thomas Papillon, when at Utrecht, 
 309-24. 
 
 Adventurers for employing poor French Protestants in the Linen 
 Manufacture, List of: — 
 
 Ashe, Sir Joseph 
 Barr, Peter 
 
 Berkeley, George, Earl of 
 Blondel, John 
 Carbonnel, William 
 Child, Sir Josiah 
 Clayton, Sir Robert 
 Coquard, David 
 Cornish, Alderman Henry 
 Coulon, Moses 
 Cudworth, John 
 Dashwood, George 
 Delm^, Peter 
 Dolins, Abraham 
 Drigne, John 
 Edwards, Sir James 
 Edwin, Humphrey 
 Frederick, Sir John 
 Gray, John 
 
 Hashaw, Peter 
 Heringbrooke, Peter 
 Heme, Joseph 
 Houblon, James 
 Houblon, John 
 Houblon, Peter 
 Jeune, Benjamin de 
 Johnson, Sir Henry 
 Irwin, Isaac 
 Kesterman, Peter 
 Lane, John 
 Lane, Thomas 
 Lawrance, Sir John 
 Letten, Nathanael 
 Lillers, Isaac de 
 Lillers, Jacob de 
 Lock, Roger 
 
 London, Henry, Lord Bishop 
 of, 
 
424 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Lucy, Jacob Stibert, Abraham 
 
 Moore, Sir John (late Lord Stillingfleet, Edward (Dean 
 
 Mayor) of St. Paul's) 
 
 Morden, John Tavernier, John 
 
 New, James de Tench, Nathanael 
 
 Olmius, Herman Thorold, Charles 
 
 Oxenden, Sir James Thuillier, Christopher de 
 
 Paige, John Thuillier, Samuel de 
 
 Papillon, Thomas Tillotson, Dr. John (Dean of 
 Pollexfen, John Canterbury) 
 
 Prie, Daniel du Turner, Sir William 
 
 Primrose, David Tyssen, Francis 
 
 Pritchard, Sir William (Lord Vanhuythussen, Gerard 
 
 Mayor) Vinck, Isaac de 
 
 Renew, Peter Viner, Sir Robert 
 
 Rudge, Edward Ward, Sir Patience 
 
 Sedgwick, William Willaw, John 
 
 Sheppeard, Thomas Williamson, James 
 
 —1 18-9. 
 
 Agrippa, Corneille, Eulogy on Almaque Papillon, 10. 
 
 Allen, Sir Thomas, signs the Auditors' Report on the City of 
 London Accounts with Thomas Papillon and others in 
 1674, — 115. Supported Thomas Papillon on his Trial in 
 1684,-353. 
 
 Antrim, Marquis of, his Estates restored to him by Charles II., 
 
 104-5. 
 
 Austen, Edward, Esq., inherits the Estates of Thomas Knight, of 
 Godmersham, Kent, 34 [A^/*]. 
 
 Baird, Professor Henry M., Author of "History of the rise of 
 the Huguenots," 9 [Nbte\. 
 
 Balbani, Burlamachi, Calandrini, and Deodati, Refugees from 
 Lucca, 5. Narrative of their flight from place to place, 
 Appendix 41 1-2 1. 
 
 Ball, John, a Hamburgh merchant, marries Mary Papillon, 12. 
 
 Ballad on the loss of the Charter of the City of London, 235-7. 
 
INDEX. 425 
 
 Barnardiston, Sir Samuel, Foreman of Grand Jury on First Earl 
 of Shaftesbury, 199. Tried for a Misdemeanour, and fined 
 ;^io,ooo, — 202. 
 
 Bartholomew's Day, Massacre of, at Paris, 5-6, 9. 
 
 Bath, Anonymous Satire on Members of Corporation. 
 
 Boyer, M., befriends Papillon and Godfrey at Paris, 20-1. 
 
 Brandy, undue Charges on, by Customs and Excise, successfully 
 disputed by Thomas Papillon and others, 56-8. 
 
 Breda, Treaty of, 1667, Deputation from East India Company, 
 including Papillon, sent to watch its proceedings, 93. 
 
 Breton, M., of Havre de Grace, marries Elizabeth, Sister of 
 David Papillon, 2. 
 
 Broadnax, Jane, Sen., Letters from, relative to her Daughter's 
 Marriage, 36-38. 
 „ Jane, Jun., Wife of Thomas Papillon, 33-4. Marriage 
 41. Her character, 44-5. Letters from, 41-4, 100, 
 238-9) 385-410. Care of Acrise Place and Farms, 
 1 01-2. Her death, 44. 
 
 Brockman, Mr., of Beachborough, friend of Thomas Papillon, 
 388. 
 
 Brudenell, William, of Glaston, Rutlandshire, marries Anne 
 Papillon; their Son, 13. 
 
 Budoc, M., befriends Papillon and Godfrey at Rouen, 19. 
 
 Burlamachi, Marie, Wife of Michael Godfrey, Sen., 47. 
 
