v-^>:^tfV-iU, OL/t) CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 091 209 100 The original of this bool< is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924091209100 In compliance with current copyright law, Cornell University Library produced this replacement volume on paper that meets the ANSI Standard Z39.48-1992 to replace the irreparably deteriorated original. 2001 \iMOumMJCu ot ujYv. Jb^tSaoL/vva^. A..&H5gg3 n^.is:.. 97*4 v'^r^^j)' ■iiM ^■'ri- fS-^' - '-^--/.iy**^ ■■ ■- ,V'-l .'^■'^ iS^ i3"gfS^:;?V^w-''^^? ■ °S^^^^ ■^■i^v. #^-^ ^/ ■ ^- J -.; v.i.i,;,..'^P,;j;^%f '1 f'ssng illosion, which had been the in- .centive to Columbus whEr he penetrated the secrets of the , cabined poorly enough. The Indians remain be- liind, while we are detained by the wind two days and a half. Fierrej going into the weods, finds the prairie twenty leagrues from the portage. Hs also passed by a beautiful canal, vaulted as it were, about as higk as a man ; there was a foot of water in it. " 21. Having started about noon, we had hard enough work to make a river. The cold began from the east, and the ground was covered with a foot of snow, which remained constantly from that time. We were detained there three days,, during which Pierre killed a deer, three wild geese and- three turkeys, which were very good. The others passed on to the prairies. An Indian having discovered some cabins came to tell us. Jacques went with him there the next day. Two- hunters also came to see me. They were Maskoutens to the numbers of eight or nine cabins, who had separated from each other to be able to live. They travel, all winter with hardships almost impossible for Frenchmen, by very difficult roads ; the land being full of streams, small lakes and marshes. They are very badly cabined and eat or fast according to the spot where they happen to be. Having been detained by the wind, we remarked that there were large sand- banks off the shore, on which the waves, broke continually. There I felt some symptoms of a dysentery. " 27. We had hard enough work to get out of the river ; and having made about three leagues, we found the Indians, who had killed some buffalo, and also three Indians, who had come from the village. We were detained there by a wind, from the shore, immense waves that came from the lake, and the cold. " December i. We went ahead of the Indians, so as to be able to say mass. " 3. Having said mass and embarked, we were compelled to make a point and land, on account of the fog. "4. We started well to reach Portage 'River, which was frozen half a foot thick. There was more snow there than anywhere else; and also more tracks of animals and turkeys. The navigation of the lake from one portage to the other, is quite fine, there being no traverse to make, and landing being quite feasible all along, provided you do not obstinately persist in travelling in the breakers and high winds. The land along the shore is good for nothing, except on the prair- ies. You meet eight or ten pretty fine rivers. Deer hunting is pretty good as you get away from the Pottawatamies. "12. As they began to draw to get to the portage, the Illinois having left, the Pottawatamies arrived with much difficulty. We could rot say mass on the feast of the Conception, on account of the bad weather and the cold. During our stay at the mouth of the river, Pierre and Jacques killed three buffalo and four deer; ona of which ran quite a distance with his heart cut in two. They con- tented themselves with killing three or four turkeys of the many which were around our cabin, because they were almost dying of hunger. Jacques bronglit in a partridge he had killed, every way resembling those of France, except that it had like two little wings of three or four feathers, a finger long, near the head, with which they cover the two sides of the neck, where there are no feathers. " 14. Being cabined near the portage, two leagues np the river, we resolved to winter there, on my inability to go further, being too much embarrassed, and my malady not permitting me to stand much fatigue. Several Illinois passed yester- day, going to carry their furs to Nawaskingwe. We gave them a buffalo and a deer that Jacques had killed the day before. I think I never law Indians more greedy for French tobacco than these. They came and threw beaver skins at our feet to get a small piece; but we returned them, giving them some pipes, be- cause we had not yet concluded whether we should go on. "15. Cbachagwessiou aad the other Illinoisleft us to go and fin'd their peo- ple and give them the merchandise which they had brought, in order to get Uieir furs, in which they act like traders and hardly give more than the French ; 1 in- structed them before their departure, deferring the holding a council till spring, when I should be at their village ; they gave us for a fathom of tobaceo three fine buffalo robes, which have done us good service this winter. Being thus relieved, we said the mass of the Conception. Since the 14th, my disease has turned into a dysentery, " S"- Jacques arrived from the Illinois village, which was only six leagues Co "^^ o y^-yasj- ,caT j- n v o .rNOUL'i/Ni LJ Q 2 CD I £5 -; Q O Q ■-1 <: < NATIONS ESLOLGNKEi DANS LEJi E re RI^E.J 1- 1 i ■'1 < 1 1 1 4- c-o ro O Marquette s Journal. 33 ftom here, where they are starving. The cold and snow prevent their hunting. Some having informed la Toupine and thi surgeon that we were here, and unable to leave their cabin, had so alarmed the Indians, believing that we would starve remaining here, that Jacques had great trouble in preventing fifteen young men from coming to carry all our affairs. "Jan. l6, 1675. As soon as the two Frenchmen knew thatmy illness prevented my going to them, the surgeon came here, with an Indian, to bring us some whortle- berries and bread ; they are only eighteen leagues from here, in a beautiful hunting ground for buffalo and deer, and turkeys, which are excellent there. They had, too, laid up provisions while awaiting us, and had given the Indians to understand that the cabin belonged to the blackgovm. And I may say that they said and did all that could be expected of them ; the surgeon having stopped hereto attend to his duties, I sent Jacque with him to tell the Illinois, who were near there, that my illness prevented my going to see them, and that if it continued I should scarce- ly be able to go there in the spring. " 34. Jacque returned with a bag of corn and other refreshments that the French had given him for me ; he also brought the tongues and meat of two buf- falo that he and an Indian had killed near by ; but all the animals show the bad- ness of the season. " 26. Three Illinois brought us from the head men, two bags of corn, some dried meat, squashes, and twelve beavers ; 1st, to make me a mat; 2d, to ask me for powder; 3d, to prevent our being hungry ; 4th, to have some few good^. I answered them : firstly, that I had come (to instruct them, by speaking to them of the prayer, &c ; secondly, that I would not give them powder, as we were en- deavoring to diffuse-peace on all sides, and I did not wish them to begin a war with the Miamis ; thirdly, that we were in no fear of starving; fourthly, that I would encourage the French to carry them goods, and that they must satisfy those among them for the wampum taken from them, as soon as the surgeon started to come here. As they had come twenty leagues, to pay them for their trouble and what they brought me, I gave them an axe, two knives, three clasp knives, ten fathoms of wampum, and two double mirrors ; tilling them I should endeavor to go to the village merely for a few days,"if my illness continued. They told me to take courage, to stay and die in their country, and said that they had been told that I would remain long with them. "Feb. 9. Since we addressed ourselves to the Blessed Virgin Immaculate, to whom we began a novena by a mass, at which Pierre and Jacque, who do all they can to relieve me, received, to ask my recovery of the Almighty, my dysentery has ceased ; there is only a weakness of the stomach left. I begin to feel much bet- ter, and to recover my strength. None of the Illinois who had ranged them- selves near us have been cabined for a month ; some took the road to the Potta- watamies, and some are still on the lake, waiting for the navigation to open. They carry letters to our Fathers at St. Francis. "20. We had time to observe the ' tide which comes from the lake, rising and falling, although there appears no shelter on the lake. We saw the ice go against the wind. These tides made the water good or bad, because what comes from above flows from the prairies and small streams The deer, which are plentiful on the lake shore, are so lean that we had to leave some that we killed. "March 23. — We killed several partridges : only the male has the little wings at the neck, the female not having any. These partridgrs are pretty good, but do not come up to the French. " 30. The north wind having prevented the thaw till the 25th of March, it be- gan with a southerly wind. The next day game began to appear ; we killed thirty wild pigeons, which I found better than those below (Quebec), but smaller, . both young and old. On the 28th, the ice broke and choked above us. On the 29th the water was So high that we had barely time to uncabin in haste, put our things on trees, and try to find a place to sleep on some hillock, the water gain- ing on us all night ; but having firozen a little, and having fallen as we were near our luggage, the dyke burst and the ice went down, and as the waters are again ascending already, we are going to embark to continue our route ■ " The Blessed Virgin Immaculate has taken such care of us during our winter- tering, that we have wanted nothing in the way of provisions, having a large bag 34 DisGovery of His £ones. of com still left, meat and grease ; we have too, lived most peacefiilly, my sick- ness hot preventing me from saying mass every day. We were able to keep Lent only Fridays and Saturdays. " 31. Having started yest^erday, we made three leagues on the liver, going up, without finding any portage. We dragged for half an arpent. Besides thb out- let, the river has another, by which we must descend. Only the very high grounds escape inundation. That where we are has increased more than twelve feet. Here we began our porla^e more than eighteen months ago. Geese and duck pass constantly. We contented ourselves with seven. The ice- still brought -down, detain us here, as we do not know in what state the river is lower down. "April I. As I do not yet know whether I shall remain this summer at the village or not, on account of my dysentery, we left there what we could dispense with, especially a bag of corn, while detained by a strong south wind. We hope to-morrow to reach the spot where the French are, fifteen leagues from here. "6. The high winds and cold prevent us from proceeding. The two lakes by which we have passed,, are full of bustards, geese, ducks, cranes, and other birds that we do not know. The rapids are pretty dangerous in some places. We have Just met the surgeon, with an Indian,, going up with a canoe-load of furs ; but the ■cold being too severe for men who have to drag their canoes through the water, he has just made a cache of. his beaver, and goes back to the village with us to- fliorrow. If the Jrench get robes from the country, they do not rob them, so great is the hardship they experience in getting them." (Copied from The Historical Magazine, contributed by Shea, who trans- lated it from the French.) The old chapel at St. Ignace stood guard over the remains of Marquette till 1706, when it was burned by Ihe Jesuits on their departure from this historic spot, and until the autumn of 1877 no steps were taken either to memo,rize the grave of the missionary explorer or to recover his bones, at which time in the mi^nth of May, Pierre Grondau discovered the foundation walls of a small build- ing, the stones bearing the marks of fire. The location accorded with the des- -cription of the spot marked in La Hontan's map, originally published in France in 1703, and republished in London in 1772, as the site of the house of the Jesuits. By direction of Father Jacker, village priest, further excavations were made the same year, and conclusive proofs of the identity of the spot as- the grave of Mar- quette were obtained. The spot where the altar of the Virgin had stood was fouiid, and buried in front of it were wrought iron nails, a hinge, and charred- wood. These relics, and a large piece of birch bark, in a good state of preserva tipn, were within the walls of a vault, which walls were of cedar still partially preserved. The bones were nearly all turned to dust, two only being found. The foregoing facts were obtained from a paper read before the Chicago His- torical Society, Oct. i6th, 1877, by Mr. Cecil Barnes, a resident of Chicago, who was an eye-witness, having assisted in the excavation. CHAPTER II. Si. 'Cata/remqui huilt at the Outlet of Lake Ontario — La Salle a/rrives in Canada — His Ambitious Pla/ns — He builds a Ves- sel for Navigating the Lakes — It sails for Oreen Bay, and is sent hack Laden with Furs — La Salle arrives at the mouth ■of the St. Joseph and huilds a Fort — Goes to the Illinois liiver and commences Building a Vessel to Explore the Mis- sissippi to its Mouth — Hennepin starts to Moplore the Upper Mississippi — His Captivity — Du Lhut among the Sioux — La ■Salle returns to Canada to raise Recruits — Bad News from Ft. CreoB'Cceur — Betribution — Iroqxiois Invasion of the IIU- nois Covmtry— Indian Trading BoUm— Desperate Exploit of Tonty — Council with tlie Western Tribes — La SalWs Flams Reswmed — Success. The journey of Marquette and Joliet had outlined a work far beyond the comprehension of any one at that time, and to utilize it was too heavy an undertaking even for all the French forces in ■Canada, till, ample preparations could be made, in the way of building forts to connect Quebec to the Illinois coimtry. The French had nothing to fear from the Western tribes, but their communication with them was impossible unless the Iroquois ■could be propitiated ; for these tribes held the whole present .State of New York, and not only did their canoes sweQp Lake Ontario, but their war parties often scoured the country north of it* Frontenac, a man of distinguished ability, was then Gover- * In 1649, an unusually fearful Iroquois invasion was visited upon the Huron tribes, who wer^ allies of the French, and among whom successful missions had been established. These were destroyed, arid two heroic missionaries, Brebeuf and Lalemant, refusing to leave their charge in the hour of danger, fell before the merciless invaders. The following account of their death is copied from Park- man's Jesuits in America ! , " On the afternoon of the sixteenth — the day when the two priests were captured — Brebeuf was led apart, and bound to a stake. He seemed more concerned for ihis captive converts than for himself, and addressed them in a loud voice, exhort- ing them to suffer patiently, and promising Heaven as their reward. The Iro- quois, incensed, scorched him from bead to foot, to silence him ; whereupon, in the tone of a master, he threatened them with everlasting flames, for persecuting -the worshipers of God. As he continued to speak, with voice and countenance anchanged, they cnt away his lower lip and thrust a red-hot iron down his throa'.. 36 La Salle Arrives in Canada. nor of Canada, and, with a view to Western progress, in 167S, had convened a council with the Iroquois, at the outlet of Lake- Ontario, to obtain permission of them to build a fort. In this he was successful, and the fort was constructed at once, and named Ft. Catarauqui. This was a great point gained by the French, for it not only served as a barrier against the recurrence of an Iroquois invasion of Canada, but it brought French gooda into a more direct competition with the Dutch trade at Albany, by the facilities which the fort offered as a trading post. Conspicuous among the adventurous explorers of Canada at that time, was Robert Cavelier, known in history by the name of La Salle. He was the son of a wealthy merchant living at Eouen, France, from which place he came to Canada in the spring of 1666. His seven years' life in American wilds previous to Mai-- quette's discovery of the Mississippi river, was largely spent in exploring the interior. One of his expeditions was made across the Iroquois country to tlie Ohio river, and down its channel as far as the falls at Louisville. As might be supposed, the actual discov- ery of the Mississippi stimulated La Salle's ambition to higher aims than ever. That it emptied into the Gulf of Mexico and not into the Pacific Ocean, was now his settled belief, and, peer- ing into the future, he foresaw with a penetrating eye the yet unmeasured volume of trade which would one day pour through the deltas of the Mississippi to the sea. There was enchantment in the thought that he should be the instrument by which this would be thrown into the lap of France, and to accomplish this He still held his tall form erect and defiant, with no sign or sound of pain ; and- they tried another means to overcome him. They led out Lalemant, that Brebeuf might see him tortured. They had tied strips of bark, smeared with pitch, about his naked body. When he saw the condition of his Superior, he could not hide his agitation, and called out tO'him, with a broken voice, in the words of Saint Paul, ' We are made a spectacle to the world, to angels, and to men.' Then he threw himself at Brebeuf 's feet ; upon which the Iroquois seized him, made him fast to a stake, and set fire to the bark that enveloped him. As the flame rose, he threw his arms upward, with a shriek of supplication to Heaven. Next they hung around Brebeuf 's neck a collar made of hatchets heated red hot ; but the indom- itable priest stood like a rock.. A Huron in the crowd, who had been a convert ol the mission, but was now an Iroquois by adoption, called out, with the malice of a renegade, to pour hot water on their heads, since they had poured so much cold water on those of others. The kettle was accordingly slung, and the water boiled and poured slowly on the heads of the two missionaries. ' We baptize you,' they cried, ' that you may be happy in Heaven ; for nobody can be saved without a good baptism.' Brebeuf would not flinch ; and, in a rage, they cut strips of flesh from his limbs, and devoured them before his eyes. Other renegade Huifons call- ed out to him, 'You told us that the more one suffers on earth, the happier he is in Heaven. We wish to Aake you happy ; we torment you because we love you ; and you ought to thank us for it.' After a succession of other revolting tortures, they scalped him ; when, seeing him nearly dead, they laid open his breast, and came in a crowd to drink the blood of so valiant an enemy, thinking to imbih< with it some portion of his. courage. A chief then tore out his heart, and devocf ed it." • Fivst Vessel on the Lakes. 3T «nd became the idol of his imagination till death. Intent upon tlie fnlfiUment of these designs, he sailed for France in the autumn< ■of 1674, the next year alter the disco vei:y of the Mississippi. Frontenac and La Saiie were on the most friendly terms, for they -were no rivals. La Salle did not envy him as governor, because he aimed at higher tame than could come from the vice- roy's chair of a province. N"or did Frontenac envy La Salle as an explorer, especially as he felt an assurance that he should be a sharer in any honors growing out of his discoveries. He there- ibre gave La SaUe letters of the highest commendation to the •court of France, which insured him a favorable hearing. Louis XIV., the king, gave him the order of knighthood and granted him a seigniory of land adjacent to Ft. Catarauc[ui. Eeturning •to Canada, he rebuilt the fort with substantial waUs of stone, within two years, and changed its name to Frontenac. The next step was to build a fort at the mouth of the Niagara river. By •dint of great exertions and profuse presents to the Seneca tribe of the Iroquois Nation, he obtained reluctant permission to do ■this, and also to build a vessel above the falls of Niagara, with wliich to navigate the lakes. The fort having been finishfed, the vessel was next completed, and launched early in the spring oi 1679. It was named the Griffin, in honor of the family arms of Frontenac. Th« immediate design of this vessel was to convey materials wherewith to build another vessel on thelUinois river, with which to navigate tlie Mississippi to its mouth. This mis- sion executed, the exploring party were to set sail for France, :after taking formal possession of the Mississippi, valley in the vname of the French king. Beyond these designs was another less practical one, which ■contemplated a raid on the Spanish province of Mexico, at the head often thousand Indians, for the purpose of reducing it to a French province. This latter madcap scheme of La Salle's must have had its origin in the inspirations of a forest life, which have often turned the brain of otherwise able-minded men into Utopi- an channels. Soon as the vessel was finished it was launched, and anchored in the stream as a measure of safety lest the Senecas might, in a ■fit of jealousy, set fire to it. On the 7th of August, everything was made ready. The sailors were at their posts, some at the <;apstan drawing her anchor, and others hoisting her canvas to the iirst breezes that ever wafted a vessel over Lake Erie; A can- oion was fired on the occasion, and the Grifiin gracefully moved away from the shore, tacking to the larboard and starboard alter- nately, in order to make headway up the Niagara river, to the astonishment of the Indians, who beheld the strange spectacle for the first time. Her crew numbered about thirty, all told, 38 Arrival at tJie St. 'Joseph. among whom were Fathers Qabriel Memhre and Hennepiir, Toutj having been' sent in advnnco to Micliilinuifkinac. The Gririffih sailed up Lake Erie, up the Detroit river, and across Lake Huron to Micliilimaokinac. Stopping here a short time, she became the marvel of the Indians, who called her the mon- ster canoe. Next she proceeded to Green Bay, landing at am island there, where her cargo was unloaded. This consisted of trinkets for Indian traffic in part, but its most valuable portion^ was the materials wherewith to build another vessel on the Illi- riois river, such as chains, bolts, cables, and ablacksmith's forge.. The Griffin was loaded with furs and sent back from whence she- came, and her unloaded freight packed into small boats, to be- transported from thence to the Illinois river. For some cause,, not now known. La Salle had determined to make the trip by the- way of the St. Joseph river, crossing the portage from its elbow near the present site of South Bend, to the head-waters of the- Kankakee river, thence down stream till deep water on the Illi- nois was reached. With this intent, he started with seventeen, men, with his small boats, along the western shore of Lake Michigan. The southern exti'emity of the lake had to be doub- led, and its eastern shore followed to the point of destination^ the mouth of the St. Joseph. Tonty had been ordered to meet him at this place, with tweiity iiien, from Michilimackinac. While waiting for him. La Salle set his men at work to build a palisaded fort, and, for the first time, the sound of the axe and saw, rung along those cone-shaped sand-hills which now teem with an annual burden of peaclies for the Chicago market. Is it to be wondered that La Salle should be more favorably impress ed with the large and beautiful river of Sti Joseph than the in significant stream at Chicago, whose mouth was almost closed with a sand-bar ? Tonty arrived at 'the appointed spot at the end of twenty days, when the order was' given to advance. Two men were left ii> the lonesome fort, and the flotilla paddled up the tranquil watert- of the St. Joseph to the carrying place, where the freight wa&. unloaded, and with the boats, carried across the dividing ridge,, by a devious path, to the head-waters of the Kankakee. Inta this stream the boats were launched, and loaded again, for fihai transportation. 'Twas a strange sight, to behold a miniature army of resolute Frenchmen threading their course along the slujggish httle stream, almost overiapped with . water bushes. This sea of mud is seldom entered, even now, except on wild duck excursions; and many an effeminate sportsman, whovhas. been tempted from his luxurious parlors in the present Chicago., to invade these bottomless swam]>s on such errands, has returned, with the ague. As La Salle passed along, the stream widened Arrival in the Illinois Country. 39 and the surroundings improved, till he reached the great village of the Illinois, on the river which still bears their name. It was on New Year's day in 1680. All was silent, for the inhabitants — braves, squaws, pappooses, and dogs — ^had gone on their win- ter's hunt. La Salle was in need of provisions, and, impelled by necessity, took from their storehouses corn enough to feed his men, and kept on Lis course down the river. Arriving at the present site of Peoria, he met the returning Indians. A council was convened at once, in which La Salle made known the nature of his mission. First, he made satisfactoi-y apologies for having taken their com, and paid them its value in goods. His next business was to get leave to build a fort and also a vessel for the navigation of the Mississippi. This liberty was easily obtained from the flexible Illinois tribes, whose jealousy had never been aroused against the French. Work on both was commenced. The palisaded fort was soon finished. The keel of the vessel was laid, and its ribs placed in position, when murmurs of disconr tent arose among the ship-carpenters, and a few of them desert- ed, in consequence of not being paid promptly. It is no marvel that these men should prefer the ease and im- munity from care, which the amenities of savage life offered them, rather than the service of the austere and exacting La Salle, with, to them, but a barren hope of pay, especially as they did not share his hopeful ambition. That La Salle did not make proper allowance for such contingencies, was one of the weak points that undermined his best-laid plans, and robbed him of that suc- cess, which his broad-gauge intellect and zeal deserved. These ■first desertions were but a foretaste of that bitter cup, which his overweening dash at the impracticable was preparing for him. We have such men among us now, and perhaps one in a thousand of them, by some eccentric turn of the wheel of fortune, achieves success, which example, like a contagion, seizes upon a thousand more, to lastly be victimized.* La Salle, whose nature forbade *Tonty, who was an eye witness to the whole, in his Life of La Salle, page 35, uses the following language on the desertion of the men ; " Most of our men being discouraged by a long and tedious voyage, the end whereof they could not see, and weary of a wandering life in forests and deserts, . where they had no other company but brutes and savages, without any guide, car- riage, and provisions, could not forbear murmuring against the author of so tire- some and perilous an enterprise. M. La Salle, whose penetration was extraordin- ary, discovered immediately their dissatisfaction, and tried all possible means to prevent the consequences thereof. The glory of the enterprise, the example pf the Spaniards, the hopes of a great booty, and everything else that may engage men, we made use of to encourage them and inspire them with better sentiments ; but these exhortations, like oil poured upon fire, served only to increase their dis- satisfaction. What said they ? ' Must we always be slaves to his caprices, and be continually bubbled by his visions and foolish expectations ? and must the fatigues we have hitheito undergone be used as an argument to oblige us to go through more perils, to gratify the ambition or folly of a merciless man ?' " 40 Hennepin Sent to Explore the Upper Mississippi. him to look on but one side of a question, and that the front side, supplied the places of the deserters, by his wonderful faculty of bringing an extra stock of energy into service, and by these means continued work on the vessel. Of the four, priests who comprised the party of adven- turers, Hennepin was the least in favor. Ever prone to intrude his advice unasked, or to attribute unlucky incidents to a neglect of his counsel,, he became a bore, all the less endurable, because his sacred robes protected hina from cen- sure.* He was ever pluming himself, on his self-sacrificing spirit and willingness to undertake any enterprise, however dangerous, providing it would advance the Christian cause among the heathen, and that his highest ambition was to die in such a service. There was no lack of priests in the fort, and La Salle conceived the thought of taking Hennepin at his word, by send- ing him on an expedition to explore the head-waters of the Mis- sissippi. The astonished priest accepted the mission, but with a bad grace, and started in an open canoe with two attendants, on the last day of February, his brother priests uniting with La Salle in lavishing upon him words of consolation, as he left the fort to push his way among new and unheard-of tribes of savages, in an equally unknown land. And here we wiU leave La Salle, to follow the fortunes of Hennepin and his two companions, Accau and Du Gay. They were provided with an ample store of goods, to be used as presents to the different tribes they might encounter on their way ; besides which, were provisions, guns and ammunition. They glided down the Illinois river to its con- fluence with the Mississippi, and plied their oars up the stream, in obedience to orders. Game was abundant, and they fared well till the 12th of April, when, stopping on shore to roast a wild turkey for dinner, they beheld with consternation a war- party of 120 naked savages, breaking the solemn silence of the uninhabited place, with the nofsy whooping of Indians on th« war-path. The little party were immediately taken captive, de- spite the ceremonials of the calumet, or the inevitable tobacco accompanying it. They were a band of Sioux, intending to make war on the Miamis, in revenge for some old scores ; but the raiders were turned from their purpose, when Hennepin informed them, bj- signs, that the Miamis were away from home on a hunting ex- cursion. The next business to be settled was the fate, of tlie three French captives. As to the question whether they should be killed, or treated with hospitality, there was at first, a division of opinion. Had the chivalrous La Salle been among the French * This analysis of his character is drawn from Farkman, who has exposed the frailties of Hennepin unsparingly. Captivity of Hennepin. 41 party, his impressive dignity would have insured the utmost cour- tesy toward themselves ; but Hennepin was overcome with ter- ror, and the' haughty Sioux could have but little respect for him. After a hasty council, however, they concluded to spare the lives of the captives, in order to encourage more Frenchmen to come among them, with the much-coveted trinkets, of which it was known they had an abundance. But this decision was not made known to the captives. On the contrary, Hennepin was inform- ed by signs, amid a din of wailings, that his head was to be split with a war-club. This unwelcome news drew forth from him some presents, which at least had the eflfect to postpone the exe- cution of such a cruel purpose. The Indians now concluded to return to their home among the little lakes at the upper Mississippi, and take the captives with them ; but they kept up the practice of their villainous tricks to extort goods from Hennepin, till nearly his whole store was ex- hausted. Pending these griefs, Hennepin sought consolation in reading his morning devotion from his breviary ; but this solace was a fresh source of danger, for the devotional murmurings of liis voice were interpreted by the Indians, as a piece of sorcery, which might bring retribution upon themselves. Hennepin, ob- serving this, chanted the words in a clear, musical voice, which amused instead of terrified his hearers, and satisfied his own ■conscience. The party arriving at the vicinity of St. Paul, the boats were concealed in a thicket, and they started on foot across the country to their respective lodges. 'Twas early in May, but remnants of ice still clung around the shaded margins of river, lake and marsh, imparting an icy chill to the waters through which the travelers passed, sometimes shallow, and sometimes deep enough to swim them. Between these low savannas, long stretches of high prairie had to be tra- versed, over which the naked-limbed Indian skimmed along with nimble step, but the poor priest, shackled by his long robes, lagged behind in spite of his utmost exertion. Seeing this, the Indians, always fertile in expedients, took hold of his hands, one on each side, and pulled him along at a rapid pace, while they set fire to the dry prairie grass behind him, to act as an extra incentive to speed. " Five days of this exhaustive travel brought them to the Indian town in the region of MiUe Lac. Here the captives were adopt- ed, each by a different chief, and consequently separated from ,each other. Hennepin was taken by Aquipaguetin, the head chief of the party and his most persistent persecuter on the way. His home was on an island in Lake Mille Lac, where five wives and a due proportion of children paid savage courtesies to their lord and master. Hennepin was well received. A sweating 42 Life Among the Sioux. tath waa given him, and Ms mutilated feet rubbed with wildcat's oil, under an impression that, by this process, the agility of that animal might be measurably imparted to the patient. He was fed on a short allowance of wild rice and dried whortleberries, of which the Indians, had laid in no over-stock for winter's use ; but all shared alike, except sometimes a httle preference shown by the squaws for their own children. Ouasicoudie was the highest in rank, as chief of the Sioux of ■ tiiis region, and he had no sooner learned of the arrival of the three French captives, and the dastardly tricks by which Henne- pin had been robbed, than he berated Aquipaguetin severely, for he had been the instigator of those villainous devices, which the high-minded Sioux discarded as a nation. • As the weary days wore along, the supply of food diminished and hunger began to warn these improvident children of nature,, > that something must be done to appease it. For this purpose, a. buffalo hunt was determined on in early summer, and Hennepin •was promised that he might accompany them. This was good news to him, as it gave promise of a plentiful supply of food ;. but inasmuch as he was to accompany the grim father of his adoption, Aquipaguetin, he feared that fresh abuses werie in store for him, when away from the influences of Ouasicoudie. To- avert this new danger, the reverend father told the Indians, that a party of Frenchmen were to meet him, at the mouth of the Wis- consin river, in the summer, with a stock of goods.* . The time came for starting on the proposed buffalo hunt, and the 250 braves, with their squaws and children, and boats enough to carry them were promptly on the spot. Adcau and Du Gay had a boat of their own, a present from the Indians, into whose food graces they had grown since their captivity^ But poor [ennepin was no favorite. Boat after boat passed the forsaken priest, as he stood on the river bank begging a passage. Even the two Frenchmen refused to takts him in ; and but for the con- descension of one of the crew in the rear, the missionary would have been left -alone, in those distant and savage realms of the wilderness. Arriving at the mouth of Bum river, they all en- camped on the bank of the Mississippi. . Yery short rations of dried buffalo meat was their fare, except what unripe berries could be gleaned from the uncultivated face of nature, which ^^as-' * Hennepin affirms that. La Salle had promised this to 'him when hp left Ft. Creve-Gqeur ; but the truth of this assertion may well be quesiioned, especially: since Hennepin's veracity has been tarnished by the mendacious book of travels, -vrhich he published on his return to France. In this book he claimed to have- explored the Mississippi to its mouth. It had a large sale, and won for him a rep- illlipn which was as shoH-lived as his motive in writing it was contemptible, inas- snucbi as' his aim was to rob the true explorers of the lower Mississippi of the hon- «>< due to them- alone. ....... Arrvoal of Du Lhut.. 4? spread out in appaUing amplitude around them. Hennepin, as might be supposed, was disgusted with Indian life, and so was Du Gay. The two, theretbre, obtained permission of Ouasi- coudie, who liad always been their friend, to leave the encamp- ment, and go and meet the expected Frenchmen at the mouth of the Wisconsin river. Meantime, Accau's highest ambition was to remain with his savage associates.* Equipped with a birchen canoe, ai knife, a gun, and an earthen. Eot of Sioux manufacture, in which to boil meat, the Father and >u Gay, his companion, started down the river. They arrived^ at the falls on St. Anthony's day, and Hennepin, in honor of the- Saint, gave them his name, which they still retain. Thence they made their way down the river by slow stages, for they were- obliged to resort, in part, to turtles andi Jjsh. for subsistence, inas- much as their stock of ammunition was- getting short ; and to- capture these in sufficient quantities to- appease hunger caused, ■much detention. While the travelers were urging their way »oward the Wisconsin — of course, with the intention of ultimately- reaching Canada — they were disagreeably surprised to see Aqui- paguetin, with ten warriors, coming down the river. Hennepin feared the worst, but no harm was offered him. The chief was- on his way to meet the French at the mouth of the Wisconsin, for purposes of traffic, and, after a brief salutation, swept past: tlie Frenchmen. In three days he returned, having found nc French traders there. Approaching Hennepin, he gave him. a. severe scolding, and passed along up the river, to the great relief-' of the terrified Father. The travelers had now but ten charges- of powder left, which was too small a supply to last them on so- long a trip as the route to Canada. In this emergency, they determined to again join the Sioux hunters, who were now en^ camped on the Chippewa river, an. affluent of Lake Pepin, not far distant. They soon found them, and, happily for the wan- derers, in a good humor, for they-had been unusually successful in killing buffalo. Exciting news was soon brought to their encampment by two- old sqiiaws. A war party of Sioux had met five white men- coming into their country from Lake Superior, by the way of the- St. Croix river. Much curiosity was manifested by Hennepin,. to- know who the white explorers were. The hunt was over, and as the Indians were to return at once, their curiosity was soon to- be gratified, for Hennepin and his companion were to return wit^ii them; On arriving at the present site of St. Paul, the expected visitors were met, and they proved to be no other than the- * Since Accau had declared his resolution to remain with the Sioux, Du Gay haA made ample apologies to Hennepin for ha-ving refused him a place in his boat OD» staiting from Mille Lac, and they -were now restored to good fellowship ag^in. 44 La Salle Stan'tsfor Cmada. famous explorer, Daniel Greysolon Du Lhut, with four compan- ions. This master-spirit of the forest had been two years among the far-off lodges of the Sioux, and other tribes to the north, ex- ploring, like La Salle, under the patronage of Frontenac. Having learned that three white men were in the country, he Tliey commenced their journey in a canoe, and packing into it a slender outfit of blankets, guns, and tlie inevitable bag of hom- iny, they tugged up the Illinois river till the moutli of the Kan- kakee was reached. Up this stream they plied their oars till they came about to the present site of Joliet. Here the ice of winter was still unbroken, and the canoe had to be abandoned. Blankets, guns and other luggage, were now packed on their shoulders, and they took up their march through the oozy savan- nas, which intervened between them and Ft. Miamis, at the mouth of tlie St. Joseph river, which was the first point to be- reached. Taking their com-se to the northeast, according to their best knowledge of locality, after a few days of toilsome travel, and as many nights of cold comfort on the damp ground, they were gladdened by the sight of Lake Michigan. The point at which they struck it vras but a few miles south of Chicago, near the mouth of the Calumet.* Following the shore of the- lake, around its southern extremity, on the 24th they arrived at the fort, where its lonesome garrison of two men still stood sen- tinels of the forest, like hermits, cut ofi' from all communication, with the world. When La Salle had sent his vessel hack down the lakes from. Green Bay, loaded with furs, he gave orders to have her return- to Ft. Miamis for a second trip ; and, notwithstanding no tidings, had reached him of the vessel since her departure, he had not. entirely relinquished all hopes that she had ai-rived at this place, in obedience to his orders, and that he might yet recruit his ex- hausted finances from the sale of her cargo ; but these hopes^ were not realized — neither the vessel nor any news of her was- here-t The Grifiin never had been heard from since she left. Green Bay ; no doubt could noy be entertained, that she had been lost during the heavy gales that prevailed soon after she set sail on the great wilderness of waves that the lakes then were, without a lighthouse or a chart, to guide the pioneer bark along, the unknown shore. Without taking time to rest, La Salle, with his party, again plunged into the • leafless forests, striking their course toward the western extremity of Lake Erie. It was an unknown country. "With no otheV guide but a pocket compass, the travelers pushed through thjckets and swamps, weighted down with camping equipments and guns. After a few days* travel, they found memselves pursued by a band of Indians sup- posed to be Iroquois. For several days their footsteps were dogged, and all attempts to elude their pursuit were unavailing. * Parkman's Discovery of the Great West, p. 178. f In obedience to orders from La Salle, the two men at the fort had made a tour around the northern shore of the lake, to get news from the Gri£5n, but nothing, could be learned of her fate. 46 Arrwal in Ccmada. "The leaf-strewn ground wias set on fire, bnt the wily enemy fol- lowed their tracks like bloodhounds. Lest they might come iip- -on them in the night, no camp-fires were made. The cold supper -of dried meat was eaten in silence, each wrapped himself in his blankets, and laid down to sleep, knowing that an enemy was near, thirsting for their blood. Thus they proceeded on their way till the second of April, on. which night the cold was too severe to bear, and a fire was kindled to thaw their clothes, which were stiffened with ice. No sooner than the light was descried, their pursuers came upon them with terrific yells ; but, happily for La Salle's party, a deep stream intervened between his camp And the j^ostile party. La Salle boldly advanced to its banks to get a sight a;t the enemy, when a parley ensued, which resulted in ascertaining them to be a band of Mascoutins, and not Iro- <[uois, as at f&st supposed. The mistake was mutual, as the Mascoutins also supposed La Salle's party to be a band of Iro- quois, to meet whom was the signal for a fight. This danger a,verted, they continued their journey till the Detroit river was reached. Two of his men were sent frohi this place to Michili- juackinac ; and with the remaining two, among whom was Nika, he crossed the Detroit river on a raft, and bent his course toward •the north shore of Lake Erie; reaching which place, a canoe was made, and the traivelers started for Ft. Niagara, coasting the northern shore of the lake. It was past the middle of April when they arrived. The hard- ships of the journey had told fearfully upon his men. Two of them had become unfit for active duty before the Detroit was reached ; and now the other two, one of whom was the hardy Kika, were unable to proceed farther, while La Salle himself was in the flush of strength and vigor— -a striking proof of the power of a great mind over the body. Here news of fresh dis- asters greeted him again. A vessel laden with stores for him, from France, was wrecked on entering the St. Lawrence river ; but this Was not all. His envious enemies in Canada had circu- lated various evil reports about him, and not only estranged some of his friends, but had induced a new recruit of men from France, destined for his service, to desert him. Never before had such a combination of disasters overtaken him. The very ele- ments seemed to have conspired to destroy what the treachery of his supposed friends could iiot. In this extremity, he' select- ed three fresh men from Ft. Niagara, and started for Montreal. On the 6th of May, he arrived at Ft. Frontenac, on his way, which was the spot where his knighthood had been endowed with a seigniory of land. Hei-e he might have become the wealthiest man in Canada, could he have contented himself to parcel out these lands to the peasantry of Canada^ and receive .rents from them, like other noblemen. But these honors would The Deserters. 4T have been stale and insipid to the high-minded explorer, whose mind ran on the destinies of New France. When he reached Montreal, his dignified bearing was a matter of astonishment to his enemies, and was not long in restoring the confidence of his friends. The grandeur of his still unshaken resolution was con- sistent with the even grander schemes in which he bad enlisted for life ; and, in less than a week after his arrival, both men and money were placed at his disposal, to renew his plans. Active preparations were now made for his departure to the Illinois country with his new recruits ; but before these were completed, he received bad news from Ft. Creve-Gceur, by messengers sent from Tonty. The fort had been plundered and entirely destroy- ed by its own garrison, all having joined in the infamous work except Tonty and four or five others of his companions, who were still true to La Salle's interest. The renegades took the advantage of a brief absence of Tonty to accomplish the work ; and, ere. his return, they had robbed the place of everything of value which could be carried away, and threw into the river what they could not steal. E'ext, they went to Ft. Miamis and committed similar depredations, and closed, their career of robbery at Michilimackinac, by stealing a ■qnantitv of furs at that place, whicli belonged to La Salle. Soon after this unwelcome news came, two other messengers arrived, and informed La Salle that the robbers, numbering twelve men, in three gangs, were now on their way to Ft. Fron- tenac, with the intention of killing him at sight. Selecting nine ■of his bravest men, he now resolved to waylay them ere their- arrival. In this he was successful, and soon returned to Ft. Fron- tenac with the whole party as prisoners, except two who had been killed in the encounter. It was now of the utmost importance that he should make all haste to the Illinois country, to relieve Tonty of the perils which environed him. On the 10th of August everything was made ready, and he embarked from Ft. Frontenac with his new com- mand, numbering twenty-five men. He chose his route by the way of Lake Simcoe and along the shores of Geoi'gian Bay to Michilimackinac. From this place he started in advance, with twelve men, and left the rest to transport the heavy materials, under command of La Forest. Coasting along the east shore of Lake Michigan, he soon came to the St. Joseph, and, as he ex- pected, found Ft. Miamis in ruins. Leaving five of his m6u here to rebuild the fort and await the approach of La Forest, he ipushed on by the same route he had traveled before, through the perplexing mazes of the Kankakee, in its mud-bound circKngs. No signs of human life were seen; but when the Illinois river was reached, herds of bufialo made their appearance, and. the scene was changed.. Hurrying along in painful 48 Iroquois Invasion of the Illinois Country. suspense, the site of the once familiar Indian town was reached ; bat instead of a wHd, tumultauus scene of Indians- dancing grotesque figures or grouped around in Jazj dalliance, a ghastly spectacle cf human skulls projecting from the ranaparts- of the ruined fort greeted his eyts. The Iroquois -had been there and swept away every sign of life, not even respecting the tombs of the dead ; for these had been desecrated, and masses of fetid flesh and disjointed bones lay scattered over the green. This crushing disaster had fallen upon La Salle when hope- was reviving of a speedy accomplishment of his plans. Search- ing among the' slain, all the while fearing he should find Tonty and his three or four faithful comrades, a painful sense of his for- lorn situation came over him ; but he was calm, and betrayed no- signs of despair. A night of horrors succeeded, in which sleep was impossible. Gangs of wolves, quarreling over the spoils of battle-field, fell upon their ears, as they listened in silence f(;r the war-whoop of the triumphant foe. The next morning, La. Salle, with four of his men, followed the path of the fugitives and their pursuers down the river, to see if any tidings could be heard of Tonty. He kept on till he arrived at the mouth of the river, and here for the first time beheld the majestic Father of Waters, whose accumulated floods were gathered from the far- off realms of Nature's unoccupied domain, still slumbering in secret recluses. Neither Tonty nor any signs of life could be found, and he returned to. the spot where he had left his three- companions. From here, the wliole party, after loading them- selves with half-burnt corn, which the destroyers had set fire to, started for Ft. Miamis on the St. Joseph river, arriving at the- place in January, 1681. Here he found his command, who, according to his orders, had followed on with the baggage, after he had left Michilimackinac, a few weeks before, in such haste, to reHeve Tonty. All his plans had miscarried; here were his men huddled to- gother within the scanty limits of Ft. Miamis, but his base of operations on the Illinois river had been swept away like chaff" befere a whirlwind, and not a solitary representative of his allies the Illinois remained in their native land, and his work was tov begin anew. His resolution was taken at once. A strong league of all the western tribes must be formed, for defensive purppses, against the Iroquois, before he dared to push his explorations down the Mississippi ; and, indeed, it was all-important that the French should show themselves able to defend those western tribes, as a preliminary, step toward getting possession of their country, or, rathei-, gaining. a foothold in it. The late Iroquois invasion of the Illinois coimtry, of which La, Salle had just witnessed the ravages,, was not a mere ebullition of sava,ge frenzy, but the result of a public policy quite as excusa- MeeUng of La Salle and Tonty. 49 ble as the ordinary -vrars of civilized nations. The fur trade was the largest interest, at that time, throughout the entire country, and sharp rivalry in this branch of commerce had. - sieur de La" Salle, having timely notice, sent after them, and they were brought back. One of them was condemned to death, and the others to serve the king ten years in that country. " When our fort was well advanced. Monsieur de La Salle resolved to clear his dotibts, and to go up the river where we were, to know whether it was not an arin of the Mississippi, and accordingly ordered fifty men to attend him, of which . number were Monsieur Cavelier, his brother, and Monsieur Chedeville, botl) priests, two recollet friars, and several volunteers, who set out in five canoes we had, with the necessary provisions. There remained in the fort about an hundred and thirty persons, and Monsieur de La Salle gave me the command of it, with orders not to have any commerce with the natives, but to fire at them if they ap- peared. - " Whilst Monsieur de La Salle was absent, I caused an oven to be built, which was.a great help to us, and employed myself in finishing the fort and putting it in a posture to withstand the Indians, who came frequently in the night to range about us, howling like wolves and dogs ; but two or three musket shots put them to flight. It happened one night that, having fired six or seven shots. Monsieur de La Salle, who was not far from us, heard them, and being in pain about it, he returned with six or seven men, and found all things in a good posture. " He told us he had found a good country, fit to sow and plant all sorts of grain, abounding in beeves and wild-fowl ; that he designed to erect a fort farther up the river, and accordingly he left me orders to square out as much tin^ber as I could get, the sea casting up much upon the shore. He had given the same or- ders to the men he had left on the spot, seven or eight of whom, detached from the rest, being busy at that work,- and seeing a number of the natives-, fled, and unadyisably left their tools behind them. Monsieur de La Salle returning thither, found a paper made fast to a reed, which gave him notice of that accident, which he was concerned at, because of the tools, not so much for the value of the losSj as because it was furnishing the natives with such things as they might afterward make use of against us." La Salle Starts for tlie lUinois Country. 57 the Sieurs Duhaut the elder, I'Archeveque, Hiens, Liotot, sur- geon, young Talon, an Indian,* and a footman belonging to Monsieur de La Salle, &c. We carried along with us part of the best things every man had, and what was thought would be of use. wherewith the fiye horses were loaded, and we took our leaves with as much tenderness and sorrow, as if we had all pre- saged that we should never see each other more. Father Zeno- bius was the person who expressed it to me most significantly, saying he had never been so sensibly touched at parting with anybody." Many a parting adieu was waved to the travelers as they slowly made their way across the extended plain in front of the fort, tiU the last glimpse of their receding forms was lost in the expanse of wilderness which intervened between them and New France. La Salle with his men urged their way over the vast plains of Texas, swimming the rivers that crossed their path, subsisting on buffalo meat, and camping nightly on the ground, till they reached the Trinity riyer. The route thus far had been traveled a few months before by La Salle, in his erratic wanderings in quest of the "fatal river, " and having an overstock of provisions at that time, he concealed some beans in a hollow tree for possi- ble future use. Being now encamped hard by, he despatched Liotot, Hiens, Teissier, L'Archeveque, Nika, and Saget, to se- ■ciire them. To their disappointment, they found them spoiled ; but, on their return, Nika shot two buffalo. 8aget was now des- patched to the camp of La Salle for horses to bring in the meat, to be cured for use on the way. The request was gladly complied with by sending two messen- ger's, Moranget and De Marie, to return with Saget with the necessary horses. The meat had already been-" cut into thin sil- oes and hung out to dry by the usual process ; all except some ohoice bits which Duhaut and his pals had reserved for them^ selves. This was an acknowledged prerogative of the hunter ■who killed game, and to Nika only belonged this right ; but Moranget, in no mood to respect these distinctions, abusing the whole party in a storm of indignation, seized all the meat by force. The tragedy that followed is related by Joutel as follows : "The 16th. in their return, they met with two bullocks, which Monsieur de La Salle's Indian killed, whereupon they sent back his footman, to give him notice of what they had killed, that,if he would have the flesh dried, he might send horses for it. The * The Indian mentioned by Joutel was Nika.- This faithful servant had aecom- panied La Salle in all his forest marches ever since he first pushed his way into, the lake country, and had mere than once furnished subsistence to his famishing inien by his superior skill in hunting, and had piloted them safely through myste- cious portages known only to Indians. 68 Bevolt and Murder Begin. 17th, Monsieur de La Salle had the horses taken up, and ordered the Sieurs Moranget and de Marie, his footman, to go for that meat, and send back a horse load immediately, till the rest ,was dried. "Monsieur Moranget. when he came thither, found they had smoked both the beeves, though they were not dry enough ; and the said Sieurs Liotot, Hiens, Duhaut, and the rest, had laid aside the marrow-bones and others to roast them, as was usual to do. The Sieur Moranget found fault with, it ; ,he in a passion seized -not only the flesh that was smoked and dried, but also the bones, without giving them anything ;, but on, the contrary,, threatening they should not eat so much of it as they had imag- ined, and that he would manage that flesh after another manner. ,. "This passionate behavior, so much out of season, and con- .trary to reason and custom, touched the surgeon Liotot, Hiens, and Dnhaut to the quick, they having other causes of complaint against Moranget. They withdrew, and resolved together upon a bloody revenge ; they agreed upon the manner of it, and con- cluded they would murder the Sieur Moranget, Monsieur de La Salle's footman, and his Indian, because he was very faithful to. him. "They waited till night, when those unfortunate creatures had supped and were asleep. Liotot the surgeon was the inhuman executioner. He tpok an axe, began by the Sieur Moranget, .living him many strokes on the head ; the same he did by the tootman and the Indian, killing them on the spot, whilst his fel- low-villains, viz.: Duhaut, Hiens, Teissier, and L'Archeveque, stood upon their guard, with their arms, to fire upon such as- should make any resistance. The Indian and the footman never stirred, but the Sieur Moranget had so much vigor as to sit up, but without being able to speak one word, and the assassina obliged the Sieur de Marie to make an end of him, though he was not in the conspiracy. "This slaughter had yet satisfied but one part of the revenge of those murderers. To finish it and ■secure themselves it was requisite to destroy the commander-in-chief. They consulted about the safest method to effect it, and resolved to go together to Monsieur de La Salle, to knock out the brains of' the most resolute immediately, and then it would be easier to overcome the rest. But the river, which was between them and us, being- much swollen, the difficulty of passing it made them put it off the 18th and 19th. On the other hand. Monsieur de La Salle was very uneasy on account of their long stay. His impatience made him resolve to go himself to find out Lis people, and \.o know the cause of it. "This was not done without many previous tokens of concern vaA. apprehension. He seemed to have some presage of his misr La Salte Falls a Viotvm. 69- fortnne, inquiring of some whether the Sieur Liotot, Hiens, ancJi Dnhaut had not expressed some discontent; and not hearing anything of it, he could not forbear setting out the 20tb, -witS Father Anastasins and an Indian, leaving me the command in his absence, and charging me from time to time to go the rounds about our camp, to prevent being surprised, and to make a smoke- for him to direct his way in case of need. When he came near the dwelling of the murderers, looking out sharp to discover something, he observed eagles fluttering about a spot* not far from them, which made him believe they had found some carri- on about the mansion, and he fired a shot, which was the signali of his death and forwarded it. "The conspirators hearing the shot, concluded it was Mon- sieur Je La Salle, who was come to seek them. They made- ready their arms and provided to surprise him. Duhaut passed the river. L'Archeveque, the first of them, spying Monsieur de- La Salle at a distance, as he was coming toward them, advancedi and hid himself aniong the high weeds, to wait his passing by, so that Monsieur de La Salle, suspecting nothing, and having pot so much as charged his piece again, saw the aforesaid L'Ar- cheveque at a good distance from him, and immediately asked for his nephew Moranget, to which L'Archeveque answered that" he was along the river. At the same time the traitor Duhaut fired his piece and shot Monsieur de La Salle through the head, so that he dropped down dead on the spot, without speaking one- word. " Fiather Anastasins, who was then by his side, stood stock still in a fright, expecting the same fate,, and not knowing wheth- er he should go forward or backward ; but the murderer Duliaut". put him out of that dread, bidding him not to fear, for no hurt, was intended him ; that it was despair that had prevailed with:, him to do what he saw ; th3.t he had long desired to be revenged- on Moranget, because he had designed to ruin him, and that he was partly the occasion of his uncle's death. This is the exact, relation of that murder, as it was presently after told me by F.. Anastasins. " Such was the unfortunate end of Monsieur de La Salle's life,, at a time when he might entertain the greatest hopes as the re- ward of his labors. He had a capacity and talent to make his- enterprise successful ; his constancy and courage and his extraor- dinary knowledge of the arts and sciences, which rendered him fit for anything, together with an indefatigable body, which made- him surmount all difficulties, would have procured a glorious issue to his undertaking, had not all those excellent qualities been counterbalanced by too haughty a behavior, which sometime* made him insupportable, and by a rigidness toward those tha ■60 The Guilty and Innocent in CovneiZ. were under his command, which at last drew on him an impla- cable hatred, and was the occasion of his death. "The shot which had killed Monsieur de La Salle was also a signal of the murder to the assassins for them to draw near. They all repaired to the place where the wretched dead corpse lay, which they barbarously stripped to the shirt, and vented *heir. malice in vile and opprobrious language. The surgeon Lio- "tot said" several times, in scorn and derision. There thou liesf, ■great Basha; there thou Uest. In conclusion, they dragged it naked among the bushes, and left it exposed to the ravenous wild beasts. So far was it from what a certain author writes, oi their having buried him and set up a cross on his grave. ""When those murderers had satiated their rage, they set out to come to us at our camp with the dried flesh, which they had caused to be brought over the river by the Indians, who had been spectators of the murder and of all the inhuman acts that .had been committed, with amazement and contempt of us. When they were come to the camp, they found Messieurs Cave- aier the one brother, the other nephew to the murdered com- mander, whom. Father Anastasius acquainted with the dismai •end of our chief, and enjoined them silence, which it is easy to imagine was very hard upon them ; but it was absolutely neces- jsary. "However, Monsieur Cavelier the priest could not forbear telling them that if they would do the same by him, he would tbrgive them his murder, and only desired of them to give him -.11 quarter of an hoiir to prepare himself. They answered, they had nothing to say to him ; that what they had done was the •eifect of despair, to be revenged for, the ill-usage they had re- ceived. "I was absent at that time; they called L'Archeveque, who, as I have said, was one of the conspirators, had some kindness for me, and knowing they designed to make me away too, if I stood upon my defence, he parted from them, to give me notice of their mischievous resolution. He found me on. a little rising .ground, where I was lookinif upon our horses as they grazed in a little adjacent bottom. His intelligence struck me to the heart, not knowing whether 1 sbould fly or stay ; but at length, having oieither powder nor shot nor arms, and the said L'Archeveque ..giving me assurances of my life, provided I was quiet and .said nothing, I committed myself to God's protection, and went to them, without taking any notitse of what had been done. "Duhaut, puffed up with his new-gotten authority, procured Slim by his villainy, as soon as he saw me, cried out, Every man •ought to command in his turn ; to which I made no answer ; and we were all of us obliged to stifle our resentment, that it might flot appear, for our lives depen led on it. Howv^r, it was easy Eulogy of La Salle. 