i^sso^irv;^^ £ ]^ Cornell University The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924005227503 THE BANCKOFT NATURALIZATION TREATIES WITH THE GERMAN STATES; THE UNITED STATES^ CONSTITUTION AND THE RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES OF CITIZENS OF FOREIGN BIRTH. BEING A COLLECTION OF DOCUMENTS AND OPINIONS RELATING TO THE SUB.TECT, TO THE ENCROACHMENT OF THE NORTH- GERMAN TREATY ON OUR CIVIL RIGHTS, AND THE MEASURES TO REBUT IT. AN APPEAL TO THE GEEMAN-AMBEICAN CITIZENS , TO THE GOTEENMBNT, CONGEBSS , COUET OF CLAIMS, AND THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES AT LAEGE. BY CHARLES MUNDE, AN ADOPTED CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES. WTJRZBrEG. soxjD by a., stxjbee. iraiW YOEK, _ PHILADELPHIA, ST. LOUIS, iY WILLIAM BADDE. BT SOH.ffi:FEB, di CORRADI. BY C B. WITTER. 1868. Gr UBI LIBEETAS , IBI PATBIA. i'BINTED BY F. E. THEIN AT WURZBURG. PREFACE. What is every body's business is nobody's business. There- fore, not from a sense of particular fitness for the purpose, I have taken a matter in hand which concerns all naturahzed American citizens of German birth, and more particularly those who reside in the territory of the North German Confederation. By Mr. Bancroft's ti'eaty with the latter, or rather by the fourth article of the same, our civil rights have been encroached upon, and the protection law, passed by Congress on the 25* of July, rectifies the mistake only with regard to our home govern- ment, but not with the government of North Germany, which, of course, knows no other law in reference to us than their own, and the letter of the treaty made with the United States. The two laws conflicting, all sort of trouble may be in store for us and our Government, unless something have been done quite recently by the North -German minister at Washington in con- sequence of the instructions received from Berlin on the 26'" of August last, as I have reported page 116. Under the circumstances , I urge upon my fellow - citizens the necessity of forming clubs all over Germany for mutual in- formation and support. There are questions, and there may be in future, which single individuals will find it difficult to get an- swered satisfactorily, but which the weight of many may bring to a proper solution. We have all leisure and means enough, to allow us to contribute a trifling share towards the protection of our privileges. I have learned, during my short stay in this place that there exists , in all the Prussian provinces , arbitrary taxation of foreigners, including American citizens, taxed at home. Applications to our consuls, and to our minister at Berlin, have had no result. And yet Mr. Bancroft intended to make his protection of his fellow- Citizens depending on their paying taxes at home ! — Similar and other questions may arise, the solutions of which ought to be known to every one of us by a cheap periodical published at our common expense, and with the assistance of those concerned. Till the formation of societies can be realized and an abler pen than mine be found, I shall be glad to receive any com- munications, at Wurzburg, Bavaria, and use them for our com- mon interests. Wiesbaden, Sept. 19*", 1868. C. M. ERRATA. Pag. 1. Naturalization — Confederation — „ 38. proceeding — „ 39. Naturalization — shall not be entitled „ 42. That article as it now stands — „ 43. American rule, as it had received — „ 45. Oommitee — „ 59. circnlation of counterfeits — „ 94. which occasioned — .,,139. Constitution — I. THE NATURALISATION TREATT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE NORTH GERMAN GOVERNMENT BEFORE THE DIET OF THE NORTH GERMAN CONFEDRATION. Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bnndes. Actenstllck Nro. 8. Berlin den 24. Marz 1868. Im Naraen des Prasidiums des norddeutschen Bundes beehrt sich dar unterzeichnete Bundeskanzler , den am 22. Februar c. in Berlin unterzeichneten Vertrag zwischen dem Norddeutschen Bunde und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, betreffend die Staats-Angehorigkeit der- jenigen Personen, welche aus dem Gebiete des einen Theils in das des andern einwandern, nachdem der Bundesrath demselben seine Zustimmung ertheilt hat, dem Reichstage des Norddeutschen Bundes zur verfassungsmassigen Genehmigung ganz ergebenst vorzulegen. Ein diesen Vertrag motivirender Bericht der AussehUsse des Bundes -Rathes ftir das Landheer und die Festungen und ftir Justiz- wesen ist ganz ergebenst beigefttgt. V. Bismarck. An den Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes. Seine Majestat der KSnig von Preussen, im Namen des Norddeut- schen Bundes, und der Prasident der Vereinigten Staaten von Ame- rika, von dem Wunsche geleitet, His Majesty the King of Prussia in the name of the North German Confederation and the President of the United States of America, led by the wish to regulate the 1 die Staats-Angehorlgkeit derjeni- gen Personen zu regein, welclie aus dem Norddeutschen Bunde in die Vereinigten Staaten von Arae- rika und aus den Vereinigten Staa- ten von Amerika in das Gebiet des Norddeutsohen Bundes einwan- dern, haben bescUossen, liber die- sen Gegenstand zu unterbandeln, und zu diesem Behufe BevoUmacb- tigte ernannt, um eine TJeberein- kunft abzuscbliessen, namlicli Seine Majestiit der Kunig von Preussen: Allerbocbstibren Gebeimen Legations - Rath Bernliard Konig und der Prdsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika: den ausserordentlicben Ge- sandten und bevollmachtig- ten Minister Georg Bancroft, welche die folgenden Artikel ver- einbart und unterzeichnet haben. Artikel 1. Angehorige des Norddeutsohen Bundes, welche naturalisirte Staats- Angehorige der Vereinigten Staa- ten von Amerika geworden sind und fiinf Jahre lang ununterbrochen in den Vereinigten Staaten zuge- bracht haben, sollen von dem. Nord- deutsohen Bunde als Amerikani- sche AngehSrige erachtet und als solche behandelt werden. Ebenso sollen Staats - Ange- hOrige der Vereinigten Staaten von citizenship of those persons who emigrate from the North German Confederation to the United Sta- tes of America and from the Uni- ted States of America to the terri- tory of the North German Con- federation, have resolved to treat on this subject and have for that purpose appointed plenipotentiaries to conclude a convention , that is to say: Bis Majesty the king of Prussia: Bernliard Konig , Privy Coun- cillor of Legation, and The President of the United States of America : George Bancroft, Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Pleni- potentiary from the said States, near the king of Prussia and the North German Confederation , who have agreed to and signed the following articles: Article 1. Citizens of the North German Confederation who become natural- ized citizens of the United States of America and shall have resided uninterruptedly within the United States five years shall be held bj- the North German Confederation to be American citizens and shall be treated as such. Reciprocally: citizens of the United States of America who become naturalized citizens of the Amerika , welche naturalisirte An- gehorige des Norddeutschea Bundes geworden sind und filnf Jahre lang in Norddeutscliland zugebracht haben, von den Vereinigten Staa- ten als AngehBrige des Norddeut- schenBundes eraclitet und als solche behandelt werden. Die blosse Erklarung der Ab- sicht, Staats-AngebSriger des einen oder des andern Theils werden zu woUen, soil in Beziehung aufkei- nen der beiden Theile die Wirkung der Naturalisation haben. Artikel 2. Ein naturalisirter Angeboriger des einen Theils soil bei etwaiger Eiickkehr in das Gebiet des andern Theils wegen einer, naeh den dor- tigen G-esetzen mit Strafe bedroh- ten Handlung , welohe er vor sei- • ner Auswanderung verlibt hat, zur TJntersuchung und Strafe gezogen werden konnen, sofern nicht nach den bezUgliohen Gesetzen seines ursprlinglichen Vaterlandes Ver- jahrung eingetreten ist. Artikel 3. Der Vertrag zwiscben den Ver- einigten Staaten von Amerika einer- seits und Preussen und andern deut- Rchen Staaten andererseits, wegen der dn gewissen Fallen zu gewah- renden Auslieferung der vor der Justiz fluohtigen Verbrecher, wel- cher am 16. Juni 1852 abgeschlos- sen worden ist, wird hiermit anf alle Staaten des Norddeutschon Bundes ausgedebnt. North German Confederation and shall have resided uninterruptedly within North Germany five years shall be held by the United States to be North German citizens and shall be treated as such. The declaration of an inten- tion to become a citizen oi the one or the other country has not for either party the effect of natura- lization. Article 2. A naturalized citizen of the one party on return to the terri- tory of the other party remains liable to trial and punishment for an action punishable by the laws of his original 'country and com- mitted before his ©migration ; saving always the limitation established by the laws of his original country. Article 3. The convention for the mutual delivery of criminals , fugitives from justice , in certain cases, con- cluded between the United States on the one^ part and Prussia and the other States of Germany on the other part, the sixteenth day of June one thousand eight hund- red and 'fiftytwo, is hereby ex- tended to all the states of tlie North German Confederation. 1* Artikel 4. Werm ein in Amerika naturali- sirter Deutscher sich wieder in Norddeutschland niederlasst ohne die AbsicM , nach Amerika zuriick- zukehren, so soil er als auf seine Naturalisation in den Vereinigten Staaten Verzicht leistend, erachtet werden. Ebenso soil ein in dem Nord- deutschen Bunde naturalisirter Amerikaner, wenn er sich wieder in den Vereinigten Staaten nieder- lasst, ohne die Absicht, nach Nord- deutschland zuruckzukehren , als auf seine Naturalisation in Nord- deutschlandVerzicht leistend, erach- tet -werden. Der VerzicM auf die Riickkelir kann als vorhanden angesehen wer- den, wenn der Naturalisirte des einen Theils si6h lunger als zwei Jahre in dem Gebiete des andern Theils aufhdlt. Artikel 5. Der gegenwartige Vertrag tritt sofort nach dem Austausch der Ratiflcationen in Kraft und hat fur zehn Jahre Giltigkeit. "Wenn kein Theil dem andern sechs Monate vor dem Ablauf dieser zehn Jahre Mittheilung von seiner Absicht macht, denselben dann auf- zuheben , so soil er ferner in Kraft bleiben bis zum Ablauf von zw5lf Monaten , nachdera einer der con- trahirenden Theile dem andern von einer solchen Absicht Kennt- niss gegeben. Article 4. If a German naturalized in America renews his residence in North Oermany without the intent to return to America he shall be held to have renounced his naturaliza- tion in the United States. Reciprocally: if an American naturalized in North Germany * renews his residence in the United States without the intent to return to North Germany he shall be held to have renounced his naturalization in North Germany. The intent not to return may be held to exist when the person naturalized in the one country resides more than two years in the other country. Article 5. The present convention shall go into effect immediately on the exchange of ratifications and shall continue in force for ten years. If neither party shall have given to the other six months previous notice of its intention then to terminate the same, it shall further remain in force until the end of twelve months after either of the high con- tracting parties shall have given notice to the other of such intention. * A circumstance which scarcely ever happens. M. Artikel 6. Der gegenwartige Vertrag soil ratiflcirfc werden von Seiner Maje- stat dem Konige von Preussen im Namen des Norddeutschen Bundes uud von dem Prasidenten unter iind mit Genehuiigung des Senats der Vereinigten Staaten, und die Ratificationen sollen zu Berlin in- nerhalb secbs Monaten vom heuti- gen Datum ausgewechselt werden. Zu TJrkund dessen haben die Bevollmacttigten diese Ueberein- kunft unterzeichnet und besiegelt. Berlin, den 22. Februar 1868. gez. BERNHARD KONIG. (L. S.) gez. GEORGE BANCROFT. (L. S.) Article 6. The present convention shall be ratified by His Majesty the King of Prussia in the name of the North German Confederation and by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States and the rati- fications shall be exchanged atBerlin within six months from the date hereof. In faith whereof the Pleni- potentiaries have signed and sealed this convention. Berlin, the 22°* of February 1868. sign. GEORGE BANCROFT. (L. S.-) sign. BERNHARD KONIG. (L. S.) II. E E P R T F THE UNITED COMMITTEES FOR THE LAND -ARMY AND FORTRESSES AND FOR THE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT ON THE TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONCERNING THE NATURALIZATION OP EMIGRANTS, OF FEBRUARY 22° 1868. B e r i c h t der vereinigten Ausschiisse fiir das Landheer und die Festungjen und fiir Justizwesen iiber den Vertrag mit den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika vom 22. Februar 1868 im Betreff der Staats-r Angehorigkeit der Eingewanderten. (Nro. 1 der Drucksachen.) Seine M^jestat der Konig von Preussen im Namen des Nord- deutschen Bundes und der Prasident der vereinigten Staaten von Amerika haben unterm 22. Pebruar d. J. duroh ihre zu diesem Behufe bestellten Bevollmachtigten eine TJebereinkunft abgeschlos^en, durcli welcte die Staatsangelibrigkeit derjenigen Personen geregelt wird, welohe aus dem Norddeutsclien Bunde in die Vereinigten Staiaten von Amerika raid aus den Vereinigten Staaten vOn Amerika in das Gebiet des Norddeutschen Bundes einwandern. Nach Art. 4 der Verfassung unterliegen die Bestimmungen tilser die Heimathsverlialtnisse , das Staatsbiirgerrecht, die Auswanderung nacli ausserdeutschen Landern, das Strafrecht, der Beaufsichtigung Seitens des Bundes und der Gesetzgebung desselben. Vertrage mit fremden Staaten , die sich iauf Gegenstaiide aus dem Bereiohe der Bundes - Gesetzgebung beziehen, bedilrfen nach Art. 11 zu ihrem Ab- sohlusse der Zustimmung des Bundesrathes und zu ihrer Giltigkeit der Genehmigung des B,eichstages. Den Absckluss des Vertrages hat der Herr Bundeskanzler den Bundes - Eegierungen unterm 5. Februar d. J. vorgescMagen und die Unterzeichnung ist erfolgt, nachdem von, keiner Seite "Widerspruch erhoben war und, unter Bertloksichtigung verschledener "Wunsche, welohe einzelne, Eegierungen geaussert batten. ' Gegenwartig ist der Vertrag zur Ertheilung der formlichen Zu- stimmung dem Bundesrathe vorgelegt worden und den vereinigten Ausschiissen fiir das Landheer und die Festungen und fur Justiz- wesen zur Berichterstattung uberwiesen. Die Competenzfrage ist durch das Vorbemerkte erledigt. Veranlassung zum Abschlusse des Vertrages haben die langjahrigen DiiTerenzen gegeben, welclie daraus entstanden sind, dass die Ee- gierung der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika den Grundsatz befolgt, dass der Erwerb des Amerikanischen Burgerrechts alle aus der fruheren Staatsangehorigkeit eines Eingewanderten resultirenden Beziehungen. lose, wahrend in verschiedenen Staaten des Norddeutschen Bundes die gesetzliche Bestimmung besteht, dass die Staatsangehorigkeit durch die Abwesenheit gar nicht oder nur unter gewissen Voraus- setzungen und' nach einer langeren Eeihe von Jahren verloren geht, auch weun der Abwesende inzwischen das Biirgerrecht in einem anderen Staate erworben hat. Die Eegierung der Vereinigten Staaten halt es in Eolge ihres Grundsatzes nicht fiir zulassig, dass Fremde, welche das amerikani- sche Bttrgerreoht erworben haben, bei ihrer Ettckkehr in ihr frliheres Vaterland noch als Staatsangehorige dfesselben betrachtet, und zum Militardienst herangezogen werden , wahrend die ErftlUung der Militar- pflioht von Seiten solcher Ausgewanderten auf Grund der besteheiiden gesetzlichen Bestimmungen in ' den betreffenden Staaten des Nord- deutschen Bundes gefordert werden muss und gefordert ist. Die hieraus entstandenen Conflicte haben mehrfach zu lebliaften Erorter- ungen gefiihrt, und dadurch hat die TJeberzeugung Eauin gewonnen, dass as im allseitigen Interesse begrundet sei, die Sache durch eine formliche Uebereinkunft mit den Vereinigten Staaten zu regeln. Hierauf war um so grosserer "Wertli zu legen,, als in jeneu Staaten entschie- dene Bestrebungen hervorgetreten sind, die Frist von flinf Jahren abzukilrzen , mit deren Ablauf bislang erst die Naturalisation daselbst erlangt werden konnte , — die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten aber sich bereit zeigte, an der seitlierigen Frist dem Konigreich Preussen rasp, dem Norddeutschen Bunde gegenuber festzuhalten , wenn kuf der anderen Seite der Grundsatz Anerkennung finde, dass durch die Naturalisation in Amerika die friihere Staatsangehorigkeit erlosche. Die gegen eine seiche TJebereinkunft etwa aus militarisohen Griinden herzuleitenden Bedenken traten vor den Erwagungen zurtlck, dass kaum zu bafurchten staht, es konne die Erganzung des Heeres durch eine Erleichterung der Auswanderung nach Amerika gefahrdet werden, und dass das Fernbleiben von Individuen, die sich ihrem Vaterlande fiinf Jahra lang entziehen und sich entnaturalisiren, um der Ableistung d^er Militarpflicht zu entgehen, uicht als aln Verlust fiir die Armea anzusehen ist. "Wie hiernach der Abschluss des Vertrages an sich als ein wesent- licher Gewinn zu betrachten ist, so konnen auch die ainzelnen Be- stimmungen desselben nur der Zustimmung empfohlen werden. Artikel 1 spricht den Grundsatz aus , dass der funfjahrige ununtarbrochene Aufenthalt in dem Gebiete des einen Theils mit hinzutretander f'drm- lichar Naturalisation die Staatsangehorigkeit fiir den eingewauderten Angehorigen des andarn Theils begrtinda. Erfordert wird ein aus- drilcklicher Naturalisationsact , der durch die vielfach iiblich gewasene vor einer Magistratsparson abgegabene blosse Erklarung der Absicht, Staatsangehoriger des einen oder das andern Theils werden zu wollen, nicht ersetzt werden kann. Die Frage , ob mit und nach der Erwerbung der Staats-Angehorig- keit in dem Gebiete des einen Theils die Staats-Angehorigkeit des Ausgewanderten in dem Gebieta des andern Theils noch fortdauert, 8 wird diirch den Vertrag nicht entscliieden und ist nach der inneren Gesetzgebung des betreffenden Landes zu beantworten. Jedenfalls ist der Ausgewanderte aber als fremder Staatsangebbriger und nur als solcher bis dahin anzusehen , wo er unter den Modalitdten des Artikels 4 zuriickkehrt. Artikel 3 bezieht sich auf den Fall, dass eiu Ausgewanderter vor der Aus- wanderung in seinem Helmathstaate Handlungen begangen hat, die nach den Gesetzen dieser Heimath strafbar sind. Artikel 3 enthalt die Ausdehnung des am 16. Juni 1852 zwischen Preussen und einigen andern deutschen Staaten einerseits und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika anderseits abgeschlossenen , bier beigefiigten Vertrages liber die gegenseitige Auslieferung fluchtiger Verbrecher auf alle Staaten des Norddeutschen Bundes, wozu die gegenwartige TJebereinkunft eiue erwlinschte Veranlassung und Gelegenheit ge- boten hat. Artikel 4 * giebt dem Grundsatze Ausdruck , dass in dem Gebiete des einen Theils naturalisirte fruhere Angeborige des andern Theils nach ibrer Riick- kebr in ihr frttheres Vaterland nicht mehr unter dem Schutze des Vertrages stehen, wenn sie in der alten Heimath sich wieder dauernd niederlassen. Die Frage tlber die Staatsangehorigkeit dergestalt ZurUck- gekebrter ist wieder nach der inneren Gesetzgebung zu entscheiden, durch welche bekanntlich mehrfach die Zulassigkeit eines doppelten TJnterthanenverbaltnisses anerkannt wird. Ist dies der Fall, so erscbeint der Ausgewanderte, so lange er im Auslande lebt und sein frttheres Vaterland noch nicht wieder gewahlt hat, als Auslander und ohne * (Verbal translatiun.) Art. 4'" expresses the principle that persons natu- ralized in the territory of the one part after emigrating from that of the otlicr, shall no longer stand under the protection of the treaty, if they settle again permanently in their former country. The question about the citizenship (Staatsangehorigkeit) of persons returned in this way , is to be decided again according to the particular (inneren) legislation, by which, as it is known, frequently a double citizenship is acknowleged. If this be the case, the emi- grant, so long as he lives abroad (im Auslande) and has not returned to the allegiance of his former country, appears as an alien (Auslander, foreigner) and without obligations towards his home; on his return, all his former rights Verpflichtiingen gegen das Heimathland ; kelirt er zurtick, so leben seine alten TJnterthanenrechte wieder auf , und mit den Rechten auch die Pflichten , deren Erftilluug der Staat von seinen Angeliorigen verlangt, — den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika gegeniiber selbst- verstandlich unter den Modalitaten und Besclirankungen des Artikels 4 des Vertrages. Wird durch die innere Gesetzebung die Moglichkeit eines mehr- fachen TJnterthapenverhaltnisses nicht statuirt, die Zulassigkeit eines solchen vielmehr sogar verneint, so wird der in seine Heimath Zu- rilckkehrende, wie der Einwandernde, Heimaths- und TJnterthanen- rechte wieder hesonders zn erwerben haben. Ob der in sein ursprilngliches Vaterland zuruckkehrende und sich dort niederlassende Auswanderer die Absicht vnterhdlt , in der alten Heimath zu verbleiben, ist eine That/rage, die in jedem ein- zelnen Falle festgestellt werden muss; jedenfalls aber ist der alte Heimathsstaat befugt, eine Verzichtleistung auf die in der neuen Heimath erlangte Naturalisation anzunehmen , wenn der Zuruck- kehrende sich lunger als zwei Jahre in seinem urspriunglichen Vater- lande wieder aufgehalten hat. Dann ist die Anrufung des Schutzes der neuen Heimath ausgeschlossen. Artikel 5 und 6 gebeu zu Bemerkungen heine Veranlassung. as a subject (or citizen) revive, and witli the rights also the duties which the state exacts from its suh.jects or citizens (Angehorigen) — in relation to the United States of America , of course , under the modalities and restrictions of Article 4 of the Treaty. If the particular legislation of a state do not permit a severalfold citizen- ship (ein mehrfaches Unterthanenverhaltniss) , nay if it expressly forbid it, the person returning to his former home, alike with the emigrant, will have to reacquire anew his rights of home and as a subject (Heimath - und TJnter- thanenrechte). Whether the emigrant returning to his original country/ and settling there, has the intention to remain in his old home, is a question of fact, which must he settled in every particular case, in any case, however, the govern- ment of the old country of the person in question is entitled to talss for (/ranted a renunciation of the nattiralization acquired in the adopted country , if the person returned resides again, longer than two years in his original country. Then the claim of the protection of the neto country is eaecluded. 10 Die vereinigten Ausscbusse beantragen: der Bundesrath woUe dem abgescliloSsenen Vertrage die Zu- stimmung ertheilen, und das Prasidium um die Vorlage des- selben an den Eeicbstag zum Zweck der verfassungsmassigen Genehmignng ersucben. Berlin, den IG. Marz 1868. Die vereiiiigten Ausscliiisse fill" das Landheer und die Festungen und fUr Justizwesen. V. Podbielski. Pape. V. Brandenstein. v. Bertrab. V. Bilguer. Cui'tius. V. Seebach. III. E X T E A C T TKOM THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE DIET OF THE NORTH GERMAN CON- FEDERATION, 6™ SESSION, THURSDAY, APRIL 2° 1868. A u s z u g au8 den Verhandlungen des Reichstags des Norddeutschen Bundes. 6. Sitzung, am Donnerstag, den 2. April 1868. Der Herr Bundeskanzler tbeilt mit, dass der Bundesrath des Norddeutschen Bmides fUr die Vertretuug der nachstehend bezeicb- neten Vorlageu aussor seinen Miigliedern auf Grmid des Artikel l(i der Bundesverfassung zu Cimimissarien ernarmt hat, und zwar: 3) fiir den Vertrag zwisohen dem Norddeutschen Bunde und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, betreffend die Staatsangehbrigkeit derjenigen Personen , ■welche aus dem G-ebiete des einen Theils in das des andern einwandern , den Koniglich Preussi- scben Geheimen Legationsrath Herrn KUnig. — ....... Prasident Wir treten in die Tages - Ordnung eiu, und zwar zunachst in die Schl'ussberathung uber den am 22. Februar 11 d. J. zwischen dem Norddeutschen Bunde und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika abgeschlossenen Vertrag, betreffend die Staatsangehorig- keit derjenigeii Personen, welche aus dem Gebiete des einen Theils in das des andern einwandern. Eeferenten sind die Abgeordneten Meier (Bremen) und Dr. Schleiden. Der Antrag ist auf der lieutigen Tages - Ordnung abgedruckt. Er gelit dahin: Der Reichstag woUe beschliessen : dem bezeichnetea Vertrage die verfassungsmassige Zu- stimmung zu ertheilen. Ich bitte den Abgeordneten Meier (Bremen) das Wort zu nehmen. Beriohterstatter Meier (Bremen): Der vorliegende Vertrag zwi- schen dem Norddeutschen Bunde und den Vereinigten Staaten scheint auf den ersten Blick vielieicht nicht von der Bedeutung und der Trag- weite, "wie er meines Erachtens ist. Denn es wird in demselben ein neues Princip im volkerrechtlichen Verkehr zur Anerkennung gebracht, welches bei dem gesteigerten Verkehr uber die ganze Erde wirklich eine Nothwendigkeit ist, das Princip, dass, wenn ein Angehoriger des einen Staates gesetzmassig Angehoriger eines andern Staates wird, er damit seiner Rechte und seiner Pflichten ledig wird. In den moisten grosseren Staaten kann das Kecht auf seine Angehorigkeit entweder nicht oder erst nach langerer Zeit aufgegeben werden, selbst wenn sie in einem andern Staate naturalisirt worden sind, und hat diess hauflg Anlass zu DifPerenzen gegeben bei der starken Auswanderung aus Deutschland nach den Vereinigten Staaten, wohl nirgends mehr, als zwischen diesem und den einzelnen Staaten von Nordamerika, indem , wenn die deutschen Angehorigen , die in Amerika naturalisirt waren, in die Heimath ziirttckkehrten , sie von ihren Eegierungen in Anspruoh genommen wurden, namentlich wegen ihrer Militarpflicht. In dieser Weise sind sehr viele Reclamationen zu meiner Kenntniss gekommen, und wenn sie nicht zum Austrag gebracht worden sind, so mag es wohl damit zusammenhangen , dass es seine Schwierig- keit hatte, sie gegen manche der Staaten geltend zu machen. Diese Schwierigkeiten wurden aber gegen den Norddeutschen Bund nicht mehr bestehen. Ich erachte es daher filr eine weise Fursorge, und ich moohte dem Herm Bundeskanzler meinen Dank dafiir darbringen, dass auf diese "Weise durcli den vorgelegten Vertrag zukunftigen Con- flicten vorgebeugt ist. Ich freue mioh, dass dieses neue Princip im 12 Volkerrecht zuerst von dem Norddeutschen Bunde und den Vereinig- ten Staaten zur Geltung gebracht worden ist. Ich hoffe, dass die Bemuhungen in diesem Fortschritt auch auf einem anderen Gebiete ebenso mit Erfolg gekront warden , wie auf diesem — ich meine den Antrag, den wir soeben hier vernommen haben. Um librigens die Bedeiitung dieses Vertrages noch zu constatiren, will ick nur erwahnen, dass, sobald er verlautbarte , sofort in Eng- land, wo man das Princip der Angeliorigkeit stets und auf gaftze Lebzeiten festgehalten hat, sich Stimmen ira Parlamente erhoben haben, einen gleichen Vertrag in Aussicht zu nehmen und ein ahn- liches Princip zu adoptiren. Was die Bestimmungen des Vertrags selbst anbetriflft, so bemerke ich zunaehst , dass sie auf vollkommener Gegenseitigkeit beruhen * ; sie sind den bestehendeu Naturalisationsgesetzen der Vereinigten Staa- ten angepasst, welche einen fiinfJElhrigen ununterbrochenen Aufenthalt erfordern, um das Biirgerrecht zu erlangen. Bei der etwas laxen Praxis in dieser Beziehung und bei dem Mangel jeder Controle in den Vereinigten Staaten ist man aber sehr haufig davon abgewichen. Die Leute sind vielleicht frtiher Bfirger geworden, als nach einem fiinf- jahrigen Aufenthalte , und gerade seiche Falle sind Veranlassung zu diesen Confiicten gewesen, welche meines Erachtens dieser Vertrag beseitigt, indem nicht mehr das Factum des Biirgerwerdens , sondern die Zeitdauer des Aufenthaltes bei der Beurtheilung dieser Frage in Betracht kommen wird, und die Zeitdauer nattirlich viel leichter zu constatiren, als der Beweis, dass Jemand wirklich Burger geworden, zu fiihren ist. Und somit wird der Vertrag dazu beitragen , die guten Verhaltnisse mit einem Lande, in dem Millionen von Deutschen ihre zweite Heimath gefunden haben, mit dem uns die ausgedehntesten Handels- und Schiflffahrtsheziehungen in Verbindung setzen, immer mehr und mehr zu befestigen. Ich mochte mir noch eine ganz kleine Bemerkung zu den Aus- fiihrungen in dem Berichte des Bundesrathes erlauben. Es wird nam- lich darin gesagt, das Princip des Rechts, in zwei Staaten zu gleicher Zeit Burger zu sein, wilrde durch diesen Vertrag nicht bertihrt — was ja richtig ist — , aber die Vereinigten Staaten haben stets das Princip hingestellt, dass, wer Bitrger der Vereinigten Staaten sei, * Nur dass keine gebornen Amerikaner mit der Absicht auswandern, deutsche Unterthanen zu werden. Ich kenne wenigstens Iceinen. M. 13 nie Burger eines andern Staates sein konne, und in ihrem Gesetze und in dem BUrgereide , den Jemand, der natnralisirt werden will, zu schwOren hat, muss er ausdrijcklich jede Angehorigkeit , jeden Gehorsam , seine allegiance gegen seinen Heimathsstaat abschworen. — Dieses will ioh nur, urn Missverstandnisse zu vermeiden , hinzufiigen. Im TJebrigen kann ich mit voUster TJeberzeugung dem Hohen Hause die Zustimmung zu diesem Vertrage, welcher am Geburtstage des grossen Griinders der Eepublik gezeichnet ist, empfehlen, und bitte Sie, imsern Antrag auzunehmen. Priisident: Ich frage, ob der Herr Correferent sich jetzt aus- sern will ? Correferent Dr.Schleiden: Meine Herren! Wie der geehrte Herr Eeferent, so kann auch ich Ihnen nur mit voller TJeberzeugung empfeh- len , diesem Vertrage Ihre verfassungsmassige Zustimmung zu ertheilen. Mit der Au£fassung des Herrn Eeferenten bin ich allerdings nicht ganz einverstanden ; ich glaube , die Sache steht juristisch etwas anders , und ich werde mir gleich erlauben , mit wenigen Worten darauf einzngehen. Lassen Sie mich aber voranschicken , dass wir, meiner Ansicht nach , der Bundes - Regierung AUe zu Dank verpflichtet sein mtissen, dass sie daflir Sorge getragen hat, einen Differenzpunkt zu beseitigen, der schon mehr als einmal zu ernsten Zerwiirfnissen zu ftthren gedroht hat. Wer, wie ich, Jahre hindurch die Ehre gehabt hat, deutsche Staaten jenseits des Oceans diplomatisch zu vertreten, die bltihenden Ansiedelungen unserer deutschen Mitbtlrger nicht nur im Osten, sondem am Oberen See , auf den fernen Prairien des "Westens , an den Mttnd- ungen des Mississippi zu beobachten, und liberall dort Freunde zahlt, — wer weiss, wie sehr alle diese Deutschen nocli mit der Heimath zu- sammenhangen und den lebhaften "Wunsch haben, die bestehenden Beziehungen zwischen jener grossen Eepublik und Deutschland immer inniger zu machen, wer ferner weiss und beachtet, dass dieDeutsch- Amerikaner wahrend des letzten Burgerkrieges auf den Schlachtfeldern sich die Achtung ihrer neuen Mitburger erkampft haben, dass Volk imd Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten dankbar anerkennen , dass von alien Nationen der Welt die Deutschen ihnen wahrend jenes grossen Kampfes die lebhaftesten Sympathieen entgegengetragen und nie daran gezweifelt haben, dass die Sache der Union und der Frei- heit siegen werde, sobald erst die Eegierung in Washington gelernt haben werde , ihre voile Macht zu gebrauchen , und dass Deutschland 14 auch heute nicht bezweifelt, dass aucli die gegenwartige grosse Krisis gliicklich liberwimden werden wird, well in der grossea Masse des Amerikanischea Volkes Massigkeit uad Siaa fur Gereclitigkeit besteht; war, sage ioh, dies Alles beacttet, der wird mir auch daria bei- stimmea, dass wir alle Ursache babea, der Bundesregierung daakbar zu sein , dass sie durch diesea Vertrag eiaea Differenzpunkt beseitigen will, der zu eiaer Storuag dieser freundlicben Beziehungea hatte fiibrea koaaen. Wiederbolt ist maa aahe daraa gewesen, zu einem solchea Zerwiirfaiss zu kommea. Das Priacip , dass jeder Staat das ausscbliessliche Reoht bat, die Verhaltaisse voa Persoaea und Diugea inaerbalb seiaes Terri- toriums nach seiaem eigeaen souveraiaea Willea uad Gutdiiukea zu regulirea, ist allgemein aaerkaant, ist auch im Nordamerikaaiscbea Recbte, wie die beruhmtea Juristen Story, Lawrence und Aadere bezeugea , aaerkaant. Aus diesem Principe folgt, dass jeder einzelae Staat das Recbt hat, die Militarpflichtigkeit seiaer AageliBrigea und die Bedingungen, uater welchea er denselben gestattcn will auszu- wandern, zu bestimmen. Das ist denn auch in alien deutschen Staatea geschehea. Ich halte es aber aicht fur nothig, auf die Einzelheiteii in dieser Beziehung einzugehen, well Jeder, der sich dariiber unter- richtea will, ia einem 113 Folioseitea laagea Bericht des seligea Buadestags aus der 21. Sitzung vora Jahre 1858 eine sehr gute , Zu- sammenstelluag der betreffeaden Gesetz-Bestimmungen findet. Mebrere StaatsaiannSr Araerika's , deren Namea auch in Deutschland einen sehr gutea Klaag haben , Henry Wheatoa, Daniel Webster, Edwai'd Everett haben in dea Jahrea 1840, 1852 und 1853 der Koaiglich Preussischen und der franzOsischen Regierung gegenliber dieses Pria- cip anerkannt und ausgesprochen , dass, wenn eln Eremder, der in Amerika aaturalisirt wordea sei, demaachst freiwillig ia seiae Heimath zurttckkehre und dort wegea Verletzung seiaer Militarpflicht zur Strafe gezogea uad zur aachtraglichen Erfiillung seiner Militarpflicht ange- haltea werde, die amerikanische Regieruag aicht berechtigt sei, sich einzumischea. Ia diesem Punkte weiche ich von dem Herrn Referen- ten ab, der meint, dass das aicht der Fall gewesen sei. Erst uater der Administration des Prasidenten Buchaaaa, als in Folge der zu- nehmeadea Auswaaderung zahlreiche Beschwerden solcher naturalisir- tea Burger eialiefea, weiche glaubtea, dass eia amerikanischer Pass bei der Rttckkehr in die Heimath eia Freibrief sei gegen alle Be- strafungfiirGesetzverletzuagen, die sie ror der Auswanderuag begangea 15 haben, — erst damals und, weil in derZeit, welche der sogenannten neuen Aera in Preussen unmittelbar vorterglng, die Militargesetze mit besonderer Strange angewandt wurden, stellte man in Amerika ein neues Princip auf. Der Staatsseeretar Cass entwickelte, nament- licb in zwei Noten vom 12. Mai nnd 8. Juli 1859, dieses neue Prin- cip, indem er sagte: Diejenigen Staaten , mit denen Amerika in einem Vertragsverhaltniss steht , und die vertragsmassig sammtlicben Ameri- kaniscben Biirgern Schutz zugestanden liaben, wenn sich dieselben in ihren Landern befinden, dw-fen keinen UnterscJded zwischen ein- gebornen und naluralisirten Biirgern Amerika' s machen, die bekarmt- lich alle dieselben Rechte haben , mit der einzigen Ausnohme, dass kein naturalisirter Burger Prasident warden kann, und auch eine langere Prist erforderlicb ist, ehe er in den Congress eintreten darf. Er fiigte hinzu, naturalisirte amerikaniscbe Burger diirften namentlicli nicht bestraft werden, wenn sie eine erst klinftig eintretende Militarpflicht verletzt batten , und nicbt unmittelbar aus dem Militardienste entwicben seien. Feruer wollte er den kleineren deutschen Staaten nicbt gestatten, dass sie auf Grund der Bundes- Cartel -Convention vom Jabre 1831 die militarpflicbtigen Deserteure aus andern Deutscben Bundes-Staaten, die mittlerweile in Amerika naturalisirt waren, an ihren Heimatbs- staat auslieferten. Icb will ihnen nicbts aus diesem Buche vorlesen, meine Herren , aber es entbalt dasselbe die Correspondenz , die in dieser Beziebung dem Amerikaniscben Congress im Jahre 1860 vor- gelegt ist. Nacb diesen einleitenden Bemerkungen erlauben Sie mir einige Worte fiber den Vertrag selbst zu sagen. Der Vertrag , obgleich icb ihn warm empfelile, isl leider nicht so gliicklich gej'asst, wie man wunschen inljchte. Icb balte es desshalb fiir meine Pilicbt, denlnbalt der einzelnen Artikel , wie icb denselben verstebe , Ibnen kurz dar- zulegen, und> icb richte an die Herren Vertreter des Bundesrathes die Bitte, micb zu bericlitigen, wenn icb den Inhalt nicbt ricbtig constatire , und wenn die Herren nicbt liberzeugt sein sollten , dass die Amerikanis&be Regierung meine Interpretation theilt, dafur Sorge zu tragen, dass bei dem Austausch der Batificationen in einem ScMuss- prolocoll dies ndher constatirt werde. * * Dr. Sclileiden nThe treaty is not so satisfactorily worded as one could wish." „ that care might be tal I! )5 !) J) 23. „ 43. „ „ „ „ „ ,, 21 39. „ Seward 41. „ 44. „ M" BANCROFT TO M'' SEWAED. •N" 31. American Legation, Berlin , January 21 , 1868. Sir: To-day I am able to report to you progress in the settle- ment of the question respecting the right of the adopted American citizen to immunity from military service in Prussia. Immediately after the proceedings, of which I gave an account in my number 9 , letters of inquiry were sent to the principal foreign legations of Prussia. In due time answers were received. That from France was such as I could have wished on the essential points. That from England was imperfect, its writer not having been familiar with the usage of the British government previous lo the recent pro- hibition by law of the impressment of marines; but as the answer otherwise had nothing adverse to our wishes, I did not think it worth the while to add anything to what I had already communi- cated on that subject. The next step was for the foreign departament to take the opi- nions of the minister of war and the minister of internal affairs. They were both adverse. I was told that I might discuss the sub- ject with the ministers and directors of those departments, and was rather invited to do so. An occasion offered of speaking with the present head of the war department. His expressions of regard to- ward the United States were all that could be wished. He disclaimed any thought of holding an adopted American citizen to service in the Prussian army ; but he wished to leave the present law unaltered, that the subject might be under control. He expressed not merely the willingness l^ut the desire that exemption should be granted as each individual case should arise. I spoke of these answers at the foreign department, expressing a belief, that, as the objections of the war department related chiefly to form, they might be overcome, and it proved so. 3* 36 The minister of the interior raised a question of the Prassian constitution and the Prussian law as being opposed to the request of the United States. I thought it not safe to discuss with a domestic ministei* of state the interpretation of the laws of his own country, for it would belong to him of right to interpret those laws at least for the guidance of his own government. My answer on this point was, therefore, that whatever might be the laws of Prussia, they must be considered as final only for Prussians, and the relations of a foreign power were a proper subject for a convention. This answer on my part met with no objection from any quarter. Meantime the subject had been constantly brought before the attention of Count Bismarck himself, and he became interested in it. A new law was draughted which would greatly facilitate the con- cessions which the President desires, and I was asked not to urge the question until that draught should be finished. The matter was thus in the very best way. On the draught of the new law, and before its adoption, the interior department withdrew its objections, and I believe Count Eulenberg now lents his hearty co - operation to the policy of his colleague. Nothing remained but to get the con- sent of the king, and last Saturday evening Count Bismarck in- formed me that he had brought the subject before the king and that the king had given verbally his concurrence. That assent will, ac- cording to the usages of this government , be given formally in writing, and then we shall proceed to settle the convention. I have thought that sufficient progress has been made to justify this report. — At the same time I desire you and the President not to regard the matter as settled until the convention in all its details shall be formally agreed upon ; and in the mean time I would request that this despatch be kept from the press, though there is no reason why the substance of it should not be made known to any one you may judge entitled to the communication. I remain. Sir, sincerely yours, GEORGE BANCROFT. Hon. William H. Seward, Sfc. Sfc. 37 M"^ BANCROFT TO M" SEWARD. N" 33. American Legation. Berlin, January 23, 1868. Sir: Your letter N° 33, of January 6, has been received. Count Bismarck informs me that the British government has inquired of him as to the answer the Pru.ssian government would make to the American government on the subject of naturalization. In reply he informed them of the intention of this government to come to an understanding with that of America, according to its request. The remarks of Count Bismarck implied that the British government is inclined to follow the example of the Prussian, and that the settlement of the question here will be virtually a settle- ment for Great Britain. In the prosecution of this business to a settlement there is need of great patience, as the several departments interested in the meas- ure have to be consulted and to propose their difficulties and desired modifications. Some time must therefore pass away before the nego- ciations can be closed I remain, Sir, sine, yours GEORGE BANCROFT. M" SEWARD TO M'' BANCROFT. N" 39. Department of Slate. Washington, February 10, 1868. Sir: Your despatch of the 21" of January, N° 31, marked pri- vate, has been received. The President is pleased with the progress which you report in the negociation towards the convention for modifying the law concerning the obligation of military service in the case of Prussian subjects naturalized in the United States. Your counsel and wishes in this respect are approved and will be complied with. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. George Bancroft, Esq. Sfc. ^c, Berlin. 38 M'' SEWAED TO M"* BANCROFT. N° ^1- Department of Stale. Washington, Febr. 13, 1868. Sir: Your despatch of the 23'' of January, N° 33, has been received. — I thank you for your attention manifested in informing me of what has passed between the governments of Great Britain and Prussia concerning the question on the naturalization laws existing between the United States and those two governments respectively. I have informally suggested to the British minister here that a pro- ceding in a form of mutual or common legislation in the two coun- tries would be more simple and probably easier than formal nego- ciations, inasmuch as there are so many other questions which urgently require settlement between the United States and Great Britain besides that of the conflicting naturalization laws. Perhaps it would be well for you to speak in the same sense to the British ambassador at Berlin. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. George Bancroft, Esq. ^c. ^c, Berlin. M" SEWARD TO M'' BANCROET. ^° 44. Department of State. w. Febr. 13 , 1868. Sir: Your despatch of the 24'" of January, N° 34, has been received. — The progress you have made in negociating for a settle- ment of the rights of naturalized citizens of the U. S. in Prussia and in Germany is highly gratifying. A proper power will be pre- pared and sent you without delay. In accordance with your sug- gestion, it will embrace the subject of proper treaty arrangements with the North German States, concerning commerce, navigation , and and extradition. I am. Sir, &c: &c. W. H. SEWARD. George Bancroft, Esq. ^'c, Berlin. v. S. — The power referred to above is herewith enclosed. 39 M"* BANCROFT TO M'' SEWARD. N" il- American Legation. Berlin, Febr. 14, 1868. Sir: Yesterday I had an official meeting with Mr. Kouig, who has received full powers to settle with me the question relating to the naturalization of Germans in America. I proposed to him these terms : First. Germans and Americans may reciprocally emigrate. Secondly. Naturalization after five years' residence changes nationality and releases from military duty. Thirdly, Naturalisation till after a residence of five years shall not he binding on the original country. Fourth. Naturalization shall not be an ex- cuse for desertion from military service actually entered upon, but shall free from all liabilities for eventual service, not due at the time of emigration. Fifth. A naturalized citizen returning to his native country with intent to resume his domicile therein and proving his intention by a continuous residence of , shall not by entit- led to the interposition , respectively , of the United States or of North Germany. Mr. Konig received the proposals with general assent, and, in return, offered to send me a draught of a treaty. This offer I the more cheerfully accepted, as up to this time I had nothing from the department in writing. In the evening I received the draught. Mr. Konig appears to me to have impaired the clearness of the paper, by a desire, as far as he could, to avoid a glaring conflict with ancient law, but in substance his project seems to me to offer a basis for the settlement of the questions in discussion. The right of expatriation is conceded. The Prussian law would wish American citizenship not to be obtainable by a Prussian except after a ten years' absence; but Count Bismarck will accept our American rule of five years' continuous residence , as it has been established by law since 1795. The second section may need explanation. Mr. KSnig remarked that he wished me to meet the case of the fugitive from justice who, if he chanced to get naturalized in America , could not be demanded under the extradition treaty, and who must remain liable for his old offences if he should return to Germany. The third section explains itself, and has no obscurity. The fourth is right in principle. If a naturalized German turns Ms back 40 on America, and makes Germany once more his permanent domicile, be should submit to the laws of the country of his choice I remain, Sir, sincerely yours, ^ •' GEORGE BANCROFT. Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. PRIVY COUNCILLOR KONIG TO M"^ BANCROFT. (TRAKSLATIOlf COPT.) Berlin, Febr. 13, 1868. I have the honor, in pursuance of our understanding, to trans- mit, respectfully, to your Excellency the enclosed project for a treaty. I beg you to consider this project as a suggestion merely, not binding, as I have not yet submitted it to Count Bismarck, and have received, as yet, no instructions respecting it. With sentiments of the most distinguished consideration, your excellency's obedient servant, KONIG. CTRANSIiATION.) 1. Members of the North German Union who acquire the right of citizensliip in the United States of America , shall in their relation to the North German Union, and citizens ot the U. S. of Am. who acquire memberhip in the territory of the N. G. U. shall in their relation to the U.S. of Am. , enjoy the full operation of their natura- lization only after an uninterupted residence of five years in the country in which they are naturalized ; so that a German naturalized in America who , before completion of his five years residence there, returns to the territory of the N. G. U. can be required to discharge all the public duties which the laws of the same impose upon him, without any objection thereto being made by the government of the U. S. ; while , in like manner , an American naturalized within the territory of the N. G. U. who, before completion of his five years' residence there, returns to the U. S., can be required to discharge all the public duties which the laws of the same impose upon him, without objection thereto being made by the said Union. The mere declaration of the citizens and members of the one country of a wish to become, respectively, citizens and members of the other, has not the effect of naturalization. 41 2. Naturalizatioa in the territory of one of the contracting parties does not prevent the person naturalized from being, upon his return to the territory of the other , subject to trial and punishment on ac- count of any punishable acts committed before emigration. 3. The terms of the present treaty do not affect the agreements in article 3 of the convention of June 16"", 1852, between Prussia and the other states of the German Union on the one side, and the U. S. of Am. on the other, concerning the delivery up in certain cases of criminals fugitive from justice. The said treaty will here- after be applicable to all states of the N. G. TJ. 4. If a German naturalized in America returns to the territory of the N. G. TJ. , and settles there permanently, he shall have no claim upon the protection of the government of the United States. In like manner the American naturalized in the territory of the North German Union who returns to the U. S. and permanently settles there, shall have no claim upon the protection of the North German Union. The intention to take up a permanent residence shall (soil) be regarded as existing when the person naturalized resides for more than two years within the territory of the other party. 5. The present treaty goes into effect and continues in force till If neither party gives notice to the other six months before of its intent to terminate the same, it shall be deemed in force until twelve months after one of the contracting parties shall give notice to the other of such intention. 6. The present treaty shall be ratified by the King of Prussia in the name of the N. G. U. , with consent of the Council of the Union , and the approval of the Imperial Diet ; and by the President of the U. S. by and with the consent of the Senate; and the rati- fications shall be exchanged at Berlin within months of the present date. M"^ BANCROFT TO M^ SEWARD. N" 43. American Legation. Berlin, Febr. 21, 1868. Sir: Yesterday morning I received your despatch N° 38, con- taining the supplementary letter accrediting me to the government of the N. G. U. The receipt of it enblead me at once to complete the pending treaty on naturalization , and I hope to be able to send it 42 to you, signed and sealed for ratification by the President and Senate, next week. My draught was adopted except in the second article. That article as it new stands reads as follows: „A naturalized citizen of the one party, on return to the terri- tory of the other party, remains liable to trial and punishment for an action punishable by the laws of his original country and com- mitted before his emigration : saving always the limitation established by the laws of his original country." The limitation in the case of deserters was, not unreasonably, objected to. The right of emigration is established, and the release of the emigrant from future claims to his military service dates not from the moment of his naturalization, but from the moment of his emi- gration. This settles the point raised by prince Hohenlohe, in our favour and against the view adopted by the Bavarian government. All is granted that our government ever asked for. The letter I send for the information of yourself and the Pre- sident. I shall accompany the treaty with all the necessary ex- planations. Your despatch N° 34 has not yet been received. I remain. Sir, yours sincerely, GEORGE BANCROFT. Hon. Wm. Seward, ^c. ^'c. M« BANCROFT TO M'' SEWAED. N" 4i. American Legation. Berlin, Febr. 22. 68. Sir: I hold of good augury that the treaty between the U. S. and North Germany respecting the effect of naturalization has been signed on Washington's birthday. Immediately upon entering upon my office I gave attention to this subject, respecting which your instructions were so full as to leave nothing to desire. I was met in the most friendly spirit. If we had followed the standard books on international law we could have come to no result, for they fail in the great point of the right of the naturalized citizen to maintain his new citizenship in his old country. The opinions of the lawyers of the TJ. S. are, as you so well know, in conflict with each other. The laws in Prussia and 43 in the U. S., interpreted ancording to the letter, were also in con- flict. To succeed it was necessary to consider the principles under- lying the laws of the two countries, and here there was found to be a remarkable harmony. The disposition of the foreign department to comply with our wishes was made known to me by Messrs. von Philipsborn and Konig, in my interview with them ou the 18 day of September last. Nothing then remained but to remove difficulties growing out of the previous administrative system of Prussia ; and thei'e could have been no progress had not the chiefs in the department of war and the interior discussed the questions which arose with a candid desire to remove every obstacle. Count Bismarck , from the first, took a large and liberal view of the case; but with all this the difficulties were numerous and grave. I made it my rule throughout to avoid con- troversy and not to precipitate a decision. On the question of the right of expatriation there arose no dis- cussion. It is recognized by the laws of both countries. On the question of residence and as a condition of naturalization, which the mother country should respect, there existed no diiference. The time of residence was a point of more delicacy. The Prus- sian law required an absence of ten years; ours a residence of five. With liberality and frankness Count Bismarck declared himself wil- ling to accept the American rule, at it had received the sanction of the administration of "Washington, and had become fixed by the usage of more than threescore years and ten. Should the TJ. S. see fit for its own purposes, as lately in the act of July 17, 1862, to concede naturalization on a shorter resi- dence , their right to do so is not impaired ; but the meaning of this treaty is, that they will not ask North Germany to recognize such a naturalization till the adopted citizen shall have completed the term of residence now required by their normal law. A question has arisen at what time the emigrant shall be released from liability to military service, whether from the moment of his emigration or of his naturalization. The object of this government is a real, permanent, friendly adjustment of all questions that have been raised; and it has, therefore, in the second article agreed that the emigrant on his return shall not be called to account for the non- performance of any military duty to which the liability may arise subsequent to his emigration. 44 The third article establishes the principle that a North German, who , in conformity to the terms of the first article , has been received as an American citizen is no longer liable to extradition. The fourth article is intended to prevent insincerity in the trans- fer of allegiance. A German naturalized in America and returning to Germany for two years does not necessarily renounce his American citizenship; only he may be called upon to declare his purpose ex- plicitly. The fifth and sixth articles require no explanation. I trust the President and Senate will unanimously approve what I have done , and that the ratification of the treaty herewith enclosed will be immediately returned for the necessary exchange. The result is to be ascribed to the hereditary disposition of this government, unaltered from the days of the great Frederic and Franklin , to cherish the best relations with us; and to the mutual desire that the first important transaction between the U. S. of America and the TJ. S. of North Germany may bear indelible marks of a disposition to recognize and perpetuate the natural friendship of the two countries. I remain , Sir , yours sincerely GEORGE BANCROFT. Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Seer, of St. W SEWARD TO M'^ BANCROFT. ■^° SO- Department of State. Wash., March 7, 68. Sir : I have your despatch of the 14"' of Febr. , N° 41 , and also your private note of the 20"" of February. The President believes that the treaty, in the form it is under- stood to have been adopted , will prove satisfactory , but a definite expression of his views is reserved until the arrival of the treaty, which even now is due. In the meantime I have pleasure in assuring you of his commendation and felicitation. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, W". B. SEWARD. George Bancroft, Esq. ifc. Sfc., Berlin. 45 M» SEWARD TO M? BANCROFT. -^° ^^- Department of State. Wash., March 10, 1868. Sir: Your despatch of the 22^ of Febr., N° 44, accompanied by the naturalization treaty, is this day received. I have sent, by tele- graph, a despatch, as follows: Received, approved, submitted to Senate. The treaty meets the entire approval of the President. Your history of the negociation is very interesting, and it will be laid before the Senate when called for. I sincerely hope the treaty may receive an early ratification. — I am. Sir, your obd! serv'. WM. H. SEWARD. George Bancroft, Esq. ifc. Berlin. V. 40-Co„gress SENATE. ^" ^f' 2"" Session. N° 51. ME SSA GE OP THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMUNICATINO INFORMATION CONCERNING THE NATURALIZATION TREATY RECENTLY NEGOCIATED BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND NORTH GERMANY. April 27, 1868. — Read, referred to the Committy on Foreign Relations and ordered to he printed. TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES : I 'submit a report of the Secretary of State concerning the naturalization treaty recently negociated between the United States and North Germany. Washington, D. C, April 27. 1868. ^ ANDREW JOHNSON. 46 Department of State. Washington, April 27, 1868. The despatch of Mr. Bancroft , a copy of which is herewith sub- mitted, relieves the treaty recently negociated between the TJnited States and North Germany of some injurious misapprehensions which have hitherto existed, and I respectfully submit the expediency of communicating the despatch to Congress. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. The President. No 51. American Legation. Berlin, April 3, 1868. Sir: That no doubt might exist of the correctness of my inter- pretation of our treaty with North Grermany, as communicated to you in my despatch of February 22, I left a copy of that despatch at the Foreign Oifice, and no objection whatever was made to its contents *. The report made upon the treaty by the committee of the North German Council was not well digested, and was not wholly free from ambiguity. Yesterday the treaty came up for acceptance in the Imperial Diet. Mr. Konig, in the first instance, and then Count Bismarck, took the occasion publicly, and in the clearest and most emphatic manner, to confirm my interpretation of it in every particular. Ex -Consul Meier, the member from Bremen, to whom the Pre- sident of the Diet had referred the treaty , one of the first merchants of Europe , and well known in America from his long residence among us, reported the treaty to the Diet with the „full conviction" of its merits. He declared his peculiar satisfaction that the natural right of emigration and change of nationality was for the first time made a part of recognized international law by North Germany and the United States. Dr. Schleiden, so well known to you from his long residence as minister as Washington, not omitting to make some cavils at what he called , small defects", spoke substantially and heartily for * Just as little as on the part of Mr. Bancroft , when the Prussian inter- pretation was made in the Reichstag, in his presence. M. 47 the treaty and for the most liberal interpretation of its terms, de- scribing it as great progress in international intercourse. A discussion arose which brought out a full interpretation of its several articles. Mr. Kbnig, the plenipotentiary who signed the treaty on the part of North Germany , in explanation of the first article, said that a five years' continuous residence in America, and no more, was all that the treaty required in regard to residence. The chancellor of the confederation, Coimt Bismarck, spoke on the same point, declaring that the words of the article were too plain to be misunderstood, that the period of five years was to date from the moment when the emigrant should cross the American line, and that the con- tinuity of residence which was required was to be interpreted „nicht in korperlichem , sondern in juristischeni Sirmc'^ , not in a corporal, but in a legal sense. The interpretation of the second article of the treaty was equally explicit. Dr. Schleiden, of the committee of the Diet, reported that inasmuch as the liability of the naturalized citizen on his return to his original country extended only to breaches of law committed before emigration, it followed that any breach of the law which might be committed by emigration itself was excluded from the class of punishable actions. This view was confirmed by Mr. Konig, who pointed out that, as the emigrant remained liable only for acts committed before emi- gration, emigration itself, and the consequent withdrawal from mili- tary duty, coiild not be included among such acts. „So then", said Dr. Loewe, one of the ablest members of the Diet, and well known as a long and esteemed resident of New York, „the hateful militarj'- business is now put aside, and the emigrant on his return is not liable to arrest for the violation of the military duty from which he had withdrawn by emigration." While he fully accepted the ex-- planation of Mr. KBnig , Dr. Loewe still intimated a wish that it might be confirmed by Count Bismarck himself. The chancellor im- mediately arose and replied as follows : The gentleman, who has last spoken fears that a person who has lived five years in America and been naturalized there may yet, on his return here, be held to military duty. This apprehension I can designate as perfectly and absolutely unfounded. The literal observation of the treaty includes in itself that those whom we are 48 bound to acknowledge as American citizens cannot be held to mili- tary duty in North Germany. That is the main purpose of the treaty — whosoever emigrates bona fide with the purpose of residing permanently in America, shall meet with no obstacle, on our part, to his becoming an American citizen, and his bona fides will be assumed when he shall have passed five years in that country, and, renouncing his North German nationality, shall have become an Ameri- can citizen. I believe, therefore, that no room has been left open for the anxiety that has been expressed, and I lay great stress upon here placing the subject in its true light. Dr. Loewe questioned the chancellor once more, saying: „To ™y joy I think I may understand the chancellor to say that no pro- secution for unauthorized emigration can take place, even if the emi- grant shall have ceased to be an American citizen." Count Bismarck replied: „I herewith confirm the declaration which the gentleman desires, and", he added, jocosely in form, seriously in substance, „I might almost assert that we will treat the five years' absence in America, when connected with naturalization, as a fulfilment of the military duty in the North German Confederation." The fourth article of the treaty came also under consideration. Mr. Lasker, one of the ablest members of the Diet, inquired whether the German naturalized in America and returning to Germany would, after two years' residence in Germany, be held liable to military duty. The text of the treaty, he said, gave no color to such an interpretation, but the report of the council of the confederation was ambiguous , and therefore he called upon the chancellor for a nearer explanation. In the beginning of the debate ex -Consul Meier bad most clearly explained that the American law required from the person who be- comes naturalized a total renunciation of his allegiance to any other power. Holding fast to this fact. Count Bismarck replied that the German- American citizen, on resuming his relations as a citizen of North Germany, would under the treaty, stand in the light of a foreigner emigrating into North Germany; that he could not be held to the discharge of any old military duty, but only to such new military duty as would attach to every foreigner emigrating into North Germany and becoming naturalized there. The President now put the question on the acceptance of the treaty, and the whole Diet, with the exception of two or three Poles, 49 who, as it seemed to me, onlj' declined voting, rose to their feet with alacrity. AU the proceedings were marked by the disposition to cherish the most friendly relations with the United States. I send you herewith the debate as it appeared concisely in the North German Gazette of last evening, and in the National Gazette of this morning. On the fourth article I will add a few words. The American law exacts from the citizen who becomes naturalized a perpetual renunciation, by oath, of his former nationality. Hitherto the Prussian government has made no formal recognition of our naturalization laws, but now that it becomes bound by treaty to respect them, it could not have restored the returning Americo- German to his German citizenship had not the consent of the United States to his release from his obligation to them been given, as it is given , by the fourth article of this treaty. I remain, Sir, yours sincerely, Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Sc. &c. GEORGE BANCROFT. VI. THE PEESS ON THE NORTH-GERMAN TREATY. 1. Frankfurter Zeitung, Nro. 105. Erstes Blatt. Mittwoch April 28. 1868. Amerikanisch-Norddeutscher Vertrag *. — Welter unten bringen wir einen Auszng. aus einem Briefe Bancroft's, worin derselbe aus- einandprsetzt , wie der deutsch - amerikanische Vertrag werde aus- gelegt werden. Es ist dazu zu bemerken, dass der ehrenwerthe Ge- sandte das nieht wissen kann. Derselbe ist allerdings vollkommen * American -Northgerman Treaty. — We give below an extract from a letter of Mr. Bancroft's , by which this gentleman explains how the German- American treaty will be interpreted. We think it necessary to observe, in addition to said, explanation , that the Honorable Envoy is not in a position to know that. He is perfectly competent to say how he on his part under- 4 50 competent, zu sagen, wie e,r seinerseits die Bestimnnuigen des Ver- trags auffasst, was er sich dabei gedacht hat, aber durchaus in- competent, fttr die Interpretation, welche z. B. die prenssische Ver- waltung den Paragraphen des Vertrages angedeihen lassen wird, ein- zustehen. Der Wortlaul des Tractats, nicht dieAnslegung des jeweiligen Gesandten der Union ist das Bindende und Massgebende. Wenn Herr Bancroft llbrigens bei der Bestimmung des § 4 jenes Verttagy, welche von dem Verzicht naturalisirter Burger auf die Naturalisation ^ re^. dem Verluste der letzteren , handelt^ wirtlich jenen. Siim fin Aage gehabt hat, den er in deiH nntenstehenden Sc&reiben entwickelt, so hatte er dies ^ac nicht unverstandlicher ausdrttcken konnen, als er es in demp fraglichen Paragraphen gethan. Es ist geradezu komisch, wenn Bancroft die Satze des Vertrags: ^Wenn ein in Amerika naturalisirter Deutscher sich wieder in Norddeutschland niederlasst, ohne dieAbsicht, nach Amerika zurllckzukehren , so soil er als auf seine Naturalisation verzich- tend angesehen werden." — „Der Verzicht auf die Euckkehr kann als vorhanden ange- sehen werden, wenn der Naturalisirte des einen Theils sich langer als zwei Jahre in dem Gebijete des andern Theils anfhalt" stands the regulations of the treaty, what he thought in making it, hut he is entirely incompetent to answer for the interpretation which the Prussian ad- ministration will give to the paragraphs of the treaty *. The words of the treaty, not the interpretation of the envoy pro tern, of the United States is that which hinds the treating parties and lays the rules of their conduct. If Mr. Bancroft, in laying down the regulation of § 4 of said treaty, which treats of the renunciation of naturalized citizens of their naturalization, and respec- tively of the loss of the latter, has really had in mind the meaning to which he gives expression in his letter helow, he could not — we beg leave to say — possibly have expressed that meaning in a more unintelligible manner than he has done in said paragraph. It is downright comical, if Bancroft interprets the alineas of the treaty, which follow: " , If a German naturalized in America renews his residence in North- Germany, without the intent to return to America, he shall be held to have renounced his naturalization in the United States." — „The intent not to return may be held to exist when the person naturalized in the one country resides more than two years in the other country " , * The debates in the North - German Reiohstag and the interpretation of the treaty by the Prussian Government, which we have given above , were not known to the public when the article was written. M. 81 dahin interpretirt , dass der naturalisirte Amerikaner in Deutschland als Fremder wohnen kann, so lange es ihm beliebt, ohne sein ameri- kanisches Btirgerrecht aufzugeben. Frankfurt, 14. April. Im Betreff desNorddeutsch-Amerikanischen Vertrags liegt uns der Auszug eines Briefes, den Bancroft an einen Freund gerichtet hat, vor, dem wir Folgendes entnehmen: „ Der vierte Artikel des Vertrags zwischen den Vereinigten Staa- ten und Norddeutsehland muss ausgelegt werden, erstens naoh dem Zweck des Vertrags, welcher kein anderer ist, als freundliche Ge- sinnungen bei verwandten Kationen zu erhalten, und zweitens , nach der Clausel, welche verspricht, dass naturalisirte Norddeutsche in Nord- deutsehland als Amerikanische TJnterthanen behandelt warden soUen. Jeder Amerikanische Deutsche, der zwei Jahre in Norddeutsehland wohnt, der wilnscht, in sein Norddeutsches Btirgerrecht zurtickzu- treten, kann dies mit der Erlaubniss des Konigs thun; andernfalls und als Eegel kann der naturalisirte Amerikaner in Deutschland als Fremder wohnen, so lange es ihm beliebt, ohne sein Amerikanisches BUrgerrecht dadurch aufzugeben ; es wird nur von ihm erwartet , dass in this manner, that the naturalized American is permitted to live in Germany, as a foreigner, as long as he pleases , without renouncing his American natura- lization. Francfort, Apr. 14. — We have before us the extract from a letter, which Mr. Bancroft has written to a friend about the North -German and American treaty, from which we copy the following passages: „ The fourth article of the treaty between the United States and North Germany must be interpreted as follows: first, according to the purpose of the treaty, which is no other than that to favor kind feelings with nations with which we are in friendly relations, and second, according to the clause, which promises that Northern Germans naturalized in America shall be treated as American subjects (I?)*. Any German American who resides two years in Germany, and who wishes to return to his North -German allegiance, can do so with the permission of the king; on the other hand, and as a rule, the naturalized American can live as a foreigner in Germany as long as he pleases, without renouncing, by doing so, his American naturalization; he is expected, * Whose subjects? Mr. Johnson's? — Not having seen the original of Mr. Bancroft's letter, we must allow him the benefit of the possibility of a mistake in the translation; though we scarcely see how the word ncitizen" could have been translated by ^suhject^ 4* 52 er die Gesetze des Landes beobachtet, in welcbem er seinen Aufentbalt ■Wahlt, Und wenn ihm diese Gesetze nicht gefallen, kann er nacb seiuem Adoptivlande zuruekkehren oder sicb dahin begeben, wo es ihm zu wobnen gefallt." 