 „ Michael, protection of his Children in house of 
 
 the Due de Guise during the Massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew, 6. 
 „ Philippe, joins David Papillon in journey to 
 
 Holland, to redeem and sell the Jewels of Charles 
 L, 7. 
 
 Calandrini, Anne Marie, Daughter of Jean Calandrini, and 
 second Wife of David Papillon, 5, 47. Her character, 6. 
 Her remark on Thomas Papillon becoming a Contractor 
 for Victualling the Navy, 100. 
 
426 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Calandrini, Cousin ; probably a daughter of the Rev. Louis 
 
 Calandrini, ejected Minister of Abbots Stapleford, 
 
 Essex, 260. 
 „ Guilliano, Protestant Refugee from Lucca, cir. 1560, 
 
 5-6, 411-Z1. 
 „ Jean, his Son, Father of Anne Marie, second Wife 
 
 of David Papillon, 47. 
 ,, Scipione, natural Son of Guilliano, brought to a 
 
 knowledge of the truth by Aonio Paleario, 6. 
 
 Carbonnell, William, consents to relieve Thomas Papillon from 
 Treasurership for employment of Poor French Protestants, 
 119A. 
 
 Castol, Johan, Minister, Father of Marie, first Wife of David 
 Papillon, 4. 
 „ Marie, Daughter of above, first Wife of David Papillon, 
 4. Her Children, 5. Her Death and Burial, 5. 
 
 Chambrelan, Abraham, marries Esther Papillon, 2. 
 
 „ Charles, Witnesses the signature of Sir Thomas 
 
 Chambrelan testifying to the loyalty of Thomas 
 
 Papillon, and of his imprisonment for Charles I.'s 
 
 sake, 23. 
 „ David, of Rouen, marries Anne Papillon, 2. 
 
 „ Sir Thomas, Merchant, takes Thomas Papillon as 
 
 Apprentice, 13. Offers him Partnership, becomes 
 
 Security for him on his entry into Business — 14. 
 
 Testifies to his loyalty and his sufferings for Charles 
 
 I.'s sake, 23. 
 
 Charenton, near Paris, Reformed Church at, attended by Thomas 
 Papillon and Michael Godfrey, 21. Thomas Papillon, 
 the Avocat and his Son David, Elders of it, 2 5. 
 
 Charles I. Thomas Papillon joins in an effort to restore him to 
 the throne (1647), — 16. 
 
 Charles II. Thomas Papillon recognises his care of the interests 
 of Trade, 72. Remarks on hearing of his Majesty's death, 
 258. Jane Papillon prays for him, 393. 
 
INDEX. 4*7 
 
 Child, Sir Josiah, Joins Papillon in Contract for Victualling the 
 Navy, 99. Is excluded, with Papillon, from Directorate 
 of East India Company by desire of Charles II., 79-80. 
 Governor of the Company, excludes various Members, 
 and bribes the Government freely, 81. Letter to Thomas 
 Papillon, 88-90. His views (1669) on Trade in general, 
 73-4- 
 
 Colquhoun, J. C, Author of "Italy and France in the Olden 
 Time," 11 [Mfe]. 
 
 Committees of the House of Commons, of which Papillon was 
 a Member, 161-71. Others of an extreme character, 
 172-5- 
 
 Confession of Sins, by Thomas Papillon (1668), — 325-36. 
 
 Cooke, Mrs. Margaret. Letter to Jane Papillon (1687), — 238-9. 
 Thomas Papillon's remarks on it, 240-1. 
 
 Cornish, Alderman, 228, supported Thomas Papillon on the 
 occasion of his Trial, 353. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, Protector, summons a Collogue of the French 
 Church in England, and directs their proceedings to be 
 submitted to a body of Divines, subject to a Committee 
 of the Privy Council, 49. 
 
 CuUen, Nicholas, Esq., Mayor of Dover, 178,90. 
 
 Customs, Commissioners and Farmers of. Disputes with, by 
 Papillon and others, 55-8. 
 
 D'Aranda, Mr. Paul, of Amsterdam, friend of Thomas Papillon, 
 entertains him on arrival as an Exile, 253-4. Requests 
 him to write a Treatise on the Sabbath. 282. 
 
 Deane, near Wingham, Kent, Seat of Sir James Oxenden, Bart., 
 129. 
 
 Decay of Trade, Views on, by Thomas Papillon and Josiah Child, 
 70-4. 
 
 Delm^, Pastor of French Church in London, Complaints against, 
 &c., 48-50. 
 
428 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Deodati, Nicholas, Refugee from Lucca with Guilliano, 5. Led 
 to embrace "the Religion" by the preaching of Peter 
 Martyr Vermiglio, 6. Narrative by, 41 1-2 1. 
 
 Desborow, General, on Committee of Privy Council respecting 
 disputes in the French Church in London, 49. 
 
 Desmaistres, Jean, common Ancestor of the families of Broadnax, 
 Godfrey, and Papillon. 
 „ James, marries Henry Kule, 47. 
 
