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 Life of General Thomas Pinckney / 
 
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LIFE OF 
 GENERAL THOMAS PINCKNEY 
 
 Sy HIS GRANDSON 
 REV. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY, D. D. 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE SOUTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
 
 BOSTON AND. NEW YORK 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 
 
 189s 
 s 
 
Copyright 1895, 
 By rev. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNET. 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
 The Riverside Press^ Cambridge^ Mass., U. S. A. 
 Eloctrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co. 
 
TO 
 
 THE SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 
 
 IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMEKICA 
 
 THIS SKETCH 
 
 OF THE FOURTH PRESIDENT-GENERAL OF 
 
 <©ut <©tfter 
 
 IS KESPECTPULLY DEDICATED 
 
 BY THEIB FEI,LOW-MEMEER 
 
 CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY 
 
 PRESIDENT or THE SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 
 
 IN THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 _ PABE 
 iNTRODCCTION 
 
 Ancestral 1 
 
 Educational 22 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Military Life 26 
 
 The Florida Campaign 50 
 
 Provost's Raid 54 
 
 Savannah ......... 59 
 
 The Siege of Charleston 66 
 
 Camden, and the End of the War .... 78 
 
 Governor . . 89 
 
 Diplomatic 
 
 The English Mission 97 
 
 The Spanish Mission 124 
 
 Close of the English Mission 137 
 
 Mission of General C. C. Pinckney .... 147 
 
 Political 
 
 Nomination for Vice-President 151 
 
 The Tench Coxe Letter 158 
 
 Congressional 174 
 
 The War of 1812 
 
 Major-General commanding the Southern Division of 
 
 the United States 183 
 
 The Creek War 195 
 
 Domestic Life 207 
 
THE LIFE OF GENERAL THOMAS 
 PINCKNEY. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 ANCESTEAIi. 1692-1758. 
 
 The Pinekneys are of English descent, sprung 
 from a family widely scattered over England. The 
 ancestor WiUiam Fitz Ansculf de Pinkeni, with 
 his son William, were among "the twenty thou- 
 sand thieves, who came over with William the 
 Conqueror," as Emerson irreverently designates 
 the roots of the British aristocracy. From the 
 numerous manors granted to him in various Eng- 
 lish counties, I infer that the father was a doughty 
 warrior, who struck some hard blows at the battle 
 of Hastings. His descendants are found in the 
 southern, midland, and northern counties, at the 
 present day. In Salisbury and Peterborough 
 cathedrals, and in RushaU Church in Somerset, 
 their monuments can be traced back for many 
 generations. Though holding extensive estates in 
 many parts of England, their names are not promi- 
 nent in political history. Robert de Pinkeni was 
 one of the Barons who took up arms against King 
 John, and thereby lost his estates, to his credit be 
 it recorded. They were restored to him by Henry 
 III. One, Baron de Pinckeny, was called to Par- 
 
2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 liament in the reign of Edward I. Another, 
 Baron Pinkeny, of Wedon, founded an abbey in 
 Northamptonshire, and set apart a portion of his 
 lands for its endowment. As the name of the 
 abbey has disappeared, it was probably one of 
 those which the voracious Henry VIII. suppressed 
 for his own and his courtiers' benefit. One of his 
 descendants was present at the Parliament of Lin- 
 cola, A. D. 1301, and subscribed the letter to Pope 
 Boniface, denying his pretensions to the kingdom 
 of Scotland. His signature, "Dominus de "We- 
 dena," with his pendent seal, still remain attached 
 to the original document, in the Chapter House at 
 Westminster. 
 
 The only event in the family history which 
 rises above the general level is the claim of one 
 of the name to the crown of Scotland, in the time 
 of Bruce and Baliol, through his grandmother, 
 Alice de Lyndsay. "Alice had married Sir Henry 
 de Pinkeney, a great baron of Northamptonshire. 
 Her grandson Sir Robert Pinkeney claimed the 
 crown of Scotland at the competition in 1292, as 
 descended from the Princess Margery, through 
 his grandmother Alice de Lyndsay." 
 
 At the request of the estates of Scotland, the 
 chief claimants, Baliol, Bruce, and Sir Robert 
 (there were six others), submitted the case to the 
 arbitration of the English king. They were all 
 Norman barons, all held estates alike in England 
 and Scotland, and were subjects of the English 
 crown; they all rested their claims upon their 
 descent from the daughters of the Earl of Hun- 
 tingdon, in whose heirs the right to the crown un- 
 
ANCESTRAL. 3 
 
 doubtedly vested. Edward accepted the office of 
 arbitrator, and decided in favor of John Baliol, 
 the representative of the eldest daughter. The 
 unfortunate Baliol did not long enjoy his crown ; 
 he was dethroned by Edward, abjured his rights 
 in his sovereign's favor, was sent to the Tower of 
 London, and afterwards banished to France, where 
 he died in obscurity. 
 
 After several years of anarchy the Scottish crown 
 was transferred from the English king to Robert 
 Bruce the younger, upon whose heroic brow it 
 finally, and most worthily, rested. 
 
 Sir Robert de Pinkeney therefore missed the 
 precarious honor of the Scottish throne, but he 
 also escaped the fate of the unhappy Baliol. He 
 paid, however, the penalty of taking part in a game 
 where the stake was a royal crown. His estates 
 in Scotland were confiscated by the Scottish au- 
 thorities, and conferred by Bruce upon Sir Alex- 
 ander Lyndsay and other loyal followers. His 
 name disappears from Scotch history, and though 
 no act of banishment is recorded, we may infer 
 that he would regard the south side of the Tweed 
 as a safer and more desirable residence than Scot- 
 land could offer, in the stormy days of Bruce and 
 Baliol. Whether he returned to his ancestral 
 home in Northamptonshire, • or sought shelter in 
 the neutral territory of the Bishop of Durham, 
 does not appear. Many of his name are still 
 found in the counties, of York and Durham. 
 
 We find that one Sir Henry de Pinkeny sur- 
 rendered his barony of Wedon to King Edward I., 
 whether from choice, or necessity, is not stated. 
 
4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 If he was the son of the candidate for the Scottish 
 crown, that may explain this remarkable act of 
 generosity. The family had become by the course 
 of events competitors with their king; and this 
 sacrifice of property may have been a politic move 
 to appease the royal displeasure. That the loss 
 of this barony did not strip him of all his prop- 
 erty appears evident from the fact that, in 1302, 
 he was summoned by writ to serve with his retain- 
 ers against the Scots. 
 
 In tracing the family genealogy through ancient 
 records, we are amused by the contempt of these 
 bold barons for orthography. They spurn all 
 such pedantic trammels, and spell their names as 
 they please. In the same document, like Shake- 
 speare, they use two and three modes of misspell- 
 ing the word. 
 
 Pincheni, Pinchinge, Pinqueny, Pinkeni, Pink- 
 eny, Pinkeney, Pinckeny, indicate the changes 
 through which the Norman word passed, until it 
 settled down into the present form, Pinckney or 
 Pinkney. Though this family may claim some 
 originality in transcribing their name, they are 
 very deficient in contrast with others of their Nor- 
 man contemporaries. Lord Lyndsay has enumer- 
 ated eighty different modes of spelling his family 
 name, in the course of their migration from the 
 banks of the Seine to their English and Scotch 
 homes. 
 
 Three branches of the Pinckney family emi- 
 grated to America; one to West Chester, New 
 York, in 1684, one to South Carolina in 1692, 
 and one to Maryland about 1750. William 
 
ANCESTRAL. 5 
 
 Pinkney, the jurist and statesman, who occupies 
 the front rank among the orators of our country, 
 was the most conspicuous figure in this latter 
 branch, and stands prominent among those who 
 have adorned the history of Maryland. 
 
 The first of this name who came to South Caro- 
 lina was Thomas Pinckney. He visited the West 
 Indies and the Carolinas in 1691, on a tour of 
 exploration. His first act after his arrival in 
 Charleston was to testify to an outrage upon the 
 British flag, by a Spanish frigate on the high 
 seas. His deposition is still in the record ofiice. 
 As his Majesty's representative records his name 
 as "Thomas Pinckney, Gentleman," we may infer 
 that he was not one of those who "left his coun- 
 try for his country's good," and that neither the 
 gallows nor the whipping-post was the inciting 
 cause of his emigration. The province made so 
 favorable an impression that in the following 
 year, 1692,- he made Carolina his home. His 
 wife was Mary Cotesworth of Durham. He was 
 a man of independent fortune, and built a house 
 at the corner of East Bay and Tradd Street, where 
 he lived and died. The Bay was not then encum- 
 bered with houses on its water front, but com- 
 manded a full view of the harbor, as the East 
 Battery now does. 
 
 One personal anecdote is recorded of him. In 
 looking out of his windows upon the Bay, he ob- 
 served a vessel just arrived from the West Indies, 
 landing her passengers. As they walked up the 
 street, he was attracted by the appearance of a 
 very handsome stranger gayly dressed, and, turn- 
 
6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ing to his wife, remarked, "That handsome West 
 Indian will marry some poor fellow's widow, break 
 her heart, and ruin her children." His words 
 were in part prophetic, for, dying shortly after, 
 Us widow married the gay West Indian, George 
 Evans, and though he did not break her heart, as 
 she lived to marry a third husband, he often gave 
 her the heartache by his extravagance, squander- 
 ing the patrimony of her children. Enough, how- 
 ever, was saved to enable them to haye a liberal 
 education. 
 
 Thomas Pinckney settled a plantation on the 
 Ashepoo River, which he called Auckland in mem- 
 ory of Bishop Auckland in Durham, his former 
 home. He died of yellow fever early in the last 
 century, leaving three sons: Thomas, an officer 
 in the British army, who died young ; Charles, the 
 chief justice, and William, commissioner in equity. 
 
 Charles was educated in England, and there 
 married Elizabeth, daughter of Captain Lamb of 
 Devonshire Square, London. Returning to Caro- 
 lina, he became a successful lawyer, and accumu- 
 lated a large fortune, as his rent-roll still testi- 
 fies. He was Speaker of the House of Assembly 
 from 1736 to 1740; also one of the king's eoun- 
 ' cillors. 
 
 He was a thoroughly educated man, with keen 
 literary taste, and remarkable social and conver- 
 sational gifts. The charm of his manners made 
 him the joy of his home, and the ornament of the 
 social circle. 
 
 Having been married some years without chil- 
 dren, Mr. Pinckney adopted his brother WiUiam's 
 
ANCESTRAL. 7 
 
 eldest son Charles as his prospective heir, and 
 sent him. to England to be educated ; but a roman- 
 tic incident in the family annals interfered with 
 this plan. In 1739 Colonel George Lucas, Gov- 
 ernor of. Antigua, with his family, arrived in 
 Charleston. The climate of the West Indies did 
 not suit Mrs. Lucas ; and her husband brought his 
 family to Carolina, to an estate which he owned on 
 the Stono River. 
 
 The breaking out of the war between England 
 and France compelled him to return to Antigua, 
 leaving his wife and daughter under Mr. Pinck- 
 ney's care. The mother was an invalid, and the 
 management of the property fell upon the daugh- 
 ter, a girl of eighteen, who had just completed 
 her education in England. She had a cultivated 
 mind, and energy equal to the emergency. She 
 kept her father well informed of all agricultural 
 details, corresponded with his agents in London, 
 and directed the overseers in the management of 
 the property. 
 
 It was the habit of this industrious girl to write 
 an abstract or a rough copy of all of her letters 
 to her father or friends. This manuscript voliune 
 still survives, having escaped the perils of two 
 civil wars, and preserves the only record of her 
 own and her husband's life. The following gives 
 a pleasing picture of her domestic occupations, 
 and of the aspect of the country one hundred and 
 fifty years ago : — 
 
 ..." We are seventeen miles by land and six 
 by water from Charles Town ; we have some agree- 
 able families around us with whom we live in 
 
8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 great harmony. I have a little library well fur- 
 nished, in which I spend part of my time. My 
 music and the garden, of which I am very fond, 
 take up the rest of my time not employed in busi- 
 ness, of which my father has left me a good share ; 
 indeed it was unavoidable, as my mama's state of 
 health prevents her going through any fatigue. I 
 have the business of three plantations to transact, 
 which requires much writing, and more business 
 and fatigue than you can imagine; but lest you 
 shoid-d think it too burdensome on a girl at my 
 early time of life, let me assure you I think my- 
 self happy that I can be useful to so good a father. 
 By rising very early, I find I can go through much 
 business. But lest you think I shall be quite 
 moped with this way of life, I must inform you 
 there are two worthy ladies in Charleston, Mrs. 
 Pinckney and Mrs. Cleland, who are partial 
 enough to be always pleased to have me with 
 them. They insist upon my making their house 
 my home when in town, and press me to relax a 
 little oftener than it is in my power to accept of 
 their entreaties." 
 
 She did not neglect her mind in the multi- 
 plicity of her domestic duties, but read largely 
 books recommended to her by Colonel Pinckney 
 from his own amply furnished library. 
 
 To this young lady, Eliza Lucas, Carolina was 
 indebted for one of its chief staples. She had 
 seen the value of indigo in Antigua, and sent for 
 the seed to test its adaptation to this soil. 
 
 The experiment was successful, and she wrote 
 to her father to send her some one familiar with 
 
ANCESTRAL. 9 
 
 the cultivation of the plant, and the preparation 
 of indigo for market. 
 
 Colonel Lucas writes that he "had purchased a 
 capable and trusty slave who was skilled in the 
 art, and had sent him to Carolina." (N. B. This 
 was evidently before the days of Wilberforce, 
 when neither England nor her colonies were sen- 
 sitive on this subject.) 
 
 Thus the culture of indigo was introduced into 
 the province, and became its leading industry, 
 until it was supplanted by cotton within the pres- 
 ent century. 
 
 The cultivation of indigo was not her only en- 
 terprise; her agricultural experiments embraced 
 a wide field, as appears from the following memo- 
 randa of her letters to her father : — 
 
 "Wrote my father a long letter about his plan- 
 tation affairs, and his change of commission with 
 Major Heron; on the pains I have taken to bring 
 the indigo, ginger, cotton, lucerne, and casada to 
 perfection. I would have greater hopes of the 
 indigo, if I could have the seed earlier next year 
 from the West Indies, than of any of the other 
 things I have tried; the ginger turns out but 
 poorly. We want a supply of indigo seed. Sent 
 by this vessel a waiter of my own Japaning, my 
 first essay. Sent also the rice and beef. Sent 
 Gov. Thomas' Daughter of Philadelphia, a tea 
 chest of my own doing; also congratulate my 
 father on my brother's recovery from the small 
 pox: and having a commission." 
 
 The cultivation of tropical plants did not ex- 
 haust her energies, as the following letter shows : — 
 
10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 TO THE HON. CHARLES PINCKNET. 
 
 February 6, 1741-2. 
 
 Sm, — I received yesterday the favor of your 
 advice as a physician, and want no arguments to 
 convince me I should be much better for both my 
 good friends' company, — a much pleasanter pre- 
 scription than Dr. Mead's which I have just re- 
 ceived. To follow my inclination at this time I 
 must endeavor to forget that I have a sister to 
 instruct, and a parcel of little Negroes whom I 
 have undertaken to teach to read, and, instead of 
 writing an answer, bring it myself; and indeed 
 gratitude, as well as inclination, obliges me to wait 
 on Mrs. Pinckney as soon as I can, but it will 
 not be in my power till a month or two hence. 
 Won't you laugh at me if I tell you I am so busy 
 providing for posterity, I hardly allow myself 
 time to sleep or eat, and can but just snatch a 
 moment to write to you, and a friend or two more. 
 
 1 am making a large plantation of oaks, which I 
 look upon as my own property whether my father 
 gives me the land or not, and therefore I design 
 many a year hence, when oaks are more valuable 
 than they are now, — which you know they will be 
 when we come to build fleets, — I intend, I say, 
 
 2 thirds of the produce of my oaks for a charity 
 (I 'U tell you my scheme another time) and the 
 other third for those who shall have the trouble 
 of putting my design into execution. Mama 
 pays her compliments to Mrs. Pinckney, and 
 hopes she will excuse her waiting on her at this 
 time, but will not fail to do so very soon. I am 
 a very Dunce, for not having acquired ye writing 
 
ANCESTRAL. 11 
 
 of short hand yet with any degree of swiftness; 
 but I am not always so, for I give a very good 
 proof of the brightness of my genius when I can 
 distinguish well enough to subscribe my self with 
 esteem, 
 
 Sir, 
 Yr. most obediant humble servant, 
 
 Eliza Lucas. 
 
 to george lxtcas, esq. 
 
 May 22, 1742. 
 I am now set down, my dear brother, to obey 
 your Commands and give you a short description 
 of the part of the world I now inhabit. South 
 Carolina, then, is an extensive Countrie near the 
 sea. Most of the settled part of it is upon a flatt, 
 the Soil near Charlestown sandy, but further dis- 
 tant clay and swamp lands. It abounds with 
 fine navigable rivers, and great quantities of fine 
 timber. The Country at a great distance, that is 
 to say about a hundred and fifty mile from Charles 
 Town, very hilly. The soil in general very fer- 
 tile, and there are few European or American 
 fruits or grain but what grow here; the country 
 abounds with wild fowl. Venison, and fish ; beef. 
 Veal, and Mutton are here in much greater per- 
 fection than in the West Indies, tho' not equal to 
 that of England. Fruit extremely good and in 
 profusion, and the oranges exceed any I have ever 
 tasted in the Islands, or in Spain or Portugal. 
 The people in general hospitable and honest, and 
 the better sort add to these a polite and gentile 
 behaviour. The poorer sort are the most indolent 
 
12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 peopile in the world, or they would never be so 
 wretched in so plentiful a country as this. The 
 winters here are fine and pleasant, but 4 months 
 in the year are extremely disagreeable, excessive 
 hott, much thunder and lightening, and musketoes 
 and sand-flies in abundance. Charles Town, the 
 Metropolis, is a neat, pretty place ; the inhabitants 
 polite and live in a very gentile manner ; the streets 
 and houses regularly built ; the ladies and gentle- 
 men gay in their dress. Upon the whole you will 
 find as many agreeable people of both sexes for 
 the size of the place as almost any where. St. 
 Phillips Church in Charles Town is a very Ele- 
 gant one and much frequented. There are several 
 more places of publick worship in the town, and 
 the generality of the people of a religious turn of 
 mind. 
 
 I began in haste and have observed no method, 
 or I should have told you before I came to Sum- 
 mer that we have a most charming Spring in this 
 country, especially for those who travel through 
 the country, for the Scent of the young Myrtle 
 and yellow Jessamine with which the woods 
 abound is delightfuU. The staple commodity here 
 is rice, and the only thing they export to Europe. 
 Beef, Pork and Lumber, they send to the West 
 Indies. 
 
 Pray inform me how my good friend Mrs. Bod- 
 dicott, my cousin Bartholomew, and all my old 
 acquaintances do. Mama and Polly joyn in love 
 with. Dear Brother, 
 
 Your's affectionately, 
 
 E. Lucas. 
 
ANCESTRAL. 13 
 
 It -will appear that this young girl, just twenty 
 years of age, was quite in advance of her' gen- 
 eration, and that she anticipated, at the jimction 
 of the Stono and Wappoo rivers, the cultivation 
 of those tropical fruits which are pouring such 
 streams of wealth into the once barren lands of 
 Florida. 
 
 Mrs. Lucas and her daughter were cordially 
 received in Charleston, but were especially wel- 
 comed in Colonel Pinckney's home. So open was 
 Mrs. Pinckney's admiration for the young lady 
 that, rather than permit her to return to Antigua, 
 she declared her readiness to "step out of the way 
 and permit her to take her place." This kind 
 intention she actually fulfilled by dying, the fol- 
 lowing year; and her husband was considerate 
 enough to marry the lady his wife had chosen for 
 him. 
 
 The following letter to an English friend an- 
 nounces the fact of her marriage. A comparison 
 between the dates of letter and postscript shows 
 that her engagement and marriage occurred, with- 
 out undue haste, in the interval. The postal fa- 
 cilities between England and America in 1753 
 were evidently far inferior to those which the 
 Cunarders now furnish to the public. 
 
 TO LADY CAEEW. 
 
 September 2, 1743. 
 Your Ladyship wiU be surprised at hearing 
 from me after so long a silence, but will I hope 
 be convinced that neither length of time nor dis- 
 tance of place, can efface that tender regard 
 
14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which an early friendship has impressed upon me. 
 I wrote you before I left London to take a hearty 
 farewell of you, and to wish you aU the felicity 
 this world aifords, but had no answer to that Let- 
 ter, which was the reason I have never sent an- 
 other after my arrival in Antigua. Whether it 
 was a secret pride, or too great a delicacy for fear 
 of being troublesome to you, I can't determine, 
 but be it which it will, it was conquer'd as soon 
 as I perceived you had not quite forgot me, for I 
 received a Letter dated last March from Mrs. 
 Pearson, wherein she told me you desired to be 
 remembered to me ; this determined me to renew 
 our correspondence. I am now in South Carolina, 
 a province where part of my Papa's estate lies. He 
 removed his family here near five year ago with 
 an intent to settle them here, but the Warr with 
 Spain being proclaimed soon after, he was obliged 
 to leave us and return to his Post in Antigua; 
 and as his Majesty has lately appointed him Lieut- 
 Col, and Gov. of Antigua, this determines our 
 return thither; but as the time is uncertain, I 
 hope to receive the pleasure of a Letter from your 
 Ladyship while I am in Carolina, a very agree- 
 able place; of which Charlestown is the metropo- 
 lis, and is a polite place and affords a great deal 
 of good company. To give you a more particular 
 account may be tedious, therefore I will conclude, 
 after paying my compliments to Sir Nicholas Ca- 
 rew and the dear little baby. 
 
 I am, madam, your most affectionate and obedi- 
 ant servant, Eliza Lucas. 
 
ANCESTRAL. 15 
 
 August 13, 1744. 
 P. S. Since the foregoing, wliicli has been 
 wrote and laid by several months for want of a 
 proper opportunity, I have changed my condition 
 of life, which occasions my now continuing to live 
 in Carolina. You wiU be apt to ask, my dear 
 Lady Carew, how I could leave a tender and affec- 
 tionate Father, Mother, Brother, and Sister to 
 live in a strange country, but I flatter myself if 
 you knew the character of the gentleman I have 
 made choice of (he is a gentleman of the law, 
 and one of his Majesty's Council of the Province) 
 you would think it less strange, especially as it 
 was with the approbation of all my friends. Mr. 
 Pinckney intends to bring me to England in a 
 year or two, where one of the greatest pleasures I 
 promise myself, is telling you in person how I am, 
 dear madam, your Ladyship's most affectionate 
 and humble servant, Eliza Pincknet. 
 
 The marriage certificate issued May 25, 1744, 
 and signed by Governor Glen, authorizes Charles 
 Pinckney and Elizabeth Lucas to intermarry, and 
 the said Charles Pinckney binds himself by a 
 bond of £2000 to the faithful performance of the 
 contract. 
 
 Marriage contracts have always been of bind- 
 ing force in South Carolina. No divorce has ever 
 been granted in this State, except during the brief' 
 period after the civil war, when aliens and barba- 
 rians ruled our unhappy land. As soon as intelli- 
 gence and honesty regained their lawful sway, the 
 legislature reestablished our ancestral principle. 
 
16 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that marriage is a covenant which binds for life, 
 and which death alone can dissever. 
 
 The marriage proved eminently happy, as she 
 testified many years after. Nevertheless the new 
 love did not wean her from her fondness for ex- 
 perimental essays. Among her various experi- 
 ments was the culture of silk. She imported the 
 esrgs of the silkworm and obtained a sufficient 
 quantity of cocoons to spin silk enough for three 
 dresses. This was done at her husband's farm, 
 Belmont, four miles above Charleston. The thread 
 was carried with her when she sailed for England 
 in 1753, and manufactured there. One dress was 
 presented to the Princess of Wales as a specimen 
 of colonial products. Another was given to Lord 
 Chesterfield, who had been a warm friend of the 
 colony. The third, which she reserved for her- 
 self, is still in the possession of one of her descend- 
 ants. It is a rich yellow brocade, which retains 
 its original lustre, and often does duty on public 
 occasions. Can any other woman claim the honor 
 of introducing two staples into the industrial life 
 of the country? The time may come when silk 
 will be more important in South Carolina than 
 indigo ever was. Its culture would give employ- 
 ment to hundreds of women who now seek means 
 of support. The labor is less exhausting than 
 the schoolroom or the needle. 
 
 From her marriage with Mr. Pinckney came 
 the two generals, Charles Cotesworth, born 1746, 
 and Thomas Pinckney, born 1750, and one daugh- 
 ter, Harriott, wife of Daniel Horry. 
 
 On the death of Chief Justice Graeme in 1752 
 
ANCESTRAL. 17 
 
 Mr. Pinckney was appointed his successor by the 
 royal governor, Glen. 
 
 As the most prominent lawyer in the province, 
 and the only native of Carolina who had ever filled 
 the office, his appointment was very gratifying to 
 his countrymen ; but his tenure of office was brief, 
 as he was superseded in the following year by 
 Peter Leigh. 
 
 The British ministry had political reasons for 
 making another appointment. Peter Leigh, a 
 man of noble family in Cheshire, was head bailiff 
 of Westminster, and the returning officer in dis- 
 puted parliamentary elections. Li the bitter con- 
 test between Lord Trentham and the candidate 
 for the opposition, after a long scrutiny Leigh 
 returned Lord Trentham as entitled to the seat. 
 His decision exasperated the opposition. They 
 accused him of making false returns, and threat- 
 ened him with impeachment. No positive proof 
 was brought forward to sustain the charge, but 
 the government thought it wiser to disarm the 
 opposition by his removal. They required him 
 to vacate his office as bailiff of Westminster, and 
 felt bound to provide some honorable position for 
 him ; as the royal commission had never been sent 
 to- Mr. Pinckney to confirm the governor's ap- 
 pointment, they determined to ignore his posses- 
 sion of the office, and confer it upon Peter Leigh. 
 They obtained the king's consent to their scheme, 
 and sent out Leigh with the commission of chief 
 justice. 
 
 As he does not appear to have been the equal 
 of Mr. Piackney ia character or legal acquire- 
 
18 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ments, this abuse of ministerial patronage was not 
 calculated to strengthen colonial respect for the 
 wisdom or equity of royal government. Though 
 removed from his position by the British minis- 
 try, Mr. Pinckney's fellow-citizens testified their 
 appreciation of him by his appointment to act as 
 agent of the colony in London. He had personal 
 reasons which induced him to accept the mission. 
 He wished to superintend the education of his 
 sons, and also to take possession of the property 
 which his brother had bequeathed to him. 
 
 Having accumulated a large fortune by the 
 practice of law, he felt at liberty to accept the 
 appointment. He sailed for England in 1753 
 with his family, and at first lived in London ; but 
 haviag sold his estate in Durham, he purchased 
 a residence in Surrey, called Ripley, where he 
 intended to live during his sons' minority. As 
 it was withia easy reach of London, he was en- 
 abled to attend to his duties as agent of the prov- 
 ince. 
 
 This position, which he held for five years, 
 seems to have been a quasi-ministerial one. He 
 was the recognized agent of the colony, both of 
 its royal governor and of the House of Assembly ; 
 he received a salary of i£200 per annum, and all 
 official expenses paid. 
 
 An inspection of his account book from Sep- 
 tember, 1753, to 1758, shows his industry in fur- 
 thering the interests of the colony. 
 
 Take a few items from his record-book. 
 
ANCESTRAL. 19 
 
 The Public of South Carolina in account with Charles Pinch- 
 ney. For Disbursements for the Province. 
 
 1753, Sept. 10. To copies two letters from Gov. 
 Glen to the Board of Trade and two to myself 
 
 with Letters Credential in the affairs of the £ s, d. 
 
 Province 0. 4. 8. 
 
 To door keepers and servants in waiting on their 
 Lordships on the affair of building the Forts 
 in the Cherokees 0. 15. 0. 
 
 1754, Jan. 3. To drawing and engrossing a repre- 
 
 sentation to the Lords of Trade on letters 
 from Carolina concerning the French design- 
 ing to build a Fort in the upper Cherokees 2. 2. 0. 
 Fair copies to Government of Carolina . 0. 10. 5. 
 
 1755, Jan. 10. To drawing and engrossing a paper 
 
 and publishing the same by way of prepara^ 
 tion to my application to Parliament for re- 
 newing the bounty on Lidigo for a farther 
 term of 7 years ..... 0. 15. 0. 
 
 To drawing and engrossing a paper of considera- 
 tions for continuing boimty on Indigo . 0. 15. 0. 
 
 For distributing the same among members of 
 
 Parliament . . . . . . 5. 5. 0. 
 
 1755, May 17. Paper of hints of matters consisting 
 of 12 articles necessary for Gov. Littleton to 
 be acquainted with before he left England 
 and went over to his government of Carolina 1. 1. 1. 
 
 The encroacLments of the Trench on the rivers 
 flowing from the Cherokee country into the Ohio 
 caused many letters and journeys to official char- 
 acters during these years. It is evident, as you 
 look over this list of official acts for the welfare 
 of the colony, that Mr. Pinckney did not consider 
 himself the representative of "any mean city," 
 but observed a certain dignity in all his inter- 
 course with government officials. Whether going 
 
20 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to Parliament or to some appointment with the 
 king's ministers, or to the "Lords of Trade and 
 of the Plantations," he always went in a coach. 
 
 "For chariot hire for this quarter bl. Qs. Od." 
 is a regular entry on his account book. Nor did 
 he escape another tax laid upon all official or un- 
 official persons, in order to obtain the right of 
 entry to persons or places in England. "To fees 
 to door keepers of the Lords of Trade," is an- 
 other charge often seen on his journal. 
 
 He intended to live in England many years to 
 supervise the education of his sons, but on account 
 of the war between England and France, he re- 
 turned to Carolina in 1758 with his wife and 
 daughter, leaving his sons at Westminster school. 
 
 He died soon after his return, leaving to his 
 widow the responsibility of carrying out his wishes 
 in the education of his children. That duty she 
 faithfully discharged, and impressed upon their 
 characters many of her own virtues; especially 
 ■that deep regard for truth which distinguished 
 them through their long lives. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney's religious convictions were very 
 strong. They controlled his life, and pervade his 
 last will and testament, which "will be read with 
 delight by the patriot, the philanthropist, the 
 parent, and the Christian." The following extract 
 testifies to his earnest desire that his sons should 
 be trained up in the same Christian principles : — 
 
 "And to the end that my beloved son Charles 
 Cotesworth may the ' better be enabled to become 
 the head of his family, and prove not only of ser- 
 
ANCESTRAL. 21 
 
 vice and advantage to his country, but also an 
 honor to his stock and kindred, my order and 
 direction is that my said son be virtuously, reli- 
 giously, and liberally brought up, and educated in 
 the study and practice of the laws of England; 
 and from my said son I hope, as he would have 
 the blessing of Almighty God, and deserve the 
 countenance and favor of all good men, and answer 
 my expectations of him, that he will employ all 
 his future abilities in the service of God and his 
 country, in the cause of virtuous liberty, as well 
 religious as civil, and in support of private right 
 and justice between man and man; and that he 
 do by no means debase the dignity of human 
 nature, nor the honor of his profession, by giving 
 countenance to, or ever appearing in favor of, 
 irreligion, injustice or wrong, oppression or tyr- 
 anny of any kind, public or private; but that he 
 make the glory of God and the good of mankind, 
 the relief of the poor and distressed, the widow 
 and the fatherless, and such as have none else to 
 help them, his principal aim and study. 
 
 " I do also direct that my beloved son Thomas 
 Pinckney shall have the same virtuous, religious, 
 and liberal education, out of my estate, with his 
 brother ; and although I cannot yet direct to what 
 profession he shall be brought up, yet I have the 
 same good hopes and expectations of him as of 
 my eldest son; and I desire as soon as he is capa- 
 ble of reason and reflection, he be informed there- 
 of, and that a passion for the same noble and 
 virtuous pursuits be inculcated in him as in his 
 elder brother." 
 
22 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 February 13, 1756, is the date of this will. 
 
 To further the knowledge of true religion in the 
 province, he also made provision for founding a 
 semi-annual lecture on the greatness and goodness 
 of God, to be delivered in St. Philip's Church, 
 Charlestown, in May and October of every year. 
 The date corresponds with the semi-annual sessions 
 of the courts in Charleston. For defraying the 
 expense of such lectures, he charges his mansion 
 house with the payment of ten guineas per annum. 
 This provision of his wiU was carried into effect 
 by his eldest son, and continued by the grand- 
 daughters for fifty years. The great fire of 1861, 
 during the civil war, swept away the house and 
 the means of perpetuating the founder's pious pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Mrs. Pinckney survived her husband thirty 
 years, and lived to see her sons honored by their 
 country and by "the Father of his Country." She 
 died in Philadelphia, in 1792, where she was taken 
 for medical advice. General Washington testified 
 his regard in many ways during her illness, and 
 offered to act 'as one of the pall-bearers at her 
 funeral. 
 
 EDUCATIONAL. 1758-1774. 
 
 The two brothers were left by their father at 
 school, one being twelve, and the .other eight 
 years of age. Thomas Pinckney spent nineteen 
 years abroad, at Westminster, Oxford, and the 
 Temple. He was a diligent student, devoting 
 himself specially to the Greek language; he was 
 the first Greek scholar of his year at Westminster, 
 
EDUCATIONAL. 23 
 
 and thereby became "captain of the town boys," 
 the only American who ever attained that distinc- 
 tion. He read Greek fluently to the end of his 
 life, and found it a recreation in the camp and in 
 his travels, as well as in his study. 
 
 Major Garden, in his eulogy on General C. C. 
 Pinckney, says: "His knowledge of Latin was 
 perfect, but his brother, Thomas Pinckney, was his 
 superior in Grecian literature. I have heard the 
 former say, 'When I visited my brother" in his 
 tent at night, I have often found him reading 
 some Greek author in the original, and would 
 remark to him that the sight of a Latin transla- 
 tion on the other side of the page was always to 
 me a very pleasant sight, and a very necessary 
 companion.' " Hugh S. Legare, the most accom- 
 plished Greek scholar of his generation, says that 
 "for a yoimg man Thomas Pinckney was the best 
 Hellenist we ever had in America." 
 
 He followed his brother after an interval of 
 four years in his course at Oxford, and then pur- 
 sued the study of law in the Inner Temple. His 
 legal studies did not engross his attetition so com- 
 pletely as to forbid opportunity for other parts 
 of a complete education, as appears by an extract 
 from one of his letters: "I was among the schol- 
 ars at Reda's fencing school, and the riding school 
 of Angelo." He also spent a year at Caen in 
 Normandy, for the purpose of devoting himseK to 
 military science, which was soon to become of 
 practical value. His long absence from home did 
 not abate his patriotic ardor. The epithet of 
 " little rebel," which he acquired at college, indi- 
 
24 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 cates his early enthusiasm for his native land. A 
 letter from his mother to her daughter in 1773 
 contains this paragraph: "Lord North's act is 
 passed, and with such arbitrary clauses that the 
 Bostonians will never submit to it. There was 
 a petition against it, signed by twenty-nine Ameri- 
 cans resident in London, presented to the house 
 of Lords. Fifteen of the petitioners were Caro- 
 linians. Mr. William Middleton and his son, Mr. 
 Blake, Mr. Izard, and your brother Thomas were 
 among the number. General Gage has arrived at 
 Boston, and superseded Hutchinson in the govern- 
 ment." 
 
 In 1774 Thomas Pinckney was admitted to the 
 bar in Charleston. His firsti ease in court has been 
 recorded in a letter from his inother. 
 
 MRS. PmCKNBY TO HEB DAUGHTEE, MKS. HOKKT. 
 CHAEtESTON, February 18, 1775. 
 ... I this moment received my dear Child's 
 letter, and am happy to hear you are all so 
 well. . . . 
 
 Your brother has been here; he just stept in 
 from Court to let me know Tom had spoke for the 
 first time; they have gained the Cause, and Mr. 
 (I forget the Client's name) presented Tom with a 
 couple of Joes as soon as he had done. I have 
 seen nobody yet, to know how he spoke, but his 
 brother, and as you know he is very partial to 
 him. 
 
 Tom is come in from Court; he don't seem at 
 all satisfied with himself; says he was confused. 
 Mr. Ned Rutledge called this evening; he is very 
 
EDUCATIONAL. 25 
 
 friendly to Tom ; wished me joy ; I thanked him, 
 but told him I was sorry Tom seemed so dissatis- 
 fied with himself. He said he had no cause, he 
 thought his being dashed was in his favour, the 
 first time of speaking, as it was owing to his mod- 
 esty, and the argument was his own. What he 
 found fault with would wear off in one circuit. 
 
 Your cousin, Mrs. Charles Pinckney, has just 
 come in. She says her husband was extreemly 
 pleased to hear your Brother Tom speak; said he 
 acquitted himself extraordinarily well, with great 
 calmness and good sense, not at all confused or 
 fluttered, but that nothing pleased him better 
 than the modesty of his countenance and deport- 
 ment. 
 
 I meet with so many interruptions, I must con- 
 clude. Your ever affectionate mother, 
 
 Eliza PiNCBasnET. 
 
 Another letter, apparently from a female critic, 
 adds "that his black silk gown was very becom- 
 ing, and his manner was modest and charming." 
 
THE EEVOLUTION. 
 
 MILITAKY LIFE. 1775-1782. 
 
 Me. Pincknet's professional career was soon 
 interrupted, as might be anticipated in one who 
 had proved himself so ardent a patriot, by the call 
 to arms. On his return home he had found his 
 native land in a political ferment. The Revolu- 
 tion was assuming a visible form. South Caro- 
 lina has always been strong in her convictions 
 and prompt in her actions ; and in this emergency 
 she 'proved no exception to the rule. She took 
 the initiative in military preparations. A volun- 
 teer company of rangers was formed in April, 
 1775, under the lead of Isaac Huger, in which 
 Thomas Pinckney was appointed a lieutenant. 
 The militia was organized, drilled, and armed 
 with muskets seized from the public magazines. 
 
 But as soon, as the news from Lexington ar- 
 rived, the "general committee" called together 
 the provincial Congress, to "place the colony in 
 a proper state of defence." The Congress met in 
 Charleston on the 1st of June, and after "attend- 
 ing divine service, bound themselves by every tie 
 of religion and honor, to unite for the common 
 defence against every foe, and to support our con- 
 tinental and provincial councils, with our lives 
 and fortunes." On the fourth day of the session, 
 "they resolved to raise 1500 men, rank and file, 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 27 
 
 in two regiments, and 450 horse rangers, forming 
 another regiment. The troops so raised to be 
 subjected to military discipline and the articles of 
 war, in like manner as the British troops were 
 governed." A million of dollars was voted, a 
 treasury established, and a Council of Safety 
 elected. This Council of Safety, composed of thir- 
 teen leading men of the province, were invested 
 with supreme power over the army and its officers, 
 the militia, and all military affairs. They formed, 
 in fact, the executive power of the colony. 
 
 The State Congress also provided for the organi- 
 zation of the troops by electing Christopher Gads- 
 den, colonel; Isaac Huger, lieutenant-colonel; and 
 Owen Roberts, major, of the 1st regiment; and 
 William Moultrie, colonel; Isaac Motte, lieuten- 
 ant-colonel; Alexander Mcintosh, major, of the 2d 
 regiment. 
 
 From among a long list of candidates for com- 
 missions, twenty were appointed captains for these 
 two regiments. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney is 
 the first on the list, which contains also the names 
 of Barnard Elliott, Francis Marion, Peter Horry, 
 John BamweU, Isaac Harleston, Thomas Pinck- 
 ney, and Francis Huger, all famiKar names in our 
 military annals. 
 
 Thomas Pinckney, with his brother, was assigned 
 to duty in the 1st regiment, and began his military 
 life on' 17th of June, 1775, the day on which the 
 battle of Bunker HiU was fought. He at once 
 determined to fill up the ranks of his company, 
 and went to Orangeburg to gather recruits. As 
 soon as he had obtained the requisite nimiber of 
 
28 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 fifty men, his military knowledge was put into 
 requisition, not only in his own, but in other 
 companies of his regiment, for his brother officers 
 availed themselves of his superior skill in all mar- 
 tial exercises. In his "Anecdotes of the Revolu- 
 tion," Major Garden has given this testimony to 
 Captain Pinckney's services: "The rudiments of 
 discipline were first taught by him to the infantry 
 of the South Carolina line." When General Arm- 
 strong, who was sent by the Continental Congress 
 on a tour to the South, came to inspect the troops 
 at Charleston, his brigade-major (Connor) " pro- 
 nounced the first South Carolina regiment the 
 best disciplined on the continent." 
 
 As this regiment was assigned to duty at Fort 
 Johnson, on the southern shore of the harbor, that 
 post became Thomas Pinckney's headquarters dur- 
 ing the first year of the war. But his services 
 were not confined to one point. His skill as an 
 engineer was frequently used in the erection of 
 fortifications around the harbor, as the following 
 extract shows : — 
 
 "In pursuance of orders of the ' Council of 
 Safety ' to Colonel Moultrie to send a detachment 
 of 300 privates commanded by a major, to erect a 
 battery of four eighteen-pounders at Hadderal's 
 Point, Major Charles Cotesworth Pinckney with 
 a detachment of four captains, eight subalterns, 
 and 200 rank and file, with a number of mechan- 
 ics and laborers, accompanied by Colonel Moultrie 
 and many gentlemen volunteers, passed over from 
 Charleston on the night of 19th December, 1775. 
 
 "Landing at Hadderal's Point they fell to work 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 29 
 
 with such spirit, that by daylight the next morn- 
 ing they were covered from the shot of the ships; 
 and in a few hours more they had laid the plat- 
 forms and mounted the cannon. 
 
 "Upon this the embrasures were opened, when 
 the men-of-war were saluted, at the distance of a 
 mile, with a few shot from the eighteen-pounders ; 
 and some of these were so well aimed that the 
 men-of-war fell back opposite Sullivan's Island. 
 