2. The Illinois Staatsaeitung of June 23^ has the following article from the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung, by its New York correspondent: Der Bancroft'sche Vertrag*. Der jetzt ratificirte Vertrag zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten nnd dem Norddeutschen Bunde findet , nachdem die Debatte im Reichs- tag dartiber bekannt geworden, unter den Deutscben hier nicht mehr die freundliche Aufnabme , wie vorher. Zwar haben die am 2. April von Harm von Bismarck gegebenen Erklarungen den einen Punkt sicher gestellt: dass ein vor Erfullung seiner Militarpflicht Ausge- wanderter bei seiner etwaigen Ruckkehr als amerikanischer Biirger weder in's Militar gesteckt, noch flir seine „vorzeitige" Auswanderung bestraft werden soil. Da in Betreff des letzteren Punktes noch Zwei- fel bestehen konnten , so ist es dankenswerth , dass diese Zweifel nun beseitigt sind. Dagegen hat der § 4 des Vertrags nicht bios von Herrn von Bismarck, sondern anch von alien Rednern im Reichs- tag eine Auslegung erfahren, welche hier nimmermehr angenommen werden kann, und die, wenn man deutscherseits darauf beharrt, binnen wenigen Jahren zu den schwersten Reibungen Anlass geben muss. of course, that he observe the laws of the country where he chooses his resi- dence, and if he dislikes those laws, he can return to the land of his adoption or go to reside wherever he may please." * The Bancroft Treaty. — The treaty (now ratified) between the United States and the North -German Confederation does not meet, after the debate in the Diet has become known, from the Germans of this city, with the same friendly reception as before. It is true that the explanations given by Count Bismarck on the 2" of April have settled this one point: that a person who emigrates before he has fulfilled his military duty shall neither , on his return, be forced into the army, or punished for his „ premature" emigration. As there might have remained some doubts in regard to the latter point, it is grati- fying that those doubts have been removed. On the other hand , § 4 of the treaty has received not only fromCountBismarck, but from all speakers of the Diet, an interpretation which can never be admitted here, andwhicli, if they insist upon it in Germany, must lead within a few years, to the gravest dif- ficuJties, 53 Jener Paragraph sagt , dass ein zweijahriger Aufenthalt des Naturalisirten in seinem Geburtslande als Beweis seiner Absictt, auf das erworbene Biirgerreoht zu verzicbten, angesehen werden kann. Das war hier von den dem Vertrag freundlich gesinnten Zeitungen so aufgefasst: dass jener zweijahrige Aufenthalt nicht als Beweis ftir die bezeiohnete Absicht angesehen .werden soUe und diirfe , wenn der Betreffende den positiven Beweis des Gegentheils (durch Er- neuerung seines Reisepasses, oder durch ausdrttckliche Erklarung, oder wie immer) liefere. Denn andernfalls wiirden Hunderte gerade der altesten und wohlhabendsten naturalisirten Burger in die pein- lichste Lage kommen. Es ist schon jetzt nicht selten, wird aber bei der fortwahrenden Erleichterung des Verkehrs immer haufiger werden, dass deutsch - amerikanische Btirger, um die Erziehung ihrer Kinder zu liberwachen, oder auch um auf angenehme "Weise von ihren Renten zu leben, sich mehrere Jahre (langer als zwei Jahre) in Deutschland aufhalten. In der Reiohstagsdebatte ist nun aber von alien Rednern, Herrn von Bismarck nicht ausgenommen , das „kann" im § 4 ohne Weiteres als gleichbedeutend mit „muss" aufgefasst worden. "Wenigstens findet sich nirgends eine Andeutung, dass ein in Amerika naturalisirter Deutscher langer als zwei Jahre in Deutschland wohnen konne, ohne Said paragraph regulates that a two years' residence of the naturalized citizen in his native country may be looked upon as a proof that it is his in- tention to renounce his naturalization. This had been interpreted by some journals in this country, which thought favorably of the treaty, in this manner: that said two years' residence should not and could not be loolsed upon as a proof of the said intention , if the person in question could show positive proof to the contrary (by the renewal of his passport , or by an express declaration, or by any other means whatsoever). For, if interpreted differently, hundreds of the oldest and most substantial naturalized citizens would be placed in the most awkward position. It Is not a rarity now, and it will become more and more frequent with the encreasing facility of intercourse, that German- Ameri- can citizens, in order to superintend the education of their children , or to live upon their income in a manner agreeable to them , reside longer than two years in Germany. But in the debate of the Reichstag (Diet) the expression „rmy" in Art. 4 has been , without any discussion , treated by all the speakers , Herr von Bismarck not excepted, as of an equal meaning with „must". At least, there is not a single word to be found any where stating that a German naturalized in America may live longer than two years in Germany, without 54 auf sein amerikanisches Bttrgerrecht zu verzichten. Es ware mithin, wenn in Berlin wirklich sine solche Auffassung besteht, durch den Vertrag nur gesagt, dass in Amerika naturalisirte Deutsche in Deutsch- land zwei Jahre lang, doch nicht Idnger, als Amerikaner angesehen und behandelt werden soUen. Aber das ware nioht ein Zugestandniss an die Vereinigten Staaten, sondem eine Insulte. Wenn der Vertrag nicht zu ernsten Zerwllrfnissen Anlass geben soil, so muss durch eine authentische Interpretation festgestellt werden, dass das ^kann" von der Deutschen Regierung zu TJngunsten des naturalisirten Ameri- kaners ausschliesslich da geltend gemacht werden darf, wo bei der Auswanderung mala fides gewaltet hat. Ich glaube aus bester Quelle zu wissen, dass die preussischen Unterhandler des Vertrags FaUe dieser Art im Sinne batten. Nament- lich schwebte ihnen die Moglichkeit vor , dass die Mottenburger Kauf- nianns- und Ehederssohne nach New-York geschickt werden wtirden, um hier , d. h. nach heutigen Anschauungen in Rufweite von Motten- burg, ihre Lehrzeit auf angenehme Weise zu verbringen, und dann im Alter von 21 Jahren als „ Amerikaner " bis an ihr Lebensende gegen die verhasste preussische Militarpflicht gefeit zu sein. Wenn man preussischerseits wirklich nur fiir solche Falle in dem „kann'^ eine Handhabe zu besitzen wtinschte, so ist dagegen nichts ein- renouncing his American citizenship. If there exists in reality such an inter- pretation in Berlin, the treaty would purely regulate that Germans naturalized in America shall he held and treated in Germany as Americans during two years, but no longer. This, however, would not be a concession to the United States, but an insult. If serious difficulties arising from the treaty are to be obviated , an authentic interpretation should state that the „may" can only and exclusively be claimed to be valid by the German government against the naturalized American in cases where the mala fides can be proved to exist. I know, and I believe from the very best source, that the Prussian nego- ciators of the treaty had cases of the kind in mind ; and more particularly the possibility presented itself to them that the sons of the Mottenburg * merchants and shipowners would be sent to New -York to finish their apprenticeship here, 1. B. within call from Mottenburg, in an agreeable position according to the usages of the present time , and then , when 21 years of age , return to the business of their fathers, as „Amerioan8", proof to the end of their lives against the detested Prussian military law and duty. If Prussia wished to have a handle for such cases, and for auch oases only, in the little word * AUasion to a burlesk opera, in which the city of Mottenburg, and its citizens, play a prominent , though not enviable , part. M. 55 zuwenden. Die jungen Laffen aus den deutschen Seestadten, die sich hier als Kaufleute aufhalten, aus ihrer Absicht , nur Geld in Amerika zu erwerten , um es spater in Deutsohland „auf eine angenehme "Weise zu verzehren" , gar kein Hehl machen, und grosstentheils auf die zugleioli dtimmste und frechste "Weise iiber alles Amerikanisclie ab- spreohen — sind in der That keine Deutschamerikaner, auch wenn sie zu bestimmten Zwecken sich einen Btirgerschein erwirken sollten. Sie sind , wohin das Schicksal oder Gewinnsucht sie verschlagen moge, Mottenburger und bleiben es. "Wahrend des Krieges liefen sie schaaren- weise zum Consul, um sich ihr Mottenbtirgerthum schriftlich beschei- nigen zu lassen , und dadurch der hiesigen Militarpflicht zu entgehen. Wenn sie sich amerikanische Naturalisationsscheine erwirken, um in ihrer Heimath dem „verhassten Preussenthum" auf ahnliche Weise Trotz bieten zu konnen, wis hier mit Hillfe ihrer Consulatsscheine dem „ Yankeethum " , so wird es, auf Seiten derjenigen in Amerika naturalisirten Deutschen, die sich wirklioh als Btlrger ihres neuen Vaterlandes ftthlen, durchaus kein Bedauern erwecken, ihnen durch das "Wortchen „kann'^ in dem Bankroft'schen Vertrage ihr veracbt- liches Spiel verdorben zu sehen. Aber in alien Fallen, wo fiir die Annahme einer mala fides des Auswandernden kein Grund besteht, darf jenes ^kann" nur zu Gunsten des Naturalisirten ausgelegt werden, wenn die Freundschaft zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und Nord- seatowns, who reside here as merchants, and who do not in the least conceal their intention of merely making money in America, in order to spend it at a later date in a „fashlonable way" in Germany, and who, besides, affect to find fault with every thing American in the mOst saucy and ignorant man- ner — those fops are no real German -Americans, even if they succeed in annexing, for their own and private purposes, a certificate of naturalization, They are, wheresoever their fate, or their love of money, may carry them, „Mottenburgers" and remain such. During our war, they ran in flocks to their consuls , to have their Mottenburg allegiance duly certified in writing, in order to escape thereby the military duties devolving upon our citizens. If they manage to acquire American certificates of naturalization , in order to defy, at home, in the same manner the „hated Prussiandom" , as they did in this country, with the assistance of their consular certificates, with regard to the equally hated „Yankeedom ", it cannot , on the part of those naturalized Ger- mans, who truly appreciate the worth and value of their cttzenship, cause much regret, to see, by the Bancroft „may" , their despicable tricks thwarted. But in all cases where no sufficient reason for the supposition of a mala fides exists, the word „may" should only he interpreted in favor of the natura- lized citizen, provided we all wish the friendship between the United States 56 deutschland , anf welche Herr v. Bismarck und Dr. Loewe so grosses Gewicht legen, ungest5rt bleiben soil. 3. Extracts from: Der Amerikanisch-Norddeutsthe Ver- trag. Von Dr. F. W. W(edekind). Stuttgart, bei C. Gruninger ; Hannover, bei C. Brandes. 1. Mai 1868. With the motto: „ Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me , fellow - citizens) the jealousy of a free People ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Re- publican Government. George Washington , 1796 " *. P. 8 : „ As , in the course of the treaty, the act of naturalization in America has been frequently referred to, we shall state, above all things, that an uninterrupted residence of five years in the United States is not at all sufficient for the admission of a person as a citi- zen. It is, besides, necessary that he should have „ declared his in- tention" of becoming a citizen j two years before his naturalization, in a court of justice , stating upon oath that it is his bona fide in- tention to become a citizen of the United States, and to forswear for ever his allegiance to any foreign prince, potentate, states and sovereignties, whatever be their names, and more in particular to the prince whose subject he has been hitherto. After the lapse of two years, and before his admission, a citizen must bear witness upon oath, and in court: „that the person to he admitted has con- ducted himself, during his five years' residence, as a man of a good moral character, that he has adhered to the principles of the Con- stitution of the United States, and that he is favorable to the good order and happiness of the same." After this the person to be ad- mitted swears himself a solemn oath: „that he will support the Constitution of the United States , that he renounces and forswears completely and forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, and more particularly to him whose subject he has hitherto been." Not till this ceremony has been performed, does the court, by which the oath was administered to the new citizen, make out his certi- ficate of naturalization and hand it to him." and Germany, upon ■which Herr von Bismarck and Dr. Loewe put so much importance , to , remain indisturbed. * To save room, I give those passages in my own translation, referring the reader, for its correctness, to the original. M. 57 P. 10: „(In Prussia) to be received a citizen, a man must be of age and of a sound mind; he must have led a good moral life, and he must prove that he can find in the place where he intends to settle lodgings or employment, and that he will be able to sup- port himself and those depending upon him. The naturalization is granted by the police authorities of the country. Neither a period of previous residence within the territory of the state, or a certain time of apprenticeship, or trial, or certain political principles are required for naturalization." „ According to the law, now in force in Prussia, of Dec. 31, 1842, the quality of a Prussian, saving some other causes belonging to the criminal code, is lost by a discharge at the request of the subject, or by a residence of ten years abroad. In some other Ger- man states, the mdigenat, or the right of home and protection, be- comes extinct by the mere act of emigration. But the Prussian Con- stitution of 31 January, 1850, Art. 11, further says expressly: „The liberty of emigration can only be restricted on the part of the state by- reasons of the military duty." From the excellent speech made by our former ambassador at Berlin, Mr. N. B. Judd, on the occa- sion of a debate in the House of Representatives , 2 Dec. of last year, on the rights of American citizens abroad , we see that , like . Eng- land, Prussia has also tried to enforce the principle: „Once a sub- ject, always a subject." — This, however, is in direct contradiction with the own laws of Prussia cited above, and we do not see why our government has not, in reference thereto, rejected point blank the unfounded pretension " *. P. 11. „From the comparison of the acts of naturalization of the two countries it results that there is less difficulty in Prussia than in the United States, and that the latter proceed in the whole act with more severity and caution than any other country upon Earth they impose upon the candidate a sufficiently long noyi- * Is it not strange that, if the Prussian law expatriates its subjects after a ten years' absence, our Government should have made a treaty with Prus- sia by which it authorizes the latter to have a hold of them for the rest of their lives, after their naturalization in America? Suppose a Prussian subject naturalized in America returns to Prussia after an absence of ten yeafs in the U. S. , will he not, according to Art. 4 of the treaty, become liable, after two years' residence, instead of being for ever free from all obligations to his native country, to be compelled to enter the army? M. 58 ciate to allow him to observe and study the political life, and to familiarize himself with , the principles and institutions of the Republic, in order to educate him gradually to become a self- conscious free citizen. Not withstanding those difficulties and the apprenticeship imposed upon them, almost all Germans, treading the free soil of the Union, are anxious, immediately upon their arrival, to take the necessary st^s towards their admission as citizens The German turns , almost without exception , a thorough republican, and becomes so much the more faithfully and sincerely attached to his adopted country, as he is conscious that he owes his citizenship and the privilege of being one of a free and powerful nation not to the chance of birth, but to his own selection, made according to his innermost conviction. All this, however, does not prevent him from retaining for life in his warm heart that peculiar affection to- wards the land of his birth so natural in every feeling being'' P. 13. „The number of naturalized German citizens, now living in the United States, probably amounts to about two millions, and they are far from forming the least estimable portion of the population of the Union. To leave the land where once your cradle stood, requires a certain amount of resolution and enterprise, and thus we mostly find among the emigrants young, powerful and laborious persons, in short the most intelligent and the most active of the German people. All the different states of Germany yield their contingent, though, of course , in unequal proportions , and if we have stated above that, with very few exceptions , all immigrated Germans acquire their naturalization in America, we may now add that those exceptions mostly belong to the comparatively few who come over from Bremen and Hamburg. The unexplained reason thereof is probably that they are a sort of republicans at home" *. P. 15. „The regulation of the third alinea of the 1°' Art. (of the treaty), according to which the mere declaration of an intention to become a citizen shall no longer have the effect of naturalization, downright annuls a regulation of the American law of naturalization, which reads „that if an alien dies after having declared his intention, but before he has become naturalized, he shall be looked upon, with * Does not the New- York correspondent of the Allgemeine Zeitmtg per- haps chiefly refer to them when he speaks of the Mottenhurgers ? See N° 2 of this chapter. M, 59 regard to his wife and children, as having really acquired his citizen- ship". We cannot refrain from observing that any alteration in the natwralization laws, can only be made, according to the Constitution, by the whole Congress, not by the Government and Senate alone"' *. P. 17. „The crimes referred to in Art. 3, with regard to the treaty of 16 June 1852, are: „ Murder, assault with the intention to kill, piracy, arson, forgery or emission of forged documents, fahrication or propagation of counterfeits, either in coin or paper, and peculation or embezzlement of public monies. „ Ad Art. 4 of the treaty. P. 19. „In this article as well as in other parts of the treaty the word ^naturalized" is used in a manner which distinctly shows the intention of making a difference between naturalized and native citizens of the United States in regard to their legal condition within, and with reference to, the state. The law does not allow any such difference. Through his admission within the Ameri- can citizenship, the alien acquires the same political, civil and private rights which are warranted to the native citizens by the Constitution, i. e. absolute individual liberty , security of person and property, and perfect equality of all before the law.^ „01d General Cass, then secretary of state, sent a despatch in 1859 to our minister at Berlin, which contains this passage: „From the moment an alien becomes naturalized, the allegiance to his native country is dissolved for ever. He is politically bom anew. An in- transgressible boundary separates him from the land of his birth. He is no longer responsible to the latter for anything he may say or do, not say or not do, after he has taken his new character as a citizen, Just the same as if he were born in the United States. If he return to his native country, he returns as an American citizen and in no other quality. His original government is only then au- thorized to punish him for an offense, if the latter was committed during his former allegiance; and then it must have become perfect before his expatriation. The admission of a principle contradictory to these fundamental principles would make a hateful difference be- tween naturalized and native citizens " — One of the two signers of the present treaty', Mr. 6f. Bancroft, when ambassador in London in 1849, wrote to Lord Palmer ston the following noteworthy lines: * See our own remarks on that subject, and the Wfirzburg protest, pp. 67 — 70. 60 „Iii the ancient and in the present times, according to the Old Roman, to the French and German law, according to the law of the whole civilized world, in accordance with the policy followed hy Great Britain herself in her colonies , naturalized citizens are equal to native citizens. The United States cannot give their consent to an. abnegation of this principle, recognized alike by ancient and by modern nations. Once naturalized, the adopted citizens of America cease to be Bavarians, Prussians , French or English. They are Americans. Wherever they may reside, whatever they may do, on land or on board a ship, at home or abroad, they are every - where Americans. That has been promised by the United States; and that the latter are obliged upon their word and honor to see acknowledged " *. S. 22. „ The leading principles and laws in Germany may be seen from the following: Professor Blu/ntschli, in his Staatslexicon, expresses himself thus : „ Any state that does not consider its citizens as serfs, but as freemen, acknowledges thereby, as a matter of course, their right of emigration. If however, in spite of this principle, here and there some state pronounces the allegiance of its subjects indissoluble, we cannot admit any other motives of such a view than selfconceit and violence (Selbstuberhebung nnd Gewaltthatigkeit)." And in Botteck and Welcker's Staatslexicon we read: „The right of emigration is equivalent to the right of pursuing one's object of life in all places where no right of others is infringed upon; thence it exists in the general law of personal liberty, and needs no particular deduction or demonstration." — „ There is no other title for the closing up of his territory than the claim of servitude on the part of the potentate." ^- »The state, formed for the protection of the rights and the liberty of society, is changed thereby into a prison or a slaveden." „We have shown already that, and in what manner, the Prus- sian allegiance can be brought to a legal end. The most recent legis- lation of the North -German Confederation, by its § 15 of the law of 5 Nov. 1867, relating to the duty of military service, allows the right of emigration in the following terms: »The permission to emi- * Not having the English originals at hand, I give the verbal translation of the above passages from Dr. Wedekind's German text. I need scarcely point out to the reader the abnegation of the above principles in the 4"" article of the treaty. M. 61 grate cannot be refused to persons subject to military duty in the land -army or navy, in times when they are not called upon to do active service." — „If, then, as we have sufficiently shown, a Northern German can be discharged from all his obligations towards his native state, and if, as we have equally proved, on having been naturalized in the United States , he is perfectly equal in a political sense with the native citizens of these States, how can either the American, or a German government make a difference between him ^.nd a native citi- zen? The admission of such a principle, as General Cass remarks, would be equally hateful and wtijusl.'^ P. 24. „But the regulations of said article imply also a restriction of our personal liberty with regard to our residence abroad. By the rights and privileges warranted by the Constitution (Art. IV. Sect. 2. §1) to aZZ American citizens, naturalized citizens also have acquired the right not only to move in the most unrestricted manner within the territory of the Union , and to reside wherever they please , but the same right is conferred upon them in foreign countries. Except during the war of 1812, the United States have, from the commence- ment of their existence, granted to their whole population, and to each of its members, the unalienable right of the liberty to live according to their own option, a right which has never been cur- tailed by them. — ...... By said article that right is restricted in a manner unheard of in civilized countries. We do not object to Congress having the authority of making , in times of war or whenever else it may seem indispensable , a law restricting the absence of citi- zens from the United States, in order to recall them home, and we should certainly be among the first to cheerfully answer such a call. But so far, there exists no such law; whenever it is to be made, it must have the same force with all citizens, and, a condition which is quite as essential, it must, according to the Constitution, come from the whole Congress, and not from the government and Senate through a mere treaty." P. 26 „ there is no law making the loss of American citizenship depending on a certain period of absence from the U. S., and yet , according to the article in question , a residence of more than two years in Northern Germany is intended to have that effectl" — 62 P. 64. ^We arrive uow at the question, which Americans are hit by the regulations of the first and third alineas of Art. 4 ; and the answer is: indirectly all, hut directly only those subjects of the North German Confederation who, after the date when the present treaty takes effect, acquire the U. S. citizenship. According to Art. I, Sect. 9, § 3, of our Constitution, the Congress shall make no law having retrospective power (ex post facto law) *, and if the whole Congress has no such authority, it is much less to be expected that part of the Congress, the Senate, should be invested with it.^ „As for the government of the North Grerman Confederation, the regulations, relating only to subjects of the latter , cannot apply to such German -Americans as have emigrated before the existence of said Confederation, when they were no subjects to it." P. 76. (A treaty is a law) „ However, in order that treaties should have the precedence before other laws, they must be lawful, i. e. they must be in accordance with the Constitution of the United States, and" that such is not the case with the treaty before us we believe we have sufficiently shown in the course of our observations." P. 79. „Also the manner in which this treaty was put in scene, by some members of the North German Diet, with the birthday of Washington and an apotheosis of the great founder of the Republic, has jarred in a peculiar way on our feelings we are sure that Washington would never have made such a contract, and that we would be induced (in his place) to reject a birthday -present like it. We have been still more surprised, however, by a seemingly offi- cial ** article of the „ Hamburger Borsenhalle " which vindicates to Prussia the glory to have become, through the conclusion of said treaty , the pioneer or breachbreaker in the question of naturalization. If, however, the fourth article have found admittance in this treaty at the instance of Prussia; it appears to us that she has become rather a breachbreaker into the bulwark of our liberties, and that she has thereby stept backwards towards the platform, which she occupied in the time of the revolution of July, to the horror and * The § reads: „No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed." — i. e. no law rendering an act punishable, in a manner in which it was not punishable at the time it was committed. Officios — official or officious. It seems that the Germans frequently confound the two expressions. M. 63 prejudice of all liberal German constitutions. This appears to have been also the opinion of the Poles who unanimously voted against the treaty and its bearingj: f«rr tfiey know best what it is to see one piece a£teir aaiother of liberty taken &om a people; till, at last, nothing remains save the sad remembrance of it 1 " YII. GENEEAL BANKS' BILL IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. We give it as we found it in the WestUche Post (General Schurz's paper), St. Louis, April 29"' 1868. Not having been able to procure a copy of the original, we add our own translation *. Congressverhandlnn^eUi Die durch General Banks vom Comity fiir auswartige Angelegenheiten einberiehtete Bill, betreffend das Ex- patriationsrecht und den Schutz amerikanischer Blirger im Auslande, ist in folgender Fassung mit 100 gegen 4 Stimmen angenommen worden. Eine Bill, betreffend die Rechte amerikanischer Burger im Auslande. Da das EecM der Expatriation ein natiirliches und angebornes Eecht aller Menschen und ftir den Genuss der Rechte des Lebens, der Freiheit und des Strebens naeh Gluckseligkeit , — far deren Schutz die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten errichtet wurde , — unentbehr- lich ist; und * Translation! — The Bill reported by General Banks of the Committee for Foreign Affairs, relating to the right of expatriation and the protection of American citizens abroad has passed with 100 votes against 4, in the following form: „A bill relating to the rights of American citizens abroad: „ Whereas the right of expatriation is a natural and innate right of all men , and indispensable for the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness — for the protection of which the government of the United States was erected — ; and" 64 Da die Regierung in Anerkennung dieser Grundsatze Einwanderer von alien Nationen offen aufgenommen und denselbeu die Bllrgerrechte verlieben hat; und Da der Anspruch erhoben wird , dags solche Amerikanische Btirger mit deren Nachkommen TJnterthanen fremder Staaten sind, und dass sie den Eegierungen derselben Gehorsam schulden; und Da es zur Aufrechterhaltung des oiFentlicben Friedens nothwendig ist, dass solche Ansprtiche fremder Unterthanigkeit sofort und end- gttltig in Abrede gestellt werden; desshalb Sei es beschlossen u. s. w. , dass jede Erklarung, Instruction, Anweisung oder Entscheidung irgend eines Regierungsbeamten , in welcher das E-echt der Expatriation gelaugnet, beschrankt oder in Frage gestellt wird, mit den Grundsatzen unserer Regierung unver- einbar ist; Dass alle Ver. Staaten - Burger , so lange sich dieselben in frem- den Saaten aufhalten, zu demselben Scbutze in ihrer Person und ihrem Eigenthum berechtigt sein und denselben Schutz von Seiten unserer Regierung erhalten soUen, welcher eingeborenen Btlrgern in gleicher Lage und unter gleichen TJmstanden zu TheU wird; „ Whereas our government, in recognition of these principles, has frankly received immigrants of all nations, and has conferred upon them the rights of U. S. citizenship ; and " „ Whereas it is claimed that such American citizens with their descendants be subjects to foreign states, and that they owe obedience to the same; and „ Whereas it is necessary for the maintenance of the public peace, that such claims of foreign allegiance be forthwith and for ever disavowed ; therefore " „Be it resolved &c. that any declaration, instruction, injunction or decision of any government officer, by which the right of ex- patriation is denied, restricted or questioned, is irreconcilable with the principles of our government;" „That all naturalized citizens of the United States, as long as they reside in foreign states shall be entitled to the same protection in their person and property and shall receive the same protection from our government, as it is granted to native citizens in like situation and circumstances;" 65 Dass, sobald dem Prasidenten bekannt wird; dass irgend ein Ver. Staaten-Biirger, in "Widerspruch mit dem Sinne und den Zwecken dieser Acte, von einer answartigen Regierung auf den Grand Mn verhaftet wurde und gefangen gehalten wird , dass die Naturalisation in den Ver. Staaten sein Unterthanenverhaltniss zu seinem frllheren SouverSn nicht aufhebt, oder wenn irgend ein Blirger verhaftet nnd zurttckgehalten wird, dessen Freilassung gefordert und verzogert oder verweigert wUrde, — dass dann der Prasident ermachtigt sein soil, die Handelsverbindungen mit einer solchen Eegierung zu suspendiren, oder falls keine andere zweckdienliclie Massregel ergriffen werden k8nnte, die Verhaftung und Gefangenhaltung irgend eines TJnteTthanen einer solchen auswalrtigen B,egierung , der innerhalb der Gerichtsbarkeit der Ver. Staaten angetroffen wird (mit Ausnahme von Gesandten und andern offentliohen Beamten und deren Angeborigen und Dienerschaft), zu verfttgen, vorausgesetzt , dass derselbe nicht seine Absicht, Ver. Staaten - Bflrger werden zu woUen, erklart hatte; und hat der Pra- sident dem Congresse unverzuglich Nachricht von irgend welchen nach Massgabe dieser Acte in Ausftihrung gebrachten Massregeln zu geben. „ That, on the President's being informed that any American citizen, in contradiction with the meaning and the purpose of this act, be imprisoned by a foreign government, on the ground that the naturalization in the U. S. does not dissolve his allegiance to his former sovereign, or if a citizen be imprisoned, or retained, whose release has been claimed and delayed, or refused — that the President, then, shall be authorized to suspend commercial relations with such a government, or, in case such a measure could not be resorted to, to order the arrest and imprisonment of any subject of such a government , who may be found within the territory or juris- diction of the United States (with the exception of ambassadors and other public employes and their families and servants), provided that he have not declared his intention of becoming a TJ. S. citizen; and the President shall give immediate information to Congress of any measures taken in consequence of this act." (We have left away the translation of the remarks made upon the above bill by the editors, and refer the reader for the fate of said act to some later communications.) 5 66 Wie man sieht , ist sowohl das Expatriationsrecht , wie auch der Grrundsatz einer volligen Gleichstellung der eingewanderten mit den eingeborenen Btirgern in dieser Acte anerkannt. Die friihere Passung der Acte mit Bezug auf die gegen fremde Regierungen zu ergreifenden Eepressalien ist ebenfalls wesentlich abgeandert. Die Bestimmung, dass der Prasident beliebige Burger fremder Staaten einstecken lassen sollte, um diese Staaten dadurch zur Herausgabe widerrecbtlicb gefangen gehaltener amerikanischer Burger zu zwingen, war ursprttnglich die einzige und ausscliliesslicli in der Acte vorge- sehene Eepressalie. General Banks hat der hiegegen im Reprasen- tantenhause erhobenen Opposition endlicb so weit nachgeben mussen, dass nach der jetzigen Fassung diese Art von Eepressalien nur als letztes Auskunftsmittel in Anwendung kommen soli, wabrend zunacbst namentlich ein Versuch mit einer Suspension der Handelsbeziehungen gemaobt werden , also etwa ein Verbot , Scbiffe oder Waaren aus dem betreffenden fremden Staate einzuclariren , erlassen werden soil. Es liegt auf der Hand, dass eine Repressalie dieser Art sowobl gerecbter ist als auch praktisch wirksamer sein muss. Die grosse Majoritat ftlr dieses Gesetz im Eeprasentantenhause berecbtigt zu der Annahme, dass auch der Senat demselben seine Zustimmmung geben wird, und dass die in dem Gesetze aufgestellen, namentlich fUr die eingewan- derte Bev5lkerung der Ver. Staaten so ausserst wichtigen Grundsatze, endlicb eine officielle Anerkennung erhalten und als gesetzliche Tor- scbriften fur die Verwaltung unserer auswartigen Angelegenbeiten gelten werden. TJebrigens ist die durch diese Bill angeregte Idee , die Verletzung der Eecbte amerikaniscberBttrger durch Repressalien zu abnden, frucht- bringend gewesen. Ein Vorscblag des Eeprasentanten Scbofield be- zweckt die Ergreifung von ahnlichen Repressalien wegen der ameri- kanischen Btirgern von England vorenthaltenen Entscbadigung ffir Verluste durch die Alabama. Herr Scbofield beantragt namlicb die Erlassung von Gesetzen, durch welche den Ver. Staaten - Gericbten verboten werden soil, die vor Gericht geltend gemacbten Ansprilcbe von Englandern zu berticksicbtigen , so lange die englische Eegierung sicb weigert , den durch die Alabama Beschadigten gerecht zu werden. 67 VIII. THE WtEZBUEG PEOTEST. "Whereas by Article 4"' of the Treaty, recently made, and signed, on the 22"" of February a. c, by George Bancroft, the United States minister at Berlin, in the name of the U. S. government, on the one part, and privy counselor Bernhard Koenig, in the name of the government of the North German Union, on the other part, the constitutional rights of United States citizens of German birth resid- ing in Germany are seriously threatened, and Whereas a similar treaty is about being ratified between our government and the government of Bavaria and other South German States , We the United States citizens residing at "Wtlrzburg, and as- sembled in a meeting, do hereby resolve: 1. That we know only of one kind of citizenship in the United States , and that by naturalization an alien is invested with all the rights and privileges of a native citizen, except his eligi- bility for the Presidency of the United States; 2. That, in consequence of our naturalization, we have a right to claim , and do claim , on the part of our government , the same protection as the native citizens of the United States, living abroad, claim and receive, as long as we do not by our own and free will and act renounce our naturalization, and return, from the condition of free and sovereign citizens, to that of subjects to any foreign potentate; 3. That we consider the said fourth Article of Mr. Bancroft's Treaty, restricting our liberty to reside, as American citizens, in foreign countries as long as we choose, as an encroachment upon our civil rights; that we most solemnly protest against this and against any further encroachment by treaty, or other- wise, and that we shall hold any officer of our government, through whose fault or neglect any naturalized citizen of Ger- man birth may come to loss or injury, responsible for the damages done thereby to said citizen; 5* 68 4. That the favorable interpretation of said 4'" article given hy Mr. Bancroft in private and -without any official authorization hy either government, is almost a contradiction to the words of the Treaty itself, and necessarily fails to satisfy us, as we cannot understand why the article was admitted, if it was not intended to be valid; 5. That we proffer our most cordial thanks to General Banks and the other members of our House of Eepresentatives for the just and liberal bill they have passed with regard to the protection due to all American citizens abroad; 6. That steps be taken to invite the American citizens of German birth in Germany and at home, as well as other native citizens, to unite with us in taking measures for the protection of our constitutional rights ; and 7. That these resolutions be printed and copies thereof sent to the heads of our Government and Congress, as well as our ministers and consuls, and to such places in Germany where American citizens are known to reside, and to the editors of some of the principal papers on both sides of the Atlantic. In witness wereof we , the chairman and secretary of this meet- ing elected, have set our hands at Wurzburg, in the kingdom of Bavaria, on this 20*'' day of June, in the year 1868. CHARLES MUNDE, M. D. of Maaaacbusaetts, L. CHILD, Chairman. Seo'y. Ifew - Yorker DemoTerat , vom 25. Juli 1868. — Der Nationalisationsvertra^ luit dem KSnigreiche Bayern.— Wir gaben in diesen Tagen den Hauptinhalt des vom Gesandten Bancroft mit dem Konigreiche Bayern abgeschlossenen Vertrages uber die gegen- seitigen Naturalisirten. Der Naohricht von dessen Abschlusse ging eine Kabelnotiz voraus, welche eines von amerikanischen Bttrgern in Wlirzburg gegen diesen Vertrag erhobenen Protestes erwahnte. Diese Verwahrung ist uns jetzt von deren Veranlasser , dem Vielen unserer Leser bekannten Dr. Karl Munde — frilher in Florence bei Northampton, Mass. — im englischen Abdrucke direct zugegangen, und wir ver- 69 offentlichen diesen Protest nachstehend um so lieber, als wir mit den dariE ausgesprochenen Grundsatzen und Ansichten allenthalben iiber- einstimmen. Verwahrung. In Betrachtj dass durch Artikel 4 des Vertrages, der unlangst gemaclifc und am 22. Eebr. d. J. durch George Bancroft, den Ver. St. Minister in Berlin , im Namen der Regierung der Ver. St. an einem, und dem Geheimen Rathe , Bernhard Konig, im Namen der Regierung des norddeutschen Bundes am andern Theile, unterzeichnet wurde, die constitutionellen Rechte der Ver. St. Btirger, deutscher Abkunft, welche in Deutschland wohnen, ernstlich bedroht werden, und In Betracht, dass ein ahnlicher Vertrag im Begriff steht zwi- schen unserer Regierung und der Regierung von Bayern und andern deutschen Slidstaaten ratiflcirt zu werden, so beschliessen wir, die in "Wtirzburg wohnenden und bier versammelten Burger der Ver. St., wie folgt: 1) Dass wir nur eine Art von Btirgerrecht in den Ver. Staaten kennen und dass durch Naturalisation ein Fremder mit alien Rechten und Privilegien eines eingeborenen Btirgers bekleidet wird , mit Ausnahme seiner Wahlbarkeit fiir die Prasidentschaft der Ver. Staaten ; 2) dass in Folge unserer Naturalisation wir ein Recht haben, von . Seiten unserer Regierung zu fordern, und hiermit fordern, dass sie uns denselben Schutz gewahre, welchen die eingebornen Burger der Ver. Staaten, die im Auslande leben, fordern und erhalten, so lange als wir nicht durch unseren eigenen und freien "Willen und unser Handeln auf unsere Naturalisation Ver- zicht leisten, und aus dem Zustande freier und souveraner Btir- ger zu dem von Unterthanen irgend eines fremden Machthabers zuruckkehren ; 3) dass wir den erwahnten 4. Artikel des Bancroft'schen Vertrages, welcher unsere Freiheit, als amerikanische Btirger in fremden Landern zu leben so lange es uns beliebt, beschrankt, als einen - Eingriff in unsere burgerlichen Rechte betrachten; dass wir feierlichst gegen diesen und jeden weiteren Eingriff durch Ver- trag oder sonst wie protestiren und dass wir jeden Beamten unserer Regierung, durch dessen Fehler oder Nachlassigkeit irgend ein naturalisirter Btirger von deutscher Geburt in Ver- 70 lust oder NacMheil gerathen mag, fflr den dadurch besagtem Burger erwachsenden Schaden ftir verantwortlicli halten; 4) dass die gunstige Auslegung besagten 4. Artikels , welcbe Herr Bancroft privatim, und obne irgend welche amtliche Ermach- tigung von Einer der beiden Regierungen gegeben hat, beinahe im Widersprucb zu den "Worten des Vertrages selber stebt, und notbweadiger "Weise verfehlt, uns zu gentigen, da wir nicbt versteben konnen, warum der Artikel aufgenommen wurde wenn seine Geltung nicbt beabsicbtigt wurde; 5) dass wir unsern herzlicben Dank gegen General Banks und die andern Mitglieder unseres Reprasentantenbauses ausspreeben fiir die gerecbtc und liberale BiU, welcbe sie in Bezug auf den alien amerikaniscben Biirgern im Auslande geblibrenden Scbutz erlassen baben; 6) dass Schritte getban werden sollen, die amerikaniscben Blirger deutscber Geburt in Deutscbland und dabeim sowobl wie andere eingeborne Btirger einzuladen, sicb mit uns zur Ergreifung von Massregeln ftlr den Scbutz unserer constitutioneUen Recbte zu vereinigen ; und 7) dass diese Bescbliisse gedruckt und Exemplare davon an die Vorstande unserer Regierung und den Congress gesendet werden soUen, sowie an unsere Minister und Consuln, und an solcbe Platze in Deutscbland, wo sicb bekanntermassen amerikanische Btirger aufbalten, und an die Eedacteure Einiger der baupt- sacblicbsten Zeitungen auf beiden Seiten des atlantischen Meeres. "Wessen zu Urkund wir, der erwablte Vorsitzende und Secretar dieser Versammlung unsere TJnterscbrift gegeben baben zu Wiirzburg im Konigreiche Bayern, an diesem 20. Tage des Juni im Jabre 1868. CARL MUNDE, M. D., v. Mass., Vorsitzender. L. SCHILD, Secretar. 