 Dixwell, Sir Basil, Bart., of Broome Park, Kent, elected Member 
 of Parliament for Dover, 1689, with Thomas Papillon, 350. 
 
 Dover, Forces sent to defend it, 193. 
 
 „ Political ar^d Ecclesiastical disputes in, 12 1-4. Elects 
 Thomas Papillon for Member of Parliament, 126-7. 
 Ditto, 128. Number of Ships to be supplied by, as 
 required by the Charter of the Cinque Ports, 130-1. 
 Lord Warden of, his duties, 132. Corporation purged, 
 177-9. Surrender of Charter, 187-9. Restoration of 
 ejected Members of Corporation, 191. Again elects 
 Papillon as Member of Parliament, 350. 
 
 Mayor, Jurats, and Common Council-men, 1680-8 : 
 
 Baxe, Richard, 181. Everard, William, 182. 
 
 Bayler, Edward, 182. Foord, John, 182. 
 
 Bedingfield, Thomas, 182. Francklyn, Edward, 181,2, 
 Bridgeman, William, 191. 190. 
 
 Broadley, Henry, 182. Gallant, Robert, 190. 
 
 Bullarke, John, 181, 192. Gardner, John, 190. 
 
 Burke, Clement, 190,1. Gearie, William, 182. 
 
 Colloy, Robert, 182. Gibbon, Thomas, 182, 190. 
 
 CuUen, Nicholas, 178-92. Gill, Charles, 190. 
 
 Danaber, John, 182. Golden, John, 191. 
 
 Dawkes, Richard, 182. Golden, Dr. John, 192. 
 
 Dawkes, Thomas, 182. Goodwyn, Benjamin, 190-1 
 
 Denew, Nathaniel, 190. Hamerdon, Thomas, 182. 
 
 Eaton, William, 182. Hawkins, Benjamin, 190. 
 
 Edwards, Richard, 190. Hills, Richard, 182,90. 
 
 El win, William, 190. Hogben, Robert, 190. 
 
INDEX. 429 
 
 Holder, John, 181. Richards, William, 181. 
 
 Holland, John, 182,90. Roberts, Edward, 191. 
 
 HoUingsbury, John, 182. Scott, Thomas, 182,90. 
 
 Jacob, Robert, 190,1. Shewnall, Eleazor, 190. 
 
 Jemmett, Warham, 190,1. Smith, William, 191. 
 
 Kennett, Robert, 190. Stafford, Thomas, 190. 
 
 Lamb, Isaacke, 181. Stokes, Captain William, 
 Lucas, Samuel, 190,1. 179,80, 190, 192. 
 
 Nepnon, William, 182. Tiddeman, Thomas, 190,1. 
 
 Nowell, Thomas, 191. Vayly, Charles, 181. 
 
 Osborne, Robert, 191. Vayly, John, 181. 
 
 Peene, William, 182. Veel, Thomas, 188, 191. 
 
 Peirce, Thomas, 182. Wellard, Aaron, 190. 
 
 Pepper, Thomas, 182. Wellard, George, 182,90. 
 
 Peters, Peter, 182, 190. West, Captain George, 
 Pitts, Edward, 182, 190. 190,1,2. 
 
 Raworth, Thomas, 181,2. Wool, Thomas, 190. 
 
 Dubois, John, deputed, with Thomas Papillon, by French Church 
 in London, to remonstrate with the Protector against 
 infringement of its right of self-government ; their 
 letter, &c., 48-53. 
 „ John, popular Candidate, with Papillon for the Sheriff- 
 wick of London and Middlesex, 1682, — 214-27. Joins 
 Papillon in authorizing arrest of the Lord Mayor if 
 requisite, 228. His death, 234. 
 
 Dutch, the, reported to have taken Mersey Island, 395. 
 
 East India Company, Sketch of rise of, 75-8. Thomas Papillon 
 joins it, 78. He is excluded from Directorate of, by 
 desire of Charles II., 79. He writes a Pamphlet on the 
 need of Exclusive Trade to the last, 80. But favours an 
 Extension of the Company, 83-4. Is excluded from 
 Directorate by the influence of Josiah Child, 81. Joins 
 the New Company, 84. Final Amalgamation of the Two 
 Companies, 87. 
 
 Eastland Merchants' Company, Petition from, 60-4. 
 
 Election Entertainment at Dover, Charges for, 147. 
 
430 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Elham, Debauchery caused by the Fair, 403. 
 
 Excise, Commissioners and Farmers of, Disputes with, by 
 Papillon and others, 55-8. 
 „ David Papillon, Father and Son, successively Commis- 
 sioners of, 98. 
 
 Fagge, Sir John, Baronet, Address to, by the Electors of Sussex 
 in 1681, — 160-1. 
 
 Fairfax, Jordan, Witnesses Signature of Sir Thomas Chambrelan 
 to Testimonial of Thomas Papillon's loyalty and suifermgs 
 touching Charles I., 23. 
 