 "The Tamar and Cherokee, with Lord William 
 Campbell on board, after destroying the pest- 
 house on the island, and carrying off four white 
 men and eleven negroes as prisoners, dropped 
 down to the lower part of the harbor, and soon 
 after put to sea." 
 
 Garden says "the battery was erected by Thomas 
 Pinckney." He was one of the four captains 
 mentioned above, and was probably the best en- 
 gineer among the officers. 
 
 Our citizens at this early period of the war 
 made some efforts to organize a navy. They pur- 
 chased three merchantmen, and converted them 
 into vessels of war, by which they might procure 
 supplies, and harass the enemy. The result of 
 one of these naval ventures as narrated in a letter 
 of Thomas Pinckney to his sister, dated Fort 
 Johnson, May 22, 1776, throws some light on the 
 subject. 
 
 I was yesterday witness to a scene which grieved 
 ■me much. I mentioned above that an English 
 ship was off the bar, and signals up for two ships 
 more. When they came in sight, it proved to be 
 
30 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Captain Turpin, who was sent to cruise between 
 the Bahama banks and our shore, with a West 
 Indiaman he had taken, valued at 30,000 guineas. 
 As soon as a British frigate which was standing 
 to the northward saw them, she gave chase, and 
 pressed them so closely that the prize was obliged 
 to be run ashore outside of the bar, while our 
 brigantine got in. At the same time Captain 
 Tufts went down to her assistance, as did the pilot 
 and several other boats. 
 
 The boats got up with her, but neither Turpin 
 nor Tufts, who were on this side of the bar, could 
 get within a mile of her. The frigate fired, how- 
 ever, sixteen guns at Tufts, as he was endeavoring 
 to get to her, but at too great a distance to do 
 any execution. Tufts returned the compliment 
 with two guns. 
 
 A little before two o'clock old Captain Copi- 
 thorn came here for some laborers, on his way 
 down to the prize with eight schooners, in order 
 to lighten her, and our people at the same time . 
 cut away her mizzen-mast. The prize was lying 
 in that position between our two armed vessels, 
 when a little schooner, which seemed a tender to 
 the man-of-war, filled with armed men, together 
 with their pinnace and long boat, came to her 
 over the bank she was lying on ; then our people 
 got into the boats, and quitted her. The man-of- 
 war's people boarded her, and set fire to some 
 combustibles in her hold, and in a few minutes we 
 had the mortification of seeing our lofty prize a 
 prey to the flames. She continued to burn the 
 remainder of yesterday, and all of last night. I 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 31 
 
 really believe had Charleston been on fire, we 
 could not have looked on its ruins with more re- 
 gret. The frigate stiU remains off the bar, but 
 as she is alone we are perfectly easy about her. 
 
 Adieu. 
 
 P. S. A schooner with 10,000 lbs. of powder 
 came in two days ago. 
 
 Another letter to his sister, in anticipation of 
 the battle, follows : — 
 
 FoBT Johnson, June 1 1, 1776. 
 
 . . . Our visitors from England are so very 
 slow in their motions ; delayed by fear or inability 
 of proceeding, they have advanced no farther than 
 just withiQ the bar. 
 
 We received a visit here two days ago from 
 Generals Lee and Howe. Lee has a great deal of 
 the gentleman in his appearance, though homely 
 and ib a split shirt; he has taken upon himself 
 the command of the forces, and seven hundred of 
 his men are I hope by this time landed in Charles- 
 ton. We have fifteen hundred men on Sullivan's 
 Island, and are promised a reinforcement as soon as 
 occasion may require it. They have also a consider- 
 able body of men in Charleston, so that I hope our 
 enemies will haive very little reason to boast of the 
 reception they will meet with, as we are fully pre- 
 pared for these gentry, shall they be hardy enough 
 to attack us. There is nobody here who doubts 
 our success. Charleston is already greatly im- 
 proved by the apprehension of an attack, as a 
 great many of the stores upon the wharves are 
 
32 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 already pulled down. Brisbane's house has shared 
 the same fate; and yesterday, Morris' house, on 
 the island, was burned by a detachment from our 
 regiment. I hope my mother does not suffer her- 
 self to be low-spirited on this occasion. Every- 
 body here seems as cheerful or more so than ever. 
 And we have not lost a man by desertion since 
 we have heard of the enemy's being off the coast. 
 I only wait till we have given these fellows a 
 hearty drubbing before I come to pay my respects 
 to my mother. 
 
 This was rather a strong manifestation of patri- 
 otic enthusiasm, not based on military experience ; 
 for there was no record of a wooden fort on this 
 continent, or elsewhere, ever having successfully 
 resisted a British fleet. He seems far more san- 
 guine of the ability of the forts to repel the 
 enemy than were some of his superiors, espe- 
 cially the commanding general. 
 
 General Charles Lee, whose arrival excited the 
 enthusiasm of our troops, by the promise of a 
 trained military man for command, was an Eng- 
 lishman, who belonged to a distinguished family 
 in Cheshire. He had held a commission in the 
 British army, and seen service both in America 
 and Europe. His life was roving^ romantic, and 
 disappointing. He had been with Braddock in 
 his disastrous campaign at Fort Duquesne; he 
 was present at the attack on Ticonderoga in 1758, 
 and aided in the capture of Montreal from the 
 French in 1761. He served afterwards in Hol- 
 land and in Portugal, and was at the battle of 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 33 
 
 Viliafranca in 1763. Disappointed in his hopes 
 of promotion in the British service, he resigned in 
 disgust, and joined Stanislaus Augustus, king of 
 Poland. He was made a general in the Polish 
 army, and served in one campaign against the 
 _ Turks. Not finding the Polish service more sat- 
 isfactory than that of his native country, he re- 
 turned to England, and thence to America, in 
 1773, and purchased an estate in the vaUey of 
 Virginia. Espousing the cause of the colonies, 
 he wrote several bitter pamphlets upholding their 
 rights in the contest with Parliament. 
 
 In 1775, at the organization of the American 
 army, he offered his services to Congress, and was 
 at once made major-general, being second only in 
 rank to Washington and Artemas Ward. He 
 served in the army with Washington at the siege 
 of Boston in the same year. In 1776 he was sent 
 south by Congress to aid in the defence of Charles- 
 ton, where he arrived in company with Brigadier- 
 General Howe, a few days after the British fleet 
 had reached our coasts. He immediately began 
 an inspection of the harbor and its defences, in 
 company with President Rutledge. 
 
 The President and the Council of Safety had 
 anticipated danger by way of .the sea, and there- 
 fore had strengthened the defences along the 
 water front. They had just built a fort on Sulli- 
 van's Island, at the mouth of the harbor, where 
 Colonel Moultrie was stationed with the 2d 
 South Carolina regiment, four hundred strong, 
 and a battalion of artillery. At the eastern end 
 of the island, three miles off, they had stationed 
 
34 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Colonel Thompson with seven hundred men and 
 two pieces of artillery, to guard the passage be- 
 tween that and the neighboring island. Three 
 miles up the harbor, nearer the city, they had 
 strengthened Fort Johnson, our oldest fortification, 
 and as well armed as Sullivan, where Colonel 
 Gadsden, with the 1st South Carolina regiment, 
 was in command. If the fleet should succeed in 
 passing the fort on Sullivan's Island, it was hoped 
 that Fort Johnson, a strong position, could stop 
 their passage. Nearly a mile farther west, oppo- 
 site the southern point of the city, was another 
 battery, just erected, where Captain Thomas 
 Pinckney, with twelve heavy guns, and his own 
 company, detached from the 1st regiment, was 
 posted. 
 
 In the city, every preparation was made to meet 
 the enemy. Thirty-seven hundred men, including 
 five hundred Virginia and twelve hundred North 
 Carolina troops, were placed there. The build- 
 ings along the water front were torn down, and 
 batteries erected at many commanding points, 
 armed with more than one hundred heavy guns. 
 One of them, Broughton's Battery, protected the 
 mouth of Ashley River, and completed the inner 
 line of defences. This latter work has bequeathed 
 its name to Charleston's beautiful promenade. 
 
 At Haddrell's Point, four miles east of the 
 city, and one mile behind Fort Sullivan, where 
 the mainland juts down farthest into the harbor, 
 fifteen hundred men were posted. Thus Lee 
 found sixty-five hundred men ready to defend 
 their native land. After his inspection of the 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 35 
 
 works and the distribution of the troops, he de- 
 termined to adopt another line of defence. He 
 had no faith whatever in the power of Fort Sulli- 
 van to stop the fleet. His military eye had de- 
 tected the weakness of its unfinished side, and he 
 denounced it "as a mere slaughter pen, which 
 could not hold out half an hour." He urged its 
 in^mediate abandonment, and a withdrawal of its 
 garrison. This Eutledge indignantly refused, as 
 a timid and disheartened policy; but with his 
 habitual contempt for civil authority, Lee began 
 to issue orders as major-general, conflicting with 
 those which had been already issued by the Coun- 
 cil of Safety. Lee forgot that he had only advis- 
 ory power. South Carolina was an organized 
 government in which Rutledge was -the head, un- 
 der the title of President. He and the Council of 
 Safety were supreme in all things civil and mili- 
 tary, during the recess of the general assembly. 
 South Carolina had entered into the compact with 
 Congress to maintain the rights of the colonies; 
 but an officer of the Congress had no authority 
 here until it was confirmed by the existing govern- 
 ment. Eutledge saw enough of Lee's arbitrary 
 temper to know that he could not cooperate, and 
 wisely avoided the conflict. He anticipated the 
 wisdom of Napoleon's military maxim, "that one 
 bad general was better than two good ones." He 
 therefore published in general orders "that the 
 command of all the regular forces, and the militia 
 of this colony acting in conjunction with them, is 
 invested in Major-General Lee; orders issued by 
 him are to be obeyed." 
 
36 THE revolution: 
 
 General Lee thought that Sir Henry Clinton 
 would attack the city by land as soon as he could 
 disembark his troops on some point north of 
 Charleston. He therefore selected Haddrell's as 
 his strategic point, and withdrew some of the 
 troops from the island, and some of the powder 
 from the fort; and would have withdrawn all, 
 men and ammunition, if he had ventured to do 
 so. 
 
 Fort Sullivan, destined to play so important a 
 part in revolutionary story, notwithstanding the 
 contempt, of its commanding general, was located 
 on the seashore, just at the mouth of the harbor. 
 It was a rectangular work, with a bastion at each 
 end built of palmetto logs, a soft and spongy 
 wood, which grows abundantly along the southern 
 coast, and which our engineers thought well 
 adapted to resist cannon-balls. The logs were 
 laid upon each other in parallel rows sixteen feet 
 apart, and bound together by transverse logs at 
 the same distance, aU securely bolted into each 
 other. The spaces between the logs were fiUed 
 with heavy sea sand ; and the mferlons were simi- 
 larly built to the height of ten feet, to protect the 
 guns and the platforms on which they rested. 
 The fort was mounted with thirty guns, one half 
 twenty-six and eighteen pounders, the rest only 
 nine and twelve pounders. It was only finished 
 completely on the front ; the back and two sides 
 being still incomplete. Its garrison was encamped 
 outside, so as not to interfere with the workmen, 
 and only marched in on the 9th of June, and 
 pitched their tents on the parade within. They 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 37 
 
 employed the interval between that and the day 
 of battle in completing as far as possible their 
 unfinished work. 
 
 The British fleet, numbering fifty sail, includ- 
 ing transports, had anchored ofE the bar on the 
 1st of June. It required three weeks of hard 
 labor to get the larger vessels over the bar. Their 
 guns were removed to the smaller craft, until the 
 frigates were lightened sufficiently to cross the 
 bar; then their guns were replaced. 
 
 While the people on the ships were thus em- 
 ployed. Sir Henry Clinton with Lord Cornwallis 
 had approached with his transports the Long 
 Island shore, and landed three thousand British 
 troops with some light artillery. They encamped 
 on the western end of the island, a mile from the 
 point held by Colonel Thompson. Here they 
 stood, ready to cooperate with the fleet as soon 
 as their preparations for attack were completed. 
 
 On the morning of the 28th of June, Colonel 
 - Moultrie had gone to Colonel Thompson's post to 
 calculate the chances of the British crossing the 
 inlet, and attacking him in flank, while busy with 
 the squadron. Seeing the fleet spreading their 
 sails and getting under way, he at once rode back 
 to his post, and ordered the men to their guns. 
 The first trial of arms between the British fleet 
 and the revolted colonies was at hand. It was a 
 solemn moment for the. garrison and its com- 
 mander. Moultrie had received two conflicting 
 orders that morning; one was from General Lee, 
 who seemed only anxious to provide a way of 
 retreat, as his various orders show. 
 
38 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 June 10. 
 
 To Colonel Moulteie. 
 
 SiK, — You will receive a number of flats, rafts, 
 and planks for the construction of bridges for 
 your retreat. You can give a receipt for them. 
 Charles Lee, Major-General. 
 
 June 25 [three days before the battle]. "Fin- 
 ish the bridges." 
 
 On the morning of the battle, June 28, he 
 ■writes : — 
 
 Dear Colonel, — If you should expend your 
 ammunition without beating off the enemy, or 
 driving them aground, spike your guns, and re- 
 treat with all possible order. 
 
 But happily for the State, Eutledge was the 
 supreme authority in civil and military affairs. 
 His order to Moultrie on the same day breathes 
 a loftier spirit, worthy of Leonidas or Csesar. 
 
 June 28. 
 
 General Lee wishes you to abandon the fort. 
 You will not without a written order from me. I 
 would rather cut off my hand than write one. 
 
 John Eutledge. 
 
 Had Moultrie been of a nervous temperament 
 he would have been much disturbed ; but if slow, 
 he was also sure, and calmly awaited the advance. 
 Eight stately frigates, two mounting fifty guns 
 each, the others twenty-eight guns, attended by a 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 39 
 
 bomb-ship, approached the fort. The Bristol, Sir 
 Peter Parker's flag-ship, with three other frigates, 
 dropped their anchors at the distance of four 
 hundred yards. The other four vessels formed a 
 second line of battle on the outside. They imme- 
 diately opened their broadsides, throwing from 
 seventy to one hundred shot at a time upon the 
 fort, and carrying terror to a thousand anxious 
 hearts upon the shores around the harbor. When- 
 ever the frigates fired simultaneously, their shots, 
 Moultrie says, made the whole fort tremble. It 
 seemed to be a very unequal contest. Two hun- 
 dred and sixty-six gims were brought to bear upon 
 the fort, still unfinished, armed with thirty cannon, 
 only fifteen of which were heavy enough to be 
 of real value. Its supply of ammunition was also 
 small, not being quite five thousand pounds of 
 powder. There was but one chance of success, a 
 cool and deliberate response to the heavy bom- 
 bardment of the fleet. The officers of each bat- 
 tery generally pointed the guns, and stimulated 
 each other to accuracy of aim. One shot from the 
 fort often did more damage than ten times the 
 number from the fleet. Their balls were often 
 buried in the intervening sands, or passed over the 
 fort into the marshes of the bay behind. Those 
 which struck the works were embedded in the soft 
 palmetto, or passed through without damage into 
 the sixteen feet of sand. 
 
 Finding after several hours' bombardment that 
 he could make little impression on the fort. Sir 
 Peter Parker ordered the three frigates which 
 formed his second line of battle, and which he 
 
40 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 had reserved, apparently, for an attack upon Eort 
 Johnson, to take a station on the western side of 
 Sullivan, so as to enfilade the platform with its 
 unprotected guns. This movement, which Gen- 
 eral Lee had foreseen, would have enabled the 
 ships to dismount the guns of the fort, and change 
 the fortunes of the. day. But Providence favored 
 the brave. To avoid the fire of the fort, the ships 
 bore too much to the western side of the channel, 
 and the leading frigate, the Acteon, grounded 
 upon a shoal, where she remained hopelessly dis- 
 abled; while her two consorts, trying to escape 
 her fate, ran foul of each other, and became un- 
 manageable, so that they were compelled to retire, 
 until they could repair their damages and resume 
 their place in the fight. 
 
 With the loss of three ships from the attacking 
 force, and cheered by the sound condition of the 
 fort, the garrison plied their guns vigorously, and 
 with telling effect. They concentrated their fire 
 upon the two fifty gun frigates, cutting the cable of 
 Sir Peter Parker's ship, so that she swung round 
 with . the tide, exposing her stern to the fort. 
 "Mind the commodore," was the word passed 
 round in the garrison to each battery, and the 
 result was soon obvious. Twice during the day 
 her quarter deck was swept of every defender, 
 and fresh recruits were ordered up to man the 
 guns. Her decks were slippery with blood, and 
 barges were seen passing from the two larger 
 ships, to carry away the wounded, and bring 
 fresh men from other vessels. Sir Peter Parker 
 was wounded twice, and at one time was the only 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 41 
 
 man standing on the upper deck. His captain 
 lost an arm, and died two days after from the 
 woundi Lord William Campbell, acting as a 
 volunteer on board the flag-ship, was seriously- 
 wounded, and probably died from the effects of 
 the injury. The masts of the ship were shot 
 through in so many places that two of them had 
 to be cut down, and seventy shot pierced her hull. 
 Nor did her comrade fare much better. Fifty- 
 seven of her crew were killed and thirty wounded, 
 and her hull was badly battered. Her captain, 
 also, had his arm shot off, and died in conse- 
 quence. The British loss was one hundred and 
 thirteen killed and sixty to seventy wounded. 
 The other vessels suffered but little, though all 
 were damaged in their hulls and rigging. Our 
 victory was won with the loss of only ten men 
 killed, and twenty-five wounded. 
 
 While the battle was raging, and balls were 
 flying freely over the water, General Lee crossed 
 over from Haddrell's to visit the fort. He pointed 
 some of the guns, to encourage the men, and 
 said to Moultrie, "I see, colonel, that you are 
 doing very well without me. I will return to the 
 city." 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton's plan of aiding the fleet by 
 an invasion on land entirely failed. The water 
 of the inlet between the two islands was far too 
 deep for fording. He manned his boats, and 
 tried to cross with part of his troops ; but a few 
 well directed shot from Colonel Thompson's bat- 
 tery showed that that movement was impractica- 
 ble. He then sought to reach the mainland, but 
 
42 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 that lie found more difficult still. Three miles of 
 marshes intersected by winding creeks, too shal- 
 low for navigation, but too deep and miry for ford- 
 ing, protected our coast as effectually then as 
 they have often done since. Sir Henry Clinton 
 and Lord Cornwallis therefore remained idle spec- 
 tators of the battle. 
 
 About four o'clock the ships slackened their 
 fire, to repair their damages, and refresh their 
 men, for the day was very sultry. Moultrie gladly 
 embraced the opportunity "of resting his troops, 
 exposed for six hours to the glare of the sun and 
 the heat of the guns. He had another object in 
 view. A rumor reached the fort that the British 
 had crossed the inlet, and were marching to attack 
 him in the rear. He ordered the garrison to cease 
 firing entirely, that he might reserve his powder 
 for muskets, or only to fire once in ten or fifteen 
 minutes. In the mean time he indulged himself 
 with his pipe, possibly to encourage his men. 
 
 The British hoped that the fort had suffered as 
 much as they had, and had given up the conflict 
 in despair. The people of the city, filled with 
 anxiety, crowded the water-front, and the garri- 
 sons around the harbor began to despond. The 
 whole scene was reproduced eighty-eight years 
 afterwards. During our civil war, a fleet of .eight 
 ironclads, including the Ironsides frigate and seven 
 monitors, poured upon Fort Sumter the heaviest 
 fire then known in naval warfare. The Battery 
 in Charleston was again crowded with anxious 
 hearts, and many around the harbor were painfully 
 awaiting the result of the unequal contest. 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 43 
 
 Rutledge, fearing from the cessation of the 
 fire that Moultrie's powder was falling short, 
 • immediately dispatched the following : — 
 
 I send you five hundred pounds of powder. 
 I should think you may be supplied from Had- 
 drell's Point. You know our collection is not 
 very large. Honor and victory, my good sir, to 
 you, and our worthy coimtrymen with you. 
 
 JOHK EUTLEDGE. 
 
 p. S. Do not make too free with your cannon. 
 Cool and do mischief. 
 
 If Moultrie's courage at any time needed stimu- 
 lation, Rutledge 's orders were calculated to sup- 
 ply it ; but his coolness never flagged during this 
 trying day. As soon as this fresh supply was 
 received, he resumed the battle, though on the 
 line indicated, "cool and do mischief." The ad- 
 vantage was clearly with the fort. The broad- 
 sides from the frigates became few and. far be- 
 tween; the bomb-ship had long since injured her 
 mortar-board so much that the mortar became 
 useless, and she was out of the conflict. After a 
 weary bombardment, the British commodore, tak- 
 ing advantage of the ebb tide, cut his cables and 
 drifted back to the anchorage which he had left 
 in the morning, a sadder and a wiser man, — the 
 Americans rejoicing in the city, and in the forts, 
 and the garrison surprised, I doubt not, at their 
 own achievement. 
 
 The Acteon alone remained on the shoal where 
 
44 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 she had grounded, the same on which Fort Sumter 
 was erected many years afterwards. The garri- 
 son, on the following day, fired several shot at 
 her. To prevent her falling into the hands of the 
 enemy, her commander set fire to her, and set off 
 with his crew, leaving her colors flying and her 
 cannon loaded. Lieutenant Milligan, belonging 
 to our armed ship the Prosper, went down the 
 harbor with three boats' crews, and boarded her 
 while in flames, fired some of her guns at the com- 
 modore, stripped her of all that time permitted, 
 and carried off his spoils. Soon after he left her 
 the ship blew up, with a noise which reverberated 
 over the harbor. The smoke, ascending upwards 
 in the still summer's morniug, spread out above in 
 the shape of an umbrella. This, to the excited 
 imagination of the people around, assumed the 
 form of a pahnetto-tree, emblematic of the future 
 triumph of their prospective banner. 
 
 On the same day General Lee visited the garri- 
 son, and thanked them for their good conduct. 
 "No men," he declared, "ever did better during 
 ten hours' cannonade, and seven hours' bombard- 
 ment." President Eutledge and the Council of 
 Safety also visited the fort, and conveyed the 
 thanks of their countrymen for their gallant con- 
 duct. Eutledge took this occasion to reward the 
 daring of one man, which had been reported to 
 him. During the heat of the battle, the flag- 
 staff was shot away, and the flag fell to the 
 ground. Sergeant Jasper immediately leaped from 
 one of the embrasures, picked up the flag, and 
 stripped it from its broken staff. Winding it 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 45 
 
 around his arm, he climbed up again, while the 
 balls were flying around him, and replaced it on 
 the highest point of the fort upon a temporary 
 flagstaff. Calling up the gallant sergeant Presi- 
 dent Eutledge took off his sword, and buckled it 
 round the waist of the brave soldier. He also 
 offered him a lieutenant's commission in the South 
 Carolina line ; but Jasper was modest as well as 
 brave, and declined the honor. "I am not an 
 "educated man," he said; "not fit to associate with 
 the officers. Better leave me where I am.". Eut- 
 ledge also paid Moultrie a well-deserved compli- 
 ment. With the sanction of the council, he 
 changed the name of Fort Sullivan to Fort Moul- 
 trie, in honor of the brave commander of the 28th 
 of June. 
 
 Another incident of the battle is remarkable. 
 The officers of the fort calculated that twelve 
 thousand balls were fired by the fleet during the 
 bombardment; some were buried in the sands; 
 many passed over the fort, and dropped in the 
 marshes behind; others buried themselves in the 
 palmetto logs. The soldiers collected, within the 
 next few days, twelve hundred cannon-balls which 
 had been fired at the fort; more by nearly two 
 hundred than had been used by the garrison. 
 Moultrie had unwittingly anticipated Napoleon's 
 stratagem at the siege of Acre, where that wily 
 commander compelled the British fleet to supply 
 him unconsciously with a sufficient supply of balls 
 to continue the siege. 
 
 During the battle the garrison of Fort Johnson 
 were at their gims ready for their share of the 
 
46 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 danger, but the repulse of the fleet at Fort Moul- 
 trie made them only spectators of the combat. 
 Thomas Pinckney was at his post a little west of 
 the fort, so that he could only witness the tri- 
 nmpbs of his countrymen. The following letter to 
 Mrs. Horry gives his view of the battle. 
 
 Saturday, June 29, 1776. 
 
 We have been witness, My Dear Harriott, to a 
 glorious action between the Fort at SuUivan's 
 Island and seven of the enemy's ships, of war, 
 besides a bomb-ketch. The action began yester- 
 day about eleven o'clock in the forenoon; and a 
 severe cannonade continued till nine in the even- 
 ing, when, to the immortal glory of the 2d Regi- 
 ment, the ships ceased firing, and made the best of 
 their way down with the tide. 
 
 The Bristol of fifty Guns, in which was the 
 Admiral, was very roughly treated, having lost 
 her Mizzen-mast, besides being so much battered 
 as to be obliged to haul off, and. cease firing for a 
 considerable time. Two of their ships ran foul 
 of each other, by which one of them lost her Bow- 
 sprit, and the other (which I take to be an eight 
 and twenty Gun-ship) got so fast aground that 
 the enemy were obliged to set fire to and abandon 
 her, with all her Guns, powder, and rigging stand- 
 ing. 
 
 A forty -four Gun-ship, supposed to be the Roe- 
 buck, was also warmly engaged, but I do not know 
 what loss she has sustained. The loss on our side 
 amounted to no more than ten men killed, and 
 twenty -two wounded. Of this noble action we 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 47 
 
 were obliged to be idle spectators, and from the 
 Reception the Enemy has met with, I thiak we 
 are likely to continue so. 
 
 At the same time that the attack was made on 
 the Fort, the Enemy made two attempts to land 
 from Long Island, one on the main, the other on 
 Sullivan's Island, but were repulsed in both with- 
 out our losing a single man. I have just rec'd 
 your favour by Mr. Gadsden, and am glad to find 
 that you have hitherto escaped fevers, and that 
 you may long continue free from them is the sin- 
 cere wish of 
 
 Your truly affectionate Brother, 
 
 Thomas Pincknet. 
 
 William Henry Drayton, chief justice of the 
 State, a prominent actor in these events, thus 
 sums up the leading part which South Carolina 
 took iu the Revolution. 
 
 "We were the first in America to pronounce 
 Lord North's conciliatory policy to be inadmissi- 
 ble. We raised the first regular forces on the 
 continent, and for a period of three years. We first 
 declared the cause of taking up arms. We origi- 
 nated Councils of Safety. We were among the 
 fitrst who led the way to independence, by estab- 
 lishing a constitution of government. We were 
 the first who made a law authorizing the capture 
 of British vessels, .without distinction. We alone 
 have defeated a British fleet." 
 
 The transfer of the 1st regiment to Fort Moul- 
 trie in August, 1776, made that Captain Pinck- 
 ney's headquarters for three years, and to this 
 
48 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 regiment under his brother's command, Gadsden 
 being promoted, was intrusted the guardianship 
 of the harbor for the same period. The western 
 bastion of the fort was still unfinished; that was 
 completed and the works improved under Captain 
 Pinckney's direction as engineer. 
 
 Recruiting formed a large part of his duty dur- 
 ing these earlier years of the war. ' He had al- 
 ready visited Orangeburg, and enlisted three 
 fourths of his own company in that district. He 
 afterwards visited Waxhaws, Camden, and other 
 points in the State for the same purpose. Subse- 
 quently, in company with Philip Neyle, he was 
 sent on a more extensive tour, embracing North 
 Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland. 
 
 He asked permission of the governors of those 
 States to recruit within their limits, and records 
 the fact, characteristic of old Virginia, that "Pat- 
 rick Henry received him with great cordiality." 
 
 The nimiber of recruits did not correspond with 
 the enthusiastic hopes of the young soldier, nor 
 repay the work "of three months in the saddle," 
 not counting the expenditure of eloquence and 
 diplomacy. His experience is probably not un- 
 common. "Dulce et decorum est pro patria 
 mori," is a noble sentiment, most popular with 
 those who have not tried it. But "dulce domiun" 
 appeals to a personal instinct, which often over- 
 powers the patriotic. It is the first wave of popu- 
 lar enthusiasm which sweeps the multitude into 
 the field. So it was in 1776, so it was in 1861 ; 
 with each subsequent year, as the hai;dships of 
 war increased, the military ardor abated. 
 
MILITARY LIFE. 49 
 
 Captain Pinckney's reputation for handling 
 troops was such that he was often detailed, for 
 special duty as instructor in military science. Dur- 
 ing the first three years of the war he was thus em- 
 ployed along the coast, as far south as Pocotaligo 
 and Purisburg. On one of these tours an inci- 
 dent occurred which marked his firmness and 
 decision of character. It was known to the mili- 
 tary authorities that British emissaries from 
 Georgia had visited certain posts, and tampered 
 with the men. During his visit to one of these 
 stations a mutiny broke out among the troops. 
 The company on parade refused to obey orders, 
 threw down their arms, and defied their officers. 
 Persuasion, upbraiding, threats, proved alike un- 
 availing, and the officers seemed about to give up 
 the contest. Captain Pinckney, watching the situ- 
 ation from an adjoining house, saw that the time 
 for parley had passed. Taking his sabre in his 
 hand he entered the angry group, approached 'the 
 ringleader, and cut him down at a blow. Order- 
 ing the company to resume their arms, and fall 
 into ranks, he carried them through the inter- 
 rupted drill, and turned them over to their offi- 
 cers in a far more submissive spirit than they had 
 manifested. No man could be more averse to 
 assume authority than one of Thomas Pinckney's 
 temperament ; he could exercise it promptly when 
 duty required. 
 
 There are three events which mark this period 
 of his military life: the Florida campaign, the 
 battle of Stono, and the siege of Savannah. 
 
60 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 THE FLORIDA CAMPAIGN. 1178. 
 
 The invasion of Florida is so slighted by our 
 historians that it reads like a new page in Revolu- 
 tionary annals. Like all similar attempts in the 
 last two hundred years by the colonies, or by the 
 United States, it proved a sad mistake. 
 
 Florida had been for all that period a curse to 
 the Southern colonies. Marauding bands of sav- 
 age Indians, and still more cruel Spaniards, would 
 spring from its dark forests to lay waste our bor- 
 ders, murder our people, and retreat, like the tiger 
 to its bloody den. 
 
 When Florida was ceded to Great Britain in 
 1763, great was our joy; and we looked to the 
 flowery land as lovingly as the shivering tourist 
 does now when flying from his icy home. 
 
 But the joy was brief, for England made it the 
 base of operations against her rebellious provinces, 
 and repeated the old story with additional aggra- 
 vations. The marauders were reinforced by fu- 
 gitive slaves enticed to her dishonored standard. 
 General Howe, the continental officer in command, 
 gathered the forces of South Carolina and Georgia 
 to crush the spoiler, and protect our frontiers. 
 He crossed the Savannah and Ogeechee rivers, 
 and marched for the Altamaha. Major Pinckney, 
 as he was now (May, 1778), was stationed mean- 
 while at Poeotaligo, to collect and hasten for- 
 ward the South Carolina troops, and with them 
 soon joined the invading coluian. His letters 
 from various points, the Altamaha, the great 
 SatiUa River, and from the St. Mary's, mark the 
 
THE FLORIDA CAMPAIGN. ' 51 
 
 weary route through summer heats and barren 
 sands. 
 
 One hope inspired them on the toilsome march. 
 "We hope to find the enemy to-morrow in his 
 post on the Altamaha; " but the result was always 
 the same, — "the fort deserted and the enemy 
 fled." His own account sums up forcibly the issue 
 of the barren expedition. 
 
 "Our troops, without ever coming in contact 
 with the enemy, suffered more from privations of 
 every sort than they would have done from the 
 most sanguinary engagements. Before we took 
 possession of Fort Tonyn on the frontier of Flor- 
 ida, which the British abandoned at our approach, 
 more than half of our regular troops were in their 
 graves or in the hospitals. . . . The two Georgia 
 regiments returned home from disgust with their 
 general." The hungry, weary survivors, under 
 command of Colonel C. C. Pinckney, at length 
 reached the sea, at the mouth of the St. Mary's 
 River. Vessels sent from Charleston received 
 them there, and carried them to a welcome home. 
 
 Both Thomas Pinckney and his brother escaped 
 the sickness which fell upon so many of the expe- 
 dition. Exposed as they were to the Florida sun 
 in June and July, Major Pinckney writes "that 
 he was thinner than he had ever been in all his 
 life, and thought that he had eaten more rice 
 than he had ever made." 
 
 Thus ended disastrously the third attempt by 
 the colonies against Florida. The first under 
 Oglethorpe's direction in 1740 failed, though cost- 
 ing South Carolina a large tribute in men and 
 
62 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 money, and led to a quarrel between Georgia and 
 South Carolina as to the cause of defeat. 
 
 The second, under General Lee's orders in 1776, 
 likewise failed. 
 
 The third, under General Howe in 1778, was 
 as unfortunate as either of the preceding. The 
 march through barren sands and dismal swamps, 
 without any definite strategic point, the fatal 
 want of discipline among his men, and the aban- 
 donment of the enterprise almost within sight of 
 St. Augustine, sum up the feeble results. 
 
 The blunders of the expedition led to a quar- 
 rel between the leaders as to where the blame 
 of. failuTe lay, and resulted in the duel between 
 Generals Howe and Gadsden. 
 
 This campaign taught our young soldier a les- 
 son of endurance which was hard to learn ; it was 
 the mere drudgery of war without any of its ex- 
 citements. No martial music, no courageous foe, 
 no gallant charge, no "earthquake shock of vic- 
 tory," marked their progress. 
 
 Watching against an invisible foe, marching 
 and countermarching, hunger and thirst, without 
 one opportunity of striking a hearty blow, these 
 constituted his experience in this most unfruitful 
 expedition. 
 
 The whole story recalls the Florida campaign 
 of 1836, when nine thousand men tried for several 
 years to capture one tribe of Indians, whose pres- 
 ence was made known only when a straggler left 
 the lines, or when a provision wagon lingered in 
 the rear. The crack of a rifle, a scalped soldier, 
 and the form of an Indian retreating to The Ever- 
 glades, was the only evidence of the lurking foe. 
 
THE FLORIDA CAMPAIGN. 53 
 
 Generals suffered sadly in reputation, and one 
 was even burnt in effigy; and few were the laurels 
 won in the Seminole war. In Florida swamps, 
 the wily savage has every advantage over a civi- 
 lized foe. 
 
 The failure of Howe's unfortunate campaign 
 soon entailed other disasters upon us. Sir H. Clin- 
 ton despatched Colonel Campbell from New York 
 with a sufficient force to capture Savannah, in spite 
 of General Howe's resistance. General Provost, 
 commanding in Florida, was ordered at the same 
 time to advance into Georgia. Dispersing the 
 feeble resistance which met him at Sunbury, and 
 at Augusta, he soon brought the State back be- 
 neath the royal authority. 
 
 During the interval between this expedition 
 and the invasion of the State in the subsequent 
 year. Major Pinckney found time to diversify his 
 military life with professional and domestic en- 
 gagements. He attended court at Orangeburg, 
 and successfully defended some prisoners who had 
 erred through ignortince of military law. As the 
 results of his labors at that session of the court, 
 he incloses a check to his sister to pay some debts 
 in Charleston, and rejoices in a profession which 
 "enabled him to save the lives of unhappy per- 
 sons " whose cause he had espoused. 
 
 In 1779 he also found time to attend to domes- 
 tic engagements, for he married Elizabeth Motte, 
 the eldest daughter of Kebecca Motte. She 
 proved a faithful wife, and skillful nurse, when 
 he was disabled by his wounds in the following 
 year. 
 
54 THE REVOLUTION^ 
 
 PROVOST'S RAID. 1779. 
 
 When General Lincoln assumed command in 
 South Carolina in 1779, he found Savannah in 
 the hands of the enemy, and the whole State of 
 Georgia virtually British territory. Emboldened 
 by the failure of the Florida campaign, the 
 Tories had flocked to the British standard, and 
 trampled on the patriot cause. Lincoln crossed 
 the Savannah with a strong force, to rescue the 
 State from their hands. Major Pinckney, who 
 had been appointed one of his aids, accompanied 
 the expedition. 
 
 "While the American troops were thus employed, 
 Provost, the British general in Savannah, made 
 a bold raid into Carolina. He pushed aside Moul- 
 trie's inferior force, which had been left at Beau- 
 fort to watch him, and attempted, by a sudden 
 dash, to capture Charleston. The city was un- 
 protected on the land side, and there were no 
 troops to defend it ; and had Provost not lost two 
 days on the road, its capture would have been 
 inevitable. But that delay was the salvation of 
 the city. The inhabitants proved equal to the 
 emergency. They hastily threw up lines of de- 
 fence across the high ground north of Calhoun 
 Street, and mounted such cannon as the urgency of 
 the case permitted. 
 
 Moultrie, with a remnant of his force, kept in 
 advance of the enemy, and reached the city in 
 time to encourage the citizens. Eutledge, who had 
 just been invested with dictatorial power by the 
 legislature, issued a proclamation ordering the 
 
PROVOST'S RAID. 65 
 
 militia to join him at Orangeburg, and marched 
 at once for the relief of Charleston. He entered 
 the city, with some hasty levies, the day after 
 Moultrie's arrival. Pulaski, the gallant Pole, 
 who had offered his sword to the American colo- 
 nies, had been ordered to the South with his in- 
 fantry and cavalry, and reached the city just. as 
 the British were investing it. With characteristic 
 impetuosity, he attacked their superior forces with 
 a spirit which they had not anticipated, showing 
 that the city, if unprotected by proper military 
 works, was not lacking in the higher elements 
 of self-defence. The capture of a despatch from 
 Lincoln, announcing his speedy approach, decided 
 Provost to abandon his attempt to seize the city 
 by a coup de main. 
 
 The correspondence of Rutledge with Provost 
 at this juncture has never been explained. It 
 seems to indicate a wavering spirit in the hitherto 
 invincible governor. Whether he was pursuing 
 a temporizing policy merely to gain time, — which 
 was not his way, for he had never sacrificed the 
 bold to the expedient, — or whether he thought the 
 means of defence so inadequate that defence was 
 impossible, we cannot determine from any contem- 
 porary records. Provost rejected his propositions 
 of neutrality, -and Rutledge transferred the re- 
 sponsibility to the military authorities. Moultrie 
 at once refused the simimons to surrender, and 
 announced his determination to defend the city to 
 the utmost. Provost, compelled to abandon his 
 purpose, recrossed the Ashley and took post on the 
 Stono River, under protection of his gunboats. 
 
56 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Lincoln, who had been recalled to the defence 
 of South Carolina, overtook him while engaged in 
 ravaging the Sea Islands. The battle of Stono 
 soon followed, in which Major Pinckney took an 
 active part, as second in command of the light 
 infantry, under Colonel Henderson. 
 
 At his suggestion the troops under their orders 
 were drawn up in alternate companies of regulars 
 and militia. He assumed that the latter when 
 charged by British infantry would act on the 
 Hudibrastic maxim, and run away when the fire 
 grew hot ; but would return to the fight, if pro- 
 tected by a line of trained soldiers in front. And 
 the result justified his confidence. The militia 
 ■availed themselves of these welcome gaps for re- 
 treat, but gallantly returned to the charge, and 
 did their duty on that well-fought field. 
 
 "Major Pinckney gained great applause for his 
 gallant conduct on this day. The battalion to 
 which he was attached charged two companies of 
 the 71st British regiment, and so completely 
 routed them at the point of the bayonet, that 
 only nine men were able to take shelter ' within 
 their lines." 
 
 Among the officers of this noted regiment was 
 Captain Charles Barrington McKenzie, a gallant 
 foe to whose kindness Major Pinckney owed his 
 life after the battle of Camden, in the following 
 year. 
 
 Though defeated in the main object. Provost 
 had his revenge, for he converted his attack into 
 a marauding expedition. On his march to Charles- 
 ton he had ravaged all the country through which 
 
PROVOST'S RAID. 57 
 
 he passed, including Auckland, Major Pinck- 
 ney's home on the Ashepoo, where the Chief Jus- 
 tice's book and papers were burned with the 
 house. On his return, the Sea Islands shared the 
 same or a worse fate. The British soldiers 
 "rifled the houses of plate, furniture, pictures, 
 and linen. They stole money and rings and jew- 
 elry from men and women. They broke open 
 tombs and rifled the sepulchres. Objects of value 
 which they could not carry away were destroyed; 
 porcelain, mirrors, windows, were dashed to pieces ; 
 the gardens, filled with exotics, were laid waste. 
 Domestic animals which could not be used, nor 
 carried off, were wantonly shot; and in some 
 places not even a chicken was left alive." Thus 
 wrote Bancroft, when describing Provost's raid. 
 He was not aware that he was writing prophecy 
 to be fulfilled in our generation. Sherman's sol- 
 diers fully equalled British bummers; and his 
 work was more thoroughly done, and on a grander 
 scale. A tract of country one himdred and fifty 
 miles long by thirty broad, through the heart of 
 South Carolina, was laid waste. Houses, barns, 
 stables, villages, churches, and cities were burnt, 
 and chimneys alone were left to tell the sad tale.^ 
 War has no mercy for "rebels" so called, when 
 waged by English or American commanders. 
 
 The following letter refers to Major Pinckney's 
 personal losses by this invasion. 
 
 1 Twenty-one Episcopal churches were destroyed along the 
 line of Sherman's march in South Carolina. 
 
58 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Hampton, Santeb, May 17, 1119. 
 
 Mt deae Tom, — I have just received yours, 
 with the account of my loss, and your almost ruined 
 fortunes by the enemy, — a severe blow ! But 
 I feel not for myself, but for you ; 't is for your 
 loss, my greatly beloved child, I grieve. The loss 
 of fortune would affect me little, but that it will 
 deprive my dear children of my assistance when 
 they may stand most in need of it. One happi- 
 ness however I have ever enjoyed, — that of being 
 free from avarice, which will lighten the present 
 evil with regard to myself; and a very little, at 
 my time of life, will be sufficient. I can want but 
 little, nor that little long. 
 