61 to judge with what eyes Father Anastasins, Messieurs Cavelier, ana I beheld these murderers, to whom we expected every mo' ment to fall sacrifices. It is true, wo dissembled so y/ell that they were not very suspicious of us, and that the temptation we? were under of making them away in revenge for those they had murdered, would have easily prevailed arid been put in execu- tion, had not Monsieur Cavelier the priest always positively op- posed it, alleging that we ought to'leave vengeance to God. "However, the murderers seized upon all the effects, without any opposition, and then we began to talk of proceeding on our journey." Thus, at the age of only forty-three years, fell the hero of a. thousar-.d conflicts against the calumnies of Jesuits,* the envy of rivals, and the untamed forces of Nature herself, against which he had contended for twenty years, in the heart of a sav- age wilderness. Much of this time the earth had been his couch at night, and his companions the savages whose realms he had entered. With these he was an unusual favorite, not because he took the least interest in their every-day routine or catered to the nar- row-gauge ideas with which the average mind in a state of na- ture was occupied, but because in him was personified a true- nobility of character which perforce subordinates common grades of intellect, whether savages or civilians, to its will. He was one of those men whose stamp of genius, in his pecu- liar sphere, has been left upon his age, where it will remain an, indelible record, not only among the forests of America, but among the splendors of Versailles, where his sunburnt face once stood among the effeminate graces of the French court like a giant among pigmies. Strange that one so gifted should have had his weak points ; but this was the case, and many of his niisfortunes and his death were traceable to them. His weakness was found in his haughty, cold immobility, which repelled considerate counsels and left him alone in the hermitage of his thoughts when he n eeded advice. Bereft of their champion, the situation of the party not in the conspiracy was perilous in the extreme. The least irritating- word from them would have been the signal of death. Duhaut and Liotot seized upon all the effects of La Salle, even, the clothing on his person, leaving his naked body on the -spo^ where he was killed, the flesh to be eaten arid the bones tossed about by the wolves, and finally to moulder beneath the grasses of the prairie. * La Salle never felt friendly to the Jesuits, and always chose priests not helong- ing to that order to accompany him. " The Jesuits in turn opposed him. Hence I'S/- n-^ri-icK^lyrmnncr iii which Charlevoix speaks of him. ^" Death of the Assassins. The excuse for this was, that, it was but a jast remuneration for the losses they had sustained in following his fortunes to the "desperate pass to which they were now brought. The appropri- ation of La Salle's effects aroused the indignation of the other ■conspirators, but the outbreak destined to finish up the closing -fi.cene was postponed. Fathers of the faith and assassins besmeared with blood com- posed the compafiy now left; on their way to the realms of civil- ization. These incongruous extremes, after being several days together, however, are relieved from each others' presence by a stroke of retribution as sudden as the death of La Salle himself. •Joutai's relation of it is as follows : "Atlerwe had been some days longer in the same place, 'Hiens arrived with the two half-savage Frenchmen* and about twenty natives. He went immediately to Duhaut, and, after ;some discourse, told him he was not for going toward the Mis- sissippi, because it would be of dangerous consequence for them, And therefore demanded his share of the effects he had seized upon. Duhaut refusing to comply, and afiBrming that all the -axes were his own, Hiens, who it is likely had laid the design before to kill him, immediately drew his pistol and fired it upon Duhaut, who staggered about four paces from the place and fell •down dead. At the same time, Enter, who had been with Hiens, fired his piece upon Liotot the surgeon, and shot him through -with three balls. " These murders committed before us put me into a terrible ■consternation ; for believing the same was designed for me, I laid hold of my firelock.to defend myself; but Hiens cried out to me to fear nothing, to lay down my arms, and assured me he had no design against me, but that he had revenged his master's •death. He also satisfied Monsieur Cavelier and Father Anasta- sius, who were as much frightened as myself, declaring he meant them no harm, and that, though he had been in the conspiracy, j^^et had he been present at the time when Monsieur de La Salle was killed, he would not have consented, but rather have ob- :fitrncted it. "Liotot lived some hours after, and had the good fortune to make his confession ; after which, the same Enter put him out of his pain with a pistol-shot. "We dug a hole in the earth and buried him in it with Duhaut, doing them more honor than they bad done to Monsieur de La Salle and his nephew Moranget, wh m they left to be devoured by wild beasts. . Thus those * The two savage Frenchmen referred to by Joutel were deserters from La Salle's ffort on Matagorda Bay the year before: They had cast their lot with the Indians, ■»nd here met their old comrades by chance. Division of La Salle's Effects. - 63 murderers met with what they had deserved, dying the same death they had put others to." It had been apparent to the innocent party, ever since the death of La Salle, that the murderers durst not return to Cana- da,- and it had been a question not only how to obtain a share of the outfit so necessary for the wilderness tour, but how to part company amicably with these odious associates. The late death of Duhaut and Liotot settled this question very readily, Hiens^ the leader of the outlaws, declaring that he would not risk his neck in Canada, and made an equitable division of the spoils. The travelers then cut loose from the late scenes of bloodshed, bidding adieu to the malcontents, whose lot was now cast with these Indians, less savage than themselves. The division of the goods and the final parting is best told by Joutel, as follows : "Accordingly, he laid aside, for Father Anastasins, Messieurs Cavelier, the uncle and the nephew, thirty axes, four or five doz- en of knives, . about thirty pounds of powder and the like quan- tity of ball. He gave each of the others two axes, two knives, two or three pounds of powder, with as much ball, and kept the rest. As for the' horses, he took the best and left us the three least. Monsieur Cavelier asked him for some strings of beads, which he granted, and seized upon all the late Monsieur de La Salle's clothes, baggage, and other eflfects, besides above a thou- sand livres in money, which . belonged to the late Monsieur Le Gros, who died at our dwelling of St. Louis. Before our de- parture, it was a sensible afiliction to us to see that villain walk about, in a scarlet coat and gold galloons, which had belonged to the late Monsieur de La Salle, and which, as I have said, he had seized. "After that, Hiens and his companions withdrew to their own cottage, and we resolved not to put off our departure any longer. Accordingly, we ma^e ready our horses, which much alarmed the natives, and especially the chief of them, who said and did all he could to obstruct our journey, promising us wives, plenty ■of provisions, representing to us tne immense dangers, as well from enemies who surrounded them as from the bad and impas- sable ways and the many woods and rivers we were to pass. However^ we were not to be moved, and only asked one kin^- jiess of him, in obtaining of which there were many difficulties, and it was that he would give us guides to conduct us to Cappa ; but at length, after much trouble and many promises of a good reward, one was granted, and two others went along with him., "All things being thus ordered for our departure, we took leave of our hosts, passed by Hien's cottage, and embraced him and his companions. We asked him for another horse, which 6^ The Journey Resumed. ue granted. He desired an attestation, in Latin, of Hon^iear Cavelier, that he had not been concerned in the murder of Mon- sieur de. La Salie, which was given him, because there was no-" refusing of it; and we set forward with L'Archeveque and Meu- nier, who did not keep their word with us, but remained among' ■ those barbarians, being infatuated with that course of libertinism • they had run themselves into. Thus there were only seven of us that stuck together to retni-n to Canada, viz : Fatlier Anasta- tasius. Messieurs Cavelier, the uncle and the nephew, the Sieur de Marie, one Teissier, a young man born at Paris, whose name was Bartholomew, and I, with six horses and the three Indians- who were to be our guides ; a very small number for so' great an enterprise, but we put ourselves entirely into the hands of Di- vine JProvidence, confiding in God's mercy, which did not for- sake us." While they are laboring through the solitudes of the dreary country, we will follow the adventures of Tonty iu his noble at- tempt to rescue La Salle's colony. After the news of La Sailers departure from France to colonize- the Mississippi country had reached Canada and the Illinois set- tlements, Tonty, who was stationed at the latter place, was fired- with zeal to serve the new colony by every means in his power. Accordingly, he assembled a band of twenty Frenchmen and> thirty Indians,. and with this force, on the 13th of February, 1686, went down the Mississippi river to its mouth, where he- expected to find his old friend La Salle at the head of a flourish- ing colony ; but what was his surprise and disappointment when, after searching through the whole region, no trace of it could be- found. After leaving mai'ks of his presence in various places, he wrote- a letter to La Salle, and left it with the chief of the Bayagoulas, who promised to send it to him should he ever learn his where- abouts. Tonty then started up the river with his' men ; but when he arrived at tjie mouth of the Arkansas, he deemed it prudent to- build a fort, and leave a force of six men, among whom were Couture and De Launay, here to succor the colony if possible.*' This done, he returned to his post in the Illinois country. • For more than a year these sentinels of the forest remained at. their post, holding themselves in readiness for any emergency. Hard by was a large village of the Arkansas tribe, who enliv- eiied the hermitage of the Frenchmen with the rude amusements of Indian life. One summer day, while the tedious hours were being measur- ♦ Tonty's Memoir, in French's Hist. Coll., vol. i, p. 68. ' Arrival at the ArJco/naas. 65 ed out witli their dull routine, the Frenchmen were startled from their reveries by a French voice across the river, which flowed by their palisaded retreat, and they immediately fired two guns as a signal, which the party across the river answered. Two canoes were immediately sent across the river, and the tired travelers were soon taken over and conducted into the fort. The reader scarcely need be told that they were the fugitives from La Salle's unhappy colony in Texas. Cavelier, his brother, was the principal spokesman, and as he related the long train of overwhelming disasters which had befallen the colony, and at last came to the cruel assassination of La Sallej their listeners gave vent to their feelings in tears and sobs. "After a brief rest, the travelers resumed their journey for the Illinois country, leaving the lonesome garrison at cheir post, whose duties were now to establish a representation of French interests in the country. On the 14th of September, they arrived at the old familiar grounds of Ft. St. Louis, on the Illinois river, opposite the pres- ent town of Utica ; and now cumes the strange part of the history. Tonty, the commander, was absent fighting the Iroquois, and JBellefoutaine, his lieutenant, stood in his place. All were eager to get tidings from La Salle, and, in response to their inquiries, they were told that he was well when they left, but omitted to state that he had been assassinated on the way — a very question- able way of tolling thfe truth by establishing a falsehood, the in- centive for which, it is but fair to presume, must have been from sinister motives, which supposition is strengthened by the fact that Cavelier borrowed, in La Salle's name, 4000 Uvres from Tonty. It was the intention of Cavelier and his party to repair imme- diately to France, and to this end they made haste to take their departure. Arriving at Chicago, which by this time had become famous as a portage, they waited a week for the storm to abate, before daring to venture on the lake with their canoe, when they started, but were soon driven back by the heavy surf. They now returned to Ft. St. Louis, and quartered under the hospitalities of Tonty, whose friendship for La Salle made him receive. the subtle deceivers witli welcome. The next spring, the party took advantage of the first mild weather to embark for Canada by the Chicago route, and from thence sailed for France, where they at last unbosomed theih- selves of their terrible secret at the French court. But, long be. fore this, the withered germ of French power in Texas had fall en under the war-club of the Indians.* * The history of its destruction was furnished by the Indians, for which see Shea's Discovery of the Mississippi Valley, p. 208. 66 Iberville and Bienville. The bones of La Salle lay mouldering beneath the luxuriant grasses of a Texas prairie, but his plans for the aggrandizement of New France survived his untimely death, and and were soon destined to be renewed by Iberville and Bienville. In 1699, these intrepid Frenchmen, who were born and nur- tured among the excitements of life in Canada, obtained com- mand of a small fleet, and made a French settlement on Dau- phin Island, off the Bay of Mobile. The same year thej' entered the month of the Mississippi riv- er, and saihng up its scroll-shaped turnings, landed in the domin- ions of Tonty's old friend the chief of the Bayagoulas. It will be remembered that he had left a letter for La Salle with him, when he went down the river fourteen years previously. This letter had been preserved by him during these years with pious care, and with commendable discretion he now relieved himself of his responsibility by giving it to Iberville. A permanent French colony was now established at the month of the river, out of which, a few years later, grew the city of New Orleans and the settlements of the famous sugar plantations along the river. This was the southern extremity of the French settlements in America. Canada was the northern extremity, and Chicago the most frequented portage between them. There were, however, other portages of intercommunication ; one by the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, another by the St. Joseph and Kankakee rivers, both of which had been traveled, the one by Marquette and the other by La Salle, as already related. The next year after Iberville and Bienville's successful settle- ment at the mouth of the Mississippi, the settlements of Kas- kaskia and Cahokia were made, and other thriving French vil- lages sprung up near by them a few years later. Vincennes, on the "Wabash, was settled in 1710, and Ft. Char- •;ers, on the Mississippi, not far from Cahokia, in 1720. It was the strongest inland fortress in America, costing over $50,000. A cordon of French forts extended from Canada to New Or- leans, at this time, with which to cement the vast extent of New France together by an unbroken chain. That one of these forts was built at Chicago there is sufficient evidence, from the fact that mention is made of its existence, by Tonty, while on his way from Canada to the Illinois country in 168.6, who uses the following language : "I embarked for the Illinois Oct. 30th, 1685, but, being stopped by the ice, I was obliged to leave my canoe and proceed by land. After going 120 leagues, I arrived at Ft. Chicagou, where M. de la Durantaye com- manded.* No record remains as to the time of its construction. * Tbnty's Memoir, published in Hist. Coll. of Lou., vol. i, p. 67. The English. Colonies. 67 There was a missionary station here in 1699, where the gospel was dispensed to the Miamis.* There appears also to have been a French village here at that time, as St. Cosme speaks of a lost boy at the time of his passing through the place, and several Frenchmen turning out to hunt for him among the tall grasses. After thirteen days, the boy returned to the village, spent with- hunger and fatigue, and almost insensible, f While these events, so auspicious to the French in the interim, were passing, the English colonists were at work within a very circum. scribed compass, along the eastern fringe of the continent. The Massachusetts colony was composed of Puritans after the Cotton Mather pattern. The Connecticut and the New Hampshire colonies were also fashioned after the same model. The Rhode Island colony was modified somewhat by the libe- ralism of Roger Williams, Wheelright, Yane, and Anne Hutch- inson. The Germans along the Hudson ^river were not unlike this same thrifty people of our day. On the Delaware were the Swedes and Fins, models of frugal- ity and piety. In Pennsylvania were the English Quakers, under the leader- ship of the broad-gauge brain of William Penn. In Virginia was the true type of Enghsh chivalry. The Puritans may justly be called the conscience of the nation, and the Yirginians, with equal propriety, the sword of the nation. In the Carolinas were Huguenots and Quakers, and in Geor- gia respectable Englishmen, not conspicuous for any tangent points of character, except the ambitious aims indispensable to American emigrants. No confederation or bond of union existed between these dif- ferent colonies, but the exploits of the French in the West were rapidly hastening an issue bound to unite them together in a bond of union which was the outgrowth of the French and In- dian war. While this issue is maturing, Chicago must slumber in obscu- rity. * Early Voyages, p. 50, published by Joel Mansel, Albany. t Early Voyages, pp. 56-8. CHAPTER IV. Ftrst Passage through the Detroit Hiver — A Stone Statue found there — English on the Upper Lakes — Settlement of Detroit — The Foxes Attack the Place — Missipn of Father Marquette at Michilimackinac—Cahokia and Kaskaskia Settled— .Ft. Chartres — Vincennes Settled — Comparison of the English with the French Colonies — The Paris Convention to Establish the. Line "between the English and French in America — Convention at Albany — The Ohio Company — Th£ French Build Forts on French Creek — Gov. Dinwiddle sends. Wash- ington to Warn them out of the Country — The Ohio Company send Trent to Build a Fort where Pittsburgh now stands — He is driven away by the French — Washington sent to the Frontier — He Attacks the French — Hetreats — Builds Ft. Ne- cessity — The Fort taken by the French. Detroit stands foremost among the cities of the Northwest in local historic interest, although the place was unknown to the French even for some years after Lake Superior had been ex- plored to its western extremity and missions established along its southern waters. The Ottawa river of Canada, Lake Nippising, and the north- em waters of Lake Huron, were the channels by which the great West was first reached by the French, and nearly the only ones used till La Salle had secured Lakes Ontario and Erie as a highway from Canada to the West, as told in the previous chap- ter. In the autumn of 1669, at the Indian village of Ganastogue, at the western extremity of Lake Ontario, two distinguished ex- plorers. La Salle and Joliet, met by chance. Joliet was on his return from a trip to the Upper Lake, as Lake Superior was then called, for the purpose of discovering the cop]ier miiies. In reaching this place from Lake Superior, he must have passed down the river, then without a name, now called Detroit river, and first called by the French " The Detroit " (The Straits). If is a matter of record that an old Indian village, called Teuch- fia Grondie, stood originally there, but no mention is made of it bT Joliet Discovery of Detroit. 69 Tlie next spring, 1670, two priests, Galinee and Dablon, on their way from Canada to the mission of Sainte Marie, which had been established at the Sanlt the previous year, landed at or near the present site of Detroit. The first object of interest they beheld was a barbarous piece of stone sculpture in the human form. This was quite sufficient to unbalance the equilibrium of the two fathers, whose zeal had been whetted into an extrava- gant pitch by the hardships they had encountered on their way. With pious indignation they fell upon the "impious device " with their hatchets, broke it in pieces, and hurled the fragments into the river.* The place would have been brought to light long before but for the Iroquois, wha guarded the passage of the lower lakes with bull-dog tenacity, to preserve their own nation and protect their fur trade, f That a fort was built at Detroit between this time and 1687 is inferred from Tonty's Memoir,:]: in which, while on the way down the lakes, he says : "The Sieur de la Forest was already gone with a canoe and thirty Frenchmen, and he was to wait for me at Detroit till the end of May." Farther along he continues: " We came, on the 19th of May (1687), to Ft. Detroit. We made some canoes of elm, and I sent one of them to Ft. St. Jo- seph." ' During the few years which succeeded Frontenac's recall from the governor's chair of Canada, La Barre and next Denonville supplied his place. Both ot their administrations were ushered in with promises of great results, but terminated in utter failures. They had measured their strength against the Iroquois, who proved too much for them, both in the forum and in the field. Thos. Dougan was then colonial governor of New York, whose vigorous and ambitious policy, assisted by the Iroquois, contem- plated the establishment of a trading post at Michilimackinac, for the mutual interests of both, and, in 1687, English agents started up the lakes for that purpose, | under protection of the Iroquois and Foxes. The latter held supreme sway on those waters at that time, and were more friendly to the English than the French, as the • Jesuit Relations, 1670. t Father Paul Raguneau, in the Jesuit Relations of 1650, uses the foUovring language :' [Translation.'] " All the Algonquin nations who dnrell to the west of the an- cient country of the Hurons, and where ihe faith has not yet been able to find its way, are people for whom we cannot have enough compassion. If it be necessary that the name of God be adored, and the cross be planted there, it shall be done in spite of all the rage of hell and the cruelty of the Iroquois, who are worse than the demons of hell." — Pages 80 and 31. JSee Hist. Coll. of Lou., vol. i, p. 69. 5 Paris Doc. III., published in Doc. Hist. N. Y., vol. I, p. 229. 70 The English on the Upper Lakes Captured. ■ French had, by some misdirection, made enemies of them at their first interview. After Tonty with his men had left Detroit, as jnst told in his Memoir, as he was continuing his course along the lake shore toward Canada, he fell in company with Durantaye and Du Lhut, with their commands. They had in their custody thirty English prisoners, whom they had jnst captured .on the shore of Lake Huron. Farther along in the Memoir, Tonty states that he took thirty more English prisoners, who were on their way to Michilimack- inao, under command of Major Gregory — that they had with them several Huron and Ottawa captives, who had been taken by the Iroquois and consigned to their charge — that they also had a "great quantity of brandy" with them, which Tonty con- gratulated himself for having taken, inasmuch as it would have (in his own words) "gained over our alhes, and thus we should have all the savages and the English upon us at once." A war was going on at this time between the Iroquois and the French, of which the English probably took advantage to at- tempt to gain a foothold on the upper lakes. Before the war was ended, all Canada was overrun by the Iro- quois, Montreal burned, and two hundred persons captured and taken into the wilderness lodges of their conquerors in the pres- ent State of New York. They were treated so kindly, however, that more than half of them refused to return to their home in Montreal after peace had been made, even though the French king commanded them to return. The following September, 1689, commissioners from the New York and New England colonies met the Iroquois deputies at Albany in convention, when one of the chiefs congratulated the , English colonists that their chain of friendship was strengthened by their burning of Montreal. ' Frontenac was now restored to power in Canada, and under his vigorous administration the Iroquois were obliged to evacu- ate the French provinces, and the war was transferred to the territory of the English colonists, by the burning of Schenectady and the slaughter of its inhabitants. The original plan of this expedition was to capture Albany, the headquarters from which the English had fitted out their expedition to Michilimackinac,* but on their way they were intbrmed that there was too large a force there for them to encounter, and they attacked Schenectady instead. Had the English scheme to estabhsh a post at Michilimacki- nac proved a success, the limits of New France would have been * Paris Doc. IV. Settlement of Detroit. 71 confined to the present limits of Canada, and the whole western country have been opened immediately to English colonization, which must have hastened its settlement at least a generation. But the whole plan miscarried, if not on account of Tonty's seizure of the brandy, at least owing to the great distance of the post from the English settlements and to the allied action of the Erench and western tribes against the Foxes, whose imme- diate protection was necessary to the English cause on the upper This English attempt to gain a foothold in the West doubtless stimulated the French to hasten to completion their own designs to accomplish the same purpose.* To this end a council was called at Montreal a few years later, to which the Canadian and western tribes were invited, nor were their ancient enemies the Iroquois forgotten. The latter now disclaimed any intention to allow either the French or English to erect forts on the upper waters, but the western tribes favored the plan, of course. Meantime the French had already made preparations to establish a post on the Detroit. Antoine de la Motte Cadillac, Lord of Bouaget and Mountde- sert, was on the spot, with a commission from Louis XIV., as commandant of Detroit. He started from Montreal in June, 1701, with one hundred men and all the necessary appliances, both religious and secular, to form a colony, and the next month safely landed, tented upon the spot, built Ft. Pontchartrain, and and commenced the settlement of the place. The settlement was a permanent one, although for many years it was often reduced to the verge of ruin. The aimless charac- ter of the settlers was the chief cause of this, but there were other hindrances in the way of progress. The Iroquois looked with jealous eyes upon them, but not more so than did the Eng- lish settlements along the Hudson ; and three years after the settlement of Detroit, an Indian convention of the tribes bor- dering on the lakes was summoned to meet at Albany.f Here the brains of those vacillating French allies, particularly the Ottawas, were temporarily turned over to the English inter- est, and on their return they set fire to the town, but the fiames were soon extinguished. A second attempt to burn the place, while it was under com- mand of Tonty, met with no better success. Meantime Cadillac succeeded in getting some Indians from Michilimackiiiac and. other places, whose friendship was of a more abiding character, to form a settlement near by, who acted as a sort of picket guard about the place. These consisted of Ottawas, whose village was on the river, *LaniDan's Micli., p. 40. f Cass' Discourse. 72 Sental of Lands around Detroit. above the town, and the Hurons and Pottawattomies, whose villages were below. Comparative safety thus secured, in 1707 Cadillac parceled out the adjacent lands to his unambitious sub- jects on the following terms : "By the conditions of a grant, made by Cadillac, at Detroit, March ,10th, 1707, the grantee, Frangois Fafard Delorme was bound to pay a reserved rent of fifteen francs a year to the crown, for ever, in peltries, and to begin to clear and improve the land within three months from the date of the grant. - All the timber was reserved to the crown, whenever it might be wanted for fortifications, or for the construction of boats or other vessels. The property of all mines and minerals was reserved to the crown. The privilege of hunting rabbits, hares, part- ridges, and pheasants, was reserved to the grantor. The gran- tee was bound to plant, or help to plant, a long May-pole before the door of the principal manor-house, on the first day of May in every year. AH the grain raised by the grantee was to be carried to the miU of the manor to be ground, paying the tolls sanctioned by the custom of Paris. On every sale of the land a tax was levied ; and, before a sale, the grantee was bound to give information to the government, and if the government was willing to take the land at the price offered to the grantee, it was to have precedence as a purchaser. The grantee could not mortgage the land without the consent of the government. For a term of ten years, the grantee was not permitted to work, or cause any person to work, directly or indirectly, at the profession and trade of a blacksmith, locksmith, armorer, or brewer, with- out a permit. All effects and articles of merchandise, sent to or brought from Montreal, were to be sold by the grantee himself, or other person who, with his family, was a French resident ; and not by servants or clerks or foreigners or strangers. The grantee was forbidden to sell or trade spirituous liquors to In- dians. He was bound to suffer on his lands such roads as might be thought necessary for pubhc use. He was bound to make his fences in a certain manner, and, when called upon, to assist in making his neighbors' fences."* As might be supposed, little progress could be made by the inhabitants, shackled as they were by such oppressive restric- tions, and environed by the warKke Foxes, liable at the slightest provocation to attack them. In May, 1712, incited by a blood- thirsty spirit or possibly by a promise of a reward from tke Iro- quois or their patrons, the English colonists, they laid, as they supposed, secret plans to attack the place. The occupants of the three friendly Indian villages adjoining were absent, and but for the disclosures of a converted Indian ♦Am. State Papers, Public Lands, v. I, 261. Settlentent of MichUimaoMnao. 73 of the Fox nation, the place must have been taken, for there was but a slender garrison to defend it. The- savage disciple to the Catholic faith, whose newly-bred conscience impelled him to act the apostate to his own people, obtained an interview with M. Du Buison, the commandant, and revealed the secret to him in time to make preparation for the impending blow. Cadillac was now Intendant of Louisiana and, busy with Cro- zat in a butterfly chase after supposed gold mines, and the entire responsibilities rested upon Du Buison. He immediately sent deputies to the various tribes to the south and we^, whose jeal- ousy of the ferocious Foxes made them his ready allies. "Yes, we will come and defend you, and all we ask is, that you cover the bodies of such of us as are slain, with a little earth, to keep the flies away," was their reply.* The zealous alhes came, and were received within the gates of the fort, and on the 13th of May the attack was commenced from an intrenchment hastily thrown up by the determined Fox- es, commanding the outworks of the French defences. To drive them from their position, the besieged erected a block-house commanding it.f The strife soon became desperate. For nineteen days the bat- tle raged, the victory alternating from one side to the other, till the Foxes withdrew under cover of night. They were followed, and the fiercest battle of the- war ensued, in which the Foxes were routed and driven from the country to Green Bay.:]: Tliis danger passed, the inhabitants of Detroit basked in the sunshine of peace and security from further alarms, till the French and Indian war had spent its force along the far-off east- • ern frontier, and an English garrison had taken quiet possession of the town. Then again the desolations of Pontiac's war rolled over their heads fiercer than ever ; but till then the peasant hab- itant of the place paid his annual rental, cultivated his garden , patch, and lived a thoughtless life, like the population of other French towns in the wilderness solitudes of New France. Michilimackinac was settled more than a quarter of a century before Detroit. Its name is of Indian origin, the language of which is, The Place of the Dancing Spirits.] It had a history before the white man ever visited it, of which a volume might be written, from the traditions of the red man. Its first settle- ment by the French was made about the year 1671, at which __j * Monette's Miss. Val. t Cass' Discourse. X From Green Bay they next emigrated to Rock river, in Illinois, and remained till 1832, the time of the Black Hawk war. y This is Schoolcraft's version. Others equally authoritative, say it meant a tur- tle. The discrepancy probably comes from the word having different significa- tions in different Indian dialects. T4: Settlement of Cahokia, Kaskashia, and Vincennea. time some converted Hurons fled to the place as a refuge of safe-, ty from their demon-like persecutors, the Iroquois, and here the good Father Marquette followed them, impelled not by any worldly motive, but by the love of God and man, and obedience to the will of his patron saint, "the Blessed Virgin." For many years the place had no permanent settlers, but serv- ed as a transient stopping place for itinerating priests and erratic fur-traders. Of the little cluster of early French towns in the southern part of the Dlinois, Cahokia was settled first, by Father Pinet and St. Oosme, in 1700.* KaskasMa was settled a few months later. These and other smaller places close by soon became thriving French villages ; all the more so as they were in no danger of ' hostile invasion from any quarter. Ft. Charters was a substantial fortress, built of stone, with bastions and towers. It was finished in 1720, and would have stood for centuries but for the wearing away of the Mississippi river's east bank, on which it stood, half way between Cahokia and Kaskaskia. The portions of it not thus undermined are still left in a good state of preservation, as a monument of French occupation of the Mississippi Yalley. Vincennes was settled by Father Mermet in 1710. f This was an isolated French post, buried in the depths of the gigantic for- ests of the lower Wabash. Here the French lived and grew in an atmosphere of Indian social life, till the fires of the American Revolution, kindled afar off, soon came to their doors, as will appear in a succeeding chapter. Sharp lines of contrast in religion and government, between the English and French colonies of America, were everywhere visible. The fairest portions of the country were in the hands of the French, and almost the entire Indian population of the vaUies of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence were their allies. Throughout this immense territory, including also the entire lake country, the fiag of France waved in security among the confiding natives, without the least apprehension of future dan- ger from its patronage. They cultivated their scanty patches of corn, just enough to keep them in hominy, and in the winter gathered in a rich harvest of furs, wherewith to spread their tents with mats and to barter with the French traders for guns, kettles, knives, hatchets, vermilion with which to paint their faces, and the inevitable whisky. , • A tract, reprinted by Shea in 1859, entitled ' ' Relation ou Journal du voyage du R. P. Gravier, de la Compagnie de Jesus eii 1700 de puis le pays des Illinois jusq'a I'embouchere du Mississippi, Ecrit ou Pere de Lambecville et envoye du fort de Mississippi a 17 lieues de sa decharge dans le Golfe ou Mer Mexique le 16 Fevrier, 1701," is the authority from which the above is taken. t Law's History of Vincennes, p. 13. Contrast between the English and French Colonies. 75 The fur trade was the great interest of the country, and those engaged in it were men of no ordinary capacity for accom- j)lishing large results with slender means. Their every-day rou- tine was a heavy strain upon their physical as well as mental powers, as far as sharp bargain and sale was concerned. Yet they were but servile instruments in the hands of their superiors. The same might with equal propriety have been said of the en- tire French population of the country, who lived by industry, if the average of a day's labor in a week could be called such. Farming was of but secondary interest, and but few of those engaged in it owned the land they tilled, nor had they the least desire to qwn it. The French villages in the Illinois country, as well as at most other places, were each under the government of a priest, who, besides attending to their spiritual wants, dispensed justice icy them, and from his decisions there was no appeal. Though this authority was absolute, the records of the times show no abuse of it, but, on the contrary, prove that it was always used with paternal care. It could hardly be otherwise in their wilderness isolation, uniting, as it did, the interests of all on one common level. Nevertheless, it was a modified form of feudalism, sub- ordinating everything to the will of the Church and State com- bined, and could not have been perpetuated into the maturity of the State with the same happy results that followed its begin- ning. The double power, thus gathering force and keeping pace with lie growth of the State, -was too transcendant for the varied and multiplied wants of individual enterprise. But the French peasant did not look ahead so far as this. He was contented, because his mind was .dwarfed within the narrow compass of present necessities, and hiis old-fashioned but gaudy attire, as weil as his daijy bread, came with a small eflfort. Without ambition, and almost without temptation to offend against his fellows, he had little to trouble his conscience, or, if he had anything^ the burden was readily lifted by his father confessor.* Turning from this picture to that of the English colonies, is like leaping over an unbridged chasm. Here two positive ele- ments rose into prominence, like indigenous trees in a forest. The most potent of these was the Puritan element. When the Protestant religion was first introduced into England in 1528, its proselytes, though not men of deeper thoughts than those of Bavaria, Wirtemburg, and Moravia, yet were more demonsti'ar tive and aggressive than their German brethren, and, in 1550, the new faith had grown into formidable proportions. In 1663, * Ravnal's Hist, East and West Indies ; Monette's Miss. Valley ; Martin's LoO' idana. 76 The limits of New Fraunoe. an open issue was taken with thef established church, and ff m that day till the Puritans planted their feet on the rock of Ply- mouth, there was no truce to religious agitation in England. This rock proved a safety-valvia for the preservation of the old English Church and State, united as they were into one marvel- ous tower of strength, in defiance of the Puritan element. Happy was it for the world that Plymouth Rock became the retort which concentrated the elastic force of Puritanism and economised it for the use of America, there to grow up with the new State, modified by the public policy of government better suited to the wants of the master spirits of that age, because it was one of their own making. When these fugitives crossed the Atlantic, they brought with them the true philosopher's stone. They represented the ele- ments of national progress on a grander scale than had ever en- tered into the imagination of a knight of a baronial castle. Sci- ence, literature, and exalted ideas of liberty, were everywhere diffused and writtfen upon the immaculate tablet which was open- ed before thena beyond the Atlantic. The other element of American power was planted at James- town. Here the acknowledged representative of the English- man, supreme in his convictions of propriety, planted his stand- ards, and became the chivalrie representative of liberty in its broadest sense. Both the Jamestown and Plymouth elements rapidly grew into power, and, forgetting the old religious issues that had made enemies of theu' fathers, united together and subordinated the €rerman and the Swedish colonies to their rule. Along the Atlantic coast the various colonies, extending from the New Hampshire colony to the Georgia colony, were under English protection, and held their lands by virtue of English charters, bnt between each no confederation had ever been thought of. Up to this time the colonists had manifested but little concern about the interior, except the Yirginia colony, who had pushed across the Alleghenies, and founded some trading stations on the head-waters of the Ohio river. The great question to be 'settled was. Where should the line be run between New France and the lands of the English colo- nists in America? From its magnitude, it had already attracted the attention of the powers of Europe, who were on the watch lest their balance of power should be thrown out of equilibrium by too great a share of the American continent falling into the hands of either France or England. Accordingly, by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, which hushed Europe to peace after thirty years of war, it was provided that the line should be estab- lished by commissioners appointed by the sovereigns of the two respective nations. In 1752, these commissioners met in Paris, The Convention at Albany. 77 but out of the tangle of old English charters, French forms of possession, etc., no result could be reached which satisfied the ambitious designs of both countries, and the question was left to be settled by future destiny. To control this destiny, prepara- tions for war were now made on both sides. The French strengthened their forts, particularly Louisburg on ijhe coast of Cape Breton, Quebec, and Crown Point on the west bank of Lake Champlain.* The English, on their part, called a convention of their thir- teen colonies in America, to meet at Albany in June, 1753, for the purpose of concerting measures of defense. Here were as- sembled the representatives of the crown, sapient and cautious, but not more so than the deputies of her trans- Atlantic children. The crown representatives refused to acknowledge any united action of the colonies, lest this union might at some future day become too powerful for the public welfare, while the colonies refused to sign a compact giving the mother country the right to tax them even for defensive purposes. No logic on either side could break through this dead-lock, and the convention adjourn- ed without accomplishing any result. Meantime, the issue was hastening to a crisis on the western frontier. As early as 1748, Conrad Weiser (a noted interpreter at Indian treaties) had been on the head-waters of the Ohio river as agent for the Ohio Company, then forming. A trading sta- tion at Logstown, eighteen miles below the fork of the Ohio, was then established by this company, which was composed of Yirginians, among whom were Lawrence and Augustine, broth- ers of George Washington. Half a million acres of land ware granted them by the crown of England, for purposes of coloni- zation. Two other companies were also chartered, for similar purposes, the same year. Soon as the French learned of this, Gallisoniere," Governor of • Canada, determined also to assert the French claim to the coun- try along the Ohio, and the next year, 1749, sent Capt. Louis Celoron to the present site of Erie, Pa., with orders to proceed thence to the head of a small creek eighteen miles distant, and follow down its banks to the Allegheny river, and down this stream to the Ohio river, burying leaden plates along the route, as monuments of French possession west of this line. This done, he sent a letter to Gov. Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, to warn the English not to trespass beyond it. ' "the same year, two more English trading posts were estab- lished in the West — one on the Great Miami river, called Lora- mie's store, and the other on the Maumee. •This fort had been built by the French in 173 1. It wa^ within the acknowl- edged limits of English territory, but had bepn held ever since by the French, as a standing menace to the Hudson river settlements, aggressive and defiant. 78 The French Capture the English Trading Posts. The succeeding year, 1760, Christoplier Gist, an intrepid fron- tiersman and surveyor, started on a tour of exploration from the head-waters of the Potomac, late in October. Pushing boldly into the savage glooms of the forest west of the fork of me Ohio, he crossed the Scioto and visited the Indian towns on the Miami ; but he was not the first Englishman on the disputed ground. Oeorge Orogan and Andrew Montour, both celebrated for fron- tier accomplishments, were then among the various Indian tribes, to influence them in favor of the English and secure their trade. Mr. Gist conferred with both these men, who warned him against visiting certain localities where the French interest prevailed. But there was among the Indians a division of sentiment as to whose cause they should espouse in the coming issue,* and never were a people more perplexed to know on which side their inter- est laid. While Mr. Gist was making this tour, news came to him of the capture of several Englishmen by the French along the north- em waters of the Ohio. On the Muskingum he made the acquaintance of a white wo- man who had been captured from the New England States at the age of ten years. She was now over fifty, the wife of an Indian and mother of several children. She had a vivid recollection of her childhood home, of the religious turn of the Puritan mind, and was much astonished at the wickedness she had seen prac- ticed by the white people when they came among the Indians, f Mr. Gist crossed the Ohio river and returned home, in May, 1751, by the way of the Kentucky river settlements, which were then in "their infancy. Early the next year the French visited the country in sufficient force to capture the English trading post on the Miami. A des- Eerate defence, however, was made, fourteen of the assailants aving been killed. The traders were taken to Canada. Seve- ral English families lived at this post, which made it the begin- ning of a settlement as well as a trading post. The Twightwees or Miamis helped to defend the place, while the Ottawas and ■Chippewas assisted the French in taking it. While these acts of hostility were transpiring on the Miami, the Ohio Company were convening a council at Logstown with the Indians, for the purpose of confirming the old treaty of Lan- caster, by virtue of which large tracts of land on the Ohio had been ceded to this company by the Six Nations.:]: Through the influence of Montour, the treaty was reluctantly, on the part of * The Miamis or Twightwees were friendly to the English, and portions of the Six Nations and Delawares, who had emigrated to the Omo country from the East. t Journal of Gist, published in~ Pownall's Topography, London, 1776. X The treaty of Lancaster was a cession of Ohio lands to the English by the Sis If ations, by virtue of their conquest of the tribes occupying said lands. Washington's. Mission. 79 the Indians, confirmed ; but the war which soon followed swept away all these distinctions as to land titles. The French, meantime, according to their usual practice, early in 1753 commenced building forts in the disputed territory. The first one, named Presque Isle, was built where Erie, Pa., now stands. From this place they cut a wagon road eighteen miles southwardly, through the forest, to a small lake near the present site of Waterford. Here they built another fort, which they named Le Boeuf ; thence, following down the stream of which this was the fountain-head, to where it empties into the Alle- gheny river, they built a third fort, which they named Venango, after an old Indian town on the same spot. These forts were on the same line along which Capt. Celoran had buried leaden plates four years previously. Governor Dinwiddle, of the Virginia colony, always tenacious in the defence of English rights, beheld these French approaches to the Ohio with deep concern. Here was the pivot on which hung the fate of the West and the then limitless interior. To secure at least a foothold in it, he determined to send a messen- ger to the French, to warn them that the English claimed the country on the head-waters of the Ohio, and request them to leave it. George Washington, then twenty-one years old, was selected for this mission. He had eight attendants, the two principal of whom were Christopher Gist, the surveyor already mentioned, and Jacob Yan Braum, an intelligent German, who afterwards acted as interpreter at the surrender of Ft. Necessity. He left Wills Creek, the present site of Cumberland, on. the 15th of No- vember, 1753. At Logstown dwelt a famous Six Nation chief, named Halt-King, who was a friend to Washington, and whose jealotisy of the French made him an ally of the English. Deem- ing his counsel, and especially his influence, indispensable to the success of the enterprise, Washington proceeded immediately to his headquarters and obtained an interview with him. Whatever «lse may be the frailties of Indian character, hasty diplomacy is not one of them, as Washington learned. Three days of his precious time were consumed in attendance on his majesty. The ceremonials of the council over, Half-King entered heartily into Washington's plans, and, with three other chiefs, accompanied him to Ft. Le Bceuf, the headquarters of M. Le Guarduer St. Pierre, the commander of the French forces. ' Their route lay northward, through the forests, to the mouth of Le Boeuf Creek, now called French Creek, thence up its banks to Ft. Le Boeuf. On arriving at the place they met the com- mander. He was an accomplished and scholarly old knight, and notwithstanding the rustic appearance of the beardless youth be- fore him, who came with a message warning him to leave, he 80 The Perilous Return. received him with deserved attention ; for nobility of character cannot be disguised by a rough exterior in the estimation of one who possesses it himself. During the two days Washington spent at the place, the hospitalities of the fort were extended to him with that hearty good-fellowship for which a Frenchman is conspicuous. As might be supposed, the mission was fruitless of results, for the French commander did not allow himself to lose sight of the interests of France, and, to that end, plied his arts of pleasing to Half-King also. This was a matter of no small annoyance to "Washington, whose apprehensions being aroused that he might win him over to the friendship of the French by the influence of his free wines, he openly accused him of such an intention ; but the complacent diplomat silenced these charges with fresh sallies of politeness, and thus the matter ended. When Wasliington was about taking leave, the generous Frenchman presented him a canoe well filled with provisions, among which the wine was not forgotten. Washington with Gist started down French Creek with the canoe, giving orders to Van Braum to meet him at Venango, its mouth, with the men and horses accompanying the expedition. Tlie canoe was now abandoned, Hall-King and the other chiefs wishing to remain here. Washington and uis party took leave of them and started down the west bank of the Allegheny river. The poor horses were so spent with hunger and fatigue, that their progress through the trackless forests was slow, and Wash- ington determined to set out on foot in advance with Gist, and leave the emaciated beasts in charge of Van Braum and the rest of the party, to follow as fast as tliey could travel. It was now December, and the ground was covered with a sprinkling of snow ; but both of the travelers were accustomed to "life in the bush," and, making light of their forest march, slept away each day's fatigue enveloped in their blankets, each night, in the open air of winter. On their way, at two different times, they encountered a faith- less Indian, whose pretended friendships were abruptly broken off by attempts to shoot them. Happily, each time, the ball missed its aim, though at one of these treacherous attacks only fifteen paces intei-vened between the savage and Gist, his intend- ed victim. This danger passed, they soon arrived at the place where they wished to cross the Allegheny river. Here they worked all day to make a raft, having only "a very poor hatch- et," says Washington, in his journal, to make it with. Just be- fore dark, they launched it and started for the opposite shore ; but when the current was reached, heavy masses of ice came floating down stream with such force as to threaten to sink their :^^Jl x^ IP llhislitil inj» lh(" AN D^ T H E , ' FRENCH &INDI/LK WAR. Ill ltir.li l'iis-,r.;'.l1isnrmed his feelincs of resentment. 84 Peace Proposals fiom France. called at Albany, and commissioners from each of the thirtetii colonies agreed among themselves on a general plan of defence, the Connecticut colony alone dissenting. Benjamin Franklin was the moving spirit of this convention, and proposed to carry the war into the interior with a vigorous hand. But nothing could be done to rescue the country occupied by the French till the mother country had declared her policy, by substantial aid to help beat'back the French. Conscious that this would be done in season for the next year's campaign, Gov. Dinwiddle took no immediate steps to recover the lost ground on the Ohio, and, as a prudential measure to prevent rivalry as to rank among the officers already commis- sioned, when new volunteers should enlist, he reorganized the companies in service, so as to leave no oflBcer in command of a higher rank than captain. Washingtoij now sent in his resigna- tion and returned to his home at Mount Vernpn. The Ohio frontier was now quiet. The Assembly of Pennsyl- vania were still firm in their policy of peace, but in the New England and New York colonies, a plan was proposed to seize upon Crown Point, but not attempted ; but the line of Kenne- bec, east of which was the French settlement of Acadia, was • fortified. No declaration of war had yet been made. On the contrary, the English and French courts were, to all outward appearances, on the most friendly terms ; but both countries were preparing for war. January, 1755^ opened with peace proposals from France, by which she oifered, as an ultimatum, that the French should re- tire west of the Ohio and the English east of the Alleghenies. This offer was considered by England till the 7th of March, when she agreed to accept it on condition that the French would destroy all their forts on the Ohio and its branches; The French, after twenty days, refused to do this.* But while the fruitless negotiations were pending, both sides were sending sol- diers to America. • Plain Facts, p. 53. CHAPTER Y. General Braddock arrwefin America — Plan of the First Cam- paign — Ba/ron Dieskau reaches Canada — Braddock rnarches against Ft. Duquesne — His Defeat — Expedition to Acadia — Shirley starts to take Ft. Niagara — Johnson^ s Gami.'paign on the shores of Lake George — Defeat of Dieskau — I/xrd Lovdon appointed Commander-in- Chief of the Fnglish for- ces — Gen. Montcalm appointed to command the French forces — English and French Policy cmd Diplomacy — Montcalm takes Oswego — London's Expedition starts to attack Louis- hurg — Ft. William Henry taken iy Montcalm — London re- 4ialled and Gen. Ahercrombie put in his place — Loui-e<.>ple as a young girl whose, eyes might be dazzled with the glitter of epaulets ? iailure of the Short Gun Conspiracy. 121 ing him, and made a speech. The scene that followed is best described by Carver, whose words are here quoted : "The governor in his tnm made a speech ; but, instead of thanking the great warrior for the professions of friendship he had just uttered, he accused him of being a traitor. He told him that the English, who knew everything, were convinced of his treachery and villainous designs ; and, as a proof that they were well acquainted with his most secret -thoughts and inten- tions, he stepped toward the Indian chief that sat nearest to him, and drawing aside his blanket discovered the shortened firelock. This entirely disconcerted the Indians, and frustrated their de- sign. "He then continued to tell them that, as he had given his word at the time they desired an audiencCj that their person's should be safe, he would hold his promise inviolable, though they so little deserved it. However, he advised them to make the best of their way out of the fort lest his young men, on be- ing acquainted with their treacherous purposes, should cut every one of them to pieces. Pontiac endeavored to contradict the accusation, and to make excuses for his suspicious conduct; but the governor, satisfied of the falsity of his protestations, would not listen to him." , Thus baffled in their attempt, Pontiac and his band left, and Midth a full appreciation of the courage of Gladwin, as well as a conviction that treachery could play no part in taking the fort. The next day, the first attack was made with great fury, but was repulsed by the well-directed fire of the garrison. The post was soon completely environed, and while the besieged are economis- ing their stinted resources to hold it against the audacious foe, the fate of the other English forts in the western wilderness will be told. The style of warfare practiced by the Indians, though sanguin- ary, was defective, inasmuch as they were ignorant of any meth- od by which to abridge private rights, even for the public good. Every one was his own master, amenable to no tribuiial except public opinion. Against the Fi-ench they cherished no resent- ments, and at first, with considerate charity, allowed them to take a neutral position ; nor did they object to their visiting the English forts, for the rights of neutrals, about which England arid America have lately drawn hair-splitting theories, was la sealed book to their barbarous subtleties. This slipshod milita- ry practice gave the French who were favorably disposed toward the English an opportunity to do much to assist them. After the siege of Detroit had progressed a month, there came to the place a reverend Father from Michilimackinac, named Jonois, who presided over a mission among the Gttawas at that 122 Massacre at Michilimackinac. place. On his armal, he first paid his respects to Pontiac, and the next day rapped at the gate of the fort. He was admitted; Itnt he bore unwelcome news. Major Etherington, the comman- der of Michilimackinac, had iutrnsted him with a letter to Glad- win, which he delivered. From it as well as from the worthy Father himself, who had been an eye-witness, Gladwin learned of the sad fate of Michilimackinac. The Indians had taken the ?ost by stratagem, a game of ball being the instrumental means, irst they obtained permission for a number of their squaws to enter the fort. These had weapons concealed under their blan- kets. The ball was then batted over the palisades of the fort, as if by chance, and permission being granted to go inside after it, a pack of savages rushed in at the opening of the gate. The squaws quickly acted their part in the bloody work, by passing their concealed weapons over to the warriors, and the butchery inside the fort began. At the same moment, the attack on the soldiers outside was made, where about half the garrison were watching the treacherous game. The whole number of the garrison was ninety-three, all told. About seventy were killed, and, vengeance being sated, the re- mainder became subjects of savage mercy. Major Etherington, the commander, some months before had been admonished of dangerlby a French resident of the place, named Laurent Du- charm; but, instead of heeding the timely warning, he snubbed the informant tartly, and threatened to send the next officious bearer of such a message to Detroit as prisoner.