 Fawkner, Everard, of Bulwich, Northamptonshire, marries Anne 
 {nie Papillon) Widow of William Brudenell, their 
 Children, 13. 
 „ Elizabeth, Daughter of above, marries the Rev. John 
 Shower, 13. 
 
 Fell, Mr. James, Educated at Dieppe for Pastorate in Reformed 
 Church in France, and elected to a Pastorate in London, 
 53-4- 
 
 Fire, the Great, of London, Allusion to it by Jane Papillon, 396. 
 
 Fishborne, Richard, Bequeaths ^1000 to the Worshipful the 
 Mercers' Company for Loans gratis to five young men 
 on entry into business, Thomas Papillon receiving one 
 of ;^2oo,— 14. 
 
 Floate, Rev.. Mr., of Acrise, 404. 
 
 Fontaine, Peter, of Caen, marries Mary Papillon, Aunt of 
 Thomas Papillon, 5. 
 
 Fortification, Work on, published by David Papillon in 1645, 2-4. 
 French Church in London, Disputes in, and Government of, 48- 
 53- 
 
 Gamier, Emily Caroline, marries Philip Oxenden Papillon, 
 present head of the Family, 47. 
 
 Gerbrandt, Madame, Cousin of David Papillon of Paris, ai. 
 
INDEX. 43^ 
 
 Gibbons, Mr., Mayor of Dover, very obliging and serviceable to 
 Jane Papillon, 194, 399. She begs her husband to help 
 him to get a berth, 403, 405, 409. 
 
 Gloucester, City, Fortified by David Papillon, 2. 
 
 Godfrey, Michael, Sen., his lineage, 17 \Note\. Cousin and 
 fellow Apprentice of Thomas Papillon, flees with him 
 to France, his character, 16-17. Their journey to 
 Paris, and stay there, 18-21. Their mutual relation- 
 ship, 47. 
 
 „ Michael, Jun., his aid to William Paterson in founding 
 the Bank of England, and his tragic death, 23-4. 
 
 „ Peter, Owner of Westbrook, near Lydd, Kent, 18. 
 
 Godmersham Park, Kent, successively owned by Broadnax, 
 Knight, and Austen, 34 [Nbte\. 
 
 Goodenough, Solicitor, employed by Papillon and Dubois in their 
 Suit V. the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, 228. Engaged in 
 the Rye House Plot, 234. 
 
 Guise, Due de, Michael Burlamachi's Children protected in his 
 house in Paris during the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 6. 
 
 Harding, Samuel, of Exeter College, Oxford, friend of Philip 
 Papillon, 12. 
 
 Hardinge, George, Mr. Justice, writes an Epitaph on Thomas 
 Papillon, 383. 
 
 Hardwicke, First Earl of, obtains Commissionership of Excise 
 for David Papillon, Grandson of Thomas Papillon, and 
 for David Papillon his Great Grandson, 98. 
 
 Harrison, Mr., Thomas Papillon's Head Clerk, 43-4, 393. 
 
 Hayward, Samuel, Ironmonger, Southwark, marries Ann Papillon, 
 12. 
 
 Heathcote, Gilbert, joint owner of the Ship " Redbridge" detained 
 in the Thames by Admiralty Order, 86. 
 
 Hersent, Susanna, of Southampton, marries Peter Papillon, 3. 
 
432 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Houblon, Peter, Mr., supports Thomas Papillon before the Lord 
 Mayor and Aldermen, 229. 
 
 Hunt, Thomas, of Boreatton, Salop, marries Jane Ward, Grand- 
 daughter of Thomas Papillon, 46. 
 
 Ireland, small Property held there by Thomas Papillon, 104-6. 
 
 Irish Cattle, &c.. Prohibition to Import into England, Papillon's 
 opposition to the Act, 140-6. 
 
 Jeffreys, Sir George (Lord Chief Justice), his description of 
 Thomas Papillon, 204. Counsel for the Lord Mayor 
 and Aldermen, 218. Counsel for the Crown v. Pilkington, 
 Shute, and others, 232. 
 
 Jenkins, Sir Lionel, Secretary of State, Sketch of his life and 
 character, 193-7. 
 
 Joliffe, Ann, marries Philip, Son of Thomas Papillon, 46-7. 
 
 Keyser, Mary, marries David Papillon, Grandson of Thomas 
 Papillon, 47. 
 
 Lawrence, Alderman Sir John, supports Papillon and 'Dubois, 
 at Sheriff's Election, 223-7. Urges Papillon to accept the 
 post of Alderman, 352. 
 
 Lawrence, friend of Thomas Papillon, 17. 
 
 Lewkenor, Robert, Esq., of whom Thomas Papillon bought Acrise 
 Place, 97, 389, 391. 
 
 London, City, Accounts, Thomas Papillon Auditor of, and Report 
 on, 1 13-7, 
 
 „ „ Thomas Papillon twice (1695 and 1698) elected 
 
 Member of Parliament for, 90. 
 