 Your brother's truly generous offer to divide 
 what remains to him among us, is worthy of him. 
 I am greatly affected with, but not surprised at 
 his liberality; I know his disinterestedness, his 
 sensibility and affection. You say I must be 
 sensible you can't agree to this offer. Indeed, my 
 dear Tom, I am very sensible of it; nor can I take 
 a penny from his young and helpless family. 
 Independence is all I wish, and a little will make 
 us that; don't grieve for me, my child, as I do 
 assure you I do not for myself. While I have such 
 children as I have, dare I think my lot hard? 
 God forbid! I pray the Almighty Disposer of 
 events to preserve them and my grandchildren 
 to me. And for all the rest, I hope I shall be able 
 not only contentedly but cheerfully to say, God's 
 sacred wiU be done ! 
 
 My blessing attend your brother and self. 
 
PROVOST'S RAID. 59 
 
 Mr. Motte's family are all well. I am, with the 
 tejiderest regard, 
 
 Your most affectionate mother, 
 
 Eliza Pincknet. 
 
 P. S. Harriott [Mrs. Horry] will write to you 
 now if possible. She is happy in being able to 
 assist her friends at this time. She sent for Sally 
 [Mrs. C. C. Pinekney] and the children upon the 
 first apprehension of danger, and we were happy 
 when we got them with us. Mrs. Middleton, 
 Lady Mary, Mrs. E. Kutledge, Mrs. Charles 
 Drayton, Mrs. Ealph Izard, Mrs. Mathews, are 
 now here with all their little ones. Mrs. D. 
 Huger, Mrs. Wm. H. Drayton and children, with 
 Miss Elliott and Miss Hyrne left us this morning 
 to go to Peedee. Your sister desires to be affec- 
 tionately remembered to you both. I need not 
 teU you how much our losses affect her; however, 
 I hope she has fortitude enough to bear them as 
 she ought. Your letter just now received is the 
 first notice I had of the burning of your house, 
 with everything in it that they could not carry 
 away, and the taking away the slaves; nor do I 
 kaow whether they went voluntarily with the 
 enemy or were taken by force. The enemy was 
 at Belmont, and destroyed everything in the house 
 but took none of the negroes. E. P. 
 
 SAVANNAH. 1779. 
 
 When Count D'Estaing was about to sail from 
 the West Indies for the siege of Savannah, he 
 despatched a frigate to Charleston, to notify Gen- 
 
60 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 eral Lincoln of his plans, and requested that some 
 Ameriban officers familiar with French should be 
 sent to him. Lincoln selected Major Pinckney 
 and two others for this duty. They embarked in 
 the frigate commanded by La Peyrouse, the cele- 
 brated circumnavigator. Before reaching Tybee, 
 the Frenchman captured a small British sloop-of- 
 war, commanded by Captain McKenzie, brother 
 of the officer already mentioned at the battle of 
 Stono. Learning the names of the American 
 officers with the fleet, the British captain replied 
 to La Perouse's courteous tender of services: 
 "Commit me to the care of Thomas Pinckney. 
 He will not forget an old friend and schoolfellow, 
 even in a captive enemy." 
 
 After a bungling disembarkation the French 
 marched for Savannah and encamped around it. 
 D'Estaing sent a summons to surrender to the 
 "army of his most Christian Majesty," wishing 
 apparently to complete the capture before Lin- 
 coln's arrival. But failing in this attempt he 
 awaited the day appointed for the junction of the 
 American forces with his own. The united forces 
 then began the siege which, from the obstinacy of 
 the French general and the energy of the British 
 commander, ended so disastrously. 
 
 Major Pinckney here rejoined his regiment, 
 which formed a part of the second assaidting col- 
 umn in the attack on the enemy's lines. 
 
 The French and American columns were or- 
 dered to attack simultaneously at break of day; 
 but darkness and thick woods prevented the con- 
 certed movement. Count D'Estaing, with more 
 
SA VANNAH. 61 
 
 courage than skill, dashed on at the head of a 
 column, before his supporting forces were in line, 
 so that the three bodies of French troops were 
 successively exposed to a murderous fire, and driven 
 back with heavy loss. 
 
 Pulaski, with characteristic daring, led his 
 lancers over the British lines, and was shot down 
 while attempting to attack them in the rear. 
 Colonel Laurens, our Pulaski, with equal impetu- 
 osity at the head of one South Carolina column, 
 assailed the strongest redoubt, and planted his 
 colors on the works. But the parapet was too 
 high to be scaled, and he was compelled to retire. 
 The other columns, consisting of the 1st and 5th 
 South Carolina regiments under General Mcin- 
 tosh, struggling through a morass, did not reach 
 the ground until disorder prevailed on every side. 
 Sent forward by the general to inspect the field, 
 and select a point of attack. Major Pinckney, 
 under a hot fire, penetrated to the strong redoubt 
 where Laurens had just been repulsed. There he 
 found "not one assailant standing," though many 
 were left in the ditch, and the army in hasty 
 retreat. On reporting to the general, Mcintosh 
 also ordered his command to fall back. 
 
 It was on this occasion that Major Pinckney 
 exhibited that calm courage which has been noted 
 in history. Seeing that his men were growing 
 restive under the fire and the demoralizing scenes 
 around, he hastened to the head of the column, 
 and commanded a halt. In a few brief words he 
 restored confidence to the men and induced them 
 "to quit the field like soldiers." It was the only 
 
62 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 part of the column which maintained order in. 
 their defeat. 
 
 The whole affair lasted only an honx, but in 
 that time a thousand men, French and American, 
 were left dead or wounded on the field. The 
 British loss was fifty-five men. Major Pinckney 
 compared the results of this day to the battle of 
 New Orleans, of which it was a type. A letter 
 from Colonel Pinckney, written on the evening of 
 the battle, gives his impression of the disastrous 
 affair. 
 
 "My brother, Mr. Horry, Hugh Rutledge, 
 Major Butler, R. Smith, my cousin Charles, 
 Ladson, Gadsden are well. Count D'Estaing 
 wounded: Pulaski mortally, I fear. J. Jones, 
 nephew of my cousin, killed. My regiment and 
 the 6th preserved their order inviolate, and gave 
 me great satisfaction. The Charleston militia, 
 particularly the volunteer companies, behaved 
 exceedingly well." 
 
 The French general reembarked his men and 
 sailed for the West Indies. Lincoln returned to 
 South Carolina and left Savannah in the hands of 
 the British. 
 
 The following extract from an account prepared 
 by Major Thomas Pinckney, who was present and 
 an earnest actor in the bloody details of this un- 
 fortunate and ill-considered attempt, is added : — 
 
 "The French troops were to be divided into 
 three columns, the American into two; the heads 
 of which were to be posted in a line, with proper 
 intervals, at the edge of the wood adjoining the 
 open space of five or six hundred yards between 
 
SAVANNAH. 63 
 
 it and the enemy's line, and at four o'clock in the 
 morning, a little before daylight, the whole was, on 
 a signal being given, to rush forward and attack 
 the redoubts and batteries opposed to their front. 
 
 "The American column of the right which ad- 
 joined the French, were to be preceded by Pulaski 
 with his cavalry, and the cavalry of South Caro- 
 lina, and were to follow the French until they 
 approached the edge of the wood, when they were 
 to break off and take their position. 
 
 "This column was composed of the light in- 
 fantry under Colonel Laurens of the 2d regiment 
 of South Carolina, and the 1st battalion of 
 Charleston militia. The second American column 
 consisted of the 1st and 5th South Carolina regi- 
 ments, commanded by Brigadier-General Mcin- 
 tosh of Georgia. A corps of French West India 
 troops, under the Viscomte de Noailles, the artil- 
 lery, and some American militia, formed the. re- 
 serve under General Lincoln. 
 
 "A feint attack by the South Carolina militia 
 and Georgians, under Brigadier-General Huger, 
 was ordered to be made on the enemy's left; but, 
 instead of the French troops being paraded so as 
 to march off at four o'clock, it was near four 
 before the head of that column reached our front. 
 The whole army then marched towards the skirt 
 of the wood in one long column, and as they ap- 
 proached the open space were to break off into 
 the different columns as ordered for the attack. 
 But by the time the first French column had 
 arrived at the open space, the day had fairly 
 broken, when Count D'Estaing, without waiting 
 
64 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 until the other columns had arrived at their posi- 
 tions, placed himself at the head of the first col- 
 umn and rushed forward to the attack. But this 
 body was so severely gaUed by the grape shot 
 from the batteries as they advanced, and by both 
 grape shot and musketry when they reached the 
 abattis, that, in spite of the efforts of the offi- 
 cers, the column got into confusion and broke 
 away to their left toward the wood in that direc- 
 tion; the second and the third French columns 
 shared successively the same fate, having the ad- 
 ditional discouragement of seeing as they marched 
 to the attack the repulse and loss of their com- 
 rades who had preceded them. 
 
 "Count Pulaski, who with the cavalry pre- 
 ceded the right column of the Americans, pro- 
 ceeded gallantly tmtil stopped by the abattis, 
 and before he could force through it received his 
 mortal wound. In the mean time. Colonel Lau- 
 rens, at the head of the light infantry, followed 
 by the 2d South Carolina regiment and 1st 
 battalion Charleston militia, attacked the Spring 
 HiU redoubt, got into the ditch, and planted the 
 colors of the 2d regiment • on the berm, but the 
 parapet was too high for them to scale under so 
 heavy a fire, and, after much slaughter, they were 
 driven out of the ditch. When General Pulaski 
 was about to be removed from the field, Colonel 
 D. Horry, to whom the command of the cavalry 
 devolved, asked what were his directions. He 
 answered, ' Follow my lancers, to whom I have 
 given my order of attack.' But the lancers. were 
 so severely galled by the enemy's fire that they 
 
SA VANNAH. 65 
 
 also inclined off to the left and were followed by 
 all the cavalry, breaking through the American 
 column, who were attacking the Spring Hill re- 
 doubt. By this time the 2d American column, 
 headed by General Mcintosh, to which I was 
 attached, arrived at the foot of the Spring Hill 
 redoubt, and such a scene of confusion as there 
 appeared is not often equalled. Colonel Laurens 
 had been separated from that part of his command 
 that had not entered the Spring Hill ditch by the 
 cavalry who had borne it before them into the 
 swamp to the left, and when we marched up, in- 
 quired if we had seen them. Count D'Estaing 
 was wounded in the arm, and endeavoring to 
 rally his men, a few of whom 'with a drummer he 
 had collected. General Mcintosh did not speak 
 French, but desired me to inform the commander- 
 in-chief that his column was fresh, and that he 
 wished his directions where, under present cir- 
 cumstances, he should make the attack. The 
 count ordered that we should move more to the 
 left, and by no means to interfere with the troops 
 he was endeavoring to rally; in pursuing this 
 direction, we were thrown too much to the left, 
 and before we could reach Spring Hill redoubt, 
 we had to pass through Yamacraw swamp, then 
 wet and boggy, with the galley at the mouth 
 annoying our left flank with grape shot. While 
 struggling through this morass, the firing slacked, 
 and it was reported that the whole , army had re- 
 tired. I was sent by General Mcintosh to look 
 out from the Spring Hill, where I found not an 
 assailant standing. On reporting this to the gen- 
 
66 THE . RE VOL UTION. 
 
 eral, he ordered a retreat, which was effected with- 
 out much loss, notwithstanding the heavy fire of 
 grape shot with which we were followed." 
 
 With characteristic reticence in all that con- 
 cerned himself. Major Pinckney makes no men- 
 tion of his own action. But historians of the 
 battle have supplied the omission. 
 
 THE SIEGE OF CHAELESTON. 1780. 
 The effect of this disaster was soon obvious. 
 Sir Henry Clinton determined to reconquer South 
 Carolina also, and restore another rebel province 
 to the British crown. Sailing from New York 
 with a strong fleet, he landed thirty miles south of 
 Charleston. Crossing the Ashley, he sat down 
 before that city with eleven thousand men and a 
 powerful artillery train. The fleet of fifty vessels 
 entered the harbor to assist in the siege. Warned 
 by experience, the British admiral did not under- 
 take the reduction of the palmetto fort, but, tak- 
 ing advantage of wind and tide, sailed rapidly 
 by towards the city. Colonel Pinckney, to whom 
 the defence had been intrusted, opened, a brisk 
 fire upon the passing ships, damaging some of 
 them and destroying one frigate. Had the fleet 
 assailed Fort Moultrie, they would have. found it 
 a more formidable foe than in Sir Peter Parker's 
 time. Governor Rutledge had used his ample 
 power to impress men, wagons, and horses; and 
 the long bridge was crowded with wagons, haul- 
 ing timber and fascines from Haddrel's Point. 
 The garrison under Major Pinckney 's directions 
 were busy in perfecting the fortifications up to 
 
THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 67 
 
 the day of the expected attack. But the fort was 
 not again destined to be the bulwark of the city. 
 Lincohi needed strong hearts and arms in the 
 beleaguered lines ; and Colonel Pinckney with the 
 greater part of his regiment hastened to the suc- 
 cor of the feeble garrison. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton's deliberate approach allowed 
 ample time to fortify the city. The lines of de- 
 fence thrown up at Provost's invasion were 
 strengthened with additional redoubts. These 
 lines extended from the Cooper River, from the 
 spot now occupied by the Northeastern Rail- 
 road, across the elevated ground on which the 
 citadel, the Orphan House, and St. Paul's Church 
 stand, and terminated on the marshes of Cannon's 
 Creek. The lines were mounted with eighty can- 
 non; and a deep ditch cut from river to river 
 along their front. A strong work of masonry 
 was erected across King Street called the Horn 
 redoubt, one fragment of which stiU survives, 
 inclosed by an iron railing on the Citadel Green. 
 Strong redoubts were also erected on the western, 
 southern, and eastern sides of the city. 
 
 As soon as Sir Henry Clinton had completed 
 his first line he summoned the city to surrender. 
 The summons being refused he opened his bat- 
 teries on the 12th of April. As his lines extended 
 from river to river, the city was completely in- 
 vested on the land side. He also erected batteries 
 on the western bank of the Ashley and on James 
 Island, which aided in the bombardment. The 
 fleet was anchored across the harbor from Castle 
 Pinckney to James Island, thus completing the 
 investment of the city on every side. 
 
68 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 At the request of General Lincoln and his chief 
 officers, Governor Eutledge, on the 13th of April, 
 with four members of his council, left the city in 
 order to preserve the civil authority in the State. 
 He crossed the Cooper Eiver beyond the enemy's 
 lines. 
 
 The spirit of the defenders at first was high; 
 the general, the army, and the citizens were reso- 
 lute in their determination to defend the city; 
 but the superiority of the British fire ere long 
 made them waver. Lincoln himself soon began 
 to despond; and his chief engineer, Colonel La- 
 mey, pronounced defence impossible. Gadsden, 
 Moultrie, and Pinekney urged continued resist- 
 ance, and were strongly sustained by the citizens, 
 although Moultrie subsequently coincided ' with 
 the general as to the necessity of surrender. 
 
 There were some stormy debates as to the ex- 
 pediency of farther resistance. Lincoln, with the 
 advice of his engineers and other officers, proposed 
 to withdraw the garrison by night across the 
 Cooper River, or to propose terms of capitulation. 
 
 William Gilmore Simms, who has collected 
 more information than any other man with refer- 
 ence to the spirit of the defenders, thus described 
 one of the secret councils which met at Lincoln's 
 headquarters. "The lieutenant-governor [Gads- 
 den], with some of his council, protested against 
 the general's proceedings; said that the militia 
 were willing to live upon rice alone, rather than 
 give up the town upon any terms, and that even 
 the old women were so accustomed to the enemy's 
 shot that they travelled the streets without dread. 
 
THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 69 
 
 "After the lieutenant-governor and councillors 
 were gone, Colonel C. C. Pinckney came in 
 abruptly, and, forgetting Ms usual politeness, ad- 
 dressed General Lincoln in great warmth, and 
 much the same strain that the lieutenant-governor 
 had done, adding that those who were for busi- 
 ness required no council, and that he came over 
 from Fort Moultrie to prevent any terms being 
 offered the enemy, or evacuating the garrison. 
 Addressing himself to Colonel Lamey, he charged 
 the engineer department with being the sole au- 
 thors and promoters of any proposals to the 
 enemy." Major Garden has described Colonel 
 Pinckney's conduct at this, or a subsequent coun- 
 cil, in a more dignified style. "I wiU not say, if 
 the enemy attempt to carry our lines by storm, 
 that we shall be able to resist them successfully ; 
 but I am convinced that we shall so cripple the 
 army before us that although we may not live to 
 enjoy the benefits ourselves, yet to the United 
 States they will prove incalculably great. Con- 
 siderations of self are out of the question; they 
 cannot influence any member of this council. 
 My voice is for rejecting all terms of capitulation, 
 and for continuing hostilities to the last extrem- 
 ity." "This magnanimous proposition, though 
 supported by Colonel Laurens, was not adopted." 
 
 The defence was subsequently continued, al- 
 though the British batteries reached every part of 
 the city, killing women, children, and citizens, as 
 well as soldiers. It was during this bombard- 
 ment that a shot from the battery on James 
 Island, opposite Meeting Street, struck St. Mi- 
 
70 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 chael's Church, and, glancing, broke ofE the right 
 arm of the statue of William Pitt, which then 
 stood at the junction of Meeting and Broad Streets. 
 Early in May, Sir Henry Clinton had com- 
 pleted his third parallel, which approached within 
 twenty-five ya,rds of the American lines. He 
 again summoned the garrison to surrender. The 
 8th and 9th of May were spent in negotiations, 
 which were not accepted by the British com- 
 mander, whose letter ended with these words: 
 " Hostilities will commence afresh at eight o'clock." 
 General Moultrie, who was familiar with the 
 sound of cannon, states the closing scene thus: 
 "Receiving the above letter, we remained near 
 an hour silent, all calm and ready, each waiting 
 for the other to begin. At length we fired the 
 first gun, and immediately followed a tremendous 
 cannonade; about 180 or 200 pieces of heavy 
 cannon fired off at the same moment, and mortars 
 from both sides threw an immense number of 
 shells. It was a glorious sight to see them like 
 meteors crossing each other, and bursting in the 
 air; it appeared as if the stars were tumbling 
 down. The fire was incessant almost the whole 
 night; cannon-balls whizzing, and shells hissing 
 continually among us; ammunition chests and 
 temporary magazines blowing up; great guns 
 bursting, and wounded men groaning along the 
 lines. It was a dreadful night. It was our last 
 great effort, but it availed us nothing. After this 
 our military ardor abated; we began to cool, and 
 we cooled gradually, and on the 11th of May we 
 capitulated, and on the 12th we marched out and 
 gave up the town. 
 
THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 71 
 
 "About eleven o'clock A. m. we marched out 
 between 1500 and 1600 Continental troops with- 
 out the Horn work, and piled our arms ; the officers 
 marched the men back to barracks, where a Brit- 
 ish guard was placed over them ; the British then 
 asked where our second division was. They were 
 told these were all the Continentals we had ; they 
 were astonished, and said we had made a gallant 
 defence." 
 
 Some Northern historians have criticised the 
 defence of Charleston and the spirit of its de- 
 fenders. They have imputed to the Carolina 
 troops a want of earnestness in the cause of the 
 colonies. The details which we have briefly 
 given seem to show that there was no lack of 
 spirit on the part of the Southern officers or sol- 
 diers. In their councils of war, they advocated 
 defending the city to the last extremity. The 
 general and his engineers were the parties who 
 proposed first evacuation, and then capitulation. 
 Mr. Simms's volume on "South Carolina in the 
 Eevolutionary War " furnishes ample illustration 
 of this statement. 
 
 " Return of the Rebel forces surrendered in Charleston," as 
 reported to the British Government by Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 Major-Generals, 2 ; Brigadiers, 5 ; Colonels, 16 ; Cap- 
 tains, 145 ; other officers, 212. Total, commissioned, 
 401 ; non-commissioned, 504. Total, officers . 905 
 
 REGULAR TROOPS. 
 
 3 South Carolina Continental Regiments . 579 
 South Carolina Battalion Artillery . . 208 
 2 Battalions S. C. Militia . . . .768 
 
 1,545 
 Amount carried forward 2,450 
 
T2 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Amount hrought forward 2,450 
 
 Virginia Continentals, 3 Regiments . . 1,255 
 North Carolina Regulars .... 609 
 North and South Carolina Militia . . 1,075 
 
 2,939 
 
 Officers and men 5,389 
 
 Sailors and citizens 670 
 
 Colonel Porterfield with five hundred Virgin- 
 ians and troops from Maryland and Delaware 
 were on the march to Charleston, but did not 
 arrive in time to aid their friends. 
 
 But this English return of the troops captured 
 refutes the charge of Mr. Sabine that South Caro- 
 lina felt so little interest in the common cause 
 "that more New England Whigs were sent to her 
 aid, and now lie buried in her soil, than she ever 
 sent to the battlefields from Lexington to York- 
 town." 
 
 In this her hour of dire distress, she was left to 
 fight her own battles, with such aid as Virginia 
 and North Carolina could supply. The command- 
 ing general with some of his staff, and the com- 
 modore of the fleet (neither of whom rendered any 
 effective support), were from New England; but 
 with that exception, there was apparently not one 
 Northern man in the army. 
 
 During the greater part of the siege, Thomas 
 Pinckney was stationed at the Horn redoubt, of 
 which his regiment had charge. He was occa- 
 sionally detailed for other duty, as appears by the 
 following extract from De Brahm's diary of the 
 
THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 73 
 
 siege: "A picket consisting of afield officer and 
 one hundred men of the militia brigade were 
 ordered every evening to Gadsden's old house, to 
 support the small guard of regulars upon the 
 wharf, in case of an attack by the enemy's boats 
 ■ upon that quarter. Major Pinekney ordered out 
 on the same duty." 
 
 A few days before its fall. Major Pinekney was 
 ordered by Lincoln out of the city, to confer with 
 the governor, and then to hasten on the troops 
 who were coming to its relief from Virginia and 
 North Carolina. 
 
 The city was surrendered before they had 
 crossed the Santee River, but Major Pinekney 
 thus escaped the fate of his brother and his regi- 
 ment when they became prisoners of war. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton's forces soon overran the 
 State, and reestablished the royal authority every- 
 where. The Tories came out from their hiding- 
 places, and the Whigs retreated to North Caro- 
 lina ; there was no armed force left in the State ; 
 and Sir Henry reported to his government the 
 restoration of the colony to the British crown. 
 
 Believing that nothing remained for him to do 
 at home, Major Pinekney went north to offer his 
 services to Washington, as his brother had done 
 three years before. The, following letter of in- 
 troduction from Colonel Pinckaey, written upon a 
 sheet of coarse paper, shows that that article was 
 as scarce during the Eevolution as it was in the 
 Confederacy, when wall paper, brown paper, and 
 blank pages of old ledgers were made a substitute 
 for better writing materials. 
 
74 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Cecableston, June 9, 1780. 
 
 Colonel Cotesworth Pinckney presents his re- 
 spectful compliments to General Washington, and 
 takes the liberty of introducing to him the bearer 
 of this note, his brother. Major Thomas Pinck- 
 ney, who, being sent a few days before the sur- 
 render of Charlestown on some business of impor- 
 tance by General Lincoln to the governor, avoided 
 the captivity which attended those who remained 
 in it; and now quits his country, his fortune, and 
 family, in conformity to those principles he has 
 ever held virtuous. 
 
 It is difficult for one brother to speak without 
 partiality of the merit of another, but if General 
 Washington wiU take the trouble of inquiring of 
 Generals Lincoln or Howe, or any officer who has 
 served in this State, concerning the character of 
 the major. Colonel Pinckney flatters himself it 
 will appear not unworthy the notice of General 
 Washington, considered either in the light of a 
 soldier, a citizen, or a gentleman ; and if he should 
 be so fortunate as to receive some of those marks 
 of civility and favor from the general which the 
 colonel was happy enough to experience in the 
 campaign of '77, the captivity of one brother will 
 be alleviated by reflecting on the situation of the 
 other. Before Colonel Pinckney concludes this 
 note, he takes the liberty to mention that he is 
 the senior colonel in the southern department cap- 
 tured in Charleston, and in case of an exchange 
 being upon the carpet hopes that he will not be 
 forgot. 
 
THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 75 
 
 TO MAJOR PINCKSnET. 
 
 Deae Tom, — I inclose you a note of introduc- 
 tion to General Washington, and a letter to Mrs. 
 R., who has some gold of mine in her hands, 
 lodged there by my Mother and wife. As I am 
 sure you wiU be in want of money at the north- 
 ward, I shall not think you act affectionately if 
 you do not make use of it. Apply for it, there- 
 fore, my dear Tom, without hesitation, and may 
 it be of service to you. Adieu, and be assured 
 I am 
 
 Your affectionate brother, 
 
 c. c. p. 
 
 It is hardly possible to estimate the deep de- 
 spair which overshadowed the hearts of the pa- 
 triots. Sir Henry Clinton's announcement to his 
 government that South Carolina was restored to the 
 British crown, and that there was no armed oppo- 
 sition in the colony, could not be contradicted. 
 Only those who heard the ominous tidings in 1865 
 of the surrender of General Lee can understand 
 the feelings of their ancestors, when they surveyed 
 the hopeless prospects which surrounded them on 
 every side. They were compelled to yield to the 
 storm just as we are compelled to bow to the 
 cyclone's power, when the resistless blast is sweep- 
 ing over the land, and the forest is torn to pieces 
 before our eyes. But while the timid and de- 
 spondent gave up the contest and took protection 
 from the British, binding themselves not to bear 
 arms in the cause of the colonies, the more reso- 
 lute patriots kept their faith in the ultimate tri- 
 
76 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 umph of their country. Some refused the offer 
 of British protection and went into the prison 
 ships to be sent to St. Augustine. Others fled to 
 the swamps of the Santee and the Wateree, where 
 Marion was in hiding, and helped to recruit his 
 little band. 
 
 Others fled to North Carolina (where Rutledge 
 was) and gathered around Sumter, who had kept 
 together a small force, and thus became the centre of 
 attraction to all who had brave hearts and strong 
 arms. Others in the western parts of the State 
 gathered around Pickens, and organized a force 
 which overawed the Tories and kept alive the 
 hopes of the Whigs. The patriotic fire was never 
 extinguished in the hearts of the people, and blazed 
 out in many a bold act in this time of tmiversal 
 gloom. The indomitable governor hovered around 
 the borders of the State, and infused life and hope 
 into many feeble spirits. He gave Sumter a bri- 
 gadier's commission, and stimulated him to loftier 
 deeds. 
 
 He sent a similar commission to Marion, and 
 gave him command of the country along the Great 
 Pedee River, from Camden to Georgetown. After 
 the battle of Cowpens, where Colonel Pickens had 
 distinguished himself, Eutledge gave him also a 
 brigadier's rank, extending his authority over the 
 western part of the State. As these leaders grew 
 stronger they assailed the British convoys and the 
 military posts, replenishing their own scanty sup- 
 plies of arms and ammunition, and strengthening 
 the hearts of their coixntrymen. 
 
 But the British commanders were doing their 
 
THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 77 
 
 part to fan the patriotic flame which they had 
 hoped was finally extinguished. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton's proclamations had recog- 
 nized the colonists as loyal subjects, from whom 
 he required absolute neutrality, in return for 
 protection in person and property. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis's proclamations went farther, 
 and demanded an active support of the royal 
 cause, by taking up arms in its defence when 
 required to do so. 
 
 When the Carolinian was thus compelled to 
 fight against or for his native State, his decision 
 was promptly made, even though he incurred the 
 risk of meeting a traitor's doom. He left his 
 family, mounted his horse, and rode to the nearest 
 patriot camp. These constant additions of avowed 
 rebels to their ranks enabled Sumter, Marion, 
 and Pickens to overawe the Tory bands which had 
 terrorized the country, and organize the patriot 
 forces to join the coming deliverer. 
 
 Why did not Thomas Pinckney join these pa- 
 triots, instead of going to offer his services to 
 Washington ? 
 
 He probably thought resistance hopeless then 
 and for some time to come; and that British 
 power could only be struck successfully on a 
 larger field and by organized forces, such as Con- 
 gress alone could furnish. Eutledge very possi- 
 bly thought that he could do more for his State in 
 Washington's camp, and near the halls of Con- 
 gress, than he could at home, and advised him 
 accordingly. 
 
 Moreover, there was no continental force and 
 
78 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 no continental officer of rank to whom lie could 
 report in South Carolina. He felt some profes- 
 sional scruple in placing an officer in the conti- 
 nental line under the orders of a partisan com- 
 mander. Whatever was the reason, he joined the 
 Northern army in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, 
 and was with Washington until Gates began his 
 march to the South in the following year. 
 
 CAMDEN AND THE END OF THE WAR. 1781-1782. 
 
 Major Pinckney did not long remain away from 
 his native State. Congress took active measures 
 to recover South Carolina from British rule. 
 They ordered troops to be raised and equipped in 
 the Southern States for this purpose, and without 
 consulting Washington, appointed Gates to the 
 command. 
 
 The great reputation of the vietor of Saratoga 
 soon drew recruits to his standard. Delaware 
 and Maryland sent their contribution of Conti- 
 nentals and militia. Colonel Porterfield, who had 
 marched with five hundred Virginians for the 
 relief of Charleston, but could not reach it before 
 its fall, had retreated to North Carolina, and was 
 ready to join the Southern army. Thomas Pinck- 
 ney was among the earliest to proffer his services 
 to the new commander of the forces. He was 
 appointed by Gates one of his aides, and served in 
 that capacity until after the battle of Camden. 
 As the army moved southward volunteers came 
 in, so that by the time he reached South Carolina 
 Gates had from five to six thousand men under 
 his command. 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 79 
 
 His first objective point was Camden, in the 
 northern part of the State, the strongest British 
 post in South Carolina outside of Charleston. 
 He thought his force powerful enough to strike 
 the foe as successfully as he had done at Sara- 
 toga. 
 
 But alas for his vanity; he found the British 
 lion's claws sharper than in the northern latitude, 
 and retired from the struggle with lacerated rep- 
 utation. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis marched out from Camden 
 and attacked him with such impetuosity as utterly 
 to rout his army. The militia threw away their 
 arms and fled in terror to the woods, and even- 
 tually to their homes. Five or six hundred were 
 killed and one thousand made prisoners, includ- 
 ing all the woimded. The artillery and baggage 
 trains all fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 "Never was a victory more complete or a defeat 
 more total," says Bancroft. 
 
 The only resistance offered to the enemy was 
 by the Continentals, who gallantly held their 
 ground under the brave De Kalb, till that patriot 
 soldier fell under eleven wounds. 
 
 General Gates had already left the field, borne 
 along (reluctantly we hope) by the retreating mili- 
 tia, and retired to Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 He might profitably recall the parting caution 
 of General Lee: "Take heed lest your Saratoga 
 laurels be changed to a willow wreath." 
 
 In a generous effort to rally the fugitives and 
 to cover the retreat of his chief, "that brave 
 and distinguished officer of the South Carolina 
 
80 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 line, Major Pinckney, was severely wounded, and 
 leftj upon the field." Captain McKenzie, his 
 old schoolfellow and former opponent at Stono, 
 found him insensible, and had him removed to 
 Camden with the wounded British soldiers. He 
 was laid in the piazza of a patriotic lady, Mrs. 
 Clay, whose rest he refused to disturb. In the 
 morning a man apparently dead was lying at her 
 door; but he had only again fainted from ex- 
 haustion. Captain McKenzie obtained permis- 
 sion from Tarleton to bring his regimental sur- 
 geon to attend to his wounds. Somethrag in the 
 prisoner excited Tarleton's generous feelings. He 
 ordered every attention to be paid him, sent him 
 wine and other delicacies, proffered his purse, and 
 (what is still more surprising in a reckless dra- 
 goon) offered to restore Mrs. Motte's horses, four 
 fine bays, which he had impressed from her sta- 
 bles. As this is the only good thing I have 
 ever heard of Tarleton, I am bound in justice and 
 in gratitude to record it. A bold and reckless 
 rider, he ever left a bloody track behind him. 
 No British officer was more cordially hated in the 
 South. 
 
 After the departure of the British from Cam- 
 den, Major Pinckney's young wife was summoned 
 to her wounded husband, leaving her infant of a 
 month old, and became both nurse and surgeon. 
 Under his direction she removed the splintered 
 bones which continued to exfoliate from his 
 wounded leg. As soon as his strength was suffi- 
 ciently restored to bear the journey, he was car- 
 ried to St. Joseph's, the home of his mother-in- 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 81 
 
 law. The permit of Lord Cornwallis "authorizing 
 Mrs. Motte to remove Major Pinckney to her 
 house on the Congaree, until convalescent," is 
 still in existence. 
 
 This house where he spent many months of 
 weary convalescence has become historic. Built 
 upon a commanding hill overlooking the Congaree 
 River, it was selected by the British general as 
 one of the links in the chain of fortified posts, by 
 which the State was bound to its allegiance. The 
 new and spacious mansion was inclosed in a stock- 
 ade, and St. Joseph's was converted into Fort 
 Motte. While comparative peace reigned, Mrs. 
 Motte was invited to occupy a part of the house ; 
 but when hostilities were resumed on the arrival 
 of Greene, and Marion and Sumter and other 
 patriotic leaders were assailing the British and 
 their allies, Mrs. Motte was removed to her over- 
 seer's residence. 
 
 Marion and Lee with his legion were ordered to 
 reduce the fort. They laid siege to it, and shut 
 up the garrison in their works. 
 
 But the rapid approach of Lord Rawdon com- 
 pelled them to force a surrender by setting fire to 
 the house. Reluctantly they informed Mrs. Motte 
 of the necessity of destroying her home. Her 
 patriotism was equal to the emergency. She not 
 only gave ia cordial, consent to the sacrifice, but 
 furnished the means of effecting it. She had 
 with her a quiver of East Indian arrows which 
 ignited on percussion. Armed with these novel 
 weapons, the two commanders returned to their 
 work. The arrows were fired from a rifle, and 
 
82 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 set the roof on fire. The garrison endeavored to 
 put out the flames, but the American riflemen 
 picked off every man who ventured on the roof. 
 The powder magazine was under the house, and 
 as the fire was gaining way, there was no alterna- 
 tive but destruction or surrender. 
 
 The white flag was hung out; the victors rushed 
 in and united with the garrison in the grateful 
 task of saving the house. But history has done 
 justice to Mrs. Motte's generous purpose, and 
 accorded to the intentional sacrifice the full credit 
 of an accomplished fact. 
 
 When his wound permitted. Major Pinckney 
 was sent to Charleston, the British headquarters, 
 where he met his friends after more than a year's 
 separation. Thence in company with his brother 
 he was shipped to Philadelphia, the post where 
 prisoners of war were exchanged. The two bro- 
 thers were permitted to keep house together, in 
 company with some of their comrades, fresh from 
 the prison ships at St. Augustine. 
 
 It is one of many instances in which history 
 repeats itself, that eighty-three years afterwards 
 one of his grandsons, another Thomas Pinckney, 
 also an officer in a "rebel" army, was shipped to 
 Philadelphia as a prisoner of war, and for many 
 weary months enjoyed the hospitalities of Fort 
 Delaware. Candor compels me to say that the 
 Confederate prisoner had far greater hardships to 
 bear than his Revolutionary ancestor. 
 
 After more than a year of captivity Major 
 Pinckney was exchanged, and slowly regained the 
 use of his leg. In September, 1781, we find him 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 83 
 
 in Virginia on recruiting service. There he was 
 brought into contact with La Fayette, and a life- 
 long friendship sprung up between them. 
 
 From a letter which survives, I infer that he 
 accompanied the Marquis to Yorktown, and wit- 
 nessed the capture of Cornwallis, and the virtual 
 termination of the war. As Major Pinckney re- 
 called the last occasion on which he had had the 
 misfortune to meet the British general, riding 
 triumphantly over the bloody field of Camden, 
 and his changed condition now, the words of the 
 Roman historian might very naturally occur to his 
 mind, if transposed: "Victor in prcelio, Victus in 
 bello." The truth of the maxim was singularly 
 illustrated in the Revolutionary contest, and to a 
 large extent in the Confederate war. 
 
 The superiority of the British troops to the 
 American during all the earlier years of the war 
 is obvious. The prestige of trained and well 
 equipped soldiers, commanded by officers of ex- 
 perience, was too much for new recruits. When 
 protected by intrenchments, the militia could 
 make strong resistance, but in the open field they 
 fled before the British bayonet. The Continentals 
 soon acquired courage enough to look the royal 
 troops in the face ; but it required several years 
 of war's stem discipline to give them sufficient 
 confidence to meet the enemy on equal terms. 
 The battle of Stono, the siege of Savannah, the 
 field of Cowpens, King's Mountain, and Eutaw 
 show increasing courage and gallant bearing in 
 the Southern troops. But Camden is an illustra- 
 tion of the terror with which the untrained soldier 
 
84 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 met the British grenadier, — actiially throwing 
 away his arms, and fleeing to his home. 
 
 The contrast between the Revolution and the 
 Confederate war is very striking. The courage 
 and fortitude displayed at the very first encounter 
 with superior forces in our civil war, at Manas- 
 sas, equalled any exhibited during the Revolution. 
 The defence of Sumter and Wagner rivalled and 
 surpassed anything in our former annals. The 
 battlefields of Virginia manifested a heroism in 
 the Southern troops which called forth the admi- 
 ration of British critics. No such generals as 
 Lee, Jackson, and Johnston, or Grant, McClellan, 
 and Thomas, came to the front during the Revo- 
 lutionary contest. In the race of statesmen, we 
 have lost rather than gained. Calhoun, Webster, 
 and Clay tower above the later generation ; but in 
 military spirit there has been a vast increase in 
 the country. The rapidity with which companies, 
 regiments, and brigades were raised, equipped, and 
 sent into the field vastly exceeded anything in 
 our Revolutionary annals. The small State of 
 South Carolina in less than twelve months had 
 twelve thousand men armed, drilled, and ready for 
 service. With sixty thousand voters, she sent 
 into the field sixty -two thousand men, as her con- 
 tribution to the Confederate armies. The politi- 
 cal excitement which pervaded the country par- 
 tially explained this fact ; but the whole conduct 
 of the war argues a great increase in the military 
 spirit of our people. Our free institutions and 
 the conscious strength of our nation probably 
 explain the increase in military courage. 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 85 
 
 The generals whom the Congress sent to com- 
 mand in South Carolina were unsuccessful until 
 the arrival of General Greene. General Charles 
 Lee proved only a dead weight upon the State; 
 he blundered sadly at Fort Moultrie and in Flor- 
 ida. His European education proved rather a 
 disqualification for a campaign in American for- 
 ests; and his contempt for everything American 
 did not increase "his ability to control American 
 troops. The contrast with another General Lee 
 is almost ludicrous. When Robert Lee was sent 
 to the South Carolina coast on a similar mis- 
 sion, in the early part of our civil war, he took in 
 the whole situation at a glance. He advised the 
 abandonment of the Sea Islands, and laid down 
 a line of defence which proved effective until the 
 end of the contest. 
 
 General Howe, the second officer sent by Con- 
 gress to our assistance, lacked military genius, 
 and did nothing to aid us, or to enhance his own 
 reputation. Lincoln was a brave and patriotic 
 man, but he lacked the instinct and the energy 
 necessary in a commanding general. His Geor- 
 gia campaign was a failure; the risk which he in- 
 curred did not justify the movement; and the 
 result was the loss of Georgia and the great peril 
 of Charleston in 1779. The defence of Charles- 
 ton in 1780 was also a mistake (as Washington 
 emphatically pronounced it); but after determin- 
 ing to stand the siege, and promising the citizens 
 to do so, he began to doubt if defence were pos- 
 sible. He vacillated between withdrawing the 
 troops and defending the post, until the time had 
 
86 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 passed for action, and this vacillation impaired his 
 influence over the minds of those whom he was 
 endeavoring to aid. 
 
 Of all the congressional generals, Gates was 
 the most unfortunate. His terrible failure at 
 Camden raised a storm of indignation which 
 blasted his reputation, and threatened his life. 
 Major Pinckney endeavored to moderate the vio- 
 lence of public feeling by publishing a pamphlet 
 in defence of his former chief. While he admit- 
 ted his sad error on that occasion, he recalled his 
 valuable services at Saratoga. 
 
 He advocated the justice of striking a balance 
 between the failure and the success. Washington 
 took a similar view of the case, and never with- 
 drew his confidence from the defeated general. 
 The first turn of the tide in the South was. marked 
 by Morgan's brief command. But Greene alone 
 redeemed the tarnished glory of American com- 
 manders. 
 
 Gates had been sent to the South by the Con- 
 gress without consulting Washington. Having 
 grown wiser by experience, they asked the com- 
 mander-in-chief to select a successor to conduct 
 the Southern campaign. 
 
 He nominated Greene, and the result justified 
 his wisdom. With courage enough to follow 
 Washington's Fabian policy, — not striking until 
 he was ready, and then striking boldly, — he won 
 post after post froin the enemy, and restored con- 
 fidence to the army and the people, and by his 
 brilliant campaigns redeemed the Southern col- 
 onies from British rule. South Carolina and 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 87 
 
 Georgia gratefully acknowledged their obligations 
 to this commander ; and by princely donations of 
 land and money testified their appreciation of his 
 eminent services. 
 
 The spirit of the conquered, yet still uncon- 
 quered, people has been drawn by a competent 
 witness, Colonel Tarleton. He had marked how 
 the patriot leaders, Sumter, Marion, Pickens, and 
 others had roused the courage of their country- 
 men in the gloomy night of defeat; he had tested 
 their prowess upon many a sharp field; he had 
 felt the edge of Colonel Washington's sabre in a 
 hand-to-hand conflict, and had fled with his scat- 
 tered troops before the rebel horse ; and his indi- 
 rect compliment to his foes comes out while laud- 
 ing the British troops. 
 