* The self-reli- ant major was among the few spared, but his soldiers paid dear- ly for his impervious resolution. Alexander Henry, the trader already mentioned, then a resi- dent of the place, had been warned the year before of the npris- ing, by Wawatam, a Chippewa chief, who had conceived a strong friendship for him as the result of some favor. This ^'spiritn^ seer" had received a message from the happy land, urging him to protect Henry and adopt him as a brother. He informed him of the revelation, and made him a generous present. Henry acr cepted the fraternal tie, gave him a present in return, and the emef departed for his winter hunt. On the 2d of Juno, two days before the mass,acre, he returned and urged Henry to go with him and his family to the Sanlt. Henry graciously declin- ed the invitation, when Wawatam left with his family, a few tears dropping from his eyes as he took his leave, f On the 4th of June, two days afterward, Henry beheld from the window of his trading station, his comrades shrieking under the strokes of the scalping-knife, at the revelry of blood of which Wawatam had warned him^ when he fled from the- place and took refuge in the * Smith's Wis.,, vol. I., p. 134. f Smith's Wis. ALexcmder Renry and Wqnjoatcmi. 123 house of a Frenchman named Langlade. An inoffensive Paw- nee slave, unbeknown to the owner, secreted him in a garret. The infuriated Indians soon entered the very room he was in, hut in their delirious excitement failed to discover him, packed away as he was among a pile of bark vessels ; but the mistress of the household, on learning of his presence, feared the conse- quences of concealing him, and when she thought of her child- ren she no longer hesitated, but led the savages to the place of Henry's concealment. The wretched man was draggea out by a painted demon, who raised his weapen to kill him, but hesita- ted, and finally sent him away with a portion of the other cap- tives. The ultimate fate of all of them was yet subject to many ca- pricious conditions, all of which are related in Henry's Travels.* Through the influence of Wawatam, Henry was saved with the rest, partly through the instrumentality of Indian eloquence and partly by means of presents ; but grave counsels were held as to the fate of the whole, and at last it was determined to send them to the French at Montreal, where they arrived in the suc- ceeding August, together with if captives from Green Bay, with. Lieut. Gorrell, their commander, f Ere this, St. Joseph, Ouatanon, Miami, and Sandusky, had aE been taken by the Indians, but, to the credit of the captors be it said, with less atrocity than had been practiced at Michilimacki- nac. From Sanduskv, the commander. Ensign Pauly, was taken to Detroit, where his manly form attracted the attention of a squaw whose husband had been slain in battle. In him the be- reaved widow beheld her consolation, and saved his life by mar- rying him — but he proved a faithless lover. Through the me- dium of a Frenchman, he soon sent a letter to -Gladwin, and a few weeks later found means to desert his bride and take refug& in the fort. After the fall of Michilimackinac and Sandusky, Pontiac re- ceived reinforcements, and the situation of the garrison at De- troit became daily more critical, and the place must have fallen into the hands of the infuriated bands of Pontiac if some of the French inhabitants had not secretly, under cover of night, sent supplies to the fort to prevent starvation, which was now more to be feared than the attacks of the enemy. The fort was only a wooden stockade, made of piles driven into the ground, and lest it might be set fire to by the besiegers. Gladwin had, by meai^ * This interesting pamphlet has been reprinted in several of the early histories of the country. f Owing to the good offices of the Indians around the place, the whole garrison, had been spared, they merely evacuating the post and joining Etherington in his captivity. The fort at Ste. Marie had been evacuated previous to the massacre at Michilimackinac, whither the fugitives had taken refuge, and perished at the massacre. 124 Treach&rous Peace Proposals. of Lot shot, burned every hnt near it which might conceal an Indian. Pontiac, destitute of anything but small arras with which to breach its^walls, again had recourse to treachery to gain it. When Rogers left Detroit in 1760, Major Campbell assumed the command, and retained it most of the time till Gladwin had been appointed to the chief command, while lie held iSie second. During Campbell's administration, he had won the esteem of both the French and the Indians, and Pontiac sent him a mes- sage requesting him to come to his camp, and terminate the war by a friendly council. The message was brought by two estim- able French citizens, who, deceived by the fair exterior of. Pon- tiac, advised the granting of the interview. Gladwin's consent was reluctantly obtained by the too confiding Campbell, who was willing to go ; and, not without misgiving on the. part of ■Gladwin, he went, accompanied by Lieut. McDougalL He was ■received with courtesy by Pontiac, bat, contrary to his pledges, was not allowed to return except on condition that the fort should be jwivren up.* McDougall made his escape, but the unfortunate Major Campbell, more closely guarded, was reserved for a cruel test of warring emotions, against which the world has put the *eal of abhorrence. The time was now near at hand when the annual supplies for the western forts were due from Ft. Niagara, and Gladwin, in ■order to hurry them along, on the 21st of May sent the smallest •of the two vessels which lay in the river beside the fort to meet them. Ere she had reached the mouth of the river, while lying iecalmed, a fleet of canoes rapidly approached the vessel, filled with Indians intending to board her and kill the crew. Lashed to the bow of the foremost was the unhappy captive, Major Oampbell, who had been put there under an impression that the English would not fire on them, for fear of killing their own ■countryman. " Do your duty!" commanded the brave old offi- loody Run, which is about a mile and a half from Detroit on die main road. Here they were concealed in the liigh grass be- hind pickets and heaps of cord-wood.f The British party had reached the bridge, when a sudden and destructive fire was poured upon them from the cord-wood and the grass. This threw them into the utmost confusion. At the first fire Dalzell fell. The British fought with desperation, but were attacked on all sides^ and a vigorous charge was made by the bayonet upon the posi- tions of the Indians ; but a scattering fii-e was kept up by the savages from every place that could furnish them a cover. At length, finding that their situation was perilous, the British were ordered to retire, which was effected without serious loss, under the direction of Capt. Grant, aided by Major Eogers.:|: This re- treat was covered on the shore of the Detroit river by the armed gnn-boats, and the whole party arrived at the fort about 8 o'clock. It was effected by driving the Indians from house to house and field to field, nntil a line of defense could be made toward the fort. In this action, according to the official returns, there wer& 19 killed and 42 wounded. The place of its occurrence is called Bloody Eun." Pontiac lost no time in sending the news of this victory to hi» allies far and near, to rekindle the war-spLrit afresh, and new re- cruits soon came in, suflicient to supply the places of such as had deserted. Gladwin was therefore still forced to maintain a he- roic defense, without the least relaxation of discipline. They were ever on the watch, for but a brief cessation of their vigils- might bring destruction to the entire garrison. As autumn drew near, Gladwin sent one of his vessels to Ni- - agara for supplies for the winter ; and on her return, while lying one night in the river, only nine miles below the fort, a large body of Indians approached her in their cauoes, and so dark was the night that they were close by before they were seen, although a vigilant watch was kept up. The order to fire was immediate- ly given, which was obeyed ; but the next moment the Indiana were in the act of boarding the vessbl. The crew, oily ten in. * That of Mr. Dequindre. f Consult Cass, Drake, and Thatcher. j A bottle of brandy was at one time sent to Pontiac by Col. Rogers, and his warriors cautioned him not to taste it, lest it might be poisoned. Pontiac, how- ever, rejected tlieir advice. " He cannot take my life," said the Ottawa chief ;. " I have saved his." 6EN^ CLARKE 60V.STCLAIR,GEN.WAYNE, ^^.y WAYNES victorya^meigK--^""'-- y^ ^^' ]n-r- ,S;i MfliiHl- •SI fl.lu'.S/ J,i-f< ;|| . V-^ ^. \ aV^ ,\\c>* 5 fj Mcintosh ,.FIP1TT II, ii.i.i..)>^iV,i)i-r.-..V-(-,';:-i';^i,i^;^ J O lim,' ■ y I i{ (i 1 \ I A . Peace Proposals. 129 nnmber, assailed them with hatchets and spears, killing them as fast as their heads appeared above the railing. Stiff, the Tn- diabs, with desperate resolution, pressed against the deck of the little schooner with increased force, apparently determined to capture her at any sacrifice. Some of them had now clambered over the railing and already gained the deck, when the captain, wisely choosing death from explosion, to Indian torture, called out — "Blow up the vessel!" Startled at this desperate resort, the Indians leaped into the river, diving under the water as a screen from the expected flying missiles of the exploded vessel, while those in the canoes by her side pulled away in hot haste. The Indians, not caring to be blown to pieces, made no farther attempts to capture the vessel, and she reached the fort the next morning. The captain and one of the crew were killed and four others wounded. The six uninjured survivors, among whom was Jacobs, the mate, as they appeared before Gladwin to relate the circumstances of the encounter, bore the marks of its fierce- ness on their garments, sprinkled as they were with the blood of their foes, while their spears and hatchets were stained like butchers' tools.* The season was now so far advanced that that no farther sup- plies or reinforcements could be expected till the next summer, and the garrison must make the most of the provisions just brought them by the heroic crew, though barely sufficient to sns- taiu them through the winter. Meantime, the Indians began to run short of provisions as well as ammunition, and of the new recruits who had recently swelled the ranks of Pontiac none re- mained through the winter, while most of those who had borne the brunt in besieging the place from the first, were compelled by necessity to take to the distant forests for subsistence. Some of these sent in treacherous peace proposals to Gladwin, who accepted them for what they were worth, but placed no confi- dence in their stability. Even Pontiac broke through the line of his incarnate hatred to the English, sent a peace message to Gladwin, and retired to the Maumee rapids to spend the winter. Comparative quiet thus restored, the garrison rested while they watched through the succeeding winter. * Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac, vol. I., pp. 320, 321. CHAPTEE Vn. It. Pitt Besieged, hy the Indians — Fate of Fts. Presque Isle, XeBoeuf, and Venango — Gol. Bouquet marches to the Belief of Ft. Pitt — Battle of Bushy Bun — Gen. Amherst resigns his position as Commander-imr Chief, am,d Gen. Gage is ap- pointed his successor — Sir Wm,. Johnson calls an Indian Con- vention at Niaga/ra — Gen. Bradstreet marches to the Relief of Detroit — Col. Bouquet invades the Indian Country on the Muskingum River — Molds a Council with the Indians — De-, mands the Rendition of Captives — Passionate emotions of forest life-h Preliminaries of' Peace — The army returns to the frontier settlements in Pennsyl/oania with 206 returned captives. On the head-waters of the Ohio the French and Indian war began. It terminated in Canada, as far as the JFrench issne was concerned ; but the overthrow of the French armies brought the Anglo-Americans into close relations with the Indians of the in- terior, and on the head-waters of the Ohio the two rival elements met each other. Here stood Ft. Pitt, amid the desolations of savage warfare. To the west, a continent spread out its vast extent, yet unknown ; and even to the east, for one hundred and fifty mUes, the savage foe had ranged the country in triumph, and killed or led into captivity the hapless settlers along the bor- ders of Pennsylvania and Virginia. More than a thousand fam- ilies had fled before these merciless invaders, to save themselves from the fate of the first victims of their vengeance. Capt. Simeon Ecuyer, an able officer, of Swiss nationality, held command of Ft. Pitt. Its garrison numbered 300 men. During the interval between the close of the French and Indian war. and Pontiac's renewal of war on savage account, twenty or thirty families had settled around the fort, under protection of its guns ; but as soon as the war-whoop again rang through the forests, the few Indian traders of the Ohio country who had es- caped the tomahawk, took refuge within its walls, and with them the families adjacent.* •Ix)skiel, the Moravian historian, a co-worker of Hecke welder and Post, on page 99, relates a plot of the Indians to capture the traders in the vicinity of San- dusky, which challenges a parallel for audacity. The tra:ders were told that the Ft. Pitt Attacked. 131 On the 22d of June, tlie first attack was made, bat was evi- -dently premature in its conception. The fire was kept up through- •out the day and the succeeding night, killing two men in the fort. The next morning, a parley ensued, in which- a Delaware chief, under the guise of friendship, told Ecuyer that all the western forts had been taken, and if he wished to save the lives of his soldiers, as well as his women and children, he mnst leave the fort at once and retreat to the English settlements ; other- wise they would all be killed by the great army of Indians who were marching against the place. Ecuyer thanked the chief for his good intentions, to which he also retorted. that as a friend he would advise him to instantly retreat into the forests, as a large English army were on their way to the place. This informa- tion, gravely told as it was, nonplussed the chief, and the Indi- ans betook themselves to the forest, thinking it might be true. Four days after this riddance, there came to the fort a fugitive from Presque Isle, bringing the first positive tidings of the pro- gress of the war. The place had been taken, and all but him- self killed, was the news he brought.* The same day, eight sol- diers, almost dead with hunger, came in from Ft. Le Boeuf. The whole number of their garrison was but thirteen, ander charge of Capt. Price. They had defended the place with heroic valor till its walls were half consumed by the flames, when, by a se- . cret exit, they made their escape under cover of night, unbe- known to the savages. Pushing their way down French Creek to Venango, with the intention of helping to defend it, they found the place already burnt to ashes, while the bones and half- consumed flesh ;of its garrison, which lay scattered around, ad- monished them of the fate they had escaped. Thence they con- tinued their course down the Allegheny river, and finally reached Ft. Pitt. The next day, two more fugitives came in, who had lagged behind for want of strength to travel, having been accidentally separated from their companions. The fate of the three remain- ing soldiers never became known. Ft. Pitt, now severed from all communication with the outer world, kept a vigilant watch for the foe, who was daily expected, tribes to the west were about to make war on the English, with the determination to kill every one of them. This fate could be averted if the traders would be- come their prisoners, by which condition they could claim protection. Of course, their arms must be given up ; and, to make the deception complete, they had bet- ter be bound. 'The credulous traders consented, submitted their muscular limbs to the thongs of the savages, when they were killed with little ceremony, and their goods taken. * This informer had fled before the fate of the garrison was known. Christie, the commander, was taken a captive to Detroit, and soon escaped from custody and joined Gladwin. The fate of .the soldiers has never been brought to light, leaving little doubt that they were killed. 132 Second Attempt to take the Fort. but did not come till the 26tli of July, when the adjacent wooda again became animated with warriors, tented outside of the range of its guns, hungry for revenge. Before commencing hos- tilities, they wished to hold a council. Shingis, the famous old Delaware chief, was the orator, and the following is a part of his speech: "Brothers, we wish to hold fast the chair of friendship — that ancient chain which our forefathers held with their brethren the English. You have let your end of the chain fall to the ground, but ours is still fast in our hands. Why do you complain that our young men have fired at your soldiers, and killed your cattle and your horses ? Tou yourselves are the cause of this. You marched your armies into onr country and built forts here, though we told you again and again that we wished you to remove. "My brothers, this laud is ours and not yours. If yon leave this place immediately and go home to your wives and children, no harm will come of it ; but if yon stay, you must blame your- selves alone for what may happen." Ten years before, he had conferred with Washington on this very spot, and had rendered him essential service when he came to warn the French out of the country. Since that time, how- ever, Shingis had been forced into an alliance with the French by the war-cry of his tribe ; but since the peace with France, he had again been an advocate for peace with the EngKsh, but, withal, a tenacious defender of Indian rights. For this he chal- lenges our respectful memory. Ecuyer's reply to his inadmissible but not unreasonable re- quest (if the savages had not forfeited their natural rights), was unnecessarily harsh. He told him the forts were built for the benefit of the Indians, to supply them with clothing and ammu- nition, and threatened to blow him to pieces if he ever appeared again before him. The chief, with accumulated feelings of re- sentment, left the council with Turtle's-Heart and his other asso- ciates, and immediately set about environing the fort. It occu- pied a sharp tongue of land at the confluence of the two rivers, which unite here. Its walls had been built by Gen. Stanwix in 1759, at so great an expense that it was regarded as a monument of British power in the wilds of America, worth commemorating in the archives of the British Museum, where drawings of it are still preserved. Of course, any attempt of the IndianEl to take it was rash ; but, nevertheless, they crept under its walls, along the river, in the night, buried themselves in holes in the earth, like ground-hogs, and kept up a brisk but ineffectual fire on the place for three days. Tweiity of their number being killed, they withdrew in the night, and the serenity of the fort was again re- stored, as the last echo of savage bedlam rang from the high Battle of Bushy Bvm,. 133 f>ank across the river. Only one man was killed lu the fort and six wounded, among whom was Ecuyer slightly. To send an army to the relief of the place, but more especially to the relief of the border settlements, was the first pressing ne- cessity, and Sir Jeffrey Amherst, whose headquarters were still at New York, had already set about doing this in June, the pre- vious month. He had formed too low an estimate of the power ■of the Indians for mischief, and had been slow in his prepara- tions to meet the emergency, but, fortunately for the country, the men. employed in the service had made up in effectiveness for the tardiness of the commanding general. To Col- Bouquet was given the command of the expedition for the relief of Ft. Pitt. He was an able Swiss officer, who had served during the French and Indian war. In accordance with his instructions, after leaving Carlisle, he took up his march for Ft. Pitt, at the head of 600 men. This place reinforced, the whole Pennsylvania border would be rescued trom the mercUesa forays of the Indians. On the 6tli of August he arrived at a place called Bushy Run, twenty-five miles from Ft. Pitt, and a less distance from the fa- tal field of Braddock. Here he was attacked by a,n army of sav- ages, about equal to his own in numbers, and it is not too much to say that the annals of Indian warfare furnish no record of a more sanguinary battle. For two days the contest raged. •Charge after charge was made by the Indians and repelled, till at last the victory was decided by a retreat <>n the part of Bouquet, by which timely piece of strategy the Indians, in their headlong pursuit after what 'they supposed to be a defeated army, were ■ brought within a flanking fire of Bouquet's veterans. A decisive victory followed, and Bouquet reached Ft. Pitt on the 10th, with- out further molestation. Never did the red cross of St. George shine with more resplen- dent luster than when, borne aloft by the trium'^hant victors, it suddenly emerged from the forest path into the open glade that environed the fort. The wounded soldiers were tenderly nursed, and the garrison felt an assurance that no farther trouble need be feared from the enemy. The next spring Amherst resigned his position as commander- in.-chief, and Gen. Gage, a more practical man, was his succes fior. However well he was qualified to command large bodipf of men, he had failed in the minor details of the late Indian cam- paign.. While Gladwin had enough to do to keep his savage besiegers from' breaking over his frail defenses at Detroit, Amherst had ordered him to garrison the forts that had been taken at Jlichii- mackinac and other places. He further showed bis mistaken notions of the situation by offering a reward of one hundi-ed 134 Indian Goxmcil at Niagara. ponnds to any one who ■would kill Pontiac. Instructions to this effect were sent to Gladwin August 10th, 1763,* but there is no evidence' that he ever fulfilled the indiscreet measure ; had he done which, the resentment of the Indians would have been stimulated to a higher pitch than ever. The borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania were still in the breach, and it was determined to send an expedition into the in- terior beyond the Ohio, to set at rest any future apprehension of invasion. The command of it was to be given to Col. Bou- quet. It was equally important to relieve Detroit, and an expe- dition was to be sent for that purpose, under Gen. Bradstreet. The mistaken policy of Gen. Amherst, by which he had re- fused the offer of provincial troops for the service, had been suf- ficiently demonstrated by the tardy progress of the war for the past year, and it was now determined by Gen. Gage to raise a suflBcient force of colonial troops to make the two expeditions planned for the campaign of 1764 a success. On the 30th of May, the Pennsylvania Assembly passed a resolution to raise 1000 men ; New York was called upon for 1400 ; New Jersey for 600 ; and New England for her propor- tionate number. Virginia was only required to defend her own borders ; but, besides doing this, she generously raised 300 men to fill the deficiency of Pennsylvania deserters from the ranks ^er her quota had been filled for Bouquet's expedition. The Quakers were the cause of this delinquency. They were in favor of conciliation with the Indians, rather than war ; but at the same time there was a ruffian element in that State, whose per- sistent practice in the other extreme went beyond the bounds of humanity. Many peaceful Indians, against whom no evidence of disloyalty could be brought, had been murdered by these men.f Of the two expeditions planned for the campaigr> of 1764, Bradstreet's was ready first. Late in June, at the head of 1200 men, he started from Albany ; thence up the Mohawk river he took his course, crossed Oneida lake, and went down the river connecting it with Lake Ontario at Oswego. From this place Ft. Niagara was soon reached. Here his boats were drawn up the bank, and the whole army tented under the friendly guns of Ft. Niagara. Sir Williain Johnson had summoned a grand Indian council to meet here, and the red delegations had already begun to' assem- ble. Even to the far distant tribes along the upper waters of the Mississippi and on the Ottawa river of Canada, the trusty Indian messengers of Johnson had carried invitations to meet the Eng- lish Father at Ft. Niagara and listen to his speech. Had this •Bancroft, vol. V., p. 132. fLoskiel ; Heclicwelder BradstTeet starts to Helieve Detroit. 135 convention been called the year before, no notice would have been taken of it, and the messengers who carried the invitation would have been lucky to have escaped alive from the Ottawas or the Shawanesfe, and would have been received in no friendly manner by any of the western tribes ; but now the situation was changed. The war had been persisted in for over a year and the Indians were nearly destitute of ammunition, as well as such other elements of civilization as their fur trade for the past cen- tury had rendered indispensable to their existence. Under this duress, all the tribes of the country responded to the call, though the Ottawas, Shawanese, Ohio Delawares, and Senecas, came with reluctance. The object of the council was to secure the friendship and con- fidence of such as were wavering in their loyalty to Pontiac, and these now constituted the majority of the entire Indian popula- tion. Over two thousand warriors were present, all told. To each tribe. Sir William, with consummate skill, addressed a few words, calculated to turn their wills in favor of the English. A judicious distribution of presents and a moderate dispensation of tobacco and whisky did the rest. All that was expected now being accomplished, the different delegations separately with- drew, and the tumult that had reigned around Niagara for weeks finally died away, as the last savage band took up their march for their distant lodges in the wilderness, each with an increased respect for the English. The way was now clear for the advance of Gen. Bradstreet's army, and, reinforced by 200 friendly Indians and a few compa- nies of Canadian French, he embarked from Ft. Schlosaer, above the Falls, on the 8th of August.* Coasting along the southern shore of Lake Erie, in accordance with his instructions from Gen. Gage to act against the Ohio Indians, he first landed at Presque Isle. Here a delegation of Shawanese and Delawares came to his camp witli peace ))roposa]s. The occasion was un- timely for a treaty, and the little band who proposed it by no means represented the policy of their tribes. Bradstreet, how- ever, waived the ordinary conventionalities of savage diplomacy and made a treaty with them, based on the conditions that they should deliver up their captives. No harm could have come from this, had the conditions been fulfilled ; but on the arrival of Bradstreet at Sandusky, the place assigned for the delivery of the captives, instead of doing this, the wily redskins amused him farther by promising to conclude a definite treaty on his ar- rival at Detroit. Rj this clever ruse, the Ohio tribes had avert- ed the vengeance of the English tor a time ; but ere long they ♦ Alexander Henry had been redeemed with other captives, after being taken to Montreal, joined Bradstreet's army at Niagara, and returned as far as Detroil with him. 136 Peace Council at Detroit. were destined to answer to another officer, and be forced to ful- fill the conditions which as yet thev had evaded. The summer was now wefl-nigh spent, and Bradstreet took his departure ii-om Sandusky, and, continuing his ceurse along the lake shore, arrived at Detroit, his final destination, on the 26th of August. His force was too formidable for even the most hos- tile Indians to think of attacking, and his passage np the river was greeted with cheers from the Wyandots, who, the year be- fore, had taken sixty captives from Cuyler's detachment, and had doubtless eaten their full share of the soup made of their flesh ; but now they were ready to make peace, not because they were at heiart better reconciled to the English, but because they were unable to protract the war for want of means. The garrison were in transports as boat after boat pulled up to the landing opposite the fort, to supply their places with fresh men. The tedium of fifteen months isolation from the freedom of the surrounding country was now relieved. Confinement, even in a palace filled with luxuries, soon becomes irksome. The glitter of its garnished walls palls upon the senses — the bounties of the board cloy the appetite — elastic cushions lose their comfort — and downy beds refuse rest. How, then, mnst the heart of the soldier rebound when released from his pent-up and comfortless barracks, and he is again allowed to go forth without the fear of being shot by the first one he meets? After the first effusion of military courtesies was over, Brad- street set about the business of the campaign; but, in truth, there was little to be accomplished. Pontiac, the nioving spirit of the war, was at the Maumee liapids, surrounded by a soi-t of forlorn hope of unrelenting spirits like himself, who were not yet cultured into a submissive frame of mind. The year be- fore. Pbntiae's confidence in the ability of the Indians to drive the English out of the country was unshaken ; now he was a fu- gitive, and time was required to make a bridge of reconciliation over the intervening chasm — or, in other words, to come down to the practicable, and make the best of the situation. As he could not yet do this, he refused to attend a council to which he had been invited by Bradstreet, to be held at Detroit on the 10th of September. The Ottawas were, however, represented by Wasson, the chief who, in a fit of revenge, had slain the estim- able Col. Campbell the previous year. The other belligerent tribes, except the Delawares iand Shawanese, were represented by their respective chiefs ; but the convention, lacking the true Indian spirit of reciprocity, was a tame affair. Bradstreet demanded that they should become subjects of the king of England and call him father, to which the Indians a»- pented, without compreliending the nature of the obligation. W.isson made a speech that, but for its brevity, might have been Bouquefs Advance into the Indian Country. 13T attered by tlie Bishop of London : "Last year, God forsook us. Ood has now opened our eyes. It is God's will our hearts are altered ; it is God's will there should be peace and tranquility over the face of the earth and of the waters." Such were the words of the sentimental savage, who appears to have been the orator of the day on the part of the Indians. When the council was over, Bradstreefrsent a suitable force, un- der Capt. Howard, to take possession of and garrison the posts of Michilimackinac, Green Bay, and Ste. Marie — all of which was accomplished without opposition. He now started on his return, stopping at Sandusky on his way, to enforce the fulfillment of the slip-shod treaty he had made with the Shawanese and Delawares on his outward pas- sage. These tribes, however, were too cunning to be easily brought to terms. After wasting his time in procrastination till the season was too far advanced for warlike measures. Brad- street hastily departed, without securing the rendition of a single captive or any other substantial marks of submission. For this inefficient conduct he was justly censured by Gen. Gage. Let us now return to Ft. Pitt, from which the expedition un- der Bouquet was to penetrate the savage realms of the Indians, in. places hitherto held sacred to barbarism, if the expression is. admissible. It had been the intention of Gen. Gage to have Bradstreet at Sandusky, fighting the Wyandots and Delawares, while Bouquet was attacking the Indian towns on the Musking- nm ; but this strategic co-operation miscarried, owing to the hin- drances in getting the forces into the field, destined for the inte- rior service under Bouquet. It was not till the 5th of August that Bouquet's army were ready. Carlisle was its place of ren- dezvous. It consisted of the Pennsylvania provincials, 200 friendly Indians, and the 42d and 60th regiments of British reg nlars. On. the 13th the army reached Ft. Loudon. Here Gen. Boquet received a despatch from Gen. Bradstreet, dated Presque Isle, August 14th, informing him of the treaty he had made at that place with the Delawares and Shawanese ; but his quick penetration readily saw that Bradstreet had exceeded his instruc- tions in making the treaty, and that it had no binding force with the Indians, and he pressed on with the campaign. On his arrival at Ft. Pitt, ten Indians appeared on the oppo- site bank of the river, wishing to have a talk with him ; but when boats were sent to ferry them over, only three ventured to go. These not giving a consistent account of their good inten- tions were detained as spies. On the 20th of September he tested the fidelity of one of them, by sending hirp to the Dela- wares aind Shawanese, reminding them of certain hostile acts they had committed since they had signed the treaty with Brad- street. This message delivered, he was to proceed to Detroit 138 Demands the Rendition of Captioes. aad deliver another at that place ; in defenlt of the faithful per- ' formance of which, the two remaining comrades of the messen- ger still in the custody of Bouquet, were to be pnt to death. On the 3d of October all were ready, and the first white army of Americans that ever penetrated the interior of the West took up its march toward the heart of the Indian country. It num- bered 1500 men, besides teamsters and a goodly number of mothers whose children had been taken captive by the Indians, while among the soldiers were not a few whose wives had been abducted into savage captivity. On the 6th, the army reached Logstown, the place rendered memorable as the spot where Washington had held council with Half-King eleven years be- fore. On the 6th, continuing its course westwardly, it passed a village built by the French and deserted by them when Forbes took Ft. Duquesne. On the llth, while encamped in the val- ley of the Muskingum, the Indian messenger despatched from Ft. Pitt with letters to Bradstreet, came in. He had been detained by the Delawares till Bouquet's army had penetra- ted the country, and, not desiring to keep hint any longer, they had despatched him back to Bouquet, to inform him that they would soon send in peace proposals. Bouquet was now in the neart of the Inaian country, and could easily descend upon the various Indian towns and destroy their crops, in case they should not comply with his demands. Of this the Indians were well aware, and, on tne 17th, a large del- egation of Seneca, Delaware, and Shawanese chiefs came io with peace proposals. The Delawares had violated their treaty made with Bradstreet at Presque Isle, and were at their wits' ends to know how to frame a plausible apology • but they made the best of the situation, smothered tbeir pride, and asked for peace. To these overtures Bouquet, in stern language, reminded the Indians of their treachery and of the feeling of just resent- ntient which filled the hearts of mothers, brothers, sisters, and husbands of captives now in their possession. These aggrieved relatives were on the spot to receive them ; and he closed by saying, "I give you twelve days to deliver into my hands, at Watatamake, all the prisoners in your possession, without ex- ception — ^Englishmen, Frenchmen, women and children, wheth- er adopted in your tribes, married or living among you under any pretense whatever, together with all negroes. And you are to furnish the said prisoners with clothing, provisions, and horses to carry them to Ft. Pitt. When you have fully complied with these conditions, you shall know on what terms you may obtaia the peace you sue for." The day of humiliation for the Indians had now come, from which there was no escape, and they made haste to do the bid- ding of Bouquet. Eighteen captives were immediately brought Hendition of the Captvoea. 139 « in by the Delawares, and the other tribes made preparations to fiilfil the required conditions, though the Shawanese, in their despair, were tormented between hope and fear, and at one time formed the cruel resolution to kill all the captives in their hands, under an impression that the English had come to destroy their whole tribe. Happily, however, this mistaken idea' was correct- ed, and, on the 12th of the succeeding month, nearly all the- captives had been brought in, and the nnal conference was held, a few miles distant from the place first appointed. The number of captives brought in was 206, of whom 32 males and 58 females were from Yirginia, and 49 males and 67 females from Pennsylvania. Many of them were children whO' had never known any other but Indian mothers, and were in no wise different from other children of the forest, except a slight distinction in the color of the skin, and even this had been darkly shaded by the sun and wind. They, were now brought into the- presence of their own mothers, from whose breasts they had been savagely torn during the French and Indian war ; and ma- ny a mother's heart was filled with joy at the restoration of a long-lost child,. whose uncertain fate had, ever since its capture, been a painful image of despair, relieved only by dreams of hope. Other mothers, who looked in vain among the captives- for their lost cldldren, were doomed to a redoubled sense of grietj as conviction was forced upon them that they bad fallen victims to- the tomahawk. No small amount of tender persuasion was re- quired to reconcile the redeemed waifs to their natural mothers,, and, when the parting scene came, their adopted mothers gav& vent to tears and lamentations, which measured the depths of their affection for these objects of their care. Among the youth who still retained recollections of their native homes, many were unwilling subjects of rendition. Some of them had to be bound, and brought in by force, and after they had been returned to^ civilized society, took the first favorable opportunity to escape from their kindred into savage life. Among the adult captives, some of the young women had mar- ried Indian braves, and were .living in harmonious marital rela- tions with their lords, contented to do the drudgery of the lodge like good squaws. An example of fidelity on the part of a Min- go chief to a young female captive from Pennsylvania, whom he intended to make his wife, is recorded, whicli, in constancy and devotion, ought to satisfy the most exacting coquetry of courtly etiquette. With melting tenderness, he parted from the object of his affections at the camp where the captives were received,, on the banks of the Muskingum, and, impelled by those emo- tions that lovers can understand better than the pen of History can describe, he hung about the camp, with no reasonable hope of. ever seeing her again, and every day brought some choice Bit, 140 Return of the ArTny. of food for her. When the army of Bouquet withdrew, he fol- lowed it ail the way to the frontiers, continuing his daily supply of choice game for the benefit of the mistress of his affections. Had he entered the settlements, he would have been shot at sight.' Of this he was amply warned by the soldiers, and, just before reaching them, he reluctantly lingered behind, while the receding columns of the army that bore away his mistress van- ished forever from his sight, when he retraced his long and lone- some path to the wilderness lodges of his people. Bouquet left his camp on the 18th of November, and arrived at Ft. Pitt on the 28th. Here he left a garrison of regulars and withdrew with the volunteers and captives to the settlements. The succeeding January, 1765, the Assembly of Pennsylvania voted him a resolution of' thanks for his eflScient services. Yir- ginia did the same soon afterward. The next year he went to Pensacola, where he died. In vain may the records of progress in civilization be searched for a parallel to the episode presented at the rendition of these captives. Here two extremes came into rivalship with each oth- «r, unshackled by the influences which stimulate lazy intellects and feeble purposes by emulation in the world of culture and education. Savage life imposes no restraint. upon the individual except what might come from a loose estimate of social stand- ing; A number of scalps taken from an enemy are essential to the repiitation of a warrior, and a bountiful supply of game se- cures fame as a hunter. These honors are hedged in by no mo- nopoly or intricate theories, based on precedent, and it is no mar- vel that the simple child of the forest, whether a renegade from white settlements or an Indian, should stand appalled before the labyrinthian mazes through which a high niche may be attained in the great temple of civilization, and shrink from entering the lists for rivalship for a place in this temple, which appears like a sealed mystery to him. Under this forlorn duress, he buries himself in the forest and studies the physical features of nature, with no possible clue to its grander beauties revealed by science. His wants are measured by nature's demands only — ^blind to the unfathomable depths of educated longings for more. Ecceni trie philosophy peculiar to frontier life, sometimes prefers the savage state, rather than brook the ills of what, with no impro- priety, may be called the loose screws in our civilization, which time may tighten up and perfect the beneficent fabric held . to- gether by them, into a great leveler of all distinctions not based on merit. [Note. — Immediately after the return of Bouquet to Philadelphia, a book was published, giving an historical account of his expedition, which had excited uni- versal emotions of gratitude. It was reprinted in London by T. .Jiefferies, shortly •fterward, bearing date of 1766. Il forms the basis of the foregoing account.] OHAPTEE VIII. The Illinois Oov/ntry — Slavery — The Lead Trade — Laclede's Grant — Ft. Chartres — Settlement of St. Louis — Louisiana ceded to Spain — The English under Major Loftus, attewopt to penetrate to the Illinois Country iy way of the Missis- sippi — Are repulsed — Geo. Croghan — He advances to the Illinois Country — Is taJcen p^'isoner — Is released — Molds a Council with his Indian captors, and irings them to terms favoraile to the JErvgUsh — Items from his Journal — The Illinois Country taken possession of iy Captain Sterling — Proclamation of Gen. Gage — Early Governors of the Illinois Country — Pontiao in Council with Sir William Johnson — He resigns his ambitious designs — His death and its consequences — Chicago, the Indian Chief. At the extreme verge of settlements in the great Interior th& French villages of the Illinois country still nestled in quietude among the vine-clad bluffs of the Mississippi. Ever since 1720 the lead mines of Galena had been worked by individual enter- prise, in which branch of industry the Indians had been sharers with the French. Philip Francis Heynault had been the prime mover in this trade; the same who in 1720 had introduced slavery among the French inhabitants of Kaskaskia and the adjacent villages, to work the mines under the impression that the coun- try abounded in mineral wealth. The lead trade, besides the trades in peltries and furs, had been turned toward New Orleans since Fort Frontenac had been taken in 1758, during the height of the late war, and now that it had terminated in despoiling the French of all their American possessions east of the Missis- sippi, except New Orleans, it was in the natural course of events that they snould by every means in their power exert themselves to secure the trade of the Upper Mississippi to themselves, by making New Orleans, which was still a French port, a com- mercial outlet to the sea, for the still immense possessions of France westof the Mississippi river. 142 iSt. Louis Settled. With this end in view, Pierre Ligueste La Clede, in 1763, obtained a grant for trading in the npper country, from M. D. Abbadie, the French Governor of Louisiana, which territory embraced the entire country on the immediate west bank of the Mississippi, of which New Orleans, on the east bank, was the metropolis. He immediately organized a companj' under the style of La Clede, Maxon & Co., purchased a stock of goods, and starting up the river, reached a small missionary station named St. Genevieve, on the third of November. Here he would have fixed his headquarters, but as he could find no place to store his goods, he crossed the Mississippi and established himself at Ft. Chartres. Though the placer was still in French' possession, it was liable at any time to be shadowed by an English flag, ac- ■cording to the treaty of peace, and to establish himself perma- nently under French rule, he determined to lay out a town •on the west bank of the river, as a grand commercial center to which the trade of the Upper Mississippi should tend. Every- thing was made ready on the fifteenth of February, 1764:, and this was the date when the ground was first scarred for his trad- ing post, where the city of St. Louis now stands. Shortly after- wards, he laid out sti-eets from which began the great city whose marvelous growth has found no rival in the whole interior, exempt •Chicago; nor did its rivalship begin until a late period, even within the memory of many of her present citizens. Its name, after Louis XIY., is a monument grand as it is ■enduring, of early French power in America. That the site was well chosen, her future greatness lias proved. Here the hydraulic tbrces of nature, if rivers may be called such, gather their tribu- tary waters froia the AUeghanies to the Eocl^ Mountains to a •common center, not distant from the site of the city, while below the mouth of the Ohio, not a spot could be found above New •Orleans which could command extensive connections by naviga- ble waters, with any large amount of territory. Many of the inhabitants of the Illinois country crossed the river and joined La Clede's settlement, in order to remain under tlie rule of their native land, but, alas for their loyalty to the Lilies! The French King had already, on November second, 1762, by the secret treaty of St. Ildet'onso, ceded Louisiana to ■Spain, and ere a year's residence, they were astonished by the publication of tlie treaty which made them subjects of Spain — a country which they despised. When the news came, it was received in New Orleans with a storm of indignation — tasking the utmost efibrts of the officers •of the French crown to suppress a rebellion on* the spot, rather than come under Spanish rule. Abbadie, the governor, was, in .feeble health, and the universal discontent weighed lieavily upon English Repulse on the Mississipjti. 143 him, when, as if to add to the general turmoil, an importunate delegation of Indians came to liiin from Pontiac, begging assist- ance wherewith to .renew the war against the English. These could not be turned away without a respectful hearing which was granted, and a softened reply made by the amiable official wlio survived the accumulated agitation bat two or three days, passing away with his mind distracted by tlie vanishing fortunes ■of French power in America. The destinies of the immense interior, with its forests and prairies, its rivers and its lakes, spread out in a mysterious ex- panse on the face of nature, were now, by the fortunes of war, se- cured to the English; but how to take possession. of them was yet a problem not fully solved. In lT6i the English took possession ■of Florida by virtue of a treaty with Spain of the preceding year,* and from thence an English post was established on iBayou Manchae, on the Mississippi river. From the latter place Major Loftus was ordered to push his way up the Mississippi with a force of three hundred men, to take possession of the lili- Tiois country. While laboring against the current on his way, with his lum- bersome barges, he was suddenly attacked by the Tunica Indians, who poured a volley of shot among his men, first from one side ■of the river and next from the other, when he immediately retreated to Pensacola; and the scheme of reaching the Illinois country by the way of the Mississippi was indefinitely post- poned, or rather substituted by a more direct approacli to it by the way of the Ohio,f and up the Mississippi when it was reached. This route would bring the English direct to Ft. Chartres, the stronghold of the French, without a wilderness march among a people whose love for them had become a passion. *Duriner the American Revolution in 1781, the Spaniards wrested riorida from the English, and at the Peace of Paris in 1783, it was guaranteed to that power, and retained till it was ceded to the United States by Spain, in 1818. tin a letter from James Rivington, of New York, to Sir Wm. Johnson, dated February 20, 1764, the following passage occurs, which is inserted to show the forlorn character with which any attempt to penetrate the Interior at that time •was regarded: '■' ITie 22nd Regiment, consisting of 800 Men under Majr. An. Loftns, is gone up the Mississipi to take post (if they can) at Port Chartres, in the Illinois Country, Query, how many will return to give accounts of the the rest?" At the close of the letter, speaking of Gen. Amherst, he says; "The ship New Hope arrived from England on Saturday morning; in her came an officer who affirms that there is an extreme great outcry against Geneifel Amherst, w"*" is suppoi-ted by all the army that served in America now in Eng- land & that Col. Lee of y® 44th is now employing himself in writing upon the coadtict of that officer during his command in this country." Mss. papers of Sir William Johnson; see Doc. Hist. N. T., Tol. II.,p. 809. It evident that the glorious termination of the war was due more to -the sol- diers than to the leadership of Amherst, whose Procrustean rules were iU adapt- ed to bush fighting. — [Authob. 144: Croghan^s Expedition. The situation was complicated by a triple combination of ad- verse influences, and required the utmost discretion on the part of those entrusted with the service of overcoming the obstacles in the way of establishing English authority in this remote frontier, where a unanimous feeling went against it. The year before Pontiac had been there and exhausted his powers of sav- age rhetoric to enlist the French in his desperate cause, and re- new the attack on the English. The discreet St. Ange, who held military command of the country, was at his wits' end to know how to -answer the importunate hero whose schemes were as im- practicable as his popularity was universal, but by dint of much circumspection managed to preserve liis good fellowship with the Indians by a very respectful demeanor towards Pontiac, while he declined any aid to his cause. The irresponsible traders, however, did not share this wise policy which would bring no grists to their mill, whatever it might do for the public good; for when the English came, tliey would have to either take a subordinate interest under them, or quit their calling. Under this contingency they did their utmost to inflame the minds of the Indians against the English. Even in those primitive times commercial rivalship between the northern route to the sea, by the way of the Ohio, in compe- tition to the already established thoroughfare of the Mississippi, was not without its influence, and a double precaution became necessary in the next attempt to penetrate these outermost bounds of French settlements, which had as yet enjoyed an unin- ter rnp ted peace during the past ten years of sanguinary war. Sir W illiam Johnson, who was Superintendent of Indian affairs, had in his employ an able officer named George Croghan, wha acted as his deputy at distant points beyond 'his reach, and he was selected by Gen. Gage as the fittest person known to advance into the country still held by the French and influence both them and the Indians in favor of the English, as a preparatory step to pave .the way for the force whicli was soon to follow. Fort Pitt was the place from which he was to embark on his dangerous mission, but he was detained here a month to receive the last installment of captives from the Shawaneese, which had been promised to Bouquet the year before, and who could not be delivered to him at that time on account of their absence on a. hunt. Meantime, inauspicious news came to hand from the in- terior', which admonished Croghan that the sooner he arrived among the conquered but vacillating subjects of the King in .the Illinois country, the less difficult wotild be the task of reconcili- ation. In his command was a celebrated frontierer named Fra- ser — the same who had pushed across the mountains in 1753, and established a trading station on the Alleghany river. He vol- i^is:kneech. among the suppliants. But lest the sincerity of a treaty should be disturbed, from which so distinguished a chief absented him- self, he sent, by a messenger, the following speech to be delivered to Lord Dunmore. " ' I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Lo- gan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the coiirse of the. last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Logan is the friend of white men.'. I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and improvoked, murdered all the relatioios of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature^ This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance: for my country I re- joice at the beams of peace, feut do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Lo- gan? ISTotone.'" ■ Mr. Jefferson wrote his Notes on Virginia, as' he states, in 1781-2. They were first published in Paris, and afterwards in the United States. In 1797, great excitement was raised against him by the Cresap interest, in which it was, among other tiungs, insinuated that he wrote the speech himself. Mr. Jefferson de- fended himself in an appendix to his Notes. The Indian towns were now at the mercy of the victors, espe- cially when the main body advanced across the Ohio, under Dunmore himself. But instead of pushing the defeated Indians to extremities, he convened a council and made peace with them on generous terms. At Fort Gower, near the mouth of the river Hockhocking, on the 5th of November, 1774, the ofiicers of Dunmore's army held a meeting, at which one of them spoke as follows: — "Gen- tlemen: Having now concluded the campaign, by the assistance of Providence, with honor and advantage to the colony and our- selves, it only remains that we should give our country the strongest assurance that we are ready at all times, to the utmost of our power, to maintain and defend her just rights apd privi- leges. We have lived about three months in the woods, without any intelligence from Boston, or from the delegates from Phila- delphia.* It is possible, from the groundless reports of design- ing men, that our country may be jealous of the use such a *The Continental Congress, which convened on the 5th September, 1774. The American Bevolution Begins. 16S body would make of arms in their hands at this critical junc- ture. That we are a respectable body is certain, when it is con- sidered that we can live weeks without bread or salt; that we can sleep in the open air, without any covering but that of the can- opy of heaven ; and that our men can march and shoot with any in the known world. Blessed with these talents, let us solemnly en- gage to one another, and our country in particular, that we will use them to no purpose but for the honor and advantage of America in general, and of Yirginia in particular. It behooves, us, then, for the satisfaction of our country, that we should give them our real sentiments, by way of resolves, at this very alarm- ing crisis." The following resolutions were then adopted by the meeting, without a dissenting voice, and ordered to be published in the Virginia Gazette. " Mesolved, That we will bear the most faithful allegiance to his majesty. King George the Third, while his majesty delights to reign over a brave and free people; that we vsdll, at the ex- pense of life and everything dear and valuable, exert ourselves in support of the honor of his crown, and the dignity of the British Empire. But as the love of liberty, and attachments to the real interests and just rights of America, outweigh every other consideration, we resolve that we will exert every power within us for the defense of American liberty, and for the sup- porting of her just rights and privileges; not in any precipitate, riotous, and tumultuous manner, but when regularly called forth by the imanimous voice of our countrymen." These words may be taken as a representative type of the back- woods feeling which two years later declared itself in an open declaration of Independence, but yet there were among these headstrong borderers a iew men, intensified in their hatred to civilized society, who cast their lot among the Indians as a choice, and allied themselves to the English cause, not from principle, but as a means wherewith to ventilate their spite against any- thing that stood in the way of their low-bred ambition. Simon Girty, George Elliot and Alexander McKee were noted examples of this kind of nondescript waywardness, destined to exert a po- tent influence in the coming struggle. In 1774 the first Continental Congress assembled in Philadel- phia. The next year, 1775, Gen. Gage, awakening one morning in his quarters in Boston, beheld with astonishment the heights ' of Bunkier Hill fortified. A fierce battle followed. Canada was invaded the same year by Arnold and Montgomery. The same year, while the Continental Congress was holding its second session in Philadelphia, Commissioners were appointed to occupy Fort Pitt for the purpose of making treaties with the 164 Indian Ideas of the Hevolution. Indians in favor of the forthcoming government. To offset thw policy, the British inangnrated a similar one for their ovrn ben- efit from Detroit. As a result, two prominent Delaware Chiefs,^ Bnckongahelas and White Eyes, took the stump among the denizens of the forest as exponents of the rival claims of the belligerants to savage snj)port. Bnckongahelas, the friend of the English, spoke first, as follows : "Friends! listen to what I say to yon! You see a great and powerful nation divided! You see the father fighting against the eon, and the son against the father! The father has called on his Indian children to assist him in punishing his children, the Americans, who have become refractory. I took time to con- sider what I should do — whether or not I should receive the liatchet of my father to assist him. At .first I looked upon it as a family quarrel, in which I was not interested. However, at length, it appeared to me that the father was in tlie right, arid his children deserved to be pijnished a little. That tliis must be the case, I concluded from the many cruel acts his offspring had committed, from time to time, on his Indian children, in en- croaching on their land, stealing their property, shooting at and murdering, without cause, men, womeii, and children. Yes, even murdering those who, at all times, had been friendly to them, and were placed for protection under the roof of their fathers' house— the father himself standing sentry at the door at the time,* Friends! often has the father been obliged to settle and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefs done us by his refractory children, yet these do not grow better. I^o! they re- main the same and will continue to be so as long as we have any land left us. Look back at the murders committed by the Long- knives on many of our relations, who lived peaceable neighbors to them on the Ohio. Did they not kill them without the least provocation? Ai'e they, do you think, better now than they were then?" To this speech "White Eyes, the friend of the new government, then witliout a name, replied: "Suppose a fatlier had a little son whom he loved and i;i- dulged while young, but, growing up to be a youth, began to think of having some lielp from him, and, making up a small pack, hade Iiini carry it for him. The boy cheei-fullj' takes the pack, following liis fatlier with it. The father, finding the boy willing and obedient, continues in his way; and, as the boy grows stronger, so the father makes the pack in proportion larger — ^jet as long as the boy is able to carry the pack, he does so •Alluclinjr to the murder of the Conestoga Indians.— See GorjJON's History OF Peknsylvajsia, 405. White Eyes' Speech, Printed hy Congress. 165 •without gnimbling. At length, however, the boy, having arrived at manhood, while the father is making np the pack for him, in •comes a person of an evil disposition, and, learning who was the carrier of the pack, advises the father to make it heavier, for purely the son is able to carrj,a large pack. The father, listen- ing rather to the bad adviser than consulting his own judgment and the feelings of tenderness, follows the' advice of the hard- hearted adviser, and makes up a heavy load for his son to carry. Tlie son, now grown np, examining the weight of the load he is to carr}-^, addi-esses the parent in these words: ' Dear father, this pack is too heavy for me to carry — do, pray, lighten it. I am willing to do what I can, but I am unable to carry this load.' The father's heart having, by this time, become hardened, and the bad adviser calling to him, 'whip him, if he disobeys and refuses to carry the pack,' now in a peremptory tone orders his «on to take up the pack and carry it off, or he will whip him, and already takes up a stick to beat him. ' So! ' says the son, ' am I to be served thus for not doing what I am nnable to do? Well, if entr,eatie8 avail nothing with you, father — ^and it is to be de- cided by blows whether or not I am able to carry a pack so heavy— then I have no other choice left me but that of resisting your unreasonable demand by my strength; and so, striking each other, we may see who is the strongest' " This absurd metaphor was considered worth preserving by both governments, as models of that gushing style of logic ■wherewith to influence the Indian mind. Buckongahelas' speech was printed by officers in the British Indian Department, and White Eyes' speech was printed by a committee appointed by the Continental Congress on the 13th of July, 1775.* The British had strong garrisons at Detroit and Michilimac- inac at this time, and a small garrison at St. Joseph, to preserve their interests at the Southern extremity of Lake Michigan, for ■even in that early day this locality was regarded with favor. But St. Joseph was looked upon as a place of more promise than Ohicago, on account of the superiority of her river as a harbor. While the brains and the muscle inherited from the ancient Briton's were laying the dimension ^tone on the Atlantic coast for a new nation, the French inhabitants of Vincennes and the Illinois country, in blissful ignormice of the ruling policy of the ■country, were cultivating their fields in common, and sharing the harvest of a summer's toil with the harmony of bees. By the year 1777, however, one year after the Declaration of Indepen- dence, an erratic emigrant from Pennsylvania, named Tom 'American Archives, 4th S. Vol. II, p. 1880. 