 London and Middlesex, Thomas Papillon and Dubois elected 
 Sheriffs for, 218-20. 
 
 Mackinnon, William Alexander, Esq., present owner of Acrise 
 Place, Kent, 112. 
 
INDEX. 433 
 
 Mallett, Sir John, M.P., adduces Papillon's exclusion from 
 Directorate of East India Company by the King as "a 
 Grievance,'' 78. 
 
 Marot, Clement, Poet, &c., friend of Almaque Papillon, 9-10. 
 
 Martel, friend of Thomas Papillon, 17. 
 
 Massacre of St. Bartholomew, Papillon a Victim, 9. 
 
 "Men, The Lives and Passions of," work published by David 
 Papillon, 7. 
 
 Mokett, Rev. Mr., of Acrise, 43, 404, 405, 407. 
 
 Moore, Sir John, Lord Mayor (1681-2), — 207. Assumes charge 
 of the Election of Sheriffs, with the support of the majority 
 of the Aldermen, 211-28. 
 
 Mount's Court, near Acrise, 389. 
 
 Navigation Act, Thomas Papillon opposes prolonged suspension 
 of, 68-9. 
 
 Nicholson, Mary, of Cambridge, marries George Papillon; their 
 Family, &c., 12. 
 
 Norris, Peter, his seizure and imprisonment strongly condemned 
 by Papillon, 166-7. 
 
 North, Sir Dudley, his early career and character, 212-3. Is 
 declared by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to be Sheriff- 
 elect for London and Middlesex, 219. Is sworn in, 227. 
 Inveighs against the conduct of Papillon and Dubois, 
 230-1. 
 
 North, Roger, author of "Examen," 212-3. 
 
 Northampton, Fortification of, 3-4. 
 
 Gates, Dr. Titus, 148-9, 237. 
 
 Oxenden, Sir George, Governor of Bombay, 98. 
 
 „ Sir Henry, accompanies Papillon to Dover Election 
 
 (i673),-i2S. 
 „ Sir James, likely to be returned as Member of Parlia- 
 ment for Sandwich, Kent, 128. 
 
434 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Oxenden, Frances Margaret, Wife of Thomas Papillon, father of 
 present head of the family, 47. 
 
 Papillon, Abraham, youngest brother of Thomas Papillon, marries 
 
 Katherine Billingsley, 13. 
 „ Almaque, Friend of Clement Marot, Valet de Chambre 
 
 to Francois I., 9, 10. 
 „ Anne, Aunt of Thomas Papillon, marries David 
 
 Chambrelan of Rouen, 2. 
 „ Anne, Sister of Thomas Papillon, marries (ist) William 
 
 Brudenell, of Glaston, Rutlandshire. (2nd) Everard 
 
 Fawkner, of Bulwich, Northamptonshire; her children, 
 
 13- 
 
 „ Antoine, proteg6 of Marguerite d'Angoulgme, friend of 
 Aimet Maigret, and Erasmus, exiled and found dead, 
 n. 
 
 „ David, father of Thomas Papillon, brought from 
 France, 1. Military Engineer and Architect, and 
 Deacon of French Church in London, Fortifies 
 Gloucester for the Parliament, marries (ist) Marie 
 Castol, 2-4. (2nd) Anne Marie Calandrini, 5. 
 Treasurer of Leicestershire, 7. Other Works pre- 
 pared by him, 7-8. His Will, 11-12. 
 
 „ David, first Cousin of Thomas Papillon, Avocat au 
 Parlement de Parlement de Paris, &c. Imprisoned 
 in the Castle of Avranches, sent to England in 1688, 
 — 25. Death in London, 26. Letters to his Uncle 
 David Papillon and to his Cousin Thomas Papillon, 
 26-32. 
 
 „ David, Grandson of Thomas Papillon, Commissioner of 
 Excise, 47, 98. 
 
 „ David, Great-grandson of Thomas Papillon, Commis- 
 sioner of Excise, 47, 98. 
 
 „ Elizabeth, Sister of Thomas Papillon, marries M. 
 Breton, of Havre, 2. 
 
 „ Elizabeth, Daughter of Thomas Papillon, marries 
 Edward Ward, Esq., Barrister, afterwards Lord Chief 
 Baron of the Exchequer, 46. Letters from, 390, 407, 
 408. 
 