 "It is impossible to do justice to the spirit, 
 patience, and invincible fortitude displayed by the 
 commanders, officers, and soldiers during these 
 dreadful campaigns in the Carolinas. 
 
 "They had not only to contend with men, and 
 those by no means deficient in bravery and enter- 
 prise, but they encountered and surmounted diffi- 
 culties and fatigues from the climate and country 
 which wotild appear insuperable in theory, and 
 almost intjredible in relation." ^ 
 
 In the final redemption of his native State, 
 Thomas Pinckney could take no active part. A 
 wounded prisoner of war, his spirit chafed when 
 he heard of Cowpens and King's Mountain, which 
 marked the turn of the tide, and of Greene's 
 steady advances and masterly retreats. He heard 
 
 1 Tarleton's Memoirs. 
 
88 THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 how Marion, Sumter, and Pickens came out from 
 their hiding-places, glad to strike some hearty 
 blow for their oppressed country; how the mili- 
 tia, burning under a sense of the wrongs inflicted 
 upon them by British rule, hastened to the side of 
 these patriot leaders, and gathering up arins and 
 ammunition from their fallen foes, swelled the 
 current which rolled from the mountains to the 
 sea, until every British post and every Tory 
 band was utterly swept away, and the British 
 army shut up around Charleston, under the pro- 
 tection of their fleet. AH this no doubt helped 
 his wounds, and cheered his spirit; yet so slowly 
 did his wounds heal that a year had elapsed be- 
 fore he could mount his horse. And in January, 
 1783, one of his family wrote: "Uncle's leg has 
 broken out again, and pieces of bone have worked 
 their way out." Long after peace had dwelt in 
 the land, he was often reminded of the cost at 
 which he had served his country. Yet this en- 
 forced quiet which he was called upon to endure 
 while a prisoner of war helped to curb his ardent 
 temperament, and qualified him to exercise that 
 calm self-control which he was afterwards to. need 
 in diplomatic intercourse with his former foes. 
 
THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 GOVERNOR. 1787-1788. 
 
 As soon as peace was restored, Major Pinck- 
 ney returned to Charleston, and resumed the prac- 
 tice of law. His private affairs, sadly deranged 
 by seven years of civil war, demanded all his 
 energy; but his respite from public service was 
 brief. In 1787 he was elected governor of the 
 State, succeeding General Moultrie in that office. 
 
 He had no opposition, as appears by. the follow- 
 ing letter from Colonel Pinckney to his mother: — 
 
 Chableston, February 22, 1787. 
 
 Honored Madam, — Yesterday the election 
 of officers occurred in the Assembly. I have the 
 pleasure to acquaint you that my brother was 
 elected with the greatest eclat ' to the office of 
 governor. There were 170 voters, out of which 
 he had 163 votes; the others were votes of a 
 whimsical nature. Captain Gadsden was elected 
 lieutenant-governor, and Major Butler, Colonel 
 Washington, Mr. Edward Rutledge, and Colonel 
 Jervais privy councillors. There are several cli- 
 ents in the next room, therefore I must conclude. 
 Eemember me affectionately to all with you, and 
 be assured I am 
 
 Your dutiful son, 
 Charles Cotesworth Pincknet. 
 
90 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 The Journal of the Senate shows that the mode 
 of electing the governor by the legislature pre- 
 vailed then as it did until our day. 
 
 "February 20, 1787. The Honorable Thomas 
 Pinckney was chosen Governor by the General 
 Assembly and a committee appointed to notify 
 him of his election. 
 
 "February 21. Honorable Thomas Pinckney, 
 Esq., attended and qualified in the presence of the 
 Senate and House. The oath was administered 
 by J. J. Pringle, speaker, and it was ordered 
 that he be proclaimed on Saturday, 24. 
 
 "February 24. His Excellency Thomas Pinck- 
 ney, preceded by the sheriiif, bearing the sword 
 of State, accompanied by members of the Privy 
 Council, the Honorable President and members of 
 the Senate, Honorable Speaker and members of 
 the House of Representatives, came into the Sen- 
 ate room, and from thence to the balcony, where 
 his Excellency was proclaimed Governor of the 
 State. After this they proceeded in procession to 
 the Exchange, where his Excellency was again 
 proclaimed." 
 
 The early records of our State are to be found 
 only in manuscript volumes in Columbia. They 
 were not printed until some time in this century. 
 
 Many of these records have been lost, and 
 much confusion has prevailed in the mode of clas- 
 sifying and preserving them. It is difficult to 
 obtain any accurate view of the legislation of that 
 period. An examination of the meagre records 
 which survive gives some insight into Governor 
 Pinckney's administration. Questions of finance 
 
GOVERNOR. 91 
 
 occupy a prominent place in his communications 
 to the legislature. The relations of debtor and 
 creditor were as complicated then as they were 
 in 1865, after our civil war, when one hundred 
 dollars in gold was worth many hundred in cur- 
 rency. The governor recommends the adoption 
 of a sliding scale corresponding to the variation 
 of the currency, to secure justice to both parties 
 as far as was possible. He also -urges the settle- 
 ment of debts due to foreign creditors. In an- 
 other message he calls attention to the difficulties 
 under which officers of the late continental army 
 labor as public creditors, and prays for some ac- 
 tion for their relief. 
 
 Strange as it may seem to us, the defence of 
 our frontiers against the aggression of the Indians 
 occupies the largest share of his official com- 
 munications. He notifies the legislature of the 
 expiration of the term of enlistment of the corps, 
 stationed near the Cherokee country, and requests 
 their speedy decision as to the continuance of the 
 force. He strongly recommends that a permanent 
 military force be established to give confidence to 
 our people, and to restrain the hostile acts of the 
 Indians ; he recommends that the cavalry be dis- 
 pensed with as expensive, and not as useful as 
 we had hoped, and that the infantry be retained 
 permanently. He informs the legislature that 
 the State had done aU that she could to maintain 
 peace with our neighbors, and lays before them 
 the address of the commissioners to the head men 
 of the Creek nation* He warmly commends the 
 efficient aid of General Pickens in dealing with 
 
92 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 the Indians. The legislature, in response to his 
 appeal, authorizes the governor to maintain and 
 use this military force as he shall think best, and 
 also to assure the Indians of its friendly feelings ; 
 it also authorizes the governor to adopt, during 
 the recess, any measure he may think necessary 
 to suppress the outrages of the Creek Indians. 
 
 The most important act during his term of 
 office was the adoption of the Federal Constitu- 
 tion. On the 10th of January, 1788, he submits 
 to the legislature the proposed Constitution, lately 
 adopted by the convention in Philadelphia, as the 
 most important matter he can present to their 
 consideration. His message, with the accompany- 
 ing papers, was referred to a committee of thirty. 
 October 9, 1788 he notifies the legislature "that 
 eleven States had ratified the Constitution; that 
 the convention of South Carolina met on the 24th 
 of May, and after twelve days' deliberation rati- 
 fied the same. Having been chosen to preside 
 over that body, he would order its journal to be 
 laid before the legislature." The act of adop- 
 tion of the Constitution is signed by Thomas 
 Pinckney as president. The elder brother was 
 among the active framers of that instrument and 
 its strongest advocate in the South Carolina con- 
 vention; the younger introduced it to the people 
 of his State, with his signature attached, as their 
 organic law. In 1860 the convention of South 
 Carolina repealed that ordinance of 1788 which 
 bound the State to the Union, and thus accom- 
 plished the act of secession. 
 
 The most effective service which Thomas Pinck- 
 
GOVERNOR. 93 
 
 ney rendered to his State, while in this office, was 
 his firm dealing with murderers. Angry j)assions 
 were still rife in society, in the legislature, and 
 in the courts of justice. The life of a Tory was 
 very cheap ; the law was feebly administered, and 
 often defied. The governor publicly refused to 
 use the pardoning power in behalf of convicted 
 murderers, and his determination worked a speedy 
 change in the number of criminals. His adminis- 
 tration, Ramsay testifies, "had a marked effect in 
 suppressing crime," and in restoring the authority 
 of law. Charles J. Ingersoll, many years after, 
 recognizes the value of this service. In his history 
 of the war of 1812, he gives a brief sketch of the 
 administration of Thomas Pinckney as governor 
 of the State, and selects this point as the charac- 
 teristic of his gubernatorial career: "In his office 
 as governor of South Carolina, it was his just 
 pride, with the firmness for which he was remark- 
 able, that he never exercised the much-abused 
 power to pardon, believing that the law, to be 
 respected, must be enforced." 
 
 If his mode of dealing with murderers was 
 stern, his policy towards Tories was lenient. The 
 bitter contest between Whigs and Tories in the 
 upper half of the State had left its impress upon 
 our legislation. The Southern colonies had no 
 cause of quarrel with the king or Parliament. 
 We were entirely satisfied with the government, 
 and the sentiment of loyalty was very strong in 
 South Carolina. 
 
 The leaders, perhaps, could see that the interests 
 of the colonies were politically the same, and that 
 
94 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 the cause of Boston was the cause of Philadelphia 
 and of Charleston. But the majority could not, 
 and were unwilling to take up a quarrel in which 
 they felt no interest, or to go to war for a princi- 
 ple which might never have any practical value. 
 Public sentiment was so equally divided in many 
 parts of the State that it was difficult to say 
 whether king or Congress had a majority. Where 
 parties were so nicely balanced, yet so widely 
 sundered in political sympathy, the appeal to arms 
 was the natural and inevitable result. Whigs and 
 Tories soon came to blows, and each party made 
 the other feel its power. 
 
 After the fall of Charleston and the conquest 
 of the State by Sir Henry Clinton, many patriotic 
 citizens, despairing of success, submitted to the 
 conqueror, and took the protection offered. The 
 more resolute hid in the swamps, or fled to North 
 Carolina. When the patriots finally triumphed, 
 and resumed their civil powers, they enacted sharp 
 laws against their offending fellow-citizens. 
 
 Banishment, confiscation, or fines, graded to the 
 nature of their transgression, was the punishment 
 meted out to those who had borne arms for the 
 British government, or accepted its protection. 
 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney had used his in- 
 fluence in the legislature to modify the penalties 
 inflicted upon his misguided fellow-citizens, espe- 
 cially those who had sinned negatively by taking 
 protection. His brother, as governor, had exe- 
 cuted his office on the same generous principles. 
 To tread on the fallen was utterly alien to the 
 nature of both, and Thomas Pinckney's influence 
 
GOVERNOR. 95 
 
 as governor had a happy effect in healing the 
 breaches of his native State. 
 
 Two incidents may be mentioned during his 
 official term. He gives notice to the legislature 
 of the depredations of a band of armed negroes 
 in the southern part of the State, and suggests 
 measures for suppressing the evil promptly. The 
 other incident throws a strong light upon the 
 feeling in South Carolina with reference to the 
 importation of slaves. On the 23d of January, 
 1788, a motion was made to grant leave to bring 
 in a bill "to authorize the importation of negroes." 
 On taking the question, every man from Charles- 
 ton voted no, except ^danus Burke. By a vote 
 of ninety-three "noes" to forty "ayes" the legis- 
 lature refused permission to introduce the bill. 
 
 As a colony South Carolina had protested 
 against their importation. But after slave labor 
 became our settled policy, sanctioned by the Fed- 
 eral Constitution, she resisted with all her strength 
 any interference with her domestic affairs. 
 
 Had not the anti-slavery fanaticism of those 
 whose ancestors imported slaves, and sold them to 
 us, goaded the South to madness, slavery would 
 have been gradually abolished. The same feeling 
 which prevailed in Virginia would by degrees 
 have controlled the other States. In 1832 she 
 decided by a majority of only one vote to retain 
 slavery within her limits. But violence produced 
 its usual results, and excited the South to assert 
 by force her legal rights. 
 
 In 1789, as soon as his official term had ended, 
 Mr. Pinckney was offered by Washington the 
 
96 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 office of federal judge for South Carolina. But 
 his domestic affairs, so long neglected, compelled 
 him to decline the honor. In this connection a 
 letter of Jefferson's to Edward Rutledge is appro- 
 priate : " Would to God yourself. General Pinck- 
 ney, or Major Pinckney would come forward to 
 aid us with your efforts. You are all known, 
 respected, and wished for, but you refuse your- 
 selves to everything. 
 
 " What is to become of us, my dear friend, if 
 the vine and the fig-tree withdraw, and leave us 
 to the bramble and the thorn? " ^ 
 
 1 MS. letter, T. Jefferson to Ed. Entledge. 
 
DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 THE ENGLISH MISSION. 1792-1796. 
 
 Hitherto we Bave traced Thomas Pincbney's 
 career through the armed struggle with Great 
 Britain, and his duties as governor of the State. 
 We must now follow him to the field of diplo- 
 macy, where the results of the Revolutionary con- 
 test were to be worked out. 
 
 Though Major Pinckney declined the offer of 
 a seat on the federal bench, he could not long 
 indulge his taste for private life. In 1791 he was 
 nominated by Washington to the responsible posi- 
 tion of minister to London. The United States 
 had had no representative in England since the 
 inauguration of the federal government. John 
 Adams had been sent to England in 1785, to 
 represent the Continental Congress. " Gouverneur 
 Morris was an informal diplomatic agent for a 
 short time, without powers." But no minister had 
 yet been accredited to the English court. The 
 American people had no desire for closer inter- 
 course with their recent foes. On the other hand, 
 the king, the court, and the nation, all were still 
 deeply irritated against their revolted colonies. 
 An ambassador from the United States could 
 only be the envoy of an upstart nation, represent- 
 ing successful resistance to authority. Grave 
 doubts existed among our statesmen as to the 
 
98 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 expediency of any sucli appointment, as the debates 
 in the Cabinet and in Congress prove. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson strongly opposed the mission, on the ground 
 "that it would be a mere waste of money to ap- 
 point any minister to the Court of St. James 
 during this reign " (George III.); and many others 
 thought that the time had not yet come for any 
 friendly advances on our part. But Washing- 
 ton's dispassionate judgment came to a different 
 conclusion. He determined to establish the mis- 
 sion, and selected Thomas Pinckney to fill it. 
 
 The President's choice seems to have been di- 
 rected by his personal judgment of Mr. Pinck- 
 ney's qualifications, rather than by ordinary po- 
 litical rules. Mr. Pinckney was a yoimg man 
 who had distinguished himself in the army, but 
 had never been in political life. The governor's 
 office, which is administrative rather than politi- 
 cal, was the only civil post he had ever occupied ; 
 nor had he any diplomatic training whatever. 
 Washington's personal intercourse with him was 
 limited. He had known him, in the brief period 
 when he served under him in 1780, and afterwards 
 during his presidential tour through the South in 
 the spring of 1791 ; but upon this knowledge he 
 selected him, without solicitation from any quarter, 
 for this responsible, honorable, but trying public 
 duty. Alexander Hamilton, in alluding to his 
 appointment, says: "The idea of nominating Mr. 
 Thomas Pinckney originated with the President 
 himself; but whatever may have been its source, 
 it is certain that it met the approbation of the 
 whole administration, Mr. Jefferson included." 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 99 
 
 To Thomas Pinckney the nomination was en- 
 tirely unexpected, as appears by the following 
 letter written on the day on which he received the 
 news : — 
 
 TO MB. EDWAED ETJTLEDGE. 
 Fairfield, Thursday Night, November 24, 1791. 
 
 Mt dear Friend, — Your favor by Jack was 
 delivered to me a couple of hours ago, covering a 
 letter from Mr. Jefferson informing me (agreeably 
 to your Northern intelligence) that he had it in 
 charge from the President to ask whether it would 
 be agreeable that he should nominate me to the 
 Senate as minister plenipotentiary to the court 
 of London. Your departure from town on Satur- 
 day has precipitated my determination, upon less 
 consideration than I ought to give to it ; but my 
 desire to give you and my brother information of 
 it has induced, me to think as fully on the sub- 
 ject as the shortness of the time wiU admit, and 
 the result is my acquiescence in the appointment. 
 Almost every private consideration appears to me 
 to be against this determination, but every public 
 one (my inability excepted) in favor of it. In 
 short, all my plans, projects, private interest, and 
 indolence must give way to my sense of the impor- 
 tance of such an office being in the hands of one 
 of our way of thinking. 
 
 I purpose bringing my wife to town in company 
 with my sister and niece in a few days, and shall 
 defer tiU then writing my answer to Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, unless you shall inform me by express that 
 an opportunity for Philadelphia offers in the in- 
 
100 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 termediate space, and this intermediate space I 
 still reserve to myself wherein to alter my opin- 
 ion. My reason for desiring you to send an ex- 
 press if an opportunity by sea offers is that Mr. 
 Jefferson says: "Let me only ask the favor of you 
 to give me an immediate answer, and by dupli- 
 cate, by sea and post, that we may have the benefit 
 of both chances of receiving it as early as pos- 
 sible. On receiving your permission, the neces- 
 sary orders for your salary together with your 
 credentials shall be forwarded to you, and it 
 would be expected that you should proceed on the 
 mission as soon as you can have made those 
 arrangements for your private affairs, which such 
 an absence may render indispensable." On the 
 latter part of this paragraph as to the time I 
 should require to prepare for my departure, two 
 months I think not unreasonable. 
 
 Pray let me have your thoughts on these and 
 any other subjects of immediate consideration, by 
 a letter left for me in town, unless you should 
 send an express. I am almost ashamed of requir- 
 ing this of you at the moment of your departure, 
 but as you made me a governor, and now insist 
 upon my being a minister, you must advise me in 
 this situation, as you supported me in the former. 
 
 Jefferson's letter is a very handsome and a very 
 friendly one; indeed the appointment is far be- 
 yond anything I had a right to expect, or I fear 
 can do justice to. Would to God it were as agree- 
 able as it is honorable ; the matter of interest is 
 not I conceive such as will benefit me at all, or 
 prejudice my affairs materially. 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 101 
 
 I think I should write to the President himself, 
 as well as to Jefferson, on the appointment, but as 
 I have not heard directly from him I have some 
 doubts of the propriety ; let me have your senti- 
 ments particidarly on this head. 
 
 Adieu, my dear Ned. If I do not conclude at 
 once, I shall render it impracticable for you to 
 give opinions before your departure on every case 
 which may suggest itself, and thereby disappoint 
 the hope I have of receiving a long letter from 
 you on my arrival in town. 
 
 My wife, I thank God, mends, though slowly. 
 I have not ventured to open the subject to her. 
 It would be too much for the weak state of her 
 nerves. Poor Gadsden, too, is gone. My heart is 
 filled with anguish, while my head is disturbed 
 with this unfortunate appointment. Once more 
 adieu. Your truly affectionate 
 
 Thomas Pincknet. 
 
 From the following letter, the mission to Eng- 
 land does not appear more gratifying to Mrs. 
 Pinckney than to her husband : — 
 
 JUDGE IKEDELL TO HIS WIFE (iN PHILADELPHIA). 
 Chakleston, April 19, 1792. 
 . . . Major Pinckney (the minister to Britain) 
 and his family sail to-morrow. I have received 
 such uncommon courtesies from him and his con- 
 nections that I must earnestly entreat you to wait 
 on Mrs. Pinckney soon after her arrival. The 
 only fault imputed to her is the very same to 
 which you are liable, — her too great fondness for 
 
102 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 retirement and an exclusive attachment to domes- 
 tic life. She is a most amiable woman, and none 
 can be more free from any kind of pride or affec- 
 tation. 
 
 I am told that she has been in tears almost ever 
 since her husband's appointment. She has many, 
 near connections and friends to leave, who are 
 extremely attached to her, and to add to her dis- 
 tress, she has lately had a child inoculated, whose 
 situation is still critical.-' 
 
 If John Adams had seen either of these let- 
 ters, he could not have suspected Mr. Pinckney of 
 plotting for this appointment, as will appear here- 
 after. 
 
 As soon as he could arrange his domestic af- 
 fairs, Mr. Pinckney left home with his wife and 
 children, and sailed for England, stopping in 
 Philadelphia long enough to confer with the Pres- 
 ident on the main points of his mission. His 
 house in London was No. 1 Great Cumberland 
 Place, whence his letters for the next four years 
 are dated. 
 
 Though accorded a polite reception at court, 
 Mr. Pinckney entered upon the duties of his .mis- 
 sion amidst many embarrassments, social and po- 
 litical. Whig statesmen and some of the Whig 
 nobility met him with cordiality, and many of his 
 old associates greeted him warmly. One of them, 
 Mr. Purges, under Secretary of State to Lord 
 Auckland, thus writes to his chief, "We have a 
 new American minister, Mr. Pinckney, an old 
 
 ^ Iredell's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 346. 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 103 
 
 friend and brother- Westminster of mine, whose 
 manners and temper exactly qualify him. for the 
 place he has taken. I have known him about 
 thirty years, and I do not know a more worthy 
 and excellent man." Lord Shelburne and the 
 Earl of Buchan were among his warm friends; 
 but these were exceptions to the rule. The atmos- 
 phere of the Court and of the whole Tory party, 
 he felt to be unfriendly; and the coldness which 
 proceeded from the throne pervaded the nation, 
 as thoroughly as the icy current from the Rocky 
 Mountains chills our whole Atlantic seaboard. 
 Coldness to America became fidelity to England, 
 and the ambassador felt the chiU. The taint of 
 rebellion' still cleaved to our country and her rep- 
 resentative, as the following letter plainly shows : 
 
 MAJOR PINCKNTET TO THE SEORETAKY OE STATE. 
 
 December, 1192. 
 
 In my first communication I mentioned the civil- 
 ity with which I was received at St. James, and 
 at the Office of Foreign Affairs. The only circum- 
 stance worth mentioning in my conference with 
 the king was that Lord North's rope of sand 
 appeared not to have been entirely effaced from 
 his Majesty's memory; so I infer, from his men- 
 tioning the different circumstances between the 
 Northern and Southern parts of our country tend- 
 ing to produce disunion. I declined entering on 
 any discussion, observing only that we agreed 
 very well at present, and hoped a continuance of 
 the same disposition. I have been constant in 
 every attendance at the king's levees since the 
 
104 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 return of the court to St. James, and, placing 
 myself in the circle of foreign ministers, his 
 Majesty never fails to have a few moments' con- 
 versation with me on the weather, or other topic 
 equally important ; but notwithstanding the great 
 variety of incident that has lately occurred in 
 European politics, he never touches upon that 
 subject with me. Indeed not only the king but 
 most of his courtiers, and (except the Pole) all 
 the foreign ministers, seem to consider the Ameri- 
 cans as united in principles with the French, and 
 as having by example, at least, assisted in exciting 
 the commotions with which a great part of Europe 
 is convulsed, and consequently are not very agree- 
 able associates. Some of the foreign ministers 
 with whom I am most intimate have told me that 
 this idea prevails; at the same time they have 
 been polite enough to make, themselves, a proper 
 distinction between the modes of conducting the 
 Eevolutions in the two different countries. Al- 
 though I consider this an honorable testimony of 
 the good conduct of my country, it serves to keep 
 me at a greater distance from those with whom it 
 is my business to have most intercourse than would 
 otherwise be the case. The queen received me 
 with great affability at my audience; but at the 
 drawing-rooms, though she condescends to say a 
 few words to me, yet she gives a marked priority 
 to any person near. It is, in short, very evident 
 that I am by no means in favor in any of the 
 apartments of St. James. 
 
 You may be sure that I avoid everything that 
 tends to widen the distance, by keeping as clear 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 105 
 
 as possible of all European politics, by forbearing 
 all mention of the cold civility that I experience, 
 and in general by aiming at a conciliatory con- 
 duct. Of the diplomatic corps the minister from 
 Poland converses freely with me, and we are on 
 good terms ; the rest consider me as one who, with 
 respect to the present European politics, neither 
 rejoices in their joy, nor is afflicted with their 
 sorrow. They have all, however, paid me the com- 
 pliment of the first visit, except the Russian min- 
 ister, and with him I have no acquaintance. 
 
 Since writing the above the Russian minister 
 has sent me his card. 
 
 It is evident from this letter that the association 
 of the French Revolution with ours, in the public 
 mind, was a constant hinderance in Mr. Pinckney's 
 path. The men who had been upheaved in that 
 fearful convulsion were often brutal specimens of 
 humanity, and the English might naturally expect 
 something repulsive in the representative of the 
 American Republic. When they met in the new 
 ambassador a man of singular courtesy, dignity, 
 and refinement, combined with large acquire- 
 ments and diplomatic tact, they relaxed their 
 rigidity, and gradually recognized him as the peer 
 of royal representatives. But it required several 
 years of patriotic effort to melt the ice which had 
 originally inclosed him. One of his contempora- 
 ries, travelling in England, accused him of "too 
 much coldness " during his mission. But we at 
 the South, who have passed through a similar 
 ordeal, can well understand and appreciate his 
 motives. 
 
106 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Kefined in nature and habit, he was not the 
 man to thrust himself upon reluctant strangers. 
 He realized, as we of the South have done, that 
 premature efforts at conciliation, however well 
 meant, serve rather to irritate than to harmonize 
 discordant political elements. We have learnt that 
 an entire generation must pass away before the 
 wounds of civil war can be healed, or its ugly scars 
 obliterated. Eobert Lee's reticence, under some- 
 what similar circumstances, did more to restore 
 mutual respect and lasting concord than all the 
 unwise efforts of gushing politicians. 
 
 But the political difficulties which the ambas- 
 sador encountered were of a far graver character 
 than the social. The treaty of peace which closed 
 the Kevolutionary war had never been faithfully 
 executed. The military posts on the Great Lakes 
 and the Northwestern frontier had never been 
 surrendered. Detroit, Niagara, Oswego, and the 
 posts on Lake Champlain, were still held by Brit- 
 ish garrisons. Debts due to American citizens, 
 recognized as such in the treaty of peace, were 
 still refused payment. 
 
 But the violation of treaty rights did not com- 
 plete the catalogue of wrongs inflicted on our na- 
 tion. The habitual violation of our neutral rights 
 upon the high seas, to the great injury of our 
 commerce, aggravated by the confiscation of ships 
 and cargoes, and the seizure of American seamen, 
 was another grave offence. 
 
 To check these outrages, or at least to obtain 
 redress for them, gave him full employment for 
 four years. 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 107 
 
 A glance into his papers will illustrate the du- 
 ties of the first representative of the United States 
 to the Court of St. James; and also show the 
 position which his nation occupied a hundred years 
 since. 
 
 Contempt for the rights of a republic born in 
 rebellion, and not yet strong enough to enforce 
 respect, marked the conduct of Great Britain 
 towards the United States. Her wars with France, 
 lasting with brief intervals for nearly thirty years, 
 afforded some plausible excuse for trampling upon 
 the neutral rights of other nations. 
 
 Take some specimens of the seizure of ships. 
 
 1. The brig Mary, bound from Charleston to 
 Havre, consigned to the American consul, and 
 loaded with coffee and cotton (1793), was captured 
 by a privateer, and brought into an English port. 
 The captain applied to the consul in London for 
 redress. Failing to obtain it, he appeals to the 
 minister, who at once interposed in his behalf. 
 It is interesting to note that cotton had at this 
 early period become a recognized article of export. 
 
 2. The American brig Pearl, from Cork, bound 
 to the United States, was stopped off the harbor by 
 a British man-of-war, and eight passengers taken 
 from her. " They had the written permission of 
 the Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council. They had 
 complied with all the reqiiirements of the law, and 
 had prepaid their passage in Cork; yet were for- 
 cibly detained on board said ship." The consign- 
 ers (a Quaker firm) appealed to the Admiral com- 
 manding the station, "to order the release of these 
 landsmen, the king's free subjects, going by the 
 
108 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 authority stated, in a neutral vessel, to a country 
 in amity with Great Britain, and to permit the 
 vessel to proceed on her voyage." 
 
 The Admiral sustained his Captain, and dis- 
 missed the appeal in language more professional 
 than polite. But the Quaker firm, with all the 
 tenacity of belligerents, carried their appeal to the 
 American ambassador, to be laid before the Brit- 
 ish government. The vessel was speedily released 
 upon his demand; but the fate of his Majesty's 
 "free subjects " was not so easily settled. 
 
 3. The ship Illustrious President was arrested 
 in the harbor of Madeira by the British frigate 
 Hyena, and seven seamen who were claimed as 
 Englishmen were taken from her. The American 
 consul claimed the protection of the governor of 
 Madeira, who promptly ordered the men brought 
 on shore, and restored them to their ship. The 
 consul, in his report to the minister in London, 
 rejoices that he had "thus humbled the pride of 
 the haughty Briton," and hopes that the President 
 of the United States would publicly recognize and 
 approve the governor's conduct. 
 
 4. One other case may be cited to show the dan- 
 gers to which our commerce was exposed from 
 both the leading belligerents. The American ship 
 Mount Vernon (her owner was an Englishman) 
 was captured by a French privateer, the Flying 
 Fish, off the capes of Delaware; the captain and 
 crew were put ashore on the American coast, and 
 the vessel sent to France. Messrs. Francis Bar- 
 ing & Co., to whom the cargo was consigned, 
 requested Mr. Pinckney's aid to stay the condem- 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 109 
 
 nation of the vessel through the American ambas- 
 sador in Paris. 
 
 I know not whether the Mount Vernon escaped 
 finally from the clutches of the privateer. But 
 the vessels are certainly misnamed. The Ameri- 
 can ship should have been called the Flying 
 Fish, for between the English and French cruis- 
 ers, our commerce represented that unhappy crea- 
 ture between the dolphin and the birds of prey. 
 "Britannia ruled the waves" so rigorously that 
 American ships found no refuge there; and flying 
 to other regions, the Gallic gulls swooped down 
 upon them, and speedily swallowed their prey. 
 
 Besides the capture of our ships on the high 
 seas there was another constant cause of offence. 
 American seamen were seized on board of our 
 own ships and those of other nations, accused of 
 being deserters from the British navy, and impris- 
 oned until they agreed to serve in British vessels 
 of war, and were often forbidden to write to their 
 homes. There are letters to Mr. Pinckney from 
 prisons all over England, and from prison ships 
 along her coasts, complaining of illegal imprison- 
 ment, and imploring his efforts for their release. 
 Lord Castlereagh admitted, at a later period, 
 "that 3500 seamen in the British navy claimed 
 their discharge as American citizens, of whom 
 1700 were probably entitled to it." 
 
 For the honor of our country I trust that none 
 of Mr. Pinckney's successors in the English mis- 
 sion ever had so many correspondents in Newgate, 
 and in other unsavory places. 
 
 Take some samples of their complaints. 
 
110 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Falmouth, May 18, 1795, 
 On board H. M. Ship Galatea. 
 
 HoisrOBED SiK, — I write wishing to let you 
 know that I was taken in a French ship by the 
 Galatea frigate, that I was forced to stay on 
 board the Galatea, for I was not willing to 
 enter the service. But I was obliged to, and was 
 threatened to be sent to the East Indies if I would 
 not enter — and so I would let you know that I 
 am American. I would wish to have my clear- 
 ance if possible, for I am in much distress. I 
 can prove I am an American by Thomas Bell and 
 James Isaacs, they was taken on board the same 
 ship. I would be glad if you would let me have 
 my clearance if possible. I have not taken any 
 Bounty yet. We are going out soon so direct 
 your letter to Plymouth or Portsmouth. Witness 
 my hand. Melzak Hatch. 
 
 P. S. Mark Nelson and Richard Smith remain 
 on board in like condition. 
 
 The Santa Makoabita, Cove Cork, 
 August 9, 1795. 
 
 Honored Sir, — I have received your letter 
 of 26th March, wherein you inform me you will 
 do your endeavor to procure my discharge. I en- 
 tertain no doubt but you will ; but the uncertainty 
 we now lay under, and the treaitment on board an 
 English man-of-war, is so different from what we 
 might expect as American subjects, and being at 
 such distance from our families and uncertainty 
 of their situation, makes us very uneasy. And 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. Ill 
 
 as I am a pressed man, and have received no 
 bounty in king's service, I should think my lib- 
 erty much easier to be come at. My situation in 
 the ship is very uncomfortable. I must of course 
 claim the privileges of a subject of United States, 
 and you, and only you, are the friend I must ap- 
 ply to, being a countryman, and I hope a friend. 
 Consider, sir, after an absence of two years and 
 upward from a wife and five helpless children 
 what my situation must be, and what theirs is, to 
 lose a husband and a father, and he in service of 
 another country a,gaiast his inclination, unable to 
 afford them any relief or comfort, — such is the 
 situation of me, who, if your interest can get liberty 
 that I may return to my native country, home and 
 family, will be bound forever to pray for you. 
 Your humble servant 
 
 Jno. Pridt. 
 
 There is one list of ten American seamen with 
 their places of confinement, — " The Nore, Sher- 
 ness, the Downs, the St. Mary's, the Royal 
 William, and the Dublin," — for whom he made 
 applications to the Lords of the Admiralty for in- 
 vestigation of their cases. The indorsement on the 
 paper is suggestive of a common business trans- 
 action: "Given to Mr. Johnson (the consul in 
 London) to be applied for in the usual course of 
 application." 
 
 The American ambassador might have had 
 printed copies of his letters to the Secretary for 
 Foreign Affairs, with blanks for the prisoners' 
 names. 
 
112 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Here is a specimen copy. 
 
 "Mr. Pinckney presents his compliments to 
 Lord Grenville, and begs leave to call Hs atten- 
 tion to the case of four seamen imprisoned at Hull. 
 They claim to be American sailors, and offer 
 proof in support of their claim. 
 
 "Mr. Pinckney begs to call Lord GrenviUe's 
 immediate attention to the matter, and to request 
 that he obtain an order for their release as soon as 
 possible. With sentiments," etc., etc. 
 
 I hope that Lord GrenviUe was an amiable 
 man, for these perpetual demands for redress 
 must have become monotonous, if not irritating. 
 
 But the ambassador never forgot the tone of 
 courtesy which diplomacy employs, even in pro- 
 testing against wrong. Nor did the English no- 
 bleman fail to respond in the same spirit, or to 
 grant redress when it was in his power to do so. 
 
 There was a constant violation of the rights of 
 persons and property on land, as well as on sea. 
 Merchants and travellers were constantly arrested, 
 searched, and often imprisoned upon frivolous 
 pretences. A correspondent writing from New- 
 gate, though evidently a man of culture, says : — 
 
 The court of King's Bench has thought fit to 
 convict me in the penalty of £500 sterling and one 
 year's imprisonment, for engaging a pauper weaver 
 to accompany me to America. 
 
 Mr. Erskine, who has been good enough to 
 visit me in prison, informs me that if I apply to 
 government through you, I may obtain a remis- 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 113 
 
 sion of the sentence. If, therefore, you can inter- 
 pose consistently with the dignity of your official 
 station, and the honor of the United States, you 
 will much oblige me. 
 
 Signed P. P. Middleton, M. D. 
 
 The Commissioners of Emigration in New York 
 would no doubt rejoice if England still retained 
 this antipathy to the exportation of paupers. 
 Her present policy, statistics prove, is based upon 
 the most liberal principles of free trade. 
 
 L. Gouverneur writes from Calais that at Dover 
 his baggage and his person had been searched by 
 the collector; that thirty odd guineas had been 
 taken from him, and eighty from his two compan- 
 ions, and "that the one hundred louis d'ors you 
 intrusted to my care, for your nephew in Paris, 
 were also detained, as well as fifty that I had pro- 
 vided for my own use in France, and that he re- 
 fused to give any voucher or receipt whatever." 
 
 The three travellers awaited in Calais the action 
 of the ambassador. A prompt appeal to Lord 
 Grenville produced a happy effect. The ambas- 
 sador's property was immediately restored with 
 an apology, and the three travellers received their 
 trunks and money. 
 
 Nor was this the only violation of the rights 
 of ambassadors. Mr. Monroe's trunk, which Mr. 
 Pinckney had forwarded by a friend going to 
 Paris, was seized at Dover, and detained until 
 released on demand of the American minister. 
 
 Letters from the Secretary of State to Mr. 
 Pinckney were taken from the bearer "by the 
 
114 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Frencli at Morlaix, opened, and examined." The 
 messenger was dismissed, but the despatches were 
 retained. Anxiety to obtain a knowledge of Jay's 
 treaty, then in negotiation, perhaps prompted this 
 breach of the law of nations. 
 
 Where the rights of ambassadors were so little 
 regarded, American citizens could not expect en- 
 tire protection, even with their passports. In spite 
 of this safeguard, there are frequent complaints 
 of detention by travellers, of the opening of their 
 letters, and seizure of their property. There was 
 no postal communication with France, nor with a 
 large part of Europe, and the American ambassa- 
 dor was at times the only medium of correspond- 
 ence. Petitions to forward letters flowed in, not 
 only from our citizens in the United States and in 
 England, but from many foreigners, whose friends 
 were involved in the Revolutionary cyclone. 
 
 A British nobleman implores Mr. Pinekney's 
 aid to " obtain some information of my two sons at 
 school in France. They are forbidden to return, 
 and I can hold no correspondence with them." 
 Through Mr. Monroe Mr. Pinckney had the sat- 
 isfaction of relieving the distress of the anxious 
 parents, as well as of elevating their conceptions 
 of the value of an American minister, and of the 
 rebels whom he represented. 
 
 When we see the habitual disregard of the rights 
 of American citizens, by England, France, and 
 Spain a hundred years since, as revealed by Mr. 
 Pinekney's papers, we cannot but contrast it with 
 our present lofty position. The war of 1812, 
 which proved our ability to protect ourselves on 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 115 
 
 the ocean, first gave Britannia some new ideas of 
 American rights, and vastly enlarged her respect 
 for our citizens and our public representatives. 
 
 This sentiment was firmly planted in the Eu- 
 ropean mind thirty years later, by the spirited 
 conduct of our feUow-citizen, Commander Ingra- 
 ham, in the case of Martin Kozsta. 
 
 Kozsta was a Hungarian who had fled to the 
 United States in the Kossuth troubles, and become 
 an American citizen. Ketuming after some years 
 to Europe, he was arrested in Smyrna, carried on 
 board an Austrian man-of-war, and put in irons. 
 The American consul made his case known to 
 Captain Ingraham, who at that juncture arrived 
 in the harbor. The Captain demanded an inter- 
 view with the prisoner, and satisfied himself that 
 he was an American citizen. "Do you claim 
 protection?" he asked. "I do," replied Kozsta. 
 "You shall have it." Eeturning at once to his 
 corvette he loaded his guns, ordered his crew to 
 quarters, and laid his ship alongside the Austrian 
 frigate. He demanded the delivery of the pris- 
 oner by a certain hour. "If the Austrian com- 
 mander did not comply, he would open fire upon 
 him." The French consul interposed and became 
 responsible for Kozsta's safe keeping, until his 
 case was adjudicated by the ambassadors of the 
 two nations. The Austrian and American minis- 
 ters at Constantinople investigated his claims, and, 
 finding them just, ordered him to be restored to 
 the protection of the United States. 
 
 There was a burst of popular feeling throughout 
 our land at this spirited assertion of the rights of 
 
116 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 an American citizen. Congress voted Captain 
 Ingraham a sword, and his fellow-citizens in Caro- 
 lina, and in other States, publicly testified their 
 gratitude to the man who had proved to the world 
 that the American flag could protect every citi- 
 zen who was legally sheltered beneath its ample 
 folds. 
 
 The arrest of Mason and Slidell from an Eng- 
 lish ship on the high seas perhaps gave Great 
 Britain clearer views of neutral rights than she 
 ever had before. She instantly demanded the 
 restoration of the prisoners from the United States 
 government, and was ready to avenge the insult 
 to her flag by a declaration of war. The prompt 
 disavowal of Commodore Wilkes' act, and the 
 return of the Confederate envoys to the British 
 flag, averted the threatened strife. The lesson 
 of respect for neutral rights, which England then 
 taught, we trust that she, and we, and all belliger- 
 ents will thoroughly learn, to the great benefit of 
 mankind. 
 
 An object of deep solicitude to Mr. Puickney 
 during his mission was the condition of La Fay- 
 ette. A prisoner of war in an Austrian dungeon, 
 his captivity had touched the hearts of those for 
 whom he had sacrificed so much. In the second 
 year of his mission, the American minister had 
 manifested his interest in the patriot prisoner. 
 The Vicomte de Noailles, brother-in-law of La 
 Fayette, being compelled to flee from France had 
 taken refuge in London on his way to the United 
 States. He carried from Mr. Pinckney the fol- 
 lowing letter to the President : — 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 117 
 
 London, March 12, 1793. 
 M. de Noailles, who is the bearer of this let- 
 ter, requires no introduction to you. His situa- 
 tion and services during the late war you wit- 
 nessed; and you are well acquainted with the 
 subsequent events which placed him in his present 
 predicament. You will find him warmly partici- 
 pating in the anxiety we all feel for the welfare 
 of our friend M. de La Fayette. On this subject 
 I have only to say that I have done whatever I 
 thought consistent with propriety in an unauthor- 
 ized, unofficial manner, to alleviate his misfor- 
 tunes; and that I shall esteem myself peculiarly 
 happy if I can be instrumental in testifying the 
 gratitude of my country to one who has rendered 
 her such eminent services, in any way that may 
 be deemed expedient. 
 
 In this desire the President, the Congress, the 
 whole American people united; yet Washington 
 could only interpose his friendly offices in behalf 
 of the prisoner of war. He wrote to Mr. Pinck- 
 ney on February 20, 1796, from Philadelphia : — 
 
 "Since the reconfinement of M. de La Fayette 
 (after the attempt made by Dr. BoUman and Mr. 
 Huger, both of whom are now in this city, to 
 effect his escape) we have heard nothing further 
 respecting him than that his confinement is more 
 rigorous than before. We, know, indeed that 
 Mme. de La Fayette and his two daughters have 
 been at Hamburg; that it was reported they were 
 coming to America, but that instead of doing so, 
 they went to Vienna, to try the effect of personal 
 
118 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 solicitation to obtain his release. Newspaper ac- 
 counts go farther and say they were permitted to 
 proceed to Olmutz. But how far the latter infor- 
 mation is to be depended upon, and, if true, what 
 has been or will be the result, is altogether un- 
 known to me. I need hardly mention how much 
 my sensibility has been hurt by the treatment this 
 gentleman has met with, or how anxious I am to 
 see him liberated; but what course to pursue, as 
 most likely and proper to aid the measure, is not 
 so easy to decide on. As President of the United 
 States there must be a commitment of the govern- 
 ment by any interference of mine, and it is no 
 easy matter in a transaction of this nature for a 
 public character to assume the garb of a private 
 citizen in a case that does not relate to himself. 
 