166 iSi. Joseph Taken from the British. Brady, who had settled at Cahotia, planned an expedition against the British post of St. Joseph. Tlie place was garrisoned by 21 soldiers, but Bardy's party, relying upon the prestige of a sur- sprise, felt confidence in their ability to take it, although their own force numbered but 16 men. Accordingly they took ad- vantage of night to come iipon the place, when the astonished garrison gave themselves up as prisoners. On returning, the in- vaders had proceeded no further than the Calumet river, when they were attacked by a party of British and Indians, number- ing 300. Two of Brady's party were killed, and Brady, with the remainder of his party, taken prisoners. Not long after- wards, he managed to make his escape, and threaded the forest back to his native place in Pennsylvania. Subsequently he re- turned to Cahokia, where he became Sheriff of St. Clair county in 1790.* Early the next spring a daring Frenchman named Paulette Maize, enlisted a force of- 65 men from the French towns of the JlIinois,.and from St. Louis, and marched against the same place^ to re-take it. The expedition was successful, and all the furs and peltries in the fort were taken from the British as the spoil of war. Many of the most prominent citizens of Cahokia were in this expedition."}- Eeturning to the frontier of English settlements, we find such dauntless spirits as Dr. Walker, Boone, Kenton, Zane, Harrod^ McAffee, and others, piishing into the wilderness realms of Ken- tucky, building stockades and making settlements, while the forest was infested with British emissaries, urging the Indians- to take up the tomahawk against the Americans. Prominent among these pioneer spirits was Col. Geo. Rogers Clark, a native of Albemarle county, Va. All these backwoods- men were conspicuous for their loyalty to the cause of American Independence, and the field they had chosen wherewith to bring aid to that cause, was adapted to their frontier accomplishments^ and proved effectual, both as a diversion and a palliation, to di- minish the force of Indian invasion on the frontier. This was the immediate incentive of Clark, in a plan of which he was the first projector, to take possession of Vincennes and the Illinois villages, and set up the authority of the new government in those: distant posts, as a nucleus of power round which the Indians- could gather. The infant settlements of Kentucky were then begun, and Clark was among them, but left for Yirginia on th& first of October, 1777, for the purpose of laying his plan before ♦Western Annals, p. 696. Reynold's Hist. 111. p. 68. tWestem Annals, p. 697. Clarke Takes Kaskashia. 167 Patrick Henry, the Governor. On the 10th of December he had an interview with him, and laid hisplans before him. After several interviews. Governor Henry gave his consent, and immediate preparations were made to put them into execn- tion. The utmost secresy was necessary to its success, for had it been known in advance, the English could have sent a suflBcient force from Detroit to take the whole party prisoners ere they arrived on the ground. As a blind to the real destination of the expedition, Governor Henry first gave Clark instructions to pro- ceed to the Kentucky settlements with his force, for the purpose of defending them against Indian attack. These were published, and gave rise to some murmurs among the revolutionary spirits of the border that soldiers should be sent on such an errand when they were needed in the front to fight the British. The expedition embarked from Pittsburgh, " shot the falls," as Clark expressed it, at Lowisburg, on the 24th of June, kept on down the river to a little above Fort Massac, fifty miles above the month of the Ohio, and from thence they marched across the country to Kaskaskia. On the 4:th of July, 1778, when night had shed its gloom over river, grove and prairie, the people of Kaskaskia were startled by the cry, "7/" any one enters the streets, he shall ie shot!" The terrified inhabitants remained in their houses during the fearful night, and when morning came a few of the principal citizens were seized and put in irons. Every aveniie of escape was cut oif, and the wretched inhabitants, who had been told by their British Governor Pochblave, that the Longknives (Ameri- cans) were barbarous and cruel to the last degree, began to think their barbarity had not been overrated, nor were their fears quieted on beholding the uncouth motions of their conquerors, so different from the graceful manners of the French, who had brought with them the blandishments of Paris to be reproduced in the American .wilderness. Under these painful forebodings, Gibault, the Priest, and others, with deep hutoilitj', approached the General who com- manded the rough band, at whose feet the town lay prostrate. The very first attempt to -parley with him was embarrassing, for on entering his quarters, among the muscular backwoods officers who were around him, there was no distinction in etiquette or dress, and the perplexed Priest was obliged to ask who the com- mander was. On being informed, a painful pause ensued for ^he want of words wherewith to frame the requests he was about to make. The suspense over, Gibault, in an attitude of supplica- tion, begged the privilege that his people might depart in peace, withont being separated from their families, and hoped a small allowance of provisions might be retained by them for their im- 168 The GrcmdDoor. mediate.wants; which mild request was accompanied with an assurance that many of the inhabitants had frequently expressed themselves in favor of the Americans in their contest with the mother country. Up to this moment Clark had wrought upon their fears only. Uovv came the sunny side to the front, and never did the nobility masked beneath a rough exterior, in the bosom of the forest ranger, show to better advantage; In brief words he informed them that the Americans came not to deprive them of their lib- erty, or to interfere with their religion, or to plunder them of their property. The shackles were now taken from the captives and freedom proclaimed to all: The people were now in trans- ports. The bells were rung and the streets were vocal with song, and gayety reigned tliroughont the town. On the 6th "of February France had acknowledged the Inde- pendence of the United States. The news came to Gen. Clark while on his way .down the river, in a letter from Col. Campbell, at Fort Pitt. Nothing could have been more timely for Clark, as he depended on an accession to his number from the French in order to complete his plans for the conqrtest of the country, and this news would help his cause. He therefore lost no time in proceeding to business, and opened recraiting quarters at onc6. The ranks tor a company were soon filled with newly enlisted Frenchmen, eager to serve in a cause that had already been es- poused by their country. Caholda and all the other French towns acquiesced in the new order, ^nd contributed their quota to fiU the ranks of Clark's little army. The success which had thus far attended Clark was but the first steps in the woi-k before him. The whole country was full of Indians who had been conquered by the English in the recent war, and were now reconciled to them, all the more as they were dependent on them for supplies. During the progress of the American Revolution thus far, tlve English traders and agents had been busy in the forests, inflam- ing the minds of the Indians against the Americans by the most absurd falsehoods, impressed upon their savage sensibilities by forest eloquence. To overcome this influence was all important, and Clark set about the business with masterly skill. The most influential Indian chief in the whole country was The Grand Door, so called be ause his influence was so potent over the ti'ibes along the Wabash river that no one would presume to en- ter its valley on an important mission, without first consulting him. To Capt. Helm, one of Gen. Clark's officers, was entrusted this delicate business. ■ The first thing to do was to explain to The Grand Door the nature of the contest between the Ameri- cans and the Enirli.^li in snch a manner as to leave no doubt in Indian Councils. 169 hiB majesty's savage instincts as to tlie justice, and, especially, the ultimate success of the American cause — the latter point be- inff no less important in Indian diplomacy than in civilized. with these instructions Capt. Helm started for the headquar- ters of the Grand Door, located in a Piankeshaw village close by Vincennes. Arriving safely at the latter place, he was well re- ceived by the French inhabitants, there being no English gar- rison there at the time. The Door was then sent for, and on his arrival a letter was given him from Gen. Clark. He received it with becoming dignity, and promised to lay its contents before Lis people. !For several days they held council over the matter, when the chief returned to Yincennes and announced to Capt. Helm that he was now a Big Knife, meaning that he had esr ponsed the cause of the Americans. The evening was spent in merriment suited to the occasion. No sooner was it known that The -Grand Door had become a " Big Knife," than all the other tribes of the country .visited Capt. Helm's quarters at Vincennes, and gave in their adhesion to tlie Americans. The news of this accession of strength w^ promptly sent by an Indian messenger to Gen. Clark, atKaskas- kia. Meantime, it was soon spread among the tribes throughout the entire Illinois country. A council was convened at Cahokia, with their representative chiefs, to whom Gen. Clark, after ex- plaining, to them the nature of the contest between the Ameri- icans and the English, made the following speech to them : " Ton can now judge who is in the right. I have already told- yon who I am. Here is a bloody belt and a white one; take which you please. Behave like men: and don't let your being surrounded by the Big Knives cause you to take up the one belt with your hands, while your hearts take up the other. If you take the bloody path you shall leave the town in safety, and may go and join your friends, the English. We will then try, like warriors, who can put the most stumblingblocks in each other's way, and keep our clothes longest stained with blood. If, on the other hand, you should take the path of peace, and be received as brothers to the Big Knives, with their friends, the French, should you then listen to bad birds that may be flying through the land, you will no longer deserve to be counted as men^ but as creatures with two tongues, that ought to be destroyed without listening to anything that you might say. As I am convinced you nev^r heard the truth before, I do not wish yoti to answer before you have taken time to counsel. "We will, therefore, part this even- ing: and when the Great Spirit shall bring us together again, let us speak and think like men with but one heart and one tongue." 170 Yincennes OoGupied hy the Bntish,.^ The next day the chiefs returned, and before the Gotmcil fires, which were still burning, presented Clark the sacred Pipe, after waving it toward the heavens and the earth, an impressive way of calling heaven and earth to witness their bond of peace and alliance with the Big Knives. News of these successes were now sent to Gov. Henry, of Virginia, when, at a session of the General Assembly, an act was passed laying out a county called.Illinois county, which embraced Yincennes, as well as the French villages of the Illinois. But before suitable officers could arrive on the ground to carry the act into effect, Henry Hamilton, the British Lieut. Governor of Detroit, came down upon Yincennes with 30 British regulars, 50 French soldiers en- listed at Detroit, and 400 Indian Warriors. He arrived at the place on the 15th of December. Soon as he was within hailing distance Capt. Helm, who was still there, cried out " Halt! " This stopped the advance of Hamilton, who in turn demanded a surrender of the garrison. " On what terms?" demanded the tenacious defender. "The honors of war," was tlie reply. Tlie fort was surrendered, with its garrison of one soldier, named Henry, and one officer, Helm himself ! * Capt. Helm was held as prisoner, and the French inhabitants having already taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, were disarmed. The news of this untoward event soon came to Clark at Kaskaskia, who saw at once his peril. A British army lay in the path of his retreat, backed by a confederacy of Indi- ans who would doubtless turn against hini at the first check he might receive. While his fertile genius was on the rack for expedients where- with to sustain himself, a Spanish trader, named Francis Yigo, came to his quarters with news from Yincennes. He informed Clark that Hamilton, being under no apprehension of an attack, had sent away the largest portion of his force to blockade the Ohio, and cut off his retreat, and with the first opening of spring an attack was to be made on the Illinois villages. His resolution was immediately, taken. Yincennes, the head-center of these machinations, must be captured. "If I don't take Hamilton, Hamilton will take me," said Clark. It was now the 29th of January, and so prompt were the French inhabitants of Kaskaskia to assist the Americans, that by the 4th of February everything was ready. The artillery and stores for the expedition were placed on a light draught vessel, under command of one of his officers named JohnTlogefs, ta be transported down the Mississippi, and up the Ohio and Wa- bash rivers, to the destined field of operation against the post. ♦Butler's Kentucky, p. 80. Clwrke Marches Against Vincennes. 171 The next day Clark himself, with 175 men, a part of whom were French recruits, took up their march across the country for the same destination. On the 17th they reached the banks of the "Wabash, but how to gain the opposite bank of the river, where the fort stood, was a problem more difficult of solutjon in the mind of Clark, than how to take the fort after he had crossed,, for the late rains had flooded the broad intervals along the river, and far above and below a forest rose up through the swollen waters, mirroring its leafless branches, invertec" into a picturesque mirage. The morDing gun of the fort was heard af the perplexed in- vaders took up their tents, after a night's res . Eafts were now made, and a few trusty Frenchmen dispatched across the mys- terious waste, to steal boats from their moorings, outside of the unsuspecting town. This hazardous adventure proved a success after three days, during which time the army of Clark had been toiling through the flooded intervals of the "Wabash, along the shallowest portions, endeavoring to gain its immediate- bank. On the 21st the army crossed the turbulent stream in the- boats stolen by the scouts, and now its labors were redoubled. The ground in advance was now reconnoitred in a canoe, and the- depth of the flood sounded, by Clark himself. This done, he- blackened his face with powder, and gave the war-whoop, as if he had been an Indian, and marched into the water without saying^ a word. His comrades followed, under the inspiration of a war song, which was joined in along the whole line. Far along tO' the left a ridge rose above the waste of waters, where some open sheds had been built for a sugar camp. Here they spent the night, and the next day resumed their watery march towards the- fort. For three days they had fasted, but on arriving at Vin- cennes the French stealthily brought provisions to the camp,, and the siege began. The resistance was determined for awhile, but the courage and audacity of the beseigers knew no bounds, and after a spirited parley, Hamilton surrendered the fort, with its garrison, num- bering 79 men, on the 24:th of February, 1779, and with this surrender the Northwest passed out of English hands into the- immediate possession of the Americans, except the posts which, the former still held along the lakes.* t_ *NoTB. — The following- from Law's History of Vincennes is.copied as but a. just tribute to the patriotism of Gibault and Vigo: Pierre Gibault, Parish Priest at Vincennes, and occasionally performing his apo.stolic duties on the Missis- sippi, was at Kaskaskia ia 1778-9, when Gen. Clark captured that place. The- services he rendered Clark in that campaiga, which were acknowledged by a Ksclution of ihe Legislature of Virginia, in 1780 — his patriotism, his sacrifices. 172 Stores Arrive at Vincennes. Here the British power still lingered. On the 27th the vessel arrived with the stores, its hero-commander mortified and incon- solable that he had not been able to reach the scene of operations in time to ferry Clai'k's army across the river, and bring to his gallant soldiers the provisions they so much needed dnring their three days of fasting. Among the prisoners taken at Vincennes were some young Frenchmen, enlisted by Hamilton at Detroit. These were released, on their taking an oath that they would not fight again against the Americans dnring the war, and were sent home, with abundant supplies to serve their wants on the way. his courage and love of liberty, require of me a fuller notice of tiiis good man and pure patriot, than I have been enabled to give in the published address. Father Gibault was a Jesuit missionary to the Illinois at an early period, and had the curacy of the parish at Kaskaskia when Clark took -possession of that post; and no man has paid a more sincere tribute to the services rendered by Father Gibault to the American cause, than Clark himself. It was amatter of •deep importance, especially after the arrest of Rochblave, the commandant at Easkaskia, for Clark to conciliate, if possible, the ancient inhabitants residing' at Easkaskia. This he effectually did through the agency of Father Gibault. Through his influence, not only were the French population of Easkaskia in- ■duced to supply the troops with provisions and other necessaries, but to receive the depreciated continental paper currency of Virginia at par, for all supplies thus furnished, Vigo adding his guarantee for its redempfaon, and receivmg.it -dollar for dollar, not only from the soldiers, but from the inhabitants, until it be^me entirely worthless. Father Gibault, but especially Vigo, had on hand at the close of the campaign, more than twenty thousand dollars of this worthless trash (the only funds, however, whichClark had in his mihtary chest.) and not one dollar of which was ever redeemed, either for Vigo or Father Gi- bault, who, for this worthless trash, disposed "of all his cattle, and the tithes of his parishoners," in order to sustain Clark and his troops, without which aid they must have surrendered, surrounded as they were, by the Indian allies of the British, and deprived of all .resources but those furnished by the French inhabitants, through the -persuasion of Vigo and Father Gibault. But more than this. Through the influence of these men", when Clark left Easkaskia for the purpose of capturing Hamilton and his men at post Vincennes, a company •of fifty young Frenchmen was at Easkaskia, who joined Clark's troops, under the command of Captain Charlevoix, who shared in all the perils and honors of that glorious campaign, which ended in the capture of the Post, and the sur- render of Hamilton, an event more important in its consequences than any •other occurring during our revolutionary struggle. It was entirely through the means of Father Gibault that Hamilton released Col. Vigo, when sent by Clark to ascertain the true situation of affairs at Vin- -cennes. He was captured by the'Indians and taken to " Fort Sackville," where he was kept a prisoner on parole for many weeks, and released, entirely by the interference of Father Gibault, and the declaration of the French inhabitants at Vincennes, who, with their priest at their head, after service on the Sabbath, inarched to the fort and infoirmed Hamilton " they would refuse all supplies to the garrison unless Vigo was released." Ot that release, and the iipportant effect of Vigo's information to Clark on his return to Kaskaskia,- in reference to the capture of the post by Hamilton, I have already spoken. Next to Clark and Vigo, the United States are indebted more to Father Gibault for the acces- sion of the States, comprised in what was the original North- Western Terri- tory, than to any other man." The records of this benevolent man are still preserved in the church at Eas- kaskia. — [Author. St. Joseph Taken hy the Sj>anish. 173 On their arrival at Detroit, they did good service to the Ameri- can cause by congratulating themselves that their oath did not bind them not to fight for the Americans, if a chance offered. A large convoy of stores and provisions were on their way from_ Detroit to Vincennes when the Americans took it, which was intercepted on the way by a detachment under command of Capt. Helm, who by the late capitulation of the place was now released from the bonds of a war prisoner, and again an officer in Clark's little amiy. The amount of clothing, provisions, etc., was more than sufficient to supply all the wants of the garrison, and stinted rations and rags were now substituted with plen- teousness and comfortable garments. On the 7th of March Clark sent Colonel Hamilton, with eighteen of his principal sol- diers, to Virginia, as war prisoners, under an escort of 25 men. Soon after their arrival, Hamilton was put in irons, and confined in a dungeon, debarred the use of pen, ink and paper, and ex- cluded from all communication with any one except his keeper. This was done to punish him for having ofiered premiums to the Indians for white scalps. For this offense he was ever afterwards called " The hair buyer." * The severity of his sentence was soon afterwards mitigated by order of continental court-martial. Early in 1779 a war broke out between England aiid Spain, wliich was subsequently followed by an acknowledgment of the Independence of the IJnited States by that power, though with a bad grace, as if dragged into the reluctant admission by the force of circumstances. Withal, however, the hostile attitude of the two nations, England and Spain, was not without its influence in preserving the conquests achieved by Clark, inasmuch as it secured the alliance of the then Spanish town of St. Louis to the American cause, and interposed a weighty obstacle in the way. of any attempt on the part of the English to retake the Illinois country or Yincennes, while St. Louis was their ally. Instead of tin's being attempted, St. Louis took the offensive herself as an ally of America. On the 2nd of June, 1781, Don Eugenie Pierre, a Spanish officer, inarched from St. Louis with 65 men against the British post of St. Joseph. The placo was taken, and with overreaching' ambition the commander went through the forms of taking possession of the country in the name of Spain, bnt retired shortly afterwards to St. Louis. By virtue of this insignificant conquest, Spain snbscfjnei^tly attempted to establish a claim to the country intervening between Lake Michigan and her own territory west of the Mississippi. *Jeffersoii's Correspondence, Vol. I, p. 455. 174 St. Louis Attacked. While these events were transpiring in the West, the armies of England and America were brandishing their battle-blades in each othei-'s faces, with stubborn courage oq both sides, and when fighting ceased, among other issues settled, the conquests of the west and its consequent destiny, were not forgotten. / At this time the populatioB of St. Louis, according to Hutchins, -was 800 white and 150 colored people, and being a Spanish town, it was legal plunder for the English. Accordingly, an expedition was set on foot against it from the British post of MichilimacMnac, estimated at 1,500 men, most of whom were Indians. While- Clark was waiting at Easkaskia, says Stoddard in his sketches, "The commandant of Machuimacfcinac in 1780 assembled about 1,500 Indians and 140 English, and attempted the reduction of St. Louis. During the short tuna they were before that town 60 of the inhabitants were killed, and 30 taken prisoners. Fortunately, Gen. Clark was on the Opposite side of the Mississippi with a considerable force. On his appearance at St. Louis with a strong detach- ment, the Indians wero amazed, lliey had no disposition to quarrel with any other-'than the Louisianians, and charged the British with deception. _ In fine, as the jealousy of the Indians was excited, the English trembled for their safety, and secretly abandoned their auxilaries and made the best of their way into Canada. The Indians tiien retired to their homes in peace. This expedition, as appears, was not sanctioned by the English court, and the private property of the commandant was seized to pay the expenses- of- itt most likely because it proved unfortnnate." This account has been quoted by able historians, and is doubtless correct, ex- ■cept as to the assistance credited to Gen. Clark as offering to help defend the town. This was impossible, as he had left the country previous to that time, but, -without doubt, the respect -with which his gallant conduct had inspired the Indians of the immediate country around had its effect on the Indian force from Michilimackinac, and, besides saving St. Louis, prevented them from attacking the towns of Southern Illinois, which then were in a hostile attitude to British •rule, either as French or American towns, both of which countries were at war with England. Auguste Chouteau says that Clark rendered the to-wn no assistance. This settles the point as to the question, for he was one of the origiiial settlers un- der Laclede's grant, and must have been an eye-witness. The blameful con- duct of Leyba, the Lieutenant-Governor at the time, was an excess of treachery seldom equalled. Previous to the attack he sent all the powder away, but for- tunately a trader had eight barrels of this precious specific, which the defenders appropriated for the occasion. Not content -with this dereliction, he spiked some of the cannon of the defenders; but despite these obstacles, the courageous soldiers stood to their places, and beafback their numerous assailants -with a courage seldom equalled. The storm of indig^aHon 'W-hich the traitor Leyba met after the battle, was too much for him to live under, and hg- sickened and died shortly afterwards, tradition says from poispn administered by his o-wn hand. This account is taken from Stoddard, HaU, Martin, and the "Western AnnaJs, neither of which appear to have details as fuU as could be desired, es- pecially as it is the only siege or battle that ever occurred at St. Louis, i CHAPTER X. Moravian Settlements on the Muskingum — Premonitions of the American devolution — British Emissaries Among the Indians — Forts Mcintosh onA La/wrens Built — Desperate Attach on the Latter — The Siege Raised Vy Hunger — The Mora/oians Removed — Mary Hechwelder^s Account — Horri- ile Slaughter of the Exiles — Crawford's Expedition Against SandusTcy — The Enemy Encountered^— Crawford Taken Prisoner — His Awful Death hy Eire — Peace — Complex Di- plomMcy at . the Treaty of Pans — Firmness of Jwy 'IH- umphant. The few sparse settlements in Kentucky already made, still maintained their gronnd, although constantly menaced by Indians on the war-path, while the Alleghanies interposed serious bar- riers between them and any succor from the parent State in case of an attack. No attempt had yet been made at settlement on what might with propriety then have been called the Indian side of the Ohio, except the Moravian settlements. These had been in pro- fress on the Muskingum river since 1762. Christian Frederic 'ost (the same who in 1758 executed the heroic mission to Fort Pitt,) and his co-worker, John Heckwelder, at that time set up a tabernacle there for worship. The missionary spirit was the in- centive to their enterprise, but to facilitate their work in this di- rection, they purchased small parcels of land of the Indians, made an opening in the forest, planted fields of corn, and soon they were surrounded with plenty. The celebrated David Ziesburger joined them in a few years, and the. towns of Shoenbrun, Gnad- ■enhutten and Salem, were built within an area of ten miles, near the present site of New Philadelphia, in Tuscarawas county, Ohio. This could not be called a white settlement, yet it repre- .sented Christian civilization, as developed by the teachings of the Moravian missionaries, whose heroic faith had been inherited from the martyr Huss. Since that remote period this remarka- ble people had been disciplined % a school of three centuries of 176 Fort Mcintosh Built. persecTition, dnrinsf which time their courage had become the admiration of the Protestant world. They had ever been in its van breaking up the fallen ground, ready to be tilled by more effeminate Christians. Their attempts on the Muskingum had thus far been a success, but unhappily for them they still held to the doctrines of non- , resistance, with unshaken faith, that God's Providence would safely lead them through the dangers tliat surrounded them. However plausible or practicable such a theory might be in times of peace, it became a fatal illusion when the fires of revo- hition kindled along the Atlantic should shake the border into fu'.y, as was soon to be the case. When the centre is disturbed, how much more is the circumference agitated. Tlie borders of Pennsylvania and Yii-ginia were now daily be- coming more exposed to dangers, as the British emissaries among- the Indians excited them to take the war-path, and the Conti- nental Congress passed a resolution to send a force into the inte- rior, with a view of taking Detroit, the western supply depot, where the Indians obtained the means wherewith to keep up the war. In May, 1778, while the expedition of Clark was about starting^ on its mission, Brigadier General Lachlin Mcintosh, of the Con- tinental Army, was placed in command of the Western Depart- ment, with his head quarters at Ft. Pitt. The following October,, at the head of a small force of regulars and militia, he descended the Ohio and bnilt a fort thirty miles below Fort Pitt, which was named Fort Melntosh. This was the first stockade ever built by Americans on the Northern side of the Ohio. . For prudential reasons, prob.-.bly for the want of means, th& Continental Congress now instructed him to abandon the original desi,i;;n against Djtroit, but in lieu thereof, to make an incursion into the interior for the purpose of overawing tlie Indians, With tliis intent he took up his march at the head 6f 1,000 men, intend- 3ni>; to attack Sandusky, but on reaching the Muskingum he encanijied, and concluded to defer the attack against the objec- tive ])oii!fc til! the coining spring. Here he built Fort Laurens, so named in honor of the • President of the Continental Con- press, lie left Colonel John Gibson in command of the post with 150 men, and returned with the main body to Fort Pitt. .'Mi these movements were reported to the English comipander at Detroit, who, as might be expected, at once laid his plans to Ciiptnre the ajidixcious Ainericans, who had dared to make a stiind in the heart of the country.. It will bi- remembered that Francis Vigo, the Spanish trader of St. Louis, who arrived at Kaskaskia in January, -brought iiiformatiou to Clark that Hamilton had weakened his forces by Siege of Fort Lav/rens. 1T7 Bfending away large detachments against tte frontiers, and that Clark, taking advantage of this incautious movement, had marched against Yincennes and taken it. It may therefore be inferred that Fort Lanrens was the decoy duck which gave Yincennes to the Americans. » Late in January, 17T9, the threatened attack was made on the fort, and kept np till lilarch with desperate resolution. The garrison successfully resisted every assault of their besiegers, though they environed the post by means of their numbers, and gave them no respite either by night or day. . Starvation soon began to threaten them, but, happily for the besieged, the besiegers were in a similar predicament, and the sanguinary contest now became a rivalship, not of courage and muscle only, but a trial of endurance under the pangs of hunger. "Wlile the enemy were thus beset with perplexity, how to obtain provisions till they could press the siege to a successful issue by starving out the garrison, while they themselves were gaunt with hunger, they proposed to Gibson, the commander, to raise the siege if he would give them a barrel of flour. The oflBr was promptly accepted, as a device to conceal the desperate straits to which the garrison was reduced. The flour was sent outside the palisade, and some meat with it^ which tlie hungry Indians and their companions devoured like a pack of wolves, and vanished in the forest, taking their course for Detroit. The last savage yelp soon died away with the retreating foe, and silence took the place of the bedlam of war-whoops that had echoed about the place for two months. A runner , skilled in woodcraft was now selected to hasten to Fort Mcintosh with all possible dispatch, and obtain supplies. With the shyness of a fox venturing from his lair, the bold ranger left the fort and safely reached his destination, a distance of fifty miles, through an nnbroken wilderness, when a band of scouts were immedi- ately, sent with provisions for the relief of the hungry garrison, in their frontier hermitage. Here they remained till the fol- lowing August, when the fort was evacuated. Fort Mcintosh was evacuated soon afterwards, which left no representation of American interests between Yincennes and Fort Pitt. With the exception of a part of the Delawares, all the Indians of the country now became active allies of the Eng- L'sh. The Moravians, or praying Indians, as they were some- times called, were, in accordance with their faith, neutral. Their villages laid in the war-path of their savage brothers, and when a hostile war party were returning from a successful iqcursion into the white settlements, dragging their wretched captives into their distant lodges in the wilderness, they often quartered on these apostate savages, who durst not refuse them 178 The Moravian Gonv&ris. shelter. On these occasions the griefs of the captives were al- ways mitigated as far as possible by acts of kindness from their hosts, if such a name may be applied to the dispenser of an en- forced hospitality. Colonel Depuyster then commanded in Detroit as the successor of Hamilton, and seeing the danger of these people, he mercifully interposed between tliem and the subtile hostility by which they were victimized by their neutrality from both sides, and ordered their removal to the neighborhood of Sandusky. This decree was enforced upon the. unwilling Moravians by two hundred Wyandottes iinder the command of British officers. Their crops were left standing in the jReld, ready for the harvest, when they were forced away from their homes, to find new shel- ter and a precarious subsistence for' the coming winter among their unfriendly brethren, who were only restrained from open hostility against them by the British officers. Among the evil geniuses of the forest at that time, was Simon Girty, a native of Western Pennsylvania. When a boy he had be6a taken captive by the Indians, and adopted into the Seneca tribe. Among them he had won distinction as a forest ranger, and would gladly have spent his life with them, but when Bouquet rnade his successful expedition to the Muskingum,- Girty, with other captives, was returned to civilization. The next year he rose to the rank of a commissioned officer in the Pennsylvania militia, but two years later deserted to the British, and joined the hostile Indians of the forest with Elliot,* a tory of equal notorie- ty. Both of these becanie prominent leaders among the savages, Girty rivaling them in ferocity. His spite against the Moravian converts was unmeasured. While these unhappy exiles were be- ing conducted from their homes on the Muskingum to Sandusky, some care had been taken to mitigate their woes, which so en- raged Girty that it was with difficulty he could be restrained from -assaulting them with a tomahawk after their arrival.-|- 'Commodore Elliot of the U. S. Navy was his nephew. jTlhe following account of the aifair is copied from the American Pioneer, Vol.' II, pp. 224 and 225, as a contribution to that valuable vsrorfc by Mary Heck- welder, daughter of the celebrated Moravian missionary and historian. She was the first white child bom m Ohio. "Bethlehem, Pa., February 2ith, 1843. "J. S. Williams, Esq. "Dear Sir: — Tours of the 31st nit., to Mr. Eummen, post masten at this place, has been handed to me. I have not been in the habit of making much use of my pen for a number,of years; I will, however, at your request, endeavor to give you a short account of the first four years of my life, wnich were all I spent among the Indians, having since lived ia Bethlehem nearly all the time. My acquaintance or knowledge of them an:d their history, is chiefly from books, and what I heard from my father and other missionaries!. " I was bom April 16tn, 1781, in Salem, one of the Moravian Indian towns, on the Muskingum river, State of Ohio. Soon after my birth, times becoming The Victims Entrapped. 179 Here they remained till February, when permission was given to a part of them to return to their homes on the Muskingum, to harvest their corn, which was still standing. While engaged in this labor on the 6th of March, a company, of borderers came to them in an apparently friendly spirit, and^ proposed to them to remove to Pittsuitrgforsafety, and with oily words enticed them to give up their arms and go into two houses to remain Yor the night. This done, "Williamson, the leader of the band, took counsel with his comrades as to the fate of the en- trapped victims. AH in favor of sparing their lives were ordered to step forward. very troublesome, the settlements were often in danger from war parties, and from an encampment of warriors near Gnadenhutteu; and finally, in the begin- ning of September of the same year, we were all made prisoners. First, foar ©f the missionaries were seized by a party of Huron warriors, and declared grisoners of war; they were then led into the camp of the Delawares, where le death-song was sung over them. Soon after they had secured them, a num- ber of warriors marched off for Salem and Shoenbrun. About thirty savagea arrived at the former place in the dusk of the evening, and broke open the mis- Eion house. Here they took iny mother and myself prisoners, and having led her into the street and placed guards over her, they plundered the house of every- thing they could take with them and destroyed what was left. Then going to take iny mother along with them, the savages were prevailed upon, through the intercession of the Indian females, to let her remain at SaJem tiU the uSsk morning — the night being dark and rainy and almost impossible for her to travel so far — ^they at last consented on condition that she should be brought into the camp the next morning, which was accordingly done, and she was safely con- ducted by our Indians to Gnadenhutten. " After experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for sometime, they were set. at liberty again; but were obliged to leave their flourishing settlements, and forced to march through a dreary wilderness to Upper Sandusky. We went by land through Goshachguenk to the Walholding, and then partly by water and partly along the banks of the river, to Sandusky creek. All the way I was carried by an Indian woman, carefully wrapped in a blanket, on her back. Our journey was exceedingly tedious and dangerous; some of the canoes sunk, and those that were in them lost all their provisions and everything they had ■ saved. Those that went by land drove the cattle, a pretty large nerd. The savages now drove us along, the missionaries with their families usually in the midst, surrounded by their Indian converts. The roads were exceedingly bad, leading through a continuation of swamps. "Having amVed at Upper Sandusky, they built small huts of logs and bark to screen them from the cold, having neither beds nor blankets, and being reduced to the greatest poverty and want; for the savages had by degrees stolen everything both from missionaries and Indians, on the journey. We lived here extremely poor, oftentimes very little or nothing to satisfy the cravings of hun- ger; and'tce poorest of the Indians were obliged to live upon their dead cattle, which died for want of pasture. " After living in this dreary wilderness, in danger, poverty, and distress of all sorts, a written order arrived in March, 1782, sent by the gbvemor to the half king of the Hurons and to an English officer in his company, to bring all the missionaries and their families to Detroit, but with a strict order not to plunder nor abuse them in the least." " KespectfuDy yonrs^ "Makt Hkckewelber." 180 Massacre of The Morrvians. Of the 90 men who composed the party, onlylS stepped for- ward, leaving 72 in favor of killing them. This decision was immediately made known to the unhappy victims, when the nnexpected decree was replied to with earnest entreaties that their lives might be spared, bat lamentations and supplications were unavailing to the iron-hearted scoixts. They however, postponed the execution of the sentence till morning, to five them time to prepare for death in their accustomed spirit of evotion. The night was spent by the victims in prayer and: singing, while their executioners stood guard outside to prevent; escape. In the morning all was ready on both sides. The Mora- vians were tranquil, and their executioners unrelenting, and the work began. Through apertures in the walls of the building the muzzles ■ of the guns were pointed, and the shooting was continued tiir the last faint groans of the victims had died away in silence, ~and, all were prostrated, as was supposed, into a pile of lifeless corpses. • But beneath the ponderous weight of dead bodies a youth of six- '. teen managed to lind his way through an aperture in the floor, and escaped thence into the woods. Another boy also escaped after being scalped, and both lived to tell the tale of woe which had whelmed 94 of their countrymen in death. To the credit of our government be it said, that Williamson's band were not in the continental service, and that their bloody work was execrated throughout the country. Border life, in those days, furnishes inexhaustible material for romancers and poets, as well as historians, for extremes in the bent of the human mind were brought into contact there, untram- meled by the restraints of law, or even of society, and if exam- ples of man's noblest nature were nurtured into being by the severe discipline of frontier privations, it is not strange that cor- riesponding extremes of evil purposes should also be brought to the surface by the extremities resorted to to accomplish required results. The war was contested with a stubborn courage on the part of the English, more for what the country was destined to be than for what it then was, and no means -^ere left untried to secure the inheritance of nature which opened before their prophetic vision to the West. This disposition was contagious, and the roughest Bjde of border life gathered force like a tornado when the inno- cent Moravians were murdered. Here were unmeasured forests bespangled by a thousand streams, and further beyond them oceans of wild prairie, all wait- ing the magic touch of civilization to re-produce the wonders of Europe on an improved plan. To accomplish this, was worthy th^' ambition of the English, who with characteristic confidence Expeditions to Take Scmdatsky. 181 in themselves thouglit they conld do it better than their rebel- lions children. The ultimate fate of the Indians was not consid- ■ «red. That would take care of itself. Meantime, if their irre- pressible dash, or even their ferocity could be extemporized into use in order to bring about the desired result, the end justified the means in their estimation, though it brought desolation and cruel death to the borders of American settlements. During the revolution the borderers had been wrought up to such a pitchof excitement, that long after the army of Cornwal- lis had surrendered, and fighting had ceased between the Ameri- can and British armies, the war was continued with unremitting severity on the frontiers. Throughout the Western portions of Pennsylvania and Yir- ginia, every man, and even every boy, could handle a rifle with a ■dexterity seldom equaled by the trained soldiers of regular armies. Most of the British having been driven from the field after the surrender of Cornwallis, the success of the revolution was no longer doubted, and the fertile fields across the Ohio, as future homes, now began to attract attention. Under such auspices an expedition was planned in May, 1782, to march against Sandusky, take the place and seize upon the ■country. The enterprise was a private one, though it was ap- proved by-General Irvine, who then held command of Fort Pitt. Eadi soldier furnished his own horse and equipments at his own ■expense, with no expectations of any other pay than what might result from the success of the adventure. The party numbered 480, among whom were most of the men who had partaken in the massacre of the Moravians a few weeks before. They elected their oflicers by ballot, and their choice fell upon William Crawford, a man who had been a companion of the youthful Washington,, when he was only a backwoods surveyor, unmindful of his future destiny. Ool. David Williamson was second in command, the same who had led, the murderous expedition against the Moravians, from which it would appear that the consciences of the raiders was not sensitive as to the means to be used whereby the Indians should be conquered into submission. Everything being in readiness, on tlie 25th of May the com- pany dashed into the wilderness, each man well mounted and laden with twenty days' provisions. On the fourth day they reached Gnadenhutten, the scene of the late Moravian massacre. Here the bodies of the victims, men, women and children, laid witiiout burial, in a horrible pile of decay, mingled with the ashes of the building which was burnt over their lifeless^remains. The fields of corn were standing, with no one left to harvest them, and afforded ample provender for' their liorses. 182 The Repeat. Passing on in a westerly course, they soon came to the San- dnsky plains, where Wyandotte Co. now is. Here they expected to find the Wyandottes in force, but in this they were mistaken. A voiceless solitude of prairie hazel brush and oak openings ex- tended far and wide.* l^^ot an Indian or Britisher was seen, but slyly as the Thugs of India, the stealthy foe had dogged their trail, crawling around their camp at night, and fleet-footed mes- sengers had reported their numbers, and the course they were taking ever since they had crossed the Muskingum. Near the present site of Upper Sandusky the enemy was en- countered, among whom was the notorious Simon Girty and El- liot. Crawford immediately took a sheltered position in a grove, and succeeded in maintaining the supremacy during the action- The next day the fight was renewed, but Crawford still kept the savages at a respectful distance by means of his sharp-shooters. The third day the Indians were reinforced by a company of Brit- ish cavalry from Detroit. All hope of final victory was now abandoned, and the retreat was commenced at nine o'clock the succeeding evening. By skillful skirmishing the Americans suc- ceeded in getting outside the enemy's lines, and making a brief halt, to their dismay their commander was missing. But there was no time to look for him, for the victorious, enemy were pressing upon their rear in overwhelming numbers, and now while the defeated raiders are flying homeward with the exultant foe in hot pursuit, the fate of Crawford will be told. During the bewilderment of the night retreat Crawford had been cut off from the main body and captured, together with several others, among whom was Dr. Knignt. Most of the cap- tives were tomahawked with little cereniony, but Crawford, th& big Captain, as the Indians called him in derision, was reserved for an especial object on whom to satiate their vengeance. When brought to the place of execution, among the red demons who were assembled to take part in the revelry, was Simon Girty. Nine years before, during his residence near Pittsburg, he had lived in the same neighborhood with Crawford, and the unhappy victim seeing him, a faint ray of hope flashed into his frozen heart as he was stripped naked and tied to the fatal stake. There were the faggots, and vengeful hands to apply them, and there was Girty ,liis former neighbor, who had often sat at his table in the free and easy companionship peculiar to frontier men and hunters, but the face of the white savage was cold and forbidding. " Do they intend to burn me ?" inquired Crawford of Girty. "Yes," was the reply. "IwiUtakeit all patiently,"^ said the stoical Colonel, and the work began. *This was the condition of Wyandotte county as late as 1839, at which time- the writer passed through it soon after the removal of the Indians. Crawford Dies hy Fire. 183 His tormenters, with a keen discrimination, economized the vital spark in their victim to the longest span, in order to make the most of him. For three hours he continued to breathe, while the whole surface of his body had been punctured with the burn- ing ends of hickory sticks. At last the voice of prayer was heard in low but audible words. A hideous squaw now, in the vain attempt to bring fresh tor- tures to the dying man, emptied a shovel of coals on his back as he laid prostrate, face downwards, but insensibility had come to his relief, and he manifested no sign of pain. Soon afterwards he arose to his feet, and walked around the post to which he had been tied, and again laid down for the last time. Dr. Knight was now taken away, and nothing more was known of his last . moments, except what was gathered from those who took part in the fiendish work. Dr. Knight was treated only as a prisoner of war, and ulti- . mately was returned to his home. According to Heckwelder, the Moravian historian of those times, Crawford Was tortured in revenge forthe barbarous work of Williamson's men a few weeks before, on which occasion for- . ty-two women and children had shared the fate of the men in the . indiscriminate butchery. Perkins, author of the "Western Annals, says that Crawford's command started into the forests with ,the avowed purpose of killing every red man, woman or child, who came within the reach of their rifles. As much may be inferred from some of the cotemporary relations. But C. "W. Butterfield, who has lately published a complete history of the whole expedition, taken from documents, manuscripts and tradition, has discredited the defamers of the expeditionists, and exonerates Crawford, at least, from any complicity in the slaughter of Gnadenhutten. Here it is proper to say, however, that the horrors of Gnadenhutten served to soften the hearts of the hostile Indians towards the Christian In- dians, and even the impervious Girty was no longer their enemy. These conditions would go to strengthen the theory, that Craw- . ford's awful fate was the result of the Moravian massacre, al- though he was innocent of any murderous design against the Indi- ans, as Mr. Butterfield, his charitable biographer, nas indicated. " My country, right or wrong," is the best apology the histori- an can make for the style of warfare which had been waged against the Indians ever since 1774, when Cornstock and Logan raised the tomahawk in revenge for the unprovoked slaughters of Cresap, Greathouse, and others. And tlius it was, that the fron- tiers of the colonies had been lashed into fury by the war, and could only be lulled into quiet by a permanent peace with Eng- land. 18i P^ace Negotiations. After fighting had ceased, and negotiations were opened for peace, the first point to be settled was, on what terms the Amer- icans should treat, which, in fact, involved the chief point at issue. Nobody saw this in a clearer light than the American Commissioners themselves. Jay, Adams, Franklin and Laurens, with a tenacity worthy their high calling, refused to treat in any capacity, except as a sovei-eign and independent nation. This was reluctantly conceded by England, and three other points only remained to be settled: The American rights to the fisheries of Newfoundland; their liability to indemnify tories for losses during the war; and the last and most important of the thre^ the Western limits of the United States. The fishery question was disposed of by granting the Ameri- cans the right to fish where they pleased. Next, as to indemni- fying tories for the loss of their property, either by the ravages of war, or the confiscation of their estates, the American Com- missioners suggested that it would be equally reasonable for the English to inake good the private damage their armies did to American patriots during their various invasions. This unan- swerable argument settled that point in favor of the Americans. Lastly came the boundary question, which was a far more cir- cumstantial affair, and presents one of the most complex condi- tions of diplomacy ever recorded in history. Spain was then a powerful nation, and was allied to France by the closest relations of mutual interest, as each were under the rule of a Bourbon. The English were determined to retain all the territory described in the Quebec bill of 1774, which made the Ohio river the Southern line of Canada. Meantime the Count de Aranda,the Spanish Minister, asserted the claim of Spain to all the territory between the Mississippi and Alleghany Mountains. At this juncture Mr. Jay, with his usual penetration, made the discovery that Francewas secretly using her influence in favor of the Spanish claim. The case was now daily becoming more com- plicated, and the American Commissioners, after some weeks of delay, availed themselves of England's willingness to concede the boundary of the Mississippi, and signed the definitive treaty with her to this effect, without consulting either the French or Spanish Ministers. Had the signing of the treaty hung on the Sleasure of Spain till her consent was obtained to makiijg the [ississippi the Western boundary of the United States, it would never have been signed, and it is liighly probable that England would not have conceded this point,"if the Spanish claim had not presented obstacles in the way of her retaining the territory in question, even if the Americans relinquished it. This considera- tion, in addition to the American rights by virtue of Clark's con- Contingent Diplomacy. 185 Siest, settled the destiny of the Northwest, by placing it under e new flag of the United States. It will thus be seen that this result grew out of a rare combination of contingent conditions, the miscarriage of any one of which would have defeated its ac- complishment. John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and Henry Laurens were the Commissioners on the part of the United: States to negotiate the peace — all able men, perhaps the best fitted for the work of any the country aiibrded. Mr. Jay, in particular, distinguished himself by his penetration into the mazes of Buro- ' pean diplomacy, and proved himself more than a match for the Commissioners of England, Spain and Prance, though they had grown grey (to use a metaphor) , in sucn service, while he had no other qualifications but his master-mind, and his unshaken purpose. The King of England empowered Richard Oswald to act with the Commissioners on the part of " The Colonies or Plantations, orany body or bodies, corporate or politic, assembly or assemblies, or description of men, or person or persons whatsoever, ' ' and to ' ' negotiate a peace or truce with the said Colonies or Plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof." Count Vergennes, the French Commissioner, advised that these powers and forms were sufficient to meet the exigency, and Franklin, in his loyalty to French honor, at first coincided with him. But Jay positively refused to negotiate on any basis that did not establish the equality of the Commissioners of both countries as,, a starting point. "That the treaty must be the consequence of independence, .and not mdependence the consequence of treaty^" Franklin and his other con- stituents soon saw the importance of this position, and they all united with him in the tenacity with which he insisted on it. "Whereupon Mr. Oswald, not with- out some embarrassment, reluctantly exhibited his secret instructions, author- izing hini in case "The American Commissioners are not at liberty to treat in any terms short ot independence, yon are to declare to them that you have authority to make that concession." The Commissioners then proceeded to business, which had not progressed far till Mr. Jay learned with surprise and indignation, that Count de Aranda, the Spanish Commissioner, demanded the abandonment of the Mississippi on the part of the United States as a Western boundary. Nor was this policy confined to the Spanish Court, as there was con- vincing evidence to Mr. Jay that Prance secretly encouraged Spain in this de- mand. Franklin at first would not believe it, but Adams, after canvassing the matter, coincided with Jay, and Franklin naid Laurens were soon forced into the same conviction by the accumulating evidence in its favor. Under thgse cirr cnmstances, the American Commissioners signed the treaty of peace with the English, without the knowledge of the French Court, as soon . as the required terms were agreed to. This gave rise to some censure on the part of France and Spain, but no serious rupture from any quarter, for the following reasons': Eiiglaud saw the impossibilifcy of retaining the Valley of the Mississippi herself, when both Spain and France opposed it. France had then just begun to feel the premonitory symptoms of the fearful revolution, which soon followed, and Spam had neither friendship nor honor in the issue sufficient to make a seiiona protest after the treaty was signed by the two principal parties. CHAPTEE XL Characteristics and Costume of the Virginia Border Men wnA the New England Pioneers — The Ohio Company Formed — Ma/rietta Settled — Cession of the Northwest to the United States — Symes' Pv/rchase — (Johmibia, North Bend and Cvn- cinnati Settled — Emigration in, Arks — The British on the JLakes — Their Relations with the Indians — St. Clair Arrives at Marietta as Governor of the Northwest Territory — Courts Established — Harmer .Invades the Indian Cov/iitry — The French a/nd Indian, Yillages on the Wabash Destroyed. Hitherto the Yirginia ranger, among whom were a few back- woods Pennsylvanians,, were the only Anglo-Americans who had crossed the Ohio river. These men had been trained amidst the toils and excitements of camp-life from infancy. The crack of the rifle was a famil- iar sound to them, and the Indian war-whoop not an unfrequent one. Their character was moulded from two extremes. The first and fundamental one was the high-bred civilization of their fathers, and the other, was the inniience which tlieir collision with the savages had exerted over them. This had stimulated their heroic virtues, and also whetted their revenge to a wiry edge. Into the wilderness they had marched — their feet clad with moccasins, after the Indian pattern — their hunting-shirts faced with a fringe, and sometimes ornamented with wild-cats' paws for epaulettes. The inevitable leathern belt which they wore was as heavy as a horse's surcingle of modern days, and from it de- pended sockets for a tomahawk, a large knife, and a pistol. A heavy rifle, bullet-pouch and powder horn, completed their outfit. Such were the men, whose vaulting ambition in making the conquest of the country beyond the Ohio, had wrenched away the jewel which the heroic Wolfe in his dying moments, on the heights of Abraham, had bequeathed to the English crown. Another element now comes to the scene. The New Englander has heard of these fertile valleys, and comes to see them. He is Settlement of Marietta. 187 dressed in a blue-black broadcloth coat, -with a velvet collar stif- fened with buckram, and projecting its inflexible form above the nape of his neck, often coming in collision with the rim of his bell- crowned hat as he throws his head back with an air of conscious dignity, neither constrained nor ostentations. His vest reaches the entire length of his body, but is cut back, leaving angular flaps at the extremities. His feet are shod with ponderous boots, imparting steadfastness rather than elasticity to his gait. By these men were formed in June, 1786, a corporation called The Ohio Company. It was composed of officers and soldiers from JSTew England, who had served with honor in the war of the Eevolution. On the 23d of November, 1787, the stockholders in this Company met at Bracket's Tavern, in Boston, and voted to send a corps of forty-eight men to the mouth of the Muskingum river, make a survey of public lands for a settlement, cut away the forests for a field, and make other preparations for the colony. The wood choppers were to receive $4.00, and the' surveyors $27.00 per month while in actual service, and General Rufus Put- nam, the venerable Superintendent, was to receive $40.00 per month.* The party landed in flat-boats at the mouth of the Muskingum^ the 7th of April, 1788, and began to lay out a town which they first named Adelphi, but subsequently changed the name to Marietta, in honor of Marie Antoinette, th6 fair Queen of France, whose supreme influence in the French Court had been used in behalf of Franklin's mission there in 1778, to secure the acknowl- edgment of American independence. The New England element was here planted for the first time beyond the Ohio, and here it ever retained its foothold. But ere its destined influence was to make itself widely known and felt, the third and last conquest of the country was to be made. The first conquest had been made from the French, in the French and Indian war, which gave the country to the English. The second by the Virginians under Clark, which had given the country to the United States. But in both of these conquests the natives of the soil saw no infringements of their rights, nor were there any in theory. They had been invited to take part in both of them, and had done so under an impression that the nation to whom they had allied themselves, would protect them in their natural rights to the soil. But as ill-fortune would have it, for them, they had fought on' the losing side, first for the French against the English, and next, chiefly against the Ameri- cans during the Eevolutionary "War, and had drawn upon them- selves the resentment of the Yirginians and Pennsylvanians, *Hildreth'8 Pioneer Hist. p. 202. 