71 IX. THE BAVARIAN NATURALISATION TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES. * Seine Majestat der Konig von Bayern und der Prasident der Ver- einigten Staaten von Amerika, von demWunsche geleitet, die Staats- angehiirigkeit derjenigen Personen zu regeln, welche von Bayern in die Vereinigten Staaten von Ame- rika, und von den Vereinigten Staa- ten von Amerika in das Gebiet des Kbnigreiolies Bayern einwandern, haben bescMossen , Uber diesen Ge- genstand zu unterhandeln, undzu diesem Behufe Bevollmachtigte er- nannt, um eine Uebereinkunft ab- zuschliessen , namlich: Seine Majestat der Konig von Bayern den Ministerialratli Dr. Otto Freih&rrn von VOldern- dorff, und Der Prasident der Vereinigten Staaten vonAmerika den ausser- ordentlicben Gesandten und Be- vollmacbtigten Minister Georg Bancroft; welche die folgenden Artikel ver- einbart und unterzeichnet haben: Arti 1. Angehorige des Konig- reichs Bayern, welche naturalisirte Staatsangehorige der Vereinigten * Aus der Siiddeutschen Presse vom vom 30. Juni 1868. * His Majesty the Bang of Ba- varia and the President of the United States of America, led by the wish to regulate the citizenship of those persons, who emigrate from Bavaria to the United States of America and from the United States of America to the territory of the Kingdom of Bavaria, have resolved to treat on this subject, and have for that purpose appointed pleni- potentiaries to conclude a con- vention, that is to say: His Majesty the King of Bavaria Dr. Otto Baron von VoMern- dorff, Councillor of the Mini- stry, and The President of the United States of America, George Bancroft, Envoy Extraordi- nary and Minister plenipoten- tiary; — who have agreed to and signed the following articles: Art. I. Citizens of Bavaria who have become , or shall become naturalized Citizens of the United * Official translation, from our Con- sulate at Munich. 72 Staaten von Amerika geworden sind und funf Jahre lang ununter- brochen in den Vereinigten Staaten zugebracht haben , soUen von Seite Bayerns als amerikaniscbe Ange- horige erachtet und als solche be- handelt werden. — Ebenso sollen Staatsangeborige der Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika , welcbe naturalisirte Angehorige des Konig- reiches Bayern geworden sind und ftinf Jabre lang ununterbrochen in Bayern zugebracht baben, von den Vereinigten Staaten als Angeborige Bayerns erachtet und als solche bebandelt werden. — Die blosse Erklarung der Absicbt Staatsa^nge- boriger des einen oder des andern Tbeiles werden zu woUen, soil in Beziebung auf keinen der beiden Theile die "Wirkung der Natura- lisation haben. Art. 2, Ein naturalirter An- gebSriger des einen Theils soil bei etwaiger Ruckkehr in das Gebiet des andern Theils wegen einer, nacb den Gesetzen des letzteren mit Strafe bedrohten Handlung, welche er vor seiner Auswander- ung verttbt hat, zur TJntersuchung und Strafe gezogen werden k5nnen, sofern nicht nach den bezttglichen Gesetzen seines ursprunglichen Vaterlandes Verjahrung oder son- stige Strafllosigkeit eingetreten ist. Art. 3. Der Vertrag zwischen dem KSnigreiche Bayern einerseits und den Ver. Staaten von Amerika andererseits wegen in gewissen States of America and shall have resided uninterruptedly within the United States five years, shall be held by Bavaria to be American citizens and shall be treated as such. Reciprocally: citizens of the United States of America who have become or shall become na- turalized citizens of Bavaria and shall have resided uninterruptedly within Bavaria five years, shall be held by the United States to be Bavarian citizens and shall be treated as such. — The declaration of an intention to become a citi- zen of the one or the other country has not for either party the effect of naturalization. Art. II. A naturalized citizen of the one party on return to the territory of the other party remains liable to trial and punishment for an action punishable by the laws of his original country and com- mitted before his emigration, sav- ing always the limitation estab- lished by the laws of his original country or any other remission of liability to punishment. Art. Ill, The convention for the mutual delivery of criminals, fugitives from justice, in certain cases, concluded between theUnited 73 Fallen zw gewaheender Ausliefer- ung der vor der Justiz fliiclitigen Verbrecher, welclier am 12. Sep- tember 1853 abgesoblossen worden ist, bleibt nnverandert fortbestehen. Al'ti i, Wenn ein in Amerika naturalisirter Bayer sich wieder in Bayern niederlasst ohne die Ab- sicht nach Amerika zurttckzukeb- ren , so soli er als auf seine Natura- lisation in den Vereinigten Staaten Verzicht leistend erachtet werden. Ebenso soU ein in Bayern natura- lisirter Amerikaner, wenn er sich wieder in den Vereinigten Staaten niederlasst ohne die Absicht nach Bayern zurtickzukehren , als auf seine Naturalisation Verzicht lei- stend erachtet werden. — Der Ver- zicht auf die B.uckkehr kann als vorhanden angesehen werden, wenn der Naturalisirte des einen Theils sich langer als zwei Jahre in dem Grebiete des andern Theils aufhalt. Arti 5. Der gegenwartige Ver- trag tritt sofort nach dem Aus- tausch der Ratificationen in Kraft und hat fiir zehn Jahre Giltig- keit. — Wenn kein Theil dem andern sechs Monate vor dem Ab- lauf dieser zehn Jahre Mittheilung von seiner Absicht macht, den- selben dann aufzuheben, so soil er ferner in Kraft bleiben bis zum Ablauf von 12 Monaten, -nachdem einer der contrahirenden Theile dem andern von einer solchen Ab- sicht Kenntniss gegeben. States on the one part and Ba- varia on the other part the 12"' Sept. 1853 remains in force with- out change. Art. IV. If a Bavarian natural- ized in America renews his resi- dence in Bavaria without the in- tent to return to America he shall be held to have renounced his naturalization in the United States. Reciprocally: if an American naturalized in Bavaria renews his residence in the United States without the intent to return to Bavaria he shall be held to have renounced his naturalization in Bavaria. — The intent not to return may be held to exist when the person naturalized in the one country resides more than two years in the other country. Art. V. The present conven- tion shall go into effect immedia- tely on the exchange of ratifica- tions and shall continue in force for ten years. If neither party shall have given to the other six months previous notice of its in- tention then to terminate the same, it shall further remain in force until the end of 12 months after either of the contracting parties shall have given notice to the other of such intention. 74 Art. 6. Der gegenwartige Ver- trag soil ratificirt werden von Seiner Majestat dem Konige von Bay em und dem Prasidenten unter und mit Genehmigung des Senats derVer- einigten Staaten , und die Eatifica- tionen soUen zu Miinchen innerhalb zwolf Monaten vom heutigen Datum an (26. Mai) ausgewechselt werden. Zu Urkund dessen liaben die BevoUmachtigten diese TJeberein- kunft unterzeichnet und besiegelt. Miinchen, den 26. Mai 1868. Gez. Gez. GEORGE BAN- D"- OTTO FREIHERR CROFT. vokVOLDERNDORFF. SchlussprotokoII. Das Schlussprotokoll vom 26. Mai 1868 enthalt nachfolgende den Inhalt des vorstebenden Vertrages naher feststellende und erlauternde Bemerkungen : I. Zu Art. 1 des Vertrages. l)Naohdem die Copulative „und" gebraucht ist, verstebt es sich von selbst, dass nicht die Naturalisa- tion allein, sondern ein dazu kom- mender fQnfjahriger ununterbroobe- Art. VI. The present convention shall be ratified by His Majesty the King of Bavaria and by the President by and with the ad- vice and consent of the Senate of the United States and the rati- fications shall be exchanged at Munich within twelve months from the date hereof. In faith whereof the Plenipo- tentiaries have signed and sealed this convention. Munich, the 26'" May 1868. (h. S.) signed (L. S.) signed GEORGE BAN- D'' OTTO FREIHERR CROFT. VON VOLDERNDORFF. OFFICIAL PROTOCOL done at Munich on the 26'^ of May 1868. The undersigned met to-day to sign the treaty agreed upon, in conformity with their respec- tive full powers, relating to the citizenship of those persons, who emigrate from Bavaria to theTJnited States of America and from the United States of America to Ba- varia ; on which occasion the fol- lowing observations , more exactly defining and explaining the con- tents of this treaty were entered in the following protocol: I. Relating to the I. Art. of the treaty. 1. In as much as the copula- tive „and" is made use of, it fol- lows of course, that not the na- turalization alone, but an addi- tional five years uninterrupted 75 ner Aufenthalt erforderlich ist, um eine Person als in den Vertrag fallend ansehen zu konnen, wobei ilbrigens keineswegs erforderlich. sein soil , dass der funfjahrige Aufr enthalt erst nach der Naturalisa- tion folgen miisste. Doch wird hie- bei anerkannt, dass, wenn ein Bayer des bayerischen Indigenates oder andererseits ein Amerikaner der amerikanischen Staatsangehorig- keit in der gesetzlicb vorgeschrie- benen "Weise von der Eegierung seines bisherigen Vaterlandes ent- lassen worden ist und sodann die Naturalisation in dem andern Staate in rechtlicher "Weise und voUkom- men gUtig erlangt hat, dann ein noch hinzukommender fttnfjahriger Aufenthalt nicht mehr erforderlich sein soil, sondern ein solcher Na- turalisirter vom Momente seiner Naturalisation an als bayerischer und umgekehrt als amerikanischer Angehoriger erachtet und behandelt werden soU. 2) DieWorte „ununterbrochen zugebracht" sind selbstverstandlich nicht im korperlichen , sondern im juristischen Sinne zu nehmen, und desshalb unterbricht eine momen- tane Abwesenheit, eine Eeise oder dergleichen, keineswegs die fUnf- jahrige Frist, welche der Art. 1 im Sinne hat. II. Zu Art. 2 des Vertrages. Es wird anerkannt, dass eine residence is required before a per- son can be regarded as coming within the treaty, but it is by no means requisite that the five years residence should take place after the naturalization. — It is hereby further understood that, if a Bavarian has been discharged from his Bavarian Indigenat or on the other side, if an Ameri- can has been discharged from his American citizenship in the man- ner legally prescribed by the go- vernment of his original country and then acquires naturalization in the other country in a right- ful and perfectly valid manner, then an additional five years' resi- dence shall no longer be required, but a person so naturalized shall from the moment of his natura- lization be held and treated as a Bavarian and reciprocally as an American citizen. 2. The words ^resided uninter- ruptedly" are obviously to be under- stood, not of a continual bodily presence , but in a legal sense , and therefore a transient absence, a journey , or the like, by no means interrupts the period of five years contemplated by the first article. n. Relating to Art. II of the treaty. It is expressly agreed that a nach Art. 1 als Angehoriger des | person, who under the I" Article 76 andern Staates zu erachtende Per- son bei ihrer etwaigen Riickkehr in ilir friilieres Vaterland auch nicM wegen des etwa durch seine Aus- wanderung selbst begangenen Rea-' tes einer Strafe unterworfen wer- den kann und selbst niobt spater, wenn sie die neuerworbene Staats- angehorigkeit wieder verloren ha- ben soUte. IIL Zu Art. i des Vertrages. 1) Man ist beiderseits tiberein- gekommen, dass die den beiden Re- gierungen gesetzlicb gestatteten Sicberungsmassregeln gegen solche in ihrem Territorium sich aufhal- tende Fremde, deren Aufenthalt die Eube und Ordnung im Lande gefahrdet, durcb den Vertrag nicht berlihrt werden; insbesondere wird die im bayerischen "Webrgesetze vom 30. Januar 1868, Art. 10 Abs. 2 enthaltene Bestiinmung , wonach denjenigen Bayern , welohe vor Er- fiiHung ihrer Militarpfliebt ausge- "wandert sind, der standige Auf- enthalt im Lande bis zum voU- endeten 32. Lebensjahre untersagt ist, durch den Vertrag nicht be- riihrt, doch wird constatirt, dass durch den im Art. 10 gebrauchten Ausdruck „ der standigeAufenthalt " ohnehin schon derartig Ausgewan- derten eine klirzere und zu bestimm- ten Zwecken unternommene vor- Ubergehende Reise nach Bayern nicht untersagt ist, und erklart sich die kgl. bayerisohe Staats- is to be held as an adopted citi- zen of the other state, on his return to his original country can- not be made punishable for the act of emigration itself, not even though at a later day he should have lost his adopted citizenship. III. Relating to Article four of the treaty. 1. It is agreed on both sides, that the regulative powers granted to the two G-overnments respec- tively by their laws for protection against resident aliens, whose re- sidence endangers peace and order in the land, are not affected by the treaty. — In particular the regulation contained in the second clause of the tenth article of the Bavarian military law of the 30"" January 1868, according to which Bavarians emigrating from Bavaria before the fulfilment of their mili- tary duty cannot be admitted to a permanent residence in the land, tiU they shall have become 32 years old , is not affected by the treaty. But yet it is etablished and agreed that by the expression ^permanent residence" iised in the said article the above described emigrants are not forbidden to untertake a jour- ney to Bavaria for a less period of time and for definite purposes, and the royal Bavarian Govern- ment moreover cheerfully declares 77 regierung titerdiess gerne bereit, in solchen Fallen, in welchen die Auswanderung offenbar bona fide geschehen ist, eine milde Praxis eintreten zu lassen. 2) Es wird anerkannt, dass ein in Amerika naturalisirter Bayer und umgekehrt ein in Bayern na- turalisirter Amerikaner, wenn er sich ohne die Absicht, in sein neu- erworbenes Vaterland zurtickzu- kehren , in seinem frtiheren Vater- lande niedergelassen hat, keines- wegs hiedurch allein schon die frtihere Staatsangehbrigkeit wieder erlangt, vielmehr hangt es, was Bayern anbetrifft, von Seiner Ma- jestat dem Konige ab , ob er in diesem Falle die bayerische Staats- angehSrigkeit wieder verleihen will oder nicht. Der Artikel 4 soil dem- nach nur die Bedeutung haben, dass derjenige Staat, in welchem der Ausgewanderte die neue Staats- angeharigkeit erworben bat, diesen nicht hindern kann, die frtihere Staatsangehorigkeit wieder znrtick- zuerwerben; nicht aber, dass der Staat, welchem der Ausgewanderte fruher angehort hat, denselben auch sofort wieder zurticknehmen mflsse. Es hat vielmehr der im anderen Staate Naturalisirte nach den be- stehenden Gesetzen und Vorschrif- ten sich um "Wiederaufnahme in sein fruheres Vaterland zu bewer- ben, und dieselbe wiejeder andere Fremde neu zu erwerben. Doch soil es in seinem freien Ermessen itself ready in all cases in which emigration has plainly taken place in good faith, to allow a mild rule in practice to be adopted. 2. It is hereby agreed, that when a Bavarian naturalized in America and reciprocally an Ame- rican naturalized in Bavaria takes up his abode once more in his original country without the in- tention to return to the country of his adoption, he does by no means thereby recover his former citizenship; on the -contrary, in so far as it relates to Bavaria, it depends on his Majesty the King , whether he will or will not in that event grant the Bavarian citizenship anew. The article fourth shall ac- cordingly have only this meaning, that the adopted country of the emigrant cannot prevent him from acquiring once more his former citizenship ; but not , that the state, to which the emigrant originally belonged, is bound to restore him at once to his original relation. On the contrary, the citizen naturalized abroad must first apply to by received back into his ori- ginal country in the manner pre- scribed by its laws and regula- tions , and must acquire citizen- ship anew , exactly like any other alien. But yet it is left to his own 78 liegen , ob er diesen Weg ein- schlagen oder seine bisher erwor- bene Staatsangehbrigkeit beibehal- ten will. free choice, whether he will adopt that course; or will preserve the citizenship of the cowntry of his adoption. The two plenipotentiaries give each other mutually the assurance, that their respective Governments in ratifying this treaty will also regard as approved and will main- tain the agreements and explana- tions contained in the present pro- tocol without any further formal ratification of the same. (L. S.) sgd. GEORGE BAN- CROFT. (L. S.) sgd. D= OTTO FREIHERR vonVSLDERNDORFP. X. COERESPONDENOE &c. ON OUR PROTEST AND ON THE BAVARIAN TREATY. LETTEE OE BARON VOLDERNDOREF TO D" MUNDE. Miinchen, 29. June 68. Verehrter Herr! Aus dem von Ihnen unterzeichneten Protest d. d. Wilrzburg den 20. Juni 1. J. ersehe ich, dass Sie mit mehreren Ihrer Mitbtirger den Art. 4 des Vertrages zwischen Bayern und den Vereinigten Staaten TRAIVSLATIOIV. D" C. MUNDE. Munich, June 29'" 1868. Dear Sir, I see from the protest bearing your signature and dated Wtirz- burg June 20"" a. c. that yourself and several of your fellow -citizens do not correctly interpret the Article 4 of the treaty between Bavaria 79 von America niclit richtig auifassen. Aus dem zwischen mir und Herrn Bancroft gezeichneten Protocolle, welches mit dem Vertrage gleiche Kraft hat, werden Sie aber entnehmen, dass uns nicht ein- fdllt, die von einigen libel woUenden und, bemerken Sie wohl, meist reaciionaren Zeitungen , sowie einigen von bureaukratischen Ideen nicht ganz freien Eednern des Norddentschen Reichstages aufgestell- ten Interpretationen des Art, 4 anzunehmen , als ob ein Naturalisirter nach zwei Jahren sein durch Naturalisation erworbenes Btlrgerrecht wieder verliere , wir haben ausdrlicklich anerkannt , dass es im freien Willen eines Naturalisirten liegt, ob oder ob nicht er sein ehemaliges Btirgerrecht wieder erwerben oder sein neues beibehalten will. Was aber die in Nro. 4 Ihres Protestes enthaltene Aufstellung betrifft, dass bei dieser richtigen Interpretation der Art. 4 keine Bedeutung hatte, so erlauben Sie mir zu erwidern, dass der Art. 4 die ganz nothwendige Consequenz des Art. 1 ist. Der Vertrag ist nemlich ein voUstandiger Bruch mit dem bisher in Europa festge- haltenen Grundsatze, dass jeder Staat berechtigt sei, seine Einge- bornen filr immer festzuhalten , so dass z. B. der Bayer ein anderes and the United States of America. You will, however, see from the protocol, made and signed by myself and Mr. Bancroft, and which has equal power with the treaty , that we have not the slightest idea of admitting the interpretations of Art. 4, as they have been given by some malevolent and, please to observe, reactionary journals, as well as by some speakers of the North German Diet, who are not quite free from bureaucratic (rod tape) ideas, as though a person naturalized would lose at the end of two years his citizenship ac- quired through his naturalization; we have expressly acknowledged that it shall lie in the free will of a naturalized person whether or not he will reacquire his former allegiance , or whether he will retain the new one. As for the statement contained in Nro. 4 of your protest that in the face of the above correct interpretation the 4'" Article has no meaning, you will permit me to reply that Art. 4 is the indis- pensable consequence of Art. 1. You should understand that the treaty is a complete rnpture with the principle hitherto sustained in Europe that every state be entitled to holding its natives for ever, so that, for instance, a Bavarian could not acquire another citizen- 80 Btirgerrecht nicht erwerben konne, hevor ilin der bayerische Staat aus seinem TJnterthanenverbande entlassen hat. Sie wissen, dass es gerade Herrn Bancroft's Verdienst ist, die neue Theorie begrtindet zu haben, ■wonacb es als ein dem Individuum zustehendes B.echt erklart wird, die Staatsangehorigkeit zu wechseln, ohne dass ihn der Staat, in welcbem er zufallig geboren ist , daran liindern kann. Diess spricht also Art. 1 aus; der Bayer kann Amerikaner werden, auch ohne dass er vorher aus dem Bayerischen TJnterthanenverbande entlassen worden ist. Ebendesshalb aber kann es ihm auch nicht verwehrt werden, sein frtiheres Indigenat wieder zurlick zu erwerben, und das ist der Sinn des Art. 4. Setzen Sie , ein Amerikaner zieht nach Bayern und lasst sich hier naturalisiren. Nun gefallt es ihm nicht mehr und er will wieder Amerikaner werden; nach dem bisherigen Rechte darf er diess nicht frtiher, als bis ihn der bayerische Staat seines Indigenates, das er duroh Naturalisation erworben hatte, entlasst. Diese Be- ship before the Bavarian state had dismissed him from his allegiance as a subject. You know that it is Mr. Bancroft's particular merit to have founded the new theory, according to which it is declared a natural right of the individual to change his allegiance to any country without the state in whose territory he was born being entitled to hinder him from it *. This Art. 1 declares : the Bavarian can become an American , if he chooses , without first being dismissed from his Bavarian allegiance. For this very reason he cannot be prevented from reacquiring his former ^indigenat" , and such is the sense and the meaning of Art. 4. Suppose an American immigrates into Bavaria and becomes naturalized in that state. After a while he becomes displeased with the country and wishes to rebecome an American; according to the law hitherto in observance he could not satisfy his desire until the Bavarian state had released him from the indigenat which he had acquired through naturalisation. This restric- * Much as we wish to allow Mr. Bancroft his great merits in his efforts to settle the difficulties between the U. S. and Germany with regard to the acknowledgment of naturalization by the German powers, we must deny his being the author of the above theory, which has been held to be correct by several of our statesmen before him. f. i. Mr. B's predecessor, Mr. Wright, and by the American people at large. Mr. Bancroft has, however, succeeded in seeing the theory acknowledged by the Bavarian government , in which he was heartily seconded by the latter. M. 81 schrankung hebt Art. 4 auf, der bayerische Staat kann ihn fortan an dem Etlckerwerb nicht hindern. Ich boffe, Ibre Bedenken sind beseitigt, scbreiben Sie mir ge- falligst darliber und ob Sie sonst Zweifel haben. Der Vertrag wird far den gegenseitigen Verkebr so segensreich sein, dass mir jede Misskennnng desselben leid ware. Mit Hochachtung Ihr ergelienster Frh, VON VOLDERNDORFF, Ministerialraih. Herrn Dr. C. Munde in Wurzhv/rg. W" MUNDE TO BAEON VOLDERNDORFF. Wwrzburg, 2. Juli 1868. Verelwter Herr Ministerialrath , Ans Ibrer Zuschrift vom 29. v. M. sehe icb mit Bedauern, dass unser Protest missverstanden worden ist. Wir baben keine Absicht gehabt, gegen den Vertrag mit der koniglich bayeriscben Eegierung, tion is abolished by Art. 4 ; tbe Bavarian state cannot , hence forward, hinder him from the reacquisition of his former indigenat. I trust, your apprehensions are removed; please write to me on tbe subject and state any doubts you may still have. The treaty will be such a blessing to the intercourse of the two countries that I should be very sorry any misconception should mar its merits. Yours with respect BARON VON VOLDERNDORFF, COUNCILLOR OF THE MINISTRY. BARON VON VOLDERNDORFF. Wurzhmg, July 2" 1868. Dear Sir, I see with regret from your letter of June 29", that our protest has been misunderstood. Our intention has not been to protest against the treaty with the Royal Bavarian Government as it has been con- 82 wie er zwischen Ihnen und Herrn Bancroft dbgeschlossen warden ist, und seit gestern erst in der Silddeutschen Presse uns vorliegt, zu pro- testiren. Unser Protest war gegen den Vertrag mit Norddeutsehland gerichtet und traf den bayerischen , von welchem wir uns trotz aller Mtlhe keine Absohrift verschaffen konnten , nur eventualiter. Die Aus- legung des Art. 4 durch das von beiden Bevollmachtigten unterzeich- nete SchlussprotokoU, wie es die Siiddeutsche Presse giebt, befriedigt uns voUkommen. "Wir verkennen keineswegs die Verdienste unseres Gesandten in dieser wichtigen Sache. Wenn der 4. Art. allgemeine Entrflstung unter uns hervorgerufen , so ist Herr Bancroft freilich selbst daran schuld. Der Artikel konnte und musste so gefasst werden, dass er in der Weise verstanden werden konnte, wie er nur nacb miihsamer und ein wenig gewundener Interpretation verstanden werden kann. Ein diplomatischer Freund Herrn Bancroft's, welcher diesen gegen unsere Vorwtirfe in Schutz nahm, gab doch zu, dass „Herr Seward keine officielle Interpretation &c. geben konne", und „Mr. B's Treaty- reads one way and is liable to be interpreted another by the Nord- deutsche Bund, when it may so please them'^. eluded by yourself and Mr. Bancroft , and as we have known it since yesterday only. Our protest was directed against the treaty with Northern Germany, and related only eventualiter to the Bavarian treaty, of which we could not by any means procure a copy before. The interpretation of Art. 4 in the protocol, signed by both the treating parties, as the Siiddeutsche Presse has it, satisfies us completely. "We by no means undervalue the merits of our ambassador in this important affair. If the 4"" Art. has roused a general indignation among us, it is, he ought to confess it, his own fault. The Article could, and ought to, have been couched in such terms as to make it possible to understand it easily and in such a manner, as it can only be understood through a toilsome and tortuous interpretation. A diplo- matic friend of Mr. Bancroft's, who made it a point to defend the latter, admitted to me that „Mr. Seward could give no official inter- pretation" &c. and „Mr. B's treaty reads one way and is liable to be interpreted another by the Norddeutsche Bund, when it may so please them". 83 FUr Ihre gUtigen Erklarungen, verehrter Herr Eath, sind wir eben so dankbar, als fttr den oflfenbar tins und der Sache freund- lichen Sinn, welcher aus dem SchlussprotokoU nnd Ihren Zeilen an mich hervorlenchtet. "Wenn der Fortschritt ziim Besseren in den Handen so erleuchteter und von dem redlichsten "Willen beseelter Beamten liegt, dtirfen wir in der That der Zukunft unbesorgt ent- gegen sehen, selbst wenn unheimliche Gewalten neue Stilrme liber uns bringen sollten. Gestatten Sie mir, diese Gelegenheit zu benntzen, um Ihnen meine aufrichtige Hochachtung und Verehrung auszudrticken. Ich werde mich bemllhen, das Missverstandniss ttberall, wo es mir begegnet, sofort aufzuklaren, und habe zu dem Ende schon gestem Schritte gethan. Ich habe die Ehre zu sein Ihr ganz ergebener D" CHARLES MUNDE. An den koniglich bayerischen Ministerialrath Freiherrn von Volderndorff zu Mimchen. We thank you as warmly, dear Sir, for your friendly explana- tions, as for the kind and favorable disposition you have shown towards us and our cause, a disposition which openly manifests it- self as well in the protocol as in your lines to me. If the progress towards a better existence lies in the hands of statesmen and officials enlightened and animated like yourself, and penetrated by the most honest and liberal intentions, we may, indeed, look forward to the future without apprehensions, should even dark and hidden powers bring new storms upon us. Permit me to express to you, on this occasion, my sincere esteem and regards. I shall take care to clear up the misunderstanding wherever I meet it , and have taken steps to the purpose already. I have the honor to be &c. CHARLES MUNDE. 6* 84 HON. GEORGE BANCROFT V. a. AMBASSADOE, BERLIN. Sir, I have the pleasure to express to you, in the name of the citiz- ens of this place, who protested against the 4'" Article of your Treaty with North Germany, our entire satisfaction with the interpretation given to said Article through the official protocol signed hy your- self and Baron von Volderndorff in the Bavarian Treaty. We con- gratulate you and ourselves on the improvement made, and only wish that a similar official document may soon disperse our ap- prehensions with regard to the North German Treaty and its pos- sible interpretation by the Prussian Government and its employes, whom we do not quite so much admire as yourself. We fully acknowledge your great merit , in breaking down ob- solete laws, which barred the free intercourse between two friendly nations, and wish you all possible success in finishing the important mission you have undertaken. To prevent misunderstandings , I shall mention that we saw the Bavarian Treaty for the first time yesterday, whilst our protest was signed June 20"", ten or eleven days before. I have the honor to be with sincere regards, Sir, Wurzburg, July 2^ 1868. Your obdt. servt. CHARLES MUNDB. LETTER FROM THE EDITOR TO SENATOR SUMNER. Wurzburg, Bavaria, June 17"" 1868. Bear Sir, Mr. Bancroft's Treaty with Count Bismarck concerning naturalized citizens of the TJ. S. materially affects the rights given to us by the Constitution. The German original says in Article 4'": „If a German naturalized in America settles again in North Germany, without the intention of returning to America, he shall be considered as renouncing his naturalization (so soil er als auf seine •Naturalisation in den Vereinigten Staaten Verzicht leistend erachtet werden)." And further: „The renouncement to the return may 85 be regarded as existing (der Verziclit auf die Ettckkehr kaiin als vorhandeu angesehen werden) , when the person natui-alized has resided for more than two years within the territory of the other party." The English translation submitted to the President and Senate by Mr. Bancroft, as I find it in his despatches N°41 and 43 to the State Department, on the contrary, reads*: „If a Grerman naturalized in America returns to the territory of the North German Union, and settles there permanently, he shall have no claim upon the protection of the government of the TJ. S." »The intention to take up a permanent residence shall (soil) ** be regarded as existing Ac." It is clear there is a difference in the meauing of the two ways of reading, and I have some doubt whether, had a correct trans- lation of the 4'" Art. been submitted to the whole Senate, the latter woidd have confirmed the treaty. However, whether we read the article one way or the other, there is an infringement on our constitutional rights acquired by our naturalization , after serving our five years' apprenticeship. Being once received citizens of the United States, we are citizens for life, unless we renounce our rights voluntarily. There is no law made by Congress, with the consent of the People, which authorizes our Government to deprive a citizen, whether a native or a naturalized one, of his citizenship, or of any of the privileges belonging thereto, except with his own consent. Wherever a citizen may choose to live , and whatever may be the length of his absence from home, and his residence in foreign countries, he remains a member of the „sovereign people", whose government and representatives at foreign courts owe him protection. It is their business^ as servants of the people: the time has not yet come — and I trust it never will — that they be its masters, though our ministers may, by mistake probably, speak of American subjects already! — The treaty with the North German Union has been ratified. There is no help for it I can see. And although Mr. Bancroft's * I had not, then, seen the official translation, as it appears in the trans- actions of the North German Reichstag, p. 1 of this pamphlet. Nor were the regulations of the Bavarian Treaty known , when I wrote this letter. ** That shall (soil) was removed , as Mr. Bancroft assured me afterwards, at his instance, and may (kann) put instead. 86 interpretation of it is very favorable to us, nay goes so far as to assert exactly the contrary of what the treaty says itself: the words of the treaty stand there, signed and sealed, and as Mr. Bancroft reads them one way , no one can prevent the government of the North German Union from reading it the other ; and whilst in some future time, not very distant, our ministers and consuls may be found dis- puting the articles of the treaty with the Powers in Germany — we, the naturalized citizens of the U. S. after two years' residence in this country, are liable to be treated as it may please the foreign governments , whether we pay our taxes at home or not ! — But there is no harm as long as the friendly relations continue between — Count Bismarck and Mr. Bancroft, backed by Mr. Johnson. Apres nous le dilvge! — A thing has been done which is not right! Whatever may be the merits of Mr. Bancroft's treaty, to favor a certain class of natur- alized citizens — those who owe military duty to the North German States — a blow has been struck at all the rest, a blow for which it is difficult to see a reason, and which appears so much the more hateful as it has, it seems, proceeded from our minister himself. I have been assured, on excellent authority, that „Mr. Bancroft wanted to hit the Jews, who come to America to make money there and then return to Germany to stay, without paying taxes to either country „. If that be so, as I have no reason to doubt, I can onlj"- regret that the republican minister did not follow Count Bismarck's exam- ple , who — Mr. Bancroft says in one of his letters to Mr. Seward — „took a large and liberal view of the whole subject, from the begin- ning." In fact, I could almost wish Count B. had been in Mr. Ban- croft's place when the treaty was made! — What, strike a blow at the constitutional rights of a whole class of citizens, because there are a few insincere ones among them, who manage to stand in the shade of the starspangled banner, with- out paying for it? And at the same time hit those who do pay, or who are exempt from paying — for the treaty makes no dif- ference? Is this not the justice of king Herod, who slayed the children at Bethlehem in order to destroy the dreaded offspring of the House of David? Or like the dentist who pulled all a man's teeth for fear of missing the one that ached? Why, then, let the natives alone who pay no taxes? Are there not millions, who, trai- 87 tors as they were a short time ago , carried destruction into the bosom of the Union and caused the immense war debt to be contracted for which we are paying taxes, and who now enjoy the protection of our government at home and abroad? Or, is it right that an educated German, who shed his blood for the Union and for the abolition of slavery, should now stand below the ignorant negro, whom he helped to liberate from bondage? Shall he be compelled to interrupt, at the end of two years, his studies, his medical treat- ment, the education of his children, to return to America, where his means may not be sufficient to live, whilst the colored man and the former traitor may stay abroad all their lives long, without endangering any of their rights, or losing the protection of our government ? And what are the few paltry dollars, which may be lost to our treasury, in comparison with the amount of gold imported in our country by the two hundred thousand emigrants who flock annually to the United States, of whose population they form quite a respectable portion? The American People ,* in our House of Representatives , on General Banks' motion, have expressed their concurrence with the above prin- ciples (by 100 against 4 votes); and although we have the House and the People on our side, we are anxious to learn what the Senate will do, in the face of the resolutions taken by the House. In the meanwhile, Mr. Bancroft has made another treaty with the Bavarian government, which, they say — for we are not allowed to know any particulars about it till it is too late to remonstrate — is more favorable to us than that with the Norddeutsche Bund. It may be so; but, after the sample he gave us, we have little con- fidence in Mr. Bancroft's treaty making — much as we respect him personally — , and we, who are directly concerned in the new agree- ment, most earnestly protest against any further curtailing of our constitutional rights. We want to be at liberty, like other citizens of the U. S., to go whither we please, to live where we please, without endangering any of our rights. If the government wishes to compel citizens abroad, who withdraw from their duties, to pay taxes , let them be hit by some legal measure ; but do not make any difference between native and naturalized citizens, to which no law entitles you. The same laws, the same duties — the same rights fm' all I I have been told by one of our consuls that a difference ought to be made between a native and a naturalized citizen, that the 88 Romans did so &c. — Webster, the great American lexicographer, defines Naturalization: „The act of investing an alien with the rights and privileges of a native subject or citizen." This covers the whole ground. The Eomans did a great many things which we do not approve of: They held slaves, they sentenced Jesns Christ to cruci- fixion and turned his apostles ; they had Emperors , &c. Besides, they were a conquering people, whilst we conquer chiefly by the power of liberal principles and insitutions. The more liberal we are, the more our population and power will encrease. And what does the whole population of the TJ. S. consist of but immigrants and the children of immigrants? There were only three millions of inhab- itants in the United States when the Constitution was framed; whence come the other 33 millions we have now, and whence will the millions come who will soon double our population? Making such difi'erences is not republicanism : it is the narrow mind of knownothingism. Let us be one. Stop dissension: we know what it leads to. We have got rid of the chief apple of discord ; let us throw aside the other causes of dissension, and stand together all for one and one for all , against foreign powers , who do not love us, whatever their protestations of friendship may be. Or, have you forgotten what attitude they took, with but one exception, during the days of our adversity? The devil, may his initial be N or B, is constantly watching where he may discover a fissure in the body of our Republic, to drive a wedge in. We did not stoop thai; pray do not stoop to them now , when we have no need to be afraid of any body — but ourselves. Beware of the air of courts, and let our ministers beware of it. Soyons amis par distance! We all acknowledge very gratefully the action of the House, and hope the Senate will prevent the precedent, which has been given in Berlin, from being followed up elsewhere. Justice to us now win save a great deal of trouble to American citizens and govern- ment in future. — To prevent loss of time, I send this from my own pen, till I can address you in the name of all the citizens of this place. Whatever you can do to protect our rights will be cheerfully acknowledged by all. I remain with sincere regard Yours very truly Hon. Charles Sumner CHARLES MUNDE. United States Senator at Washington. 