 "Yet such is my wish to contribute my mite to 
 accomplish this desirable object that I have no 
 objection to its being made known to the imperial 
 ambassador in London, who, if he think proper, 
 may communicate it to his court, that this event 
 is an ardent wish of the people of the United 
 States, to which I sincerely add mine. The time, 
 the manner, and even the measure itself, I leave 
 to your discretion; as circumstances and every 
 matter which concerns this gentleman are better 
 known on that, than they are on this, side of the 
 Atlantic." 
 
 The following admirable letter to the emperor 
 of Austria was inclosed to Mr. Pinckney, to be 
 used as he thought best to accomplish the object 
 in view : — 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 119 
 
 Philadelphia, May 15, 1796. 
 
 It will readily occur to your Majesty that 
 occasions may sometimes exist on which, official 
 considerations would constrain the chief of a 
 nation to be silent and passive in relation even to 
 objects which afEect his sensibility and claim his 
 interposition as a man. Finding myself precisely 
 in this situation at present, I take the liberty of 
 writing this private letter to your Majesty, being 
 persuaded that my motives will also be my apology 
 for it. 
 
 In common with the people of this country I 
 retain a strong and cordial sense of the services 
 rendered to them by the Marquis de La Fayette ; 
 and my friendship for him has been constant and 
 sincere. It is natural, therefore, that I should 
 sympathize with him and his family in their mis- 
 fortunes, and endeavor to mitigate the calamities 
 which they experience; among which his present 
 confinement is not the least distressing. I forbear 
 to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me 
 only to submit to your Majesty's consideration, 
 whether his long imprisonment, the confiscation 
 of his estates, the indigence and dispersion of his 
 family, and the painful anxieties incident to all 
 these circumstances, do not form an assemblage of 
 sufferings which recommend him to the mediation 
 of humanity? Allow me, Sir, on this occasion to 
 be its organ ; and to entreat that he may be per- 
 mitted to come to this country, on such conditions 
 and under such restrictions as your Majesty may 
 think it expedient to prescribe. 
 
 As it is a maxim with me not to ask what under 
 
120 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 similar circumstances I would not grant, your 
 Majesty will do me the justice to believe that this 
 request appears to me to correspond with those 
 great principles of magnanimity and wisdom which 
 form the basis of sound policy and durable glory. 
 May the Almighty and Merciful Sovereign of 
 the Universe keep your Majesty under his pro- 
 tection and guidance. 
 
 The President also put funds into Mr. Pinck- 
 ney's hands to be used for La Fayette's benefit, as 
 far as could be done without a violation of the law 
 of nations. From this source, as weU as by his 
 ready sympathy, he was enabled to minister mate- 
 rially to the comfort of Mme. de La Fayette during 
 that dark period. 
 
 But in spite of all his efforts, backed by the 
 power of Washington's influence, the Austrian 
 dungeon refused to open its doors to the patriot 
 prisoner. It was not until the strong hand of 
 Napoleon Bonaparte knocked loudly at that door 
 that the Austrian emperor heard the call of Eu- 
 rope and America, and set his captive free. 
 
 Another object which engrossed a large share 
 of the time and interest of the American minis- 
 ter was the case of the French refugees. During 
 the period of his official residence, London was 
 thronged with fugitives from the reign of terror 
 in France. The American embassy was the polar 
 star to these storm-tossed mariners, stranded on a 
 foreign shore. They looked to the representative 
 of the United States for sympathy, for advice, 
 for protection, for occupation, for support. Did 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 121 
 
 not the American Eepublic owe its very exist- 
 ence to France? and was not the American min- 
 ister bound to repay to these children of France 
 some portion of the debt which his country had 
 incurred? They evidently regarded him as a spe- 
 cies of electric battery, so highly charged with 
 national gratitude that the slightest touch would 
 elicit an immediate response. 
 
 Their letters were many, and cover all conceiv- 
 able subjects. Some are amusing, some touching, 
 some cringing, and some insolent in their demands. 
 Some contain requests for employment, for trans- 
 portation to the United States, for a return to 
 France, for the education of their children, for the 
 purchase of a new pontoon bridge, which would 
 certainly assure fortune to him and glory to his 
 country. 
 
 One enthusiastic admirer of the western repub- 
 lic asks him to name a little refugee, who had 
 come into the world at a very unpropitious season, 
 and "would Monsieur L'Ambassadeur do them 
 the honor to stand Godfather for the child? " 
 
 However much the letters differ in tone, the 
 writers agree in the self-evident position that they 
 were entitled to support from the minister of the 
 United States until their restoration to their own 
 land. Though very liberal with his purse, the am- 
 bassador could not possibly meet their demands. 
 He organized the American residents in London 
 as a committee of relief, and befriended them in 
 every way. But many, I apprehend, never for- 
 gave a refusal of their requests, and indulged in 
 bitter reflections on the ingratitude of republics. 
 
122 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Count Lally ToUendal, the friend of La Fayette, 
 was a frequent correspondent and not a petitioner. 
 The Princess D'Henin, another racy correspond- 
 ent, represented the political intrigante, ready, 
 with the aid of the American ambassador, to regu- 
 late Europe and the world. 
 
 For three years the British cabinet evaded the 
 urgency of our minister to obtain a satisfactory 
 solution of the grave questions at issue between 
 the two nations. They pleaded in bar of his 
 demands the refusal, by our government, to do 
 justice to the treaty claims of British subjects. 
 Meanwhile fresh fuel was added to the slumber- 
 ing fire, which threatened speedily to rekindle the 
 flames of war. The orders in council, of the king 
 of England (1794) though aimed primarily at 
 France, trampled on all neutral rights, and fired 
 the public mind. Congress at once prepared for 
 war, and the latent hostility to England burst out 
 afresh. 
 
 There was one barrier to the swelling tide of 
 popular fury; the sagacious man, who sat calm 
 and collected at the helm. To avert the calami- 
 ties of war (of which he had seen enough), and to 
 preserve peace for the infant republic until its 
 arm grew strong, — this was his obvious policy. 
 Washington determined to make one more effort 
 at negotiation, and sent John Jay upon a special 
 mission to close, if possible, these irritating ques- 
 tions between us. 
 
 This envoy negotiated the treaty known as 
 "Jay's treaty with Great Britain," a measure 
 which excited a fiercer political strife than any 
 
THE ENGLISH MISSION. 123 
 
 other "which had agitated the nation since the 
 Revolution," Many of the Federalists even re- 
 garded it as a tame surrender to British arro- 
 gance. Mr. Jay's readiness to yield the question 
 of compensation for stolen slaves, though a treaty 
 stipulation, probably accelerated the object of his 
 mission.^ 
 
 Mr. Jay's mission was not intended to super- 
 sede the resident minister, or interfere with his 
 diplomatic functions. In the message nominating 
 Mr. Jay, the President says, "My confidence in 
 our minister plenipotentiary in London continues 
 undiminished. But a mission like this, while it 
 corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, 
 will announce to the world a solicitude for a 
 friendly adjustment of our complaints, and a re- 
 luctance to hostility." 
 
 Mr. Pinckney felt that this special mission im- 
 paired greatly the value of his own. His views 
 are freely expressed in a letter to his brother. 
 
 "As to Mr. Jay's mission, if I should say that 
 I had no unpleasant feelings on the occasion, I 
 should not be sincere; but the sincerity with 
 which I make this declaration will, I trust, entitle 
 me to credit when I add, that I am convinced of 
 the expediency of adopting any honorable meas- 
 ure which may tend to avert the calamities of war, 
 or, by its failure, cement our union at home; 
 that I consider Mr. Jay's appointment, from the 
 solemnity of the mission, supported by his estab- 
 
 1 Twenty-five thousand, our historians calculate, were carried 
 ofB from South Carolina, many of whom were sold in the West 
 Indies. 
 
124 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 lished reputation, diplomatic experience, and gen- 
 eral talents, as the most probable method of effect- 
 ing this purpose; and that I am sensible of the 
 delicacy respecting myself with which this meas- 
 ure has been carried into execution. Under these 
 impressions it is scarcely necessary for me to say 
 that I will cheerfully aid the objects of Mr. Jay's 
 mission, and render his residence here agreeable. 
 I ought to add that Mr. Randolph's letter to me 
 and Mr. Jay's instructions are very friendly, and 
 calculated to prevent my feelings from being 
 wounded by the measure." 
 
 Mr. Pinckney redeemed the pledge of generous 
 support to his distinguished colleague, while Mr. 
 Jay scrupulously avoided encroaching on the ordi- 
 nary functions of the embassy, and referred all 
 matters touching the same to Mr. Pinckney's 
 decision. 
 
 THE SPANISH MISSION. 1795. 
 
 The Spanish mission here intervenes between 
 the third and fourth year of Mr. Pinckney's resi- 
 dence at the Court of St. James. 
 
 Although the President had publicly and pri- 
 vately guarded his diplomatic position at that 
 court, he wished to show by deeds, as well as 
 words, that "his confidence in him was undimin- 
 ished." 
 
 During Mr. Jay's special mission, Washington 
 invited Mr. Pinckney to undertake an important 
 embassy to Madrid, not as an abandonment of his 
 English mission, but as an interlude to it. Mr. 
 Randolph's letter intimates the President's pur- 
 pose. 
 
THE SPANISH MISSION. 125 
 
 Philadelphia, November 3, 1794. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Mr. Bayard, who sails on Thurs- 
 day, as an agent for those who have suffered 
 from British depredation, will be charged with 
 both private and public despatches from me to 
 you. I drop you this line to prepare you for a 
 mission which the President has prepared for you 
 as envoy extraordinary to Madrid. I beg you 
 immediately on the receipt of this to make any 
 arrangements which may seem expedient before 
 you quit London. The business relates to the 
 Mississippi ; will be temporary ; and under present 
 circumstances probably not dilatory. You will 
 necessarily conclude ; that your return to London 
 upon your former footing wiU be a thing of 
 course. 
 
 I have the honor to be, dear, sir, with sincere 
 esteem and true respect. 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Edmund Kandolph. 
 
 Mb. Pincknet. 
 
 It is scarcely possible for us to realize the im- 
 portance attached to a Spanish mission a hundred 
 years since. Spain has sunk so much in the scale 
 of nations that her policy and her good will seem 
 to be of little importance. But a century ago, 
 she exercised a controlling power over our national 
 prosperity. Her possessions bounded ours on the 
 south and on the west, and debarred all territorial 
 development. They touched our southern border 
 from the Florida coast to Texas, and cut us off 
 from the Gulf and from the world. St. Augustine, 
 
126 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Mobile, New Orleans, were all Spanish cities. 
 Spain controlled the mouth of the Mississippi 
 Eiver, and denied our right to navigate that in- 
 land sea. She checked all emigration to the west 
 by her claims along a thousand miles of that 
 stream, even to the Missouri; for Louisiana ex- 
 tended with its undefined and elastic borders as 
 far north as Spanish arrogance chose to stretch 
 them. 
 
 As Great Britain still retained possession of 
 the northwestern posts, and thereby controlled the 
 savages on the Ohio and the upper Mississippi; 
 and as Spanish emissaries in like manner con- 
 trolled the tribes along its lower banks, our fron- 
 tier settlements were liable at any hour to the 
 horrors of Indian warfare. These Spanish claims 
 were among the most embarrassing questions which 
 the government had to face, and which "caused 
 Washington peculiar solicitude " at the very out- 
 set of his administration. For six years he had 
 endeavored in vain to adjust these claims. The 
 Continental Congress had sent Mr. Jay as minis- 
 ter to Madrid to negotiate a treaty with Spain, 
 but his best efforts for two years proved unavail- 
 ing. Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Short had been 
 employed successively on the same mission, but 
 with no better success. Yet the necessity of some 
 arrangement became more urgent. 
 
 "Spain by a similar conduct to that of Great 
 Britain [Washington writes, September, 1794] has 
 imposed the necessity of sending an envoy extraor- 
 dinary to her. They cooperate ; cordial in their 
 hatred, they have agreed to employ the Indians 
 
THE SPANISH MISSION. 127 
 
 against us ; " and in a letter to Monroe in February, 
 1795, he says, "The conduct of Spain towards us 
 is unaccountable and injurious. Mr. Pinckney, 
 it is supposed, is gone thither. He is to seize 
 any favorable moment to execute what has been 
 intrusted to him concerning the Mississippi." 
 
 Another motive for a speedy settlement of our 
 difficulties with Spain was the conduct of the 
 insolent French envoy, Genet. Soon after he 
 had landed in Charleston, before delivering his 
 credentials to the President, he set on foot an 
 expedition against Florida and commissioned some 
 of our citizens to enlist troops for that service. 
 He also sent emissaries to Kentucky to organize 
 an expedition against New Orleans. Governor 
 Moultrie issued a proclamation against such a vio- 
 lation of the law of nations, which speedily checked 
 enlistments in South Carolina. 
 
 But the whole affair showed the dangers to 
 which we were exposed. Had this reckless for- 
 eigner put one company in motion against her 
 territories, it would have justified Spain in turn- 
 ing the Indians loose upon us, and the war-cries 
 of the Creeks and the Cherokees, of the Chick- 
 asaws and Seminoles, would have spread terror 
 along the borders of the Carolinas, Georgia, and 
 Tennessee. 
 
 These considerations led Washington to make 
 another attempt at negotiation, and to select an 
 agent qualified to conduct it • successfully. The 
 two last envoys had not been acceptable personally 
 to the Spanish court. They had wounded the 
 national sentiment and offended Castilian pride. 
 
128 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Washington had been privately informed by the 
 agent of Spain that it was "his Majesty's expec- 
 tation that he would appoint a minister of such 
 character, eminent distinction, and approved tem- 
 per, as became a residence near the royal person, 
 and was required by the gravity of the questions 
 under consideration." Such an ambassador "he 
 felt assured would be cordially received." "The 
 Spaniards demanded that our country be repre- 
 sented by a gentleman, and Washington sent them 
 Thomas Pinckney." 
 
 There was something in the political horizon 
 which favored the object of his mission. The 
 attitude of France towards her European neigh- 
 bors possibly revealed to the Spaniards the wisdom 
 of conciliating the Western republic. Mr. Pinck- 
 ney was cordially received, and entered at once 
 on his negotiation. The king of Spain intrusted 
 his interests to his favorite minister, the array of 
 whose titles fills the first page of the treaty. 
 
 "The Most Excellent Lord Don Manuel de 
 Godoi, y Alvarez de Faria Eios Sanchez Sarzosa, 
 Prince de la Paz, Duke of Alcudia, Lord of 
 the Soto di Roma, and of the State of Albala, 
 Grandee of Spain of the First Class, Perpetual 
 Regidor of the city of Santiago, Knight of the 
 Illustrious Order of the Golden Fleece, Grand 
 Cross of the Koyal and distinguished Spanish 
 Order of Charles III. , Commander of Valencia del 
 Ventoso and Santiago, Knight of the Grand Cross 
 of the Order of St. John, Councillor of State, 
 First Secretary of State, Secretary to our Lady 
 
THE SPANISH MISSION 129 
 
 the Queen, Superintendent General of the Ports and 
 Highways and of the Posts and Rents of the Es- 
 tafettes of Spain, president of the Royal Board 
 of Appeals, Protector of the Royal Academy of 
 Noble Arts, and of the Royal Societies of Natural 
 History, Botany, Chemistry and Astronomy, Gen- 
 tleman of the Chamber, Captain, General of the 
 Royal Troops, Inspector and Major of the Royal 
 Corps of Gardes de Corps," etc., etc., etc. 
 
 To confront this formidable array Washington 
 could only invest the American envoy with the 
 simple title, — 
 
 "Thomas Pinckney, 
 
 Citizen of the United States." 
 
 If the American ambassador had not been some- 
 what accustomed to lofty titles during his long 
 residence in England, he must have quailed before 
 this gorgeous personage: but he seems to have 
 held his ground like a Roman. Although the 
 prince does not enjoy a high character in Euro- 
 pean history, Mr. Pinckney 's papers give a more 
 favorable view of him than I have seen elsewhere. 
 He testifies thus : " On the whole, the prince dealt 
 fairly with me;" and the negotiation proceeded 
 satisfactorily until they came to the navigation of 
 the Mississippi, and the right of deposit at New 
 Orleans for American produce. "No settlement 
 would be admitted by Spain, except an absolute 
 relinquishment of the right of navigation of the 
 Mississippi." This had been the position of the 
 government in all former attempts at negotiation. 
 
130 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 But Spain now ceded the point, and granted to 
 the United States the use of the river through all 
 her territory. 
 
 But the consequent privilege of a port of entry 
 and deposit for American produce at New Or- 
 leans, or some other point, was strongly resisted. 
 To grant to strangers the right to use territory 
 consecrated by Spanish possession, and to put 
 them on the same footing with subjects of his 
 Catholic Majesty, was contrary to all tradition, 
 and deeply touched the pride of the nation. 
 "The only words of warmth which have ever 
 passed between the Prince de la Paz and myself 
 [says Mr. Pinckney's notes on the treaty] were on 
 the subject of this article, XXI." 
 
 The next requisition of establishing a commis- 
 sion to adjudicate the claims of American citizens 
 against the Spanish government seemed equally 
 objectionable. But the ambassador insisted on a 
 full and final settlement of these claims as essen- 
 tial to a treaty of amity. A long list of captured 
 vessels, and confiscated cargoes, and imprisoned 
 seamen, had awaited his arrival in Spain. If the 
 catalogue was not quite as full as that which he 
 had been studying for the last three years, it was 
 still long enough to keep him in practice against 
 his return to England. The Spanish minister in- 
 terposed earnest objections to this article, for it 
 touched the interests of Spain as deeply as the 
 former touched her pride, and though her arro- 
 gance was high, her exchequer was often very low. 
 
 Believing that the government would not yield 
 these two points, and that it would pursue its 
 
THE SPANISH MISSION. 131 
 
 usual dilatory policy to avoid the payment of these 
 just claims, Mr. Pinckney terminated the negotia- 
 tion, and asked for his passports. But a happier 
 influence prevailed in the Spanish Court, and he 
 was invited to resume the negotiation. The dis- 
 puted points were conceded, the remaining articles 
 quickly arranged, and the treaty of San Lorenzo 
 was signed by the two plenipotentiaries on the 
 third day thereafter, and subsequently received 
 the assent of the king of Spain. 
 
 Possibly this happy result was due to the fact 
 that the two negotiators dealt directly with each 
 other, without the aid of an interpreter. Mr. 
 Pinckney read Spanish and understood it when 
 spoken, though not able to speak it with facility. 
 The Prince de la Paz could comprehend what 
 was said in French, but could not express himself 
 fluently in that tongue. He therefore used his 
 native language, while the American envoy used 
 French in his replies, and in the conduct of his 
 negotiation. 
 
 The treaty progressed with a celerity unusual 
 in Spanish history. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney had reached Madrid late in June, 
 1795, and in spite of the migration of the court 
 from Madrid to some cooler summer resorts, the 
 treaty was completed and signed on the 27th of 
 October by the two plenipotentiaries in behalf of 
 the contracting powers. This treaty is sometimes 
 termed the treaty of "San Ildefonso," sometimes 
 that of "San Lorenzo," from the royal palaces 
 where it was negotiated. Mr. Pinckney describes 
 it by the last title. The copy sent to the United 
 
132 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 States "was immediately laid before the Senate, 
 and the ratification of it [as Washington wrote 
 him] was advised and consented to by a unani- 
 mous vote of that body. Hence you may form 
 some opinion of the general approbation of your 
 negotiation." 
 
 It is surprising now to read of the enthusiastic 
 reception of this treaty, and of the vast impor- 
 tance attached to it in the public mind. The 
 successful negotiation was hailed with a burst of 
 applause which established the reputation of the 
 negotiator as a skilful diplomatist, and very nearly 
 seated him in the vice-president's chair. The 
 acquisitions thereby secured were regarded by 
 Washington as of sufficient importance to be made 
 a topic of public gratulation in his farewell ad- 
 dress, and their value, real and prospective, justi- 
 fied the general estimate. 
 
 The five points settled by the treaty were : — 
 
 1st. The establishment of the southern limits of 
 the United States from the Atlantic to the Mis- 
 sissippi, by a well defined line between them and 
 Florida. 
 
 2d. The establishment of the western boundary 
 by the Mississippi River, and the extinction of 
 Spanish claims to all territory on its eastern bank 
 north of thirty-one degrees, the limits of Louisi- 
 ana. 
 
 3d. It secured the free navigation of that long- 
 coveted river, and opened an outlet to the Gulf, 
 and to the markets of the world. The western 
 pioneer thus obtained an unmolested right of way 
 for a thousand miles down that majestic stream, and 
 
THE SPANISH MISSION. 133 
 
 4th. By the privilege of a port of entry at New 
 Orleans, he secured a safe deposit for American 
 produce, and for importations from all European 
 nations. 
 
 5th. Another article of the treaty established 
 a court in which American claims against the 
 Spaniards might be adjudicated and enforced, 
 and justice, though long delayed, be done to our 
 injured citizens. 
 
 6th. This treaty of "friendship, limits, and 
 navigation " required each contracting party to 
 restrain the Indians within their territories from 
 any aggression upon their neighbors, and thus 
 provided for the peace of our homes against this 
 insidious foe. 
 
 All these were real, and at that day invaluable, 
 concessions to America on the part o^ the ancient 
 and haughty monarchy. 
 
 The subsequent purchase of Louisiana by Mr. 
 Jefferson secured control of the lower Missis- 
 sippi, extinguished the Spanish claim to that ter- 
 ritory, and impaired the value of the previous 
 treaty. Nevertheless, that treaty marked one pos- 
 itive advance in the line of continental expansion. 
 The Anglo-Saxon instinct for territorial develop- 
 ment was stimulated, not stayed, by the Spanish 
 concessions. From the banks of the Mississippi 
 the hardy pioneer cast his eye upon the prairie, 
 rolling like the ocean in the distant horizon, and 
 felt as strong an impulse to embark thereon as 
 that which drove Columbus to explore the un- 
 known sea. In spite of treaties, or of the Span- 
 ish posts at New Madrid, and Gayoso, and St. 
 
134 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 Charles, he pushed his way westward, uncon- 
 sciously bearing the star of empire in his hand. 
 The republic awoke to a higher perception of its 
 providential mission, and soon, tearing away the 
 remaining barriers to the west, converted poetic 
 fancy into historic fact. 
 
 " No pent-up tJtica contracts our powers, 
 But the whole boundless continent is ours." 
 
 So little is known of this treaty and of its effect 
 upon the public sentiment of the times, that I 
 have endeavored to elucidate its historical bearing. 
 Mr. Pinckney's friends regarded it as the most 
 valuable service he could have rendered to his 
 country. Mr. Lodge takes a similar view, as 
 appears from the following extract : — 
 
 " Washington's policy about the Mississippi 
 never wavered. He meant to have the great 
 river, for his ideas of the empire of the future 
 were quite as extended as those of the pioneers, 
 and much more definite. 
 
 "A year after he came to the presidency he 
 wrote to La Fayette : ' Gradually recovering from 
 the distresses in which the war left us, wanting 
 scarcely anything but the free navigation of the 
 Mississippi, which we must have, and as cer- 
 tainly shall have, if we remain a nation,' etc. 
 
 " Carmiehael, who had been minister at Madrid 
 under the confederation, had been continued there 
 by the new government. But while the intrigues 
 of Spain to detach Kentucky and the interference 
 of Spanish officials went on, our negotiation for 
 the settlement of our rights to the navigation of 
 the Mississippi halted. Tired of this inaction. 
 
THE SPANISH MISSION. 135 
 
 Washington late in 1791 united William Short, 
 our minister to Holland, in a commission with 
 Carmichael, to open a fresh and special negotia- 
 tion as to the Mississippi. The joint commission 
 bore no fruit, and the troubles in the West in- 
 creased. It was clearly necessary to take more 
 vigorous measures. 
 
 "Accordingly, in 1794, after Genet had been 
 dismissed, Washington sent Thomas Pinckney, 
 who for some years had been minister in London, 
 on a special treaty - making mission to Madrid. 
 The fii'st results were vexatious and unpromising 
 enough, and Pinckney wrote at the outset that he 
 had had two interviews with the Duke de Alcudia, 
 but to no purpose. It was the old game of delay, 
 he said, with inquiries as to why he had not re- 
 plied to propositions, which in fact had never been 
 made. Even what Pinckney wrote could not be 
 wholly made out, for some passages were in a 
 cipher to which the State Department had no key. 
 Washington wrote to Pickering, then acting Sec- 
 retary of State, ' A kind of fatality seems to have 
 pursued this negotiation, and in short all our con- 
 cerns with Spain, from the appointment of Mr. 
 Carmichael to the present day. . . . Enough, 
 however, appears to show the temper and policy 
 of the Spanish court, and its undignified conduct- 
 as it respects themselves, and insulting as it re- 
 lates to us, and I fear it will prove that the late 
 treaty with France portends nothing favorable to 
 these United States.' Washington's patience had 
 been sorely tried by the delays and shifty eva- 
 sions of Spain, but he was now on the brink of 
 
136 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 success, just as he concluded tliat negotiation was 
 hopeless. 
 
 " He had made a good choice in Thomas Pinck- 
 ney, better even than he knew. Triumphing 
 over aU obstacles with persistence, boldness, and 
 good management, Pinckney made a treaty, and 
 brought it home with him. Still more remarkable 
 was the fact that it was an extremely good treaty 
 and conceded all we asked. By it the Florida 
 boundary was settled, and the free navigation of 
 the Mississippi was obtained. 
 
 "We also gained the right to a place of deposit 
 at New Orleans, a pledge to leave the Indians 
 alone, a commercial agreement modeled on that 
 with France, and a board of arbitration to settle 
 American claims. All this Pinckney obtained, 
 not as the representative of a great and powerful 
 state, but as the envoy of a new nation, distant, 
 unknown, disliked, and embroiled in various com- 
 plications with other powers. Our history can 
 show very few diplomatic achievements to be com- 
 pared with this, for it was brilliant in execution, 
 and complete and valuable in result. Yet it has 
 passed into history almost unnoticed, and both 
 the treaty and its maker have been singularly and 
 most unjustly neglected. Even the accurate and 
 painstaking Hildreth omits the date and circum- 
 stances of Pinckney's appointment, while the last 
 elaborate history of the United States scarcely 
 alludes to the matter, and finds no place in its 
 index for the name of the author. It was in fact 
 one of the best pieces of work done during Wash- 
 ington's administration, and perfected its policy 
 
CLOSE OF THE ENGLISH MISSION. 137 
 
 on a most difficult and essential point. It is high 
 time that justice were done to the gallant soldier 
 and accomplished diplomatist who conducted the 
 negotiation, and rendered such a solid service to 
 his country. Thomas Pinckney, who really did 
 something, who did work worth doing and with- 
 out many words, has been forgotten, while many 
 of his contemporaries, who simply made a noise, 
 are freshly remembered in the pages of history."^ 
 
 CLOSE OF THE ENGLISH MISSION. 1796. 
 
 Upon the successful termination of his special 
 mission, Mr. Pinckney took leave of the Spanish 
 court, and returned to England by the way of 
 Paris. On his journey to Spain he had left his 
 daughters at the celebrated school of Madame 
 Campan, in that city, and he now stopped in Paris 
 to pay them a brief visit. 
 
 Returning to London he resumed his diplomatic 
 relations at the court of St. James. During his 
 absence, the secretary of legation, William Allen 
 Deas, had discharged the ordinary duties of the 
 mission, referring to Mr. Pinckney all such mat- 
 ters as required his personal attention. Mean- 
 while Mr. Jay's treaty had been completed, sent 
 to the United States, acted on by our government, 
 and returned to London to be ratified by Great 
 Britain. 
 
 The two treaties negotiated by Thomas Pinck- 
 ney and John Jay present some singular coinci- 
 dences, and some very marked contrasts. 
 
 The Spanish treaty is dated in Mr. Pinckney's 
 
 ^ Lodge's Life of Washington, vol. ii. p. 162. 
 
138 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 hand, San Lorenzo, October 27, 1795; on an- 
 other copy, signed also by the two plenipotentia- 
 ries, October 28, 1795. 
 
 On the same day, October 28, the ratifications 
 of Jay's treaty, which had received the consent of 
 the Senate and the signature of the President, 
 were exchanged in London. 
 
 The two treaties were coincident in time, but 
 differ widely in all other respects. One, the 
 Spanish, secured every right for which the United 
 States had hitherto striven in vain. The other, 
 the English, yielded almost every point for which 
 our government had long contended. 
 
 One was hailed with acclamation by aU. parties 
 in our country, and received the unanimous con- 
 sent of the Senate and the hearty indorsement of 
 the President. The other called forth a storm of 
 indignation from north to south. In many cities 
 copies of the treaty were burnt by the public 
 hangman, and its author burnt in effigy by the 
 mob ; and in the Senate it passed by a bare major- 
 ity after long and angry debates. 
 
 One elevated our character in the eyes of Eu- 
 rope, and gave us a higher position in the family 
 of nations. The other wounded the self-respect of 
 the American people, and lowered our standing 
 before the world. 
 
 Yet Jay's treaty received the signature of 
 Washington, and our publicists generally justify 
 its acceptance, in spite of aU that it surrendered 
 to Britain's imperious demands. 
 
 Mr. Jay, like the merchantman in the parable, 
 was seeking goodly pearls. Peace was the pearl 
 
CLOSE OF THE ENGLISH MISSION. 139 
 
 of great price which he sought, and he went and 
 sold all that he had, and bought it; and history 
 has justified the sacrifice. 
 
 There is no stronger illustration of Washing- 
 ton's influence over his countrymen than their 
 acceptance of this treaty upon the strength of his 
 signature. "You wiU see by the proceedings of 
 Congress [Jefferson writes sneeringly to Monroe] 
 that one man outweighs them all in influence over 
 the people, who have supported his judgment 
 against their own and that of their representa- 
 tives." 
 
 In reviewing this latter period of the English 
 mission, we note the marked development of our 
 country in the interval between 1794 and 1894. 
 
 Although nearly twenty years had elapsed since 
 our Declaration of Independence, we were still, in 
 1794, dependent colonies, commercially, of the 
 mother country. The following letters show that 
 we could neither cast anchors of large size, nor 
 purchase them in England for our navy, without 
 special permission from the British government. 
 
 Teeastjbt Depabtment, December 30, 1794. 
 
 Sir, — It has been determined to import from 
 Europe as soon as possible twenty anchors for 
 the use of the six frigates for which provision 
 was made by the last session of Congress. 
 
 I have been induced, therefore, to take the lib- 
 erty of asking your care of the business, and that 
 you will without delay cause the number of an- 
 chors required to be procured and shipped, agree- 
 ably to the memorandum transmitted herewith. 
 
140 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 If direct conveyances should not immediately offer 
 for the several ports in the United States desig- 
 nated in the memorandum, I would advise the 
 shipping of them in four divisions. There being 
 a material difference in the size of the anchors, it 
 will be necessary, in order to avoid confusion, that 
 there be separate bills of lading for each parcel, 
 with the names of the respective places to which 
 they are destined marked thereon. 
 
 The treasurer's draft for three hundred and 
 three thousand guilders on our commissioners in 
 Amsterdam, remitted to you on the 1st inst., will 
 form the fund out of which you are to pay for 
 them. I only add that it will be necessary to 
 insure the amount of the invoice, so as to secure 
 the United States against any loss. 
 
 With the most perfect respect and truest esteem, 
 I have the honor to be, sir. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 Thos. PmcKNET, Esq., Minister Plenipotentiary 
 at the Court of London. 
 
 The following letter shows the steps required to 
 obtain copper for sheathing these vessels. 
 
 Gebat Cumberland Place, August 11, 1794. 
 Mr. Pihckney presents his compliments to Lord 
 Grenville, and has the honor of informing him 
 that he has received directions to purchase in 
 Europe copper for the sheathing of the frigates 
 which are now arming in the United States for 
 the purpose of opposing the depredations of the 
 
CLOSE OF THE ENGLISH MISSION. 141 
 
 Algerines, and that he Is desired to give the pref- 
 erence to the markets of this country, if no imped- 
 iment should exist to this article being obtained 
 from hence. Mr. Pinckney therefore requests 
 the favor of Lord Grenville to inform him whether 
 this article will be permitted to be exported from 
 Great Britain to the United States for this pur- 
 pose. 
 
 The answer to this letter will be found in the 
 following order in council : — 
 
 At the CouNcn, Chamber, Whitehall, 
 March 28, 1795. 
 
 By the Lords of his Majesty's most Honorable 
 Privy Council. 
 
 Read. Letter from Hon. Lord GrenviUe to 
 the Lord President, inclosing copy of a note from 
 Mr. Pinckney, Minister Plenipotentiary from the 
 United States of America, informing his lordship 
 that he has lately received directions for purchas- 
 ing in this kingdom the anchors, kitchens, and 
 bunting necessary for the six frigates fitting out 
 in the United States, the sheathing for which was 
 shipped some time ago; and requesting to be in- 
 formed whether permission can be obtained for 
 exporting the above-mentioned articles, if pur- 
 chased in this country. 
 
 Lord Grenville to be acquainted "that the lords 
 of the council will have no objection to permit the 
 exportation of the anchors, etc., for the six frigates 
 when applied for by Mr. Pinckney, upon condi- 
 tion that the exporter do enter into bond with two 
 
142 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 sureties, being known British merchants, or other 
 persons of credit resident in this kingdom, that 
 the said anchors, etc., shall be carried to some 
 port in the United States ; and to procure a certifi- 
 cate of the due landing the same at the port for 
 which cleared." 
 
 Before the copper could be shipped, the ambas- 
 sador's certificate was required. 
 
 I hereby certify that the copper specified in 
 the foregoing memorial is for the use and service 
 of the United States of America as therein set 
 forth. 
 
 Given under my hand. 
 
 Thomas Pincknet, 
 Minister Plenipotentiary, U. S. A. 
 
 From this statement it is very evident that the 
 iron ores of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Alabama 
 had not then been utilized, nor had our American 
 foundries begun their great works ; and though a 
 hundred years had elapsed since the Jesuits had 
 discovered the copper beds of Lake Superior, we 
 had still to go to European mines for enough of 
 that metal to cover our national vessels. 
 
 Another commission which the ambassador was 
 requested to execute relates to peace and har- 
 mony, not to war; but it illustrates our depen- 
 dence even in the realm of music upon the mother 
 country. 
 
 The secretary of the St. Cecilia society (still a 
 flourishing institution in Charleston) thus writes: 
 
CLOSE OF THE ENGLISH MISSION. 143 
 Chablbston, April 19, 1792. 
 Sir, — In pursuance of a resolution of the St. 
 Cecilia society, I beg leave to inclose you one 
 hundred pounds sterling in bill of exchange on 
 London, in your favor, and I am directed to re- 
 quest your excellency to purchase for their use a 
 grand pianoforte, with twenty pounds' worth of 
 the best modern music for a concert, and to have 
 the same shipped from London by the first vessel. 
 With every sentiment of respect, 
 
 Edward Penman. 
 
 His Excellency, Thos. PnfCKNET. 
 
 The members of the St. Cecilia society would 
 have been much surprised to learn that within a 
 century from that time, the United States would 
 manufacture more pianos in proportion to their 
 population than any other nation in the world. 
 
 Among Mr. Pinckney's papers I find one which 
 seems hardly credible in this generation. It is 
 an official circular letter addressed to American 
 consuls in England and on the continent, inform- 
 ing them" that "an Algerine fieet, numbering 
 fourteen sail in aU, had passed through the Straits 
 of Gibraltar, sailing west, and directing them to 
 warn all American ships of the danger of leaving 
 port, or prosecuting any voyage to the southward." 
 
 Among the curiosities of European history there 
 is nothing more strange than the pusillanimous 
 conduct of powerful states towards these Barbary 
 corsairs. To pay an annual tribute, in order to 
 purchase exemption for their commerce from these 
 piratical attacks, was humiliating enough. But 
 
144 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 to pay additional tribute to these corsairs, to re- 
 deem the captive prisoners from the dungeons of 
 Algiers and Tripoli, or from brutal slavery, was 
 a deeper degradation, to which Christian nations 
 tamely submitted for a long series of years. 
 
 It is the glory of the young Eepublic of the 
 West to be first in resisting these robber claims, 
 and in breaking these atrocious bonds. She 
 taught the nations of Europe to pay the tribute, 
 not with precious metals, but with iron balls. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney's letters also show his views upon 
 a question which has excited the interest of diplo- 
 matic circles, namely, the subject of court costume. 
 His wife died in 1794 in London. He writes to 
 inquire of the court chamberlain if his presence 
 at the royal levees would be expected while he was 
 in mourning, or whether his attendance would be 
 excused during that period. 
 
 That he conformed to the custom prescribed for 
 state occasions in matters of costume is evident at 
 this day; for the court suits which he wore, both 
 in England and in Spain, are in existence still, 
 and sometimes appear on special occasions. He 
 did not feel that republican principles were in- 
 volved in the color of his coat, but adapted his 
 costume to the style considered most respectful to 
 the court to which he was accredited. 
 
 After serving nearly four years in the diplo- 
 matic line, Mr. Pinckney requested his recall. 
 He based his request upon both private and pub- 
 lic considerations. The situation of his family 
 and the state of his domestic concerns required 
 his return. "Four years was as long a period as 
 
CLOSE OF THE ENGLISH MISSION. 145 
 
 he had ever contemplated devoting to public ser- 
 vice, nor did he think it most for the interest of 
 the United States that t"he same person should 
 continue in mission for a longer period, except 
 under very peculiar circumstances." His letter 
 closes thus : — 
 
 "I have sincerely felt for the unpleasant situa- 
 tion in which late events have placed you as our 
 chief magistrate, and it would give me infinite 
 concern to think that I had in any degree contrib- 
 uted to these embarrassments. I can only say 
 that I have in every case acted according to my 
 best judgment, and in what concerns yourself by 
 the dictates of the sincerest friendship and grate- 
 ful respect." 
 
 Washington replies : — 
 
 Philadelphia, Febrnary 29, 1796. 
 Dear Sib, — Your letter of 10th October from 
 Madrid has been received. With regret I read 
 the request which it contained ; but the footing on 
 which you have placed the matter forbids opposi- 
 tion, or even persuasion on my part, that you 
 should recede from it, although the task of sup- 
 plying your place to my satisfaction, to the satis- 
 faction of your country, or of the court you will 
 leave, will not be found easy. 
 
 That the conduct of his mission had been satis- 
 factory to the President is very evident from the 
 following fact. During his absence in Spain, 
 Washington had inquired confidentially of Mr. 
 Jay whether, upon the conclusion of his treaty, 
 
146 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 he would accept the position of resident minister 
 in London, "in order that Mr. Pinokney, by that 
 means, might be sent to France." 
 
 Mr. Jay preferred to resume his office of chief 
 justice, and Washington made other arrangements 
 to fill the French mission. But the fact remains 
 to Thomas Pinckney's credit, that Washington se- 
 lected him for the three most important diplomatic 
 positions in Europe, each requiring peculiar wis- 
 dom, temper, and tact, namely, the mission to the 
 aristocratic and still unreconciled court of Great 
 Britain, to the punctilious and dilatory court of 
 Spain, and to that restless, aggressive, volcanic 
 body politic, the French republic. 
 
 Soon after receiving his letters of recall he left 
 England, and in September, 1796, returned to 
 America. He had the satisfaction of feeling that 
 the public sentiment at his departure from Eng- 
 land differed widely from that which he had en- 
 countered on his arrival four years before. Many 
 expressions of warm regard both from Whigs 
 and Tories assured him that his dignified course 
 during his mission had borne abundant fruit, 
 and raised greatly the public estimation of his 
 country. 
 
 Washington added his welcome in the follow- 
 ing friendly letter : — 
 
 Mt. Vebnon, May 28, 1797. 
 
 Mt dear Sir, — Let me congratulate you on 
 
 your safe return to your native country and friends, 
 
 after the important services you have rendered to 
 
 the former, and to thank you, as I most cordially 
 
MISSION OF GENERAL C. C. PINCKNEY. 147 
 
 do, for the favorable sentiments which you have 
 been pleased to express for me, and of my public 
 conduct. The approbation which you have given 
 of the latter, be assured, is highly pleasing to me. 
 To receive testimonies of this kind from the good 
 and virtuous, more especially from those who are 
 competent to judge, and have had the means of 
 judging from the best sources of information, 
 stamps a value on them which renders them pe- 
 culiarly grateful to one's sensibility. With sincere 
 and affectionate regard, 
 
 I am, dear sir, yours, etc., 
 
 George Washington. 
 
 With this testimony from "one so competent 
 to judge, and who had aU the means of judging," 
 we close this chapter of Thomas Pinckney's public 
 life. 
 
 MISSION OF GENERAL C. C. PINCKNEY. 1797. 
 
 Before entering on the next step in Mr. Pinck- 
 ney's public service, we pause to note a contem- 
 poraneous event in the life of his elder brother. 
 Their lives were singularly intertwined, not only 
 in bonds of fraternal affection, and personal 
 tastes, but in patriotic duties. In their educa- 
 tional, professional, military, civil, and political 
 career, their history runs on strictly parallel lines. 
 It is true also of their diplomatic service. As 
 one brother laid down the role of minister pleni- 
 potentiary to England, the other took up the same 
 character as envoy to the French republic. While 
 Thomas Pinckney was on his homeward voyage. 
 
148 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 his elder brother was on his way to France, They 
 crossed each other on the ocean. 
 