188 Cession of The North West to the United States. and tlie Kentucky pioneers, who were now beginning to settle that infant state. At no distant day a collision was inevitable ■ between them and the Anglo Americans, which was not to b^ confined to the border, but to be carried into the forest recesses, where the ownership of the soil was to be decided by the rifle, tomahawk and scalping knife, in a series of campaigns, on a far grander scale than any which had yet been witnessed in the American forest. In 1T84:, on the 1st of March, the state of Virginia had ceded all her rights in the Northwest to the United States. . The deed of cession contained the following conditions, viz: *' That the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into States, containing a suitable extent of territory, not less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square; or as near thereto as circumstances will admit; and that the States so formed shall be distinct Eepublican States, and admitted mem^ bers of the Federal Union; having the Same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence as the other States. That the neces- sary and reasonable expenses incurred by Virginia, in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons within, and for the defense, or in acquiring any part of, the territoiy so ceded or relinquished, shall be fully reimbursed by the United States. That the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskaskias, Post Vincennes, and the neighboring villages, who have professed themselves citizens of Virginia, shall - have their possessions and titles confirmed to them, and be pro- tected in the enjoyment of their rights and liberties. That a quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres of land, promised by Virginia, shall be allowed and granted to the then Colonel, now General George Eogers Clark, and to the offi- cers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with him wheil the posts of Kaskaskia and Vincennes were reduced, and to the officers and soldiers that have been since incorporated into the said regiment, to be laid off in one tract, the length of which not to exceed double the breadth, in such place on the northwest side of the Ohio, as a msdority of the officers shall choose.* The 20th day of May, 1785, Congress passed an ordinance for the survey and disposition of that portion of the territory which had been purchased by treaty from the Indian inhabitants. For carrying this ordinance into efiect one surveyor was appointed from each of the States, and placed under the direction of Thomas Hutchins, the geographer of the United States. The territory was to be surveyed into townships of six miles square, by lines * This reservation was laid off on the borders of the Ohio river, adjacent to the falls; and the tract vfas called the "Illinois Grant, " or " Clark's Grant." PuUio Swrv&ys. 189 runniDg due north and south, and others crossing these at right angles. " The first line running north and south as aforesaid, shall begin on the river Ohio, at a point that shall be found to be north from the western termination of a line which has been run as the southern boundary of the State of Pennsylvania, and the first line running east aiid west shall begin at the same point and shall extend throughout the whole territory." The townships were to be numbered from south to north, beginning with No. 1, and the ranges to be distinguished by their progressive numbers to the westward ; the first range extending from the Ohio to Lake Erie, being marked Ifo. 1. The geographer was to attend per- sonally to running the first east and west line, and to take the latitude of the extremes of the first north and south line, and of the months of the principal 'rivers. Seven ranges of townships, in the direction from south to north, were ordered to be first sur- veyed, and plats thereof transmitted to the board of treasury, and so of every succeeding seven ranges that should be surveyed. After these lands had been advertised for sale, they were to be sold at a rate of not less than one dollar per acre, with an addi- tion of the expenses of survey, estimated at thirty-six dollars a township. Four lots, numbered 8, 11, 26 and 29, were reserved for the United States, out of every township. These lots were mile squares of six hundred and forty acres. Lot IS^o. 16 was reserved for the benefit of schools within the township. The States of New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut, by virtue of ancient royal charters, respectively claimed large terri- tories lying north of the river Ohio and west and northwest of the western boundary of Pennsylvania. The claim of New York was, however transferred to the United States, by a deed of ces- sion, executed in Congress on the first day of March, 1781. The claim of the State of Massachusetts was assigned to the United States on the 19th day of April, 1785; and on the 13th day of September, 1786, the State of Connecticut transferred to the United States her claim to lands in the West, reserving a tract of about three millions of acres, bounded on the north by lake Erie, on the south by the forty-first degree of north latitude, and ex- tending westwardly one hundred and twenty miles from the western boundary of Pennsylvania. This tract was called the Western Eeserve of Connecticut.. In the month of October, 1786, the legislature of that State ordered a part of the tract,, lying east of the river Cuyahoga, to be surveyed, and opened an office for the sale of the lands. In 1792, a tract containing about five hnndred thousand acres of land, lying in the western part of the reservation, was granted by Connecticut to certain citiizens of that State as a compensation for property . burned and destroyed , in the towns of New London, New Haven, Fairfield, and Nor- 190 St. Clair Appointed Governor. walk by tiie British troops in the course of the Revolutionary war. The tract thus granted was called the Fire Lands. On the 30th of May, 1800, the jurisdictional claims of the State of Con- necticut to all the territory called the "Western Reserve of Con- necticut was surrendered to the United States. These various cessions included all the claims held by old coUonial charters to any western lands, all of which being transferred to the United States, it only remained to extinguish the Indian title, in order, to possess the country. On the 5th of. October, 1787, Hajor-Gen. Arthur St. Clair was appointed Governor of the Northwest Territory, who was in- structed to do this as rapidly as consistent with the peace. The new Territorial Government was to go into operation on the first of the succeeding February, 1788. Emigration was rap- idly coming into the country, in flat-boats down the Ohio river, and settling on lands already surveyed at Marietta, and ^further down on lands Imown by the name of Symes' Purchase. Soon after the settlement had been made at Marietta, Major Benjamin Sites, with about twenty men, landed in November, 1788, at the mouth of the Little Miami river, within the limits of a tract of ten thousand acres, purchased by Major Sites from Judge Symes. Here they constructed a log fort, and laid out the town of Columbia. The next month, on the 24:th, Mathias Denman and Eobert Patterson, with twelve or fifteen men, landed at the mouth of the Licking river, just below, and projected the town of Cincin- nati. Losanteville was the first name given to the place, which had been manufactured (says Judge Burnet in his notes, page 47) ^' by a pedantic foreigner, whose name fortunately has been for- gotten." It was formed, he said, from the words Le-os-ante-ville, which he rendered " The Village opposite the Mouth." The name was not long retained, but by whose authority it was changed, is not tnown. Late in the ensuing autumn, which was in 1789, the town was surveyed by Colonel Ludlow. In February of the same year a third town was commenced on the same tract of land, at iTsTorth Bend, just below Cincinnati. This was done by Judge Symes himself, the original purchaser of the tract. A few months later, a town was laid out and named Symes, but the place soon became known only by North Bend, and was 'destined to gain more notoriety as the residence of William Henry Harri- son, than by its success as a city. As might be suppo,s'ed, a feel- ing of rivalry existed between the three towns started, each of which put forth its best efforts to attract the emigration that was rapidly coming into the country, and for a time neither seemed *y 41*^ «e' M'. a%i3!»''S W' I 'i>P^^ : |!ff Fort Washington Built. 191 to eclipse the others in any substantial advantages over the other two. At this juncture a celebrated charmer came to Cincinnati, and her influence turned the scales in its favor. The story runs as follows: lyiajor Doughty, a man no more invulnerable to the tender passion than other majors, was ordered by General Harmar to go down the Ohio, and erect a fort for the protection of the rapidly increasing population of the three villages. With this intent, he landed at the Bend, and soon formed the acquaintance of a fas- cinating woman, who was the wife of one o± the settlers at the place. To avoid his clandestine attentions to his wife, the hus- band changed his residence to Cincinnati; but this only served to convince the Major that Cincinnati instead of North Bend was the most propitious place for the fort, and he promptly went thither and built a block-house, despite the remonstrances of Symes himself.* The settlers at the Bend soon deserted the place in favor of Cincinnati, partly to put themselves under the protection of the the block-house, in case of an Indian outbreak, and partly through a conviction that it. gave better promise of future pro- gress. Fort Washington, a more substantial work of defense, was soon afterwards built at the place. During the early years of Western settlement, the Ohio river was the only highway by which the country was reached. Flat- boats, known by the special name of arks, with all the appurte- nances of cooking and sleeping, w^ere built on the upper tributa- ries of the Ohio river, and from ten to twenty families would em- bark in a single one for the West. Down the Ohio they floated, whither fortune and the current would carry them, landing at last in some propitious cove in the river that looked inviting. Here the ark is moored, and in it they still make their home, till log cabins can be erected on shore. This done, the tempora- ry community breaks up, each family setting up for themselves, and the new settlement is begun. New Design, four miles south of Bellefontaine, in Monroe county, Illinois, was settled in this way by some Virginians in 1781. From the germ planted here, grew to maturity, by con- stant accessions from Yirginia, and later from Kentucky, the seV tlements of Southern Illinois, with their habits and sentiments firmly ingrained into their minds, which they inherited from Virginia. While the borders of the Ohio river were first being settled, • Burnet's Notes, pp. 53-54. i92 . St. Clair Arrives at Marietta. the posts of Detroit, Michilimacldnac, Green Bay, St. Joseph, Sandusky, Niao;ara and Oswego, veere scarcely thought of by the Americans. The British still held garrisons in Siem, all the same as they had done during the American Eevolution. On the 12th of July, in 1783, soon after the definitive treaty of peace had been signed at Paris, Gen. "Washington sent Baron Steuben to Canada to confer with the Governor, for the purpose of transferring these posts to the United States, but to his sur- prise, he refused to deliver them up to the Americans, and the English continued to hold these posts for the present, although the act was in violation of the treaty of Paiis. From their ramparts waved the red cross of St. George, and even in these savage realms the loyalty to the English Govern- ment perhaps exceeded that of the Islanders themselves. As might be supposed, the English had little confidence in the permanency of American institutions, and looked forward to a time when the attempt of the Americans to set up a government on the plan of universal siifirage would result in a failure. Un- der this expectation the prudential British, with an eye to the beautiful as well as their pecuniary interests, lingered on the great waters of the interior, waiting to see what the future might bring forward; and from- these various forts they annually dis- " tributed large amounts of goods as presents to the Indians, perr haps on the same principle that a client, in anticipation of a law- suit gives retaining fees to lawyers. These acts stirred up bad blood in the hearts of the Americans, but there was no remedy. "Washington himself counseled sub- missioi) to the situation for the present, and with that clear vis- ion into the future, for which he was remarkable, looked forward to a time when "manifest destiny" would drive the English away from the lakes. On the 9th of July, 1788, St. Clair arrived at Marietta, and as Governor of the Northwest Territory, set the necessary machin- ery in motion to form a government agreeable to his appoint- ment by "Washington, the President of the United Stages. The. first county was laid out with dimensions large enough to. include all the ■ settlements around Marietta, and was named Washington county. About the first of June, 1790, the Gov- ernor, with the Judges of the Superior Court, descended the Ohio to Cincinnati, and laid out Hamilton county. A few w^ks later he, with "Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the Territory, proceeded to Kaskaskia, in the Illinois country, and organized St. Clair county. Knox county, around Vincennes, was soon afterwards laid out. At each of these fouroonntaes, courts were established on a model which has not been materially changed since. ^W •; pi ' If - h Iff' '■ ^'1 • i •■ ■■'''^::m^^~r=&4ii^ : 1— L i if;vi -I V ■ ' 111', 1 . l""^-"^SXl'^W""^; .lO';/^'' if % Sv,3te 'v,i i|;^r;S.:|||^l ; Xj = - "I Cov/rts EstabUshed in the North West. 193 , The Indians beheld these innovations into their country with rueful thoughts. The United States had neither surveyed nor sold any of these lands that had not been bought and paid for through treaties with certain chiefs, but it was claimed by the great mass of Indians that these chiefs had no authority to sell the lands. To enumerate the various treaties by which the first purchases were made along the Ohio river, would fill a volume with monot- onous formula. They ai*e preserved in government archives, but are seldom referred to now. They were the instruments by which the Indian was driven from his native soil, and having executed their mission, are filed iway'like writs of ejectment after having been served. In al-* most all cases they were signed by the Indians under a pressure from which they could not extricate themselves. If they signed them they would get pay for their lands, whicli tiie borders of advancing civilization had rendered useless to them, while if they refused, they would nevertheless be forced back without any remuneration. The chiefs could plainly see this, but the great masses of red men could not. Neither could they understand how, by virtue of these instruments, the white man should come among them, cut away the forests, and whelm' the fabric of savage society in ruin. In vain the poetry, the romance, and the conscience of the na- tion might lift up its voice in behalf of the poor Indian. There was but one way in which he could be saved, which was to beat his scalping knife into a plowshare, and till the soil, but he was as incaj)able of doing this as the drones in the hive of industry in our day are to contribute to the public weal their share of its burdens. Having established courts at Kaskaskia and Vincennes, St. Clair returned to his headquarters at Cincinnati early in the sum- mer of the same year, 1790. During his absence the outcrop- ping discontents of the Indians had been made manifest by their waylaying the emigrants as they came down the Ohio in arks, and unless some means were taken to stop these attacks, this great and only highway to the West would soon be closed. This was wliat the Indians aimed at in their attacks, nor had they yet learned the imposijibility of the undertaking. St. Clair now determined to invade the Indian country to pun- ish the. disturbers of the peace, and by virtue of authority vested in him by the President, he called for 1,000 militia from Vir- ginia,* and 500 from Pennsylvania. So careful was President Washington at this time not to pro- * The State of Virginia then included Kentucky, in which settlements had been made before the Northwest Territory w:as organized. i9i Apology 1^ the English for Fightmg the Indians^ voke a quarrel with the British, that he deemed it impmdent t& invade the Indian cotm try, without sending an apology to the English commander at Detroit, lest he might take ofl'ense that the Americans had dared to mate war on his aUies. Thefollow- ing is the letter which St. Clair sent him : " Marietta, 19th September, 1790. " Sir:: — As it is not improbable that an account of the military preparations going forward in this quarter of the country may reach yon, and give you some uneasiness, while the object to which they are to be directed is not perfectly known to yon, I am commanded by the President of the United States to give you the fullest assurances of the pacific disposition entertained toward Great Britain and all her possessions ; and to inform you exr plicitly that the expedition about to be undertaken is not in- tended against the post you have the. honor to command, nor any other place at present in the possession of the troops of his Bri- tannic majesty, but is on foot with the sole design of humbling and chastising some of the savage tribes, whose depredations are become intolerable, and whose cruelties have of late become an j, have gained to mislead your judgment, and influence you to coiir tinue the war: but reflect upon the destructive consequenQS!? which must attend such a measure. The President of the united States is highly desirous of seeing a number of your principle chiefs, and convincing you, in person, how much he wishes &> avoid the evils of war for your sake, and the sake of humanity. Consult, therefore, upon the great object of peace; call in your parties, and enjoin a cessation of all further depredations; an4 as many of the principal chiefs as shall choose, repair to Philar delphia, the seat of the general government, and there make * peace, fonnded on the principles of justice and humanity. Ee* niember that no additional lands will be required of you, or any other tribe, to those that have been ceded by former treaties, par? ticularly by the tribes who had a right to make the treaty ©f JMuskingum, p'ort Harmar,] in the year 1789. But, if any of. The Indtmis Demand the Ohio-aa a Bovrndcm/. 2Q& your tribes can prove that you have a fair right to any landa comprehended by the said treaty, and have not been compensated therefor, you shall receive a full satisfaction upon that head. The chiefs you send shall be safely escorted to this city; and shall be well fed and provided with all things for their journey. * * Come, then, and be convinced for yourselves, of the beneficence of General Washington, the great chief of the United States, and afterward return and spread the glad tidings of peace and pros- perity of the Indians to the setting sun." The council was opened on the 30th of July, by Simon Girty,. interpreter, who presented, in behalf of the Indians, the following paper to the commissioners: " To the Comrwissioners of the United States. Beothees: The deputies ,we sent to you did not fully explain our meaning; we have therefore sent others, to meet you once more, that you may fully understand the great question we have to ask of you^ aiid to which we expect an explicit answer in writing. Brothers: You are sent here by the United States, in order to make peace with us, the confederate Indians. Brothers: You know very well that the boundary line, which was run between the white S3ople and us, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, was the river Ohio, rothers: If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting peace, you will immediately remove all your people from our side of that river. Brothers: "We therefore ask you, are yon fully authorized by the United States to continue, and firmly fix on the Ohio river as the boundary line between your people and ours? Done in general council at the foot of the Maumee Eapids, 27th July, 1793, in behalf of ourselves, and the whole confederacy^ and agreed to in a full council." To "this opening of the case the commissioners replied: *' Brothers: "We do know very well, that at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, twenty-jive years ago, the river Ohio was agreed on as the boundary line between you and the white people of the Brit- ish colonies; and we all know that, about seven years after that boundary was fixed, a quarrel broke out between your father, the King of Great Britain, and the people of those colonies, which are now the United States. This quarrel was ended by the treaty of peace, made with the King, about ten years ago, by which the Great lakes, and the waters which unite, them were, by him^ declared to be the boundaries of the United States. "Brothers: Peace having been thus made between the King of Great Britain and the United States, it remained to make peace between them and the Indian nations who had taken part with the King; for this purpose, commissioners were appointed, who sent messages to all those Indian nations, inviting them to 204 Indian Terms JStot Entertained. oome and make peace: The first treaty was held abont nine jears ago, at Fort Stanwix, with the Six Nations, which has stoo^^ firm and nnviolated to this day. The next treaty was made abont ninety days after, at Fort Mcintosh, with the half king of the Wyaudpts, Captain Pipe, and other chiefs, in behalf of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, and Chippewa nations. Afterward treaties were made with divers Indian nations south of the Ohio river; and the next treaty was made with Ka-kia-pilathy, here present, and other Shawnee chiefs, in behalf of the Shawnee nation, at the month of the Great Miami, which runs into the Ohio. "Brothers: Tlie commissioners who conducted the treaties in behalf of the United States, sent the papers containing them to "the great council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory to the nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of large tracts of land thereby ceded, and a great number of people removed from other parts of the United States, and settled upon them; also many families of your ancient fathers, the French, came over the great waters, and settled upon a part of the same lands.* "Brothers: After some time, it appeared that a number of people in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of For,t Mcintosh and Miami; therefore the great council of the United States appointed Governor St. Clair theircommissioner. with full powers, for the purpose of removing all causes of controversy, regu- lating trade, and settling boundaries, between the Indian nations in the northern department and the United States. He accordinglj' «ent messages, inviting all the nations concerned to meet him at a council fire which he kindled at the falls of the Muskingum; "While he was waiting for them, some mischief happened at that place, and the fire was put out; so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmar, where near six hundred Indians, of difierent nations, attended. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Stanwix; and the Wyahdots and- Delawares •renewed and confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh: some Otta^ was, Chippewas, Pottawattomies, and Sacs, were also parties to the treaty of Fort Harmar. " Brothers: All these treaties we have here with us. We have also the speeches of many chiefs who attended them, and who ■voluntarily declared their satisfaction with the terms of the treaties. , "Brothers: After making all these treaties, and after hearing the chiefs express freely their satisfaction with them, the United States expected to enjoy peace, and quietly to hold the lands ceded by them. Accordingly, large tracts have been sold and set- ' ■ * The French settlement at Grfllipolis. Claims Under Old Treaties Pressed. 205 tied, as before mentioned. And now, brothers, we answer explicr itly, that, for the reasons here stated to you, it is impossible to make the river Ohio the houridary between your people and the people of the United States. "Brothers: Yon are men of understanding, and if you con- sider the customs of white people, the great expenses which attend their settling in a new country, the nature of their improve- ments, in building houses and barns, and clearing and fencing tlieir .lands, how valuable the lands are thus rendered, and thence how dear they are to ,them, you will see that it is now impracticable to remove our people from the northern side of the Ohio. Your brothers, the English, know the nature of white people, and they know that, under the circumstances which we have mentioned, the United States can not make the Ohio the boundary between you and us. "Brothers: You seem to consider all the lands in disputp on your side of the Ohio, as claimed by the United States; but suffer us to remind you that a large tract_was sold by the Wyandot and Delaware nations to the State of Pennsylva- nia. This tract lies east of a line drawn from the month of Beaver creek, at the Ohio, due north to lake Erie. This line is the western boundary of Pennsylvania, as claimed under the charter given by the king of England to your ancient friend, William Penn ; of this sale, made by . the Wyandot and Dela- ware nations to the State of Pennsylvania, we have never heard any complaint. " Brothers: The concessions which we think necessary on your part are, that you yield up, and finally relinquish to the United States, some of the lands on your side of the river Ohio. The United States wish to have confirmed all the lands ceded to them, hythe treaty of Fort Harmar; and, also, a small tract of land at the rapids of the Ohio, claim,ed hy General Clark, for the use of himself and warriors; and, in consideration thereof, the United ^t&te& would give such a large sum, in money or goods, as was never given at one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the white 'people first set their foot on this island. Andj because those lands did, every year, furnish you with skins and furs, with which you bought clothing and other necessaries, tlie United States will now furnish the like constant supplies; and, therefore, besides the great sum to be delivered at once, they will, every year, deliver you a large quantity of such goods as are best suited to the \yants of yourselves, your women, and children." ' To these overtures of the commissioners the Indians replied: Brothers: It is now three- yeara since- -you^ desired to speak 206 Tenacious Logic of the Indians. with us. We heard you yesterday, and understood yon well — • perfectly well. "We have a few words to say to you. Brothers: Yon mentioned the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creek,* and other places. Those treaties were not complete. There were but a few chiefs who treated with you. Ton have not bought our lands. They belong to us. Ton tried to draw off some of us. Brothers: Many years ago, we all know that the Ohio was made the boundary. It was settled by Sir William Johnston. This side is ours. We look upon it as oUr property. Brothers: Ton mentioned General Washington. He and you know yon have your houses and your people on our land. Yon say you can not move them off: and we can not give up our land. Brothers: We are sorry we can not come to an agreement. The line has been fixed long ago. Brothers: We don't say much. There has been much mischief on both sides. We came here upon peace, and thought you did the same. We shall talk to our head warrion*. You may return whence you came, and tell Washington." " The council here breaking up,. Captain Elliot went to the Shawnee chief Ka-kia-pilathy, and told him that the last part of the speech was wrong. That chief came back, and said it was wrong. Girty said that he had interpreted truly what the Wyan- dot chief spoke. An explanation took place; and Girty added as follows: 'Brothers: Instead of going nome, we wish you to remain here for an answer from us. We have your speech in our breasts, and shall consult our head warriors.' The deputa- tion of Indians were then told that the commissioners would wait to hear again from thecoimcilat the Rapids of theMaumee." " On the 16th of August, 1793, Messrs. Lincoln, Eandolph,' and Pickering, received the following answer (in writing), to their speech of the 31st of July: " To the Cojnmissioners of the United States. Brothers: We have received your speech, dated the 31st of last month, and it has been interpreted to all the different nations. We have been long in sending you an answer, because of the great impor- tance of the subject. But we now answer it fiiUy; having given it all the consideration in our power. " Brothers: You tell us that, after you had made peace with the King, our father, about ten years ago, ' it remained to make peace., between the United States and the Indian nations who had taken part with the King. , For this purpose, commissioners were appointed, who sent messages to all those Indian nations, invit- ing them to come and make peace; ' and, after reciting the peri- ods at which you say ti'eaties were held, at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Miami, all which treaties, according to your own •Fort Mcintosh. Decisive Indian Logic. 20T acknowledgment, were for the sole purpose of making peace, you then say: 'Brothers, the commissioners who conducted these treaties, in behalf of the United States, sent the papers contain- ing them to the general council of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory to the nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands thereby ceded.' " Brothers: "This is telling us plainly, what we always under- stood to be the case, and*it agrees with the declarations of those few who attended those treaties, viz: That they went to meet yowr commissioners to maTte peace,' hut, through fear, were obliged to sign an/y pa/per that was laid hefore them/ and it has since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by them, instead of treaties of peace. "Brothers: Money, tons, is of no value; and to most of us unknown: and, as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell the lands on which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be, easily removed, and peace therem/ obtained. Brothers: "We know that these settlers are poor, or they would never have ventui-ed to live in a country which has been in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of money, which you have offered to us, among these people. Give to each, also, a proportion of what you say you would give to us, annually, over and above this vei'y large sunk of money j and we are persuaded they would 'most readiVy accept of it, i/n, lieu ofthetands you sold them. If you add, also, the great sums you must expend in raising and paying armies, with a view to force us to yield you our country, ■you will certainly have more than sufficient for the purposes of repaying these settlers for all their labor and their improvements. "Brothers: Ton have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange that you should expect any from us, who have only been defending our just rights against your invasions. "We -want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be enemies Tio longer. "Brothers: Ton make one concession to us by offering us your money; and another, by having agreed to do us justice after iaving long and injuriously withheld it. "We mean, in the acknowledgment you have now made, that the king of Englai;id never did, "nor ever had a right, to give you our country, by the treaty of peace. And you want to m:ake this act of common justice a great part of your concessions; and seem to expect that, because you have at last acknowledged our independence^ -we shouldi for such a favor, surrender to you our country. 208 The Ultimatum. "Brothers: Ton have talked also a great deal about preemp- tion, and jour exclnsire right to purchase Indian lands, as ceded to you by the king at the treaty of peace. "Brothers: We never made any agreement with the king, nor with any other nation, that we.would give to either the exclusive right of purchasing our lands. And we declare to you, that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or cession of lands whenever and to whomsoever we please. If the white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them but the king should purchase of us, and that he has given that right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you and him, and not us^ We have never parted with such a power. " Brothers: At our general council held at the Glaize last fall^ we agreed to meet commissioners from the IJnited States, for the purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented to aclcnowl- edge and confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio; and we determined not to meet yon until you gave us satisfaction on that point. That is the reason we have never met. We desire you to consider, brothers, that our only demand is the peaceable possession of a small part of our once great country. Look back, and review the lands from whence we have been driven ta this spot. We can retreat no farther, because the country behind hardly affords food for its present inhabitants ; and we have, there- fore, resolved to leave our bones in this small space to which we are now confined. " Brothers: We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary liue between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point which we hoped would have been explained before you left your homes, as our message, last fall, was principally directed to obtain that inform- ation. " Done in general council, at the foot of the Maumee Eapids,. tlie 13th day of August, 1793." It was now evident that the council would prove a failure, as the terms of the Indians were inadmissible. The commissioners therefore made the following declaration, and tlie session ad- .journed without effecting its purpose, each party departing, not without painful regrets, to renew a conflict desperate on the part of the Indian^ and doubtful on ilie part of the whites: " To the Chiefs and Waniors of the Indian, Nations assem- lled at the foot of the Maumee liapids: Bri>tliers: We have just received your answer, dated the 13th instant, to our speech of the 31st of last month, which we deliverd to your deputies at this place. You say it was interpreted to all your nations, and The Council Ends. 269 ^rc presume it was fully understood. We therein explicitly de- clared to you, that it was now impossible to maJce the river Ohio tlie ho^ina,ary between your lands and the lands of the United States. Your answer amounts to a declaration that you will agree to no other boundary than the Ohio. The negotiation is, tiierefore, at an end. We sincerely regret that peace is not the result; but, knowing the upright and liberal views of the United States — ^which, as far as you gave us an opportunity, we have explained to you — we trust that impartial judges will not attri- bute tlie continuance of the war to them. " Done at Captain Elliott's, at the mouth of Detroit river, the 16th day of Ausust, 1793. BENJAMIN LINCOLN, ) Commissioners , BEVEELEY EANDOLPH, V of the TIMOTHY PICE:EEING, ) United States." Tlie council, which had heen in session seventeen days, ending in failure, the commissioners made all haste to Ft. Erie in Penn- sylvania, which was then the outermost post of the Americans on the lakes. From there they sent the news of their unsnceess- ful mission to General Wayne, then waiting the issue at Ft. Wash- ington. In justice to the English, it should not be omitted tliat they extended exemplary courtesy to the American commission- ers in providing the means of transportation to and from the place where the council was held, at the mouth of the Maumee, as well as by other marks of respect from Governor Simcoc CHAPTEE XIII. Genet, the Mimister of the New French RejcntlUc, Sent to. the United States — Abuse of his Power Dangeroiis to America — Me is Recalled at the Request of Jeff ersorir— General Wayne marches agai/nst the Indians — Builds Fort Recovery — The Indians Attack the Place — Are Repulsed — Evidence of En- glish Complicipy with the Indiam, Cause — General Wayne Ad- vances to the Saint Mary^s Rimer — Sends Peace Proposals to Little Tu/rtle — Me wishes to accept them, iut is Overruled in the Council — A Decisive Battle Ensues — General Wayne un- der the Guns of the English Fort — The EnaUsh Commander Takes Offense — An cmgry Correspondence Ensues — English Yiew of the Case — Fort Wayne Built — Treaty ofGreenvule — lAitle Turtle^ s Monorable Record — Mis deatTv—PvMic Monors to his Memory — The Free Navigation \of the Mississippi conceded iy Spain — The English give up the American Posts oh thcLakes-^Cleveland Settled. A little before midniglit, August 1st, 1793, two officers of the Frencli Eevolutionary government, entered tlie apartments of Marie Antoinette and aroused her from a disquiet sleep. From there she was conducted to a still closer confinement in a prison cell, eight feet long, furnished only with a bed of straw. On the 16th ot October she was executed, and her head severed from her body, was held up to the view of the thousands assembled there to see the blood of their queen (whose graces had charmed the courts of Europe,) dripping over the bare arms of her execu- tioner. These and other excesses of the Kevolutionary govern- ment, caused an immediate declaration of war by England, Holland, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Peidmont, the Two Sicilies and the Eoman States, against France. On the 8th of April, 1793, Genet, the Minister of the new' French Eepublic, which had accomplished these political tragedies, arrived in the TJnited States. He was received with enthusiasm as a fitting memorial of gratitude for the timely services of France, 8o recently rendered to the United States in its straggle French Minister Recalled. 211 for liberty, for the people, in their blind zeal in the cause of Re- piiblicanism, did not stop to call in question the means by which it was obtained. It was confidently expected by Genet, that the United States would make common cause with France, in her headlong career of revolution, which at one time threatened to «Aveep through Europe, and the tempting prize which he held forth to the American people, to secure their co-operation, was well calculated to make them set their feet into the treacherous snare, and would have succeeded but for the discernment of the Fathers of our Republic, particularly Washington, Adams and Jay. Entering with masterly zeal upon his labors, with aL overstrain perhaps not inconsistent with the genius of his fovernment. Genet abused his prerogatives by fitting out 'rench vessels on American waters, by establishing recruiting quarters in South Carolina, to raise troops for the invasion of the Spanish possessions of Florida, and also recruiting quarters in ELentucky to raise troops for the invasion of Spanish territoj-y west of the Mississippi, with a view to open that stream for the free navigation of Western Commerce. The latter was a very popular measure among the Kentuckians, and it required the utmost exertions of the American cabinet to circumvent the designs of Genet, which if allowed to go on, would have involved us in a war with Spain. It is equally certain also, that England would have declared war against us if Genet had sncceeded in his designs of invading Spanish territory with American troops, for Spain was then the active ally of England against France, in which case the English forces in Canada would have made common cause with Little Turtle, who with the Spanish soldiers from ITew Orleans added to them, could have driven every American settler out of the country west of the Ohio. To guard against these calamities, "Washington determined to issue a proclamation, warn- ing the Western people against enlisting in the service against the Spaniards, and Jefferson, Secretary of State, wrote a letter to Gouverneur Morris, our Minister to France, requesting the removal of Genet. This prompt action was taken while Genet was very popular among the masses in America, having secured their favour by promising not only to open the free navigation of the Mississippi, but also proposing to pay oif the American debt by purchasing provisions for the French soldiers while they were engaged in dethroning the monarchs of Europe. But ere a,ll this was accomplished he was re-called from his post, and Mr. Fauchet substituted in his place. The new minister soon made amends for the high-handed manner by which his predecessor liad assumed responsibilities too grave even for the Father of hia country. That the timely removal of Genet saved America from a war with England and Spain is evident, from the fact that dur 212 Gen. Wayne Marches Against the Indians. inw the height of his career in the West, Governor Simcoe, of Canada, was ordered by tlie English Parliament to bnild a fort at the Maumee Kapids, about twenty miles above the mouth of that stream, in the heart of the Indian country, and far within the limits of American territory, as settled by the treaty of 1783, a measure doubtless taken under conviction that war with thfr United States would soon be declared. A special messenger from the Spanish provinces visited the hostile tribes at the same time, offering them assistance. "While tliis indecision marked the councils of the English and Spanish, a respectable force had gathered at Fort Washington, and were encamped below on the banks of the Ohio river. Con- . gress had passed an act to raise 5,000 men for the expedition, but owing to reluctance in enlisting, sickness and desertion, Wayne'a army numbered no more than 3,600 men. Meantime it was all important that the offensive should be taken as soon.asitwas known that the late negotiations for peace had resulted in failure. Accordingly Wayne took up his march by the way of Forts Hamilton and Jefferson, and reached the vicinity of the n])per tributaries of the Wabash and also the Big Miami on the 24th of December, 1793. Here he built Fort Greenville, which he made his winter quarters. Soon after his arrival herCj he sent a strong detachment to the- battle ground of the unfortunate St. Clair, which was but a short distance from Fort Greenville, where he built Fort Kecoyery. Here the bones of the slain which had been mouldering in the forest shades for two years, were gathered together and buried. -The winter was spent in the necessary work of drilling and disciplining the troops, no enemy making their appearance till the 30tli of June, 1794, when a heavy force of Indians, assisted by 50 Canadian British subjects, made a furious attack on Fort Ke- covery. The action was very obstinate and resulted in severe losses on both sides, but the fort was not taken, and the Indiana fell back to the main body. Just before this action, two Pottowattomies had been taken prisoners by Captain Gibson, and in reply to questions as to ex- pectations of assistance, answered as follows: Q. When did your nation receive the invitation from tlie British to join them, and go to war with the Americans? A. On the first of the last moon; the message wa^ sent by three chiefs — a Delaware, a Shawanee, and a Miami. Q. What was tlie message brought by those Indian chiefs, and what number of British troops were at Roche de Bout (foot of rapids of the Maumee) on the first day of May? A. That the British sent them to invite the Pottawatomiesrto go to war against the United States; that;they, the British, were Indian Testimony. 213 then at Eoche de Bout, on their way to war against the Ameri- j»i!LfTi 'III ' Ji, f t^- %ik\iw* « Kfi '» , 'IW« ' I wis > I ill f*^^ 1 ''i> f Terms of Peace. 221 gave ns these lands, in tlie first instance. It was yonr fathers, the British, who did not discover that care for your interest which yon onglit to have experienced. Tliis is the treaty of peace, made letween the United States of America and Great Britain, twelve years ago, at the end of a long and bloody war, when the French and Americans proved too powerful for the British. On these terms tliey olitained peace. [Here part of the treaty of 1783 was read.] Here j'ou perceive that all the country sontii of the great lakes has been given up to America; but the United States never intended to take that advantage of yon which the British placed in tlieir hands; they wish yoii to enjoy your just rights, without interrnption, and to promote your happiness. The British stipulated to surrender to us all the posts on thcirsideof the boundary agreed on. I told you, some days ago, that treaties should ever be sacredly fulfilled by those who make them; but the British, on their part, did not find it convenient to relinquish those posts as soon as they should have done; however, they now find it so, and a precise jjeriod is accordingly fixed for tlieir deliv- ery. I have now in my hand tlie copy of a treaty, made eight months since, between them and us, of which 1 will read yon a. little. [First and second articles of Mr. Jay's treaty read.] , By this solemn agreement, they promise to retiie from Michilimaci- nac, Fort St. Clair, Detroit, Niagara, and all other places on this side of the lakes, in ten moons from this period, and leave the same to full and quiet possession of the United States. After much deliberation the treaty was concluded on the fol- lowing basis as to giving up Indianlands: Aet. 3. The general boundary line between the land of the United States, and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall begin at the mouth of Cuyahoga river, and run tlience up the same to^ the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Mus- Idngnm; thence down that branch to the crossing place above For^ Lawrence; thence westwardly, to a fork of that bianch of the Great Miami river running into the Ohio, at or near which fork stood Laramie's store, and where commences the portage between ther Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary's river., which is a branch of the Miami which runs into Lake Erie; thence a westerly coui-se to Fort Recovery, which stands on a branch of the "Wabash; thence southwesterly, in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that river opposite the mouth of Kentuckv or Outtawa river. The said Indian tribes do also cede to the United States the following pieces of laud, to wit: 1. One piece of land six miles square, at or near Laramie's store, before mentioned. 2. One i>iece, two miles square, at the head of the navigable water or landing, on the St. Mary's river, near Girty's town. 3. One piece, six miles square, at the 222 Terms of Peace. . head, of the navigable waters of the Anglaize river. 4. One piece, six miles square, at the confluence of the Auglaize and Jkliami river, where Fort Defiance now stands. 5. One piece, . six miles square, at or near the confluence of the rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph, where Fort "Wayne now stands, or near it. 6. One piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river, at the end of the portage from the Miami of the lake, and about eight miles westward from Fort "Wayne. 7. One piece, six miles square, &t the Onatanon, or Old Weatowns, on the Wabash river. 8. One piece, twelve miles square, at the British Fort, on the Miami of the lake, at the foot of the rapids.- 9. One piece, six miles square, at the mouth of the said river, where it ■empties into the lake. 10. One piece, six miles square, upon Sandusky lake where a fort formerly stood. 11. One piece two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandus- ky river. 12. The post of Detroit, and all the lands to the north, the -west, and the south of it, of which the Indian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants toi the French or English governments; and so much more land to be annexed to the District of Detroit as shall be comprehended be- tween the Kaisin on the south and Lake St. Clair on the north, -and a line, the general course whereof shall be six miles distant from the west end of lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The post ■of Miehilimackinac, and all the land adjacent of which the In- dian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the French -or English governments; and a piece of land on the Main to the north of the Island, to measure six miles on lake Huron, or the straits between lakes Huron and Michigan, and to extend three miles back fi-om the water on the lake or strait; and- also the Island de Eois Blanc, being an extra and voluntary gift of the Chippewa nation. 14. One piece of land, six miles square, at the mouth of Chicago river, emptying into the southwest end of lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood. 15. One piece, twelve miles square, at or near the mouth of the Illinois river, ■emptying into the Mississippi. 16. One piece, six miles square, at the old Peorias, fort and village, near the south end of the Illinois lake on said Illinois river. And for the same considera- tions, and with the same views as above mentioned, the United States now deliver to the said Indian tribes a quantity of goods to the value of twenty thousand dollars, the receipt whereof they ■do herel)y acknowledge; and henceforward every year forever, the United States will deliver, at some convenient place northward of the river Ohio, like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the Indians of the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars, recfc- -oHing that value at the first cost of the goods in the city or place in the United- States where they shall be procured. lAUle-Tv/rtle Visits Philadelphia. 333 The treaty was signed, Aug. 3d, 1795, and hushed the -wilder- ness to peace, till the great events in which the Continental wars of Europe had developed issues which were felt even on the fron- tiers of America, and had- much to do in again entangling the Indians in an issue between themselves and the Americans, as will be told in future chapters. After the treaty. Little Turtle did all in his power to induce his people to adopt the modes of the white man, and with this end in view, visited- Philadelphia to solicit Congress and the benevolent Society of Friends to assist him in this laudable undertaking. Here he had an Introduction to the celebrated French travellers, Volney and Koskiuosko, which is described as follows by Drake: "At the time of Mr. Yolney's interview with him for infor- mation, he took no notice of the conversation while the inter- pretier was communicating with Mx.Yolney, for he did not understand. English, but walked about, plucking out his beard and eye-brows. He was dressed now in English clothes. His skin, where not exposed,- Mr. Volney sajs, was as white as his; and on speaking upon the subject. Little-turtle said, " I have seen Spaniards in' Louisiana, and found no difference of color between them and me. And why should there be any? In them, as in us, it- is the work of the Father of colors, the Sv/n,, that burns us. You white people compare the color of your face with that of your bodies." Mr. Volney explained to hina the notion of many, that his race was descended from the Tar- tars, and by a map showed him the supposed communication between Asia and America. To this Little-tuiiile replied, " Why should not these Tartars, who resemhle iis, have come from America? Are there any reasons to the contrary? Or why should we not both have been born in our own country? " - It is a fact that the Indians give themselves a name which is equiva- lent to our word indigene, that is, one sprung from the soil, or natural to it.* " "When Mr. Volney asked Little-tti/rtle what prevented him from living among the whites, and if he were not more comfort- able in Philadelphia than upon the banks of the Wabash, he said, '• Taking all things together, you have the advantage over us; hut here I am deaf and dumb. I do not talk yov/r lan- guage; I can n&ither hea/r, nor make myself heard. When I walk through the streets, I see every person in Ms shop em/ployed about something: one makes sKoes, another hats, a thvrd sells cloth, and every one lives by his labor. I say to m/yself Which of these things can you do? Not one. I can make a bow or an arrow, catch fish, kill game, and go to * See Volney's Travels, wf supra. 224 TJie English Evacuate the Western Ports. war: hut none of these is of any use here. To learn what is done here would require a long time." " Old age comes on." "I should ie a piece of furniture useless to m,y nation, useless to the whites, and useless to myself." " / m,v^t return to my own country.^ " "At the same time (1797), amoog other eminent personages to- whom this chief became attached in Phihidelphia, was the re- no tmed EoskiusTco. This old Polish chief was so well pleased with Little-turtle, that when the latter went to take his final leave of him, the old ' war-worn soldier ' and patriot presented him with a beautiful pair of pistols, and an elegant robe made of sea-otter's skin, of the value of ' several' hundred dollai-s* After this successful issue of General Wayne's campaign', Spain made a treaty with the United States, dated March 3d, 1796, in which the free navigation of the Mississippi was guaranteed to the Americans, but she was very tardy in the fuliillment of ita stipulations. At that time there were strong Spanish forts at Natchez and Vicksburg, then called "Walnut Hills, and although the treaty bound her to give them up, she still held possession of them, greatly to the perplexity of tlie Americans. Meantime this faith- less government continued her intriguing with the Western peo- ple to induce tliem.to set up a government for themselves inde- pendent of the union ; and as an incentive,, sent a Mr. Powers as a secret agent among tliem, with instructions to offer them the free navigation of the Mississippi, besides a hundred thousand dollars in cash.f No substantial encouragement was given to this scheme, and on the 5tii of October, 1798, Spain reluctantly retired from the posts she had nnjustly held on the east bank of the Mississippi, and American vessels could now pass to the sea unmolested. Iix July, 1796, tlie British evacuated all the posts which tliey held on American soil in the West. Detroit, the most important of them ail, was immediately taken possession of by a detacliment uirdcr Captain Porter. On retiring from the post, the British, * " Liltle-tiirlle died in Ihe spring ot 1812, at his residence, but a short time before the dedarfition of wixr asainst England by the 0. States. His portrait,, by Stewart, pnices the walls of the war-office of our nation. The following notice appeared in the public printe at the time of his death: 'Fort Wayne 21 July. 1812. On the 14 inst. the celebrated Miami chief, the LiUle-luitle, died ' at this pliico, at the age of 65 years. Perhaps there is not left on this coiiti- rent one of his color so distingui hed in council and' in war. His disorder was the gout. He died in acam!\ because he chose to be in the open air. He met deatli with great firmness. The agent lor Indian affiurs had him bnried with ^ the honors of war, and other marks of distinction suited to his character.' " t State Papers, VoL Il,.p. 103. The Connecticut Land, Comjpami. 235 regardless of the courtesies for which they are generally exem- plary, acted the part of a malicious tenant on leaving a nonse. The wells of the fort were filled with stones, the windows of the fort broken, the gates locked, and the keys left. in the custody of an aged IsTegro,* who, with fidelity to his trust, promptly gave tliem to the Americans, and the old fort passed out of tne hands of its tenacious occupants, with its glorious memories giving place to painful regrets, as they took their departure down the clear waters of the Straits, bidding good-bye to their dusky friends, who had so many years hung around the place in hope of alliance against the aggressive Americans. Tlie State of Connecticut, in 1Y95, disposed of a portion of the "Western Keserve to a company known by the title of the Connecticut Land Company, of which Moses Cleavelandf was one of the directors. Tlie next year, he with a party of survey- ors started for the new country in April. Their. route was chosen tlirough Albany, thence to Oswego. Here they arrived the 3d of June, a month before the British had evacuated the Western posts, and these punctilions sentinels still guarded Oswego with the watchfulness of picket-men oi the eve of a battle. Tlie par- ty, therefore, durst not pass the British fort at the mouth of the Oswego river without permission, lest the commander should give their batteaux a cannon-shot as they paddled past its frown- ing battlements. On being asked permission to do this, with dogged resolution the British commander refused it, and the American party were obliged to carry their batteaux circuitously around the fort by land, and launch them below the British fort, beyond the reach of their guns. Thence, coasting along the sontliera shore of Lake Ontario, they arrived at Buffalo, where they remained several days, to hold a council with the Seneca and Moiiawk chiefs, for the purpose of purchasing any interest they might claim in the lands composing such portions of the West- ern Reserve as the Connecticut Land Company had purchasfed.;]: The celebrated Brant and Ked Jacket were the principal dei)u- ties on the part of the Indians, Tiiese able men saw with regreta -the inevitable downfall of their power, and all they could do was to make provision for the creature comforts of their tribes, while tliey yet had a being. After several days spent in parleying, *Lanman's Mich., p. 167. . tHis name was spelled with an "a" in the first syllable. ' X Note. — The origina' home of the Mohawks and Senecas was in Eastern New Toik, but they had extended their dominions into Ohio by risrbt of conqiie-t. But at the treaty of Gieenville. when these lands were ceded ,to the United SMites by the Western tribes, the Mohawks and Seneca-s were not present; hence the necessity to conler with them to prevent any future trouble as to the validity to these titles. 226 Red Jackefs Caustic Speech. twenty-five hundred dollars tvortli of goods were accepted as pay for their interest in the lands, the land on which the present city of Cleveland now stands being included in the tract. This offer was accepted, not without some bitter reproaches on the part of Eed Jacket, who said : " Ton white people make a great parade about religion; yon say yon have a book of laws and rules which was given you by ■ the Great Spirit, but is this true? Was it written by his own hand and given to you? No, it was written by your own people. They do it to deceive yon. 'l-heir whole wishes center here (pointing to his pocket); all they want is the money. (It hap- pened there was a priest in the room at the same time who heard him.) He says white people tell them, they wish.to come and live among them as brothers, and learn them agriculture. So they bring on implements of husbandry and presents, tell them good stories, and all appears honest, but when they are gone all appears as a dream. Our land is taken from us, and still we don't know how to farm it." Having successfully executed this important business, the party embarked on lake Erie for their destination. This was the first introduction of the New-Englanders to the waters of the lakes for the purposes of permanent settlement. For more than a cen- tury the French had been here, and for the past thirty years the English had held the shores of these waters exclusively to them- selves. Now the rising star of a new power, in the twentieth year of its existence, had penetrated across the wilderness of New York, and was about to lay the dimension-stone for the city of Cleveland, on a model destined soon to be repeated with suc- cess at other places along the margin of these shining waters. On the 2nd of July the party arrived at Erie, which still retained the old French name of Presque Isle. Here the ruins of the old French fort still remained, as a frail memorial of French ambi- tion brushed by the strongarm.of England, who in turn had held but a transient lease of power. Passing- on to the west, they arrived at Conneaut on the 4:th of July. Here they celebrated the day with suitable toasts, and, says the Journal of Cleaveland, " drank several pails of grog, supped, and retired in remarkable good order." The party now began to lay out the country in townships, according to the admirable system of government surveys (begun on the Ohio river in 1Y85. On the 10th of August, having run a line around a larg^ tract, they came back to lake Erie again. Their provisions were exhausted, and from the following item in Cleaveland's journal, their rum had come to its last gul. Says the record': " Just as we were starting for Conneaut, we saw a large party coming along I b r#/'i\i ^ -^i!' ; / -I, i^ i 'sir t |v/^ 4 i-' * ^) Cleveland Settled. 227 the beach, and supposing them to be Indians, and having only a gill left in our bottle, we were hnrrying to a spring to drink it before they could come up and tease us for it, but to our astonish- ment, we found them to be two of the parties of surveyors com- ing in together." while the surveyors were at work, Mr. Cleaveland made an excursion to the site destined to become the city which was to bear his name, arriving there on the 22nd of August. Says Whittlesey, in his History of Cleveland: " As they coasted close along the shore, overhimg by a dense green forest, mirrored in the waters over which they were pass- ing, the mouth of the river disclosed itself, as a small opening, between low banks of sand. The man who controls the party is seated in the stern, steering his own craft, which is gracefully headed into the stream. " Hi,s complexion was so swarthy, his figure so square and stout, and his dress so rude, that the Indians supposed some of the blood of their race had crept into his veins." " A young growth of oaks, with low bushy tops, covered the f round. Beneath them were thrifty bushes, rooted in a lean, but ry and pleasent soil, highly favorable to the object in view. A smooth and even field sloped gently towards the lake, whose bhie waters could be seen extending to the horizon. His imagination doubtless took a pardonable flight into the future, when a great commercial town should iake the place of the stinted forest growth, wliich the northern tempests had nearly destroyed." " Enough men were left to put up a storehouse for the sup- plies, and a cabin for the accommodation of the surveyors." " Houses had before this been built bj' white people, near the mouth of the river; but not for the purpose of permanent settle- ment. Col. James Hillman avers that he put up a small cabin on the east side of the river, in 1786, near the foot of Superior street, of which, however, nothing further is known. Sometime previous to 1787, a party who were wrecked upon a British ves- sel, between one and two miles east of the river, built an hut, large enough to shelter themselves through one winter. On the west side of the river a log store house was erected, prior to 1786, to protect the flour which was brought here from Pittsburg, on the way to Detroit. This building, in a dilapidated state, was standing in 1797, when it was occupied awhile by James Kings- bury and his family." Surveys for the streets of the new city were made in a few weeks, the first plat bearing date of October 1st, 1796. It was the first town laid out exclusively by New England citizens on tlie entire chain of lakes, and at this day is second in commercial importance only to Chicago. 