INDEX. 435 
 
 Papillon, Esther, Aunt of Thomas Papillon, marries Abraham 
 
 Chambrelan, 2. 
 „ Frances, of pious memory, her burial in vault at Acrise, 
 
 III. 
 „ George, Brother of Thomas Papillon, marries Mary 
 
 Nicholson, of Cambridge, their family, &c., 12. His 
 
 death, 269. 
 „ Jane {nk Broadnax), Wife of Thomas Papillon, her 
 
 marriage, 41. (See Jane Broadnax, Jun.) 
 „ Jeane (Vieue de la Pierre) Wife of Thomas Papillon, 
 
 Valet de Chambre to Henri IV., brings three of her 
 
 Children to England, and is wrecked and drowned 
 
 near Hythe, Kent, i. 
 „ Madame (Thomas) hospitably entertained her Nephew 
 
 Thomas Papillon, at her house in Paris, 20-1. 
 „ Marie, Daughter of Madame Papillon, refuses to listen 
 
 to the Curd on her death-bed, 25-6. 
 „ Mary, half-Sister of Thomas Papillon, marries Peter 
 
 Fontaine, of Caen; her Children, 5. 
 „ Peter, Uncle of Thomas Papillon, marries Susanna 
 
 Hersent, of Southampton, 2. 
 „ Peter, a namesake, resident in Boston, U.S., in 1670, — 
 
 32- 
 „ Philibert, I'Abb^, author of "I'Histoire des Auteurs de 
 
 Burgoyne,'' 9. 
 „ Philip, Brother of Thomas Papillon, B.A., at 18; M.A., 
 
 at 20; Death at 21; his gift to Exeter College, 
 
 Oxford; and his Writings, 12. 
 „ Philip, Son of Thomas Papillon, marries Ann JoUiffe, 17. 
 „ Philip Oxenden, present head of the family, 47. 
 ,, Thomas, Grandfather of Thomas Papillon, Valet de 
 
 Chambre and Captain of the Guard to Henri IV., 
 
 marries Jeane Vieue de la Pierre, &c. ; his Death, 
 
 1-8. 
 „ Thomas, eldest Son of the above, a famous Lawyer in 
 
 Paris, author of several works on Roman Law, 8. 
 
 Elder of the Reformed Church at Charenton, and 
 
 Scribe of the Synod of Aries (1620), — 25. 
 
 DD 2 
 
436 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Papillon, Thomas, of London, Merchant, Birth and School, 1 1. 
 Apprenticed to Thomas Chambrelan, and to the 
 Mercers' Company, &c., 13-6. Joins in an effort to 
 restore Charles I., which obliges him to go abroad, 
 16. His journey to Paris, and stay there, with 
 Michael Godfrey, 17-21. His Arrest and Imprison- 
 ment in Newgate, and his Release, 22-3. Proposes 
 for his Cousin Jane Broadnax, 33. Submissive but 
 hopeful letter on the matter, 35. Difficulties raised, 
 but overcome, 35-41. Deputed by French Church 
 in London, with John Dubois, to remonstrate against 
 invasion of their right of Self-Government, 48-53. 
 Resists an illegal claim of the Customs, 55-6. Ditto, 
 by Customs and Excise Commissioners and Farmers, 
 56-9. Report on the Norway Timber Trade, &c., 64-8. 
 Objections to prolonged Suspension of the Navigation 
 Act, 68-9. Gives evidence before the Committee of 
 House of Lords on alleged Decay of Trade, 70-2. 
 Joins the East India Company; excluded from 
 Directorate by desire of the King, 78-80. Publishes 
 a pamphlet in favour of exclusive privileges, 80. 
 But would permit no Extension of the Company, 
 and is ejected, with others, from Directorate, 81-4. 
 Prepares Rules for Management of the New Company, 
 84-5. Chairman of Committee of the whole House 
 (Commons) on the Detention of the Ship '^Redbridge," 
 86-7. Much regrets the antagonism of the two 
 Companies; his letter on it to Sir Josiah Child, and 
 reply, 87-90. Indignation at a private' charge of 
 willingness to receive a Bribe, 91-3. Member of a 
 Deputation to Breda, touching the Treaty made there, 
 93. Purchase of Acrise Place, Kent, 97. Joins Mr. 
 Child in a Contract for Victualling the Navy, 99-100. 
 Holds a small Estate in Ireland, 104-6. His care 
 for the due service of Acrise Church, 106-10. Builds 
 a Family Vault there, 11 1-2. Elected Auditor of 
 Accounts of the City of London, and reports on 
 them, II 3-7. Treasurer of "Adventurers in the Stock 
 