89 5. SENATOR SUMNER'S ANSWER. Senate Chamher, July 8"" 1868. Bear Sir, I have your letter of June 17'" in reference to the recent treaty with North -Germany. I need not say that I have read it with inter- est, for the subject is important, and I have spared no pains to make myself familiar with it , but you will pardon me if I say frankly, that I cannot see it as you do. You speak of the clause which provides that a citizen of either country who returns to his native land with no intention of going back to the country of his adoption, shall be held to have renounced his citizenship in the latter, as a violation of the constitutional rights of naturalized citizens. The constitution, as you are aware, gives no rights to natur- alized citizens in express terms. The control of the whole matter is in the hands of Congress, which may „ establish an uniform rule of naturalization", and prescribe the conditions on which citizenship may be acquired, and may be forfeited. The object of naturalization is to give to foreigners who intend to reside here permanently, to cast their lot with us, the rights of our citizens. I think it is too much to suppose that it was intended to relieve the citizens of other countries from the performance of the duties , which their governments see fit to impose on them. Does not a native of Germany, who leaves this country with no intention of returning, cease to be in fact our citizen? Can he complain if he loses the name? He has his choice. He may be a citizen of the United States or of Germany, but if he can claim the privileges of a citizen in both countries, and perform the duties in neither, his position is anomalous, the constitution gives the naturalized citizen greater rights than it can give the native. The clause you speak of was intended to guard against fraudul- ent naturalization, where for example, a German, who never intends to make America his home, becomes naturalized here for the pur- pose of avoiding his duties in his native land, and as we looked at the matter here, it seemed a salutary provision. The two years' residence is only ^n'm a /acie evidence of an intention to remain, and may be rebutted by proof of the contrary. 90 Perhaps in the light of these suggestions you wUl be kind enough to review your opinion of the treaty , for I know the liberal- ity of your mind , and believe that you will see it as we do : a treaty which promotes the best interests of all our citizens. Meanwhile, believe me, dear Sir, Faithfully yours &c. CHARLES SUMNER. Br. Charles Mimde. 6, THE EDITORS' REPLY. Wurzbmg, July 28'" 1868. Dear Sir, I thank you most cordially for thus early answering my letter of June 17'" about the North German treaty. I see I have been partly misundertood, and partly I cannot agree with you, though I earnestly wish to do so: The man whose shoes pinch him feels diiierently from the maker of the shoes. I do not mean to claim that an American citizen , whether a native or a naturalized one , should be allowed to hold double citiz- enship. By taking a new allegiance he gives up the old one, and if he returns to the old allegiance, he, of course, gives again up the new one. But according to the Declaration of Independence, and the principle expressed and held by our people and government, under the Constitution, such change of allegiance depends on the own and free will of the individual, not on the will and dictates of either or both governments. This is just the point at issue. A man may change his allegiance if, in the pursuit of happiness, he thinks it best to do so, and when , after a number of years, he finds it better for his interest to return to his former allegiance, nobody must have the right to hinder him; but no one has the right to compel him. To wish to hold both citizenships, and to fulfil his duties in neither, is unreasonable in a man, and cannot be permitted. But no plenipotentiary, or government, or Senate, or Congress, have the right to treat away his citizenship, or part of it. The protest I sent you says about all we wanted to say. I am sorry it has — either by mistake or by bad will — been under- stood, in some quarters, to be directed against the Bavarian treaty. 91 as it now lies before us. By reading the protest attentively, any one can clearly see that it is not the case. The articles of the treaty were kept secret till it had been ratified, and we never saw it till ten or eleven days after the signing of our protest, which we hurried, because we wanted, if possible, to prevent the ratification of the Bavarian and other treaties, mi case they were no better than that with North Germany. Happily the official interpretation given in the protocol attached to the Bavarian treaty, and signed by both treating parties, is quite satisfactory, and we only wish that a similar protocol be appended to the North German treaty, by which all our objections, as well as aU danger of difficulties between the two gov- ernments, would be removed. The interpretation of the fourth article in the Bavarian „ Schluss- protocoll" shows the treating parties to have been perfectly able to understand and perform their noble task of pulling down a barrier between the two friendly people, which had existed too long, whilst the Prussian treaty and its explanations show a smallness which disfigures its other merits. I am glad that, by the ratification of the Bavarian treaty, our government has reached the platform of the signers of the Declaration of Independence and of the framers of the Constitution, and that the Senate too has no objection to manifesting a more liberal turn of mind. We have just begun printing a pamphlet, which I have written on the subject, and in which I have expressed my ideas more at large than a letter allows it. I shall take the liberty of sending you a copy, and trust you will be kind enough to sacrifice a few leisure hours in reading it. Perhaps we shall, then, come to a closer understanding. In the mean time I remain, with sincere esteem. Hon. Charles Sumner, U. S. Senator, Very gratefully yours CHARLES MUNDE. 92 7. LETTER FEOM THE STATE DEPARTMENT. Department of State. Washington, July 27"" 1868. CHARLES MUNDE, ESQUIRE, ■WtTBZBURG, BAVAEIA. Sir: — Your letter of the 20'" of June last, and its printed accompaniment, relative to the 4"' article of the Treaty signed at Berlin on the 22"'' of February 1868 by Mr. George Bancroft, has been received. I am. Sir, Your obedient servant P. W. SEWARD. 8. EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS TO THE EDITOR FROM SOME OF OUR PUBLIC MEN AND CONSULS. a. D'' C. MUNDE. June IS"*- Dear Sir: — I have received a reply from the Department of State in regard to the late Bancroft Treaty. — Mr. Seward says the Department of State cannot give an official interpretation to the Treaty, but encloses the folloving papers showing the intent of the same (See Chapt. IV & V). After you have read them, please return them to me as soon as convenient. The trouble with Mr. Bancroft's treaty is that it reads oneway, and is liable to be interpreted another by the Norddeutscher Bund, when it may so please them ^c. 6fc. h. D" MUNDE. - June IS'". Dear Sir: — In reply to your inquiry of June 12"" with request for a copy of the Treaty with Bavaria, I beg to inform you that I have not been furnished with a copy myself from the Foreign Office here, though the same was promised me at once through Mr. Bancroft. It can hardly, however, be of very much interest, until it comes in force by the confirmation of the U. S. Senate, which it has not yet received. When this confirmation takes place, I shall 93 be able to advise you, and shall give the particulars for the guid- ance of the TJ. S. Citizens (of foreign birth) in your vicinity. Meantime I may say that the Treaty as preliminarily agreed upon is more favorable to us than the Treaty with North Germany. I am yours truly &c. C. D« MUNDE. JuJy 17'^ Dear Sir There is no formal protocol hearing signat- ure attached to the North German Treaty. The discussion in the North German Parliament and explanations by Count Bismarck upon the meaning or construction to be placed upon some ambiguous or equivocal passages constitute what, for want of a more precise under- standing, is termed an informal protocol. I think it would be de- sirable to attach it formally to the treaty and have it accepted as part and parcel thereof, and I suppose, if practicable, it will be done. &c. d. D» MUNDE. July 1"- The Senate, it is said, under request of the State Department, have rejected or tabled Banks' Bill. The joint resolution of Congress embodying the principle of the Bill is considered suf- ficient and more simple in the application, as our Executive must at once take action when occasion presents itself. I presume , however, upon our own exhibition of firmness, and the growing good sense, in those matters of foreign powers, that there will be no necessity for having recourse to it. e. D" MUNDE. July 4"'. There is a context or kind oi protocol, I am informed, attached to the North German treaty, though not originally forming a part of it. I have written to Mr. Bancroft for explanations upon it, and shall advise you when informed myself. Mr. B. is not at present at Berlin, and it may be that I shall have to wait some days &c. 94 f. D" MUNDE. 11- Juli- Ich scMcke Ihnen heute unter Kreuzband den Bericht der he- trefifenden Commissionen des Norddeutschen Bundesraths, der die Ge- nehmigung des Naturalisations -Vertrags zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und Norddeutschland empfiehlt, so wie den stenographischen Bericht der Verhandlungen im Eeichstage, die der Genehmigung sei- teus dieses Korpers vorangingen. Sonst habe ich nicbts sich auf den Vertrag Beziebendes auftreiben konnen. Wenn Mr. Bancroft von einem Protokoll gesprocben, so wird er wobl aucb nicbts Anderes gemeint baben. Gedruckte Memoranda tiber die Verbandlungen zwiscben Mr. Bancroft und dem Legationsratb Koenig liegen nicbt vor. * &c. &c. g. D* MUNDE. 20 June 1868. Dear Sir : — I bave now your letter of 15'"- Tbe treaty remains in the bands of tbe King of Bavaria and I cannot get a copy, tbo' promised me at tbe time it was signed by Mr. Bancroft. Tbe fact is that tbe foreign office here expected tbe King to return it im- mediately after he bad read it, but for some reason be retains it, and court ceremonial does not permit that he be asked for it! — I may mention to you, however, in reference to the section wich oc- casioned such strong .and just objections in the North German treaty, that Mr. B. himself told me in tbe Bavarian treaty this was other- wise expressed , and that the right of German bom citizens was up- held, at least, to this extent that they did not forfeit U. S. citizenship by return and residence of any length here, as inferred from the North German treaty. I do not know how this difference from the North German treaty is expressed in the Bavarian treaty, but I can assure you that Mr. B. gave me assurance of it in a conversation I had with him previous to his signing, in which I took occasion to mention tbe objections expressed against bis treaty with North Germany. * I send you tbe report of tbe United Committees of the North German Reichsrath (Council) recommending tbe consent to the natural- ization treaty &c., as well as the stenographical report of the dis- cussions in the N. G. Diet , which preceded the consent of that body. If Mr. Bancroft spoke to you of a protocol, he cannot have referred to any thing else. There exist no printed memoranda on the trans- actions between Mr. Bancroft and the privy councillor Koenig. 95 If there be any unfavorable condition in the treaties, it must be attributable to some oversight on the part of Mr. B. It certainly cannot be considered intentional, for he has been, during his long and useful public career the able and consistent friend of foreign born citizens. In his great discussion with the English Government in 1849 he laid down the principle that the adopted citizen became a natural born for all purposes that concerned foreign governments. And this, I need hardly say, has been the unwavering position of the TJ. S. Government. There is no distinction made in the Con- stitution or United States Statutes between the foreign and native born , except in the mere eligibility for the office of President. If any wrong be done, or may be done, by this treaty, you may depend that it will be rectified. It is the interest of the United States' Govern- ment and People to encourage and protect immigrants; it is, I am sure, also their fixed purpose. I do not say this to set you aside in any way from your present policy , it is your duty to guard against a possible wrong , and in this you may rely on the assistance of our public men, as well as our executive authorities. Yours truly &c. h. D» MUNDE. June 26" 1868. Dear Sir: — Your letter of 24*" is now to hand. I received only this morning a full official copy of the treaty and explanatory protocol. The latter contains the accepted and agreed on meaning, and is the only document, therefore, which is to be regarded in ap- plication. I think you will find that it confirms what I have stated of Mr. Bancroft's views and intents in the treaty. In this respect it is very much superior to the treaty with North Germany, and free from all objection that might have been justly urged against that That the Treaty and Protocol conflict in sense does not concern us, the treaty making powers have agree'd that the pro- tocol contains the true meaning and application, and we, therefore, can only regard that. I shall send you in a day or two the full copy of the treaty and protocol &o 96 i. D" MUNDE. July 18. Bear Sir: — Your favor of 3* was duly received. Numerous engagements have prevented my earlier reply. I am much ohliged for the protest you sent, and as the same has heen mislaid , I would be obliged for another copy. I think the Bavarian Treaty is all right. Mr. Bancroft has seen his mistake in the Prussian treaty, and corrected it. Mr. P. gave some valuable information to Mr. Bancroft, before the treaty was signed. &c. k. D" MUNDE. July 29". I saw Mr. B. at a dinner given to him by He was over- whelmed with attentions and flattery and he did not remain behind them in his expressions of admiration. I saw but little of the states- man He is the first minister of the U. S., I believe, at whose suggestion our Government , to please a foreign power, attempted to deprive an American citizen of his rights. "Whatever else may speak in his favor, we ought never to forgive him that. — Please send me a few more of your protests, &c. &c. I. D= MUNDE. Aug. 1". I have known Mr. Bancroft for many a year , and always found him sound in regard to external politics. They say Count B. over- reached him. I do not know what to think of it. There cannot be a doubt but that the third alinea of Art. 4 of the Treaty is a flagrant wrong done to naturalized citizens of the U. S. — I entirely ap- prove of your protest. I only wonder why no more have been raised in all parts of Germany. They must be asleep. We owe you all a great many thanks &c. 97 XI. THE PEESS AGAIN. 1. Frankfurter Zeitung, Samstag 4. Juli 1868. Aus Wilrzhirg geht uns eine Mittheilung zu , wonacli der Protest der dort sich aufhaltenden Deutsoh - Amerikaner , so weit er auf den bayerisch-amerikanischen Staatsvertrag bezogen werden konnte, zu- rtickgenommen wird. Das Zusatz - ProtokoU vom 26. Mai zu dem bayerischen Vertrage hat die Bedenken beseitigt, welche gegen den "Wortlaut des mit dem Nordbunde gesohlossenen Vertrages erhoben worden waren. "Wir brauchen wohl kaum hinzuzufUgen , dass die Berechtigung der Einwiirfe, welche von der Presse und namentlich auch von uns gegen den "Wortlaut des von Herrn Bancroft mit dem Nordbunde abgeschlossenen Vertrages geltend gemacht' wurden, nicht leicht eine kraftigere Bestatigung hatte finden konnen, als darin, dass dieselben durch eine dem bayerischen Vertrage angehangte authentische Interpretation erledigt wurden. Damit tritt die Noth- wendigkeit einer gleichen Interpretation in Bezug auf den Norddeut- schen Bund aber auch um so scharfer hervor. * * We receive from Wtlrzburg a communication, according to which the Protest raised by the German -Americans residing in that city is recalled as far as it regards the Bavarian -American treaty. The Protocol of May 26'" added to the Bavarian treaty, has removed the apprehensions produced by the terms of the treaty concluded with the Northern Confederation. We need scarcely mention that the cor- rectness of the objections made by the Press, including ourselves, to the wording of Mr. Bancroft's treaty with North Germany, could scarcely have found a more powerful confirmation than that the same have been removed in the Bavarian treaty by the authentic inter- pretation appended to it. Hereby the necessity af a similar inter- pretation of the treaty with the North German Confederation is pointed out so much the more forcibly. 7 98 Wurzhurg, 2. Juli. Herr Charles Mwnde^ , dessen Protest in Sachen des bekannten deutsch - amerikanischen Vertrages wir vor Kurzem erwahnten, schreibt uns: TJnser Protest hat, wie ich sehe, zu Missverstandnissen Ver- anlassung gegeben. Den bayerisclien Vertrag haben wir gestern zum ersten Male zu Gresicht bekommen. Wir konnten also nicht wohl 10 oder 12 Tage vorher gegen dessen "Wortlaut protestiren. TJnser Protest war gegen den 4. Artikel des Norddeutschen Vertrag» ge- riclitet, und nur fiir den Fall, dass der bayerische nnd andere siid- deutsobe Vertrage eben so lanteten, aucb gegen diese. Nun ist aber dem bayeriscben Vertrage , wie ibn die sttddeutscbe Presse unter gestrigem Dato bringt, ein von beiden contrabirenden Macbten, resp. deren BevoUmacbtigten , unterzeiehnetes ScblussprotocoU beigegeben, Welches den Vertrag, und namentlicb den anstbssigen 4. Artikel auf eine "Weise erlautert, welcbe uns vollkomman zufrieden stellt. Dass der Wortlaut des Artikels mit der Interpretation auch bier einiger- massen im Widerspruche stebt, kann uns keine Besorgnisse machen, da die letztere officiell ist und allein als Eicbtscbnur fiir die prak- tisefte Anwendung des Artikels dienen kann. Die bayerische Regier- ung ist unserem. Gesandten offenbar auf die freundlichste und red- * Mr. Charles Munde, whose protest against certain regulations of the wellknown German - American Treaty we mentioned a short time ago , writes to us : „ Our Protest has , I see , given rise to misunderstandings. "We saw the Pavarian treaty yesterday for the first time. Therefore we could not protest against its terms 10 or 12 days before. Our protest was directed against the 4"' Article of the North German treaty and only in case that the Bavarian and other South German treaties were worded in the same manner, also against these. The Bavarian treaty , as the Siiddeutsche Presse brings it under yesterday's date, has a, formal protocol, signed by both the treating powers, i. e. by their plenipotentiaries, appended to it, which explains the treaty, and more principally its obnoxious fourth article, in a manner perfectly satisfactory to us. The conflict between the text of the treaty and the interpretation, which exists also to some degree in this document , does not give us any apprehensions , the interpretation being official and the sole guidance in the practical application of the article. The Bavarian Government has evidently 99 lichste Weise entgegengekommen , und konnen wir nur derselben uad den Beamten, welche die Verhandlungen gepflogen, ftir den Fortschritt, welchen sie in der Freiheit des Verkehrs zwischen zwei verwandten Voelkern angebaknt, unseren aufrichtigen Dank sagen. — Wir wUn- schen nur, dass ein ahnliches officielles Protokoll die Befiirchtungen zerstrenen mochte, welclie Herrn Bancrofts einseitige und unofficielle Auslegungen desselben Artikels im Vertrage mit dem Norddeutschen Bunde um so weniger zu beseitigen vermogen, als der bekannte Pflichteifer der preussischen Beamten andere Auslegungen, und duroh diese Gefdhrdung der constitutionellen B,eclite amerikanischer Btirger frtther oder spater erwarten lassen darf. Sind wir deutscbgeborene Burger der Vereinigten Staaten aucb noch. in dieser Richtung sicher gestellt, so wollen wir gerne unseren Protest widerrufen. Bis dahin balten wir uns nicbt nur ftir berecbtigt, sondern auch fur verpflichtet, Einer ftir AUe und Alle ftir Einen einzusteben." 2. Wii/ruburger An^eiger, 3. Juli 1868. In Betreff des Protestes der bier lebenden deutscb-amerikanischen Btirger gegen Art. 4 des bay erisch- nor darner ikanischen Vertrages (s. vorgestrige Nummer unseres Blattes) tbeilt uns Herr Dr. Charles Mwnde mit, dass der erst seit ein paar Tagen veroffentlichte Ver- trag des Herrn Bancroft (amerikaniscben Gesandten) mit der konigl. met our minister balf way in tbe most friendly and bonest manner, and we can only express our sincere tbanks to said government and tbe employes concerned in tbe transactions, for thus promoting pro- gress in tbe free intercourse of two friendly nations. — We only wish * that a similar official protocol may soon remove all the fears, which Mr. Bancroft's onesided and inofficial interpretations of tbe North German treaty are tbe less able to appease , as tbe well known officious zeal of tbe Prussian employes will sooner or later lead to different interpretations, and, through them, to infringements upon constitutional rights of American citizens. A soon as we, the Ger- man born citizens of the United States, are perfectly safe in that direction, we shall cheerfully cancel our protest. Till then, we not only deem ourselves justified, but we think it our duty, to stand up one for all and all for one." Plum desiderium ! 7* 100 ■bayerischen Regierung den Herren zur Zeit der Erlassung ihres Pro- testes (20. Juni) nicht bekannt gewesen sei und sie auch trotz aller ihrer Muhe keine Abschrift davon erhalten konnten, ferner, dass ihr gegen den 4. Artikel des norddeutschen Vertrags gerichteter Protest eine Verwahrung gegen Aufnahme desselben Artikels in den bayeri- schen Vertrag sein soUte, welcbex- letztere nun allerdings fiir die in Bayern geborenen amerikanischen Burger besser ausgefallen ist, als der norddeutsche. „Der Unterscbied — scbreibt uns Herr Dr. Munde — ist bauptsachlich , dass das Scblussprotokoll im bayerischen Ver- trage dem Artikel 4 eine offizielle Auslegung gibt, welche uns voll- kommen zufrieden stellt, obscbon es sohwer ist, sie aus dem "Wort- laute des Artikels selbst herauszulesen ; wabrend ein ahnlicbes zu- friedenstellendes , von beiden kontrabirenden Tbeilen unterzeicbnetes Scblussprotokoll bei dem norddeutscben Vertrage gar nicbt existirt und, trotz aller einseitigen gtinstigen Auslegungen, die staatsbtirger- licben Recbte der deutscb - amerikaniscben Btlrger gefdhrdet bleiben. Personen, welcbe sicb fUr diese Angelegenheit interessiren , erlaube icb mir vorlaufig auf eine Broschiire aufmerksam zu machen, welcbe ich in diesen Tagen tlber diesen Gegenstand berauszugeben beab- siobtige. " 3. Seilage sur AUgenieinen Zeitung, 11. Juli 1868. Das amerikanische Biirgerrecht und der Staatsang-ehSrig'keits- vertrag vom 33. Februar 1868. J' TJnterm 22. Febr. d. J. wurde in Berlin, durcb George Ban- croft als Gesandten der Vereinigten Staaten beim Norddeutschen Bund und geheimen Rath Bernhard Konig als Bevollmachtigten des letztern ein Vertrag liber die Staatsangehorigkeit der Unterthanen beider con- trabirenden Staaten, und ein ganz gleichlautender Vertrag ward mit Bayern abgeschlossen, von diesem am 26. Mai und vor wenigen Tagen * On the 22''of Febr. a. c. there was concluded, at Berlin, by George Bancroft, as Envoy of the U. S. with the North German Confederation, and Privy Councillor Bernhard Koenig, as plenipoten- tiary of the latter, a treaty on the naturalization of subjects of the two contracting states, and a similar treaty was concluded with Bavaria, which was ratified by the letter on the 26"' of May, and 101 von den V6reinigten Staaten ratificirt. Die Bestimmungen dieses Staats- vertrags greifen in mancher Beziehnng in das bestehende Eectt ein. In den Vereinigten Staaten gibt es bekanntlich nicht ein BUrger- recht dieses oder jenes Staats , sondern nur ein Unionsbtlrgerrecht. Dieses ist die Vorbedingung zur Auslibung politischer Rechte, nur Ausnahme ist es, wenn der Staat Ohio jedem mannlichen volljahrigen Ein-wohner active "Wahlfahigkeit zugesteht. Erworben wird das Btirger- recht durch Heirath, Gebnrt und Naturalisation. Jedes Kind, das innerhalb des Gebiets der Union zur Welt kommt, ist Blirger der Union. Nach diesem Satze des frtihern Rechts, wovon nur Ausnah- men ftir die exterritorialen Personen, die Indianer und Farbigen gal- ten , wurden sogar Kinder von Fremden , die sich nur zeitweilig in Amerika aufhielten, Biirger der Vereinigten Staaten. Erst durcb die neuestens gegen den erklarten Willen des Prasidenten zum Gesetz erbobene Civil-Eights-Bill ist (§ 1) bestimmt: Alle in den Vereinig- ten Staaten gebornen Personen, die nicht Unterthanen einer fremden Macht sind, sind Btirger der Vereinigten Staaten. Ftir die im Aus- lande zur "Welt kommenden Kinder von Amerikanern gilt der Satz, a few days ago also by the U. S. The regulations of said treaty encroach in several respects upon the existing law. There exists not in the U. S. a citizen&hip of the different states, but only one for the entire Union. This citizenship is the condition of the exercise of political rights ; the state of Ohio, granting the right to vote to every male inhabitant who has attained the age of 21, is a mere exception. Citizenship is acquired through marriage, birth and naturalization. Every child bom within the territory of the Union is a citizen of the Union. According to this principle of the former law, of which there were only exceptions for exterritorial persons , Indians and colored people , even children of foreigners who were residing only for a time in America become citizens of the U. S. The new civil-rights-biU *, which has become a law over the veto of the President (§ 1), states that: All persons born in the United States who are no subjects to a foreign power, are citizens of the U. S. For children of Americans born abroad the rule is that those coming *) See 14"" Constitutional Amendement, published as part of the Con- stitution on the aa"" of July a. c. page 00. 102 (lass elieliche Kinder dem Vater, uneheliclie der Mutter folgen, -weiiii nur Vater oder Mutter frflher eine Zeitlang in Amerika gewohnt hat. Dieser Satz wurde durch Gesetz vom 14. April 1802 eingeftihrt, je- doch nur fiir solche Personen anwendbar erklart, welche bei Erlassung desselben scbon Burger waren. Da also dieses Gesetz nur nocb filr wenige Personen anwendbar sein wird, ein neueres Gesetz bis jetzt nicht erlassen wurde, so kommt nach. einer allgemeinen RecMsregel das ungeschriebene Recbt (common law) zur Anwendung, das jedoch hieriiber keine klaren Bestimmungen enthalt. Die Naturalisation ist ansso'hliesslioh Sacbe der Union, und wird auf Grund von Art. 1, Sect. 8, § 4 der Verfassung nach de'm Gesetz vom 26. Marz 1790 verliehen. Innerhalb des Burgerrechts gibt es keine TJnterschiede, insbeson- dere stehen die Naturalisirten den Eingebornen vollkommen gleich, nur bezttglich der "Wahlbarkeit zu den hochsten "Wtirden gelten fiir erstere gewisse Ausnahmen. Bezttglich des Verlustes des Burgerrechtes gilt als oberster Grundsatz der aus dem alten englischen Recht adoptirte Satz : dass niemand eigenmachtig aus dem TJnterthanenverbande dem er einmal angehort sich losreissen kann (once a subject always a subject). from a legal marriage follow the father, illegal ones the mother, if either the father or the mother has lived for some time in America. This principle was introduced through the law of 14"' April 1802, but interpreted as applicable to such persons only who were citizens at the time of the publication of said law. The law being applicable, now, to few persons, only, and a new law not having been made, according to a general rule, the common law miist decide, which, however, has no distinct regulations on the subject. Naturalization is exclusively the business of the TJnion, and is conferred, according to the law of 26"" March 1790, made on the ground of Art. I. Sect. 8, § 4 of the Constitution. There is no difference in citizenship : naturalized citizens are on perfect equality with native citizens ; there are only certain ex- ceptions with regard to the eligibility of the former for the 'highest offices. In regard to the loss of citizenship the principle, adopted from the old English law, that no one can arbitrarily break loose from the allegiance to which he belongs (once a subject always a subject). 103 Ancli in den europaischen Staaten wurde die einseitige Austritts- erklarung als unwirksam behandelt, die Entlassung aus dem Staats- verband jedoch in der Kegel leicht ertlieilt. Jener Grundsatz, der in seiner ganzen Schroffheit in England gilt, wo sogar ehemalige englische Unterthanen die langst das amerikanische Burgerrecht er- langt batten , als sie im Krieg in englische Gefangenscbaft gerietben, als Hochverratber bebandelt wurden, ward zwar in Amerika nicbt in dieser Ausdebnung angewandt , doch neigte man sicb friiher zur strengern Interpretation. Jetzt wird es als offeneFrage angenommen: ob jemand auf das Unionsburgerrecbt einseitig verzicbten kSnne? So viel stebt jedoch fest dass niemand gegen seinen "Willen des Bilrgerrecbts verlustig werden kann. Weder durcb ricbterlicbes Ur- theil , noch durcb Entscheidung einer Verwaltungsbehijrde , noch durcb lange Abwesenheit , noob dxirch Unterlassung irgendwelcber Leistungen kann das Unionsburgerrecbt verwirkt werden. Obwobl biertiber keinerlei positive Bestimniung vorbanden ist, kann dieser Satz docli als allgemein geltendes Gewobnbeitsrecbt bezeicbnet werden. is valid. Also in tbe continental states of Europe tbe onesided renunciation of allegiance was treated , as ineffective , tbougb the per- mission to emigrate was granted without much difficulty. Tbe above -principle, which is upheld in all its severity in England, where former English subjects who had long ago acquired the American naturalization, when made prisoners of war, were treated as traitors towards England, has never been followed up to that extent in America; however the government inclined formerly to a severer interpretation than now. In the present time it is considered an open question: whether a person may be allowed to renounce his allegiance to the Union at his option or not? So much is certain that no one can be deprived of his citizenship without his will and consent. Neither through the sentence of a court of justice, or through a decree of the administration, or through a prolonged absence, or through the neglect of any kind of duty, can the U. S. citizenship be forfeited. For, although there is no positive regulation or law on the subject, this principle may be looked upon as a law sanctioned by general practice. 104 Diese Bestimmungen des geltenden Rechts sind durch Art. 4 des neiien Vertrags wesentlicli alterirt worden. Hiedurch wird die Prasumtion eingeilibrt, dass ein in Amerika naturalisirter Bayer, wenn er sich in Bayern mit der Absicht niclit mehr zurttckzukehren niedergelassen hat, oder nach. einem Aufenthalt von zwei Jahren, als auf seine Naturalisation in den Vereinigten Staaten nnd ebenso umgekehrt Verzicbt leistend eracbtet werden soil. Durch diesen exorbitanten Satz ist nicht nur eine bedenkliche bis dabin unbekannte TJnterscbeidung zwischen eingebornen und naturalisirten Blirgern in das offentliche Recht eingefflhrt, sondern auch der letztere ohne sein Zuthun plotzlich in eine schleohtere Lage versetzt. Wahrend der Eingeborne niemals gegen seinen Willen des Burgerrechts ver- lustig werden kann, soil diess jetzt mit einemmal bei dem Natur- alisirten moglioh sein. Gerade dadurch hatte sich bisher die Reg- ierung der Vereinigten Staaten stets ausgezeichnet , dass sie in alien Beziehungen den gleichen Schutz alien Biirgern im Ausland angedeihen liess, ohne die Grundlage des Burgerrechts zu unter- suchen. Dass dieser Satz ganz gegen den "Willen der Gesetzgebungs- factoren in den Vertrag aufgenommen wurde, ergiebt sich wohl daraus, dass in die Civil-Rights-Bill keine darauf bezugliche Bestimmung auf- These regulations of the law in force have been essentially altered by Art. 4 of the new treaty (here follows the article as stated p. 4). Through it the assumption is introduced that a Bavarian naturalized in America on settling again in Bavaria with the intention not to return , or after a residence of two years , shall be deemed as renounc- ing his naturalization in the U. S. (and vice versa). This exorbitant principle not only introduces into the public law a dangerous and hitherto unknown difference between native and naturalized citizens, but the latter are also, unexpectedly and without any fault of their own, placed in a very bad position. "Whilst the native can never lose, against his will, his citizenship, the naturalized citizen may all of a sudden be deprived of it. The TJ. S. government having, hitherto, particulary distinguished itself by granting the same protection to all its citizens abroad, without first examining the basis of their citizenship , we may conclude that this principle was admitted entirely against the intention of the legislators, as no similar clause was introduced into the Civil- Rights -BiU mentioned above. Also the 105 genommen wurde. Auch ist damit jenes Gesetz von 1802 verletzt, dessen Grnndsatz fibrigens ganz allgemein angewendet ward. Es be- darf keiner weitern Ausftthrung, dass durcb diesen Art. 4 die Privat- rechte der naturalisirten Amerikaner, die sick in Deutschland auf- halten, verletzt worden sind, und da nack klarer Bestimmkeit der Verfassung, Art. 6 § 2, ein von dem Prasidenten und dem Senat ab- gescklossener Staatsvertrag oberstes Gesetz des Landes sein soil, so kat auck das Reprasentantenkaus keine Gelegenkeit jenen Fekler wieder gut zu macken. Die in Deutsckland lebenden Amerikaner werden sick diese Sckmalerung ikrer Reckte niokt okne weiteres gefallen lassen. Sckon am 20. Juni kaben die in "Wtlrzburg woknenden Amerikaner in einer Resolution feierlick gegen diesen Eingriff in ikre Reckte protestirt, und okne Zweifel wird die Sacke bei der zu Anfang Octobers abzu- kaltenden Sitzung des Court of Claims in Anregung gebrackt werden. Bei diesem Gericktskofe konnen namlick Klagen gegen die Union auf Grund eines Staatsvertrags angebrackt werden. Der Gericktskof fallt kein Urtkeil, sondern erstattet dem Congress Berickt uber die streitige Frage, und legt demselben den Entwurf des zu fassenden Bescklusses vor. Seit dem Gesetz vom 3. Marz 1863 kann eine solcke Ent- law of 1802 is tkereby infringed upon, tke principle of wkick kas been generally applied to practice. We need scarcely say tkat tkrougk Art. 4 the private rigkts of naturalized Americans residing in Ger- many kave keen encroacked upon, and as, according to a clear regul- ation of Art. VI. §. 