 General C. C. Pinckney had been selected by 
 "Washington to undertake a more trying mission 
 than that from which Thomas Pinckney had just 
 returned. He had to bear the brunt of revolu- 
 tionary insolence, intoxicated with the unwonted 
 sweets of political power, and to resist the arro- 
 gant claims of the French Directory. 
 
 There is a strong contrast in the result of the 
 missions of the two brothers, attributable to the 
 force of the political currents which they each 
 encountered, and to the different temperaments of 
 the two nations. 
 
 Thomas Pinckney was sent to a country nomi- 
 nally friendly, but actually hostile still to the 
 United States. But the phlegmatic English lis- 
 tened to the voice of peace, speaking in friendly 
 tones. In four years he succeeded in so thawing 
 the ice which at first surrounded him that he left 
 London with abundant evidence of the good will 
 of court and people. 
 
 The elder brother was sent to the strongest ally 
 that the United States ever had in Europe, but a 
 country still agitated by political frenzy. Smart- 
 ing under the sting of Continental hostility, the 
 mercurial French insulted their best friend be- 
 cause our country adopted a neutral policy. The 
 Directory refused to receive General Pinckney or 
 any other ambassador from the United States, 
 "until they had obtained redress for the griev- 
 ances of which they complained." The ratifica- 
 tion of Jay's treaty by our government had irritated 
 
MISSION OF GENERAL C. C. PINCKNEY. 149 
 
 them exceedingly, and the recall of Mr. Monroe 
 because of his avowed sympathy with the revolu- 
 tionary spirit of the age did not tend to soothe 
 their wounded vanity. As General Pinckney was 
 known to be in entire accord with Washington, 
 and with the neutral policy which he had adopted, 
 the Directory treated him with marked coldness, 
 refused to receive his credentials, and finally or- 
 dered him to leave the territory of the republic. 
 He retired to Holland, and reported the insult to 
 his government. There was deep indignation 
 aroused when the conduct of the Directory was 
 reported at Philadelphia, and many were eager 
 to avenge the insult. 
 
 But John Adams, who had now succeeded to 
 the presidential chair, determined to make one 
 more effort at conciliation. He appointed John 
 Marshall and Elbridge Gerry to unite with Gen- 
 eral Pinckney in a commission, "with authority to 
 settle all existing difficulties " with our ancient ally. 
 
 But the effort failed utterly. Talleyrand main- 
 tained his insolent tone, and the Directory re- 
 fused to recognize either General Pinckney or 
 Mr. Marshall in their official character. They 
 promptly terminated their mission, and left Prance. 
 Mr. Gerry unwisely remained to become the dupe 
 of Talleyrand. This outrage upon our ambassa- 
 dors so excited their countrymen that Congress at 
 ■once prepared for hostilities, raised an army, and 
 were ready for a declaration of war. But the 
 overthrow of the Directory, and the accession of 
 Napoleon to power, restored reason to France, 
 and averted the contest. 
 
150 DIPLOMATIC. 
 
 It was during this mission that General Pinck- 
 ney, irritated by the shameless efforts of the Direc- 
 tory to extort a bribe as the price of peace, gave 
 way to his indignation in that burst of patriotic 
 sentiment, "Millions for defence, but not a cent 
 for tribute." 
 
 This bold utterance, which has been ever since 
 associated with his name, was eagerly seized upon 
 by his fellow-citizens, and became the war-cry of 
 those who were resolved to maintain the rights of 
 our country against all aggressions, alike from 
 England or from France. No words uttered by 
 any other statesman have ever struck a deeper 
 chord in the popular heart, or been more generally 
 accepted as a national sentiment. 
 
POLITICAL. 1797-1800. 
 
 NOMINATION FOR VICE-PEESIDENT. 
 
 Thomas Pincknet had meanwhile returned to 
 South Carolina, receiving not only the warm com- 
 mendation of Washington (a commodity in which 
 he dealt sparingly), but the cordial approval of his 
 countrymen. His feUow-citizens in Charleston 
 united with the President in a hearty welcome to 
 the public servant. "They met him at the city 
 limits on his arrival, took the horses from his 
 carriage, and dragged it with plaudits to his 
 residence."^ 
 
 He had so attracted the eye of the nation that 
 he was selected by his countrymen as the Federal 
 candidate for Vice-President, on the ticket with 
 John Adams. 
 
 Eufus King (afterwards his successor at the 
 court of St. James), writing to Alexander Hamil- 
 ton, 1796, says, "Mr. Pinckney has asked leave to 
 return home. To his former stock of popularity, 
 he will now add the good will of those who have 
 been so gratified with the Spanish treaty. Should 
 we concur in him, will he not receive as great, or 
 greater. Southern and Western support than any 
 other man?" 
 
 Hamilton replies: "I am entirely of opinion 
 that Patrick Henry declining, Mr. Pinckney ought 
 
 ^ Garden's Anecdotes of Revolution. 
 
152 POLITICAL. 
 
 to be our man. On later reflection I rather 
 wish to be rid of Henry, that we may be at full 
 liberty to take up Pinckney." 
 
 Hamilton's biographer sums up the questions 
 thus: "After the conclusion of the treaty with 
 Spain, Thomas Pinckney returned to London. 
 In the difficult situation in which he had been 
 placed, his conduct was marked with all the. firm- 
 ness, discretion, and just sensibility to the injuries 
 of his nation, with the independence and disinter- 
 estedness, to have been expected in one whose 
 patriotism had hazarded a large estate, and who 
 had lived in arms for his country." 
 
 There was one feature of this election worthy 
 of note in its historical and its constitutional re- 
 lations. In the original mode of electing the 
 chief executive officers, the candidate who received 
 the highest number of votes became President, 
 the second on the list Vice-President. 
 
 Mr. Adams' name of course stood first on the 
 Federal ticket. His acknowledged talents and 
 great public services naturally assigned him the 
 position. But his egotistical temper and his lack 
 of administrative ability created grave doubts as 
 to his fitness for the presidency. Some of the 
 Federalists suggested dropping a few electoral 
 votes for Adams, while they united their full 
 strength on the junior candidate, thus bringing in 
 Thomas Pinckney as President, and John Adams 
 as Vice-President. This result Alexander Hamil- 
 ton confesses " would not be disagreeable to me. 
 If chance should decide in favor of Mr. Pinckney 
 it probably would not be a misfortune, since he, 
 
NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 163 
 
 to every essential qualification for the office, added 
 a temper far more discreet and conciliatory than 
 that of Mr. Adams." 
 
 When this suggestion became known to Mr. 
 Adams, it greatly excited his ire (as his letters 
 abundantly testify), and so earnestly did his 
 friends bestir themselves to prevent this result, 
 that they made a fatal blunder for their party. 
 In order to insure Mr. Adams' election, the Fed- 
 eralists withheld a dozen votes from the second 
 name on their ticket, and thus not only made Mr. 
 Adams President, but, in spite of their antipathy, 
 made Thomas Jefferson Vice-President instead of 
 Thomas Pinckney. The votes stood: Adams sev- 
 enty-one, Jefferson sixty-eight, Pinckney fifty- 
 nine, Burr thirty. 
 
 Thus the heads of the two rival parties were 
 elected to the two highest places ia the nation, 
 and if the Federal leader had possessed either polit- 
 ical or prophetic insight, he might have seen in the 
 occupant of the Vice-President's chair "the mount- 
 ing Bolingb'roke, who should ascend his throne." 
 
 In a review by Alexander Hamilton of the 
 political events of this year, he thus speaks of 
 Mr. Pinckney: "It was evidently of much con- 
 sequence to endeavor to have an eminent Federal- 
 ist Vice-President. Thomas Piackney of South 
 Carolina was selected for this purpose. This 
 gentleman, too little known in the North, had 
 been all his life distinguished in the South for the 
 mildness and amiableness of his manners, the rec- 
 titude and purity of his morals, and the soundness 
 and correctness of his understanding, accompanied 
 
154 POLITICAL. 
 
 by an habitual discretion and self-command which 
 has often occasioned a parallel to be drawn be- 
 tween him and the venerated Washington. In 
 addition to this recommendation he had, during a 
 critical period, been our minister at the court of 
 London, and recently envoy extraordinary to the 
 court of Spain; and in both these trusts, he had 
 acquitted himself to the satisfaction of all parties. 
 With the court of Spain he had effected a treaty 
 which removed all the thorny subjects of conten- 
 tion that had so long threatened the peace of the 
 two countries, and stipulated for the United States 
 on the southern frontier and on the Mississippi, 
 advantages of real magnitude and importance." 
 
 Mr. Adams so justified the apprehensions of his 
 friends that a similar effort to drop him was made 
 in the subsequent election of 1800. 
 
 John Adams and General C. C. Pinckney were 
 the Federal candidates. Alexander Hamilton ex- 
 erted himself to get rid of Mr. Adams, and to 
 place General Pinckney in the presidential chair. 
 Failing in this effort, he advised his friends to 
 withhold as many votes from Mr. Adams as would 
 insure to General Pinckney the first place on the 
 ticket. "It is known among us that the legisla- 
 ture of South Carolina virtually seconded Hamil- 
 ton's scheme. They proposed to cast their votes 
 for Jefferson and Pinckney, or for Pinckney and 
 Jefferson, in the conviction that it would secure 
 his election as President or Vice-President."-' 
 But General Pinckney 's rejection of both propo- 
 sitions as unjust to Mr. Adams, and inconsistent 
 
 ^ Garden's Eulogy on General C. C. Pinckney. 
 
NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 155 
 
 with his own sense of propriety, prevented the suc- 
 cess of the plan. His generosity, lofty as it was, 
 failed to sustain his colleague. Mr. Adams' un- 
 popularity not only ruined himself and his friends, 
 but buried his party beneath the political waves 
 for sixty years, if not forever. 
 
 "The canvass of 1801 was warm and animated, 
 and resulted in the election of Mr. Jefferson to 
 the presidency. In that decision South Carolina 
 acted a conspicuous part. She gave the deciding 
 vote, and never was a vote given under circum- 
 stances of greater self-denial. 
 
 "Among the rivals of Mr. Jefferson was the 
 most venerated of her own sons, — one in whose 
 talents, integrity, and wisdom was reposed such 
 high trust that party considerations were aban- 
 doned to give place to it. Of the two votes theta 
 required to be indiscrirainately given, one was 
 sacred to Jefferson, the other was tendered to 
 General Pinckney. Had he accepted it, he had 
 been President. But it pleased Him who directs 
 human events to his own purposes that it should 
 be otherwise ; and on the 4th March, 1801, Thomas 
 Jefferson entered on the presidency."-^ 
 
 Alexander Garden, in his Eulogy on General C. 
 C. Pinckney, 1825, says, "It is a fact well under- 
 stood that at the struggle of parties relative to the 
 nomination of President in 1800, General Pinck- 
 ney, by consenting to unite his name with that 
 of Mr. Jefferson, would have secured to himself 
 the unanimous vote of the electors of South Caro- 
 lina as Vice-President. But consistently with his 
 
 1 Judge Johnson's Eulogy on Thomas Jefferson, 1826, p. 22. 
 
156 POLITICAL. 
 
 decided principles, such association could not be 
 entered into with justice to Mr. Adams, and the 
 scheme of union was dropped." 
 
 Chancellor De Saussure (a member of the com- 
 mittee sent by the members of the legislature to 
 confer with General Pinckney) confirms Judge 
 Johnson's view. The committee asked his consent 
 to the plan of casting the vote of the State for 
 Jefferson and Pinckney, which would have se- 
 cured him the vice-presidency. In justice to Mr. 
 Adams, with whom his name had been associated 
 with his own consent. General Pinckney grate- 
 fully but firmly declined. At a second conference 
 the committee offered to place his name first, and 
 cast the vote of the State for Pinckney and Jeffer- 
 son. In the judgment of his friends, this arrange- 
 ment would in all probability have secured him 
 the presidency, certainly the vice-presidency. 
 
 This statement will be found in De Saussure's 
 Eulogy on General C. C. Pinckney. His objec- 
 tions to the proposed union of his name with Mr. 
 Jefferson's were more fully given to the writer by 
 Judge De Saussure. 
 
 After listening with his habitual courtesy to 
 the views of the committee. General Pinckney 
 replied that he must decline giving his consent to 
 their proposal. He had undoubtedly received votes 
 in the Eastern States because his name was asso- 
 ciated with that of Mr. Adams on the Federal 
 ticket. To accept the benefit of such union in 
 one part of the country, and then consent to the 
 combination of his name with Mr. Jefferson's, in 
 order to gain votes in the South, was a measure 
 
NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 167 
 
 to which he could not resort. It would be unjust 
 to Mr. Adams, and inconsistent with his own 
 sense of propriety. If he should ever be called 
 to fill either of the high offices suggested, it must 
 be, not from his own motion, but from the spon- 
 taneous suffrages of his fellow-citizens. 
 
 If his friends could vote for him as a Federalist, 
 he would gladly receive their support. But if 
 they could not, he advised them to be guided by 
 their political convictions. 
 
 A vote should express one's views of public pol- 
 icy, rather than personal consideration. However 
 grateful the appreciation of his friends might be, 
 — and he valued it as highly as he should the 
 presidency, — he must positively decline the pro- 
 posal. 
 
 Erom his refusal the scheme of union was 
 abandoned, and the vote of the State was cast for 
 Jefferson and Burr. 
 
 Mr. Adams, writing to General Gadsden in 
 relation to this matter, says: "I have been well 
 informed of the frank, candid, and honorable con- 
 duct of General Pinckney at your state election, 
 which was conformable to the whole tenor of his 
 actions through life, as far as they have come to 
 my knowledge." 
 
 Though Thomas Pinckney was selected as the 
 Federal candidate for Vice-President in 1796, and 
 his brother was the Federal candidate for Vice- 
 President or President at three successive elec- 
 tions, neither ever reached the high offices for 
 which they were nominated. The political cur- 
 rent of the age was already turning from the Fed- 
 
158 POLITICAL. 
 
 eral to the Democratic shores with a force which 
 soon swept all public powers and offices in that 
 direction, with few exceptions, for sixty years; 
 and the practical working of the Constitution for 
 that period strengthened the Democratic and de- 
 pressed the Federal party. 
 
 THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 
 The two Pinckneys were thus made involuntary 
 instruments in the effort to relieve the party of 
 the leadership of Mr. Adams. There was some 
 retributive justice in this political scheme. In a 
 letter to Tench Coxe, written some years before, 
 in 1792, Mr. Adams had given vent to some petty 
 jealousy of the two brothers. As this letter gave 
 occasion to Mr. Pinckney's political opponents to 
 question his integrity, we quote that part of it 
 which bears upon the subject before us. 
 
 ... I should have been happy to have seen 
 Mr. Pinckney before his departure, but more 
 from individual curiosity than from any opinion 
 that I could have given him any information of 
 importance to him. If he has the talent of search- 
 ing hearts, he will not long be at a loss; if he has 
 not, no information of mine can give it him. 
 
 The Duke of Leeds once inquired of me very 
 kindly after his classmates at Westminster school, 
 the two Mr. Pinckneys, which induces me to con- 
 clude that our new ambassador has many power- 
 ful old friends in England. Whether this is a 
 recommendation of him for the office or not, I 
 have other reasons to believe that his family have 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 159 
 
 had their eyes fixed on the embassy to St. James 
 for many years, even before I was sent there ; and 
 that they contributed to limit the duration of my 
 commission to three years, in order to make way 
 for themselves to succeed me. I wish they may 
 find as much honor and pleasure in it as they 
 expected, and that the public may derive from it 
 dignity and utility. But knowing as I do the 
 long intrigue, and suspecting as I do much Brit- 
 ish influence in the appointment, were I in any 
 executive department I should take the liberty to 
 keep a vigilant eye upon them. J. A. 
 
 This letter was apparently confidential, and not 
 intended for publication. But Coxe, being re- 
 moved from office by Mr. Adams, became a de- 
 cided enemy, and used the letter for electioneering 
 purposes. He made it known to the editor of a 
 bitter anti-Federal paper, who employed it effec- 
 tively just on the eve of the presidential election 
 of 1800, when John Adams and General C. C. 
 Pinckney were the candidates of the Federal 
 party. 
 
 On reading this communication Mr. Pinckney 
 addressed to Mr. Adams the following dignified 
 appeal : — 
 
 To HIS Excellency John Adams, President 
 OF the United States : — 
 
 Chableston, September 16, 1800. 
 SiK, — I have the honor of transmitting here- 
 with a "Charleston Gazette," containing a letter 
 copied from a newspaper of Baltimore to which 
 
160 POLITICAL. 
 
 your signature is subscribed. Conscious as I am 
 that I never either directly or indirectly, by my- 
 self or by my friends, have been concerned in any 
 British intrigue, or connected with British influ- 
 ence; knowing that my nomination to the Eng- 
 lish mission was not only unsolicited, but was 
 unknown to myself and my immediate friends, 
 until announced to me officially by Mr. Jefferson, 
 then Secretary of State ; believing as I do that no 
 improper influence preponderated in the mind of 
 the officer by whom I was nominated, I take the 
 liberty of making this appeal to your justice, 
 requesting, if the letter which has been published 
 as yours be a forgery, that an immediate and 
 explicit declaration of this fact may be promul- 
 gated; but if the contrary should be the case, I 
 equally rely upon your justice to explain how far 
 you consider my brother and myself to have been 
 justly obnoxious to the suspicions which you ap- 
 pear to have entertained at the time the letter was . 
 written, together with the basis of such suspicion. 
 While a due regard to our best property, reputa- 
 tion, impels me to urge this claim on your justice, 
 I entreat you, sir, to consider me not intention- 
 ally deviating from a due respect for your private 
 virtues, or derogating from the consideration to 
 which in your official capacity you are justly 
 entitled. 
 
 T have the honor to be, sir, your respectful and 
 obedient servant, 
 
 Thomas Pincknet. 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 161 
 
 To the publishers of the " Charleston Gazette " 
 he also addressed the following open letter : — 
 
 MoTTLTRiEviiiLE, September 15, 1800. 
 
 Messes. Fkeneau and Paine, Charleston, S. C. 
 
 A letter copied from a newspaper of Balti- 
 more having been inserted in your "Gazette" of 
 Saturday last, signed John Adams, and purport- 
 ing from its contents to have been written to Mr. 
 Tench Coxe of Philadelphia, in the year 1792, 
 wherein are contained some comments on my ap- 
 pointment as minister plenipotentiary to. the court 
 of Great Britain, I think it right at present only 
 to state that this letter either is a forgery calcu- 
 lated for electioneering purposes, or if genuine 
 must have been founded upon a misapprehension 
 of persons. This last suggestion I infer from 
 facts alluded to in the letter, and from the subse- 
 quent nomination of my brother, General Pinck- 
 ney, to two highly confidential offices by its sup- 
 posed writer. 
 
 To my fellow- citizens of South Carolina who 
 have so often honored me by testimonies of their 
 confidence, I should deem it unnecessary to urge 
 a syllable of justification from such charges as are 
 implicated in this production, however authenti- 
 cated ; but as it appears from the time of its pub- 
 lication to be calculated for more extensive influ- 
 ence, I have deemed it of importance publicly to 
 state what is above, that those persons who may 
 be unacquainted with the characters concerned 
 may be guarded against giving credit, either to 
 the authenticity or justice of this perform9,nce, 
 
162 POLITICAL. 
 
 until the event of an investigation, which I will 
 immediately commence, shall be made puhlic. 
 
 Thomas Pincknet. 
 
 "Peter Porcupine," ^ the public censor of polit- 
 ical morals in America, thus revels in the corre- 
 spondence : — 
 
 " This letter must have been written, one would 
 think, in a fit of insanity. How could a man like 
 Thomas Pinckney be so very foolish as to write 
 and publish a letter like this ! He hnew that the 
 letter was not a forgery ; he knew that it was au- 
 thentic; he knew that its authenticity had been 
 acknowledged by Mr. Adams in his presence, and 
 he further knew that all these facts were well 
 known to Jefferson and Duane. No sooner, there- 
 fore, did this letter of Thomas Pinckney reach 
 Philadelphia, than Duane published a narrative 
 of the explanation and agreement that took place 
 between Messrs. Pinckney and Adams last win- 
 ter. This involved Pinckney in fresh difficulties. 
 The authenticity of the letter was now proved; 
 and Thomas Pinckney was compelled to call on 
 Adams for a recantation, or submit to the charge 
 of having been the willing tool of a foreign court. 
 He, as might well be expected, chose the former. 
 He wrote to Adams, whom, it appears, he not 
 only required to recant, but also to publish his 
 recantation, which the latter actually did in the 
 following letter, which we have taken from the 
 ' New York Gazette ' of the 29th of October last: " 
 
 1 His real name was WiUiam Gobbet, the able pamphleteer, 
 then living in Philadelphia. 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 163 
 
 PmLADEUPmA, October 27, 1800. 
 
 Deae Sir, — It was only on yesterday that I 
 received the letter you did me the honor to write 
 me, on the 16th of September. For the friendly 
 and respectful style in which it was written, I 
 pray you to accept of my hearty thanks, and you 
 shall receive in my answer all the satisfaction in 
 my power to give you. 
 
 Of the letter which is published in my name, I 
 have no copy nor any particular recollection. In 
 general, I remember that when Mr. Coxe was 
 assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury he was 
 very assiduous in his attentions to me, made me 
 many visits at my own house, and many invitations 
 to his own, when I was at the seat of government, 
 and wrote me many letters when I was absent 
 from it. I also have an indistinct idea of his 
 writing me a letter before your embarkation for 
 Europe, expressing a great anxiety that an inter- 
 view should take place between you and me before 
 you should depart, and an opinion that it would 
 be in my power to communicate some useful iafor- 
 matioQ and advice, relative to the subject of your 
 mission. As I knew of nothing that could make 
 it necessary for you to take a journey to Quincy, 
 or for me to go to Philadelphia, it is probable that 
 I wrote him something like the letter that is pub- 
 lished. This, however, has been manifestly either 
 so carelessly copied or so unfaithfully printed 
 that I must refer to the original letter, which, if 
 it is in my handwriting, may be easily known. 
 
 It may not be easy for me to give you a clear 
 idea of the situation I was in when that letter was 
 
164 POLITICAL. 
 
 written. In order to accomplisli this necessary- 
 purpose as well as I can, it must be observed, that 
 in May, 1792, it was my misfortune to he wholly 
 unacquainted with all the gentlemen whohear the 
 name of Pinckney ; I had never seen one of them 
 in my life, as I can recollect, and knew not that 
 there were more than two. When I heard of 
 your appointment, I recollected the conversation 
 with the Marquis of Carmarthen, now Duke of 
 Leeds, and imagined it probable that his Lord- 
 ship might have intimated directly or indirectly, 
 to some one near the President, that one of the 
 Mr. Pinckneys would be agreeable at court. I 
 never had an idea of any other influence than that 
 which is very common in Europe, when one govern- 
 mcfit causes intimations to be given to another 
 that the appointment of some particular gentleman 
 would be agreeable. . And I now fully believe that 
 my suspicion of even that kind of influence was 
 wholly unfounded in reality, though it had then 
 some color in appearance. The other insinuation 
 concerning the Piackney family had no other 
 foundation than this : When I received my com- 
 mission to the court of St. James, I observed 
 in it a limitation to three years. As I did not 
 recollect any example of this before, I was at a 
 loss for the reason of it ; but as I did not intend 
 at that time to remain in Europe even so long a 
 time as three years, I thought very little of it, 
 until afterwards, on my arrival in London in 
 1785, I received information without inquiry that 
 Mr. Pinckney, a member of Congress from South 
 Carolina, had said that, — 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 165 
 
 "The limitation to three years had been in- 
 serted in my commission for the purpose of get- 
 ting rid of me ; that the mission to London was 
 too good a thing for me ; and that the intention 
 was, as soon as I could be removed, to send a 
 Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina in my room." 
 When I heard of Mr. Pinckney 's appointment, 
 this London information came into my mind and 
 diverted me, because I supposed Mr. . Pinckney, 
 after eight years, had carried his point, and occa- 
 sioned the sentiments expressed in the letter, 
 which, from the sportive, playful, and careless air 
 of it throughout, must be easily perceived to have 
 been confidential. It may be easily ascertained 
 who was the Mr. Pinckney who was a member of 
 Congress in 1784 or 1785, when my commission 
 was granted and dated, and when the limitation 
 to three years was inserted. 
 
 On this occasion it is but justice and duty in 
 me to declare that I have not at this time the 
 smallest reason to believe or suspect that you or 
 your brother ever solicited any appointment under 
 the government, abroad or at home, and that 
 the whole conduct of both, as far as it has come 
 to my knowledge (and I have had considerable 
 opportunities to know the conduct of both since 
 1792), has shown minds candid, able, and indepen- 
 dent, wholly free from any kind of influence from 
 Britain, and from any improper bias in favor of 
 that country or any other; and that both have 
 rendered with honor and dignity to themselves 
 great and important services to our country. 
 And I will add in the sincerity of my heart that 
 
166 POLITICAL. 
 
 I know of no two gentlemen whose characters and 
 conduct are more deserving of confidence. 
 
 I can conclude with observing that we are fallen 
 on evil times, on evil times indeed are we fallen, 
 if every conversation is immediately to be be- 
 trayed and misrepresented in newspapers, and if 
 every frivolous and confidential letter is to be 
 dragged by the hand of treachery from its obliv- 
 ion of eight years, and published by malice and 
 revenge' for the purpose of making mischief. 
 
 I am, sir, with great truth and regard, 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 John Adams. 
 
 To the Hon. Thomas Pincknet, Esq., 
 Charleston, South Carolina. 
 
 As your letter has been so long on the way to 
 me, I shall publish this answer immediately, which 
 I hope you will excuse. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton's comment wiU express the 
 feeling of most of his countrymen on this unfor- 
 tunate letter. He says, "It is impossible to speak 
 of this transaction in terms suitable to its nature, 
 without losing sight of the fact that Mr. Adams 
 is now President of the United States." 
 
 But our purpose is not to cast stones at Mr. 
 Adams, but to defend Thomas Pinckney against 
 the insinuations of Peter Porcupine, who con- 
 denses and repeats the assaults of the "Aurora," 
 charging Mr. Pinckney with duplicity for elec- 
 tioneering purposes. 
 
 "How could a man like Thomas Pinckney be 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 167 
 
 so very foolish as to write sueli a letter as this ? " 
 he asks. 
 
 Because Mr..Pinekiiey knew that he was speak- 
 ing the truth, and he had sufficient confidence in 
 the truth to know that it could defend itself, and 
 sustain those who trusted in it. 
 
 If he did not speak the truth, his letter was a 
 foolish one, as it put a dangerous weapon into the 
 hands of Mr. Adams; for by acknowledging its 
 authenticity, and charging Mr. Pinckney with 
 knowledge of its contents, he could have convicted 
 him of such dishonesty as to compel him to share 
 the odium of the transaction. 
 
 The imaginary interview between the two Pinck- 
 neys and Mr. Adams must have originated in the 
 fertile brain of the editor of the "Aurora." It is 
 quite inconsistent with the direct statements of 
 all parties concerned, and with the dates of the 
 correspondence, for on the day following that on 
 which Mr. Pinckney had addressed the letter to 
 the Charleston paper, he wrote to Mr. Adams, 
 not "after his open letter reached Philadelphia," 
 not in consequence of what Duane, or any other 
 man, had said or done, but ia the interest of 
 truth, he wrote to the President. 
 
 If any such interview ever occurred, it was 
 probably to inquire into rumors which might easily 
 obtain circulation respecting some charge of Mr. 
 Adams upon the two Pinckneys. 
 
 If Thomas Pinckney possessed truth, honesty, 
 or courage, and he was never suspected of lacking 
 either, he had never seen the letter imtil he read 
 it in the "Charleston Gazette." 
 
168 POLITICAL. 
 
 The editor of tte "Aurora" asserts that he had 
 three copies made while the unpublished letter was 
 still in his possession. 
 
 "The editor having when in England experi- 
 enced attention from Mr. Thomas Pinckney, he 
 conceived it to be an act of justice to make him 
 acquainted with the contents of the letter. He 
 accordingly prepared three copies thereof, one of 
 which he delivered to Mr. Charles Pinckney (the 
 cousin), accompanied with the wish that he would 
 show it to Mr. Pinckney. The second copy was 
 given to another member of the Senate; and the 
 third was inclosed in a blank cover and sent to 
 Mr. Pinckney's lodgings." 
 
 It is evident that this last copy was not seen by 
 Thomas Pinckney, nor did he see the copy in- 
 trusted to Charles Pinckney until after the publi- 
 cation of this correspondence, and upon his request 
 for an explanation from Charles Pinckney.-' 
 
 Meeting Street, Noveinljer 10, 1800. 
 Deak Sik, — In compliance with your request 
 I am to inform you that soon after my arrival in 
 Philadelphia, hearing of Mr. Adams' letter, and 
 that he alluded to me in it, I applied to Duane to 
 get me a copy of it, which he did; and upon my 
 asking him after reading it whether I might show 
 
 ^ The antipathy of the Federalists to the Aurora was such 
 that many forbade its admission into their houses. " That rascal 
 Freneau sent his paper to him every day "with the insolent design 
 of insulting him," — so Washington said — or rather, is reported 
 by Jefferson to haye said. If Thomas Pinckjiey shared the same 
 feeling, that may suggest a reason "why anything coming from the 
 editor of the Aurora failed to reach him. 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 169 
 
 it to you, he replied '*Yes, that he wished I 
 would," or words to that effect. But upon reflec- 
 tion afterward, I thought, as you had been in Phil- 
 adelphia for two years before, it was more than 
 probable you must have seen the letter long before 
 I did, and that as the subject was not an agreeable 
 one, you would consider it as rather officious in 
 me, or dislike its being mentioned. Therefore 
 from motives of delicacy I did not show it to you. 
 This is the state of the facts as clearly as I can 
 recollect. 
 
 I am with regard and affectionate respect, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Charles Pincknet. 
 
 To the HonoraUe Majob Pincknet. 
 
 There is another point in this correspondence 
 which needs explanation in order to correct the 
 singular misapprehension of Mr. Adams. He at- 
 tributes the limitation of his mission to England 
 to an intrigue of the Piackneys to secure that 
 honor for themselves. He says, in his letter to 
 Tench Coxe, "I have reasons to believe that his 
 family have had their eyes fixed upon the embassy 
 to St. James for many years, even before I was 
 sent there ; and that they contributed to limit the 
 duration of my commission to three years, in order 
 to make way for themselves to succeed me." This 
 intrigue, Alexander Hamilton remarks, was a long- 
 sighted calculation in a government like ours. 
 The transaction may be explained in his words: 
 "The resolution of Congress by which Mr. Adams' 
 commission was limited was a general one, apply- 
 
170 POLITICAL. 
 
 ing to the commissions of all ministers to foreign 
 courts. When it was proposed and adopted, it is 
 certain that neither of the two Pinckneys was a 
 member of Congress ; it is believed that they were 
 both in Charleston, more than eight hundred miles 
 from the seat of government. But they had, it 
 seems, a cousin, Mr. Charles Pinckney, who was 
 in Congress, and this cousin it was who supported 
 the restrictive resolution which was seconded by 
 Mr. Howell, a member from Rhode Island, the 
 very person who nominated Mr. Adams as minis- 
 ter to Great Britain, and was voted for by the 
 four Eastern States, with New York, New Jersey, 
 Maryland, and South Carolina. To make this 
 out to be a machination of the two Pinckneys. 
 many things must be affirmed: first, that their 
 cousin Charles Pinckney was always subservient 
 to their views (though entirely opposed to them 
 in politics); second, that this cunning wight has 
 been able to draw the four Eastern States into his 
 plot, as well as New York, New Jersey, Maryland, 
 and South Carolina; third, that the Pinckneys 
 could foresee at a distance of three years a state 
 of things which would enable them to reap the 
 fruit of their contrivance." 
 
 "It is peculiarly unlucky for Mr. Adams in 
 this affair that he was known to have desired at 
 the time the appointment which was given to Mr. 
 Pinckney. The President declined the measure, 
 thinking that it was compatible neither with the 
 spirit of the Constitution, nor with the dignity of 
 the government, to designate the Vice-President 
 for such a station." 
 
THE TENCH COKE LETTER. 171 
 
 "Mr. Adams' capacity for misapprehending 
 harmless things is also illustrated in his letter to 
 Tench Coxe. A polite inquiry addressed by a 
 British nobleman as to the health of his former 
 classmate at Westminster is distorted into a mat- 
 ter of political intrigue and British influence. 
 ' This contaminating communication with the 
 Duke of Leeds,' required, in Mr. Adams' judg- 
 ment, that a strict eye be kept upon the Piack- 
 neys lest their subserviency to British influence 
 should warp them from allegiance to their coun- 
 try." 
 
 As the charge of duplicity was never before, 
 nor ever after, laid at Mr. Pinekney's door, I 
 have devoted more space to this matter than other- 
 wise it deserved. Nevertheless, we must append 
 a letter of Washington, expressing his astonish- 
 ment at the insinuations against himself, as well 
 as against Mr. Pinekney. It was written, as the 
 date shows, near the end of his life. 
 
 Frivate. 
 
 To James McHeney, Seceetaey of War. 
 
 Mt. Vebnon, November 17, 1799. 
 
 Mt deae Sie, — Your confidential and inter- 
 esting letter of the 10th inst. came didy and safely 
 to hand; with the contents of which I have been 
 stricken dumb; and I believe it is better that I 
 should remain mute, than express any sentiment 
 on the important matters which are related therein. 
 
 I have for some time past viewed the political 
 concerns of the United States with an anxious and 
 
172 POLITICAL. 
 
 painful eye. They appear to me to be moving 
 by hasty strides to a crisis; but in what it will 
 result, that Being who sees, foresees, and directs 
 all things alone can tell. 
 
 The charge of British influence in the appoint- 
 ment of Major Pinckney to be minister at the 
 court of London is a perfect enigma. My curios- 
 ity leads me" to inquire on what ground it is built, 
 and you would oblige me by giving an explana- 
 tion. Was it the measure or the man that gave 
 rise to this insinuation? 
 
 The first it cannot be, because ah exchange of 
 ministers had long been invited, and sought after, 
 and the tardiness of Great Britain in not meeting 
 the advances of the United States in this respect 
 was considered and complained of as an indignity. 
 Could it be the man ? Could he who had fought 
 against that country, and bled in defence of his 
 own in the conflict, a man of acknowledged abili- 
 ties and irreproachable character, be suspected of 
 undue influence? If neither, I ask again on what 
 is the accusation founded? 
 
 The whole is a mystery to me. Merely to sat- 
 isfy my curiosity I wish to have it unriddled, and 
 not because I shall think myself bound to answei* 
 any interrogatories which may be dictated by in- 
 sidious impertinence. With the greatest esteem, 
 
 I am, etc., etc. 
 
 Bancroft's sketch of John Adams ^ wUl appro- 
 priately close this subject. 
 
 "His overweening self-esteem was his chief 
 1 Vol. viii. p. 309. 
 
THE TENCH COXE LETTER. 173 
 
 blemish. . . . He was capable of thinking him- 
 self the centre of any circle, of which he had been 
 only the tangent. His vanity was in such excess 
 that in manhood it sometimes confused his judg- 
 ment, and in age bewildered his memory. But the 
 stain did not reach beyond the surface; it im- 
 paired the lustre, not the integrity of his charac- 
 ter. He could not look with complacency on 
 those who excelled him, and regarded another's 
 bearing away the palm as a wrong to himself; he 
 never sat placidly under the shade of a greater 
 reputation than his own, and could try to jostle 
 aside the presumptuous possessor of recognized 
 superiority. . . . He loved homage, and it made 
 him blind; to those who flattered him he gave his 
 confidence freely and often unwisely, and while 
 he watched the general movement of affairs with 
 comprehensive sagacity, he was never a calm ob- 
 server of individual men. He was of choleric 
 temperament, and could break out into uncontrol- 
 lable rage, and with all his acquisitions, never 
 learned to rule his own spirit; but his anger did 
 not so much drive him to do wrong, as to do 
 right ungraciously." 
 
 ■ So Bancroft paints him after the lapse of a 
 century, when the calm light of history had rested 
 on his stalwart figure. Brave, patriotic, and im- 
 pulsive, he looms up grandly in the Kevolutionary 
 era. But as peace prevailed in the land, his 
 prestige gradually declined. "If I have one tal- 
 ent," said John Adams of himself, "it is for mak- 
 ing war." We can pardon many of his faults for 
 this honest and manly estimate of his own powers. 
 
174 POLITICAL. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL. 
 
 Though earnestly wishing to devote himself to 
 domestic duties, Mr. Pinckney was called upon 
 by his fellow-citizens to represent them in Con- 
 gress. A vacancy had just occurred by the ap- 
 pointment of Mr. "William Smith, the represen- 
 tative from Charleston, as minister to Lisbon. 
 Thomas Pinckney was nominated and elected 
 without opposition to fill the post. Instead, there- 
 fore, of presiding in the Senate, as his friends 
 had hoped, he became a member of the House of 
 Representatives, and took his seat on the 23d 
 of November, 1797, in the second session of the 
 Eifth Congress. 
 
 He gave his support as a Federalist to Mr. 
 Adams' administration. Like so many Eevolu- 
 tionary patriots who had known the misery of a 
 feeble rule, he shared with Washington the appre- 
 hension that the government as then constituted 
 would prove too feeble, rather than too strong. 
 He therefore sought to strengthen the central 
 authority, not as antagonistic to, but in harmony 
 with, the sovereign rights of the States. As a 
 firm supporter of the Constitution, and a consist- 
 ent Federalist, he had signed this declaration of 
 rights, set forth by the same convention of the 
 State of South Carolina which had, with tumul- 
 tuous approval, just adopted the Federal Consti- 
 tution. 
 
 This convention doth declare that no section 
 or paragraph of the said Constitution warrants a 
 
CONGRESSIONAL. 175 
 
 construction that the States do not retain every 
 power, not expressly relinquished by them, and 
 vested in the general government of the Union. 
 
 Thomas Pinckney, 
 President of the Convention. 
 
 One of the first measures in which he took an 
 active part related to the claims of Kosciusko. 
 Mr. Pinckney had had the pleasure, during his 
 English embassy, of forwarding to that illustrious 
 fellow-soldier part of the funds voted him by the 
 government. There was a balance of 112,000 
 still due, and Mr. Pinckney exerted himself suc- 
 cessfully to get a bill through the House, and 
 through a committee of conference with the Sen- 
 ate, to secure the prompt payment of the debt, — a 
 debt of honor, as he regarded it, to the patriot 
 soldier, apparently still a homeless wanderer in 
 Europe. 
 
 The aggressions of France became more offen- 
 sive during Mr. Pinckney's congressional term. 
 He constantly voted with those who would boldly 
 maintain the rights of our country. It must have 
 been a new sensation to Thomas Pinckney to 
 maintain against Prance that defensive attitude 
 which he had been so long compelled to assume 
 against the arrogance of England. 
 
 The question of the reception of parting pres- 
 ents by our ministers was settled by the action of 
 Mr. Pinckney soon after he took his seat in Con- 
 gress. As he was the first ambassador to Eng- 
 land under the Constitution, he had no precedent 
 to guide him in the matter. The following letter 
 
176 POLITICAL. 
 
 was addressed by him to the speaker and laid 
 before the House : — 
 
 "The speaker said he had received a letter this 
 morning, signed Thomas Pinckney, which he de- 
 sired to lay before the House. It was accordingly 
 read. It stated that when he (Mr. Pinckney) had 
 concluded the late treaty with the Spanish govern- 
 ment, the Spanish minister, the Prince of Peace, 
 informed him that the presents usually given in 
 such cases would be prepared for him; and that 
 also when he took leave of the British court, the 
 like information was given to him by the minister 
 there. To both of which he replied that the Con- 
 stitution of the United States forbade its ministers 
 from receiving any presents from any foreign 
 prince or state, without the consent of Congress ; 
 that in due time he would ask that consent, and 
 act accordingly. This letter asks for the determi- 
 nation of Congress. 
 
 "On motion of Mr. Eutledge referred to a spe- 
 cial committee." 
 
 There was much discussion of the subject, as the 
 decision of the case would establish a precedent 
 for future ambassadors. Some recalled the fact 
 that Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Lau- 
 rens had received the customary presents on their 
 departure from the courts in which they had been 
 employed. One member thought that Mr. Pinck- 
 ney might decide the question without consulting 
 Congress, as he was not now an officer of the gov- 
 ernment, and the restrictions of the Constitution 
 did not apply to him; that he had the right to 
 do so, "though the exercise of the right might not 
 consist with the delicacy of his character." 
 
CONGRESSIONAL. 1.77 
 
 Others thought the practice objectionable. That 
 if we permitted our ambassadors to receive pres- 
 ents, it would entail upon us the obligation of 
 reciprocating to the representatives of foreign 
 courts. The expense of providing a gold snufE- 
 box, or some decorative jewel for every ambassa- 
 dor, offended the sentiments of the retrenching 
 party. And though the Senate gave permission 
 for their reception, the House refused. But it 
 was expressly declared to be solely from motives 
 of general policy, and not from any views personal 
 to Mr. Pinckney. 
 
 Thus the refusal of presents from foreign pow- 
 ers became the settled policy of the Republic, — 
 the safer conclusion for the public service. 
 
 Another question which arose during his second 
 term was that of volunteer ambassadors. Dr. 
 Logan, a Quaker of Philadelphia, was so excited 
 by the preparations for war against France that 
 he undertook in his private capacity to arrest it. 
 After Mr. Gerry (who had unwisely remained 
 after his colleagues had left France) had at length 
 returned, the acknowledged dupe of Talleyrand, 
 Mr. Adams declared that he would send no other 
 ambassador. Dr. Logan immediately went to 
 Paris to confer with the Directory. He assured 
 them that there was a strong counter-current in 
 America against war with France, and requested 
 them to await further developments. The danger 
 of permitting private persons to represent the 
 views of a nation, led Congress to legislate on the 
 subject in order to discourage unauthorized agents 
 from assuming the role of public ambassadors. 
 