INDEX. 437 
 
 for Setting Poor French Protestants to work at 
 Ipswich in the Linen Manufacture," and first Report 
 on, 1 1 7-8. List of Adventurers, 117-8. Election as 
 Member of Parliament for Dover, 124-7. His second 
 Election, 128-9. Opposes the Government on a 
 Grant for the Navy, and on question of Alliances, 
 133-6. Considers Ships' Passes "a Grievance," 136-8. 
 Strongly opposes renewal of Act Prohibiting the 
 Importation of Cattle, &c., from Ireland, 138-46. 
 Speech at Dover on second Election, 146. Charges 
 for Entertainment at same, 147. Supports the motion 
 for sending Secretary Williamson to the Tower, 149 51. 
 Also for Expulsion from the House of Sir Francis 
 Wythens, M.P., 153-6. Presents a Petition to the 
 Lord Mayor, praying the King to convoke Parliament, 
 156-9. Reluses to support motion for Expulsion from 
 House of Sir Robert Peyton, 161-5. Inveighs against 
 the apprehension of Peter Norris, 166-7. List of 
 Committees, temp. Charles II., of which he was a 
 Member, 168-71. Others of an extreme character, 
 172-5. Advice to Nicholas CuUen, Mayor of Dover, 
 for prompt completion of Corporation, 172. Interview 
 on the matter with Sir Lionel Jenkins, Secretary of 
 State, 180. Distress at surrender of Dover Charter, 
 193. Member of the Grand Jury on arraignment of 
 Earl of Shaftesbury, 199-202. Private discourse with 
 Lord Mayor on coming Election of Sheriffs, 207-10. 
 Selected as popular Candidate, with John Dubois, 
 214. Elected Sheriff, 218. Elected Sheriff, 220. 
 Petitions to be sworn in, 224-7. Joins John Dubois 
 in taking out a Writ against the Lord Mayor and 
 Aldermen, and assents to arrest of Lord Mayor if 
 necessary, 228-9. Defence thereof before Lord 
 Mayor and Aldermen, 229-32. Is sued by the Lord 
 Mayor for false and malicious arrest, and is condemned 
 in penalty of ;^io,ooo; escapes to Holland, 238. 
 Declines to seek release in an indirect way, 240-4. 
 Applies for release to Sir William Pritchard, and 
 
438 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 obtains it, 246-9. Arrival at Amsterdam, 252. Takes 
 a house at Utrecht, 260. Reflections on his Exile, 
 269-81. Essay on the Sanctity of Sabbath, 282-305. 
 His refusal to break the Sabbath needlessly, even at 
 the King's desire, 307-8. Address to his Children 
 on Christian life, 309-24. Confession of Sins, 325-36. 
 Letters to Sir Patience Ward, July to November, 
 1688,-339-47. His address to H.R.H, the Princess 
 of Orange, 349. Offers himself as a Member of 
 Parliament for Dover, 349-50. Placed on Com- 
 mission for Relief of French Refugees, 351-2. 
 Declines the post of Alderman for the City of 
 London, 352-3. Is appointed First Commissioner 
 for Victualling the Navy, 353. His success, 356. 
 His difficulties, 357-64. Petitions for release from 
 ofifice, 364-7. Is charged with peculation and denies 
 it, 367-8. Again appeals for release from office, 369- 
 73. Twice elected Member of Parliament for London 
 (1695 and 1698), — 90. His general political views, 
 374-6. Severe Illness, 377-81. Death; Burial; Will; 
 Epitaph, 381-3. 
 
 Papillon, Thomas, Lieutenant-Colonel of East Kent Militia, 
 penultimate Owner of Acrise Place, 98-9. in. 
 
 Papillon, , Victim of Massacre of St. Bartholomew in 
 
 1572—9- 
 Papillon, William, Rector of Wymondham, Norfolk, &c. Died, 
 
 1836,-34, WoU.] 
 Parsons, Sir John, Member of Parliament, Charges Papillon and 
 
 his Son with peculation, 367-8. 
 
 Paterson, William, Founder of the Bank of England, 23-4. 
 
 Pelham, Anne, Wife of Thomas Papillon, Lieutenant-Colonel of 
 East Kent Militia, 47. Her Burial, in. 
 
 Penn, Mr., 244. 
 
 Pepys, Mr., sneers at Papillon's pleading against the Customs and 
 Excise Commissioners, 57. On Ships' Passes, 136-8. 
 Papillon's good opinion of him, 258. 
 
INDEX. 439 
 
 Peyton, Sir Robert, his expulsion from the House of Commons 
 opposed by Papillon, 164. 
 
 Pierre, Jeane Vieue de la, Marries Thomas Papillon, Valet de 
 Chambre to Henri IV. Brings three of her Children to 
 England. Her Death, i. 
 
 Pilkington, Sheriff of London and Member of Parliament, 206. 
 Sent to the Tower, 213. Declares the Election as Sheriffs 
 of Papillon and Dubois, 217-8, 220. 
 
 Plague, The, in London, Thomas Papillon thankful for preserva- 
 tion from, 279. 
 
 Prayers, For use in the New East India Company, 94-6. 
 
 Pritchard, Sir William, Lord Mayor of London, 1682-3, refuses 
 to appear to the suit of Papillon and Dubois, and is 
 arrested, 228-9. Brings an action against Papillon for 
 false and malicious arrest, and obtains a Verdict for 
 _;^io,ooo, — 238. Had promised the King not to discharge 
 Papillon from the judgment without His Majesty's consent, 
 241, 245. He obtains the King's consent, and expects a 
 request from Papillon, 246. He gladly grants the 
 discharge, 248. 
 
 Protestants, poor French, Employment of in Linen Manufactory, 
 at Ipswich, 1 1 7-8. Relief of, by Commissioners, 351-2. 
 
 " Redbridge" the ship, owned by Gilb.ert Heathcote and others, 
 detained in the Thames by Admiralty Order, 86. 
 