2 of tke constitution, a treaty concluded by tke President and tke Senate is to be a supreme law of tke country, the House of Representatives has no opportunity of repairing the mistake. Tke Americans living in Germany will not patiently submit to tkis curtailing of tkeir rigkts. On tke 20"" of June already tke Americans residing in WUrzburg kave solemnly protested in a reso- lution against tkis encroackment upon tkeir rigkts, and we kave no doubt but tkat tke matter will be brougkt before tke Court of Claims during its October session. Tke latter is tke court wkere complaints originating in a treaty can be made against tke Union. Tke court does not pronounce a sentence, kut reports to Congress on tke question at issue , and submits a draugkt of tke resolution to be taken. Since the law of Marck 3 , 1868 , suck a resolution , if it sets up a prin- 106 scheidung, wenn sie ein Princip aufstellt, das fur das Verfassungs- oder Verwaltungsrecht eine grosse Bedeutung hat, durch Appellation vor das Obergericht der Union gebracht werden. Beziiglich. des mit Bayern abgeschlossenen Vertrags gilt dies freilich nicht, auch wurde durch eine Erklarung des Dr. med. Charles Munde vom 1. Juli jener Protest zurlickgenommen. In dem erlautern- den Protokoll namlich ist zu Art. 4 hemerkt: dieser Artikel habe nur den Sinn, dass ein solcher Amerikaner oder Bayer, wie er darin naher bezeichnet ist, nicht durch die Niederlassung allein wieder seine ehemalige Staatsangehorigkeit erlange, sondern dass dieselbe stets wieder verliehen werden miisse, und dass ihn an diesem Erwerbe der neue Staat nicht hindern konne, er habe vielmehr, wie jeder Neu- eingewanderte , sioh um Wiederaufnahme in sein friiheres Vaterland neu zu bewerben. Schliesslich ist noch beigesetzt, dass es in seinem freien Ermessen liegen ' soil, ob er diesen "Weg einschlagen oder seine bisher erworbene Staatsangehorigkeit heibehalten will. Es erhellt , dass durch diese erlauternde Erklarung nicht der Art. lY. des Vertrags naher praecisirt, sondern dass das gerade Ge- gentheil davon bestimmt ist. "Wenn es ehen in eines jeden freiem ciple of great importance to the constitutional or administrative right, may be brought by appeal before the supreme Court of the Union. All this does not apply to the treaty made with Bavaria ; also, by a declaration made by Dr. Charles Munde of the 1" of July, was the above protest, as far as it concerned the Bavarian treaty, revoked. The explanatory protocol appended to the treaty says with regard to Art. 4 : that the said article shall have no other meaning than that such an American, or Bavarian, as is designated therein, shall not recover, through his return to his native country alone, his former citizenship , but that the latter must be again conferred upon him, that the adopted country cannot hinder him from the rSaqui- sition of the same, but that, like any other foreign immigrant, he must apply for it anew. Finally it is expressly stated that he shall be at liberty either to take that course or to retain the naturalization acquired abroad. It is clear that through the said explanation of Art. IV, not the article itself has become properly defined, but that exactly the contrary of its original sense has been laid down as a rule. If it 107 Ermessen liegt, ob er seine bisherige Staatsangehorigkeit beibebalten, oder sine neue an seinem Aufenthaltsort erwerben will, dann kann eben nicht schon sein. Verzicht auf seine bisberige Staatsangehorigkeit angenommen werden, wenn er erklart, nicbt mehr in seinen Heimatb- staat zurtiokkebren zu wollen, noch viel weniger aber kann derVer- zicbt auf die Rtickkehr durcb einen Aufentbalt von mehr als zwei Jabren im G-ebiete des andern Staates angenommen werden. Durch den Wortlaut dieses Artikels sind die klarsten Recbtssatze auf den Kopf gestellt, zuerst ist die Prasumtion einer Erklarung statuirt aus einer andern Erklarung (die Absicht nicbt zurttckzukebren) , welche mit der erstern in gar keinem Zusammenhang stehen kann, und dann ist selbst die Prasumtion dieser Erklarung wieder durcb eine andere Prasumtion (zweijabrigen Aufentbalt) ersetzt werden. Wenn aber der Inbalt des Protokolls den Sinn des Vertrages bildet, warum entbalt der Wortlaut des Vertrages das gerade Gegen- tbeil seines Inbalts ? Ein abnlicbes Beispiel ist uns wabrlich nicbt bekannt. Nur allzu sehr erinnert dies an unser friiberes oifentliches Eecht, in welcbem gar oft der in einem Gesetz ausgesproobene Grund- satz durcb die Vollzugsinstruction in das absolute Gegentbeil verkebrt wnrde. is left witb tbe immigrant wbetber be will retain bis naturalization, or exchange it against that of his state of residence; bis renunciation of tbe former cannot be assumed as existing on bis declaration of an intention not to return to his home , and much less can a more than two years' residence in the territory of the other state give ground for an assumption of his renouncing his naturalization. Through the text of tbe article the most definite principles of right (law) are subverted: first the assumption of a declaration is stated upon the ground of another declaration (the intention not to return), which cannot be in any connection with the former, and then the assump- tion of that declaration is again substituted by another assumption (that of a two years' residence). But if tbe contents of tbe protocol form tbe true meaning of the treaty, why should tbe text of the treaty say the direct contrary of its contents? We have, indeed, never met before with a similar instance. It reminds us more than agreeable of our former public law, when often tbe principle established by a law was subverted, by the following executive instructions, into the absolute contrary. 108 Mag ubrigens auch nach diesem ProtokoU fttr die in Bayern sich aufhaltenden Amerikaner ■wenig Gefahr bestehen, in ihren Rechten verkttrzt zu werden, sicher besteht dieselbe fur die in Norddeutsch- land sich aufhaltenden, sowie in ihrer Heimath, denn keine Garantie besteht, dass die Vereinigten Staaten einen Bilrger, wie er in Art. IV. bezeicbnet ist, noch als solohen anerkennen, jedenfalls kbnnen letztere nach diesem Artikel keinen Anspruch hierauf erheben. 4. Harpers Weekly, Aug. 1" 1868. German Treaties. — Mr. Bancroft hes certainly been a very active Minister. The difficult question between the United States and the German governments has always been that of the rights of naturalized citizens , and with commendable zeal Mr. Bancroft has devoted himself to its settlement. The point of difference is very plain, and the settlement to be satisfactory must be explicit. The German governments claim military service of all born subjects, and deny that emigration evades the obligation. In a treaty upon the subject, therefore, the important question is whether the governments concede that naturalization elsewhere vacates the claim. If this point is left to inference it must be assumed that the governments do not concede it. If it is not verbally expressed in the treaty , but depends upon the contemporaneous interpretation of those who make the treaty, the suspicion is against it, and those concerned can not safely trust themselves to the treaty. The treaty with the North German Bund, of which we have formerly spoken, is, in the opinion of many, doubtful upon the im- portant point. Count Bismarck and other weighty authorities said, indeed, that there was no doubt. But. if there had been no question, they would not have spoken of doubts. If the treaty had provided that a Prussian, naturalized in the United States, could under no circumstances, and upon no pretense, be held to military service in But suppose there is, after the said protocol, little danger for the Americans residing in Bavaria of being restricted in their rights, it is certain that such danger exists with regard to those who reside in North Germany, there as well as at home ; for there is no guarantee that the U. S. wiU continue to acknowledge a citizen as designated by Art. IV, as its citizen ; at least the latter can in no case, accord- ing to said article, claim such an acknowledgment. 109 Prussia, Count Bismarck would hardly have felt it necessary to say that there was no doubt of the meaning of the words. The instinctive criticism upon the explanation of the treaty is, if the treaty means so, why does it not say so ? There is no question of the understand- ing placed upon the treaty by those who made and approved it, but it is so worded that it does not satisfy! those who are most inter- ested in it. The treaty with Bavaria just concluded is open to the same objection. The vital question is , whether a Bavarian subject unac- cused of crime, who emigrates from Bavaria and is naturalized in the United States, shall be held liable to military service in Bavaria upon his temporary return to that country ? Does Bavaria say aye or no? In the first article she apparently does; for it provides that Bavarian subjects who have become naturalized citizens of the United States, and have lived there continuously for five years, shall be treated by Bavaria as citizens of the United States. But in the second article clouds descend and darkness covers the treaty, for it provides that any naturalized citizen of either country may be in- dicted and punished upon his return to the other if he has committed any act threatened with punishment before his emigration, providing the crime has not become obsolete according to the laws of his ori- ginal country. This is not plain. Evasion of military duty by emig- ration is desertion, Desertion is an act threatened with punishment, and it is not a crime which has become obsolete by Bavarian law. Moreover, the third article provides especially for fugitive criminals, so that the second evidently alludes to a particular class of ofi'enders. Is one of those ofi'enders protected by the first article? That might be assumed, except for the second, which is clearly a qualification and limitation of the first. In any case the interested Bavarian emig- rant can not be sure that he is safe. Yet these treaties are signs of progress. It is surely something that Prussia and Bavaria agree that Germans naturalized in this country should be treated as citizens of the United States: although it is a foolish supplement that naturalization shall cease to be valid if the citizen lives for more than two years in the territory of the other state. "Why shall not citizens of the United States live in Germany or Italy for more than two years without losing their rights of nationality? "When a man has chosen his country, with the con- sent of all the governments concerned, why, upon the same principle, 110 may he not continue to be a citizen of that country at his pleasure ? This is a question which we trust a future treaty will soon answer. 5. Execution of part of tJie Treaty in Worth-Germany. * Bei Abschluss des Vertrages zwischen dem Norddeutschen Bunds und den Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika vom 22. Februar d. J, bat, wie ein uuterm 6. d. M. vom Minister des Innern an die koniglichen E-egierungen erlassenes Circular bemerkt, die Absicht vor- gewaltet, dass in Gemassheit des Art. 2 dieses Vertrages die durch unerlaubte Auswanderung eines Bundesangeh8rigen nach den Ver- einigten Staaten von Nordamerika veriibte strafbare Handlung bei einer Eiickkebr des Betreffenden in seine friihere Heimatb nach min- destens fiinfjabriger Abwesenbeit nicht zum Gegenstande einer straf- rechtliehen Verfolgung gemacht, und dass die dieserbalb event, bereits rechtskraftig erkannte Strafe nicht zur Vollstreckung gebracht werden soil, wenn der Ruckkehrende in Amerika das Heimathsrecht in Ge- massheit des Artikels 1 des gedachten Vertrages erworben hat. Der Circular - Erlass des Ministers weist demzufolge die Regierungen an, in den vorbezeichneten Fallen von dem Antrage auf Einleitung der TJntersuchung und Bestrafung, sowie iiberhaupt von jeder Verfolgung * The above slip was kindly sent to me by our consul at Berlin. I find that a similar proclamation was made soon after by the Ba- varian government. — Here is the meaning in English: — In con- cluding the treaty between the North German Confederation and the tr. S. of North- America of 22 Febr. a. c. , as has been stated by the minister of the Interior in his circular addressed to the different departments of government of 6 inst (July), the intention has pre- vailed that , in accordance with Art. 2 of said treaty , the punishable act of illegal emigration of a subject of the Confederation to the U.S. of North - America , on the return of said person to his former home, after an absence of no less than five years, shall not be made the subject of trial and punishment, and that a sentence pronounced to that effect shall not be carried out, if the person returned has acquired, according to Art. 1 of said treaty, his naturalization in America. The circular -proclamation of the minister therefore orders the governmental departments in question, to abstain, in cases like those designated above , from a demand of instruction of trial and punishment, and in general from any kind of prosecution, whenever Ill Abstand zu nehmeiij sobald der Betreffende den Nachweis zu fuhren vermag, dss er naturalisirter Angehoriger der Vereinigten Staaten von NoiA-Amerika in Gfemassheit des Art. 1 des Vertrages geworden ist. Die Justiz-Behorden sind gleichzeitig von dem Justiz-Ministerium mlt Anweisung versehen worden , tlberall da, wo recbtskraftige Ver- urtbeilungen dieser Art gegen die bezeicbneten Personen vorliegen, von Amtswegen tiber den Eriass der erkannten Strafen und Kosten im Gnadenwege zu bericbten. XII. BETTER NEWS ON M^ BANKS' BILL. 1. Frankfurter Zeitung, 29. Juli 1868. Washington, 27. Juli. Kabeltelegraram aus Eeuters Office (S.W.B.). Der Congress hat die Bill angenommen , welche eine Ausgabe von Bonds anordnet, die in 30 bis 40 Jahren ruckzahlbar, mit Metall einzulosen, frei von Abgaben und mit 4 und 4*/j Procent verzinslich sind. Der ganze Betrag der Emission dieser neuen Bonds kommt dem Betrage der fflnfzwanziger Boinds (1882r) gleich und soil zur Einlosung der letzteren verwendet werden. — Ferner haben beide Hauser des Congresses die (Banksche) Bill liber die Eecbte ameri- kanischef naturalisirter Burger im Auslande angenommen, wodurcb angeordnet wird, 1, dass alle amtliche oder gericbtlicbe Entscheid- ungen, -welche den Verzicht auf das Heimathsrecht verwehren, als null und nichtig zu betrachten seien; 2) dass alle naturalisirten Amerikaner im Auslande zu gleichem Schutze berechtigt seien, welcher amerikanischen Btirgern von Geburt derzeit im Auslande zu- steht. Der 3. § tiber Repressalien (Haftnahme) wurde gestrichen. the person in question can produce proof that he has become, ac- cording to Art. 1 of the treaty, a naturalized citizen of the U. S. of N. A. The courts of justice have, at the same time, received instructions from the minister of justice to report ex officio and by way of grace , in any case where legal sentences of the kind exist against such persons, on the abolition of punishments dictated and the suppression of costs. 112 2. Galigna/ni's Messenger, July 29"'- (Telegraphic Despatches.) Washington, 27 July. Congress has adopted a hill declaring that the necessity of maintaining public peace demands the prompt and definite rejection of the claims of foreign governments on the alle- giance of naturalized American citizens. The measure enacts , in con- sequence, that any declaration, order, or decision of TJnited States' functionaries which may deny or restrain the right of expatriation is null and void, as being incompatible with the fundamental prin- ciple of the Government. Every naturalized American citizens shall receive from the Federal Administration, while he is in a foreign country the same protection as if he were born in America. (The last clause of the bill provided that, if a foreign government detains a naturalized citizen of the TJ. S. on the ground that the naturalization does not impair the allegiance due to his original sovereign, the President is authorized to arrest a subject of that Government who may be residing in the U. S. * — This last clause was not adopted.) 3. Letter on the Stibject. — Aug 3^ 1868. D" MUNDE. — Bear Sir — Your note of 23* ult. was received during my absence at Vienna where I went to see the great repre- sentation of all Vaterland. I see by the last news that Banks' Bill has actually passed minus the reprisal clause. I copy the section referring to foreign born U. S. citizens which you wiU remark is quite in accordance with the constitutional theory , but rather in dis- accord with the North German trealy regulations , as published. How this conflict is to be reconciled can only be seen by a trial, which, however, may not occur. In the case of Bavarians no conflict can occur, the protocol reconciles the U. S. Constitution and Treaty for all practical purposes. The section reads „That all naturalized citiz- ens of the TJnited States, while in Foreign States, shall be entitled to, and shall receive from this Government the same protection of person and property, that is accorded to native born citizens in like situation and circumstances." The Newyork Times of 17 July (a well informed paper on all public affairs) states that the Bavarian treaty contains amendments made to the North German treaty by the Senate and is therefore in its present condition perfect. From this I think it may be inferred that, * See Chapter VII p. 63. 113 tho' no protocol is given with the North German treaty, it never- theless has received the modification required to Art. 4, without which the Senate , I know , would not confirm it *. I think therefore you may assume that all the German treaties will he similar with the Bavarian, in practise and application, tho' not so in seeming. I will send &o. Yours &c. 4. JVewe Wurzbii/rger Zeitung , 15. Aug. 1868. — (Copied from the Frankfurter Journal.) — (Translation.) North America. The Bill for the Protection of American citi- zens abroad, which passed the Senate on the 25"' of July with 39 votes against five, and which was sanctioned by the House of Ee- presentatives on the same day, is very harmless, and quite different from that which was at first proposed. It is worded as follows: (Instead of the translation we give a copy of the original which we received this moment, August 31''.) Act relative to the rights of Am,erican citizens abroad, passed July 26"' 1868, as amended. Whereas the right of expatriation is a natural and inherent right of all people and indispensable to the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; and Whereas, in the recognition of this principle, this Government has freely received emigrants from all nations and vested them with the rights of citizens; and Whereas it is claimed that such American citizens with their descendants, are subjects of foreign States, owing allegiance to the Governments thereof; and Whereas it is necessary to the maintenance of the public peace that the claim of foreign allegiance shaU. be promptly and finally disavowed: therefore Sect. I. Be it enacted Sfc. 6fc. That any declaration, instruction, opinion, order or decision of any officer of this Government, which denies, restricts, impairs or questions the right of expatriation, is * In this respect, I am afraid, my Honorable friend, is not correctly in- formed. To judge from Senator Sumner's letter, it seems that the Senate was not so very favorably disposed towards its naturalized fellow - citizens when the N. G. treaty was ratified. M. 114 hereby declared to be inconsistent with the fundamental principles of this Government. Sect. II. And be it fwther enacted, That aU naturalized citi- zens of the United States, while in foreign States, shall he entitled to and shall receive from this Government the same protection of person and property that is accorded to native born citizens in like situation and circumstances. Sect. III. And he it further inacted, That whenever it shall be made known to the President that any citizen of the United States has been injustly deprived of his liberty by or under the authority of a foreign Government , it shall be the duty of the President forth- with to demand of that Government the reasons for such imprison- ment , and if it appears to be wrongful and in violation of the rights of American citizenship, the President shall forthwith demand the release of such citizen, and if the release so demanded is unreason- ably delayed or refused , it shall be the duty of the President to use such means , not amounting the acts of war * , as he may think necessary and proper to obtain or effect such release, and aU the facts and proceedings relative thereto shall, as soon as practicable be communicated by the President to Congress. 5. New -York Weekly Tribv/ne, August 5"' 1868. The main points of the act for the protection of American citizens abroad, which was passed just before the adjournment of the Congress of the United States, were telegraphed to London and published in the morning journals. The bill is sharply, and unfavorably criticised by the English press , though its passage does not appear to excite either surprise or anger. Journals of all shades of opinion affect to con- sider the bill a partisan measure required by the exigencies of the * The President being prevented from resorting to acts of war &c. and the reprisal clause in the Bill, as being first proposed, being stricken out, makes the Frankr. Journal style the Bill „harmless and quite different (fee". We think it is essentially the same, entirely to the purpose, and perfectly satisfactory, establishing and supporting the principle for which we are struggling, that of equdlUjy between naturaliged and native citizens. (Acts and declaration of war is a privilege belonging to Congress, not to the President, and the above restriction has no other meaning than that Congress reserves for itself the right of declaring war, in case it should become necessary. M.) 115 November elections. But they think this action of Congress will not tend to promote the success of American negociations with foreign powers to secure by treaty the establishment of the principles of nationalities on which the bill is based. The London Times says: The passage of the American Citizen Act will surprise no one. It was to be expected that the majority of the United States Congress would make, through such a measure as this, a direct bid for the Irish * vote in the coming election. There is nothing in the general principle of the bill for England to deny or oppose. Irishmen who have taken out their naturalization papers in the United States may properly use American passports , while traveling in Europe , or serve in the armies of the United States even against Great Britain. So long as their new citizenship is a bona fide qualification, made in ac- cordance with American naturalization laws , nothing can be said. The real purpose of the Fenian is, protected by the new citizen- ship thus conferred him, to make war upon the Queen of England in her own realm. But here they must be treated us subjects guilty of treason ; aliens and natives are on the same footing in such a case. The denial of a jury medletate linguae in the trial of the Jackmel packet prisoners was right, because the trial of such a case as that depended on internal , not international laws. The evidence obtained in the United States against these prisoners to prove that they were members of the Fenian Brotherhood was merely collateral. The real crime charged against these men was committed on British territory. The Times even accepts the rule that a naturalized citizen of the United States may come to England with impunity after plotting against the Queen in America , if he comes peaceably. — The Morning Post says the adoption of this bill by Congress anticipates and con- sequently delays the settlement of the question of the rights of naturalized citizens between the United States and European powers. The latter may justly resent such action , even while making allow- ance for the exigencies of the approching Presidential election. * If this be so, we German - Americans have very little cause of being proud of the final acknowledgment of our rights by the Senate. Be this as it may , selfpreservation , at all events , has changed the mind of the Senate on the subject. For with the votes of the foreign born citizens against them, the republican party would have had little chance of success in the coming election. M. 8* 116 6. From the London Times, August 27"' 1868. Telegr.Desp. Germany and America. Berlin, Aug. 26'" 1868. — The repre- sentative of the North German Confederation at Washington has heen instructed to open negociations with the United States Government, with a view of harmonizing the regul-ations concerning emigrants by means of international legislation. A favourable result is expected *. XIII. THE BADEN TKEATY. (From the Frankfurter Journal, 20 July 1868. I. Beilage.) * Artt It — Angehorige des Grossherzogthums Baden, welche fiinf Jahre ununterbrochen in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zu- gebracht haben und vor, wahrend oder nach dieser Zeit naturalisirte StaatsangehBrige der Vereinigten Staaten geworden sind, sollen von Seiten Badens als amerikanische AngehSrige erachtet und als solche behandelt werden. Ebenso sollen Angehorige der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, welche ftinf Jahre ununterbrochen im Grossherzogthum Baden zugebracht haben, und vor, wahrend und nach dieser Zeit naturalisirte Angehorige des Grossherzogthums Badens geworden sind von den Vereinigten Staaten als Angehorige Badens erachtet und als solche behandelt werden. — Die blosse Erklarung der Absicht, Staats- * Translation. — Art. I. Citizens oftheGranddukedom of Baden, who have resided five years uninterruptedly in the TJ. S. of A. and who, before, during, or after that period, have become naturalized citizens of the U. S. , shall be held by the Baden government to be American citizens and shall be treated as such. In the same manner, citizens of the TJ. S. of A., who have resided uninterruptedly five years in the Granddukedom of Baden, and who, before, during, or after that period, have become naturalized in the Grandduchy of Baden, shall be held by the TJ. S. to be Baden citizens and treated as such. — The mere declaration of an intention to become a citizen * The clouds commence clearing off? M. 117 angehoriger des einen odcr anderen Theiles werden zu wollen, soil in Beziehung auf keinen der beiden Theile die Wirkung der Natur- alisation haben. Art. II. — Ein naturalisirter Angehoriger des einen Theils soil bei etwaiger Riiokkelir in das Gebiet das anderen Theiles wegen einer nach den Gesetzen des letzteren mit Strafe bedrohten Handlung, welche er vor seiner Auswanderung veriibt, zur TJntersuchung und Strafe gezogen werden konnen, sofern nicht nach den Gesetzen seines nrsprtlnglichen Yaterlandes Verjahrung oder sonstige Straflosigkeit eingetreten ist. Namentlich soil ein nach Art. I. als amerikanischer Staatsbtirger zu erachtender fruherer Badener nach den badischen Gesetzen wegen NichterfuUung der Wehrpflicht zur Untersuchung und Strafe gezogen werden kSnnen, 1) wenn er ausgewandert ist, nachdem er bei der Aushebung der Wehrpflichtigen bereits als Rekrut zum Dienste im stehenden Heere herangezoden worden war; 2) wenn er ausgewandert ist, wahrend er im Dienste bei der Fahne stand oder nur auf bestimmte Zeit beurlaubt war; 3) wenn er als auf unbe- stimmte Zeit Beurlaubter oder als Reservist oder als Landwehrmann ausgewandert ist , nachdem er bereits eine Einberufungsordre erhalten, oder der Krieg ausgebrochen war. Dagegen soil ein in den Ver. St. of the one or the other country shall not have for either party the effect of naturalization. Art. II. A naturalized citizen of the one party, on return to the territory of the other party, remains liable to trial and punish- ment for an action punishable by the laws of the latter, and com- mitted before his emigration, saving the limitation established by the laws of his original country, or the exemption from punishment in some other way. In particular, a former Baden subject who, ac- cording to Art. I , is held to be an American citizen , shall be liable to trial and punishment by the laws of Baden on account of having evaded his military duty: 1'', if he has emigrated after having been drafted at the time of conscription and thus having become a recruit in the standing army; 2^, if he has emigrated whilst in the service under the Baden banner, or during a leave of absence for a definite period; 3"", if he has emigrated during a leave of absence for' an in- definite period, or as a member of the reserve, or as a landwehr- mann, after having received the order of joining his regiment, or after the breaking out of a war. On the other hand, a former Baden 118 naturalisirter friiherer Badener , welcher sich bei oder nach seiner Aus- wanderung durch andere als die in Ziff. 1 bis 3 bezeichneten Hand- lungen oder Unterlassungen gegen die gesetzlicben Bestimmungen liber die Wehrpflicht vergangen hat, bei seiner Rfickkelir in sein ursprung- liches Vaterland weder nachtraglich zum Kriegsdienste , noch wegen Nichterfiillung seiner "Wehrpflicht zur Untersuohung und Strafe gezogen werden. Auch soil der Beschlag, welcher in andern als in den in Ziffer 1 bis 3 bezeichneten Fallen wegen Nichterfullung der Wehr- pflicht auf das Vermogen eines Ausgewanderten gelegt wurde , wieder aufgehoben werden, sobald derselbe die nach Art. I. vollzogene Naturali- sation in den Ver. St. von A. nachweist. Art. III. Der Vertrag zwischen dem Grossh. Baden einerseits und den Yer. St. von A. andererseits wegen der in gewissen Fallen zu gewahrenden Auslieferung der vor der Justiz fluchtigen Verbrecher, welcher am 30. Januar 1857 abgeschlossen worden ist, bleibt unver- andert fortbestehen. Art. IV. Derjenige , welcher aus dem einen Staate ausgewandert und nach Art. I. als Angehoriger des andern Staates zu erachten ist, soil bei etwaiger Ruckkehr in sein frtiheres Vaterland nicht ange- subject , naturalized in the TJ. S. , who , by or after his emigration, has committed other offences, different from those designated under the ciphers 1 to 3, against, or neglects of, the legal regulations of military duties, shall, on his return to his original country , neither be compelled to enter the military service of the latter for the time of his absence, or shall he be subject to trial and punishment for neglecting to fulfil said duty. And further, the seizure of the pro- perty of an emigrant which , in any other cases than those designated under the ciphers 1 to 3 , may have taken place on occount of an evasion of military duty , shall be annulled on the emigrant's proving his naturalization in the TJ. S. of A. Art. III. The convention for the mutual delivery of criminals, fugitive from justice , in certain cases , concluded between the Grand- dukedom of Baden on the one part and the TJ. S. of A. on the other part, on the 30'" of January 1857, remains in force unchanged. Art. IV. A person who has emigrated from one state , and is, according to Art. I, held to be a citizen of the other State, shall not, on his return to his former country, be liable to a compulsory 119 halten werden konnen , in die alte Staatsangehbrigkeit zurttckzutreten. Wenn er dieselbe mit seinem "Willen jedoch wieder erwirbt, und auf sein durch Naturalisation erworbenes Staatsburgerrecht wieder ver- zichtet, so soli ein soldier Verzicht zulassig und soil ftir die An- erkennung der "Wiedererwerbung des Staatsblirgerrechtes im ursprling- lichen Heimathsstaate eine gewisse Dauer des Aufenthalts in diesem Staate nicbt erforderlich sein. Art. V. Der gegegenwartige Vertrag tritt sofort nach Austausch der Ratificationen in Kraft und hat fUr zebn Jahre Giiltigkeit. Wenn kein Theil dem andern seobs Monate vor dem Ablauf dieser zehn Jahre Mittheilung von seiner Absicht macht, denselben alsdaun aufzuheben, so soil er ferner in Kraft bleiben bis zum Ablauf " von zwolf Monaten, nachdem einer der contrahirenden Theile dem andern von einer sol- chen Absicht Kenntniss gegeben. Art. VI. Der gegenwartige Vertrag soil von Seiner Koniglichen Hoheit dem Grossherzog von Baden und dem Prasidenten unter und mit Genehmigung des Senates der Ver. St. ratifloirt und die Eati- ficationen zu Karlsruhe so bald als moglich ausgewechselt werden. Zu TJrkund dessen &c. reassumption of his former allegiance. If, however, he reacquires the same of his own and free will and renounces the rights acquired by his naturalization, such renunciation shall be permitted, and a certain fixed period of residence in that State shall not be required for the acknowledgment of the rBacquisition of citizenship ip the original country of the emigrant. Art. V. The present treaty shall go into effect immediately after the exchange of ratifications and shall continue in force for ten years. If neither party shall have given to the other six months previous notice of its intention then to terminate the same, it shall further remain in force until the end of twelve months after either of the contracting parties shall have given notice to the other of such in- tention. Art. TI. The present convention shall be ratified by His Royal Highness the Grandduke of Baden , and by the President by and with the consent of the Senate of the TJ. S. , and the ratifications shall be exchanched at Carlsruhe as soon as possible. In faith whereof &c. 120 XII. THE CHINESE TEEATY.* TEXT OF THE TREATY AS RATIFIED BY THE SENATE- MOVEMENTS OF THE EMBASSY. Washington, July 27, 1868. Minister Burlingame and his associates, having completed their labors , are now preparing to leave for the North. Scarcely two months have elapsed, since the arrival of the Embassy at the capital of the nation, and in that brief space has been accomplished one of the greatest events of modern times — the arrangement of a treaty the terms of which bring within the community of nations the oldest people on the earth. It is impossible to realize at this early moment the magnitude of the interests and benefits involved ; but still more remarkable is the consummation of so great a transaction in so short a time. The readiness with wioh the treaty was accepted by our government has made a deep impression upon the minds of the Cel- estial ambassadors, and doubtless will have much to do with the favorable recognition of American interests by the Chinese government. I have already forwarded the treaty as it came from the hands of the negotiators on the part of the Chinese and the United States governments. The following is the text of the treaty as modified and subsequently ratified by the Senate in executive session on the night of July 16, 1868. — * From the Newyorh Herald, July 28'", 1868. — I have waited for the Wfirtemberg and the Hease- Darmstadt treaties, till I can wait no more, no one being able to procure a copy, although the said treaties have been con- cluded several weeks ago, resembling, I understand, much the Bavarian and the Baden treaties. To show that it was high time for the German govern- ments to acknowledge our liberal principles in regard to change of country and allegiance, we give the Chinese Treaty, which has no fourth article to take back, like the North German treaty, with one hand what it gives with the other. — Those powers which come now, will, at all events, be behind China ! 121 ADDITIONAL ARTICLES TO THE TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE TA-TSING EMPIRE, OF THE 18™ OF JUNE, 1858. Whereas since the conclusion of the treaty between the United States of America and the Ta-Tsing empire (China) of the 18"" of June, 1858, circum- stances have arisen showing the necessity of additional articles thereto, the President of the United States aud the august sovereign of the Ta - Tsing empire having named for their plenipotentiaries, to wit, the President of the United States of America, Wm. H.Seward, Secretary of State, and his Majesty the Emperor of China , Anson Burlingame , accredited as his Envoy Extraord- inary and Minister Plenipotentiary; and Chih-Kang aud Sun-Chia-Ku, of the second Chinese rank, associated High Envoys and Ministers of his said Majesty, and the said plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full powers found to be in due and proper form, have agreed upon the following articles: — Article 1. His Majesty the Emperor of China, being of the opinion that in making concessions to the citizens or subjects of foreign Powers of the priv- ilege of residing on certain tracts of land , or resorting to certain waters of that empire for purposes of trade, he has by no means relinquished his right of eminent domain or dominion over the said land and waters, hereby agrees that no such concession or grant shall be construed to give to any Power or party wich may be at war with or hostile to the United States the right to attack the citizens of the United States or their property within the said lands or waters ; and the United States, for themselves, hereby agree to abstain from oifensively attacking the citizens or subjects of any Power or party or their property with which they may be at war on any such tract of land or waters of the said empire; but nothing in this article shall be construed to prevent the United States from resisting an attack by any hostile Power or party upon their citizens or their property. It is further agreed that if any right or inter- est in any tract of land in China has been or shall hereafter be granted by the government of China to the United States or their citizens for purposes of trade or commerce, that grant shall in no event be construed to divest the Chinese authorities of their right of jurisdiction over persons and property within said tract of land, except so far as that right may have been expressly relinquished by treaty. Art, 2. The United States of America and his Majesty the Emperor of China, believing that the safety and prosperity of commerce will thereby best be promoted, agree that any privilege or immunity in respect to trade or nav- igation within the Chinese dominions which may not have been stipulated for by treaty, shall be subject to the discretion of the Chinese government and may be regulated by it accordingly, but not in a manner or spirit incompatible with the treaty stipulations of the parties. Art, 3, The Emperor of China shall' have the right to appoint consuls at ports of the United States, who shall enjoy the same privileges and immun- ities as those which are enjoyed by public law and treaty in the United States by the consuls of Great Britain and Russia , or either of them. 122 Art. 4:. The twenty-ninth article of the treaty of the 18.h of June, 1858, having stipulated for the exemption of Christian citizens of the United States and Chinese converts from persecution in China on account of their faith, it is further agreed that citizens of the United States in China of every religious persuasion and Chinese subjects in the United States shall enjoy entire liberty of conscience and shall be exempt fi-ora all disability of persecution on account of their religious faith or worship in either country. Cemeteries for sepulture of the dead of whatever nativity or nationality shall be held in respect and free from disturbance or profanation. Art, 5. The United States of America and the Emperor of China cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from the one country to the other for purposes of curi- osity, trade or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore, join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United States or a Chinese subject to take Chinese subjects either to the United States or to any other foreign country or for a Chinese subject or a citizen of the United States to take citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign country without their free and voluntary consent respectively. A.rt> 6*. Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in respect to travel or residence as may there be enjdyed hy the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation, and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities and exemptions In respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or sub- jects of the most favored nation; but nothing herein contained shall beheld to confer naturalization upon the citizens of the United States in China, nor upon the subjects of China in the United States. A.rt, 7. Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privOeges of the public educational institutions under the control of the government of China, and reciprocally Chinese subjects shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational institutions under the control of the government of the United States which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nations. The citizens of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools within the empire of China at those places where foreigners are by treaty permitted to reside, and reciprocally Chinese subjects may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the United States. Art. S, The United States , always disclaiming and discouraging all practices of unnecessary dictation and intervention by one nation in the affairs or domestic administration of another, do hereby freely disclaim any intention 123 or right to intervene in the domestic administration of China in regard to the construction of railroads, telegraphs or orther material internal improvements. On the other hand, his Majesty the Emperor of China reserves to himself the right to decide the time and manner and circumstances of introducing such improvements within his dominions. With this mutual understanding it is agreed by the contracting parties that if at any time hereafter his Imperial Majesty shall determine to construct or cause to be constructed works of the character mentioned within the empire and shall make application to the United States or any other Western Power for facilities to carry out that policy, the United States will, in that case , designate and authorize suitable engineers to be employed by the Chinese government, and will recommend to other nations an equal compliance with such application, the Chinese government in that case protecting such engineers in their persons and property and paying them a reasonable compensation for their service. In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty and hereto affixed the seals of their arms. Done at Washington the fourth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- eight. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. ANSON BURLINGAME. CHIH KANG. SUN CHI KU. XV. UECLAEATION OF INDEPENDENCE. In Congress, July 4"" 1776. THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. "We hold these truths to be self-evident: — That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with unalien- able rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted 124 among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government , laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are suffer- able , than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces 'a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity which contrains them to alter their former system of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations , all having in direct object the establishment of an obsolute tyranny over these states. To prove this , let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and ne- cessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the ac- commodation of large districts of people, unless those people woidd relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, un- comfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused , for a long time after such dissolutions , to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation , have returned to the people at large , for their exercise. 125 the state remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these slates; for thai purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and rais- ing the conditions of new appropriations of land. He has obstructed the administration of justice , by refusig his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his wUl alone for the tenure of their offices , and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices , and sent hither swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, with- out the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution , and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation , — For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states. For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: For imposing taxes on us without our consent: For depriving us , in many cases , of the benefit of trial by jury : For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences : For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province , establishing therein an arbitrary government , and enlarging its boundaries , so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule in these colonies : For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments: For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas , ravaged our coasts , burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 126 He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign merce- naries, to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages , and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow -citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren , or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en- deavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages , whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages , sexes and conditions. In every stage of these expressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them , from time to time , of attempts by their legis- lature to extend the unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity ; and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations , which would inevitably interrupt our con- nections and our correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies , solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection be- tween them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that , as free and independent states , they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent 127 states may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our. lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. JOHN HANCOCK. New Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon , Francis Hopkinson , John Hart, Abraham Clark. New Hampshire. Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. Massachusetts Bay. Samuel Adams, John Adams , Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Bhode Island, &c. Stephan Hopkins, William EUery. Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntingdon, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. New York. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. Pennsylvania. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush , Benjamin Franklin , John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith , George Taylor, ilames Wilson, George Ross. Delaware. Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean. Maryland. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, C. Carroll, of Carrolton. Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, jr., Francis LightfootLee, Carter Braxton. North Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, jr., Thomas Lynch, jr., Arthur Middleton. Georgia. Burton Gwinnett, Lymann Hall, George Walton. XVI. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Framed hy a convention of delegates, of which Washington was the president, which met at Philadelphia, from the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York , New Jersey, Penn- sylvaniaj Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia; and adopted 17'" September, 1787. 128 (PEEAMBLE.) We, the people of the TJnited States, in order to form a perfect Union , establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. SECTION I. 1. AU legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of Senate and House of Representatives. SECTION II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states; and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have at- tained to the age of 25 years and been seven years a citizen of the U. S. and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to ser- vice for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congres of the U. S. and within every subsequent term of 10 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every 30000, but each state shall have at least one representative and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five. New York six , New Jersey four , Pennsylvania eight , Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 129 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. SECTION III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each state, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years and each Senator shall have one vote. 2. Immediately after they shall he assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year , of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of 30 years and been 9 years a citizen of the U. S., and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the "United States shall be president of the Senate , but shall have no vote , unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers and also a pre- sident pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach- ments. "When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or af- firmation. "When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend further thanr to removal from office , and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust or profit, under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indict- ment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law. 130 SECTION rv. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Sena- tors and Eepresentatives shall be' prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations , except as to the places of choosing Senators. 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December , unless they shall by law appoint a different day. SECTION V. 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections , returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall con- stitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each House may provide. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings , punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings , and from time to time publish the same , excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question, shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither House during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. SECTION YI. 1. The Senators and Eepresentatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases , except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to , and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2. No Senator or Representative shall , during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolu- ments whereof shall have been increased during such time, and no 131 person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. SECTION VII. 1. All biUs for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amend- ments as on other bills. 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Represen- tatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections to the House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be- sent together with the objections to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays , and the names of persons voting for and against the bill, shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted), after it shall have been presented to him , the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect , shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives , according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. SECTION YIII.. The Congress shall have power — 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States , but all duties , imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 9* 132 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations , and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes. 4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States. 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standards of weights and measures. 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States. 7. To establish post-offices and post -roads. 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts , by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court: to define and punish piracies and felonies, committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations. 10. To declare war , grant letters of marque and reprisal , and make rules concerning captures on land and water. 11. To raise and support armies: but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years. 12. To provide and maintain a navy. 13. To make rules for the Government and regulation of the land and naval forces. 14. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions. 15. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the mUitia and for governing such parts of them as may be employed ia the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of officers , and the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. 16. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 10 miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance of Congress , become the seat of the Government of the United States and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legis- lature of the State , in which the same shall be , for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful build- ings: — and 17. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry- ing into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 133 vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. SECTION IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro- hibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 2. The privilege of the right of „ habeas corpus " shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce, or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State be obliged to enter, clear or pay duties in another. 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in con- sequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the "United States , and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress , accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince or foreign state. SECTION X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility. 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be ab- solutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net pro- duce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State, on imports or 134 exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any duty of tonnage , keep troops or ships of war , in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State , or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. SBIOTION I. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United State's of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows: 2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof, may direct, a number Of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative , or person holding any office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector. 3. The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the Pre- sident of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the pre- sence of the Senate and House of Representatives , open aU the certi- ficates and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President,, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have, an equal number of votes , then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the 135 States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President. 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 5. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of 35 years and been 14 years a resident within the United States. 6. In case of the removal of the President from office , or of his death, resignation or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vic^ - President , and the Congress may by law provide for the case of i-emoval, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President declaring what officer shall then act as President and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States or any of them. 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : 9. I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States , and wiU, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. SECTION II. 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices , and he shall have power to grant reprieves 136 and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeacliment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein other- wise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. SECTION in. 1. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information "of the state of the Union and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. He may on extraordinary occasions , convene both Houses , or either of them ; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time, as he shall think proper. He shall receive ambassadors, and other public ministers. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed; and shall commission all the officers of the United States. SECTION IV. The President , Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and con- viction of, treason , bribery , or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. SECTION I. The judicial power of the United States ■ shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour ; and shall , at stated times , receive for their services 137 a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their con- tinuance in office. SECTION II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity , arising under this Constitution , the laws of the United States and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases aifecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more states, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens of different States, between citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls and those in which a State shall be party , the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before men- .tioned, the Supreme Court shall have appelate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes , except in cases of impeachment , shall be by jury , and sUch trial shall be held in the state , where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State , the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. SECTION m. 1. Treason against the United States , shall consist only in levy- ing war against them or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on con- fession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason , but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. AETICLE IV. SECTION I. 1. FuU faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the 138 Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts , records and proceedings shall be proved and the. effect thereof. SECTION II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having juris- diction of the crime. 3. No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ser- vice or labour may be due. SECTION III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States , without the consent of the Legis- latures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other pro- perty belonging to the United States and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. ARTICLE IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. 1. The Congress , whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which in either 139 case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Con- stition , when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; pro- vided that no amendment, which may be made prior to the year 1808, shall in any manner effect the 1" and 4'" clauses in the O"" section of the I. Article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution , shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 2. This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof and all treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States shall be the Supreme Law of the Land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judi- cial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution, but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VIL The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be suf- ficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty -seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. GEORGE WASHINGTON, PBBSrDENT, AND DEPUTY FEOM VIBGINIA. 140 The Constitution was ratified by the prescribed number of states in 1788, and went into operation in 1789. Vermont, the first of the new states which joined the Union, gave her assent early in 1791. The number of delegates chosen to the convention was sixty five ; ten did not attend; sixteen declined signing the constitution, or left the convention before it was ready to be signed. Thirty nine signed, as follows : New Hampshire. John Langdon, Nicholas GUman. Massachusetts. Nathaniel Gorman , Rufus King. Connecticut. Wm. Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. New York. Alexander Hamilton. New Jersey. William Livingston, David Bearley, William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimmons , Jared IngersoU, James Wilson, Governeur Morris. Belwware. George Read, Gunning Bedford, jr., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. Marylcmd. James M'Henry, Daniel , of St. Thomas Jenifer , Daniel Carroll. Virginia. John Blair, James Madison, jr. North Carolina. John Rudledge , Charles Cotesworth. Pinckney ; Pierce Butler. Georgia. William Few, Abraham Baldwin. Attest, WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. AET. I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. ART. n. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. AET. III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 141 AET. IV. The right of the people to be secure in their per- sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures , shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ART. V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor shall pri- vate property be taken for public use, without just compensation. ART. VI. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for ob- taining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. ART. VII. In suits at common law, where the value in con- troversy shall exceed twenty dollars , the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexa- mined , in any court of the United States , than according to the rules of the common law. ART. VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. ART. IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. ART. X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. ART. XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or 142 prosecuted against one of the United States , by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. ART. XII. § 1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with them- selves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as pre- sident, and in distinct ballots the person voted for a vice-president, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as pre- sident and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives , open all the certificates , and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for president shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of elec- tors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers , not exceeding three , on the list of those voted for as president, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president. But, in choosing the president , the votes shall be taken by states , the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two -thirds of the states, and a majo- rity of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a president, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the vice-president shall act as president, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the president. 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as vice- president shall be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority , then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the vice-president: a quorum for the purpose shall con- sist of two thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of pre- sident shall he eligible to that of vice-president of the United States. ART. XIII. §. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been 143 duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. § 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- priate legislation. ART. XIV. §. 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make, or enforce, any law, which shall abridge the privileges, or immunities, of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal pro- tection of the laws. § 2. Eepresentatives shall be 'apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State excluding the Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male in- habitants of such State, being twenty one years of age and citizens of the United States , or in any way abridged , except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shaU be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty one years of age in such state. § 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Con- gress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any state, who having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legis- lature , or as an executive or judicial officer of any State , to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insur- rection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two thirds of each House, remove such disability. § 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, au- thorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for suppressing insurrection and rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States , nor any State , shall 144 resume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. § 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. The first ten amendments were adopted in the first session of Congress; the 11'" and 12'" later; and the 13'" and 14'" during and after the last civil war. The ratifications of the fourteenth amend- ment were published by the government on the 22'' of July 1868. XVII. LAWS OP NATURALIZATION. SECT. I. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represen- tatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That any alien , being a free white person , who shall have resided within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States for the term of two years, may be admitted to become a citizen thereof, on application to any common law court of record, in any one of the states, wherein he shall have resided for the term of one year at least and making proof to the satisfaction of such court, that he is a person of good character and taking the oath or affirmation pre- scribed by law, to support the constitution of the United States, which oath or affirmation such court shall administer; and the clerk of such court shall record such application, and the proceedings thereon; and thereupon such person shall be considered as a citizen of the United States. And the children of such persons so naturalized, dwelling within the United States, being under the age of 21 years at the time of naturalization , shall also be considered as citizens of the United States. And the children of citizens of the United States that may be born beyond sea or out of the limits of the United States, shall be held as natural born citizens: Provided that the right of citizenship shall not descend to persons whose fathers have never been resident in the United States. Provided also , that no person hereto- 145 fore prescribed by any state, shall be admitted a citizen as afore- said , except by an act of legislature of tbe state in wbicb such per- son was proscribed. Approved Mch. 26"' 1790. The following is the substance of the laws taken oat ofWheaton's Elements of International Law. NATURALIZATION. By the act of Mch. 26, 1790, it is provided that any free white alien, who had resided two years within the U. S. may become a citizen on application to any court of record of the State where he had resided one year, making proof to the satisfaction of the Court that he is a person of good character , and taking the oath of af- firmation prescribed by law , to support the Constitution of the TJ. S. ; and the minor children of such persons so naturalized, and the children of citizens that may be born out of the U. S. , were to be considered citizens. This act requires no abjuration of former allegiance. The act of January 29"' 1795 requires a preliminary declaration of intention to become a citizen and to renounce all foreign a;llegiance, particularly to the Prince or State of whom the applicant was a subject or citizen, three years before admission, and a residence at the time of admission, of five years within the U. S. and of one year within the State. This act also requires that the alien should renounce any title of nobility, and that the Court admitting him should be satisfied of his good moral character, that he was attached to the principles of the Constitution and well disposed to the good order (happiness) of the same. The aliens , then residing in the U. S. might become citizens on a residence of two years, one of which was in the State where applying, according to the law previously in force, and on complying with the other requirements of the new act. There are the same provisions as before as to the minor children of naturalized citizens and the children of citizens bom abroad. By Act of June 18'" 1798 no alien could become a citizen, unless he had declared his intention five years before his admission, and proved a residence of 14 years in the TJ. S. and five years in the State where he applied. By Act of April 14'" 1802, and which is now in force and ap- plicable in ordinary cases , a free white person may become a citizen by declaring three years before his admission his intention; and on 10 146 the Court being satisfied that he has resided at the time of his ad- mission, five years in the U.S. and one year in the State, where the Court sits , and complied with the other conditions oi abjuration &c. which are the same as precribed in act of 1795. Minor children, whose parents had been naturalized citizens , and children of citizens that had been born out of the TJ. S., were not to be deemed aliens. There are 11 acts about naturalization, which it would be too long to copy here. The above is the substance of the whole, and quite sufficient for our purpose. XVIII. CONCLUSION. We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed , by their Creator , with certain unalienable rights ; that among these , are life , liberty , and the pursuit of happiness. Declaration of Independence, Once naturalized, the adopted citizens of America cease to be Ba- varians, Prussians, French or English. They are Americana. Wherever they may reside , whatever they may do , on land or on board ship, at home or abroad, they are everywhere Americans. That has been promised by the United States; and that the latter are obliged, upon their word and honor, to see acknowledged. Bancroft (in 1849). From the moment an alien becomes naturalized, the allegiance to his native country is dissolved forever. He is politically born anew. An inseparable boundary separates him from the land of his birth. He is no longer responsible to the latter for anything he may say or do , not say or not do , after he has taken his new character as a citizen , just the same as if he were born in the United States. If he returns to his native country, he returns as an American citizen, and in no other quality. General Cass (in 1849).* Neither through the sentence of a court of justice, or through a decision of the administration, or through a long absence abroad, or * See p. 59. 147 through the neglect of any kind of duty, can the United States citizen- ship be forfeited. Br. von Gosen (1868). * The United States of America , and the Emperor of China cordially recognize, the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance ; and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from one country to the other for purposes of curiosity, trade or as permanent residents. Chinese Treaty (p. 122). On many occasions I have had the honor to urge upon the British Government the necessity of a modification of the laws of the British realm , in the case of subjects of Great Britain , who have become citizens of the United States under our naturalization laws. By the President's directions , also , I have , with much urgency , invited the British Govern- ment to enter into an equal treaty with the U. S. on that subject as a proceeding which is essential for the removal of discontents which, if suffered to continue , might involve the two nations in reprisal or war. Hitherto these proceedings have been unfruitful , although we have many friendly assurances of a favorable disposition of the British Government I further call your attention to the fact that a bill which has passed the House of Representatives is now engaging the attention of the Senate , the effect of which bill , if it shall become a law ** , will be to require the President to make reprisals, in case of Judicial denials in Great Bretain to naturalized Americans , of the rights which are con- ceded by them to native American citizens. You will be expected to read the resolution referred to , together with this instruction , to Her Majesty's principal Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and to give him a copy of these papers if he shall require it. William H. Seward (in a letter to Mr. Moran, our Secretary of Legation in London, June 22, 1868). Liberty is the natural condition of man, in which he can do as he pleases. Despotism is the absolute control of one over all the rest. In a free state all the citizens stand on a level , and every one can move at ease. A despotic state forms a kind of pyramid in which every one has his place assigned to him, and where the upper classes stand upon the shoulders of the lower ones. It is an unnatural condition, * See p. 103. ** It has become a law. S. p. 113. 