178 POLITICAL. 
 
 One historian of tHe period says of this question, 
 "Thomas Pinekney, with his experience of the 
 English and Spanish missions under Washington's 
 administration, gave the weight of his high stand- 
 ing for wisdom and moderation, in a speech in 
 favor of the measure." 
 
 The following extracts from some of his letters 
 will throw light upon the service of memhers of 
 Congress at that period : — 
 
 Halifax, November 6, 1797. 
 
 I have not a word of intelligence to convey to 
 you, my dear Harriott; but Fanny and I are both 
 so full of gratitude to you for the loan of your oil- 
 skin lined with baize, that we cannot lie down 
 upon it, as we are now about to do, without offer- 
 ing you our best thanks for it. You have trav- 
 elled the road we have just passed through, and 
 can appreciate the comfort it affords. 
 
 We have just received a visit from General 
 Davie ; he is a sensible, agreeable man and an old 
 feUow-soldier. I wish we had met him before we 
 came to this tavern and that his wife had not 
 been occupied with a sick child, as I think we 
 should not have been in such a dirty place. But 
 clean or dirty we must sleep, so with our united 
 love to your household, I remain, 
 
 Your truly affectionate brother, 
 
 Thomas Pincknet. 
 
 This letter is dated Halifax, November 6, 
 1797. As Halifax was four or five days' journey 
 from Charleston by the old route, he must have 
 
CONGRESSIONAL. 179 
 
 left home on the 1st or 2d of November. He 
 took his seat on the 23d of that month, so that at 
 that day it required twenty -two days for a gentle- 
 man in his carriage to reach Philadelphia. 
 
 Our Kepresentatives to-day could go to New 
 York, sail for England, spend a week in London, 
 and return to Philadelphia in the time Mr. Pinck- 
 ney took to go by land, besides avoiding the dirty 
 taverns on the way. 
 
 The next letter, dated January 17, 1798, de- 
 scribes his life in Philadelphia. 
 
 "Here we are, my dear sister, as when I wrote 
 last. We had no inconvenience on our journey 
 but the bad fare which we expected, and a little 
 cold weather which overtook us at Mount Vernon, 
 and accompanied us to this city. You are ac- 
 quainted with the routine of Philadelphia board- 
 ing-houses. Mr. Rutledge and family. General 
 Green, Mr. Hunter of South Carolina, and a 
 widow lady with a piercing eye, constitute our 
 household. 
 
 "The scene is diversified to me with attendance 
 on Congress and committees in the morning, and 
 occasionally with plays and assemblies, public and 
 private, in the evening; besides which we dine out 
 very often. But we have no proper means of 
 returning these invitations, which renders them 
 less agreeable than they would otherwise be. 
 
 "We have not received a line, public or private, 
 from my brother or either of the other commis- 
 sioners. The expectations of all of us are on the 
 rack, and the fears of some not a little excited; 
 and meanwhile in Congress we do nothing." 
 
180 POLITICAL. 
 
 The following letter shows that our present le- 
 gislators have greatly the advantage over their 
 predecessors in one respect. The spacious halls 
 of Congress now admit of perfect ventilation, 
 although some members may still seem liable to 
 attacks of giddiness. 
 
 Philadelphia, March 4, 1798. 
 ... I had retired for a few days to Kingston, 
 a village within three miles of Princeton in Jer- 
 sey, with the hope of recovering my shattered 
 health, when your favor of the 4th of February 
 reached me. The disorder with which I have 
 been affected was such, as you will say, ought not 
 to have prevailed in a person of my age, namely, 
 a giddiness or vertigo in the head. I believe it 
 proceeded from want of exercise and close attend- 
 ance in the haU of Congress, — a room without 
 ventilators, more than sufficiently heated by fire, 
 to which is superg,dded the oppressive atmosphere 
 contaminated by the breathing and perspiration 
 of a crowded audience. But whatever was the 
 cause, the effect was, as I mentioned above, a gid- 
 diness, which, coming on gradually, increased to 
 such a degree as to deprive me of sight and the 
 power of walking. I endured a variety of these 
 attacks, and what was worse, the remedies to re- 
 move them, so that I was reduced lower than I 
 have been since my broken leg; in short, I made 
 my will in haste, and ran out of Philadelphia as 
 fast as I could, and I thank God that the change 
 of air and scene has so far restored me that I 
 have had no return of my complaint for the last 
 
CONGRESSIONAL. 181 
 
 eight days; writing during this period was both 
 painful and dangerous, or I would have informed 
 you sooner of my situation. 
 
 I am sorry to hear of the ill success of the 
 planting of Tippicutlaw and Charleywood, espe- 
 cially as from the letters I now inclose to you 
 from my brother, it appears that he expects to 
 return to Carolina in the spring of the present 
 year. 
 
 I have placed Tom [his eldest son] much to my 
 satisfaction at Princeton. I had a letter from him 
 yesterday ; he is well and seems very much pleased 
 with his situation. 
 
 Your truly affectionate brother, 
 
 Thomas Pinckney. 
 
 His second term in Congress expired on the 4th 
 of March, 1801, when he retired from public ser- 
 vice, to which he had devoted seven of the best 
 years of his life. Pour he had spent in the Eng- 
 lish and the Spanish missions, and three were 
 passed in the halls of Congress. 
 
 "It is little known, but worthy to be recorded, 
 that during our negotiation with France in 1798, 
 when the despatches of our envoys, Generals ' 
 Pinckney and Marshall and Mr. E. Gerry, reached 
 the United States, detailing the hostility of the 
 Directory and the humiliating proposition of tri- 
 bute. President Adams, apprehending that their 
 immediate publication might occasion further in- 
 dignities to be offered to those gentlemen, still 
 remaining in Paris, wished to withhold them for a 
 time from public view. 
 
182 POLITICAL. 
 
 "When Major Pinckney was consulted, lie 
 gave a decided opinion that they ought immedi- 
 ately to be made public, that the people might 
 obtain a perfect knowledge of the insulting con- 
 duct of the French Directory. 'And, sir,' he 
 feelingly added, ' if the situation of my brother 
 causes you to hesitate, I speak for him as I know 
 he would for me, were I similarly circumstanced. 
 The glory of our country is at stake; individual 
 sufferings must not be regarded; be the event 
 what it may, life is nothing compared with the 
 honor of America.' " ^ 
 
 1 Garden's Eulogy of General C. C. Pinckney, p. 23. 
 
THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL COMMANDING SOUTHERN DIVI- 
 SION OF THE UNITED STATES. 1812-1815. 
 
 After the close of his term in Congress, Mr. 
 Pinckney abandoned public life, for which he had 
 little taste. His love of agriculture was very- 
 strong. His estates were large and valuable, and 
 he determined to devote himself to their cultiva- 
 tion. For twelve years he led the life of a Caro- 
 lina planter, and hoped to spend the residue of 
 his days in that congenial employment. 
 
 But the time for retireiiient from public duties 
 had not yet come. The war of 1812 broke up all 
 his plans, and his country's caU compelled him 
 again to take the field. 
 
 The old causes of complaint against Great Brit- 
 ain, for which Mr. Pinckney had in vain sought 
 redress fifteen years before, were still in exist- 
 ence. The outrages upon our commerce and upon 
 our seamen continued still unredressed, and Con- 
 gress, under the lead of Clay, Calhoun, Lowndes, 
 and Felix Grundy, declared war against our 
 former enemy. Mr. Dallas has given an elabor- 
 ate statement of the causes which led to this 
 second war of independence, a summary of which 
 we here insert, sometimes giving substance rather 
 than language : — 
 
 "These causes embraced habitual violation of 
 
184 THE WAR OF 181S. 
 
 our neutral rights ; the seizure of American ships 
 upon the high seas, and the confiscation of their 
 cargoes upon frivolous pretexts ; the impressment 
 of American seamen into the British navy; and 
 the injury to our commerce by the paper block- 
 ades, established by her, as a means of harassing 
 her formidable foe, the French emperor, — that 
 Great Britain, in fact, had never treated with re- 
 spect the rights of the United States as an inde- 
 pendent nation, from the close of the Eevolution 
 to the present time. 
 
 "The treaty of 1783 between the two nations 
 had never been faithfully executed; the Ameri- 
 can posts upon the northern frontier had been 
 forcibly retained by Great Britain, in violation 
 of the stipulations of that treaty; and, slight- 
 ing every overture to place the diplomatic and 
 commercial relations of the two countries upon a 
 fair and friendly foundation, she seemed to con- 
 template the success of the American Eevolution 
 with unextinguishable animosity. Her voice had 
 been heard from Quebec to Montreal instigating 
 the savages to war. Her invisible arm was felt- 
 in the defeat of General Harmer and of General 
 St. Clair ; and even the victory of General Wayne 
 was achieved in the presence of a fort which she 
 had erected, far within the territorial boundaries 
 of the United States, to stimulate and countenance 
 the barbarities of the Indian warrior. 
 
 "Yet the American government, not yielding 
 to popular resentment, had solemnly announced, 
 abroad and at home, her policy of neutrality be- 
 tween Great Britain and France, in spite of our 
 
MAJOR-GENERAL. 185 
 
 sympathy with and obligations to the latter na- 
 tion. 
 
 " But the injuries of which we complained upon 
 the land were very small in comparison with those 
 which Great Britain inflicted upon us on the sea, 
 which element her powerful navy dominated so 
 arrogantly. 
 
 "The war upon our commerce under the British 
 orders in council of 1793 had, with the short re- 
 spite of the treaty of Amiens in 1802, heen con- 
 tinuous. The commerce of the United States 
 continued to be the prey of British cruisers and 
 privateers, under the adjudicating patronage of 
 the British tribunals. The merchant vessels of 
 the United States were arrested on the high seas, 
 while in prosecution of distant voyages ; numbers 
 of their crews were impressed into the naval ser- 
 vice of Great Britain ; the commercial adventures 
 of their owners were often, consequently, defeated ; 
 and the loss of property, the embarrassments of 
 trade and navigation, and the scenes of domes- 
 tic affliction became intolerable. This grievance 
 (which constitutes an important surviving cause of 
 the American declaration of war) was early and 
 incessantly urged upon the attention of the Brit- 
 ish government. They were told even in the year 
 1792 of the irritation that it had excited, and of 
 the difficulty of avoiding to make immediate re- 
 prisals upon the seamen in the United States. It 
 was clearly presented to the British ministry that 
 the grievance, if unredressed, would lead to war; 
 and unless they would come to some accommoda- 
 tion which might insure American seamen against 
 
186 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 this oppression, measures would be taken to make 
 the inconvenience to be equally felt on both sides. 
 They were told that the subject was of greater 
 importance than they supposed. Instead of a 
 few, and those equivocal cases, the American min- 
 ister at the court of London had in nine months 
 (part of the years 1796 and 1797) made applica- 
 tion for the discharge of two hundred and seventy 
 seamen who had in most cases exhibited such evi- 
 dence as to satisfy him that they were Americans, 
 forced into the British service, and persevering 
 generally in refusing pay and bounty. In spite 
 of the efforts of our government, time seemed to 
 render it more difficult to ascertain and fix the 
 standard of British rights, according to their suc- 
 cessive claims. These claims, extending with sin- 
 gular elasticity, were soon found to include the 
 right to enter American vessels on the high seas, 
 in order to search for and seize aU British seamen. 
 They next embraced the case of every British sub- 
 ject; and finally in their practical enforcement 
 they were extended to every mariner who had no 
 proof, upon the spot, that he was a citizen of the 
 United States. While the American government 
 freely admitted the rights of the belligerents with 
 reference to articles contraband of war, and to 
 deserters from their own navy, it denied the abuse 
 of those rights by the practice of the English with 
 reference to American citizens. The injustice of 
 the British claim and the cruelty of the British 
 practice have tested for a series of years the 
 pride and patience of the American government. 
 But Great Britain has seen in the expressions of 
 
MAJOR-GENERAL. 187 
 
 the leaders of the American goYernment the con- 
 sequent injuries to her maritime policy. She 
 perceives, perhaps, the loss of the American nur- 
 sery for her seamen, while she is at peace; the 
 loss of the service of the American crews, while 
 she is at war; and the loss of many of those op- 
 portunities which have impelled her to enrich her 
 navy by the spoils of American commerce, with- 
 out exposing her own commerce to the risk of 
 retaliation and of reprisals. The treaty of 
 Amiens which seemed to terminate the war in 
 Europe, seemed also to terminate the sufferings 
 of America. But the hope of repose was delu- 
 sive and transient. The hostilities which were 
 renewed between Great Britain and France in 
 1803, were immediately followed by a renewal 
 of the aggressions of the belligerent powers upon 
 the commercial rights of the United States. The 
 lives, the liberty, the fortunes, the happiness of 
 the citizens engaged in navigation and commerce, 
 were once more subjected to the violence and 
 cupidity of the British cruisers. So intolerable 
 had the afflictions of the nation become that the 
 people with one mind and voice called loudly 
 upon their government for redress and protection. 
 The Congress of the United States, participating 
 in the resentment of the times, urged upon the 
 executive the necessity of an immediate demand 
 of reparation from Great Britain; while the same 
 patriotic spirit which had opposed British usur- 
 pation in 1793, and encountered French hostili- 
 ties in 1798, was again pledged in every variety 
 of form now to maintain her national honor. 
 
188 THE WAR OF 181^. 
 
 British ships of war hovered upon our coast, and 
 blockaded the ports of the United States so that 
 no vessel could enter or depart in safety; pene- 
 trated the bays and rivers, and often anchored in 
 our harbors to exercise the jijrisdiction of im- 
 pressment; and threatened towns and villages with 
 conflagration. The neutrality of American terri- 
 tory was violated on every occasion, and at last 
 the American government was doomed to suffer 
 the greatest indignity which could be offered to a 
 sovereign state, in the memorable attack of a 
 British fifty-gun ship, in the waters of the United 
 States, upon the frigate Chesapeake while prose- 
 cuting a peaceful voyage. She had at this time 
 impressed from the crews of American merchant 
 vessels, peaceably navigating the high seas, not 
 less than six thousand mariners, who claimed to 
 be citizens of the United States, and who were 
 denied the opportunity of vindicating their claims. 
 She had joined with France to declare the greater 
 portion of the terraqueous globe in a state of 
 blockade, chasing the American merchant flag 
 effectually from the ocean." 
 
 The watchword by which the nation was stimu- 
 lated to the contest was "Free Trade and Sailors' 
 Eights." Congress caused an army to be raised, 
 divided the country into six military districts, 
 and authorized the President to appoint two 
 major-generals and six brigadiers to take com- 
 mand. Mr. Madison nominated General Dear- 
 born as senior major-general, to command the 
 northern half of the United States, and Thomas 
 Pinckney as junior major-general, to take charge 
 
MAJOR-GENERAL. 189 
 
 of the southern half. His command extended 
 from the, southern borders of Virginia to the Mis- 
 sissippi, embracing North and South Carolina, 
 and Georgia, and the Indian Territory, which 
 now forms the States of Alabama, Mississippi, 
 and a part of Louisiana. 
 
 This appointment was entirely unexpected to 
 Major Pinckney. He did not belong to the party 
 which supported the President; and his brother 
 had been the candidate of the Federalists in oppo- 
 sition to Mr. Madison. His first impulse was to 
 decline the appointment. The higher offices in 
 the army, as well as in the State, he thought 
 should be in the hands of those who were in full 
 sympathy with the administration, which had de- 
 clared the war, and upon whom the responsibility 
 of conducting it must rest. But when he learned 
 that the appointment was intended as an act of 
 conciliation on the part of the President towards 
 the Federalists, and that his acceptance would 
 show that patriotism was stronger than party, he 
 no longer hesitated to receive the commission so 
 gracefully tendered. 
 
 Perhaps his revolutionary blood still stirred 
 within him. During the period of his English 
 mission he had contended with his former foes 
 for "free trade and sailors' rights," but now he 
 was called upon to use a much sharper weapon 
 than diplomacy in vindicating his country's long- 
 endured wrongs. 
 
 That this appointment gratified those who knew 
 him best is shown by the following extract from 
 an address of one of the most accomplished public 
 
190 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 men of the day, wlio did not hold the same polit- 
 ical views as General Pinckney. 
 
 "This section of the Union cannot but feel an 
 honorable pride in the summons of one of our 
 members to a most conspicuous public station. 
 Well may it inspire the confidence of the nation 
 and the fears of its enemies, when Cincinnatus 
 quits his retirement. The Carolinian cannot fail 
 to recognize in this allusion the talents and ser- 
 vices of Major-General Pinckney, long and de- 
 servedly beloved. In this gentleman are com- 
 bined as many of the qualities of Washington as 
 perhaps the world is ever destined to behold in 
 the person of one individual." ^ 
 
 The general began at once to organize his widely 
 scattered command. Three things were obviously 
 necessary. First, to caU out and organize the 
 troops in his military district, and to occupy the 
 most eligible strategic points. Second, to defend 
 over six hundred miles of seacoast, and fortify 
 the most important harbors along its shores, in 
 order to guard them against visits from the Brit- 
 ish fleet. Third, to keep a wary eye upon the 
 Indian tribes on the western borders, whose scalp- 
 ing-knives were sharp, and ever ready for the 
 fray. 
 
 The greatest difficulty which he encountered 
 was to organize the forces under his command. 
 A laborious correspondence was carried on with 
 the governors of the States, with reference to the 
 enrolment and equipment of their troops. Simi- 
 lar efforts were made to stimulate the commanders 
 
 1 Craft's Oration, 1812. 
 
MAJOR-GENERAL. 191 
 
 o£ regiments and brigades to hasten the enlist- 
 ment and organization of the men. It was a diffi- 
 cult matter to get reports of their numbers and 
 equipment. There are hundreds of his letters in 
 the War Office in Washington, attesting his per- 
 severing attempts to get the necessary information 
 from his subordinates. He tried first the effect 
 of patriotic appeals to the commanders of regi- 
 ments and brigades. When this failed to bring 
 a response, he used the language of authority, 
 ordering them to report at once their numbers, 
 arms, tents, and military stores. If they still 
 failed to report satisfactorily, a court-martial was 
 ordered to try the offenders, and punish their dis- 
 obedience of orders. 
 
 While the cry for free trade and sailors' rights 
 had power over the maritime States, and over the 
 commercial cities, it failed to touch the hearts of 
 the farmers of the interior. It required the com- 
 bined influence of Congress, and of the governors 
 and legislatures of the States, to enable the com- 
 manding general to get his troops into the field. 
 It was slow disheartening work. There was no 
 enthusiasm apparently for the cause. The war 
 was made by the political leaders rather than by 
 the people. 
 
 The difference between the war of 1812 and the 
 Confederate contest is very striking. In the lat- 
 ter, the people sprang to arms. Within six 
 months after the secession of the Southern States, 
 and within a few weeks after the civil war began 
 at Fort Sumter, companies, regiments, and bri- 
 gades were organized, mustered into service. 
 
192 THE WAR OF 181S. 
 
 armed, equipped, and hurried to the post of dan- 
 ger. The same coast line, which, in 1812, Gen- 
 eral Pinckney had tried with such insufficient 
 means to defend,, was, by the popular enthusiasm 
 of 1861, securely defended with military works 
 extending from Charleston to Savannah. The 
 capture of Port Royal taught the Confederates to 
 abandon the Sea Islands, as General Lee had 
 strongly advised, and adopt a line of defences 
 along the main land. That line resisted every 
 assault, from fleet or army. The defence of Fort 
 Sumter, through eighteen months' bombardment 
 by the heaviest artillery ever used in war, exhib- 
 ited courage, powers of endurance, and fertility of 
 resource unsurpassed on this continent. Sumter 
 will always illumine American history. 
 
 The protection of the seacoast, open for six 
 hundred miles to the British fleet, was a matter of 
 urgent necessity. The general visited in person 
 the chief seaports in the three States, and directed 
 their plans of defence. He devoted his attention 
 especially to the deeper harbors, such as Wilming- 
 ton, Charleston, Beaufort, Savannah, and Darien. 
 He established a strong military post at Point 
 Peter, at the mouth of the St. Mary's River, the 
 southernmost point of his command, and of the 
 United States territory, for Florida was still a 
 Spanish possession. It had been his habit to an- 
 ticipate invasion via Florida, and he constantly 
 looked for Great Britain to avail herself again of 
 the aid of her Spanish ally, and assail the United 
 States through this gate. Hence he regarded 
 Point Peter as an important post, and had it well 
 
MAJOR-GENERAL. 193 
 
 garrisoned by detachments from the South Caro- 
 lina and Georgia troops. 
 
 But Canada afforded • such facilities for attack- 
 ing our country that Great Britain took advantage 
 of them, and for the first two years of the war all 
 contests on land were upon our Northern boun- 
 dary, and the Southern department escaped inva- 
 sion. 
 
 The command of the sea gave Great Britain 
 vast advantages ; her fleets threatened the Atlan- 
 tic cities, and put the whole seaboard in peril. 
 The harbors of Charleston, Savannah, and Wil- 
 mington were often blockaded; All during the 
 year 1813 the Southern coast was kept in contin- 
 ual fear by marauding expeditions. 
 
 "Small towns ia Virginia and North Carolina 
 were sacked. Barns, stables, mills, founderies, 
 and other objects of molestation were burned and 
 plundered by the British soldiers. Their trident 
 was trailed in the dust of contemptible warfare." 
 
 Proclamations were sent ashore by the admiral, 
 "inviting all persons who desired to move from 
 the United States to Europe or the West Indies 
 to make their wishes known, and vessels would 
 be sent to reeeive them at any point and convey 
 them to any part of his Majesty's dominions." 
 Attempts to entice slaves were parts of this un- 
 worthy warfare. "Not satisfied with pillaging 
 the houses. Admiral Cockburn and his followers 
 also stole slaves, not to emancipate them, but to 
 sell them in the West Indies." 
 
 The only successful eifort which the British 
 made to enter our harbors was at Port Eoyal. 
 
194 THE. WAR OF 1812. 
 
 That magnificent harbor, the deepest and most 
 capacious on the Southern coast, often afforded 
 shelter to their fleets. It was entirely beyond the 
 power of the commanding general to protect it 
 by any cannon then in use, and the enemy 
 raided and plundered the planters' homes and 
 carried off slaves and cotton. They threatened 
 the town of Beaufort by a detachment of their 
 flotilla; but by a brave parade of very small 
 means of defence, the troops stationed there 
 frightened off their foes. 
 
 The only serious attempt at invasion was made 
 at Point Peter in January, 1815. The British 
 force, fifteen hundred strong, made a demonstra- 
 tion against it. It was occupied by a detachment 
 commanded by Major Messias, to whom General 
 Pinckney had intrusted the defence ; but finding it 
 too strong to be successfully attacked, the British 
 forces retired to their fleet. With these two ex- 
 ceptions there was no attempt to bring the war 
 into the South until the invasion of New Orleans, 
 although the country and its commander were 
 constantly harassed by the fleets which hovered 
 along the Southern coast. 
 
 The only retaliatory measure which we could 
 adopt against this marauding warfare was the 
 equipment of privateers. Lloyd's list contains 
 notices of more than five hundred British vessels 
 captured by American privateers, within seven 
 months of the declaration of war. The Southern 
 ports took an active part in this mode of retalia- 
 tion. General Pinckney encouraged the citizens 
 of Charleston, Savannah, and other ports to fit out 
 
THE CREEK WAR. 195 
 
 privateers, which he enabled them to arm and 
 send out against British shipping. These armed 
 vessels not only protected our own coast, but ex- 
 tended their voyages to the West Indies, and 
 brought into our harbors many valuable prizes, 
 some laden with the munitions of war. 
 
 THE CREEK WAiJ. 1814. 
 
 WhUe the attention of the general was directed 
 to the ocean, a storm burst upon our Western 
 borders which spread consternation through the 
 land. Great Britain, by her Canadian posses- 
 sions, and by her alliance, offensive and defensive, 
 with Spain, had obtained supreme control over 
 the Indian tribes, from the Great Lakes to the 
 Grulf of Mexico. She incited them to a general 
 effort against the white intruders, and promised 
 to circumscribe the United States within the Ohio 
 and Mississippi rivers ; and also to restore Louis- 
 iana and all Florida to Spain. 
 
 We have but a faint idea of the power of the 
 Southern Indians in 1812, or of the extent of their 
 territory. The mountains of North and South 
 Carolina, of East Tennessee and Georgia, were 
 occupied by the Cherokees. The Creeks, the 
 Choctaws, and the Chickasaws owned the western 
 part of Georgia and the Mississippi Territory, 
 comprehending the present States of Alabama and 
 Mississippi. The Creeks numbered 30,000, were 
 warlike, and well supplied with arms by British 
 emissaries, through Mobile and Pensacola. 
 
 The celebrated Tecumseh had come from the 
 Ohio, to urge the Southern tribes to join in a 
 
196 THE WAR OF 181S. 
 
 concerted attack upon the intruders on their na- 
 tive soil. 
 
 The plans of this remarkable man indicate 
 more comprehensive statesmanship than any other 
 Indian has exhibited. His foresight made him 
 the most determined enemy of the United States, 
 and an earnest friend of Great Britain. His 
 views went beyond those of the English govern- 
 ment, for he aimed at exterminating all the 
 whites west of the Alleghanies. One of the 
 Shawnee tribe, whose home was on the borders of 
 the Great Lakes, he had proved his hostility and 
 ability on the battlefields of his own land. The 
 warcry of his braves was heard in many a battle 
 on the Canadian frontier. 
 
 At Detroit in 1812 he inspired the American 
 commander with such dread that he preferred a 
 shameful surrender to an inferior British force, 
 rather than incur the risk of the Indian toma- 
 hawk. 
 
 He had found leisure the year before to visit 
 Tennessee and Alabama to invite the Southern 
 Indians to join a general league against the Amer- 
 icans. His mission was especially to the Creeks, 
 the most powerful of the Southern tribes, who in 
 the language of the day were designated as the 
 "Creek Nation." His arguments were well cal- 
 culated, to excite them against their white neigh- 
 bors. The arts of civilization aroused his bitter 
 contempt. "Schools and plows," he said, "were 
 meant for slaves, not for Indians. The English 
 did not try to convert us ; the king of England 
 does not want our lands, but the white men do." 
 
THE CREEK WAR. 197 
 
 His eloquence prevailed over most of his race. 
 The Choctaws refused ; but the other three tribes, 
 especially the Creeks, listened to his voice, and 
 many agreed to join the hostile movement against 
 the settlers along our Western borders. 
 
 Warned by friendly Indians, many of the 
 whites fled to some place of safety; many took 
 refuge in a strong stockade, termed Fort Mimms, 
 on the Alabama River. On the 30th of August, 
 1"813, the Creeks began the bloody work by the 
 capture of Fort Mimms, and the massacre of 
 men, women, and children to the number of four 
 hundred, who had taken shelter there. Through- 
 out their borders many confiding settlers experi- 
 enced the treachery of the vindictive savages. 
 
 The States bordering on the Indian Territory 
 acted promptly. Tennessee called for five thou- 
 sand men, and sent the first detachment out under 
 General Coffee. General Jackson followed with a 
 second column to assail the enemy on the north. 
 Governor Claiborne of Louisiana marched with 
 another force, composed of whites and friendly 
 Indians, to attack the hostile tribes on the west. 
 The Georgia column, two thousand strong, under 
 Floyd, assailed them from the east. 
 
 This triple movement was directed by General 
 Pinckney in order to distract the Indians, and 
 concentrate this force in the Creek Nation. Each 
 commander encountered the savage enemy, and 
 struck some timely blows. Learning from Jack- 
 son's despatches the obstructions which he encoun- 
 tered from the unreliability of his volunteer 
 troops, General Pinckney gave him effectual aid 
 
198 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 by putting a regiment of regulars under his or- 
 ders, to give stability to his army, as this letter 
 testifies : — 
 
 "Your despatches of December 14 led me to 
 conclude what would probably 'soon be the dimin- 
 ished state of your forces. I therefore immedi- 
 ately ordered to your support Colonel Williams's 
 regiment of twelve-months' men, and wrote to the 
 governor of Tennessee urging him to complete the 
 requisition of five thousand for the time authorized 
 by law. I learned from the person who brought 
 your letter that Colonel Williams's regiment is 
 marching to join you. If the fifteen hundred of 
 the quota should also be furnished by Governor 
 Blount, you will, in my opinion, have force suffi- 
 cient for the object to be attained. The largest 
 computation that I have heard of the hostile Creek 
 warriors made by any competent judge is four 
 thousand. At least one thousand of them have 
 been killed or disabled ; they are badly armed and 
 supplied with ammunition; little doubt can exist 
 that two thousand of oiir men would be infinitely 
 superior to any number they can collect." 
 
 Thus reenforced, Jackson penetrated the heart 
 of the nation, attacked their fortified towns, and 
 effectually broke their spirit. 
 
 The crushing blow was struck at Emuchfau, or 
 Horseshoe Bend as it was termed by the whites, 
 an Indian town on the Tallapoosa River. The 
 curve of the stream enclosed a small peninsula, 
 well adapted for defence. The narrow neck of 
 land was strongly fortified by the Indians with a 
 breastwork of pine-trees, with loopholes for their 
 
THE CREEK WAR. 199 
 
 riflemen. Here the larger part of the surviving 
 warriors were gathered. Determined to cut off 
 all chance of escape, Jackson sent General Coffee 
 with twelve hundred men, one half of the number 
 whites, and one half friendly Indians, to surround 
 the bend on the opposite shore. Planting his can- 
 non in front of the stockade, Jackson opened fire 
 upon it, and in spite of its strong position, his 
 forces, embittered by the atrocities of the Indians, 
 attacked it with such impetuosity as to carry the 
 barricade and slaughter its defenders. 
 
 While the attention of the Creeks was directed 
 to the front, the Cherokees in Jackson's army 
 swam the river, seized the canoes along the shore, 
 and carried them to the opposite bank; two hun- 
 dred of Coffee's men quickly crossed the stream, 
 climbed the bluff, and opened fire upon the In- 
 dians in the rear. Between these two fires hun- 
 dreds were slain, and niunbers plunged into the 
 river, but the Americans on the other bank com- 
 manded the stream, and the painted head of many 
 a warrior simk beneath the water. Others hid 
 under the banks of the river, and were hunted out 
 by the troops. Eight or nine hundred warriors 
 were kUled, five hundred women and children 
 were captured; a few, twenty to thirty it was 
 estimated, escaped. 
 
 Finding the subjugation of the Indians a more 
 difficult task than he had anticipated. General 
 Pinckney had collected an additional force of two 
 thousand men from the western counties of North 
 and South Carolina, and ordered them to the In- 
 dian Territory. Following as soon as other claims 
 
200 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 permitted, lie overtook them on the march, and 
 reached the scene of hostilities just after this last 
 event, and assumed command of the operations. 
 
 Recognizing Jackson's military talents and hi« 
 peculiar skiU in Indian warfare, General Pinek- 
 ney allowed full scope to his energies, and gave 
 him a cordial support with the troops under his 
 command. He only insisted upon Jackson's se- 
 curing the fruits of his victories by a chain of for- 
 tified posts extending through the Creek territory. 
 The most important of these was laid out under 
 General Pinckney's direction, near the old French 
 town of Toulouse, . at the junction of the Coosa 
 and the Tallapoosa rivers, and called by him 
 Fort Jackson, in honor of the brave Tennesseean. 
 These posts, which General Pinckney garrisoned 
 with troops from North and South Carolina, in- 
 creased the terror which Jackson had inspired, 
 and put an end to the Indian war. 
 
 "At the time that these events happened at the 
 American Toulouse, the last of the French Penin- 
 sular armies ' driven out of Spain ' was bravely 
 fighting the battle of Toulouse in the south of 
 France, where the Duke of Wellington effected 
 his entrance into that country, and overthrew the 
 greatest of modern generals." 
 
 Mr. IngersoU has drawn a graphic picture of 
 the concluding event of the war and of its two 
 prominent figures. 
 
 "Generals Pinckney and Jackson were eminent 
 Americans, both natives of South Carolina; they 
 had met as members of Congress when Philadel- 
 phia was the seat of government, and were brought 
 
THE CREEK WAR. 201 
 
 together to close the Creek war at Toulouse in 
 Alabama, the one then terminating, the other 
 beginning, distinguished public service. 
 
 " Pinckney, born one of the ■ gentry of South 
 Carolina, educated in Europe, brought up in re- 
 finement and luxury, with opulent and distin- 
 guished connections, was held in high social as 
 well as political esteem. Jackson was alone in 
 the world, without a relative, or fortune, or edu- 
 cation beyond its mere rudiments. The accom- 
 plishments and elegancies of refined youth to 
 which Pinckney was born and bred were un- 
 known to Jackson. 
 
 "Pinckney negotiated at Madrid the treaty 
 with Spain in 1795, Jackson that with the Creek 
 Nation in 1814. In that interval of less than 
 twenty years, the vast Spanish empire had rap- 
 idly declined. The treaty then signed by Pinck- 
 ney and the Prince of Peace designated the 
 southern boundary of the United States from the 
 Spanish colonies of East and "West Florida, and 
 the middle of the channel of the Mississippi Kiver . 
 as their western boundary. It stipulated that 
 the high contracting parties shall by all means in 
 their power maintain peace and harmony among 
 the several Indian nations who' inhabit the country 
 adjacent to the boundaries of the two Floridas; 
 and restrain by force all hostilities on the part of 
 the Indian nations within their boundaries; and 
 that Spain will not suffer her Indians to attack 
 the citizens of the United States, nor the Indians 
 inhabiting their territory; that no treaty but of 
 peace shall be made by either party with the In- 
 dians living within the boundaries of the other. 
 
202 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 "No one, therefore, knew better than General 
 Pinckney how that treaty was infringed by Span- 
 ish agents under English influence. That leading 
 treaty in American diplomacy stipulates those 
 generous rules of international govemment which 
 the United States have always maintained. 
 
 "After serving his country with distinction in 
 military, civU, and diplomatic capacity. Major 
 Pinckney was appointed by President Madison 
 major-general, with the command of the Southern 
 States. His honorable course was drawing to a 
 close, as Jackson's great career was beginning, 
 when they met in the wilds of Alabama to dictate 
 terms to a conquered people. Less demonstra- 
 tive, fierce, and commanding than Jackson, Gen- 
 eral Pinckney was a man of tried courage and 
 firmness, slight of person, mild, reserved, but 
 inflexible and high-minded. From the palaces of 
 Madrid and the pleasures of London to the wil- 
 derness of Alabama and the privations of Fort 
 Jackson • — what a change for the one ! Emerging 
 from a frontier life to rise to the summit of Amer- 
 ican elevation — what a career for the other, who 
 was long after, even by admirers of his great abili- 
 ties, called a Tennessee barbarian ! 
 
 " The despatches to the War Department of the 
 two men illustrate their difEerent temperaments. 
 General Pinckney announces, almost with a sigh, 
 the conclusion of the war, and the necessity for 
 such severity towards a foe, who never asked, nor 
 ever showed mercy. General Jackson announces 
 the same result ; but with the spirit of an Indian 
 warrior says, ' Determined to exterminate the sav- 
 
THE CREEK WAR. 203 
 
 ages I moved against them,' etc. And he kept 
 his word." 
 
 Mr. IngersoU might have made his contrast 
 still stronger. General Pinckney was by nature 
 and education a lawmaker, skilled in making 
 treaties, careful of observing them. General Jack- 
 son was by nature and training a lawbreaker, at 
 least until the responsibilities of office taught him 
 respect for vested rights. So general was the 
 impression of his lawlessness that when he was 
 nominated for the presidency, a sarcastic opponent 
 asked, "Where was the propriety of selecting a 
 man to execute the laws of the United States, 
 who had spent his life in violating every law on 
 the statute-book of his native State?" Allowing 
 for the exaggeration incidental to a presidential 
 election, there was truth enough in the charge to 
 give it point. 
 
 The intercourse between the two generals in- 
 spired General Pinckney with high appreciation 
 of Jackson's abilities, and this led to ulterior and 
 important consequences in American history. 
 General Pinckney had already requested the Sec- 
 retary of War to relieve him of a part of his com- 
 mand. It was impossible for one man to super- 
 vise a military field, embracing the Atlantic coast 
 and the country on the Gulf. Another military 
 district had been formed in compliance with his 
 suggestion, and he recommended the President 
 to appoint General Jackson as its commander. 
 There were six prominent candidates for the posi- 
 tion strongly urged by other parties, of whom 
 General Claiborne of Louisiana was the most 
 
204 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 eminent. But General Jackson was selected for 
 the post, and the conqueror of the Indians thus 
 became the hero of New Orleans, and ultimately 
 the President of the United States. 
 
 In the only interview I ever had with that re- 
 markable man, he referred in the warmest terms 
 to his old commander ; and acknowledged his many 
 obligations to him for his success in life. 
 
 We conclude this narrative of the Creek war 
 with one gleam of lofty patriotism. 
 
 "The most striking circumstance of the sub- 
 mission of these savages was Weatherford's im- 
 molation of himself for the rest of his country- 
 men. He led the attack at Fort Mimms and was 
 one of the chief perpetrators of ■ its atrocities. 
 After the storming of Emuchfau, General Jack- 
 son required that he should be surrendered for 
 execution, as is customary when Indian murders 
 are committed. The vanquished but fearless chief- 
 tain, stiU reeking with the blood of the Mimms 
 massacre, disdaining to be taken captive, and 
 escaping all General Jackson's efforts to capture 
 him, nobly resolved on a bolder alternative, which 
 proved the means of his security. Contriving to 
 elude Jackson's sentinels and guards, he made 
 good his entrance unperceived to the general's 
 presence, who was amazed at such a guest, but, 
 always collected, betrayed no movement of sur- 
 prise. "General," said the brave barbarian, "I 
 have fought you with all my might, and done all 
 the harm I could. But you have conquered. I 
 am in your power to do with me as you will. I 
 have only to lament the misfortunes of my people. 
 
THE CREEK WAR. 205 
 
 For myself I am prepared for any fate. Behold me 
 in your presence, but not at your feet; your captive, 
 but no suppliant." Jackson was too generous 
 and too wise, to take the life of such a prisoner. 
 He treated him with respect, won him by kindness, 
 and made good use of him in inducing others of his 
 nation to throw* themselves on the victor's mercy. 
 
 Leaving garrisons in the forts established in 
 the Indian Territory, General Pinckney returned 
 to the seaboard to resume the supervision of his 
 exposed command. The Creek war was the only 
 attempt at conquest in his department, unless we 
 except Amelia Island, on the confines of Georgia 
 and Florida. By orders from the War Depart- 
 ment he had occupied that island, which properly 
 belonged to Florida, and held it for a short time 
 with the troops under his command; but reasons 
 of state led the President to order its restoration 
 to the Spanish authority. 
 
 There was no attempt at invasion of the South- 
 ern States by the British, beyond the marauding 
 expeditions on the North Carolina coast, and at 
 Beaufort and Point Peter. The war was entirely 
 a war of defence against the power which com- 
 manded the sea. General Pinckney had no op- 
 portunity of meeting the enemy in the field, or of 
 winning laurels from his former foes. 
 
 But if no brilliant exploits marked his adminis- 
 tration, there were no lamentable failures, such as 
 those on the Canadian frontier. Of aU the revo- 
 lutionary generals, he was the only one who did 
 not forfeit his reputation in this second conflict 
 with Great Britain. 
 
206 THE WAR OF 1812. 
 
 "Dearborn, Wilkinson, Hull, Hampton, all 
 failed in their efforts. The year 1813 closed with 
 disasters from all points north and south from 
 Champlain to Erie. Nor did our arms fare bet- 
 ter, from the Great Lakes to the Ohio. Harri- 
 son, Hampton, Winchester, Armstrong, and Boyd 
 were aU there, when this complete ruin marked 
 the retrograde of our arms." So wrote the histo- 
 rian of the war, Mr. IngersoU, when summing up 
 the barren results of that campaign. Not until 
 1814, when Scott, Gaines, Macomb, and other 
 more enterprising generals came to the front, was 
 there anything to counterbalance the military dis- 
 asters. But if our reputation suffered on land. 
 Perry and McDonald on the Lakes redeemed the 
 national character; while American frigates on 
 the ocean not only held their own, but snatched 
 from the ruler of the waves her long recognized 
 supremacy. 
 
 The rumor of an invasion on a large scale, 
 threatened by England, called forth all General 
 Pinckney's energy to put his command in a state 
 of defence; but the storm passed by our shores, 
 and struck New Orleans instead. Jackson was 
 there, and proved equal to the emergency. He 
 closed the war by the most brilliant victory which 
 has ever been won in America. 
 
 The news of Jackson's great success reached 
 General Pinckney just after the proclamation of 
 peace; and with untarnished reputation the vet- 
 eran commander gladly sheathed his sword, and 
 returned to his peaceful avocations. 
 
THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 DOMESTIC LIFE. 1815-1828. 
 
 Having traced General Pinekney's public ca- 
 reer, we may now look at his personal character- 
 istics and his domestic life. 
 
 He was rather above the average height, spare 
 in figure, and remarkably upright in person. His 
 health was excellent; and his seat in the saddle 
 was as erect at the age of seventy-five as when 
 he was in the riding-school in London. 
 
 His manners were calm, courteous, and digni- 
 fied, possessing some of the charm which had 
 characterized his father. They had satisfied the 
 requirements of the English nobility, and the yet 
 more imperious demands of the Spanish court. 
 His unruffled temper and perfect self-control gave 
 that repose of character which was reflected in his 
 face, his bearing, and in every tone of his voice. 
 He combined firmness with gentleness, dignity 
 with urbanity, authority with modesty, ia admira- 
 ble proportion. Gentle as a child, he neverthe- 
 less inspired all who approached him, in public or 
 private, with sentiments of profound respect. 
 
 His refinement was instinctive. In every sta- 
 tion, in the family circle, at the social board, in 
 the license of the camp, at the head of an army, 
 he was always the gentleman. 
 