228 Hut Built at Chicago. The same summer, a colored man from St. Domingo, named Jean Baptiste Pont Au Sable, in his forest wanderings, was attracted to the old portage of Chicago. . Here he built a Imt on the north bank of the main branch ot the Chicago river, and set- tled among the Pottowattoraies, who then dwelt at the place. "Without doubt he was well received by them, as he soon aspired to the dignity of- a chief, but like many others before and since, his ambitious aims were never to be realized. Thus baulked, he relinquished the improvements he had made and removed to Peoria.* The small beginning he had made, however, was soon appro- priated by a Frenchman named La Mai, who appears to have been only a transient occupant, likfe many others of his country- men before him, and the only mark which gives significance to his brief residence here, is the fact that he sold out his establish- ment to one who became the true pioneer of Chicago as an Anier- ica,h city. This was John Kinzie, whose romantic adventures incarnatie with the spirit of forest life as it then was in its fasci- nations will be told in future pages. And now the old century fades away in a peaceful twilight, burying in oblivion the crushed hopes of France and England, wh.le the American star is rising above the dip of the horizon. •Wabum, P. 490. CHAPTER XIV. William Henry Sarrison; His Ancestry arid Birth — Is Ap joointed Governor of the Indian Territory — Spanish Posset sion of Louisiana — Napoleon's Ambitious Designs Shou<% iythe Conquest of St. Domingo, and hy the Purchase of 1/ a- isianafrom Spain — French Designs Frustrated hy the l£nr glish — Purchase of Louisiana hy the United States — Conse- quent Necessity o/" a Fort on the Upper LaTces — St. Joseph (JJwsen for its locality — The Indians Ohiect to its Erection — Chicago Next Selected — The Fort. Built Here — Margaret ^md Elizabeth, the Captives — Their Adventu/res, and wluat grew out of Them, — John Kimie — His Youthful Life — Hie Settles i/n, Chicago — The Fur Trade and the Engage. Private ownership to the soil is a condition peculiar to new countries. It may almost be called one of tlie modern inventions ■of civilization, first brought to perfection in America. The effect of this distribution of nature's most valuable gift, has been manir fest in school houses, libraries, newspapers, magazines, pictures iand well . furnished habitations, universally brought into being where men own the soil they cultivate. The nineteenth century ■opened upon the people of the United States with a new field, on which these good things were to be multiplied in extent beyond limit, as far as could then be seen. The unmeasured fields beyond the Ohio — enriched by a thousand autumnal dressings of leaf-mould, or the decay of prairie growth — ^looked inviting to the /husbandmen of New England and Old Virginia, and emigra- tion from these places began again after assurance of peace with the Indians. A character is now introduced into history — one of those master- «pirits who can only live and grow in a new country. Not that meji thus reared are consequently superior to the cultured men of old communities in all things, but that they exceed them in •economizing effective force' from apparently humble sources;, in bringing about large results from small beginnings, and in the adaptation of ways and means to ends, cannot be denied. Such a man was William Henry Harrison, whose name deserves a 230 Swrrison Apjpointed Governor of Indiana Territory. place with a long list of illustrious Americans, who, like himself, grew into distinction from the toils of camp life in the forest. He was born in Berklej', Virginia, in 1773. His ancestors had made themselves conspicuous -in the Gromwellian wars in England, and his fatlier was one of the signers of the Declaration of American Independence, and after it was achieved became governor of Yirginia. "William Henry was the young- est son. When Governor St. Clair was gathering his forces to invade, the Indian country, he had an earnest desire to partici- pate in the campaign, and for that purpose applied to General Washington, then President. He received an ensign's commis- sion and started for Fort Washington. He arrived too late to take part in the ill-fated expedition of St. Clair, but joined Gen. Wayne in his successful campaign which succeeded it. After the treaty of Greenville, which restored peace to the forest, he was. placed in command of Fort. Washington, and shortly afterward married the daughter of Judge Symes, the same who was the proprietor of Symes Purchase, spoken of in a preceediug chapter. His ambition soon took a higher range than to command a small squad of dissolute soldiers in a peaceful fort, and he resigned his commission as captain, and was soon appointed secretary of th& Northwest Territory, and in 1792 was elected delegate to Congress —he being the first to represent the interests of the northwest at Washington. On the 13th of May, 1800, he was appointed gov- ernor of the Territory of Indiana, which had been set off from the Northwest Territory. Its area included the present states of Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin . and Minnesota. The seat of government was fixed at Vincennes, on the Wabash river. The number of inhabitants of the Indiana Territory was 5,641 whites, while that of the Ohio division of the Northwest Terri- tory was 45,365.* The number of Indians inhabiting the Indi- ana Territory was more than three times that of the wliites. They had all tasted the fruits of war with their white neighbors, but being still in quiet possession of their hunting-grounds, felt a. happy assurance that they and their offspring should forever con- tinue to occupy the limitless forests of the country, which then, from their vast extent, seemed to bid perpetual defiance to white- settlements. The Northwest was now organized into two territories, possess- ing only the germs of her ultimate grandeur, and these were not within the reach of human vision to forecast. Spain h61d the whole west side of the Mississippi, and such portions of the eastern side as came within the limits of the present State of Louisiana, which included the port of New Orleans. Besides. •Carey's Atlas, published in Philadelphia, 1801. ' The Purchase of Louisiana. 231 this menacing power at the back door of the United States, which juust shackle the prosperity of the JSTorthwest as long as it lasted, our relations with England were of a slipshod character, from the fact that her colonial ports were not open to our commerce, which forced us to trade with an important part of the world through English merchants. But as good fortune for the United States would have it, Spain was showing evident signs of decrepitude, soon to be made manifest by her relinquishment to France of her entire possessions of Louisiana. This she had already done at the treaty of St. Ildefonso, on the first of .October, 1800. Through some subtle diplomacy this cession was kept a secret till at the treaty of Amiensj which hushed Europe to a treacherous peace, it was published. The rising starof Ifapoleon was then mounting the horizon of France, and she looked forward to the day when her former greatness in America might be restored. On the part of the United States grave apprehensions arose that the new owners of the soil would close the navigation of the Mississippi against them, and build up a nation on its western bank, which might prove a dangerous rival by securing the entire commerce of the gulf. At this time JSTapoleon sent an army to invade St. Domingo, which strength- ened this theory in the minds of the Americans. Success at first attended the expedition, but soon afterwards the slaves arose and drove the invaders from the island. Meantime England was forming fresh combinations against him, and war broke out again between that power and France in the following May. The defeat of his army in St. Domingo, and the supremacy of the English marine, now made Louisiana an uncertain possession, and French hopes of aggrandizement on the soil of America were suddenly dashed to the ground. Up to this time no thoughts had ever been entertained in the United States of purchasing Louisiana. On the contrary, this immense country had ever been a mountain in the path of western progress, commanding as it did their only avenue wherewith to ship their exports to foreign countries. Now the commotion which pi-evailed in Europe by the chance direction aflFairs had taken, had rfpened this fruit for an American sickle, and America purchased it for a little over fifteen million dollars. The treaty of cession was rati- fied by Congress on the 21st of October, 1803.* i "While the negotiations were in progress, the British mini8t,er, in his heated zeal to inflict a wound on France, made a proposi- *The purchase had been madeonthe 30th of Apnl previous byEobert £. Liy:- ing-ston, then our resident Minister in Paais, and Mr. Moore, who had just been sent there by the Executive on a special mission. The few months that France had held the country, showed the impossibility of any European power's at- tempt to acquire any American soil that laid in the path of Americon progress. 232 Commission to Locate a Fort on Lake Michigan. tion to Eafus King, our envoy to London, to conqner the said country from France and cede it to tile United. States after peace had been made with that power. Tliis proposition was not seri- ously ientertained by American statesmen, who had too much pen- etration to submit so important a matter to the fortune of war or the caprices of a foreign cabinet. * When the sale was made, said [Napoleon, in the bitterness of thwarted ambition: "I have given to England a maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her pride." Spain made a feeble and unavailing protest against the transfer, lest she should ultimately lose Florida and Mexico by its contagious example, both of which events have since been ver- ified. 'This augmentation to the territory of the United States brought increased responsibilities, and demanded preparations wherevvith to utilize it. The British influence among the count- less Indian warriors along the upper lakes had been gathering strength by means of halt-civilized courtesies, adapted to their tastes, ever since the days of the Kevolution; and a demonstra- tion of American power to offset this influence, was necessary to guarantee safety to the frontier settlements already made, as well" as to bring the northern portions of Louisiana at least within hailing distance of its new owners. Already the project of build- ing a tort at the southern extremity of lake Michigan had been entertained by Congress, while negotiations for the purchase of Louisiana was pending, but now its immediate necessity was apparent, and commissioners were promptly sent trom Washing- ton to select a suitable place for it. The mouth of the St. Joseph river, on the east bank of lake Michigan, was first selected, and preparations made to build tlie fort, when the Indians of the country withheld their consent for its construction, and the commissioners were obliged to select another place, as they haii no power to enforce their demands — the Indian title here never having been extinguished. Across the lake was the portage of Chicago, where six miles square had been ceded to tlie United States by the Indians in the treaty of Gi-eenville, in 1795. It was a bold push into the interior to es- tablish a fort here, but there was no other available spot, and orders for its construction were issued from the War Department early in the summer of 1803. Detroit and Michilimacinac were *That some fbrtuitious contingency niight possibly yet give Louisiana to the English, was probably the intention of the British Minister in making- this pro- position to Mr. King. This theory is strengtliened by a letter that a British ofScer high in rankhad previously written to the Board of l"rade, from which the following is an extract : "Should the Americans thus once fairly possess themselves of that colony, it will be very difficult to dislodge them, and firom the time they estabHsh a footing in any port in the Gulf of Florida the inter- mnrse between the European nations and the West Indies wiU be very insecure I.. ! ed." Fort Built at Chicago. 233 then the extreme western outposts of the Americans along the lakes. A company of United States soldiers was stationd at the former place, nnder command of Capt. John Whistler, an oiBcer of tlie Kevolntion, and to him was entrusted this service. Under his command were two young lieutenants — ^William Whistler, his oldest son, and James S. Swearington, from Chillicothe, Ohio. To the latter he gave orders to conduct the soldiers across the forests of Michigan to Chicago, while he and his wife, his son William and his wife — a young bride — took passage on the U. S. Bchooner Tracy for the same destination, there to set up the Amer- ican standard at a spot venerable with the memories of one hun- dred and thirty years of transient French occupation, though now inhabited by only three rude huts of French fur-traders, each with their usual adjuncts — the Indian wife and the inevitable brood of half-breed sprites. The schooner arrived on the Fourth of July and anchored out- side the bar, for the mouth of the river was choked with a saiid drift. Here she discharged her freight of amniunition, arms and provisions into small boats, in which they were rowed into - the river and landed on the spot where the fort was to be built. Two thousand Indians were assembled, who, with many a grunt of surprise and approbation, beheld these preparations so fatal to their security. The schooner was the especial object of their admiration. They called it the big canoe with wings. After the freight and passengers were landed, Capt. Tracy, the commander, gave or- ders to set sail for Detroit, and the ship soon vanished into the distant dip of the sky and left the new-comers among their swar- thy associates, ctit off from the outside world. Their first busi- ness was to build the block. house — an easy task but for the hauling of the logs to the ground selected for its site. They had neither oxen or horses with which to do this, but the soldiers geared themselves with ropes, and performed the onerous toil. , The summer and autumn of 1803 were spent before the fort was finished, but comfortable quarters were secured for the gar- ison before cold weather had commenced. The defenses con- sisted of two block houses, one on the southeast and the otlier on the northwest corner of the grounds enclosed. These were large, enough for a parade ground, and were surrounded by a substan- tial palisade. A sallyport connected the enclosure with the rivf r by- means of a subterranean passage. Immediately north of the fort, tlie main branch of the Chicago river rolled its qtiiet waters to the lake, and on the west, half a mile of wet prairie intervened between the fort and the south branch of the Chicago river. On-, the east were the shifting sand-drifts . through which, the river found its way to the lake by a detour southwardly along the shore 234 Armament and Garrison of the Fort. half a mile south of its present outlet. Three pieces of light artillery and sinall arms constituted the armameut. Attached ta the fort was a two-story log building, sided with clap-boards, riven from logs like barrel staves. This was called the United States factory, which meant a place to store ^bods belonging to the gov- ernment designed for gratuitous distribution among the Indians. It st-ood outside of the palisade to the west, and was under the charge of an agent who was sutler to the fort, and was subject to the orders of its commander. The garrison of the fort consisted of 1 captain, 1 second lieutenant, 1 ensign, 4 sergeants, 1 surgeon and 54 privates.* Says Hon. Zebina Eastman, in his history of Chicago: "Tliis. "fort then occupied one of the most beautitul sites on the lake shore. It was as high as any other point, overlooking the sur- face of the lake; commanding as well as any other view on this flat surface could ; the prairie extending to the south to the belt of timber along the south branch and on the north side, -and ihe white sand hills both to the north and south, which had for ages past been the sport of the lake winds." This lonesome hermitage soon became a nucleus around which the restive spirits which tbrest life had brought into being, gath- ered, not to enrich themselves and live in luxurious ease, but to follow the bent of an ambition that led their way into an untroden path^ Wliat matter if dangers lurked beside it ? These were so- many stimulants to variegate the path of life and give point to its smoother surface by contrast with its rougher. Daring and , muscle then held a high place in frontier accomplishments. They were necessary in order ,to push the American "idea" far ihto the forest in advance, to pave the way for other graces which were some day to follow. Demand begets supply in every essential want of humanity; and when pioneers are wanted to face danger, plenty are willing to enlist under an assurance that they will be fully renumerated on the spot by that immunity from restraint which the forest secures to its tenants, and by that dashing style of good fellow- ship which is ever present between thems.elves and their comr rades. Whatever may be the rough- exterior of such men, they are heroes in the estimation of even the most cultured leaders of society, and even the prude regards them with charity, and ac- cepts even their eccentricies without censure. Chicago 'was un;- like Boston, which was settled by "Winthrop and the Puritans. She (Chicago) began under the naive elements of frontier life, and after many years graduated under the influence of the segfi •American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 175, 176. Margaret and Elizabeth. 235- they (the Puritans) planted on the eastern fringe of the conti- nent, somewhat modified however in its march across the inter- vening country). Among the venturesome pioneers of Virginia, was a back- woodsman named MeKenzie. He, with a number of his com- rades settled at the mouth of "Wolf's creek, where it empties into- the Kanawha, in Giles county. During Dunmore's war on the frontier, the Shawanese, then the great formidable power of the forest, in one of their border forays came suddenly upon the home of KcKenzie, killed his wife, and led two of his children into captivity. The names of the yoiing captives were Margaret, ten years old, and Elizabeth, eight years ol'd. They were taken to old Chillicothe, the great Indian town of the Shawanese, where they were adopted into the family of a high-bred Indian chief, and raised nnder the tender care of his obedient squaw, according to custom. Ten years later, when the girls were in the full bloom of maidenly beauty, Margaret was allowed to accompany her foster father on a hunting excursion to the Saint Mary's river, in the present State of Indiana, near Ft. "Wayne, under the especial care of a matronly squaw who was one of the party. Arriving at the. place, a yonng chief of the same tribe became enamored by the- graces and accomplishments of the young captive. But Marga- ■ ret, who retained vivid memories of her youth, with all th& tender associations that clustered around the hearthstone of civ- ilization, recoiled from the savage attentions of her swarthy lover, and determined not to yield her heart to one who had na higher destiny for her than to ornament his leggins with porcu- pine quiUs, as one of the highest accomplishments of which a. squaw was capable. "Whatever else may be the gifts of an Indian, he knows not how to play the rejected lover with the manly graces -by which the impassioned young civilian gently tones up the affections of his hesitating fair, and he (the Indian) attempts by force what he cannot win by grace. Margaret's audacious lover was no exception to this rule, and at midnight approached the camp, where she was sleeping, intending to force her to become his wife. According to the Indian custom a din of yells and the rattle of an Indian drum announced the inten- tions of the would-be bridegroom to the terrified victim. Aroused to a full sense of danger, the heroine leaped from her couch and fled into the glooms oi the forest for a protection thkt her friends could no longer give her. Fortunately her dog fol- lowed her as she fled down the bank of the St. Mary's river to the. stockade, half a mile distant, where the horses were kept. Ere she reached the place, the footsteps of her detestable lover were heard close behind. She turned, set her dog upon him, 236 Ea/rVy Life of John Kvnzie. and while the nohle animal was grappling with the wretch, she reached the stockade, unhitched a horse, leaped on his back, and took flight through the wilderness, seventv-five miles to her In- dian home at Chillicothe. The fate of the faithful dog was never known, but he was probably killed wliile fighting in defense of his mistress. The horse died the next day after he had performed 80 wonderful a feat, without rest or sustenance. This heroic girl and her sister Elizabeth, aftei-wards became the mothers of some of the first pioneers of Chicago. In the eventful year of 1763 was born at Quebec a boy, des- tined not only to participate in the romantic riot of forest life as it then was in the great interior, bnt to fix his name on the page of history, with the honorable distirujtion as the Father of Chi- cago. This was John Kinzie. His father died in his infancy, and his mother married a Mr. Forsyth, and removed to New Tork. At the age often or twelve John determined to go back to his native place, and armed with this resolution, went aboard a sloop ready to sail for Albany. The bark was under way before the young truant was missed from the nursery. The poor mother had lost a former child by her first husband, the remains of whom had been picked up in the woods of Canada, lost and starved to death, and now her heart bled afresh forVhat she supposed to be the awful fate of Johnny. Fortune, however, had ordered it otherwise. The lad made the acquaintance, on board the sloop, , of a gentleman going to Quebec, who paid his fare, and landed him safely at the place. Here the young adventurer soon got employment as an apprentice to a silversmith,* and won his way to distinction among the restive spirits of his eventful age, and ■next we find him a fur-trader in Detroit durins: the English occu- pation of the place. After the adventure of Margaret, the cap- tive, as just told, she, with her sister Elizabeth, were taken, to this place by their foster-father, who felt proud of his adopted children, and here they became acquainted with John Kinzie. It is not strange that the brilliant young adventurer beheld the beautiful captive Margaret with the eye of a lover, nor that the heroine felt a similar sentiment for him, and they were soon mar- ried. Elizabeth at the same time met a Scotchman named Clark, and married him, and their swarthy foster-parent took his path back to Chillicothe alone. The two young couples lived in De- troit about five years, diiring which time Margaret had three children, William, James andTElizabeth, and Elizabeth had two children, John K. and Elizabeth. The treaty of' Greenville, in 1795, having restored peace to the border, Mr. Isaac McKenzie, the father from whom the captives * Wabun, p. 193. ' The Clyhourn Family. 23T iad been taken almost a quarter of a century before, received tidings of his children, and went to Detroit to see them. As might be supposed, the sight aroused tender emotions tliat had slumbered for years in painful suspense. Nor were the hearts of the children less moved at the sight of their aged parent, whose memory liad never been obliterated, even during tlieir savage training in the tumult of an Indian camp. Under this strong pressure of filial devotion the two motliers, with their children, returned with their father to tlje old home, to which arrange- ment both of their husbands consented. A final separation was not intended, but time and distance divorced them forever. Mr. Kinzie afterwards removed to Saint Joseplis, where he married a Mrs. McKillip, the widow of a British officer. Margaret mar- ried Mr. Benjamin Hall, of Virginia, and Elizabetli married Mr. Jonas Clybourn, of tlie same place. David, the oldest son of Benjamin Hall and Margaret, made a journey to Chicago in 1822^ where he remained three years. Here a wilderness of shining waters, as the upper lakes then were, nestled amidst an unlimited wilderness of woodland and prairie teeming with fertility hidden beneath a forest studded with overgrown trees, or a prairie ornate with tall grasses and thrifty shrubbery. On his return to Vir- ginia, his flattering account of the place and its future destiny,, which he foreshadowed with a trutlifnl forecast, induced a num- ber of persons to emigrate thither. The first of these was Archi- bald Clybourn, the oldest son of Elizabeth, who remained a per- manent resident and an esteemed citizen, well known to thou- sands of the present inliabitants of Chicago. His mother was Elizabeth, the captive, who with her second husband, Mr. Clybourn, soon afterwards came to Chicago. More will be said of them in future pages. Mr. Benjamin Hall was another one of Chicago's pioneers who emigrated to the place in consequence of Mr. David Hall's commendations of its iutnre promise. Margaret, the captive, was liis aunt, and to him the writer is indebted for tlie detail of Margaret's and Elizabeth's history.* Mr. Hall is now a resident of W heaton. He came to Chicago in 1830, and was the proprietor of the first tannery ever established there. He married the sister of the Hon. J. D. Caton, and raised an esteemed family of children, who are now scattered in the west. Elizabeth Kinzie, daughter of John Kinzie, by Mar- garet, became the wife of Samnel Miller, from a respectable Quaker family of Ohio. This woman was highly esteemed by all who knew her for her excellent traits. Herunsband kept the Miller house at the forks of the Chicago rivers, and is still *A partial history of Margaret's captivity ia given in Howe's Historical Col- lections of Viiginia, pages 278 and 279. 238 John Kmsie and Family Settle in Chicago^. remembered hj a few of Chicago's old settlers as a respected cit- izen. Mrs. Mller died at this house in 1832, leaving three verj promising children. James ffinzie came to Chicago about 1824, and was well received by his father, who assisted him in his iirst efforts to establish himself in the place. He amassed considerable wealth, but lost the most of it in the crash of 1837, when he removed to "Wiscon- fiin, where he died about the year 1860. We will now return to the eaiiy days of the fort, where a few superanuated soldiers stood guard at this frontier post through ■the winter of 1803-4, like hermits in a wilderness. If they ob- tained any tidings of what was going on in the outside world, it must have been through the agency of some chance pedestrian messenger, and anynewshe miglit bring would lack authenticity. But even this satisfaction was probably not afforded them, in their wild recluse. The next spring, however, was destined to bring an arrival to their post of a permanent character, whose presence should help to bring around them the social conditions of settled communities. Mr. John Kinzie, himself, was then a resident of Detroit, but had determined to make Chicago bis future home. His vife was the mother of a daughter by her ^rst husband, which daughter was now a member of his family. The baby, John H. Kinzie, was now about six months old. An Indian trail then led from Detroit throiigh Ypsilanti (then known .as Charms trading station), Niles and St. Joseph, around the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, tlience one branch led to Chicago and another to Eock Island, on the Mississippi river. ■This was the only way by which Mr. Elinzie could reach 'the place, and horseback was the only means of transportation. Accordingly their effects were ^Mcked in sacks and lashed to a horse's back, and Mr. and Mrs. Kinzie and the daughter were -each mounted on a horse, with Johnny slung in' a swaddling Socket from the horn of a saddle, and the journey was begun. )ay after day they pursued their wooded trail, camping out each night, till Chieasjo was reached. Soon after his arrival he pur- chased a small French trading establishment of a man named LeMai, of whom mention has been made in a previous chapter, and from time to time this hut was improved as the home of Mr. Kinzie, till a comfortable house substituted it, as shown in its picture on another page. This was the first private dwelling •ever built in Chicago as an American city. It stood on the north bank of the river, opposite the fort, fronting towards the south. A small boat chained to the bank was always in readiness to ferry forward and back between his home and the fort, and. this con- -stituted Chicago as it was then, begun by John Kinzie and three Trench 'families who then resided there; one of which wasXe- Mrs. Whistler. 239 Jifai's, and tlie other two were Ouilmette's and Pettell's families. Oiiilmette remained a permanent resident of Chicago, and was ever true to the American interest, which record was rewarded by a large reservation of land for him north of Chicago, which still perpetuates his memory. Capt. Whistler's wife, then a bride of but sixteen years, is still (in 1879) living. Henry "W. Hnrlbut, Esq., a present citizen of Chicago, visited her in 1875, and thus describes the interview in his pamphlet on Chicago Antiquities, page 24: " It was a coveted privilege in which we sought, as any one might believe, for it was during the tremendous rain-storm of the evening of the 29th of October, 1875, that we sallied out to call on Mrs. Col. E. A. Kinzie for an introduction to that lady's mother, Mrs. Whistler. When we entered the parlor, the ven- eriable woman was engaged at the centre-table in some game of amusement with her grand-children and great-grand-Siildren, fieeraingly as much interested as any of the juveniles. (We will remark here that five generations ot this family have lived in Chicago.) " She claimed to enjoy good health, and was apparently an unu- sual specimen of well-preserved faculties, both intellectual and phj'sical. She is of a tall form, and her appearance still indicates the truth of the common report, that in her early years she was a person of surpassing elegance. A marked trait of her has been a spirit of unyielding energy and determination, and which length •of years has not yet subdued. Her tenacious memory ministers to a voluble tongue, and we may say briefly, she is an agreeable, intelligent and sprightly lady, numbering only a little over 88 years. "To-day," said she, "I received my first pension on account of my husband's services." Mrs. Whistler resides in ]Srewport, Kentucky. She has one son and several grandsons in the army. Born in Salem, Mass., July 3d, 1787, her maiden name was Julia Ferson, and her parents were John and Mary LaDuke Ferson. In childhood she removed with her parents to Detroit, where she received most of.her education. In the month of May, 1802, she was married to William Whistler (bom in Hagerstown, Md., about 1784), a second Lieut, in the company of his father, Capt. John Whistler, IT. S. A., then stationed at Detroit." He held ciommand of Fort Dearborn, the name given to. the new fortification, till 1811, and during this whole time nothing occurred to disturb the peace of the place. The Indians kept up a trade in furs with " Shaw-neawkee," the name they gave to Mr. Kinzie, which, in their language, meant a silversmith. And during this term of years the even measure of justice, as well as the agreeable demeanor of Mr. Kinzie to them, established a friendship between themselves and him, 240 The Fur Trader. which proved a precious deliverance to himself and family when the Red Man again took the war-path. " Mrs. John H. Kinzie, the authoress of that graphic picture of frontier life (Wabun), in speaking of John Kinzie's first daj's ia Cliicago, and his experiences in the fur trade, in which he waa engaged, says: " By degrees more remote trading posts were es- tablished by him, all contributing to the parent one at Chicago;. at Milwaukee, with the Menominees; at Kock Eiver, with the Winnebagoes and the Pottawatomies; on the Illinois river arid Kankakee, with the Pottawatomies of the Prairies and with the Kickapoos, in what was called 'Le Large' — being the widely ex- tended district afterwards created into Sangamon county. Each trading post had its superintendent and its complement of en- gages — its train of pack-horses and its equipment of boats and canoes. From most of the stations the lurs and peltries were brought to Chicago on pack-horses, and the goods necessary for the trade were transported in return by the same method. The vessels which came in the spring and fall (seldom more than two or three annually), to bring the supplies and goods for the trade,, took the furs that were already collected to Mackinaw, the depot of the Southwest and American Fur Companies. At other sea- sons they were sent to the place in boats coasting around tli& lake." ,"0f the Canadian voyageurs, or engages," (continues Mrs. Kinzie,) " a race that has now so nearly passed away, some notice ' may very properly liere be given. They were unlike any other class of men. Like the poet, they seemed born to their vocation. Sturdy, enduring, ingenious and light-hearted, they possessed a spirit capable of adapting itself to any emergency. No difficul- ties baffled, no hardships discouraged them, while their aflfection- ate nature led them to form attachments of the warmest charac- ter to their 'bourgeois,' or master, as well as to the native in- habitants among whom their engagements carried them. Mon- ti-en!, or according to their own pronunciation, Marrialle, was their depot. It was at that place tliat the agents commissioned to make up the quota for the diiferent companies and traders,, found material for their selections. Tlie terms of engagement \vere usually from four to six hun- drcil livres (ancient Quebec currency) per annum, as wages,. with rations of one quart of lyed corn and two ounces 9f tallow per diem, or its equivalent in whatever sort of food is to be found in the Indian country. Instances have been found of their sub- mitting cheerfully to fare upon fresh fish and maple sugar for a. whole winter, when cut off from other supplies. It was a com- mon saying, " Keep au engaged to his corn and tallow, and he will MicMUmacmac. 2il serve yon well; give him pork and bread, and he soon gets be- yond your management." At this time MichiMinacinac.was a place of extensive com- merce»with the Indians. Thither went the distant Sioux, and other tribes, both from f^ and near, to exchange their furs for such necessities as had then become indispensable to the Indians. And there gathered the fearless spirits of the frontier, who glo- ried in the privations of the wilderness, wilder, if possible, than the natives themselves, and not . less hardv. These excitements gave to the place a metropolitan character far above the Chicago portage, which was then only an outpost of Old " Mackinaw." Thus closes a chapter of civil and savage amenities springing into a transitory life, strangely intermingled together, while the young nation, in her fecundity, is giving birth to metropolitan cities. What was then a reality appears in retrospect like a dream to us who are rivalling each other in the arts of elegance and luxury, and jostling eadi other along the paths of life for want of elbow room wherewith, to ventilate an ambition more studious in mentality, more psychological, more in accordance with man's nobler nature; but possibly not untarnished with subtle vices that will be more apparent to the readers of our his- tory a hundred years hence than they are to us now. CHAPTER XT. Governor Marrison's Efforts to Extinguish Indian Titles to Lands — Indian, Discontents —TeGurnsehi — The Prophet — TecmnseKs Interview with Ham^ison, — Its Threatening As- pect — TecumseKs Attempt to. Form a Coivfederacy^Marri- ^on Marches into the Indian Oownl/ry-^ETica/mps at Tippe- ■canoe — The Prophet Attacks Him — Is Defeated—TecumseK's Plans Frustrated iy the Battle — The Territory of Illinois Organized — Ninian Edwards Appointed Governor. Under the able administration of Harrison as governor of the territory of Indiana, and. the peaceful appearance of the Indians, emigration increased, and the lands yet ceded by the Indians to the United States were quite inadequate to the demand, and the call was for more land. To sa;tisfy this call the Wyandots ceded that portion of Ohio known as the "Western Keserve on July 4, -liSOS. On the 21st of August, the same year, the Miami's ceded a tract containing two million acres. Governor Harrison being the purchaser; and on the 30th of December following the Piankeshaws ceded a tract eighty miles wide along the west bank of the Wabash, which included all the land between that stream and a cession which the Kaskaskias had made in 1803. While these tribes were relinquishing the Indian hunting grounds to white settlements by piecemeal, unmindful of the results which might grow out of such an abandonment of the forest, there were a lew master minds among them who could clearly forecast the end, if such sales were not prevented. Prominent among these was Teciimseh, Chief q£ the Shavir- anees.e, who may be looked upon as the last representative of the original nobility of his declining race. He beheld the cessions of lands' to the United States with alarm, and resolved to make one final effort to stay the progress of the woodchopper's axe, and preserve the remaining forests of the west inviolable to their native owners — a desperate and fool hardy resolution unless English aid was expected to his cause. But however certain this might appear in his estimation, he commenced the work before him in a peaceble and statesmanlike manner. The first step to Tecurnseh Attempts to Form a Confederacy. 243 betaken was to form an Indian confederacy, by means of a pri- vate council, with representative men among the Indians, the principal object of which should be to prevent the further sale of lands to the United States, except by consent of the confeder- acy, which was intended to unite the entire Indian population of the northwest. This council was held at Greenville, about the year 1806. Tecurnseh and his brother, who was gifted with prophecy as was supposed, were the leading spirits comprising it. Billy Caldwell, an educated half-breed,* was private secretary to Tecurnseh. Tecnmseh could read and write, but the book of nature was his most highly prized volume, and the lines of the human face were in his scrutinizing glance the plain indexes to the heart. Greenville was from this time his headquarters, where he held his court, and from which place both ■ he and his brother, the prophet, frequently went forth to visit the different tribes of the country, and impress upon them the necessity of a united effort for mutual protection. In this labor the prophet's influence was perhaps greater than that of Tecurnseh himself, for it had a leverage from another world wherewith to bear upon life in this, while Tecumseh's logic was circumscribed to public policy. The prophet dreamed and saw visions, and his earnest zeal was soon rewarded with a great awakening among hifiv swarthy brethren. Both he and Tecurnseh lent their powerful influence in favor of temperance, as well as many other causes in which they were engaged. But the cause most at heart was tlie organ- ization of the great Indian confederacy. In the spring of 1808, they moved their headquarters to the banks of a small stream, called Tippecanoe, which emptied into the Wabash, and here immediately sprung up a modem Mecca, to which swarthy pil- grims came fromfar and near to com mime with some transcend- ent power which was to carry their race safely through the wil- derness of their griefs. All this time Tecumseh was running from tribe to tribe to propagate his new political principles, and no evidence exists that he advocated anything but peaceful meas- ures to fulfil his laudable designs, as history is compelled to call them. The following August he visited Gov. Harrison at Yin- cennes. The interview was a pleasant one, and won the confi- dence of Harrison sufficiently to set at rest any misgivings he *Billy Caldwell soon aflerwaxds became principal chief of the Pottawatom'ies, and after the war was over made Chicago his residence, till his tribe was removed to the neighborhood of Council Bluffs, ia 1835-6. Here he died in 1845. In 1833 Mr. Perkins, who wrote "The Western Annals," had an interview with him at Chicago, at which time he had a trunk full of papers pertaining^ to the war, and particularly Tecumseh's participation iti it; and it was at this inter- view that Mr. Perkins learned of the private council which Tecumseh held at Greenville. See Western Annals, p. 550. 244 WiTh-a-rriac^s Influence in Cowicil. miglit formerly have had as to direct warlike intentions of the distinguished chief. Still his caution never slept, and he was ever on the watch for any new phase which might develop be- tween the two antagonistic elements under his 'territorial charge, at the head of one of which he stood, while Tecumseh ably repre- sented the other. Two years later, in 1 810, the census of Indiana territory showed a population of 24,520, and there were in the territory 33 grist mills, 14 saw mills, 18 tanneries, 28 distille- ries, 3 powder mills, 1,266 hand-looms, and 1,350 spinning wheels. This showed a quadruple increase in the number of inhabitants, and mach more than that in its agricultural and manufacturing interests during the ten years since its fii'st or- ganization as a territory. That these augmentations to the white settlements had in- creased the jealousy of Tecumseh and the Prophet, was well known. The latter was daily increasing in popularity, as was . amply shown by the numbers who gathered around him to hear him foretell the good things in store for the Indian race, and tone up their resolution to verify them. Meantime Harrison deemed it prudent to try if possible to counteract this influence, and to this end sent messengers to the Miamis, Delawares and Pottawatomies, whose business it was to assure those tribes of the protection and friendship of the United States, and to warn them, against the pretensions of the Prophet. His influence had now. extended to the tribes around lake Michigan, and early in May, ISiO, the Pottawatomies, Chippewas and Ottawas held a council at St. Joseph to consider the propriety of joining his standard. In this council Win-a-mac, a distinguished Pottawatomie chief,; well known to the early settlers of .Chicago, used his influence against the Prophet. This friendly intervention in favor of the whites was due to the influence which Mr. Kinzie and the oflicers of Port Dearborn had exerted over him. It prevailed in the council, and no encouragement was given to the emissaries of the Prophet, On the contrary, Win-a-mac sent valuable information to Governor Harrison as to the numbers of hostile tribes. No act of hostilily had yet been committed, but signs of brooding discontent were on the increase; among the Shawanese, in par- ticular, who, in their honor-clad armor of independence, refused to receive their annuity of salt wliich the United States govern- ment were accustomed to give, and insulted the agents sent to de- liver it, by calling them " dogs." This palpable sign of hostility caused Governor Harrison to send a messenger forthwith to Prophet's town* to ascertain the causes of discontent. At first the * An Indian town, near Tippecanoe Creek, where the prophet lived. Interview B.etween Harrison and Tecumseh. 245 prophet laid the blame as usual on some of his hasty young men; but when pressed by Mr. Dubois, Harrison's faithful messenger, for the real reason, he complained that the Indians had been cheated out' of 'their lands— that no sale was "good unless made by all the tribes. In reply to this complaint, Governor Hari-ison I'eturned an answer, offering to restore any lands to the Indians that had not been fairly purchased. This message was sent by a Mr. Barron, with two associates, Brouillette and Dubois. Arriving at the place they were cx)nducted into the presence of the high priest, -with no small measure of ceremony, when within a iew feet of his majesty, "He looked at me," said Barron, "for several minutes without speaking or making any sign of recognition, although he knew me well. At last he spoke, ap- parently, in anger. 'For what purpose do yon come here?' said he. He then accused them all of being spies, and point- ing to the ground, said : 'There's your grave ! Look on it' " Tecumseh, who was present, now interfered, to save the lives of the messengers — assured them of their safety, and received their message. No answer was given to it, bnt Tecumseh said he would visit Harrison at Vincennes, in a few days, and re- ply to him. The messengers now withdrew. On the 12th of August succeeding (1810), true to his' word, Tecumseh, attended by 75 warriors, paid his respects to Governor Harrison. He remained in Vincennes twelve aays, holding fre- quent interviews with hiih, always with an air of hauteur, which only an Indian can assume with grace. On the 20th, addressing the governor, he said: " Brother — Since the peace of Greenville, in 1795, was made, you have killed some of the Shawnees, Win- nebagoes, Delawares and Miamis, and you have taken our lands from us, and 1 do not see how we can remain at peace with you if you continue to do so. You try to force the red people to do some injury. It is you that are pushing them on to do mischief. Yon wish to prevent the Indians to do as we wish them, to unite and let them consider their lands as the common property of the whole. You take tribes aside and advise them not to come into this measure. Tlie reason I tell you this is, you want, by your distinctions of Indian tribes, in allotting to each a particular tract, to make them to war with each other. You never see an Indian endeavor to make the white people do so. You are continually driving the red people; when at last you will drive them onto/the great lake, when they can't either stand or work. Since my resi- dence at Tippecanoe, we have endeavored to level all distinctions — to destroy village chiefe, by whom all mischief is done. It is they who sell our lands to Americans. Brother, this land that was sold, and the goods that were given for it, was only-done by a few. The treaty was afterward brought here and the W eas were 246 Rage of Tecumseh. induced to give their consent, becatise of their small ntmbers. The treaty of Fort Wayne was made through the threats of Win- amac, but in future we are prepared to punish those who may propose tosell land. If you continue to purchase of them, it will make war among the ditfereiftt tribes, and at last I do not know what will be the consequence among the white people. Brother, I wish you would take pity on the red people and do what I have requested. If you will not give up the land, and do cross the boundary of your present settlement, it will be very hard andjpro- duce great trouble among us. How can -we have Confidence in the white people? When Jesus Christ came upon the earth you killed him and nailed him on a cross. Yon thought he was dead, but you were mistaken. You have Shakers among you, and yoii laugh and make light of their worship. Everything I have said to you is the truth. The great spirit has inspired me. If you think proper to give us any presents, arid we can be convinced that they are given through friendship alone, we will accept them."* To this speech Harrison replied, by contrasting the conduct of the United States towards the Indians with that of other civil- ized nations towards savages within their jurisdiction, and- draw- ing a coniparisori favorable to the United States. This stung Tecumseh to the quick, and he leaped to his feet from the ground where he was reposing, and with violent gesticulation declared that both Governor Harrison and the United States had cheated the Indians. A number of his party sharing his feelings of resent^ ment, sprang to his side, apparently ready to attack the governor and his party on the spot. General Gibson, who was then secre- tary of the Territory, instantly brought twelve men armed with sabres to the front, while Harrison himself firmly grasped the hilt of his sword and boldly confronted the angry chief and his party, whose war clubs, tomahawks and spears flashed defiance. Mo blow was struck, but Harrison reproached Tecumseh for his conduct, and requested him instantly to depart to his camp, say- ing at the same time, he would send his speech to his tribe in written form. The next morning- Tecumseh made apologies for his hasty ebullition of fury, and begged another interview with Harrison. It was granted, and Tecumseh by his reSpectfal de- meanor, made ample amends for his misconduct the day before. Nothing was settled by the interview, however, but at the close of the council Tecumseh" hoped that the Great Spirit would put sense enough into tlie head of the President to restore the lands in question: to the Indians, and took his departure, after saying with emphasis to Harrison: " He may sit in his own town ana * This report of Tecumseh s speech is but an extract embodying his strong points. Tecumseh Seeks AlUance from the Southern Tribes. 247 drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out." The next 5'ear (1811), on the 24:th of Jnne, Governor Harrison sent Cap- tain Wilson to confer with Tecuniseh atProphetstown, for the pur- pose of conciliating the still dissatisfied chief. Tecumseh received him with great courtesy, but eloquently expatiated on the causes of which the Indians complained, and promised to come;again to Vin- cennes to confer with Governor Harrison in the matter.. On the 27th of July following he came, attended by 300 of his men. There were then 750 militia ready for duty in Yincennes, and these were placed under arms ready for an emergency. Of course the interview settled nothing, for it was .absurd to suppose the land that had been purchased of single tribes -could ever be restored to the Indians, and nothing short of this would satisfy Tecumseh. Soon after this conference ended, Tecumseh, with twenty attendants, started for the distant country of the Chickasaws, Creeks and Choctaws, for the purpose of securing their alliance to his cause in a conflict which he felt was pending. Meantime,, the English agents among the Indians were generous in the dis- tribution of presents among them. There was a belligerent feel- ing at that time between the English and American people, not only on account of old scores, but new. issues had corae between the two nations, brought into being by what was called the Continental System in Europe, which will be explained in the next chapter, and its effects were felt wherever the English name was known, even to the extreme limits of the frontiers of civiliza- tion in the forests of America, where the unambitious native, gaunt with hunger and offensive with dirt,, but loyal to the ensign of St. George, was ready to take the war-path for his English father. There was a reason for. this. The English had everything to hope for in his friendship and nothing to lose. The Americans could gain nothing by his friendship, but his enmity would be a pretext by which to deprive him of the soil. Under this duress, the unhappy red men were between, two fiies, fighting the battles of the English in the front, only to be for- saken in the distribution of victory's spoils, whichever way the cause went. While the issne was maturing between the English and Americans, by the indiscretions of the Prophet, duiing Tecumseh's absence to bring allies to his cause, the inevitable outbreak came with the Indians. On the 17th of July, 1811, the President authorized Harrison to summon to his aid the fourth regiment of infantry, under command of Col. Boyd. On 'the 26th of September the army took up its march toward Prophets- town, the headquarters of the Prophet. Having marched sixty- five miles up the Wabash, Port Harrison was built on. the .5th of October. On the 31st, the mouth of the YermiUion river was 24:8 Battle of Tippecanoe. reached, where a block-house was built for the protection of the baggage. Agair resuming his march on the night of the 6th of Novem- ber, he arrived at Tippecanoe, which was situated about seven miles northwest of the present city of Lafayette. Here Harrison was met by a delegation from the camp of the Prophet, which was but a short distance away, where a thousand braves were as- sembled, ready to make a dash at the invaders, as soon 'as a favor- able moment came. All hostile intentions, however, were disavowed on both sides, but Harrison ordered his men to encamp that night in order of battle, with their clothes on and their arms by their side, and in case of an attack, tlie outermost lines were ordered to maintain their ground till reinforced. At the Indian camp all was silent as the grave. Tecumseh was in the far dis- tant south, in the country of the Cherokees, and had given his brother, the Prophet; orders not to commence hostilities; but in his riashoess he disregarded them, and laid his plans to attack Harrisoii the next morning. Before the dawn of day a heavy body of Indians made a dash on the left flank of the Americans. The sentinels were driven in, and the conflict was carried into the very camp of the invaders. In a few minutes the whole front, both flanks, and even the reai', were engaged. The camp-fires still lit up the grounds, tor daylight had not yet come to the relief of the Americans, and the Indians poured a destructive fire into their ranks from a covert of darkness. With admirable coolness, Harrison ordered the fires extinguished, which placed the combattants on equal terms. Now, .hand-to- hand encounters, and random shots through the outer darkness, amidst a tumult of yells, raged along the whole line till day- light. A furious charge was then made upon the Indians. They received it with admirable- courage at first, but finally fled to an adjacent swamp, where Harrison did not deem it prudent to fol- low them. The American loss was 37 killed and 161 wounded; the loss of the Indians was somewhat smaller. Tecumseh, with a keen insight into the future, had not intended to precipitate the conflict with the Americans tiH his English friends were ready to render him more substantial aid, and when he returned home and learned that the Prophet had disobeyed his orders by making the first attack, and of the disastrous results of it, his passions rose to a dangerous pitch, and it was with diflacnlty he could be restrained from killing liim on the spot. After tiie battle, the Indian stores of corn, etc., at Pro- phetstown were destroyed. The Prophet lost his prestige and nearly all the different tribes of Indians were inclined towards 2)eace. Tecumseli was forced into a lukewarm acquiescence in Illinois Territory Organised. 249 this state of things among his people, but instead of their taking part in the treaty of peace which followed, went to Maiden, in Canada, to take council with his British friends, but the end was not yet. The Tippecanoe campaign was a great damage to the Indian cause, especially as its result was disastrous to them, and proved an effectual barrier to the Indian confederacy which Tecnmseh aimed at with laudable ambition, as the onlj' means by which his peoi>le could be preserved. The news of the battle spreading through the country came to the ears of John Kinzie, at Charme's trading post (Ypsilanti), Mich. He was on his way to Detroit, but apprehensive of a general uprising among the Indians, he hastened home to look to the safety of his family, by further strengthening the chain of friendship with the Potta- watomies.* While the events of the late campaign had been maturing to the temporary issue at Tijipecanoe, settlements had been pro- . gressing with but little inteiTuption, for the late battle was a sudden spasm of fu-ocity, which the Pj-ophet had prematurely thrust into the arena, before Tecumseli's favorite plan of an Indian council against our commerce, which England offered .to re- voke as soon as Napoleon should revoke the decrees of Berlin and Milan, an act which the tJnited States contended had already been, executed, and which act only lacked a bit of red tape (to use a metaphor) to satisfy the English ministers. But even this gos- samer fabric of formality vanished from the English mind live days after the American declaration of war, at which time (the 23d of June) the English did formally revoke the obnoxious or- ders, in consequence of which the Americans had drawn the sword. But the sword was drawn, and could not very well be sheathed till old scores were avenged. Several thousand Ameri- can citizens, the victims of impressment, were unwillingly fight- ing:the battles of the English, whose fathers and -brothers at home called loudly for revenge, and many a pioneer had fallen a victim to the scalping-knife, which had beien forged on British anvils. The British fleet held full command of the lakes, and the various tribes of Indians adjacent had for years been subsi- dized by presents and honeyed words into friendship for them. It was, therefore, evident that along these waters the British were 'the strongest, and here the first blow was to be struck. De- troit was then the most important- post which the Americans held. West. General Hull, an officer of the American Eevolu- tion, was Governor of the Territory of Michigan, which had been organized in 1805, arid now contained about 6,000 inhabitants, and to nim was given the command of the troops destined for defensive and offensive operations on the Upper Lakes< A Small garrison of United' States troops was stationed at Michilimacinae and one at Chicago, which were the extreme outposts of the Americans. ■ Two months previous to the declaration of war, the President had ordered Governor Meigs, of Ohio, to raise 1,000 men for the "Western service. ' . •■ ....;. 258 General Bull at The Maumed Rapids. This he promptly did, and adding 300 more to the number, handed them over to General Hull at Dayton, with a patriotic speech, at the close of which the volunteers uncovered, and gave him six rousing cheers. Agreeable to his oi ders, General Hull took up his march for Detroit at the head of his little army. 'The route over which he was to travel had already been made famous by the St. Clair and Wayne campaigns, th« scene of whose battle-fields he passed, and arrived at the Rajjids of the Maumee on the 30th of June, twelve days after the war had been declared, but of this he was igno- rant. Here he rested his men, hear the ruins of the old fort which the British had built eighteen years before, which had never served any pur^pose, but to amuse the Indians and inflaine the resentment of the Americans. The rente thence to Detroit lay eighteen miles down the Maumee river, across tlie Western extremity of Lake Erie, and up the Detroit river. Maiden was then the most important post of the British on the Upper Lakies. Ever since they had evacuated the forts on the- American side in -1796, it had been headquarters for the distribution of Indian pres- ents, where the Western tribes had assembled annuaUy to receive their blankets, tobacco, knives, etc., and here the British had built a fleet of war vessels, which menaced the Americans~on our entire lake frontier. It was situated on the Canadian side of the main channel of the Detroit river, and commanded its most di- rect passage.. As ill-fortune would have it, while resting at the Eapids on the 1st of Jiily, General HuU despatched - a schooner and a boat to Detroit in advance of his army, which was to reach the place by land. On board the schooner were a few invsdids, the hospital stores, and a trunk, containing his oiiicial papers from Washington. During the succeeding night the schooner passed the boat, leaving her behind, and kept on her courae. The next. day she entered the Detroit river, and coming in sight of the Hunter, an English armed brig, she was obliged to surrender. Tlie boat fortunately reached her destination unobserved by the English, she having by chance taken the channel of the river West^bfBoisblanc Island. The day after the . schooner left the Kapids a messenger came to the quarters of General Hull with a. letter, of which he was the bearer, from the Postmaster at Cleveland. Its contents ran as fpUows : " Sir :— ^War is de- clared against Great Britain. You will be on your guard. Pro- ceed to your post (Detroit) with all possible expedition. Make such arrangements for the defense of the country as in your judg- ment may be necessary, and wait for further orders." This was from the War Department at Washington, and bore date June 18th. Eight days previously he had received des- ji.itches from the War Department, through a different source, Generfil Hull at Detroit.- - 259 maMng no mention of the dieclaration of war,- an oversiglit on the part of the Secretary as inexcusable as it was mysterious. General Hull now made haste to march for Detroit, and reached the place on the 7th. Here he remained till the 12th, when he crossed over to the Canada shore with his whole army, and issued a spij'ited proclamation to the French subjects of Great Britain, who lived in the country, niany of whom gave in their allegiance to his standard. " On to Maiden ! " was now the watchword that prevailed in his army, but the extreme caution of the commanding General forbade this, especially as his last in- structions were to go to Detroit, and wait orders. On the 15th, bowevef, orders reached him from "Washington to take the of- fensive. A reconnoisance of 280 men, under command of Col. Gass, was sent towards the place. Five miles from it they en- countered an outpost of the enemy guarding a bridge, crossing Duck Creek, and here the war of 1812 began in a spirited skirm- ish, in which some accoimts state that ten Britishers were killed. A donbttul assertion that a handful of picket men should have ].€ft that many dead on the ground before falling back from before a snrperior force. General Isaac Brock .>vas Governor of Upper Canada at this time, whose dashiilg activity proved to be more tfen a match for General Hull's excessive ^cantion. As soon as war had been declared, he planned oat his campaign, and Michilimacinac was the first place to be attacked. At the foot of the rapids of the St Marys, on the Canadian side, forty- five miles north of the place, was the British post of St. Joseph, garrisoned by two companies of Canadians and a few British regulars. Capt. Roberts, who held command of this post, was the one to whom the eixeeution of the scheme had been confided. Besides his own entire command, he enlisted in his ranks all the loose material which the English Fur Company could bring to his service, and .in order to insure success beyond a doubt, he ac- cepted the service of 600 Indians from his immediate neighbor- hood. Everything being in readiness on. -the 16th of July, his forces embarked in their " batteaux, crossed the strait, and reached the Island of Michilimacinac before'daybpeak. The fort stood on a bluff rock, on the sontheast shore, nearly two hundred feet above the sparkling waters that chafed and foamed about its base.