10* 148 in which the lower strata have a continual tendency to throwing oS the burden unjustly charged upon them. Therefore it can only be kept in order by force: if the lower classes move, the whole edifice will tumble down. To give the building a broader base, constitutions have been given to the people , which lead them to believe that they are keep- ing their respective places by their own and free will, whilst they were formerly driven to them by main force. The cement by which the edifice is held together is made up of bayonets and cannons, ap- parently provided for the defense of the country, but serving in reality for the support of the throne and for the satisfaction of the ambition of the potentate. Two offsprings of despotism have been particularly obnoxious to the freedom and happiness of man: the attachment of the subjects of a monarch to the soil of the country where they were born, and their duty to serve in the armies of the latter. Emigration and evasion of military duty, without the consent of government, were made punishable offences, although there was a time when princes did not blush at selling their impressed soldiers to foreign tyrants , to aid them in the suppression of their subjects struggling for liberty. It is natural that, as tyrants assist each other in suppressing any attempt at liberty, free men should extend a helping hand to the oppressed. Happily, when things looked worst in Europe, when the sun of liberty had apparently set behind the lofty castles of despotism and the melancholy ruins of ancient republics , and the people were oppressed by miserable tyrants and their mistresses and satellites, till they could stand it no more ; then , a spark of liberty carried to America by the fugitives from tyranny, spread into a conflagration, which not only resulted in the separation of the colonies from the mother- country and in the erection of a large and safe asylum for the op- pressed of all nations, but also threw its brands back to the old world , where it produced convulsions which , for awhile , promised great results, but which, after a few years of unprincipled anarchy, turned out into a military despotism. The son of the French Re- public killed his mother for his own selfish purposes. Another attempt at liberty in later years was frustrated in the same manner. The little nephew proved a worthy disciple of his great uncle: after 149 destroying a neighboring republic and resettling one of the darkest tyrants on his throne, he satisfied his own ambition by devouring his own mother in a sauce of blood from his brothers , who rushed to her defence. And the French people, tired of the incapable Bourbons and of the uproar of revolutions , and giddy with the reflex of trans- ient glory, which accompanied the name of the usurper, submitted to the military despotism, which has since been ruling, up to the pre- sent time, not only „la belle France", but almost all the continent of Europe. Also in the "United States, the very cradle of liberty, the in- destructible weed of tyranny had developed itself into a strong ramp- ant vine, which twisted around the Great Republic, and threatened to destroy in its embraces the only safe refuge for the oppressed of all nations. In breaking their bonds of allegiance to their mother- country, the latter left to her former provinces a germ of discord which soon began to disturb the good feeling and the peace of the Union. A large section of the American nation could not, and would not, understand that in a democratic republic there must be liberty for all, and that, black or white, all human beings must have equal protection from the law. But „So wie die Feuersbrunst sum Loschen leuchtet, Hilft alias Base selber sich vernichten." As a conflagration yields light to those who come to extinguish it, every evil thing will help to destroy itself. The petty tyrants of the South, impatient to see the power, which they had been wield- ing so long over the whole people , threatened by our noble Lincoln's election, to be wrested from them, madly attacked the Union, and, after a four years' sanguinary war, which cost the nation hundreds of thousands of lives , and involved it in heavy debts , Liberty was again victorious in America, and the stain of slavery, which soiled the starspangled banner, was washed out of it with the noble blood of those who sacrificed themselves in its protection. For many years our Government had made effi'orts to see the citizenship of our naturalized citizens, and the right of emigration and change of allegiance of every man, acknowledged by the govern- ments of foreign countries with which we were in friendly inter- course. All its efi'orts had been without result, and more than once serious difficulties had arisen on the subject of a citizen of ours being 150 claimed as a subject of a foreign power and impressed into military service, or otherwise deprived of his liberty. Our domestic troubles being settled, and slavery abolished, the Government at "Washington instructed its foreign ministers to urge upon the governments , to which they were accredited , the final recognition of the rights of American citizens of foreign birth , during the residence of the latter in their respective territories. The time Was well chosen. Through our persevering and manful struggle, we had merited and received the respect of nations and kings. We had learned, also, to know and to use our strength. And the progress of Kberal ideas , whose seed was sown in 1848 , and the „ growing good sense on the subject" of foreign governments, made the task comparatively easy. "We have, now, naturalization treaties with all the German powers, and even with the Emperor of China, and we, the naturalized citizens of the United States, have particular cause for being grate- 'ful to the respective Governments and functionaries who removed a restraint upon the intercourse between friendly nations and the danger of serious difficulties arising from it. Unfortunately a sad, and, I am afraid, for the next ten years irreparable, mistake has been made in the first of those treaties: the almost notorious 4*" Article of the North German Treaty takes back with one hand what the 1^' Article gives with the other, and, which is a great deal worse, it infringes as well upon the con- stitutional right of citizens who are not concerned in military mat- ters at all, as upon those of persons whom the article was meant to hit. The different interpretations of said article have here and there raised a doubt as to its real meaning. But whoever has read at- tentively what has been said on the subject in the foregoing docu- ments and commentaries, cannot be uncertain that it really means what it says , viz. that a native of North Germany , after being duly naturalized in the United States, on returning to the North German territory, shall be considered and treated as an American citizen during two years, and no longer. That such is the real meaning of the article, can be seen from the interpretation given by the North German authorities , pp. 9, 21, 23, 31, and 32; and from Mr. Bancroft's own letter to Mr. Seward, in which he says, p. 44, that; „The fourth article is intended to 151 prevent insincerity in the transfer of allegiance." It is true that Mr. Bancroft adds that „ A German naturalized in America and returning to Germany for two years does not necessarily renounce his American citizenship; only he may be called upon to declare his purpose ex- plicitly." But this is Mr. Bancroft's private opinion, and cannot be of any value, in face of the interpretations cited abaye. Besides, if the declaration of the returned citizen of his purpose were suf- ficient to counteract the regulation of Art. 4, the latter would not prevent insincerity. Mr. Sumner's letter to me strongly supports my opinion. He says, p. 89, „The clause you speak of was intended to guard against fraudulent naturalization , where for example , a Ger- man, who never intends to make America his home, becomes na- turalized here for the purpose of avoiding his duties in his native land, and as we looked at the matter here, it seemed a salutary provision. The two years' residence is only prima facie evidence of an intention to remain , and may be rebutted by proof of the con- trary." There is again a slight consolation in the last sentence; but it is again the private opinion of the Honorable Senator; and if it were that of the whole Senate, it would not be of much ser- vice to us here as long as the North German Government insists that, on the ground of Art. 4, „in any case, the government of the old country of the person in question is entitled to take for granted a renunciation of the naturalization acquired in the adopted country, if the person returned resides again longer than two years in his original country. Then the claim of the protection of the new coun- try is excluded. And Count Bismarck himself says: „My opinion is that, according to the sense of the treaty, he who returns voluntarily to North ^Germany, places himself into the situation of an immigrant by his own and free will. If this volunteer immigrant is of an age which imposes military duty upon him, the duty will devolve upon him, which is attached to the North German citizen of that age.'^ The reader will have observed that even the loss of American citizen- ship was distinctly spoken of in the discussions on the subject in the Diet. During an interview I had with Mr. Bancroft on the 7'" of July, at Cannstadt, he defended the fourth article against my ob- jections, as a measure against fraudulent naturalization, and admitted that a naturalized American citizen owing military duty to Prussia would not be protected by our government after residing two years in North Germany. 152 The improvements made in the Bavarian, and more so in the Baden treaty , may be considered as additional proofs of the correct- ness of my opinion, whilst they should be received with satisfaction by those who will come under their regulations. As for the rest no one, that understands Geitoan and English, can read any thing different from either text of the treaty, than the Prussian interpretation. If a person means to say that a thing is white , he will surely not be expected to call it black. „ En fait de la clarti de style " , says an able French writer, „il ne suffit pas cju'on puisse nous entendre: il faut qu'on ne puisse pas ne pas nous entendre.^ In matters of style it is not sufficient that we can be understood : it is necessary that we cannot be mis- understood. If this is laid down as a rule for epistolary correspondence, it becomes an inalterable law in political matters , which involve the comfort and happiness of thousands. — Talleyrand, with his notorious maxim, that ^language was the means of concealing one's thoughts'*, was a notorious old scamp , bare of honesty and fidelity. I was assured by excellent authority that „ Mr. Bancroft wanted to hit the Jews who went to America, to make money there, and then returned to Germany to stay without paying taxes to either country"- And, in fact, when I saw Mr. Bancroft — though I have neither the honor of belonging to the sons of Israel, nor did I go to America to make money — one of his first questions to the author of the "Wlirzburg protest was : „ Where do you pay your taxes ? " The tone in which the question was uttered, and the course of ideas in which it occurred , left no doubt but that the Honourable Envoy connected it with the validity of my certificate of citizenship. The same view was taken by those of our consuls with whom I_had occasion to confer upon the subject. When, alarmed at the danger threatening my American citizenship, and the safety of one of my sons , I hastened to the nearest U. S. consul , with whom I was acquainted, he said; „0h, the article does not hit you; you have property left in America, and you pay your taxes." And when I ex- pressed some uncertainty about my agent having paid my income tax, he very kindly offered to take the amount from me, and hand me a receipt for it. — The extracts from letters, which I have com- municated pp. 92 to 96, show several instances of the admission, from native functionaries and members of Congress , that the naturalized 153 citizens were wronged by the fourth article. In fact, I have found no one that denied the fact, but Mr. Bancroft himself, who believes he is all right and who referred me for explanations to the trans- actions of the North German Diet and Council , or , as he styled them, the informal protocol , in which, however on receiving them, I found, as the reader has seen himself, nothing but the confirmation of our wrongs. Some doubt has existed whether the fourth article was intro- duced by Mr. Bancroft ; or Mr. Konig , the plenipotentiary on the other side. That doubt is removed by Mr. Bancroft's letter N° 41 , to the State Department (s. p. 39), from which we see that our Envoy extraordinary — extraordinary indeed! — proposed, without being asked by the Prussian plenipotentiary , that : „ A naturalized citizen returning and proving his intention by a continuous residence of , shall not be entitled to the interposition, respectively, of the United States or of North Germany." — Who can blame the Prussians if they take what is oifered to them in such a liberal manner , and who can blame the Prussian privy councillor, if in making his draught of the treaty he made the best of our envoy's generosity at the ex- pense of his fellow citizens? There was decidedly more prudence in the acceptance of the former than there was wisdom in the offer of the latter. If Mr. Bancroft had been entrusted with the interests of the North German Bund , he could scarcely have done better. I have no doubt but Mr. Bancroft had fair and honest motives in introducing the article; but he forgot that he was the represen- tative of the American people, that he had to take care of our in- terests , not of those of the Prussian Government. And he further for- got that, by signing that article, he committed an act, which no one before him had attempted , which was unconstitutional , conse- quently illegal — that of treating away the rights and allegiance of his fellow -citizens, of admitting, for the first time, that an American citizen might forfeit his citizenship , not by a heinous crime , but by a mere residence of more than two years in his native land! And the Government and Senate of our republic approved and confirmed the act; the President went so far as to compliment his envoy for it; and the latter was proud of the compliment! All this is very encouraging , indeed , to emigrants , of whom the immense extent of our countrj' and its latent resources stand so much in need , and without the aid of whom we would scarcely succeed 154 in paying our national debt and restoring order in our Southern States. On account of a few hundred citizens suspected of insincerity, and a few paltry dollars lost in taxes , the fundamental law of the republic must be broken through , millions of adopted citizens must be insulted, the course of emigration impeded , and men , who have forsworn their former allegiance and taken the oath of fidelity to the United States, must put on the Prussian uniform and bear arms , if needs be , against their adopted country! — Very small policy indeed, to upset a con- stitutional principle, for a few soldiers and a few dollars! In admitting the 4'" article, Mr. Bancroft proved unequal to the noble task entrusted to him. Unfortunately he was not left by him- self: Not sufficient that one horse, dizzied by the incense at a foreign court, and awed by the presence of a diplomatic genius, should stumble over a republican principle ; a whole stable full of horses must stumble after him. "We are certainly not much indebted to Government and the Senate for the fourth article, which, had not the House of Re- presentatives come to our aid, and had not, after a long hesitation, the law of self-preservation induced the Senate, finally to adopt General Banks' bill, would have continued in full force all over Ger- many, and, serving as a precedent, probably also in Great Britain and other countries. We shall not deny that some young men, as they are de- signated p. 54, may have gone to America to become naturalized and thereby avoid military duty at home. But these cases must be entirely considered as exceptions, and cannot give the least right to our legislators, and much less to members or bodies of our Govern- ment, to suspect whole classes, and cause them to suffer under the effect of such suspicion, with which they have nothing to do. Mr. Bancroft in his „ letter to a friend " says p. 52 : „ he (the American) is expected, of course, to observe the laws of the country where he chooses his residence, and if he dislikes those laws, he can return to the land of his adoption, or go to reside wherever he may please." Thus if the law of a country , by Mr. Bancroft's treaty , is : that an American must either leave it, before a two years' residence, or be impressed into military service, he will be obliged, to avoid the latter, to travel, with or without his family, every twenty three months, from one country to another, and, unless he possess money enough to live in America, become a kind of wandering Jew, or Christian, to retain the protection of the United States government. 155 It would be an interesting spectacle to see hundreds of errant American families hunted about under the law of their representative, whilst he is resting on his laurels at the court of Berlin in peace! " If a measure was necessary — which I helieve it was not — to prevent „ fraudulent" naturalization, it ought to have been taken with proper caution, and sufficiently precise, to hit only those who could he •proved to have become American citizens in bad faith. By putting their wisdom together, the two plenipotentiaries might have found a formula clear enough to express what they meant. To sentence a TJ. S. citizen, on mere suspicion of mala fides, to military slavery for the better part of his life, and to the loss of his rights of a citizen, would not only be the greatest injustice, but it would be a crime, if committed without the authorization of the law. And where is the law that empowers an Envoy, or the Government, or the Senate , or all these in a body , to deprive a citizen oi his pro- perty, without trial by jury, promised to us by the Constitution? And is not the TJ. S. citizenship, and the rights and privileges it confers , a more valuable property than houses and money ? And who is to be entrusted with the right of accusing of perjury a man that has forsworn his allegiance to his former potentate, served his five years' apprenticeship required by the law, and become duly naturalized? "Who is to prove the truth of the accusation? The foreign govern- ment , or our envoy pro tern. , or a TJ. S. consul ? A man whose right it is to see his fate decided by the sentence pf a judge and jury, when he places himself in the position of a trial, cannot be satis- fied with depending on the opinion and good will of a functionary; he wants a law , clear and precise , to rely on. And a U. S. citizen must never be submitted to obtain from the grace of men, what he can claim as a right: liberty and the pursuit of happiness in what- ever way he pleases. The writer of the article in Harper's Weekly, which we have cited p. 108, calls it „ foolish" to restrict an American to a two years' residence , and we feel no inclination to contradict him. There is no man skilful enough to make shoes to fit every goose. A few irrigularities will happen in spite of the wisest and most stringent laws. "Why should millions be alarmed and placed into an awkward position , because of a few ^insincere" ones. We have traitors enough left at home. Let us unite our strength to bring these to reason, and do not create division among honest citizens , when unity is most 156 indispensable. The German citizens have closely adhered to the "Union during our terrible civil war ; thousands of them have sacrificed their limbs and lives for our lawful Government ; the Germans , though a little hot-headed, and liking a glass of lagerbeer, are generally a quiet and industrious set of people. Why should they not be per- mitted to enjoy the blessings of liberty, after being naturalized, as undisturbedly as the natives? Why should the educated German be placed below the ignorant negro, and below the former rebel, who continues to be a traitor at heart? And, we ask again, where is the law that allows you to make a difference between native and adopted citizens? Such a law does not exist, and according to the voice of the people of the United States, as it has spoken through the House, it will never be made. It is scarcely necessary to say much about the second motive for the introduction of the 4"" article, that of compelling citizens abroad to pay their income tax. Unless the law made for the pur- pose hits aZZ American citizens abroad, it is an injustice ; and I know native Americans in good circumstances who have lived many years on the continent, without ever paying a cent of income tax, except on the property they hold in the United States; and yet they claim and receive the protection of our Government! I know of a lady, who has lived eighteen years in Germany and has a son in one of the German armies , and , when the Prussians were expected two years ago, she claimed and received, without hesitation, a certificate of protection from our consul against having soldiers quartered in her house, though she never paid any taxes at all, whilst the same favor was refused to naturalized citizens , under similar circumstances. Such a difierenoe is odious and exciting in the highest degree. I admit , that the citizen who claims the protection of his govern- ment, ought also to contribute to its support, provided the law require him to do so. But there are many American citizens living in Germany , because the enormous prices of every thing in America do not allow them to live there, who have less than a thousand dollars income , and , consequently , are exempted from paying an income tax. Others have their property in Germany and are taxed upon it by the authorities here. But all of them are hit by the 4"' article, if paying taxes is to be a condition of receiving the pro- tection of Government. There are, no doubt, a great many Germans, who go to America to make money, and then return to their homes 157 to live upon it, or to reenter some business; but most of them never become naturalized. Why should they, if our free and liberal in- stitutions allow every foreigner to settle among us and to make as much money as he can, without becoming a citizen? I am sure the amount possibly lost to our Treasury, is amply repaid by the quarter of a million of Germans who iiock every year to the United States, and who not only carry an immense sum of cash across the Ocean, but who, as I hinted before, assist in exploiting our resources and thus encrease our wealth and power. Truly, it is small policy to hunt after a few thousand dollars, when millions of dollars and half a million of strong arms are gained annually to make up for them. Suppose a man makes money in America and lives upon it after- wards in Germany ; do you believe he made that money without working for it; and do you consider his work worth nothing to the country of his adoption? What a man saves above his living and expenses is generally well earned and well deserved. The enormous prices of every thing, since the war, have compelled a great many German fathers of families to leave America , because they cou\d com- pete no longer with the times, and, perhaps, being broken in health, required rest , whilst their children could be supported aud their education attended to at a much cheaper rate in Germany. Has the American character changed so much lately, as to wish such men rather to be starved among us and their „ seed begging their bread ", than to live decently abroad till circumstances permit them to return, or to send back their children with their minds stocked with use- ful knowledge? There are , no doubt , a number of mean souls , perfectly satis- fied with drawing their monies from the TJ. S., and not caring a straw, besides, for the republic. If you could hit Ihem exclusively, we would not object. But as that seems impossible, you will have to be comforted, by the example of the sun „who shines equally bright upon the good and the bad". Learn from him how to give up your shabby knownothing principles ! — Besides, we do not send ambassadors to foreign countries to collect taxes, particularly when there is no law or authority for levying taxes beyond the territory of the United States. A minister, or a consul, whose protection is invoked by one of his fellow-citizens, may be justified in asking for his passport, or his certificate of na- turalization; but he has no business to ask him for his tax bill. 158 or to inquire: „ where he pays his taxes?" And the question is so much the more insolent, when the citizen calls on the functionary without asking for his assistance. Whilst we show due respect to our public men, we must be careful to prevent them from assuming power which they have not. The examples of the public function- aries in monarchical countries are contagious: a republican minister, by being fawned upon and excellencied at foreign courts, may be led after a while, to forget occasionally that he has to deal with fellow - citizens and members of the sovereign people of the United States, not with subjects, and it may be well for both, he should be reminded of the difference, whatever may be his ulterior merits. Have not some of our foreign ministers asked already for the per- mission to wear court liveries? If we are not jealous of our rights and privileges; if we are not ready, at every moment, to defend them against whomsoever; we are not worthy of being citizens of a free country. The third motive for introducing the fourth article is that al- leged by Baron von Volderndorff in his letter to me (p. 79). I admit that it may have been a motive for retaining said article in the Bavarian treaty. But here the article was entirely superfluous. If it was intended to express only that the returned citizen could not be prevented by the U.S. from giving up his American allegiance, after a two years' residence in Bavaria, it might have been distinctly said, and the contradiction between the article and the protocol, appended to the treaty, would have been avoided. Besides, we do not see why a two years' residence was required for the return of a former Bavarian to his old allegiance. The United States , claiming for the inhabitants of other countries the right of emigration and change of allegiance, cannot consistently refuse the same right to their own citizens. How long a person shall be required to live in Bavaria before the govern- ment of that state will grant him the right of citizenship , is decidedly a matter of that government, not of ours, or of international legis- lation. In the Baden treaty all these difficulties and objections are obviated. The more treaties Mr. Bancroft makes, the more we have occasion to be satisfied with them. No particulars have become known of the Hesse -Darmstadt and the Wtirtemberg treaties, and as they are not ratified, because Congress is not in session, we shall not see them before November. It is to be expected, however, that, being made after the passage of the law of July 26"", and with the ex- 159 perience of our plenipotentiary in treaty making, they will be as little objectionable as the Bjiden treaty. The best of all, however, is the treaty made and concluded by Mr. Seward and the Chinese ambassadors, which allows the right of emigration and change of allegiance, without any restrictions. OUR SITUATION. In Bavaria and Baden, we are, as far as I can see, all right. In Hessia and "Wttrtemberg, after the assurances I have received, I trust we are. But in the North -German territory, notwithstanding the law of July 25"" , we are , as far as it concerns Art. 4 of the treaty, all wrong. The article says that an American citizen can be deprived, after two years' residence in the North -German territory, of his citizen- ship and the protection of his government. The Prussian authorities say this is the meaning of the article , whilst Mr. Bancroft is soften- ing it down to something like the requirement of an „ explicit de- claration of purposes" &c. &c., upon all of which no reliance can be placed. Our ministers and consuls are bound, by the law of 25"" of July^ to protect us ; whilst Mr. Bancroft's treaty gives the North- German government rights over us which conflict with said law. The treaty is an international law, and as such, it is supreme, at least in North Germany, besides being made before the protection law. The Prussian government will adhere to the regulations of the treaty, and we shall stick to the law protecting us. What will our representatives in North Germany do? What is their duty? What can we reasonably expect from them and our government, and what from Prussia? And what shall we do to avoid getting into diffi- culty, or exposing our government to serious trouble? Except the payment of taxes, the quartering of troops, and other charges, from which American citizens were, or ought to have been, exempted, the principal point is that of military duty exacted from those who stay longer than two years in the North -German territory. According to the interpretation of the 4"" article by the North German government, a Northern German, on being deprived of the protection of the American government , will be holden to ful- fil said duty to the extent that would „ devolve upon a North-German 160 subject of Ms age". (S. p. 31). Our Government, having its hands tied by the treaty, has no right to interfere in his favor, and, un- less he prefer leaving North Germany before the termination of the two years allowed him for an undisturbed residence, he will have to submit to the practice of the law of the state in which he resides. If I am correctly informed , ten years absence from Prussia con- stitute a Prussian subject a foreigner: he has lost his nationality. The same is the case in the kingdom of Saxony, where a young man who emigrates before he is called upon to perform military duty, after an absence of ten years, loses his nationality and is no longer looked upon as a Saxon subject. (The same, of course, takes place with a person of maturer age.) Consequently he has neither rights to claim, as such, or duties to perform. I am perfectly well informed on that subject, and can produce documents by which the Saxon government has decided similar cases in the above manner. I do not know any thing about the law of other German states belonging to the North -German Confederation. Every one interested will have to make inquiry on the subject, through* a lawyer, before he exposes himself to trouble. At all events, he has gained the two years allowed by the treaty , and has time enough to gather in- formation. Before he makes preparations to return to North-Germany for a longer period, he will do well , however, to satisfy himself, whilst he is still in America , that he runs no risk of being dislodged , or im- pressed into service, after a two years' residence. Young men, who have been absent less than ten years, on the contrary, have no chance whatever, on their return, to escape the regulations of art. 4. The only safety oifered to them is their expatriation by the law of the particular state to which they belong. They have, I think, the least cause of all of us, to complain of the severity of the new international law, because they are the only gainers by it, whilst others, who are hit by it, have done nothing to bring its disagree- able effects upon them. As it seems, however, that the North -German Government, in introducing the 4"' article, had principally in mind to put a stop to practices of insincerity, we may expect that a mild practice will be allowed in other cases than those of military ob- ligations , though the Prussian employes have the reputation of being particularly strict, and more than that, whenever they attend to the execution of administrative and other measures. Those , who cannot get satisfaction, will do best to leave the North -German territory 161 and retire to one of the South -German states, in which our treaties are more favorable to us, and where living is cheaper than in the North. At all events it will be well not to test our protection law in cases where it is in conflict with the treaty. The law compels all our foreign functionaries to protect us all ; but what can they do against the letter of a treaty signed by our President, and ratified by our Senate? It is true that every citizen can hold the Government respons- ible for any damage suffered under an unconstitutional measure taken by it ; or any of our officers by whose neglect or fault he comes to injury. And the Court of Claims in Washington , as has been stated before (p. 105) will receive complaints against the United States. But what such a complaint will lead to is more than I can say. We have proposed, in our (Wilrzburg) Protest, to sue any of our officers for damages , „ through whose fault or neglect any naturalized citiz^i of German birth may come to loss or injury.". A very able Boston lawyer, with whom I had an opportunity of conversing upon the subject, in the cars in going to Stuttgart, first hesitated, but finally agree'd that „we ought to try". My counselor at law in Northampton writes the following: „I am much obliged to you for the ^Protest", and hope to see the pamphlet. I take much interest in the question involved, and think it one on which a change of opinion will take and is taking place. One thing I don't see how you can carry out practically — holding an officer personally responsible for damages resulting to a citizen abroad, when the Government has surrendered the right to the country in which the damage is suffered. You may blame the Government, or seek to correct the policy by agitation and demands , but can you get satisfaction of the officer , any more than the Government ? Of course , he and the Government would be morally responsible, which, practically, does not amount to much." When I proposed the measure, I, of course, saw the difficulty. But if General Grant had been guided by the confidence of the Rebels in the strength of their position , or by the fears of his friends , he would never have taken Vicksburg. My motto has always been: Wer will der kann! ■ And where there is not a way, we must make one. „Aut veniam viam, aut faciam.'' I think, in case of any oc- currence, „«Je ought to try". But, of course, we ought to associate for the purpose, not stand there like sheep to be shorn, looking on, each of us, till his turn comes of losing his fleece. I never saw 11 162 a man retaining his rights and property , who allowed them to be taken from him. But one man cannot do what a great many can, though he may give the impulse for action. We, the naturalized citizens living in Germany , should therefore form clubs, which again should be centralized for mutual support. A trifling contribution of a dollar or two per head annually would be sufficient to defray all expenses that might occur, inclusive of a cheap monthly, which should report on all the matters bearing on our rights , privileges and situation in general. We would, then, all know what we, now, have to guess ; much damage would be prevented ; vexations avoided ; and even those, who wish to emigrate, might find useful information by which they would be guided under peculiar circumstances. There are German Societies in America, which do an immense deal of good; why should there not be American societies in Germany? There is one step more to be done ; which may lead to a change for the better, though I do not clearly see how it can. I refer to an application to the Court of Claims. I have not had time to do any more than I have done, hitherto, for our interests. But I shall take a step more in that line, being acquainted with one of the judges of that Court, whom I esteem highly. If a new edition of this little book be required, I shall report progress in it, and also give copies of the Hessian and Wtirtemberg treaties, for which I can wait no longer at present. Whatever may be our feeling with regard to the North -German treaty and its makers , the attitude which Congress has taken lately, and the manly and truly republican language, in which Mr. Sewar4 has addressed the English government (S. p. 179), in defense of our Irish brethren, must satisfy us that, though a mistake has been made at our expense, the principles upon which our noble EepubUc is founded take deeper and deeper root. Liberty „is marching on", and nothing will stop the progress of true civilization. But do not let us forget that we must have liberty and equal political rights for all , and that only fine trees make a fine forest. A republic with- out citizens imbued with generous republican principles , and adorned with republican virtues , is a sham democracy ; and a state of anarchy, as it was instituted in the southern section of our country, as it exists there even now, after the severe lesson they have received, and as it is abetted by a large party of the North, can only lead to destruction and ruin. Where the law is not respected, there is 163 only one thing to restore order, which is despotism. Whatever may be the apparent neglect and the wrongs , the German- American citizens may have a reason to complain of, let us adhere to our legal Govern- ment, to Congress and the Union, and let us defend the Constitution of the United States with the last drop of our blood, remembering that America is the Asylum for all „down- trodden and oppressed", flying to her for protection, that, to protect them and ourselves, we must be strong, and that strength lies in the lawful and quiet submission of the minority under the will of the majority and in the unity of our whole people resulting from it. Never let any one of us place his particular interests above those of our beloved country ; but where the fate of, the republic is to be decided , whether at the ballot box or in the battle, let us all be on the side of the law, of justice, of humanity and of liberty. I wish no German - American citizen would ever be found to vote for rebellion and anarchy , or for the ruin of the credit and the esteem of our adopted country. Mr. Seward may safely defend our principles and institutions in energetic language. United, we have no one to fear! CONTENTS. PAG. I. The Naturalization Treaty between the United States and the North- German Government before the Diet of the North- German Con- federation, at Berlin ... 1 II. Report of the United Comittees for the Land - Army and Fortresses, and for the Judicial Department, on the Treaty with the U. S. concerning the Naturalization of Emigrants, of Febr. 22'' 1868 5 III. Extractions from the Transactions of the Diet of the North-German Confederation, of April 2", 1868 10 IV. The Treaty, before the House of Representatives , after being con- firmed by the U. S. Government and the Senate, at Washington. — Official Documents , and Correspondence of Mr. Bancroft with the State Department