 Naturally of an ardent temper, and dealing 
 
208 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 mucli in early life with raw recruits, it was yet 
 recorded of him, by a revolutionary compatriot, 
 "that he had never been known to utter an oath." 
 The portraits taken of him in his younger days 
 indicate an impetuous spirit. But the likeness by 
 Morse (the inventor of the telegraph) brings out 
 the characteristic repose of his nature after he had 
 finally sheathed his sword. It recalls the image 
 of the old patriot in the evening of his days, — 
 a serene and happy evening, cheered by family 
 affection, by a peaceful conscience, and by the 
 reverence of his countrymen, and undimmed by 
 a single cloud, save the memory of his lost daugh- 
 ter, the youngest child, and richest jewel of his 
 home. 
 
 His character bore the closest inspection. Truth, 
 .sincerity, high principle, were stamped upon him, 
 as upon his elder brother. Scrupulously just in 
 thought, word, and deed, his integrity was never 
 questioned, except in the matter alluded to in the 
 Tench Coxe correspondence. 
 
 Honored by his country he was yet more hon- 
 ored at home. Family, relatives, friends, looked 
 up to him with love and reverence, and his de- 
 scendants cherish his memory as a heritage which 
 neither party virulence nor the storms of war can 
 ever sweep away. Out of his large estate, this is 
 the only inheritance of value which has survived 
 the upheaval of the last thirty years. 
 
 Beyond his family circle he was most admired 
 by those who knew him best. The members of 
 his military family in the war of 1812 retained a 
 lasting appreciation of his wisdom and his skill 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 209 
 
 in handling delicate questions. His last surviv- 
 ing aide, Colonel Ferguson, illustrated this feeling 
 thirty years after the death of his old commander. 
 
 A serious difficulty had arisen between two 
 gentlemen of the highest standing in the commu- 
 nity. In spite of all efforts of friends to effect a 
 reconciliation, the breach gradually became deeper 
 and wider. "It requires a man like General 
 Pinckney," said Colonel Ferguson to the writer, 
 "to deal with this difficulty. If he were alive 
 this strife would soon be stopped, and the re- 
 proach taken away from our community." 
 
 General Pinckney had the happy art of concil- 
 iation. He did not necessarily antagonize those 
 from whom he was compelled to differ. He could 
 maintain friendly relations with Lord Grenville, 
 though making perpetual demands upon him for 
 redress of grievances ; and he could interpose be- 
 tween belligerent gentlemen with delicacy and 
 with success. 
 
 The two brothers enjoyed a reputation for cour- 
 age and a nice sense of honor which made them 
 frequent arbiters in personal and political differ- 
 ences, in the State and beyond its borders, and 
 the service which they thus rendered, unseen by 
 the public, was no mean contribution to their 
 country's welfare. 
 
 General Pinckney was twice married. His first 
 wife was the daughter of Jacob and Rebecca 
 Motte. She died in England during her hus- 
 band's mission to the Court of St. James, leaving 
 two sons and two daughters. The elder daughter 
 married William Lowndes, the statesman; the 
 
210 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 other became the wife of Colonel Francis K. Hu- 
 ger, the friend of La Fayette. The two sons in- 
 herited their father's taste, and preferred the 
 position of Carolina planters to the excitement of 
 political life. 
 
 After his return to America General Pinckney 
 married another daughter of Rebecca Motte, Mrs. 
 Middleton, the widow of a young Englishman 
 who had crossed the Atlantic to bear arms in the 
 cause of the colonies. 
 
 The home of General Pinckney was on the 
 Santee River, among the rich rice-fields of South 
 Carolina. Fairfield, which occupies the boldest 
 bluff on the banks near its mouth, was his first 
 home. But after his return from Europe he re- 
 signed that plantation to his eldest son, and pur- 
 chased another, which he named Eldorado, in 
 remembrance of his Spanish mission, from the 
 golden buttercups which covered the land. The 
 spacious mansion, which he planned and built with 
 his own carpenters, is very suggestive of a French 
 chateau, with its wide corridors, its lofty ceilings, 
 and its peaked roof of glazed tiles. 
 
 Situated on a sandy knoll, jutting out into the 
 rice-fields, embowered by live-oaks with their out- 
 stretched arms and lofty magnolias with their 
 glittering foliage, it was a typical Southern home. 
 The house was surrounded on three sides by the 
 native evergreen shriibbery, as verdant in January 
 as in June, through which winding walks, laid 
 out by an English landscape-gardener, gracefully 
 ran, overarched by luxuriant foliage, and sheltered 
 alike from the wintry wind and the summer's sun. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 211 
 
 The air was redolent of nature's fresh per- 
 fumes. The yellow jessamine, the sweet-scented 
 shrub, and other native plants, which fill our 
 forests with their fragrance, met here in rich pro- 
 fusion. The sweet rose of France, the English 
 and the cape jessamine, mingled with the odors 
 of the orange-blossom in perfect harmony. 
 
 Neither the Persian monarch, nor the Turkish 
 sultan, nor Louis XIV. at Versailles, ever inhaled 
 more royal perfumes than Eldorado offered to the 
 lover of nature, as he sauntered through its sylvan 
 glades. 
 
 The other senses found their appropriate grati- 
 fication in these walks. The holly and the cacina, 
 the fringe-tree, the dogwood, and other bright 
 natives from the forest, lent their aid to enlighten 
 the scene. 
 
 Birds of gay plumage flitted from bush to bush ; 
 the sparrow hopped along the path regardless of 
 man's presence; while the woods were vocal with 
 the joyous warblers uttering their harmonious 
 songs. 
 
 Birds abound everywhere along the seacoast of 
 South Carolina ; but never have I seen them more 
 numerous than on the banks of the Santee. In 
 walking around these shrubberies, the redbird, 
 in his cardinal's robes; the noisy jay, in gaudy 
 plumage; the trim woodpecker, with his cease- 
 less tap; the tuneful thrush; and the Carolina 
 mocking-bird, the prima donna of the feathered 
 tribe, charm the eye and ear. More birds, re- 
 presenting a greater variety of species, can be seen 
 in a day — in an hour — in these shrubberies, 
 
212 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 than could be found in a month in any part of our 
 mountains, from the Adirondacks to the southern 
 terminus of the AUeghanies. 
 
 All through the day dark clouds of the red- 
 winged starling may be seen circling over the rice- 
 fields, in flocks upon which the skilful sportsman 
 seems to make no impression. But immediately 
 after sunset, the animal life comes forth in its 
 plenitude. The mallard, the teal, and other 
 species of ducks return from their retreats in the 
 wide marshes of the coast where they sleep by 
 day, to gather up the rice which bounteous nature 
 leaves for them, long after the crop is harvested. 
 They pass overhead by hundreds and thousands in 
 prolonged array, sometimes in single files, gen- 
 erally in widcrextended ranks, or triangular pla- 
 toons, the leader at the apex, always with mathe- 
 matical accuracy, whether by tens, or hundreds, 
 or thousands. For twenty or thirty minutes at 
 this hour the long lines are always visible against 
 the evening sky, and the rapid beating of their 
 wings announces their nightly march. 
 
 From the windows of his stately home, General 
 Pinckney could look out upon his own busy fields, 
 and over many miles of rice-lands in the delta of 
 the river. The banks and ditches which marked 
 the separate fields, and the long canals which 
 intersected the whole, like "the rows of lign-aloes " 
 of the prophetic vision, all were spread out before 
 the eye. The quiet of the landscape was often 
 relieved by the white sails of a schooner on the 
 river, but apparently sailing on land, bearing the 
 rice to market. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 213 
 
 The daily inspection of his fields and of the rice- 
 mills, the reports of overseers, drivers, and cattle- 
 minders, tlie forethought necessary to insure a 
 ■wise direction of two or three hundred laborers, 
 and to provide for twice that number of mouths, 
 and the never-neglected visit to the hospital, with 
 tender care for the sick, — these were the consta:nt 
 duties of the planter, the daily occupation of this 
 prosperous and judicious master. Nor did he 
 forget to visit his carpenters' and blacksmiths' 
 shops daily. His love of mechanical work was 
 very strong. He was always seeking new and 
 improved methods of applying its powers to the 
 cultivation of the soU, and the entire preparation 
 of the crop for market. Of all the cereals, rice 
 requires the most careful and laborious process, 
 to render it fit for human food. The clumsy 
 machinery which the Eastern nations had long 
 employed in milling their rice failed to satisfy 
 the Southern planters. Under their encourage- 
 ment, a young English mechanic, Jonathan Lucas, 
 developed the Carolina rice-mill, the most perfect 
 specimen of mechanical skill ever applied to the 
 preparation of any crop. These mills have been 
 introduced into Europe and into the East, both 
 in China and India, and they testify that me- 
 chanical ingenuity is not confined to the latitude 
 in which the wooden nutmeg originally sprung 
 into being. 
 
 Eice-culture requires frequent irrigation, with 
 alternate periods of desiccation, to bring the crop 
 to maturity. A nice and elaborate system of 
 floodgates is requisite to accomplish this double 
 
214 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 purpose, and the planter's ingenuity found scope 
 for its exercise in this department. General 
 Pinckney's knowledge of hydraulics and his en- 
 gineering skill were as usefully employed on the 
 hanks of the Santee, as they formerly were in the 
 construction of fortiiications in Charleston har- 
 hor. His frequent and costly experiments con- 
 tributed much to the perfection of that system 
 which made the rice-lands of Carolina the model 
 fields of the South, and of the world, as far as 
 that grain is concerned. These experiments de- 
 manded much calculation from the master, and 
 much manual labor from his carpenters and black- 
 smiths. It was a labor of love to the master, but 
 not to the men, for the African hates change as 
 much as the Chinaman. 
 
 The love of agricultural experiments was natu- 
 ral in a son of Eliza Lucas, and General Pinck- 
 ney inherited the taste very strongly. He did not 
 introduce the culture of rice, as she did that of 
 indigo, into South Carolina, but he did much to 
 enlarge the area of its cultivation, to his own 
 profit and to the public good. 
 
 Through his second wife General Pinckney be- 
 came the possessor of a large body of marsh-lands 
 at the mouth of the Santee, adjoining the ocean. 
 It was covered alternately by fresh and by salt 
 water, and so impregnated with the saline ele- 
 ment as to be considered entirely unfit for cul- 
 tivation. When the executor of the Middleton 
 estate handed General Pinckney the titles to this 
 portion of his wife's property, he apologized for 
 offering a gentleman anything so worthless. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 215 
 
 But tlie new owner remembered that the rich 
 lands of Holland had been redeemed from the 
 sea; and he did not regard the case as hopeless. 
 He imported from Holland a skilful engineer, who 
 soon succeeded in protecting the land from the 
 salt water, and thus introduced among the rice- 
 planters of the State the Van Hassel system of 
 embankment. 
 
 By repeated experiments General Pinckney at 
 length corrected the saline nature of the soil, and 
 rendered it fit for the culture of rice. By con- 
 stantly enlarging the cultivated area, he reclaimed 
 a large body of land of inexhaustible fertility, so 
 that from this once contemptible estate he could 
 send to market annually a crop of twenty thou- 
 sand bushels of rice. Two of his children received 
 the chief part of their inheritance from these 
 reclaimed salt lands. 
 
 The fate of this property illustrates the fearful 
 cui'se of war. Rice-culture requires the command 
 of large capital and regulated labor at the right 
 moment. From the lack of these requisites, the 
 cultivation of this and other contiguous estates 
 has been abandoned, and they are returning to 
 their original condition. The sheriff of the county 
 in which they lie lately notified the owner of part 
 of this property that, unless the taxes were paid, 
 he would proceed to sell it at public auction. 
 The reply of the owner was, that if the sheriff 
 could do so, he would pay him a commission on 
 the sale, inasmuch as he had been trying in vain 
 to sell it for several years past. 
 
 There was one other mode in which General 
 
216 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 Pinckney improved the agriculture of his native 
 State. No man who had lived so much in Eng- 
 land could ever be satisfied with the poor sub- 
 stitutes for cattle which are to be seen in our 
 Southern woods. He imported different breeds 
 of cattle from several parts of Europe, until he 
 ascertained which was best adapted to our climate. 
 The English cattle proved the best for the dairy 
 and for beef.; but they could not stand the sum- 
 mer's sun. The Italian breeds suited the rice- 
 fields far better, both in the plow and in the 
 wagon. Any one who saw his farm team of four 
 handsome Tuscans stepping proudly along would 
 scarcely recognize their relationship to the slug- 
 gish ox. Many of the planters followed his lead 
 in the improvement of their farming stock, to the 
 great benefit of the State. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney's love of agriculture was mani- 
 fest all through the period of his English mission. 
 Amid the political entanglements of Washington's 
 administration, in spite of ceaseless efforts to 
 liberate imprisoned seamen, to protect American 
 travellers from official insolence and even robbery, 
 in spite of the tax upon his humanity, demanded 
 by the woes of the French refugees, he found time 
 to pursue his agricultural inquiries. 
 
 He used the agency of American travellers, 
 when intimacy or favors conferred gave him the 
 right to do so, to collect information upon many 
 specified topics. This correspondence covers a 
 wide range. The various soils of different coun- 
 tries, modes of cultivation, rotation of crops, 
 manures, implements of husbandry, — everything 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 217 
 
 ■which could be useful in the improvement of our 
 agriculture was all carefuUy gleaned from foreign 
 fields. 
 
 One Carolinian, who was under special obliga- 
 tions to the ambassador, Mr. James Heyward, 
 sends a detailed account of the canal from the 
 Clyde to the Forth. The length, the cost, the 
 number and size of locks, its dimensions at the 
 top and the bottom, the viaduct across a river, 
 with the spanof its lofty arches, the reservoirs by 
 which it was supplied, and the amount of traffic 
 and of the tolls realized therefrom, all are care- 
 fully noted in answer to Mr. Pinckney's ques- 
 tions. 
 
 Why these details of a canal in Scotland in- 
 terested him so much does not appear from the 
 correspondence. Was the Santee Canal, connect- 
 ing the Santee River with the Cooper and with 
 Charleston, in his view? The date of Mr. Hey- 
 ward's letter is July, 1793. That was the very 
 time when the Santee Canal was inaugurated. 
 The work was begun in 1793, though it was not 
 completed until 1801. From his deep interest in 
 works of internal improvement, we can scarcely 
 doubt that the full data he obtained in Scotland 
 were intended to stimulate the enterprise which 
 his fellow-citizens were about to undertake. The 
 railroads have rendered the canal useless. But it 
 was, when completed, the most important work 
 of its kind in the United States. 
 
 Being on the highway between the Northern 
 cities and Charleston, General Pinckney's house 
 seldom lacked guests. Among that number was 
 
218 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 an English gentleman of fortune, Adam Hodgson 
 of Liverpool, who spent three years in exploring 
 our country. He brought letters of introduction 
 to General Pinckney, and visited him at Eldo- 
 rado. 
 
 His impressions of this visit are recorded in a 
 volume of "Travels" which he published in 1824. 
 The first thing which struck him as he entered the 
 house was the number and size of the windows, 
 enough to make an Englishman shudder when he 
 recalled the tax upon each pane of glass to which 
 he was accustomed at home. 
 
 The library was also a surprise. "My host 
 had an excellent library, comprising many recent 
 and valuable British publications, and a more 
 extensive collection of agricultural works than I 
 had ever seen before in a private library. In 
 works on botany and American ornithology the 
 supply was large. The latter especially interested 
 me, not having seen them before." 
 
 He accompanied his host on his daily visits to 
 the fields, the miUs, and the hospital, and records 
 his surprise when he heard this "benevolent mas- 
 ter order wine and oranges for some sick ne- 
 groes." He inspected carefully the houses, the 
 food, the clothing of the negroes, and admitted 
 that in these matters our laborers compared favor- 
 ably with those of other lands. But he could not 
 forget (although they did) that they were slaves, 
 and the very thought made his Anglo-Saxon soul 
 shudder more than the window-panes had done. 
 
 "Taken by my venerable friend," he notes, "to 
 visit some of the neighbors, we stayed to dinner 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 219 
 
 at the house of a planter." The easy hospitality 
 probably reminded him of English country homes. 
 He thus states his impressions of General Pinck- 
 ney : " He would be regarded as second to few in 
 Europe as a statesman, a scholar, and a gentle- 
 man." 
 
 Although a scientific planter, General Pinckney 
 was a very successful one, and realized a large 
 income from his property. Not only by his own 
 example did he stimulate his neighbors to activity, 
 but by the use of his pen he endeavored to im- 
 prove the whole agricultural system of the State. 
 His frequent contributions to "The Southern 
 Agriculturist," recording the results of his ex- 
 periments, led others to new views and higher 
 cultivation. 
 
 At the annual meeting of the South Carolina 
 Agricultural Society in February, 1828 (the last 
 year of his life), he presented a report upon the 
 culture of other crops, in lieu of rice, upon the 
 alluvial soil of the coast. At the request of the 
 society he had devoted twenty-two acres to experi- 
 mental crops upon the swamp-lands of the Santee. 
 "Wheat, flax, garden peas, barley, oats, cow 
 peas, French beans, slip potatoes," all received 
 proper attention. The mode of culture, the result 
 in each case, and the adaptation of each to our 
 soil are carefuUy reported. Soon after his death, 
 one signing himself "A Eice Planter," recorded 
 in "The Southern Agriculturist" his impressions 
 of that meeting. 
 
 "I was one of those who heard the lucid obser- 
 vations of General Pinckney, that lamented friend 
 
220 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 of his country, at the discussions of the agricul- 
 tural society on rice and other crops. I fear we 
 shall not look upon his like again. Where shall 
 we find another with a mind so refined as his, with 
 manners so polished, with a conception of his 
 country's interests so perfect, with an intellect 
 so capable of embracing the most comprehensive 
 subjects, as well as selecting those of minor im- 
 portance as they floated by, and converting them 
 all to the public good? Where shall we find a 
 man of motives so pure, so deserving of the full 
 confidence of his fellow-citizens, and so perfectly 
 possessing it? Wise without conceit, and with- 
 out the blemish of egotism. This is a character 
 seldom met with in any country." 
 
 Next to agriculture, architecture was perhaps 
 General Pinckney's strongest natural taste. He 
 built, or superintended the building of, three large 
 and costly houses, — one in Charleston, one on the 
 Santee, and one on Sullivan's Island. 
 
 The house at Eldorado was built in conjunction 
 with his mother-in-law. Mrs. Motte had sold her 
 plantation on "the Congarees," and removed to 
 Santee to be near her daughters. She invested 
 some of the proceeds of that sale in the purchase 
 of the land and the erection of the house, aiding 
 General Pinckney in the cost of each, and making 
 her home with him during the rest of her life. 
 
 The large rooms, the Idfty ceilings, the numer- 
 ous windows, seem now unsuitable for a winter 
 home, and suggest a lack of practical talent in 
 the builder. But the change of climate will ex- 
 plain the case. The planters then occupied their 
 homes all the year. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 221 
 
 There are letters from members of General 
 Pinckney's family, addressed to him while in 
 England during every month in the year, with one 
 exception. That exception is explained by this 
 sentence in a letter from one of his family, dated 
 Eldorado, August 16, 1793: "We expect to go 
 to Charleston next month, for some persons think 
 that the country is not healthy in September." 
 That the rice-fields are fatally unhealthy to the 
 whites during summer is an unquestioned fact; 
 they are now deserted by the white race early in 
 May. The plantations were occupied during sum- 
 mer, as well as winter, until the beginning of this 
 century. 
 
 He also built a large and handsome house in 
 George Street, Charleston, upon foundations which 
 had been laid by John Middleton ; the same now 
 occupied by the Charleston Waterworks. It was 
 the first, probably the only house, in this city, 
 .which had a self -supporting stairway four stories 
 high. The steps are of Portland stone, imported 
 from England early in this century. The cost of 
 the staircase, including materials and labor, 
 amounted to $14,000. As he had used some of 
 his wife's income in the erection of this house, he 
 gave it up to her only son, John Middleton, as 
 soon as he was prepared to occupy it. 
 
 He built another house on Sullivan's Island as 
 a retreat in svimmer from the heat of the city. It . 
 was an admirable plan for a home in our climate. 
 Two stories high, on an elevated foundation, its 
 capacious rooms almost all faced the south, and got 
 the refreshing breeze which ever blows from the 
 
222 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 sea. The double stairway, descending on each 
 side of the semi-circular room- in the rear, was not 
 only easy of ascent, but positively ornamental 
 with its graceful curve and mahogany railings. 
 It is a difficult problem in architecture to con- 
 struct a staircase at once roomy, comfortable, and 
 ornamental. 
 
 His residence for twenty-five years in England 
 had taught him the value of sea-bathing. He 
 appreciated that healthful luxury, for which our 
 Southern coast offers such unrivalled facilities. 
 He built a bathing-machine on wheels, after the 
 pattern of those which he had seen on the coast 
 of France, which was rolled into the surf, and 
 drawn up by windlass when the bathers gave the 
 signal. Few were the days in which he did not 
 recruit his strength by a dip in the invigorating 
 waves of the Atlantic. His bathing-machine was 
 as prominent a feature on the beach as his house 
 was on the island. After resistiag three great 
 hurricanes of this century, the latter was pulled 
 down during the Confederate war, ostensibly be- 
 cause it interfered with a battery ; really because 
 fuel was scarce, and the soldiers obtained authority 
 to complete the work of destruction which they 
 had already begun. General Pinckney was patri- 
 otic, but I doubt whether he would have sanctioned 
 this ruthless act. 
 
 But neither architecture nor agriculture ever 
 supplanted his literary tastes. A return to his 
 library from other duties was his chief recreation. 
 His books were the companions of his • life. His 
 library at Eldorado was well supplied with his- 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 223 
 
 torical, biographical, classical, scientific, and agri- 
 cultural works. Books of travel and exploration, 
 as weU. as those of lighter literature, all had their 
 alcoves, and maps in large numbers hung on their 
 appointed racks. The venerable scholar often 
 beguiled his leisure with a page of Terence or a 
 Greek tragedy. At Westminster school he had 
 been the best Greek scholar of his class; and his 
 ■ love of Greek literature lasted through life. One 
 of his aides during the campaign against the 
 Creeks in the year 1814 stated that the only book 
 he found in the general's saddle-bags, was a pocket 
 edition of the Greek poets. At seventy-five years 
 of age he read Greek with a fluency which would 
 surprise most American scholars. Agriculture 
 and books thus formed his daily life; but the 
 social element entered largely into the existence 
 of the Carolina planter. There was a constant 
 commingling of relations, friends, and neighbors. 
 There were few small towns or villages along the 
 coast; it was a rural population. But good roads 
 and an ample supply of carriages and horses made 
 daily intercourse the habit of the people. Except 
 in old Virginia, I doubt if more genuine, habitual 
 hospitality could anywhere be found than in the 
 low country of Carolina. This feeling was em- 
 bodied in the remark of a venerable citizen who 
 lived higher up on the river. "If I see no car- 
 riages under the visitor's shed when I return from 
 my fields to dinner, I say to myself. My friends 
 have not treated me well to-day." 
 
 The fate of his library, carefully gathered from 
 England, France, Spain, and America, was some- 
 
224 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 what dramatic. Eldorado was so near the mouth 
 of the river as to be exposed "to the visits of ves- 
 sels from the blockading squadron during the 
 Confederate war. The house was shelled by- 
 gunboats from the fleet in 1863, and bears the 
 scars of war upon its face. The mills were burnt 
 by a hostile party, landed on the banks, and the 
 house only saved from the torch by the timely 
 arrival of a squadron of Confederate cavalry un- 
 der command of a grandson of its former owner. 
 They fired upon the incendiaries, who fled to the 
 boats, and extinguished the flam^ before any harm 
 was done. The library had been packed in boxes 
 and sent to a place of supposed safety higher up the 
 river. When the seaboard was abandoned at the 
 evacuation of Charleston, soldiers and sailors from 
 the fleet at the mouth of the river plundered the 
 rich mansions along its banks. The women and 
 children had already fled in terror towards the 
 interior of the State, and the country was deserted 
 by its white population. Finding the boxes con- 
 taining General Pinckney's books at Hampton 
 (the home of the Rutledges), the marauders broke 
 them open in pursuit of plunder. Disappointed 
 in their aim, and lacking the literary taste of 
 some naval officers, who had carefully packed the 
 planters' libraries, and shipped them to New 
 York, the soldiers left them in disgust. The 
 negroes who followed the march of the troops, to 
 pick up the jackal's share, helped themselves to 
 such volumes as attracted their eye. The rest 
 they strewed around the house, tearing off the 
 backs of some and splitting others asunder. The 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 225 
 
 first planter who returned to this region, to gather 
 up some fragments of his own property, found the 
 books strewn so systematically around the house 
 that he could have walked the whole circuit, 
 apparently, without touching the ground. For 
 weeks they were exposed to sun and rain, so that 
 three fourths of them were destroyed. He per- 
 suaded the negroes to assist him in gathering up 
 the remnant. When he endeavored to shame 
 them for the wanton destruction of the books, 
 they replied that they had no spite against the 
 owners, but as "the white people got all their 
 sense out of the books," and thus kept them in 
 subjection, they determined to destroy the means 
 by which they had maintained their superiority; 
 a very strong testimony of ignorance to the value 
 of education. 
 
 One maxim which General Pinckney acted 
 on with obvious benefit to his family was this: 
 "Persons of wealth should be their own execu- 
 tors." 
 
 This rule he followed justly and wisely in the 
 distribution of his estate. He gradually trans-' 
 ferred to his children during his life the portions 
 he had bequeathed to them by will, only reserv- 
 ing to his wife and self his home, with enough to 
 support them during the remainder of their lives. 
 By thus administering his own will he kept his 
 heirs from the toils of law, and cut off the most 
 f ruitful source of all family quarrels. 
 
 Another maxim which General Pinckney habit- 
 ually followed is thus stated by John Dryden: 
 "Anything, though ever so little, which a man 
 
226 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 speaks of himself, in ray opinion is still too 
 much." 
 
 His reticence is the only trait of his character 
 to which his descendants can ever object. His 
 antipathy to "the offensive ego" was very strong. 
 His whole life was a suppression of the personal 
 element. He could describe Pulaski's charge over 
 guns and ramparts at Savannah; but the hearer 
 would not discover whether he had been present 
 or not. 
 
 The writer can recall his account of the surren- 
 der of Cornwallis to the family circle, but no 
 word escaped to tell whether he was an eye-wit- 
 ness of the stirring scene. I doubt if he ever told 
 an anecdote of which he was the hero, during all 
 the later part of his life. If compelled to speak 
 of himself, the allusion was brief and modest. 
 His descendants would know much more of his 
 history if he had been less reserved in describing 
 events in which he had played a prominent part. 
 The one who has attempted to write this sketch 
 often wishes that he had had a more garrulous 
 ancestor. A slight infusion of the Dugald Dal- 
 ghetty element in the composition of Thomas 
 Pinckney would have lightened materially the 
 labors of his biographer. 
 
 Thomas Pinckney was the second president of 
 the Cincinnati Society of South Carolina. He 
 succeeded General Moultrie in this office in 1806, 
 and held it for twenty years. In 1825, on the 
 death of his brother, General C. C. Pinckney, he 
 became president-general of the Cincinnati in the 
 United States. The society over which George 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 227 
 
 Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and Charles 
 Cotesworth Pinckney had successively presided 
 held a far higher place in public esteem then than 
 it now does. Membership in the Cincinnati So- 
 ciety was an honor which the French officers who 
 had served in America eagerly coveted. Many 
 letters from noble names in France are found 
 among General Pinckney's papers soliciting this 
 privilege ; and profound gratitude was manifested 
 by historical characters for the enrolment of their 
 names on the list. 
 
 We can scarcely realize how much this nearest 
 approximation to an American order of nobility 
 was prized one hundred years since. Mr. Jeffer- 
 son strongly opposed the society on the ground of 
 its aristocratic and monarchical tendency. Had 
 he lived long enough to see how republicanism 
 can grind down every institution in the land as 
 thoroughly as the ice in the glacial era ground 
 down the rocks and hiUs of the continent, he 
 would realize how vain was his anxiety. Pluto- 
 cracy, not aristocracy, is the danger of our coun- 
 try. 
 
 The last time that the two brothers Pinckney 
 ever appeared together in public was at the recep- 
 tion of La Fayette in Charleston in April, 1825. 
 An open carriage, drawn by four handsome grays, 
 awaited the distinguished guest at the city limits. 
 Boundary, now Calhoun Street. The civil and 
 military bodies, societies of every name, includ- 
 ing the Cincinnati, the schools, the citizens, all 
 wearing the broad blue ribbon with the words 
 "Welcome, La Fayette " stamped upon it, lined the 
 
228 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 sidewalks far down Meeting Street. When the 
 carriage with La Fayette and his son, the intendant 
 of the city, and Colonel Francis K. Huger reached 
 the corner of George and Meeting streets, the 
 martial music and the shouts of the multitude so 
 excited the horses that they had to be removed, 
 and a more quiet team substituted. During this 
 halt, the marquis, learning that the two Generals 
 Pinckney were in the carriage immediately behind 
 him, ordered the steps of his carriage to be low- 
 ered, that he might salute his old companions in 
 arms. The two brothers, in full regimentals, an- 
 ticipating his purpose, got out of their carriage to 
 meet him. At the corner of George and Meeting 
 streets, in the broad light of day, and in the pres- 
 ence of ten thousand spectators, La Fayette raptur- 
 ously embraced his old comrades, and kissed them 
 on both cheeks with French enthusiasm. 
 
 A committee of the Cincinnati Society waited 
 upon La Fayette, and presented him an address of 
 welcome to South Carolina, upon whose shores he 
 had first touched American soil. In his reply, 
 after a brief allusion to the joy of meeting "so 
 many surviving comrades, and to those whose 
 departure we mourn," he adds this grateful tribute 
 to Thomas Pinckney: "But my fraternal recol- 
 lections are not confined to this hemisphere. I am 
 happy to have lived to present my personal ac- 
 knowledgments to the respected president of the 
 South Carolina society, General Thomas Pinck- 
 ney, for my great and multiplied obligations to 
 him as American Minister in Loudon during my 
 captivity." 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 229 
 
 The marquis was entertained at dinner by the 
 Cincinnati Society on the same day, the 16th of 
 March, 1825. St. Andrew's Hall, Broad Street, 
 had been fitted up for the reception of the city's 
 guest. There he remained during his visit to 
 Charleston, the intendant. Judge Prioleau, with 
 some of his family, making it his home also for 
 the same period. 
 
 On the day of his public reception, as on other 
 occasions, La Fayette rode in an open carriage 
 without his hat, exposed to the rays of a brilliant 
 sun, bowing to the crowds always ready to greet 
 him. There was some apprehension that sun- 
 stroke might be the penalty of his politeness. 
 But the general was an old soldier. Before leav- 
 ing home for his daily ride, he put a damp towel 
 into his capacious wig, as the writer can testify, 
 from personal observation ; and protected by this 
 helmet, he could indulge his French politeness 
 with perfect impunity. French revolutions and 
 Austrian dungeons had taught him the art of self- 
 preservation. 
 
 While the Cincinnati Society and the Agricul- 
 tural Society enlisted General Pinckney's interest, 
 they did not monopolize it. "Non nobis solum" 
 was the motto in his crest; it was illustrated by 
 the lives of the two brothers. Unselfish, public- 
 spirited, generous, they served God, their country, 
 and their generation. Public, social, religious, 
 domestic claims, all received their due. You will 
 find General Pinckney's name on the list of the 
 benevolent, religious, and educational societies of 
 the day. Not only in his own community, but 
 
230 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 throughout the State, and in the United States, he 
 gladly aided every movement to promote the wel- 
 fare of his fellow-citizens. 
 
 In all domestic relations General Pinckney was 
 blameless ; the filial reverence with which he had 
 regarded his mother was repaid by his descend- 
 ants. The letters of the two brothers to their 
 mother always began "Honored Madam," and 
 breathe a reverential spirit which might well be 
 imitated in our generation. This filial spirit was 
 rewarded by the long life promised to those who 
 honor their parents. The two brothers reached 
 the ages of seventy-eight and eighty years, and 
 their only sister died at eighty-two. Their frater- 
 nal affection lasted to the end of life, and was 
 maintained by constant correspondence and close 
 intercourse. Thomas Pinckney 's love for his only 
 sister had something romantic in it ; he wrote to 
 her daily during some periods of his life, and the 
 only minute records of his revolutionary history 
 are found in letters to his sister, Mrs. Horry, 
 which escaped the destructive power of war. 
 
 The three swords which General Pinckney had 
 used in the wars of the Revolution and of 1812 he 
 bequeathed by will to his three sons, with the in- 
 junction that "they never be drawn in any private 
 quarrel, and never remain in their scg,bbards, 
 when their country demanded their service." In 
 obedience to his example and his instructions, 
 fourteen of his descendants served in the Confed- 
 erate army; one was a major-general, one was 
 killed in battle at Chancellorsville, one at Sumter, 
 and others shared the fate of captives. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 231 
 
 General Pinckney's treatment of his slaves was 
 wise, systematic, and humane, as you might infer 
 from the justice and generosity of his character. 
 He regarded them much as an English gentleman 
 did the tenants of his ancestral estates, not as 
 chattels, but as laborers providentially subjected 
 to his command, for whose well-being he was re- 
 sponsible, in return for their services. His ne- 
 groes were inherited; he neither bought nor sold 
 them, except to prevent the separation of families, 
 or as a punishment for crime. 
 
 That was the rule of his life, and one which he 
 transmitted to his descendants. The only excep- 
 tion to this rule was the purchase of an estate 
 belonging to female relations who appealed to him 
 to relieve them of property which they could not 
 manage. He hired their negroes for many years, 
 and, as they had intermarried with his own, he 
 purchased them all, at the joint request of owners 
 and slaves. He never permitted his overseers to 
 inflict cruel punishment upon his negroes, and 
 required of them a report of all cases of disci- 
 pline with a statement of the offence, and of the 
 amount of punishment. He carried out fully the 
 idea of the patriarchal relationship which the 
 Southern planter felt towards his slaves ; and the 
 slaves gloried in their masters, and looked up to 
 them as the Scottish clansmen did to their ances- 
 tral chief. 
 
 Combining firmness with kindness in the man- 
 agement of his negroes. General Pinckney had 
 the comfort of faithful and capable servants in the 
 house, in the kitchen, and in the stable. One of 
 
232 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 his attendants will live in history, at least on can- 
 vas. In the familiar picture of the Washington 
 family by Savage, a stately black butler stands 
 behind Washington's chair. That is General 
 Pinckney's body-servant, John Riley, a freeman, 
 for many years in his employ. His wife was 
 Mrs. Pinckney's maid, who accompanied her mis- 
 tress to England. Not wishing to separate him 
 from his wife during his residence abroad, Gen- 
 eral Pinckney carried Riley with him to England. 
 As the painter who was then engaged on the 
 Washington family picture had no black model 
 at hand, he borrowed John Riley from the Ameri- 
 can ambassador to pose as one of Washington's 
 servants, and thus contribute the requisite local 
 coloriag to the home of a Virginia planter. 
 
 General Pinckney's sons inherited their father's 
 spirit in the treatment of their slaves. They in- 
 troduced among the rice-planters of the Santee a 
 more kindly feeling towards their servants, and 
 some improvement both in their diet and in the 
 hours of labor. One of his sons became the leader 
 in the efforts to evangelize the African, by system- 
 atic instruction in the truths of the gospel. He 
 was the first layman in the South who called at- 
 tention in print to the duty of the planters to give 
 religious instruction to their slaves. The whole 
 system of Methodist missions on the Southern 
 plantations grew out of a correspondence between 
 himself and Dr. Capers, the superintendent of 
 work among the slaves. Within a few years fifty 
 chapels were built by the planters along the sea- 
 board of South Carolina, for the religious instruc- 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 233 
 
 tion of their slaves, and fifty thousand negroes 
 were members of Christian churches in South 
 Carolina. In the Episcopal Church, so faithful 
 had been the labors of her clergy, that in 1860 the 
 number of black communicants was only two hun- 
 dred less than the number of white. At the be- 
 ginning of the war the white communicants in this 
 diocese were 3,166, while the colored were 2,960; 
 conclusive evidence that the Southern slaveholder 
 had not neglected the religious welfare of this 
 dependent race. 
 
 The regard for his slaves of his only remain- 
 ing son was strongly manifested during the Con- 
 federate war. He had removed his negroes 
 away from the seaboard to a plantation which he 
 purchased in Abbeville. To provide food and 
 clothing for two hundred slaves was a heavy tax 
 upon his resources at a time when all income 
 ceased and corn was worth flO a bushel. The 
 miUs in the State could not possibly supply the 
 demand for cotton or wooUen goods. He estab- 
 lished looms on his plantation, and set the women 
 to spin cotton, in order to clothe his people; and 
 cut up his carpets to supply the deficiency. Shoes 
 were still harder to be obtained. [The last pair 
 which the writer purchased during the war cost 
 f60.] His carpenters were employed to make 
 wooden soles, topped with the remainder of his 
 carpets, or manufactured wooden sabots, such as 
 French peasants wear. His efforts to provide for 
 his negroes impoverished his descendants for some 
 years. 
 
 In his religious views General Pinekney fol- 
 
234 THOMAS PINCKNET. 
 
 lowed the steps of his ancestors. He was a con- 
 stant attendant on the services of the Episcopal 
 Church in town and country. He was the largest 
 contributor to his parish church at Santee, and 
 often served on the vestry. He took an earnest 
 part in the worship of the church, and his grave 
 tones were heard in the responsive service. 
 Though deaf in later life he had learned to read 
 the language of the clergyman's lips and joined in 
 the response at the right moment. Devout in his 
 habits, he read the Word of God habitually, and 
 ever sought the blessing of Heaven. He inculca- 
 ted upon his children the value of prayer; and he 
 honored his parents by following their precepts. 
 
 Thomas Pinckney died on the 2d of November, 
 1828, in the seventy-ninth year of his age. The 
 uniform companies of the 16th and 17th regiments 
 of South Carolina troops, a squadron of cavalry, 
 and a detachment from the United States garrison 
 at Fort Moultrie, formed the military escort at his 
 funeral. His horse, with its trappings and empty 
 saddle, dressed in crape, followed immediately 
 after the bier, attended by his three aides. Col- 
 onels James Ferguson, Lewis Morris, and Frederic 
 Kinloch, then the officers of the United States, 
 and State of South Carolina. The reverend clergy 
 of all denominations, officers and members of the 
 Cincinnati, and of other societies, and a large con- 
 course of citizens, followed his body to the grave. 
 Minute guns were fired from the city square while 
 the procession moved from his house in Legare 
 Street to St. Philip's Church, on the north side of 
 which his remains repose. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 235 
 
 " On no similar occasion has public respect and 
 veneration been more forcibly and generally ex- 
 pressed, unless it was at the funeral of his illus- 
 trious brother three years before." Surviving all 
 other revolutionary contemporaries of high rank 
 in military or civil life, the two brothers retained 
 the grateful veneration of their countrymen to the 
 end of their days. . No such public honors were 
 manifested on any other similar event since the 
 death of Washington, and never since, except at 
 the funeral of John C. Calhoun. 
 
 We conclude this sketch with the testimony of 
 three writers of a later generation. 
 
 Hugh S. Legare, the most accomplished scholar 
 that South Carolina has produced, points to Gen- 
 eral Pinckney in his old age, "as an example of 
 the loftiest virtue, exercised in all the important 
 duties of life, with all that is most amiable and 
 winning in social habitudes, in polished manners, 
 and in elegant taste." 
 
 It was General Pinckney's good fortune not 
 only to retain the reverence of his fellow-citizens, 
 but the full confidence of Washington. There 
 were so many points of resemblance "as often 
 occasioned a parallel to be drawn between him 
 and the venerated Washington," as Alexander 
 Hamilton had noted. We do not question the 
 exclusive right of Washington to occupy the posi- 
 tion to which his eulogist has lifted him. "The 
 mould which Providence used in forming Wash- 
 ington was cast aside, so that the world may 
 never hope to see a second ; certainly none has yet 
 appeared." That peerless man still rises above the 
 
236 THOMAS PINCKNEY. 
 
 general level of humanity, like the Alps above the 
 plain of Europe, but the resemblance which Alex- 
 ander Hamilton had pointed out still exists. The 
 same calm judgment, unswayed by passion, preju- 
 dice, or interest, the same perfect self-control, the 
 same stern fidelity to duty, the same singular dis- 
 interestedness, the prominent traits of Washing- 
 ton, were there, if not in the same bold outline, yet 
 in general conformity of character, but so toned 
 down by softening influences that the rugged 
 features assume an aspect calculated to attract, 
 rather than to awe or repel, the observer. 
 
 Bold as this comparison now seems, when dis- 
 tance enables us to judge more accurately the true 
 stature of the revolutionary actors. Colonel Wil- 
 liam Henry Drayton did not hesitate to make it. 
 Addressing the. people of Charleston after General 
 Pinckney's death, he employed this strong lan- 
 guage : " Perhaps he combined more of the char- 
 acteristics of Washington than the world will ever 
 see in a single individual." 
 
 WiUiam Henry Trescot, in his model history 
 of American diplomacy, ^ has briefly sketched the 
 two revolutionary brothers in language which, if 
 eulogistic, is nevertheless true. 
 
 "It is difficult to resist the desire to linger with 
 affectionate regard in sight of characters so high, 
 so pure, so true and just in all their dealings as 
 the two Pinckneys. Cultivated in their tastes, 
 and simple in their manners, placed by fortune 
 where the exercise of a graceful hospitality was 
 the habit of their daily life, and the assumption 
 
 1 Page 110. 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 237 
 
 of high duties the natural consequence of their 
 position, brave and gentle, free with all the gen- 
 uine frankness of the Southern nature, and yet 
 grave, as became earnest men in trying times, 
 able, unselfish, active, their success in life was 
 free from all the feverish excitement of political 
 adventure. They sought neither place nor power, 
 but rose gradually from duty to duty, illustrating 
 in the fulness of their lives and services the vir- 
 tues of the class to which they belonged, and 
 bearing through a long and spotless career, — 
 
 " ' Without abuse, 
 The grand old name of gentjeman.' "