- The original forest with which the island had been cov- ered had been cut down for fuel, and in its place a thicket of second growth covered the ground. At nine o'clock Lieut. P. Hanks, the commander of the fort, beheld with astonishment such formidable nujnbers of British taking position on a rocky height, within cannon shot of his fort, while the wooded grounds around were alive with Indians. 260 Michil-imaairMG Taken hy The British. The guns of the fort were shotted, and everything made ready for a desperate defense, by the commanding officer, who all the ■while was at a loss to account for the hostile demonstrations ; but at half-past eleven o'clock the mystery was. explained by a mes- sage iinder a flag of truce. " War had been declared," said the unexpected visitor, and the surrender of the fort and island was- demanded. To defend it would have been a vain attempt, and the command .was reluctantly complied with, and his entire- force (57 men), including officers, became war prisoners. The village on the island numbered over 300, all but three or four of whom were Canadians or half breeds, who felt quite at home under a British flag, as well as the countless hordes of Indians, who- gathered about the place every summer to sell their winter's- catch of furs, enjoy . the salubrious air, and eat the easily caught fish. Michil jmacinac was then regarded as the most important post in -the northwest, except Detroit. It had an annual export trade of furs, amounting to $240,000, and the custom house duties on imports were about $50,000 per annum. This successful opening of the war, on the part of the British, fired the heart oi the. Indians, and made.theiii flock to the standard of their British father. Tecnmseh was already in the field, elevated to the rank of a Brigadier General, and while the master mind of General Brock, assisted by the masterly activity of Tecumseh, are circumventing the tactics of General Hull, let lis turn our attention toFort Dearborn, at Chicago, the outermost post of the Americans. Its garrison had been increased by the insignificant reinforce- ment of twelve militia, which made in all sixty-six soldiers. The original officers. in comnaand had retired the-year before, and in th'eir-place stood Captain Heald, who had the chief command, and under him was Lieut. Hehn, the same who had recently married the step-daughter of John Kinzie, Ensign George Honan and Dr. Van Voorhees, the surgeon. The armament of the fort consisted of three cannon, and small arms for the soldiers. The defenses were quite sufficient to hold the Indians at bay, whose mode of warfare was illy adapted to a seige, but in the" general trepidation which prevailed among the weak garrison, it was pro- posed to make the most of every available means in their power, in case of an attack, and. to this end the agency house outside the palisade, was to be manned with a few shai-p-shooters, to minister to the defenses of the.fort. . Mr. Kanzie, during his eight years' residence in the place, for- tunately had won the confidence and esteem of the Indians by thbse rare gifts which transcend the angry passions of war, even in the sa;vage breast. And to him all eyes turned for counsel p in 1812. 261 "when the war-whoop rang through the wilderness, backed by the power of England. Of his children, the oldest was John H., then a lad of eight years, born in Canada, opposite Detroit, but a few months before his pai'ents emigrated to Chicago, in 1804r. He was the first prominent resident of Chicago from infancy. Just west of Mr. Kinzie's house was the hnmble habitation of Oulimette, a -French laborer in his employ, who like many of his countrymen before him, had married an Indian lassie, and the union had been blessed with the usual number of children. About eighty rods to the west, on the same side of the river, was the residence of Mr. Burns, whose family consisted of a wife and children. Besides these were a few families of half breeds, " the location of whose residences, or perhaps camps, is not known," says Mrs. John H. Kinzie, in Wabun. In the fort dwelt the -fam- ilies of Captain Heald, Lieut. Helm and Sargeant Holt, whose wives were destined to become heroines of history, arid to their number may be added Mrs. Bisson, sister of Onlimette's wife, and Mrs. Corbin, wife of a soldier. Four miles from Fort Dearborn, up the south branch of the Chicago river, lived a Mr. White, as a tenant on a farm known by the name of Lee's place. In his employ were three French- men, whose business was to sow, plow and reap, depending on a Chicago market for a sale of their products. This place, then a loneseme habitation, remote from the incipient town, is now the •center of the din of Chicago machinery for manufacturing the wooden luxuries of the age. At this time Hlinois had been under the forms of a territorial government for three years — Ninian Edwards, governor, with Kaskaskia the capital. Camp Eussell, the present seat of Edwardsville, in Madison County, was the northern limits of the -settled portion of the territory, except Peoria, where a few French families lived, over whom he held no jurisdiction, and the Fort , :at Chicago, which was under United States authority. Around the latter the Pottowattomies roamed lords of the soil, accord- ing to Judge Caton's history of this tribe. This was a paper read before the Chicago Historical Society in 1870, and afterwards published by Fergus, in 1876, the data for -which was received from one of their oldest chiefs. Their hunt- ing groimds were limited on the south by Peoria Lake, and on -the west by Eock Eiver. Since the days of the great Pontjac, their alliance with his tribe, the Ottawas, had been cemented into .« chain of friendship strong and enduring ; both had ever been -active allies of the French since 1673, as appears from contem- porary history, and both were unrelenting foes to the English during the long and bloody French and Indian war, and Pon- iiac's war which followed, a period extending from 1755 to 1764; 262 . The Pottawatomies. and wlien their beloved chief Pontiac was basely murdered by an Illinois, both of these tribes took summary" vengeance on the whole Illinois tribe, and at Starved Rock slauehtered the last rem- nant of theni, except eleven warriors, who fled under cover of darkness to St. Louis. And this was the victory which gave thef- Pottawattomies so much ascendancyin noi-theastern Illinois.* But since the period of French occupation, the fortunes of the- Indians had been changed. Their loving French brothers had been driven out of the country, and the British who drove them out were now their own allies, on whom they depend- ed to beat back the advancing hosts of Anglo Americans who- were rapidly encroaching on their hunting-grounds. The Potto- wattomies had not yet felt the weight ot their power, but the Shawanees had, and through the earnest solicitation of Tecura- seh, who with far-seeing vision comprehended the situation, some of the Pottowattomies had yielded to his seductive eloquence, joined his standard, and fought with the Prophet the year before,, at the battle of Tippecanoe. Even then Tecmnseh had laid his- plans to destroy Fort Dearborn,f but the defeat of his braves at that disastrous conflict, arrested the execiition of their plans, until the war of 1812 had again revived them on a far grander scale. In his erratic wanderings to gain allies for the purpose of driv- ing the white settlers east of the Ohio river, he had visited the Winnebagoes, of Rock rivei-, as well as all the other tribes adja- cent, and poured out his tales of grief to them against his white neighbors. While it is. not to be presumed that he had won them all over to participate in his unrelenting hostility to the Americans, it is evident that some of the indiscrete and inflammable material aniong them had been brought to the surface, an instance of which was shqwn one day when ^some Indians of the Calumet had come to Fdrt Dearborn- on business. Seeing Mrs. Hedd and Mrs. Helm playing at a game, one of the swarthy visitors, in^an unguarded moment said to the interpreter, "The white chiefs wives are amusing themselves very much ; it will not be long before they are hoeing in our cornfields !" A few weeks latter •this proved to be more than an idle threat, when, owing to Tecumseh's influence, or some other reason which never can be brought to light, the "Winnebagoes made a raid on the settlers •imjnediately adjacent to Fort Dearborn, which contemplated the killing of every one found outside of its palisades. Their plan was to begin at the outermost house and kill all as they went along. This was Lee's place, and here.the work began * Caton's Address. tBrown's History of Illinois, -page 305. Indian Raid on Lee's Place. 263 OD the 7tli of April. It was late in the afternoon when a party of ten or twelve Indians entered the house and seated themselves with the usual importunity of Indian manners. Their appearance, however, aroused the suspicions of the in- •mates, and two of them, under pretense of feeding the cattle from some hay-stacks acioss the river, ferried over in a boat, but in- stead of coming back as they had promised, betook themselves to the skirt of timber which fringed the river, and made all sj^eed towards the fort. Ere they had proceeded far, ^he report of two guns confirmed their suspicions against the strange party of Indians who had come so suddenly upon them, and they contin- ued their flight in breathless haste, until the river opposite tlie house of Burns was reached. The alarm was given by calling loudly across to warn the inmates of danger, and the two fugitives continued their flight to. the fort. Constei-nation now filled the household of Burns. The mother laid on her conchy with her babe less than a day old, and Mrs. John Eanzie sat by her side, attending to her wants, with the tenderness that mothers can best feel on such occasions. But now the appalling news just received turned, her thoughts away, from Mi-s. Burns and the little nursling beside her, to her own children at home, and she flew thither with the speed that terror lent to her limbs. Bush- ing in, she cried out, ^^The Indians! The Indians! killing and scalping." Mr. Kinzie dropped his violin, with which he was amusing the children, and the amateur quadrille' in which they were engaged, changed into preparations for flight; all rushed into two boats, which lay moored on the brink of the river, and in a few minutes were safely across, and inside the walls of Fort Dearborn. Barns' family were not yet rescued, and who would undej'take the mission, which the terrified messengers had made to appear so dangerous? Ensign Konan was the man, and leaping into a boat, with six soldiers equally brave, pulled up the river to Burns', and carried the mother, and her babe on her bed on board, and these,- with the rest of the family, were soon safely landed inside the fort. Tlie afternoon previous, a party of seven soldiers had obtained leave to row up the south brnnch to its head waters, for the pur- pose of fishing. I^ight had now come, but they had not yet re- turned. A gun was fired as a signal of danger, hearing which' the party quit their sport, and pulled silently down the ri\'er. Arriving at Lee's place, tliey landed to rescue the inmates. Ap- proaching the house by the light of a torch, a dead body was dis-- covered, beside which laid a faithful dog. "With increased haste they retreated, and now silently continued their way down the •stream, and reached the fort at 11 o'clock at night. Early the 264: Indecision of General Hull. next morning scouts w^re promptly sent to the scene. The dead tody of the man already discovered, proved to be one of the Frenchmen in the employ of Mr. White; his dog still laid by his side, in mournful silence ; and but a few paces from it was dis- covered the dead body of Mr. White. Both the murdered meii were taken to the fort, and buried just outside the palisade. Be- sides the. families from outside the fort, now -safely quartered within its protection, were ' some families of half-breeds, and a few discharged soldiers. These took refuge in the Agency house. For extra protection they planked up the two verandas with which the building was furnished (more for comfort than elegance), and pierced the outer wall thus made with port- holes. Inside the fort was an ample store of provisions, among which such questionable luxuries as spiritous liquors had not been foi*- gotten, and everything was in readiness for a seige. An order was issued to prevent any citizen or soldier from leaving without a guard, and a line of pickets was placed around the premises £i't night. In a few nights a small party, of Indians were descried creeping stealthily through the pasture grounds adjoining the fort, like a group of thugs; They were immediately fired upon, not only by the patrolmen, biit by the sentinel from the block-house, ' and one of meir number returned the fire by hurling back his hatchet at the patrolman's 'head. It missed it, however, and spent its force against a wheel of a wagon. The next-morning thie leveled grass stained with blood where his victim fell, proved the steady aim of the sentinel. Soon afterwards, another visitation ' was made of a similar character, probably for the purpose of stealing horses from a stable outside the fort. But instead of finding horses, sonae sheep had taken refuge within its treacherous walls and became victiins to the ra^e of the disappointed sneaks. The innocent animals were all stabbed aa if they had been so many hyenas. -Scouts were sent in pursuit of the miscreants who per- petrated the cruelty, but they could not be overtaken. In a few weeks the effect of these alarms passed away, the social circle of Ft. Dearborn resumed its composure. The Pottawattpmies came and went as ever, but under a masked disguise of a friend- ship ready to be thrown off at the most opportune occasion. Let us now turn our attention again to Detroit, the centi-al base of military movements on the upper lakes. Here 'wje find General Hull encamped on British soil, across the rivej opposite Detroit, evidently under the painfully contending emotions of prudence and activity, with the former in the ascendant. But while this fatal paralysis-had taken possess.on of him, the enemy were acting with a promptness seldom equalled in militiary an- nals, and,- it may with- truth be said, a haste which would have A Treacherous Armisfice. 265 been fatal to them had iiot their antagonists (the Americans) been acting on the other extreme. In default of positive orders from the ^ar Department to take the offensive, Gieneral .Hnll had at first hesitated to march against Maiden, and when such Orders came, so much time was consumed in preparation for the enterprise, that G-eneral Proctor, by order of Sir George Prevost, ( the Governor-General of Canada) had reinforced the place with an English regiment before General Hull was ready to march against it. This British reinforcement of Maiden was effected on the 29th of July, and while it added to the perplexities of General Hull, he still looked for assistance from two different quarters which might extricate him from his perils, and place hiui in an. invul- nerable position. Governor Meigs, of Ohio, had been prdered to send a supply of provisions to him under a military escort, commanded by Captain Brush, which was now on its way, but the most important assistance which be expected was looked for through an attack against the enemy in another quarter, more vital to them, and which should divide their force and prevent the whole military weight of Canada from concentrating on De- troit. For this purpose. General DcOTborn had been ordered to invade Canada from Niagara, but while on his way thither to take command of his array, already on the frontier, at Albany he was met by a flag of truce from the Governor-General, borne by Colonel Bayes, from Montreal. This messenger was the offi- cial bearer of the news that the English had revoked their orders in council, which had for years been so obnoxious to American commerce, and which had been among the principal causes of the war. Under the influence of such a harbinger of peace, an. armis- tice was proposed.* Unhappily for General Hull and the Ameri- can cause. General Dearborn, instead of obeying his orders by invading Canada, signed the treacherous truce which relieved the English forces of Canada from any apprehensions of danger to their Niagara frontier while they were concentrating their force against Detroit. While these contingencies were passing; so fortunately for the British, General Hull's indecision of pur- pose-, which, it must be confessed, grew out of the web of diffi- culties which encompassed him, had forfeited all -confidence in him from his army. On the 8th of August he called a council of war, in which it was decided to advance against Maiden, bn;t news of the fatal armistice followed this decision, sent by a mes- senger from General Porter, who held command on the Niagara frontier, acconipanied with the unpropitious assurance that the * It will not be forgotten that this revocation took place five days after the American declaration of war, as stated in the foregoing pages. 266 Hull's Unsuccessful Attempts to Open Communication. proposed diversion of the Englisli forces Lad resulted ■ in A failure. This dispiriting news preveftted him from advancing against the objective point, and he retreated to Detroit. Two and a-half miles from the present site of Monroe, Michigan, was a thriving: French village, on the banks of the river Raisin, thirty-six milesr south of Detroit. The expected convoy of pro\'isions had reached this place in safety, but between- this point and Detroit, Tecum- sfeh,. interposed his army of braves, and the commander of the; convoy, not deeming it prudent to advance with such a numer- ous foe in his path, sent a messenger to General- Hull for .a tbrce to open the way. On the 4th of August, Major Van Home, of Colonel Tind- ley's regimentbf Ohio volunteers, was sent on the mission with a. command or 200 men. At Brownstown, nearly opposite Maiden, he fell into an ambuscade and was driven back, with se^ rious losses. On the 9th inst.. Colonel Miller was sent on the same danger- ous service, with the fourth Ohio regiment and a body- of militia,, in all numbering 600 men.' Tne fear of an ambuscade*along the low and forest-clad groundsr through which their path lay, caused them to proceed with cau- tion, and Captain Snelling was ordered to lead tne adyanc«. Jfo enemy was seen till they had reached the Indian village of Mon- guagon, about half the distance to the river Kaisin, where from behind a breastwork of logs a squad of. British and Indians ob-,. structed their path. A sharp, and bloody battle immediately followed, in which the new American troops fonglit like veteransj, and drove the British from the field ; but the Indians, led • by Tecumseh, though exposed to the terrible fire of the AmericaiiSj in which their loss had been severe, still hung around the skirts of the victorious Americans and made their position dangerous* In this emergency. Colonel Miller despa-tched a messenger back to;Detroit*t6 obtain provisions for the sustenance of his men, till they could "fight theinvay through the treacherous forest* path to- meet the convo)-. The required provisions were at first ordered to he sent under com inand of Colonel McArthur, but a storm, delayed the departure of the train till General Hull thought best to recall Colonel Miller, rather than reinforce him, and^he was- ordered back to Detroit. , Arrangements were now made to open communication witli the- expected convoy by a route further to the West, which was, less- exposed to the numerous enemy who hovered around the banks- of the Detroit river along tlie road which Colonel MiUer had passed, and which had frequently exposed his men to the fire of" the English Tessels which patroled its waters. General Brock Demands the Surrender of Detroit. 26T Colonels Cass and McArfhur were detailed for this service, on the lith, -with 400 picked men. General Brock reached Maiden the same day, and immediately taking the offensive, advanced to- Sandwich, opposite Detroit, and addressed to General Hull the following note : "Sir: — The power at my disposal authorizes me to require of you the imme.r diate surrender of Detroit. It is far from my inclination to join in a war of extermination, butyou must be aware that the numerous body of Indians who- have attached themselves to my troops will, be beyond my control the moment, the contest commences. Toil will find me disposed to enter into such conditions- as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. Lieutenant Colonel McDon- nell and Major Gregg, are fully authorized to conclude any arrangements that may prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, Isaac Brock, Major General, etc. His Excellency, Brigadier General Hull, etc. The reply was as follows : Head Quarters, Detroit. Aug. 15th, 1812. Sir: — ^I have no other reply to make, than to inform yoii that I am prepared' to meet any force "which may be at your disposal, and any consequence* which may result from anyi^ertion of it you may think proper to make. I am,, etc., William Hull, Brigadier General. His Excellency, Major General Brock, etc. Says General Hull, in his official aT«;ount of the attack of De- troit and its surrender : " On the 15th, as soon as General Brock received my letter, his batteries opened on the town and fort, and continued until evening. In the evening, all the British «hips of war came nearly as far up the river as Sandwich, three miles be- low Detroit. At daylight on the 16th, the cannonade reconri- menced, and in a short time I received information that the British army and Indians were landing below the Spring Wells, under the cover of their ships of war. At this time, the whole effective force at my disposal at Detroit did not exceed 800 men. Being new troops and unaccustomed to camp , life ; ^having per.T formed a labiwfefiis march ; having been .engaged in a number of battles and skirmishes, in which many ha'd SUen and inore had received wounds ; in addition to which a large number being sick and unprovided with medicine and the coniforts necessary foi- their situation ; are the general causes by which the strength of the army was reduced. * *. It now became necessary to fight the enemy in the field, collect the whole force in the fort, or propose terms of capitulation. I could not have carried into the field more than 600 men, and left any adequate force in the fort. There were landed at that time of the enemy a regular force df much more than that number, and twice the number of Indians. Considering this great inequality of force, I did not think it expedient to adopt the first measure. The second must have been attended with a great sacrifice of blood and no possible ad- •e-antao-e, oecause the contest could not have been sustained more 268 Detroit Surrendered. than a day for want of power," and Bat a few days for want of provisions. In addition to this, Cols. McArthnr and Cass would have been in a most hazardous situation. I feared nothing but the last al-. ternative. Ihave dared to adopt it. .... I well know the high reponsibility of the measure, and I take the whole of it my self. It was dictated by a sense of duty and a full conviction •of its expediency." The surrender of the garrison of Detroit, together with the town and the entire territoryof Michigan, took place on the 16th. It forms a humiliating page in American history, for which the tardiness in the government in sustaining General Hull was more responsible than General Sull himself; albeit, it is but a just tribute to English heroism to admit that it had a potent influence in the work. That General Hull could have taken Maiden at first, and thus saved Detroit, is probable;, but in default of this, that he could have held Detroit' was impossible. !N"o wonder the fall of the place stung the American hearty -when thousands of our old Revolutionary soldiers were yet living, who beheld the triumph of English arms with indescribable bitterness. General Hull was tried by court-martial and' sentenced to be hung. Hap- pily for humanity's sake, the President pardoned him. The sen- tence appeased the pride of the nation, as well as to help conceal the mistakes of the government, till history in its own destined time should vindicate truth, even at the expense of the govern- meat., Note. — The following is an item from a journal kept by the father of- Hon. I. W. Claypool, of Morris, 111., who was a soldier in the Ohio ranks at the sur- render. It is inserted as a simple statement of the facts which verify tue English account of the surrender, as well as Hull's statement. It was furnished ■the author by Hon. Wm. Bross, Chicago: "Aug. 15--British began fibring opposite Detroit at 6 o'clock. Continued till after night Ended by throwing afew shells. They received heavy firing from our side. The day following, at 6 o'clock, renewed the firing. The compli- ment' was returned. Piring continued three hours. We ceased firing first. Sent over a flag of truce. British officers came over.- Talked of capitulation, well understajimng that 1,000 British had crossed at Spring Wells, and that a vast number of Indians were back of the Foru (perhaps 1,500). Under consider- ation of these "facts, surrendered the whole to the British. They took possession at 11 o'clock. We gave up our arms at 12 o'clock. In the evening, went on board the schooner Nancy. Continued here till the 18th. Sailed to Maiden. Lay there till the 20th: 6 in the morning till 12 o'clock. Sailed twenty-three miles. -Anchored all night. 21st— Wind unfavorable. 22nd, Sunday — Cast anchor at Puttaut Bay Island. Weighed anchor at 4 o'clock Sunday. 23d of August- Landed at the mouth of Blaei River. 24th-r-Marched twenty-seven miles down Lake Erie to the Town of Cleveland, Cuyahoga county, 0." CHAPTEK. XVII. Fort Dearborn i/n, Danger — Its Evacuation ordered, 5y General Jffull — Winnemac, the Friendly Messenger — Yaoillating PoUcy of Captomb Heald^ the Oonrniander — Jnflexihility of Fnsign Jaonan — John ■ Kimie, his Wise Counsel — Goundl with the PottOAJoattomies — Bad Faith of Gaptaim, Meald in the Destruction' of Arms, etc. — Hon- orable Confession of Black Partridge — Arrival, of a Heroic Friend — The Fort Evacuated — Indian Treachery — Mrs, HeMs Graphic Accownt of the Massacre which followed. : During the waning fortunes of General Hull at Detroit, erehe had surrendered the place, evidently apprehensive of his fate^ he detennined to send- a messenger to JFort Dearborn to ap- prise its inmates of the situaition, and give them timely warning^ to save themselves by retreating to Fort Wayne, if the garrison were not in a situation to hold out till succor could come to their relief.^ Winnemac, the Pottowattamie chief, of whom mention has been made in a previous chapter, was in his camp, and to him the mission was entrusted. He started from Detroit on ths 28th of July, with an order from .General Hull to Captain Heald, who held command of Fort Dearborn, and arrived safely at Chi-, cago on the Tth of August, according to the account given in Wabun; but La,nman states .that he arrived on the 9th, .which ap- pears more consistent, as to the time it would take to travel the long wilderness path connecting the two places. He brought exciting news. War had been declared by the United States against England; Michilimacinac had fallen without resistance,, and Detroit was closely pressed by the British and their swarthy allies. Under these adverse circumstances the evacuation of Fort Dearborn wa,s ordered, providing they had not means to de- fend it, as the only means of safety. left, open to the garrison. Captain Heald was further instructed to distribute all the goods in the fort and agency house among the Indians after leaving the post. 270 Ca/ptain Eeald, Orders t/ie E'vacvxition ofi Fort Dearborn. Had all these conditions come upon them in their natural rou- tine, better preparation could have been made to meet them, but the news coming as it did, fell like an avalanch upon tiie unsus- pecting tenants of the fort. To add to their perplexities the relations between the conimanding officer and his subordinates, particularly Ensign Ronan, was not harmonious. This young •officer was bold, perhaps an eratic and certainly an out-spoken free thinker, regardless of any restraining limit dictated by policy or conservatism to the expression of his sentiments. For this and without doubt for other causes, Captaiu Heald took no council with his subordinate officers as to what was to be done, but resolved in his own mind to evacuate the fort, although this decision was against the advice of both "Winnemac, who had amply proved the sincerity of his friendship, and Mr. Kinzie, whose long and successful career among the Indians entitled his ■opinions to respect. And in vain did both of them exert them- selves to dissuade him from the hasty resolution. First, Winne- mac had at a private interview with Mr. Kinzie, strongly ad- vised that the garrison should shut themselves up in the fort and remain till reinforced, but if evacuation was -determined'onj let it be done immediately, before the, Indians,; through whose coun- try they must pass, should become acquainted wi^h the news 'he ha.d.btought from Detroit. To this advice Captain Heald rejpMed, that, inasmuch as he had, detei-minied to leave the fort, it would be necessary to wait till the Indians of the neighborhood could be collected to receive an equal distribution of the property ordered to l)e given to them. Winnemac then suggested an immediate evacu- tion, with, everything left standing, and while the Indians were dividing the spoils the garrison might escape. This plan was also recommended by Mr. Kinzie, but was re- jected, and' the next morning the order for evacuating the post :according to the original plan of Captain Heald, was read at the roll call. The impolicy of this plan being apparent to the sub- "Ordinate officers, in the course of the day they sougbt an inter- view with Captain, Heald to remonstrate against it. They rep- resented to him the .frail tenure by, which. tKfe treacherous chain •of friebdlliip now bound the Indians to;the American intergst. That good-will towards the family of Mr. Kinzie was its'otily iold, and it was not to be expected that the few chiefs who showed this feeling towards this one household would be able to restrain the turbulent passions of the whole tribe when the war whoop was once raised. That their retreat must be slow, incumbered as it would be with women, children and invalids. "That succor might arrive before an attack could be njade from the British who had just taken Michilimackinac, but if not it were far bet- -ter to faU into their hands than expose themselves to the fury of Council with the Pottawattomies. \ 271 the savages. To these suggestions Captain Heald repli_ed that a special ordei- had been issued from the War Department that no post should be surrendered without a batftle, and his force was inadequate for this and that he should be censured for remaining wlien a prospect for a safe retreat appeared probable, to insure which he proposed, after distributing the goods to the Indians, to promise them' further reward for escorting his command safely to Fort Wayne. Erom this time the under officers, seeing the. im- possibility of changing his purposes, remained silent on the sub- ject, but Mr. Kiuzie was still persistent, and while conversing with him one day on the parade-ground, on the subject, Captain Heald, in reply to his arguments, said, " I could not remain if I thoiight best, for I have but a small store of provisions." " Why, Captain," said an impulsive soldier, " yon have cattle enough to last six months." To this the unoifended Captain replied, "I have no salt to preserve the meat." "Then jerk it, as the Indi- ans do their venison," continued the persistant soldier.* As the weary days advanced, the Indians assumed an air of insolence quite inconsistent with the spirit of friendship. Impertinent squaws cast malignant- glances at the fort, as they throiig.e.d. around its gates asif a jubilee, was about to reward their watch- ing, and uncouth, warriors sometimes pressed through the gates, heedless of the sentinel's protest, and once a gun was discharged in the ladies' parlor by one of these unwelcome visitors. On the 12tn a council was held with the Pottawattomies who had by this time assembled in considerable numbers around the fort. The conference took place on the parade-ground just out- side the palisades. Captain Heald laid aside his prejudices and invited all the officers of the fort to take part in its deliberations, but they had lost all faith in the pretensions of the Indians and ■declined. Moreover, they had been informed that it was to be ima,de the occasion of a massacre of the officers, the truth of which rumor was strengthened by perhaps well-grounded suspi- cious. Under these apprehensions they betook themselves to the block-house where the cannon were shotted ready for an\t hostile demonstration which might show itself. Captain Heald, however, with undiminished faith in the 'Indians, accompanied by Mr. Kinzie, convened the council. At its sitting the IndiSins were informed of his plans to withdraw from the fort, and were promised the gift of all the goods^ not only in the fort itself but of those in the agency house, including the ammunition and provisions. The Jrottawattomies on their part promised an es- cort to conduct them safely to Ft. Wayne, for which they were * As beef or venison was preserved by drying and smoking, in the early ■day, which process was called jerking. — {Authob. 272. Destruction of Anm^ Etc. to j-eceive a liberal reward on the spot and an additional one oit their, arrival at the place. Thus closed the council with apparent good-will and conhdence: on the part of Captain Heald, not shaired by his junior officers or soldiers. As already stated,. Winnemac had brought to the garrison the news of the faU of Michilimanackinac, but from prudential motives the Indians were not informed of it. This attempt at concealment, however, was unavailing, for Tecumseh had sent a messenger to them to secure their co-operation in the general warfare which he was- waging against the Americans as a British ally, by telling them the news so auspicious to their cause. No sooner had the coun- cil closed and the chiefs withdrawn than Mr. Kinzie, alarmed at its impolitic terms, . protested against furnishing, the Indians arms, which would probably be used against themselves, and Captain Heald, himself, for the first time awakened to a sense of surrounding danger, determined to destroy all the arms and. ammunition not wanted for his own use, instead of giving it to-, the Indians, as stipulated in the council. . The next day the goods were distributed, all but the ammuni- tion, arms, and the liquors, of which there was a plentiftd store.. The Indians were far froin being satisfied. The things they most coveted were still withheld and at night they hung about the premises, crawling prostrate through the tall grass, where- ever it afforded concealment within hearing of what was going on' at the fort. .When night 'came, their setpentine toil was re- warded with a full discovery of what they had suspected. With indignation they beheld the destruction of the muskets, the frag- ments of which, together with powder, shot, flints and ■ gun screws were thrown into, a well at the extreniity of the sally port. .Next came the cas^s of liquor. These were rolled to the bank, of the river, the heads knocked in and the contents given . to intoxicate. the fisheSi The Indians, however, got .a taste of the precious nectar which, diluted as it was, they sipped. from the, surf ace of the water, under cover of night, while drinking which they declared that the whole river tasted like strong grog. However agreeable such a spoliation might be to modern apostles of temperance, it was offensive to the Indians to the last degree. Aside, from such a waste of property, they looked lipon it as a piece of treachery on the part of Captain Heald, which had de- prived them of the most essential part . of the promised gifts; This last .act was the most fatal error yet committed,- as it com- promised aU the good-fellowship that existed between the In- dians and the garrison, on which alone Captain Heald had based a frail hope of security. Up to this time the leading chiefs of the Pottawattomies (it is fair to infer) felt their • ability'to restrain the war spirit among Capiaui Wells. 273 the young braves who longed for a chance to achieve notoriety by ornamenting their belts with the scalp of an enemy, and were as unscrupulous as to the means employed to obtain it as some of our modem ^politicians are as to the Issues that party strife tlirusts into the arena of what should be the policy of the na- tion. Black Partridge was conspicuous among the friendly and con- siderate chiefs but after the destruction of the arms,'etc., feeling that he could no longer restrain the war spirit of his people, he entered the quarters of Captain Heald with deep dejection. "Father," said the high-minded chief, "I come to' deliver up to foil the medal I wear. It was given me by the Americans, and have long worn it in token of our mutual friendship, but our young men are resolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of the whites. I cannot restrain them, and I will not wear a token of peace while I am compelled th's. Mr. Kinzie declined acceding to this proposal, as he believed that his presence might operate as a restraint upon the fury of the savages, so warmly were the greater part of them attached to himself and his family. The party in the boat consisted of Mrs. Kinzie and her four younger children, their nurse Grutte,* a clerk of Mr. Kinzie's, two servants and the boatmen, besides the two Indians who acted as their protectors. The boat started, but had scarcely reached the mouth of the river, which, it will be recollected was here half a mile below the fort, when another messenger from To-pee-nee-iee arrived to detain them where they were. In breathless expectation sat the wife and mother. She was a woman of uncommon energy and strength of character, yet her heart died within her as she folded her arms around her helpless infants, and gazed upon the march of her husband and eldest child to certain destruction. As the troops left the fort, the band struck up the Dead March. On they canie in -military. array, but with solenaftn mien. Cap- tain Wells tookthe lead at the lieadof his little band of Miamis. He had blackened his face before leaving the garrison, in token ■of his impending fate. They took their route along the lake shore. When they reached the point where commenced a range of sand hills intervening between the prairie and the beach, the ■escort of Potto wattamies, in number about five hundred, kept the level of the prairie, instead of continuing along the beach with the Americans and Miamis. They had marched perhaps a mile and a half, when Captain Wells, wlio had kept somewhat in advance with his Miamis, came riding furiously back. " Tliey are about to attack us," shouted he; " form instantly, and charge upon them." Scarcely were the words uttered, when a volley was showered from among the sand-hills. The troops , were hastily brought into line, and charged u^p the bank. ,. 0^\Q man, a veteran of sevent;^ winters, fell as they ascended. The remainder of the scene is best described in the words of an eye-witness and par- ticipator in the tragedy, Mrs. Helm, the wife of Captain (tneii Lieutenant) Helm, and step-daughter of Mr. Kinzie: "After we had left the bank the firing became general. The Miamis fled at the outset. Their chief rode up to the Potto wat^ tamies and said: * Afterwards Mrs. Jean Baptiste Beaubien. 276 Rescue of Mrs. Helm. " ' You have deceived tlie Americans and ns. You have done a bad action, and (brandishing his tomahawk) I will be the first to head a party of Americans to return and punish yonr treach- ery.' So saying he galloped after his companions, who were now scouring across the pi-airies. " The troops behaved most gallantly. They were but a hand- ful, but they seemed resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possi- ble. Our horses pranced and bounded, and could hardly be re- strained as the balls whistled among them. I drew off a little, and gazed upon my husband and father, who were yet unharmed. I felt that my hour was come, and endeavored to forget those I loved, and prepare myself for my approaching fate. " While I was thus engaged, the sui^epri, JDr. Van Voorhees, came up. He was badly wounded. His horse had been shot under him, and he had received a ball. in his leg. Every muscle . of his face was quivering. with the agony of terror. He said to me-T-'P.o you think they will take our lives? I am badly woiinded, but I think not mortally. Perhaps we might purchaser o.ur lives by promising them a Iarg£ reward. Do you think there is any ohanceF - ".'Dr. Yan Voorhees,' said I, 'do not; let us waste the few mo- ments that yet remain to us in such vain hopes. Our fate is inevitable. In a few moments we must appear before the bar of &od. Let us make what preparation is yet in our power.' ".'Oh! I cannot die,' exclaimed he, *I.am not fit to die-^ifl had but a short time to prepare — death is awiul!' "I pointed to Ensign Eonan, who though, mortally wounded .and nearly down, was still fighting with desperation on one knee. " ' Look at that man,' said I, ' at least he dies like a- soldier.' "' Yes;? replied the unfortunate man, with a convulsive gasp, 'but he has no terrors of the future — he is an unbeliever!' " At. this moment a young Indian raised his. tomahawk, at me. ■ By springing aside, I. avoided the blow which was intended for my skull, but which- alighted on my shoulder.. I seized him around the neck, and while exerting my utmost efforts, to get possession of his scalping-knife, which hung in a scabbard over his breast, I was dragged from his grasp by another and an older Indian. " The latter bore me struggling and resisting toward? the lake. Notwithstanding the rapidity with which I was hurried along, I recognized as I passed tnem the lifeless remains of the unfortu- nate surgeon. Some murderous tomahawk had stretched him upon the very spot where I had last seen him. " I was immediately plunged into the water and held there with a forcible hand, notwithstanding, my resistance.. I=>oon Black Partridge the Rescuer. 277 perceived, however, that the object of my captor was not to ■drown me, for he held' me firmlj' in such a position as to place 4uy head above water. Tliis reassured me, and regarding him attentively, I soon recognized, in spite of the paint with which . 2ie was disguised, TTie Black Partridge. " When the firing had nearly subsided, my preserver bore me ■from the water aiid conducted ine up the sand-banks. It was a burning August morning,. and walking through the satid in my •drenched condition was inexpressibly painful and fatiguing. I stooped and took off. tsij shoes to free them from the sand with -which they were nearly filled, wlien a squaw seized and ' carried them off, and I was obliged to proceed without them. " When we had gained the prairie, I was met by my father, -\vho told me that my husband was safe and but slightly wounded. They led me gently back towards the Chicago Kiver, along the /Southern bank of which was the Pottowattamie encampment. . At one time I was placed upon a horse without a saddle, but ■finding the motion .insupportable, I sprang off. , Supported partly by my kind conductor, Black Partridge, -^riA. partly by smotner Indian, Pee-so-tum, who held dangling in his hand a scalp, which by the black ribbon around the queue I recognized as that of Capt. Wells, I dragged my fainting steps to one of ithe wigwams. " The wife of Wau-bee-nee-mah, a cliief from the Illinois Kiver, was standing near, and seeing my exliausted condition she seized a kettle, dipped up some water from a sti-eam that flowed near,* threw into it some maple sugar, and stirring it up with Jier hand gave it me to drink. This act of kindness, in the midst of so many horrors, touched me most sensibly, but my :att«ntion was soon diverted to other objects. "The f6rt had become a scene of plunder to such as remained After the troops marched out. The cattle had been shot down as they ran at large, and lay dead or dying around. This woi-k of butchery had commenced just as we were leaving the fort. I ■well remembered a remark of Ensign Eonah, as. the firing went •on. ' Such,' turning to me, ' is to be our fate — to be shot down like brutes !' " Well, sir,' said the Commanding Officer, who overheard him, ■* are you afraid ? ' " 'No,' replied the high spirited young man, ' I can march up ■to the enemy where you dare not show your face; ' and his sub- :sequeut gallant behavior showed this to be no idle boast. '• As the noise of tiie firing grew gradually less and the strag- glers from the victorious party came dropping in, I received' con- . *Juat by the present fctate street Maiket. 278 ^ Heroism of Cajptain Wells. ,firmation of what my father had hurriedly commiinipated in our rencontre ^ on the lake shore; namely, that the whites had sur- rendered after the loss of about two-thirds . of their number. They had stipulated, through the interpreter, Peresh Leclerc, for the preservation- of their lives,, and those of the remaining women and children, and for their delivery at some of the British posts, unless ransomed by traders in the Indian country. It appears that the wounded prisoners were not considered as in- cluded in the stipulation, and a horrible scene ensued upon their being brought into camp. " An old squaw, infuriated by the loss of friends, or excited by the sanguinary scenes around her, seemed possessed by a demo- niac ferocity. She seized a stable-fork and assaulted one misera- ble victim, who lay groaning and writhing in the agony of his- wounds, aggravated by the scorching beams of the sun. "With a delicacy of feeling scarcely to have been expected under such circumstances, "Wau-bee-nee-mah stretched a mat across two poles, between me and this dreadful scene. I was thus spared in some degree a view of its horrors, although I conld not entirely close my ears ,to the cries of the sufferer. . The following night five. more. of the wounded prisoners were tomahawked. " The Americans after their first attack by the Indians, charged npon those who had concealed tliemselves in a sort of ravine in- tervening between the sand banks and the prairie. The latter gathered themselves into a body, and after some hard fighting, in which the number of whites had become reduced to twenty- , eight, this little band succeeded in breaking through the enemy, and gained a rising ground, not far fi-om, the Oak Woods. Tlie contest now seetned hopeless, and Lt. Helm sent Peresh Leclerc,, a half-breed boy in the service of Mr. Kinzie, who had accom- panied the de.tachment and' fought manfully on their side, to propose termsof capitulation. It; was stipulated that th^ iives of all the survivors should be spared, and a ransom permitted as soon as practicable. "But, in the mean time, a, horrible scene had been enacted. One'young savage, climbing into the baggage-wagon containing the children of the white families, twelve in number, toma- nawked the children of the entire group. This was during the engagement near the Sand-hills. When Captain Wells, who "was- . fighting near, beheld it, he exclaimed: "'Is that their game, butchering the women and children* JhenI will kill too!' . ^' So saying, he turned his horse's head, and started for the In- dian camp, nea^ the fort, where had been left their squaws an(i children. " Several Indians pursued him as he galloped along.. He laid! Bravery of Mrs. Gorbin and Mrs. Holt. 279 himself flat on the neck of his horse, loading and firino' in tliat position, as he would occasionally turn on his pursuei-s. At length their baUs took eft'ect, killing his horse, and severely- wounding himself. At this moment he was met by Winnemeg* and Wau-lan-see, who endeavored to save him from the savages who had now overtaken him. As they supported him along, after having disengaged him from his horse, he received his death-blow from another Indian, Pee-so-tum,, who stabbed him in the back.f " The heroic resolution of one of the soldier's wives deserves to be recorded. She was a Mrs. Corbin, and had, from the first, expressed the determination never to fall into the hands of the savages, believing that their prisoners were always subjected to tortures worse than death. " "When, therefore, a party came upon her, to make her a pris- oner, she fought with desperation, refusing to surrender, although assured, by si^ns, of safety and kind treatment, and literally suJBFered herself to be cut to pieces, rather than become their captive. _" There was a Sergeant Holt, who, early in the engagement, re- ceived a ball in the neck. Finding himself badly wounded, he gave his sword to his wife, who was on horseback near him, telling her to defend herself — he then made for the lake, to keep out ot the way of the balls. Mrs. Holt rode a very fine horse, which the Indians were desirous of possessing, and they there- fore attacked her, in hopes of dismounting her. "Tliey fought only with the butt-ends "of their guns, for their object was not to kill her. She hacked and hewed at their pieces as they were thrust against her, now on this side, now on that. Finally, she broke loose from them, and dashed out into the prairie. The Indians pursued her, shouting and laughing, and now and then calling out : " ' The brave woman ! do not hurt her ! ' " At length they overtook her again, and while she was en- gaged with two or three in front, one succeeded in seizing her by the neck behind, and dragging her, although a large and powerful woman, from her horse. Notwithstanding that their guns had been so hacked and injured, and even themselves cut severely, they seemed to regard her only witli admiration. They * Winnemac (sometimes spelled with a ' g' as a final letter.) — [Author. , t Captain Wells' heart was afterwards taken out. cut in pieces and distrib- , uted among the tribes. After being scalped, his remains were left unburied, as were also those of the children massacred, and the soldiers and women slain in battle. Billy Caldwell, an Indian chief, the next day finding the .head of Cap- tain Wells in one place and his bod/ in another, caused a hole to be dug in the sand and his remains to be interred. — Broitm's Illinois. 280 Mts. Heald Again Rescued. took her to a trader on the Illinois Eiver, by whom she was re- stored to her friends, after having received every kindness during her captivity.* " Those of the family of Mr. Kinzie, who had remained in the boat, near the mouth of the river, were carefully guarded by Kee-po-tah and another Indian. They had seen the smoke — then the blaze — and immediately after the report of the first tre- mendous discharge sounded in their ears. Then all was confu» sion. They realized -nothing until they saw an Indian come towards them from the battle-ground, leading a horse on which sat a ladyi, apparently wounded. " ' That is Mrs. Heald,' cried Mrs. Kinzie. ' That Indian will kill her. Run, Chandonnai,' to one of Mr. Kinzie's clerks, ' take the mule that is tied there, jind offer it to him to release her.' "Her captor, by this time, was in the act of disengaging her bonnet from her head, in order to scalp her. Chandonnai ran up, offered the mule as a ransom, with the promise of ten bottles ot whisky, as soon as they should reach his village. The latter was a strong temptation. " ' But,' said the Indian, she is badly wounded — she will die. Will you give me the whiskey, at all events ? ' "Chandonnai promised that he would, and the bargain was concluded. The savage placed the lady's bonnet on his own head, and after an ineffectual effort on the part of some squaws to rob her of her shoes and stockings, she was brought on board the boat, where she lay moaning with pain from the many bullet woimds she had received in both arms. " The horse she had ridden was a fine spirited animal, and, being desifons of possessing themselves of it uninjured, the In- dians had aimed their shots so as to disable the rider, without injuring her steed. " She had not lain long in the boatj when a young Indian of savage aspect was seen approaching. A buffalo robe, was hastily drawn over Mrs. Heald, and she was .admonished to suppress all sound of complaint, as she valued her life. " The heroic woman remained perfectly silent, while the savage drew near. He had a pistol in his hand, which he rested on the side of the boat, while, with a fearful scowl, he looked pryingly around. Black Jim, one of the servants who stood in the bow of the boat, seized an axe that lay near, and signed to him that if he shot, he would cleave his skull; telling him that the boat contained only the family of Shaw-nee-aw-Kee.\ Upon this the Indian retired. It afterward appeared that the object of his *Mrs. Holt is believed to be still living in the State of Ohio, t The Indian name for Mr. Kinzie — [Authok. New Dangers Aoerted. 281 search was Mr. Burnett, a trader from St. Joseph's, with whom he had some account to settle. " When the boat was at length permitted to return to the mansion of Mr. Kinzie, and Mrs. Heald was removed to the house, it became necessary to dress her wounds. " Mr. K. applied to an old chief who stood by, and who, like most of his tribcj possessed some skill in surgery, to extract a ball from the arm ofthe sufferer. " ' No, father,' replied he. ' I cannot do it — it makes me sick here': — (placing his hand on his heart). " Mr. Kinzie then performed the operation himself with his penknife. " At their own mansion the family of Mr. K!inzie were closely guarded by their Indian friends, whose intention it was, to carry them to Detroit for security. The rest of the prisoners remained at the wigwams of their -captors. " The following morning the work of plunder being completed, tlie Indians set fire to the fort. A very equitable distribution of the finery appeared to have been made, and shawls, ribbons, and feathers fluttered about in all directions. The ludicrous appear- ance of one young fellow who. had arrayed himself in a muslin g«wn, and the bonnet of one of the ladies, would, under other circumstances, have afforded matter of amusement. " Black Partridge, Wan-ban-see and Kee-po-tah, with two other Indians, having established, themselves in the porch of the building as sentinels, to protect the family from any evil that the young men might be excited to commit, all remained tranquil for a short space after the conflagration. " Yery soon, however, a party of Indians from the Wabash made their appearance. These were, decidedly, the most hostile and implacable of all the tribes of the Pottowattamies. " Being more remote, they had shared less than some of their brethren in the kindness of Mr. Kinzie and his family, and con- sequently their sentiments of regard for them were less power- ful. " Runners bad been sent to the villages to apprize them of the intended evacuation of the post, as well as of the plan of the Indians assembled to attack the troops. " Thirsting to participate in such a scene they hurried on, and great was their mortification on arriving at the river Aux Plains, to meet with a party of their friends having with them their chief Nee-scot-nee-meg, badly wounded, and to learn that the battle was over, the spoils divided, and the scalps all taken. " On. arriving at Chicago they blackened their faces, and pro- ceeded towards the dwelling of Mr. Kinzie. " From his station on the piazza Black Partridge had watched 282 Continued Fidelity of Black Partridge. their approach, and his fears were particularly awakened' for the safety of Mrs. Helm (Mr. Kinzie's step^daughter), who had re- cently come to the post,, and was personally unknown to the: more remote Indians. By his .advice she was made to assume the ordinary dress of a French woman of the countiy; namely^ ■a short gown and petticoat, with a blue cotton handkerchief wrapped around her head In this disguise she was conducted by Black Partridge himself to the house of Ouilmette, a French- man with a half-breed wife, who formed a part of the establish- ment of Mr. Kinzie, and whose dwelling was close at hand. " It so happened that the Indians came first to this house, in their search for prisoners. As they approached, the inmates,, fearful that the fair complexion and genei-al appearance of Mrs. Helm might betray her for an American, raised a large feather- bed and placed her imder the edge of it, upon the bedstead, with her face to the wall. Mrs. Bisson^ the sister of Ouilmette's wife,, then seated herself with her sewing upon the front of the bed. " It was a hot day in August, and the feverish excitement of fear and agitation, together with her position, which was nearly suffocating, became so intolerable, that Mrs. Helm at length en- treated to DC released and given up to the Indians. " 'I can but die,^ said she; 'let them put an end to my misery at once.' " Mrs. Bisson replied, ' Tour death would be the destruction of lis all, for Black Partridge has resolved that if one drop of the blood of your family is spilled, he will 1|alr. T. " Capt. Heald had been taken prisoner by an Indian from the Kankakee, who had a strong personal regard for him, and who, when he-saw the wounded and enfeebled state of Mrs. H., re- leased her husband that he might accompany his wife to St. Joseph's. To the latter place they were accordingly carried, as has been related, by Chandonn,ai and his party. In the mean- time, the Indian who had so nobly released his pi'isoner, returned to his village on the Kankakee, where he- had the mortification of finding that his conduct had excited great dissatisfaction among his band. ', So great was the displeasure manifested, that * The Pottdwattamie chief, so well known to many of the citizens of (3hicago, now residing at the Aux Plaines. 286 Bansom of The Last Survwors. ihe resolved to make a journey to St. Joseph's and reclaim iis prisoner. " News of his intention being brought to To-pee-nee-bee and Kee-po-tah, under whose care T;he prisoners were, they held a private' council with Chandonnai, Mr. Kinzie, and the principal men of the village, the result of which was, a determination to •send Capt. and Mrs. Heald to the island of Mackinac, and de- liver them up to the British. . • " They were accordingly put in a bark canoe, and paddled by Eobinson and his wife a distance of three hundred miles along the coast of Michigan, and surrendered as prisoners of war to the commanding officer at Mackinac. , "As an instance of the procrastinating spirit of Oapt. Heald, it may be mentioned that even after he had received certain in- telligence that his Indian captor was on his way from the Kan- kakee to St. Joseph's to retake him, he would still have delayed another day at that place, to make preparation for a more com- fortable journey to Mackinac* "The soldiers, with their wives and surviving children, were •dispersed among the diflferent villages of the Pottawattamies upon the Illihois, Wabash, Bock .River, and at ^Milwiaukie, until the following spring, when they were, for the most part, carried to Detroit, and ransomed. " Mrs. Burns, with her infant, became the prisoners of a chief, who carried her to his village and treated her ■with great kind- ness. Hia wife, from jealousy of the favor shown to ' the white woman' and her child, always treated them with great hostility. On one occasion she struck the infant with a tomahawk, and narrowly missed her aim of putting an end to it altogether.f They Were not left long in the power of the old hag, after this demonsti'ation, but on the first opportunity carried to a place of safety. "The family of Mr. Lee had resided in a housei on the lake shore, not far from the fort. Mr; Lee was the owner of Lee's Place, which he cultivated as a farm. It was his son who ran down with the 'discharged soldier to give the alarm of ' Indians' at the fort on the aftemo6n of the 7th of April. The father, * Captain (subsequently Major) Heald,- his' wife aiid family, settled in the country of St. Joseph, Mo., after the waj:, about 1817, where he died, about fifteen years since. He was respected and beloved by his acquaintance^ His health ■vraa impaired by the wounds he received. — Western Annals, published in 1850. ., ■ t Twenty-two years after this, as I was on a journey to Chicago in the steamer tfncle Sam, a young woman, hearing my name, introduced herself to me, and raising the hair from her forehead, showed me j^e mark of the tomahawk which had so nearly been fatal to her. Black Partridge as A Rejected Lover. 287 tie son, and all the other members of the family, had fallen vic- tims on the 15th of August, except Mrs. Lee and her young infant. These were claimed by Black Partridge, and carried to his village on the An Sable. He had been particularly attached to a little girl of Mrs. Lee's, about twelve years of age. This •child had been placed on horseback for the march, and as she was .unaccustomed to the exercise, she was tied fast to the saddle, lest by any accident she should slip off or be. thrown. " She was within reach of the balls at the commencement of the engagement, and was severely wounded. The horse set off au a full gallop, which partly threw her, but slie was held fast by tthe bands which confined her, and hung, dangling as the animal ran violently about. In this state she was met by Black Part- ridge, wbo caiaght the horse and disengaged her from the saddle. iFinding her -so much wounded that she could not recover, and that she was suffering great agony, he put the finishing stroke to her at once with his tomahawk. He afterwa,rd said that this was the hardest tMng he ever . tried to do, but he did it because he <:ould not bear io-see her suffer. " He took the mother and her infant to his village, where he became warmly .attached to the former — so much so, that he wished to marry her, but as she very naturally objected, he treated her with the greatest respect and consideration. He was in no hurry to release her, for he was in hopes of prevailing on her to become his wife.