 Reflections when in Exile by Thomas Papillon, 269-81. 
 
 Ren^e, Dowager Duchess of Ferrara, protects the Calandrini, 5. 
 
 Roberts, Edward, Esq., Mayor of Dover, September, 1688, — 191. 
 
 Roehampton House, Putney, the Birthplace of Thomas Papillon, 
 of London, 11. 
 
 Rye, Papillon and Michael Godfrey embark thence for France, 18. 
 Anonymous Report on State of the Corporation, 185-6. 
 
440 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Sabbath, Treatise on its due Sanctity, by Thomas Papillon, 282-3. 
 „ Thomas Papillon declines to break it needlessly, even at 
 the King's desire, 307-8. 
 
 Scott, Elizabeth, a descendant from the house of Bruce. Marries 
 William Turner, 46. 
 
 Scripture, Papillon's regular perusal of, 306-7. 
 
 Shaftesbury, First E^rl of, his Acquittal by Grand Jury of London, 
 199-200. 
 
 Shower, Rev. John, marries Elizabeth Fawkner, Niece of Thomas 
 Papillon, 13. Dedicates Funeral Sermon of Jane Papillon 
 to Thomas Papillon, 44-45. 
 
 Shute, Sheriff of London in 1681-2, — 206. Sent to the Tower, 213. 
 Returns Papillon and Dubois as Sheriffs in 1682, — 217-18, 
 220. 
 
 Sins, Confession of, by Thomas Papillon, 14, 325-36. 
 
 Skippon, Major-General, Member of Committee of Privy Council 
 relative to French Church in London, 49. 
 
 Smith, Benjamin, Norwich Factor, Marries Phoebe Papillon, 12. 
 
 Smith, Sir James, Taunts Papillon and Dubois before the Lord 
 Mayor, 231. 
 
 Sprague, Admiral Sir Edward, Opponent of Thomas Papillon 
 at Dover Election in 1673, — 125. His heroic Death, 
 127. 
 
 Steer, Fiducia, of Wootton, Surrey, marries Samuel Papillon, 12. 
 
 Stokes, Captain William, Member of Parliament for Dover, 
 February, 1679, — 128-30. Corresponds with Thomas 
 Papillon in 1680, on purging of Corporation, 179. Mayor 
 of Dover in 1683, and in 1688, — 190-2. 
 
 Stoupe, M., Pastor of French Church in London, dispute with M. 
 Delmd, &c., 48. 
 
INDEX. 441 
 
 Strickland, Lord, Member of Committee of Privy Council relative 
 to French Church in London, 49. 
 
 Strode, Colonel John, Lieutenant-Governor of Dover Castle, 
 Candidate for a Seat in Parliament for Dover, Singular 
 Return of, abortive, 128-30, 132. 
 
 Stuart, Mr. David, Minister from Holland, instrumental in settling 
 disputes in the French Church in London, 50. 
 
 Taverner, Samuel, of Dover, holds a Conventicle in his House, 
 which is specially proscribed, 121. Joined with the Mayor 
 and others by Thomas Papillon in his offer of services as 
 Member of Parliament in 1688, — 350. 
 
 Tillotson, Dean, Letter to, from Thomas Papillon, 107. 
 
 Trade, Enquiry into causes of decay of, 70-4. 
 
 Turner, William, Barrister, marries Anne Marie Papillon, 46. 
 „ „ his Son, marries Elizabeth Scott, a scion of the 
 
 house of Bruce, 46. 
 „ Bridget, Daughter of William Turner, Jun., marries 
 David Papillon, 46-7. 
 
 Utrecht, Thomas Papillon takes a house there in 1685, — 260-1. 
 
 Ward, Edward, Esq., Barrister, marries Elizabeth, daughter of 
 Thomas Papillon, 46. Writes to Papillon relative to 
 Sir William Pritchard's release of him from the 
 Judgment, 247-9. Attorney-General and Lord Chief 
 Baron of the Court of Exchequer, 390. 
 „ Elizabeth (nk Papillon) Letters to her Father, 241-3, 
 
 390- 
 „ Sir Patience, supports Papillon in his claim to be sworn in 
 as Sheriff, 226. Quoted in Ballad on "Loss of the 
 London Charter," 237. Correspondence with Papillon 
 in 1688, both being Exiles, 336-9. Urges Papillon to 
 accept the post of Alderman, 352. 
 
442 THOMAS PAPILLON. 
 
 Westbrook House, near Lydd, Kent, Seat of the Godfrey family, 
 17-8. 
 
 Williamson, Secretary of State, sent to the Tower by the House 
 of Commons, but soon released by the King, 149-15 1. 
 
 William III. places Papillon on a Committee of five for relief of 
 French Refugees, 351-2. Personally investigates charges 
 against Victualling Department of the Navy, 354. 
 Appoints Papillon First Commissioner of New Victualling 
 Board, 355. Urges the Commissioners not to desist 
 Victualling, even under difficulties, 358. 
 
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