* In the course of the winter her child fell ill. Finding that none of the remedies within their reach were effect- ual. Black Partridge proposed to take the little one to Chicago, ' where there was now a French trader living in the mansion of Mr. Einzie, and procure some medical aid from him. "Wrapping up his charge with the greatest care, he sat out on his journey. When he arrived. at the residence of M. DuPin, he entered the room where he was,. and carefully placed his burthen on the floor. " ' What have you there ? ' asked M. Dn Pia. " 'A young raccoon, which I have brought you as a present,' was iheireplyy and.opening the pack, he showed the little sick infant. ^' When:the trader "had prescribed for its complaint, and Black Partridge was about to return to his home, he told his friend his iproposal to Mrs. Lee to become his wife and the manner in which it had been -received. ^'M. Du Pin. entertained some fears that the chief's honorable •resolntion might not ;hold out, to leave it to the lady herself iwhether to accept his addresses or not, so he entered at once into ,a negotiation for her ransom, and so effectually wrought upon .the good feelings of Black Partridge that he consented to bring his rair prisoner at once .to .Chicago, that she" might be restored tto her friends. 288 Death-'heA Contrition of NoAi-non-gee. " Whether the kind trader had at the outset, any other feeling in the matter than sympathy and brotherly kindness we cannot say — we only know that, in process of time Mrs. Lee became Madame JDu Pin, and that they lived togetlier in great happi- ness for many years after. " The fate of I^an-non-gee, one of the chiefs of the Calumet village, and who is mentioned in the early part of the narrative^ deserves to be recorded. "During the battle of the 15th of A-ugnst, the chief object of his attack was one Sergeant Hays, a man from whom he had received many acts of kindness. " After Hays had received a ball through the body, this In- dian ran up to him to tomahawk him, when the Sergeant, col- lecting his remaining strength, pierced him through the body with his bayonet, 'fliey fell together. Other Indians running up soon dispatched Hays, and it was not until then that his bayonet was extracted from the body of his adversa,ry. " The wounded chief was carried after the battle to his village on the Calumet, where he survived for several days. Finding his end approaching, he called together his young men^ and en- joined them in the most solemn manner, to regard the safety of their prisoners after his death, and to take the lives of none of them Irom respect to his memory, as he deserved his fate from the hands of those whose kindness he had so ill-requited."* [FromNilesEegister, Vol.rV, p. 82.1 ♦ Saturday April 3d 1813. Mrs. Helm, the wife of Lieut. Helm, who escaped from the butchery of the garrison of Chicauga by the assistance of a humane Indian, has arrived at this place, Buf&alo. The account of her sufferings during three months' slavery among the Indians and three months' imprisonment among their aUies, would make a most interesting volume. One circumstance alone I will mention. Dur- ing five days afterjshe was taken prisoner, she had not the least sustenance, and was compelled to drag a canoe (barefooted and wading along the stream) in which ttere were some squaws, and when she demanded food, some flesh of her murdered copntrymen, and a piece of ColonelWells' heart was offered her. She knows the fact that Col. Proctor, the British commander at Maiden, bought the scalps of our murdered sariison of Chicauga, and, thanks to her noble spirit, she boldly charged him with his infamy in his own house. She knows farther from the tribe with whom she was a prisoner, and who were perpetrators of those murders, that they intended to remain true, but that they received orders from the British to cut off the garrison whom they were to escort. • (This last assertion probably originated in the brain of the editor of Niles Register, as Mrs. Helm in her narrative brings no such arraingment against the- Briti8h.)^AirTH0R. , * Mrs. Helm, who after the return of the Kinzie family to Chicago, became the intimate friend of Mrs. John H. Kinzie, has drawn a vivid picture of tho Chicago massacre, seldom equaled by a historic pen. In Wabun it has been reproduced iu Mrs. Kinzie's lucid style, whose freshness can never be equalled by any future historian, since the hand of time has spread its mantle of obliv- ion over the incidents of that day. For this'reaaon it has been transferred to these columns. CHAPTER XVIIL The British take the Offensive — Fort Wayne JSeseiged hy tTieir Indian Allies — Timely Warning to its Defenders — General Harrison Marches to its Defense — Desperate and Successful Defense of Fort Harrison hy Captain Taylor — Darinq Achievement of Captain Oliver — Arrival of General Ham- son at Fort Wayne — Its JBeseigers .fly — Expedition Against the Indian Towns on the Illinois Rimer — Its Bootless Ter- mination — Governor Reynolds in the Ranks — His State- ment-^Relentless Attach on Peoria — The English on the Upper Mississippi — Black HoajoMs Historical Narration. IvTo human vision conld forecast the future destiny of the country, around the Upper Lakes after the surrender of Miehili- manackinac, Chicago and Detroit. That the Indians would ever be driven entirely out of the country was an event that no British Canadian ever deemed possible, and accordingly Tecum- seh was, in the eyes of General Brock, the head and front of a permanent dynasty to live in the future on the soil. He had accomplished all that was required of him in the late campaign, which had terminated so gloriously to British arms. And; now a new one was contemplated, which was to carry the war into the very vitals of the Northwest, by taking Fort Wayne and Fort HarrisoB, which was built by General Harrison during his Tippecanoe . campaign. There were tlien no maps of the conn- try obtainable in the British camp; but to supply this deficiency Tecumseh drew a sketch of its rivers, which indeed were nearly all that conld be shown at that time. General Brock was agree- ably surprised at his versatility of talent, and with all confidence counseled with him . as to future plans. Fort Wayne was the important objective point, and no time must be lost in seizing upon it, lest the Americans should reinforce the place before th^' attack was made. It was therefore ordered that the Indians should march against the place immediately, and environ it to prevent the escape of the garrison, till a British army could ar- rive at the spot and mate its conquest ' certain. Prominent among the tribes who volunteered in this enterprise, were the 290 Fort Wayne Besieged. Po^tawattomies, whose achievement at Chicago had emboldened theni and whetted their appetites for phmder. The part they were to take was planned at a council at St. Joseph, where their chiefs met the-Britfeli agents, and were promised if .they would lay siege to the place and prevent the escape of the garrison till the British forces came up, they should be allowed to plunder the fort when taken. This inducement was sufficient, and they promptly joined their forces to some Shawanese. and Miamis, and appeared before the place before August had p3,ssed. , True to their time-honored custom, they made no direct attac'% but bent all their . efforts to gain the place by stratagy, ki:l the sentinels and throw the gat^js of the fort open to their braves, who all the while were crouching in a covert near by. Bnt before, this was to be done, the Miamis wished to save their friend, .Antoine Bondie, a French trader who had married one of their tribe, and had won their affections by a residence of thirty- eight years among them. Metea, a Pottawattomie chief, was deputied to go privately to his cabin and inform him of the In- dians intentions, and make arrangements for the rescue of . him- self and family. This news placed the trader in an embarassing situation, .and he was in a dilemma to know what to do; but finally resolved tp betray the confidence of the Indians, and even forfeit their protection, by revealing the plot to Major Stickney, the Indian agent. This he did tlie next morning under an in- jxmction of secrecy, and from him the information was soon given to Capt. Khea, the officer who held command of the forti All the while the agent was skeptical as to the trutii of the news, but on maturing the matter over, both he and Capt.. Elifea concluded to. take the necessary steps to meet the emergency, in case it should come upon them, and immediately sent a messen- ger to General Harrison, then at Cincinnati, and one to Governor Meigs, of Ohio, asking assistance, and a third messenger to 3Ft. Harrison, to warn its inmates of danger. This done, preparations for defending the fort were made.* - While the slender garrison are hotly pressed by their swarthy foes, a furious, attack was made on Fort Harrison. It was situ- ated on the Wabash river, ten miles above its present intersec- tion of the eastern, boundary line of Illinois. On the 3d of Sep- tember the Shawanese- had visited the -Pigeon Boost settlement, not f^r from the place, with a destructive raid, in whicl^ 20 per- sons were killed, whose scalps were soon dangling from the belts of these merciless knights of the tomaliawk. . This fresh alarm drove .the. immediate settlers around Fort Harrison within its walls for protection, Young Capt. Taylor, *Brice's History of Ft. Wayne. Brave Defense of Fort Ilarrison. 291 the same who afterwarJs became President of the United States, held command of the place, to defend whicli he had but 18 men. Nine women andltheir-children had taken refuge within its walls, in a fearful suspense, for the forests were alive with Indians on the war-path. On the night of the 4th, at 11 o'clock, the inmates •of the fort were aroused from their disquiet slumbers by the report of a rifle. Captain Taylor sprang from- his couch, and found that the shot came from one of his sentinels firing at the skulking foe, who, in great numbers^ immediately began the at- tack; One of the block houses was soon set on fire, and two panic stricken soldiers leaped over the barricades and fled into thd forest for ah asylum from the scalping knife, while the terri- fied women pressed their babes to their breasts in despair. Young Taylor's voice now rose above the din of yell's without and wailings within, giving orders to throw off. the roof of the building which connncted the burning block house with the main defenses. This arrested the progress of the flames. The sharp- shooters now kept the attackers at bay till morning, when they withdrew, to the great relief of the garrison. Of the two soldiers who forsook the fort in a panic, one was killed and the other after being wounded took refuge behind a barrel close by the pallisades. On. the 13th, Oapt. Tg.y lor found means to send a messenger to General Harrison, and^bn the 16th he was rescued from his pierilous position by Colonel Hopkins then, at the head of 1200 volunteers, on their way to -the Illi- nois .territory. Turning again to Ft. Wayne, we find both b"e- geigers and beseiged waiting for reinforcements. The Indians kept up their wily devices wherewith togain peaceable admittance to the fort. in sufficient -numbers to overpower the seutinals, and even the old friendly chief, Winnemac, was a leading spirit in this attempted treachery. At one time he was admitted under a white Iflagi with,, thirteen of his comrades, but he found the guard ready to overpower his band when the critical moment came, and the discomfited dissemblers retired by virtue of the same flag by which they had gained admittance. The next day two soldiers outside of the fort were fired upon by the Indians and both killed. This was an overt act, and made any future pretentions of friendship; on the part of the Cndians a gossamer fabric of pretense. The beleaguered garri- son, which numbered but 80 men, commanded by a drunken parvenxi, and surrounded by a countless host of savages thirst- inff for their blood, were in desperate extremities. While thus eking out their hours of unremittmg watcbtulness^ a yell of triumph saluted their ears from the northern gate,- and through its opening- ajar rushed their old frieivd William. Oliver Hn4 tliree friendly Indians at his back. His story was soon told to 292 Olwer Penetrates Through the Ervemy's Lines. the anixious garrison, wlio liad nqt received any tidings from the outside world since their messengers' liad been sent to General Harrison to apprise him of their danger.- Oliver was at Cincin.- nati on a brief visit, when the news of tlie attack on Fort "Wayne came to General Harrison, and he instantly resolved to hasten back to the beleaguered post, of which he w;as sntler, to- inform them that Harrison would soon arrive at the place with sufficient force to raise the seige, and to assist in its defense till he came. The adventure was a desperate one, which could only be conceived by a bold spirit of hardihood which pioneer life in that day had brought into being on the frontier. Starting from Cincinnati immediately on his mission, he pursued tlie forest road to the St. Mary's river, where Thomas Worthington commanded an encampment of Ohio militia (the same who, afterwards became governor of Ohio). To him Oliver commu- nicated his plan,. and animated by Oliver's heroism, "Worthington joined him with 68 militia and 16 friendly Shawanese. At the head of this force, the two bold leaders advanced down the St. Mary's river towards the place, but on the second day 36 of the Militia' and ten of their Indian allies deserted. - One day's march now brought the reduced but courageous band within the . hearing of the enemies' guns, who had crouched around Fort "Wayne on every side, to prevent the escape of the garrison. "Wliat was to be done? To attempt with this small force to pierce the lines of. the enemy by a direct attack was not to he thought of, and Oliver, with three Indian companions, determined to steal their way to the fort through grounds not occupied by the besiegers. Pursuing thfe main road leading to the fort, five miles distant from it they found the enemies' rifle-pits, which, happily for Oliver and. his party, were not occupied, but fearing to ad- vance further along the road, they made a detov/r to the. east through the vvoods, and came to the banks of the Maumee, one and a half miles below the fort. Here they tied their horses in a thicket, and crept carefully toward the fort to see if it was stiU in possession of the Americans. After a nearer approach, they beheld the American flag elevated above the bastions, and soon afterwards saw the measured pace of the sentinels at their post. The party then returned, and niounting their horses, put them into a keen run till the inside of the fort was safely feached. Ha/rrison is eoming; this was the news he brought to the almost spent garrison.* Harrison had just received from the governor of Kentucky the appointment of Major-General by brevet, and to him was given •Howes' Great West ; Brice's History of Fort Wayne. General Harrison Relieves Fort Wayne. 293 the command of 2,000 Kentucky troops, which the patriotic gov- ernor had raised for the defense ot the ^N'orthwest. To these were added 700 Ohio volunteers, who joined the Kentucky forces sA Piqua, Ohio, from whence they advanced toward the objective point with all possible speed. Wlien within seventeen miles of the place, General JEarrison wrote to the Secretary of War as follows: "The necessary arrangements for the procuring of provisions and ammunition, added to the trouble of establishing an issuing comniissary department, in consequence of the failure ■of the contractor, has prevented me from reaching Ft. "Wayne as soon by one day as I expected. I shall, however, reach it to-mor- row; but I have every reason to believe it will not be without a sevei-e contest. No information has been received from the fort «ince the 3d inst., and should the Indians have been assisted by Si British detachment, I fear it would not have been able to hold •out. A small detachment which I sent to endeavor to penetrate to the fort has just returned, without accomplishing their object, although they defeated a small party of the enemy."* The next day, the 12th of September, General Harrison arrived at the place, when the Indians, as tliey had not been' reinforced by the British, fled in hot haste, some to their wilderness lodges, and others to the military headquarters of their English Fatlier, -Still breathing vengeance. Since the destruction of Chicago there ■were no white inhabitants in the whole territory of Illinois, north ■of a line drawn from ShawneetoAvn to Greenville, Bond county, .thence to the Mississippi river, a little north of Alton, except :some sparse settlements on the west bank of the Wabash, oppo- :site Vincennes, the old town of Peoria, which had never been Isrought within the jurisdiction of the territorial government, «,nd Prairie du Chien, which was then within the limits of lUi- Jiois Territory. At the latter place lived thirty-seven families of smixed nationalities, consisting of French, English, half-breeds and Americans, An Indian Agent named Campbell, appointed by the governor of Illinois, acted as magistrate, to dispense justice, and appears to have exercised these functions to the entire satisfac- tion of bis motley charge. Among his judicial records, which are still extant, are his fees for marrying, which were 100 lbs. of :flour, while his fees for divorce were 200 Ibs.f The whole territory was divided into two counties — St. Clair and Eandolpli — and Ninian Edwards was governor. It contained 12,284 inhabitants, 168 of whom were colored slaves. While Gen. Harrison was marching to the relief of Ft. Wayne, an *Dawson. p. 290. tSee Karly History of Prairie du Chien, by D. S. Durrie, Librarian of the Stiite Historical Society of Wisconsin. 294 Expedition Against Indian Towns on Illinois Riv&r. expedition was set on foot against the Kickapoo towns on the- Illihois river, whicli was to be composed of 2,000 men, raised by Governor Shelby, of Kentncky, and S50 United States Hangers and Illinois volunteers, stationed at Camp Russell, where Ed- Ti^ardsville,' HI. now stands, subject to the orders of Niniaii Ed- wards, then Governor of Illinois. The command of the Ken- tucky volunteers was given to General Hopkins, who was to move up the Wabash, destroy the Indian towns on its west bank, and then march westward across the countryi to forrn a junction witli; the Rangers from Camp Russell. He reached Ft. Harrison on the 26th of October, 1S12, where • Captain Taylor, with his little- handful of men, who had Just distinguished themselves by their desperate defense of the place, joined his expedition, and he turned his course to the "west into the Illinois prairies. After continuing his march three or four days, the signs of insubordi- nation became apparent anaong the restive spirits which compose(S his army. Most of them were raw recruits, who had never seeik a shot fired in earnest. Many of thein, when they enlisted, mis- took a spirit of wild adventure for patriotism; but a feW days of camp discipline, with thepofesibility of a tough Indian battle, or worse, an amrbuscade, before them, became unruly. This spirit .unfortuiiately spread from rank to rank, till a majprity of the- army shared it, and General Hopkins was forced to return, with- out making any farther attempts to form the expected junction, .with the forces from Camp Russell. Mean timie the forces under Governor Edwards marched single- handed'against thfe Indian towns on the Illinois river. Says Gov- ernor Reynolds^ in his history of his OAvn times : " Colonel "Russell marched in the campaign and seemed to take, considerably! the- immediate command under Governor Edwards. Judge Pope,. Nelson Rector and a Lieut. McLaughlinj of the army,.^acted as- aids. Colonel Russell was a plain old man dressed in Kentucky jeans or linsey, seemed to need no aids and had none, but was a good and efficient officer himself, We left Camp. Russell, marched up tlie northwest side of Oahokia creek, nearly to it& source, thence across the prairie to Macoupin creek, not far above the. present Carlinville. The privates (and myself one) did not know or care niuch where we were marched, whether into dan- ger or a frcilic. We crossed the Sangamon river east of the present Springfield, and passed not far on the east of the Elk- heart Grove. We next reached an old Indian village on Sngar creek, where we saw on the bark of the wigwams much painting, generally the Indians scalpingtlie whites. We set it in flames,, arid traveled in the night towards .Peoria. We were afraid that . the Indians would know of our approach and leave the villages. We traveled on till towards midnight and camped. We had Black Partridges Village Attached. 295 guides along who conducted tlie army to flie village of Potta- wattomie Indians known as the Black Partridge Village,* situate at the Illinois river bluff opposite the upper end of Peoria lake. "We camped within four or five miles of the village, and all was silent as a gravej'ard — as we expected a night attack as was the case at Tippecanoe. "When troops are silent, sulky and savage, they will fight. One thing I recalled, I had a white coat on me, and I considered it too white at night. I hulled this coat off in double-quick time. It is said every one with a white coat on in the battle of Tippecanoe was killed. The next morning in a fog, our company of spies met two Indians, as we supposed, and our captain fired on them. Many of us, before he shot, begged for mercy for the Indians, as they wanted to sur- render. But Judyf said anybody will surrender when they can- not help it, and that he did not leave home to take prisoners. I saw the dust rise off the Indian's leather shirt when Judy' bullet entered his body. The wounded Indian commenced singing his death song, the blood streaming out of his mouth and nose. He was reeling, and a. man from the main army, Mr. "Wright, came up within a few yards, but the Indian had just pointed his gun at some of. us near him^ when we darted off our horses, quick as thought, and presented the horses between him and us. But Wright was either surprised,. or something else, and remained on his horse. The Indian, as quick as a steel-trap, shot "Wright, arid expired. The other Indian', supposed to be a warrior, proved to be. a squaw; but before the fact was known, many guns were fired at her. It is singular! that so many guns fired at the squaw missed her, but when the whites surrounded her and knew lier sex, all was over. She cried terribly, and was taken prisoner, and at last delivered over to her nation. Many of the French in the army understood her language, and made lier as happy as possi- ble. In this small matter I never fired my gun, as I saw no oc- casion for it." The foregoing words of Governor Eeyrtoids "have been used to show the ruling- spirit of the expedition, which was the first one ever sent against the Indians of Illinois by the Americans. After relating these adventures, which certainly reflect no ci'edit on those engaged in them, the same historian proceeds to give a history of the burning of Peoria by Captain Craig, and says: ""While the army were in the neighborhood of the old vil- lage of Peoria, Captain Craig had his boat lying in the lake ad- jacent to Peoria. * * * The Captain, supposing the few in- * The same who the previous year had saved the life oi Mrs. Helm, as told in the relation of The Chicago Miissacre. t One of the spies. 296 . Peoiia Attacked. habitants of Peona favored the Indians, burnt the village. Thom- as Forsyth, Esq., was in the village at the time, acting as Indian agent, appointed by the government, but Craig and none others knew it, except at Washington city. It was supposed by the President that Mr. Forsyth would be more serviceable to both sides if his old friends, the Indians, did not know his situation. He. acted the honorable part to ameliorate the horrors of war on both sides, and risked his life often amongst the India"'-- to ob- tain some of the prisoners who had been captured at the massacre at Chicago.. In the rage of Captain Craig, he placed tue inhab- itants of Peoria (all he could capture) on board his boat, and landed them on the bank of the river, below Alton. These poor French were in a starving condition, as they were turned away from their homes, and left their stock and provisions. They were landed in the woods — men, women and children — without shelte^ or food." * Before the army of Gkovernor Edwards left the neighborhood, it entered the village of Black Partridge, opposed only by a few shots, from the swamps around it. The warriors had fled, and a few wretched squaws and children were all the prisoners taken. The village,. with its stores of corn, was burned. The rangers only remained a few hours, but while there a stately warrior approached the place imtil within rifle shot, discharged his gun at the invaders; laughed defiantly, and walked aWay with the lofty gait that only an Indian can assume. This brave was sup- posed to be Black Partridge. While these events were transpiring in Indiana and Illinois, the English were taking steps to secure the. alliance of the Sacs and Foxes, who then occupied the country along Kock river. Eobert Dickson, an English fur trader, who lived at Prairie du Chien, was the English agent to accomplish this design; and to this end he visited all the tribes along the Mississippi. Black Hawk was then a young chief of more than common promise, and readily becaine a disciple to the teachings of the English emissary. His remarkable career now began, which made him a conspicuous actor in the last Indian war in Illinois, which ter- minated in 1832. The Sacs and Foxes, of whom he was a subor- dinate chief, were then in their glory and prime, and as a bulwark • Captain Craig's expedition was executed'by the authority of Governor Ed- wards. It consisted of an armed boat which was rowed or polled np the Illinois river, for the purpose of taking Peoria, where some of the earlv French settlers lived in harmonious relations with the Indians, and were accused of fur- nisluDg them the means wherewith to make war on the Americans. Mr. Craig, :n ais official despatches, admits that he abuucted the French inhabitants from .Peoria, and that he made them furais^ iheir own rations. See Balance History of Peoria, pp. 3u, ai. fBlack Hawk^s Warration. 297 of defense against them, the, United States had built Fort Madi- son in 1804, on the west bank of the Mississippi, opposite to the Des Moines flapids. The consent of the Sacs and Foxes for the construction of it had been obtained under a pretense that it was only to be used as a trading-post. . The following extract of a statement from Black Hawk, is a concise piece of documentary history, which adds interest to the points treated on by. general history, and furnishes some items not noticed by any other writer. His statement begins by dis- ■clairaing against a treaty executed at St. Louis in ISOi, by which his people, unwittingly, as he says, relinquished a part of their territory, after which, his story runs as follows. It is copied ver- batim from Smith's History of Wisconsin : " Black Hawk proceeds to relate, that some time after this treaty was made, a war chief with a party of soldiers came up the Mis- sissippi in keel-boats, and encamped a short distance above the head of the Des Moines; JElapids, and .commenced cutting timber-aKd building houses; this was at the site of Fort Madison, and within the country ceded by the treaty. ■ He also says, that council after ■council was held, in the Indian . villages, to ascertain what was ithe intention of the Americans in building at that, place, and having learned that the soldiers had great guns with them,, he and a niimber of his people went down the river to see what was doing, and they found the whites, were building a fort. The chiefs held a council with the officers of the party, which Black Hawk -did not attend; but he says, "he understood that the Americans war chief had said, they were building hoiises for a, trader vfho was coming there to live, and would sell the Indians goods, very <3heap, and, that the soldiers were to remain to keep him company." The Indians were pleased at this imformation, but doubted its truth, and were anxious that the building should be discontinued, and that the soldiers should descend the river again. Many more Indians arrived, the whites became alarmed, and an attempt was made by a dancing party of the Indians to enter the fort by stratagem, but it was frustrated; and Black Hawk acknowledges that if it had been successful, and the Indians had got into the fort, all the whites would have been killed, as the British soldiers had been, at Mackinaw, many years. before. The Indians returned to Rock Island, and the fort party re- ceived a reinforcement from St. Loiiis. ^ iBlack Hawk proceeds with the following relation: — "Soon after our return from Fort Madison,. runners came to our village from thie Shawnee. Prophet, (while others were dispatched by him to the villages of the Winnebagoes,) with invitations for us to iiieet him on the "Wabash. Accordingly a party went from each yillage. 298 Black HawWs Narration. " All of our party returned, among whom ca-vae a, J'rophet, whor explained to us the bad treatment the diiferent nations of Indians had received from the Americans, by giving them a few presents, and taking their land from them. I remember well his saying, ' If you do not join your friends on the Wabash, the Ainerieans ■will take this very village from you'. . I little thought then that his words would come true. We agreed not to join him, and he returned to the Wabash, where a party of Winnebagoes had ar- rived, and preparations were making for war; a battle soon after ensued, in which several Winnebagoes "were killed. As soon as- their nation heard of this, they started war parties in different directions: one to the mining country, one to Prairie du Chien,. and another to Fort Madison. This last returned, by our village,, and exhibited several scaps which they had taken. Their sucdess- induced several other parties to go against the fort. We arrived .in the vicinity during the night. The spies that we had sent out iseveral days.before, to watch the movements of those at the.garr lisoh, gave the following information:. ' that a keel-boat had ar- rived ftom below^ that: evening, with seventeen men ; that there were about fifty men in thefort, and that they marched out every, morning-at sunrise, to exei^eise.' " Black Hawk then relates: his stratagems to distroy the soldiers when, they came out, and for the Indians to rash" into the fortr they were unsuccessful: three whites were kUled^ — the Indians besieged the fort for three days, during which time an attempt was made to set fire to it, by means of arrows. It succeeded sa far as to fire the buildings several times, without effect, asthe fire, was soon extinguished. The ammunition of the Indians being expended, and finding they could not take the fort, they returned home, having had one Winnebago killed,. and one wounded, dur- ing the siege. Soon after their return, news reached them that a war was- going to take place -between the British and Americans. Eun-^ ners corttinued to --arrive from different .tribes, all confirming the- report of the expected war. The British agent. Colonel ^Dickson,, was holding talks with, and making presents to the different, tribes. Black Hawk . sa-ys-^" I had not made up my mind whether to join the British,- or remain neutral." But he soon afterwards took, an active part with the British, having been, as- he alleges, " forced into war by being deceived." His ^own ac- count of the causes of his conduct is as follows: — - "Several of the chiefs and head men of the Sacs and Foxes- were called upon to go to Washington, to see their Great Father. On tlieir return thev related what had been said and donci. They said, the Great Father wished them, in the event of a war taking place with England, not to interfere on either side, but to Black HawTc^s Narration. 2.9&.' remain neutral. He did not want our h.elp, but wislied us tO;hunt ■ and support our families and live in peace. He said that British, traders would not be permitted to come on the Mississippi to- furnish us with goods, but we shauld be well supplied by an American traderT Our chiefs then told him that the British traders always gave us credits in the fall for gups, powder, and goods, to enable us to hunt and clothe our families. He replied, that the trader at Fort Madison* would have plentj^ of goods; that we should go there in the fall, and he would supply us on credit, as the British traders had done. The party gave a good account of what they had seen, and the kind treatment they received. " This information pleased us all very much. We all agreed to follow our Great Father's advice, and not interfere with tjie war. In a. short time w;e were ready to start to Fort Madison ,to get our supply of goods, that we might proceed to our hunting: f rounds.. We passed merrily down the river, all in high spirits, had determined to spend the winter at my old favorite hiant- ing ground on Skunk Eiver, and left part of iny .corn and mats at its mouth, to take up when I returned; others did the same. Next morning we arrived at the fort and made our encampment. Myself and principal men paid a visit to the war-chief, at the fort. He received us kindly and gave lis some tobacco, pipes, and provisions. Tlie_ trader came in,' and we all rose and shook hands with him, for on him all our dependence, was placed, to enable us to hunt and tliereby support onr fainilies, "We waited a long time, expecting the trader would tell us that he had orders- from our Great Father, to supply us with gpods; but he said nothing on the subject.- Igot up,- and told him in a short, speech,, what we had come for, and hoped he had .plenty of goods to- supply us, and told him he should be well paid in the spring;, and concluded' by informing him thatswe.had determined to. fol- low, our Great' Father's advice, and not' go to war. .- . . "He said he was happy to hear that we intended to. remain at peace. -That- he had a large quantity'.^of goods; and that if we- made a good hunt, we should be well supplied; but remarked that he had recieved no instructions to furnish us .anything on credit — nor could he give us any, without receiving the pay for them on the spot.- " We informed him what our Great Father had told our chiefs- at Washington, and contended "that he could supply us if he- would, believing that our Great Father always spoke the truth. But the war-chief said, that the trader could not furnish us on. credit, and that he had received no instructions:. from our Great * On the Mississippi, in tlie Sac and Fox country. 300 Black Hww1c!s Narrajbion, Father at "Washington. "We left the fort dissatisfied, and went to onr camp. What was now to be done we knew not. We ques- tioned the party that bronght us the news from our Great Father, that we should get credit for our winter supplies at this place. They still told the same story, and insisted upon its truth. Few •of us slept that night; all was gloom and discontent. " In the morning a canoe was seen ascending the river. It ■soon arrived, bearing an express, who brought intelligence that La Gutrie,* a British trader, had landed at l£>ck Island with two boats loaded with goods, and requested us to come up immedi- iitely, because he had news ''for us, and a variety of presents. The express presented us with tobacco, pipes, and wampum. " The news ran through our camp like tire in the prairie. Onr lodges were soon taken down, and all started for Eock Island. Here ended all hopes of our remaining at peace, having been forced into war by being deceived. "Our party were not long^in getting to Eock Island. When we came in sight and saw tents pitched, we yelled, fired oiir'gans, and commenced beating our drums. Guns were immediately fired at the Island, returning our salute, and a British flag hoisted. We landed and were cordially received by La Gutrie, and then sndoked the pipe with him. After which he made a speech to .\is, that had been sent by Colonel Dickson, and gave us . a number of handsome presents, a large silk flag, and a keg of mm, and told us to retire, take some reireshments and rest our- selves, as he would have more to say to us on the next day. " We according retired to our lodges,' which had been put up in the mean time, and spent the night. The next morning we called upon him, and told him that we wanted his two boats load of goods to divide among onr people, for which he should be well pa,id in the spring, with furs and peltries. He consented; told us to take them and do as we pleased with them. While our people were dividing the goods, he took me aside and informed me that Colonel Dickson was at Green Bay with twelve boats, loaded with goods, guns, and ammunition, and wished me to raise a party imniediatey and go to liim. He said that our friend, the trader at Peoria, was collecting the Pottawatomies, and would be there before" us. I communicated this information to ray braves, and a party of two hundred warriors were soon collected and ready to depart. On our arrival at Green Bay w^ found a large encampment, and were well received by Colonel Dickson and the war-chiefs that were with him. He gave us plenty of provisions, tobacco, and pipes, and said he would hold a council ■with us the next day. *La Gutrie, or La Goterie, was an Indian trader at Portage dos Sioux — a ■Canadian Frenchman, probably of m'x^jd blond. Black IlawJc's Narration. 301 " In the encampment I found a large number of Pottawatomies, Kiekapoos, Ottawas, and Winnebagoes. I visited all theii- camps and found tbem in high spirits. They had all received new guns, ammunition, and a variety of clothing. In the even- ing a messenger came to me, to visit Colonel Dickson. I. went, to his tent, in which there were two other war-chiefs, and an in- terpreter. He received me with a hearty shake of the hand, and presented me to the other chiefs, who shook my hand cordially and seemed much pleased to see me. After I was seated. Colonel Dickson said, ' General Black Hawk, I sent for you to explain to- yoii what we are going to do, and the reasons that have brought us here. Our friend La Gutrie informs us in the letter yoa brought from him, what has lately taken place. Ton will now have to hold us fast by the hand. Yonr English Father has- found out that the Americans want to take your country from you, and has sent me and his braves to drive them back to their own country. He has likewise sent a large quantity of arms and ammunition, and we want all your warriors to join us.' " He then placed a medal round my neck, and gave me a. paper,* (which I lost in thes late war,-]-) and a silk flag saying,. 'You are to command all the braves that will leave here the day after to-morrow, to join our braves near Detroit." I told him I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the Mississippi, and make war upon the settlements. He said he , had been ordered to lay the country waste around St. Louis; that he had been a trader on the Mississippi many years; had always been, kindly treated, and could not consent to send brave- men to murder women and children. That there were no- soldiers there to fight; but where he was going to send us, there- were a number of soldiers, and if we defeated them, the Missis- sippi country should be ours. I was pleased with this speech ; it was spoken by a brave. " The next day, arms and ammunition, tomahawks, knives, a;nd clothing, were given to my band. We had a great feast in the- evening, and the morning following, I started with about five hundred braves to join the British army. The British war-chief" accompanied us. We passed Chicago. The fort had been evac- uated by the American soldiers, who had marched for Fort. Wayne. They were attacked a short distance from that fort and defeated.% They had a considerable quantity of powder in the- fort at Chicago, which they had promised to the Indians; but the *This paper -was found at the Ijattle of Bad Axe — ^it was a certificate of bis good behavior, and attachment to the British, tin 1832. X Slaughtered, being defenceless. 302 Black MawKs Ndrfation.. night before they marched tliey destroyed it. I tliink. it was thrown into the well. - If they had fulfilled their word to the In- dians, I think they would have gone safe. " On our aiTival 1 found that the Indians had several prisoners. I advised them to treat them well. "We continued our march and •joined the British army below Detroit, and soon after had a fight. The Americans fought well, and drove us with considerable lossi. I wias surprised at this, as I had been told* that the Americans ■could not fight. " Our next movement -was against a fortified place.' I was stationed with my braves to prevent any person going to or coming from the fort. I found two men taking care of cattle, and took them prisoners* I would not kill then), but delivered them to the British -war-chief. Soort after, several boats came ^iown the river full of American soldiers. They landed on the opposite side, took the British batteries, and pursued the soldiers that had left them. They went t<)0 far without knowing the for- ■ces of the -British, and wei-e defeated. I hurried across the river, anxious for an opportunity to s^hdXv the -courage of my braves; but before we reached the ground all waS over. The British had taken many prisoners, and the Indians iWere killingithem. I im- mediately put a stop to it, as I nevCi' thought it brave, but cow- a,rdly, to kill an unarmed and helplcfes eiaeuiy.f " "VTe remained here some time. I Cannot detail what took place, as I was stationed with my braves in the woods. It ap- peared, however, that the British could not take this fort,:]: for ■we were marched to another,- some distance off. When wb ap- proached it, I found it a small stockade, || and concluded that there were not many men in; it. The British war-chief sent a :flag; Colonel Dickson^ carried it and returned. He said a young war-chief^ commanded, and would not give up without fighting. Dickson came to me and said, 'You will se6 to-morrow how •easily we wiU take that fort.' I was of opinion that they would take it; but when the morning came I was disappointed. The British advanced, commenced an attack, and fought like braves; but by braves in the fort were defeated, and a great number killed. The British army were making preparations to retreat. I was now tired of being with them, our success being bad, and haviig got no plunder. T determined on leaving them and returning to — t * By the British. t General Piootor cbTomanded the British — his brutal conduct is well known ill history. ^: Fort Meigs. (Fort Stephenson. i; He is mistaken in the name — Chambers and Mason carried the flag. IT Lieutenant Croghan. Black HawVs Narration. 303 Kock Island, to see wliat had become. of my wife and children, as I had not heard from them since I started. That night I took about twenty of my braves and left the British camp for home. "We met no person on our journey until we reached the Illinois Eiver." The foregoing piece of history from Black Hawk, is certified to byAntoine L. Olaire, United States interpreter, dated at the Indian Agency, Eock Island, Oct. 16th, 1832, as copied from Smith's Documentary History of "Wisconsin, Yol. III. Tlie re- maining part of his statement refers to the Sac war of 1832, and will be noticed in its proper place. The appearance of the British on the Upper Mississippi, and their threatened invasion of Southern Illinois, is verified bj' Black Hawk's statement, and without doubt, the fear of such a calamity was the chief incentive to Governor Edward's attack on Peoria, and the Indian towns adjacent. At that time the British had received no check in their victorious career, Michigan and Wiscon- sin both being in their possession, while the Indian tribes of the country were largely inclined to join their fortunes with them, as the best means by which to preserve their hunting grounds from the greed of their white neighbors. That Illinois was spared such an invasion, was due to the activity with which the Americans were at the same time pushing the campaign against Detroit, nnder General Harrison, to oppose whom all the British forces and their Indian allies finally proved insuflScient.* ■ The war soon began to rage on the ^Niagara border, as well as along the Detroit, and the deathof General Brock, who was slain in battle here, was the severest blow the British had yet received. General Proctor, who was opposed to General Hiarrison in the famous campaign of 1813, was deficient in those high and sol- dierly qualities which distinguished General Brock, who had done so much honor to English arms in the campaign of 1812, which had terminated in the surrender of General Hull. The tide was now turning, as will -be seen in succeeding pages. *See Reynolds' Hist, of his own' times, p. 130. CHAPTER XIX. General Harrison Appovrvted to the Coinma/>id of the Hforth- westem Army — Ten Thoaisand Men Baisecl. to Seclaim De- troii and Imade Canada — A Wilderness of Mud Interposes between the Combatants — General Winchestei^ Reaches the Rapids of the Maumee — Advances to Frenchtown, on th-e River Raisvn — Battle of the River Raisin, Ending in De- feat, Capitulation and Treacherous Slaughter of War Pris- oners — Fort Meigs Built at the Rapids— General Proctor Advances Against the Place — Desperate Attach and Success- ful Defense of the Post — The British Retreat amd Attack Ft. Stephenson^ — The Mashed Si x-po v/nder and its Fatal Effects — Roiit of the British — The Wa/r Transferred to Cam- ada-^The American War Fleet Sails from Erie — The Naval Battle — Tlie American Army in Canada — Battle of the Thames — Teaumseh Slain — Michigan Reclaimied — Peace. The last campaign was now at hand, which was substantially to complete the conquest of the ^Northwest, from the Indians, who np to this time had not entirely relinquished this hope that they could establish a permanent boundary between themselves and the whites, which should stop farther encroachments on their territory. This had been the early hope of Tecunjseh, in which fatal dream he was at least not disheartened in his confidential councils with the British. In hini was centered the last hopes of the Indians, and he may be set down as thelast of that illus- trious line of chiefs whose eloquence and commanding power, and inflexible resolution have challenged admiration, riot only Itom the world, but from the -foes against whom they fought. Un- der him the red man was still powerful, though tainted with the vices of civilization, M'ithout being elevated by' its viftnes. On thepart of the white settlers all eyes were' turned towards General Harrison, whose star had risen the year before on the field, of Tippecanoe, and under pressure, of an intelligent, popu- lar will he was appointed commander-in-chief of the' North- western army, on the 17th of September. This news reached him on the24:th, while at Piqua, on his way to relieve Pt. "Wayne, at the head of 2,000. Kentucky volunteers, as told in the foregoing chapter. A* bis disposal were placed lOjOOO^men, composed of volunteers from Yirginia, Pennsylvania, Advance to The Maumee Rapids. 305 Kentucky, Ohio and Indiana, together with a regiment from the regular army. The full quota had been raised, and in Kentucky the backwoods men, brimming over with patriotism, came for- ward in such numbers, that many had to be i-efnsed admittance into the service after the ranks were full. The instrxictions to General Harrison, were first to provide protection to the frontier, after which Detroit was to be taken, -Michigain reclaimed from British rule, and lastly Canada was to be invaded. This was an undertaking of no small magnitude; but western blood was up, and nothing short of its fultitlment would satisfy the frontierers. The only posts the Americans lield on the entire chain of the lakes, were [Buffalo, Erie, Cleveland and Sandusky, any one of which were ever liable to a hostile visitation from the English fleet on the lakes. The volunteers were impatient to come to battle with the British, but ere this could be brought about, a broad wilderness had to be traversed, whose spongy soil was an almost bottomless pool of mud in the low grounds, and whose unbridged streamis with their alluvial margins, were a treaclierons path tor the ponderous machinery of war. To overcome these obstacles, Harrison immediately set himself to work. The Rapids of the Maiimee was the. strategic point to be made the base of liis movements, and lie gave orders to the different arjny corps to proceed to this place. Of these there were three detatchments, , one to march by the way of Upper Sandusky, another by TJrbana and a third by the way of the Auglaize river. Each of these divisions had struggled throngli the oozj' savannas with which the forest abounded, as- fast as their zeal andmuscle could carry them, but so slow was their progress that it was not till the lOth of January, 1813, that the Kapids were reached by the Adrance corps, led by General "Winche8liii\ while General Harrison him- self was r till at Upper Sandusky, with the right wing of the array, and Genet'al Tupper, of whom McAfee, tlie co temporary historian, speaks very disparagingly, was at Ft. McArther with the Centre. The following is copied from Dawson's Life of Harrison: "The roads were bad beyond description; none but those who have actually seen the state of the country, seem ever to have formed a correct estimate of the difficulties to be encountered. The road from Loramie's blockhouse to St. Mary's, and thence fo Defiance, was one continuous swamp, kiiee-deep on the pack- horses, and up to the hubs of the wagon. It was found impossible in some instances to get even the empty wagons along, and many were left in the mire, the wagoners being glad to get off with the horses alive. Sometimes the quarj termaster, taking advantage of a temporary freeze, would send off a convoy, which would be swamped by a thaw ere it reached its destination. These natural difficulties were also increased by a great deficiency of funds and inade- qiiacy of the other resources which were requisite in the quartermaster's depart- ment. The only persons who could be procured to act as pack-horse drivers, were generally the most worthless- creatures in society, who took care neither of che horses nor the goods with which they were entrusted. The horses were of 306 Battle of. The Rioer Baisin. course soon broken down, and many of the packs lost. The teams hired.tp haul were also commonly valued so high on commg into the service, that the owners ■were willing to drive them to death with a view to get the price. In addition- to this, no biUs of lading were used or acconnts kept with the wagoners. Of course each one had an opportunity to plunder the public without much risk of detection." Shortly after the arrival of General Winchester at the Eapids, messengers came to him from Trenchtown on the Kiver Uaisin, imploring his protection from the British and Indians, who had taken possession of the place soon after the surrender of Geperal Hull, at Detroit. The request was granted, and on the 17th, 550 men were sent on this mission under command of Colonel Lewis, supported by 110 more under command of Colonel Allen. They reached the place the next day, attacked the British and drove them out. As Voon afterwards appeared, this advance was hazardous in the extreme, Maiden, the headquarters of General Proctor, who had recently been appointed as commander of the British troops, being only eighteen miles distant, from which place a superior force could be brought against the post in a few hours. Not- withstanding this, General Winchester unwisely determined to maintain the position, and reinforced the place with 250 more men from the Rapids, accompanying them in person. As might be supposed, the British were no idle spectators of the situation, atid stealthily marched against the place on the night of the 21st with a heavy force. The next morning General Winchester beheld with surprise, the batteries of the enemy, erected within commanding distance of his camp. An obstinate battle immediately ensued, which is best described by Dawson, in his Life of Harrison, as follows: "The American army in this affiair lost upwards of 290 in IdUed, massacred and missing. Only 33 escaped to the Kapids. The British took 547 prisoners, and the Indians about 45. ■ The loss of the enemy, aS the Americans had no chance to ascertain, it was of course never known to the public. From the best information tliat could be obtained, it is believed to have been in killed and woundedj between three and four hundred. The Indians suf- fered greatly,' and the 41st regiment was very much cut up.* Their whole force in battle was about 2000 — one-half regulars aiid Canadians, commanded by Cols. Proctor and St. George; the other' coniposed of Indians, commanded by Round Head and Walk- iri-the- Water — Tecumseh was not there; he was 'still on the Wabash collecting the warriors in that quarter." The pris- oners were transported to Amherstbnrg, where they were *The large number of Americans killed was the result of the merciless slaughter by the Indians- immediately after some retreating fragment-s of the ^ army had siiirendered to them. American Prisoners Pd^'oled. 307 crowded into a muddy woodjavd without slielter. A heavy rain fell upon theni the succeeding night, which greatly in- creased their suffering in that inclement season, especially as they were thinly clad and without blankets. Here they re- mained till the 26th, when they were marched, in two divisions, through Upper Canada to Ft. Greorge, on the J^iagara, where they were paroled and returned home by the way of Erie and Pittsburg, and thence down the Ohio river. The conditions of their parole were, that they not to bear arms against his majes- ty or his allies during the present war until exchanged. On the reception of these terms, some of the inquisitive "Kentuckians asked who were his majesty's allies. The question was designed ■as a rebuke to the British, for accepting an alliance with the Indians. The reply was, that " His majestie's allies were well known." * Besides the prisoners thus paroled, were the 45 taken by the Indians, a few of whom were massacred, but most of them held for ransom, at Detroit.f Soon after this, General Proctor issued a proclamation, requir- ing the citizens of Michigan to take the oath of alliegance to his majesty, or leave the state.! As stated in a previous chapter, after the massacre at Chicago, the Kinzie family were sent to Detroit, where they were livine as paroled prisoners at the time of the river Eaisin horror. The house occupied by them was their old mansion, on the corner of Jefferson and Wayne streets. § * Dawson's life of Harrison, p. 357. t Dawson; Wabun. X Against this, Judge Woodard, of Detroit, remonstrated, averring that li ■was contrary to the law of nations. That a subject cannot transfer his alle- giance in time of war, without incurring the penalty of treason. §" It had been a stipulation of Gen. Hull at the surrender of Detroit, that the inhabitants of that place should be permitted to remain undisturbed in their homes. Accordingly the family of Mr. Kinzie took up their quarters with their friends, in the old mansion, which many -will recollect as standing on the north- east corner of Jefferson avenue and Wayne street. The feelings of indignation and sympathy were constantly aroused in the hearts of the citizens, during the winter that ensued. They were almost daily called upon to witness the cruelties practiced upon the American prisoners brought in by their Indian captors. Those who could scarcely drag their wounded, bleeding feet over the frozen ground,. were compelled to dance forthe amusement of the savages, and these exhibitions sometimes took place before the Government House, the residence of Col. McKee. Some of the British officers looked on from their windows, at these hSart-rMiding performances ; for the honor of humanity, we will hope such instances, were rare. Every thing that could be made available among the effects of the citizens were offered, to ransom their countrymen from the hands of these inhuman beings. The prisoners brought in from the River Raisin — those nnfortung,te men who were permitted,, after their surrender to Gen. Procter, to be tortured • Kentucky. and Ohio volunteers, were now within three hours march of Ft. Meigs on the banks of the Maumee, just above the Kapids; but the danger. of an ambuscade was so imminent, that he durst not advance another step till he had communicated with ' General Harrison. Who dared undertake such a dangerous mis- sion? The first man who volunteered to do this, was Captaini Leslie Gombs, of Kentucky. At tlie liead of a few picked men,. ■he crept within a mile of the fort, when lie was discovered by the enemy, and nearly all his party were killed, Combs himself nar- rowly- escaping the fate of his daring companies. Fortunately Captain William Oliver was in the camp, the same dashing young ranger who had penetrated through the Indian lines around Fort Wayne a few months before, and carried a message to its defend- ers, that Harrison -was marching to their relief; and how, by the - changing fortunes of war, it became his lot to take a message tO' General Harrison, that relief was at hand for him. Fifteen brave Ohioans promptly volunteered to follow him; in this dangerous- adventure. Late in the evening on the 4th, they seated them-' selves in their boat and silently rowed down the Maumee, till the camp fires of the besiegers were visible, when the party landed - and crept along the margin of the river towards the tort. Inside • of it silence and darkness reigned, for their fires had been extin- guished, lest they might afibrd direction for the enemy's shot. The sentinels were on the alert, for there was a purpose there brooding over the situation in the darkness of their vengeful solitudes, and when Oliver's party came to the gate they were mistaken for the enemy about to make an assault, and were fired upon; fortunately none of them were wounded, and they soon> found means to make themselves known, ?ind entered the fort^ Dashing Sortie^— Vietory^ — 'Ambuscade. 311 -Oliver immediately going to the quarters of General Harrison. Now the whole situation was changed. The beleaguered gar- rison could take the offensive. A hardy messenger, (Captain Hamilton, of the Ohio volunteers), was immediately dispatched to General Clay Green, to advance and attack the British batteries on the north side of the river opposite the fort, with 800 men, while with the. remaining 400, men he was to fight his way . through the enemy's lines into the fort. While these movements were in progress, a sortie was to be made from the fort against the . British batteries, farther up the river on the south side. Early the next morning. Clay made his appearance according to orders, and suddenly the enemy found their whole line of batter- ies attacked by a foe whom they had hitherto beheld with con- tempt. Colonel Miller led the assault on the South, side, drove the gunners from their guns, spiked them and returned to the fort, while Colonel Dudley, from Clay's command, attacked the batteries on the north side. They were also. taken, but unfor- tunately in the flush of victory, the dashing Kentuckians fol- lowed in hot pursuit after the retreating columns. This was contrary -to the orders of General Harrison, who beheld from the fort the fatal pursuit with deep anguish. The pursuers were led into an ambnscadej and all but 150 of the gallant 800 were killed or taken prisoners. The Indians kept on their work of slaughter after they had surrendered, till Tecumseh interposed his authority, to put a stop to the fiendish work.* The results of the day were, that Harrison was reinforcrd by over 500 men, notwithstanding his losses, and many of the be- sieger's guns were spiked. Besides these advantages. General Proctor had received the first lesson in Volunteer practice, which was quite sufficient to convince him that Ft. Meigs could not be taken. He therefore determined to retreat, lest he might be at- tacked by fresh reinforcements. Complete preparations for this were made by the 9th, when bis force, consisting of 600 regulars, 800 Canadian militia and 180O Indians, suddenly withdrew down the river, giving one tremendeous discharge from their cannon, back towards the fort as they left.f This parting salute killed . 10 in the fort, and wounded as many more, said one of the offi- cers " we were glad enough to see theni off, on any terms." Of this whole army retreating from American soil, not one felt the sting so bitterly as Tecumseh. Little did he then think he should never again return. His unrelenting courage, however, was not shared by his array of 1800 Indians, l^ot that they lacked the *Drake, Howe's Hist, of Ohio. tHowe's Hist. Ohio, p. 531. 313 BritMk Change of Base. dashing qualities of good soldiers, but the ordinary discipline by whic'i the armies of civilized nations are held together, are want- ing in an Indian army, for it has no provision against desei-tion. If the meanest soldier gets discoxiEaged, or'fekesa'homsick fit to return to his lodge and see his sqnstWjthe'cbief fets-Ho-oiiier means but moral suasion, to prevent it. As long as the Indian sees progress and a hope. of booty, he will cheerfully endure hun- ger and other discomfitures, but he is a poor dependence for besieging* well defended forts, and the English; much to theii chagrin, found this to be the case before the war was over, although it was to them they owed their first successes at its opening. After giving up the siege of Ft. Mei^, Greneral Proc- tor and Brigadier General Tecumseh (to give him his title), de- termined to make a sudden dash against some vital point occu- pied by the Americans. Of such points. Upper Sandusky, where a large amount of provisions and otiier military stores were col- lected, aud.Erie, where a fleet was being built, were by far tlie most important. Apprehensive of an attack" on Upper Sandusky, , General Harrison stationed himself, with what forces he could command, at Seneca, which laid in the path between Sandusky bay and this place, as by. means of his scouts he had ascertained that the enemy wei-e massing their forces in this direction. At1;he head of navigation on the Sandusky rivei', was Ft. Stephen- son, a, small stockade defended by less than 200 men under com- mand of Captain Crogan, a nephew of the famous General George Eogers Clark, whose timely conquest Of the Illinois country in the days of revolutionary meinory, will not be forgotten. Fort Stephenson, also laid in the path of the enemy on their way to Upper Sandusky, the vital point of the Americans, Meantime, "while General Proctor's fleet had put into Sanduskj-- Bay, and were approaching Ft. Stevenson, Tecumseh's Indians had crossed the country by a hasty march, and were threatening Upper San- dusky. Under these circumstances, instructions were sent to Captain Crogan to retire from Ft. Stevenson, if he could do so with safety, but the orders did not come in time to affect the retreat with a reasonable hope of success, and he determined on defending the post. On the 31st of July, the British fleet made their appearance before the place commanded by General Proctor himself, his force consisting of 500 regulars and as many Indians, the vigilant Tecum- seh all the while lying back with his army, ready to intercept any intended reinforcements to the place from Ft. Meigs, as well as to cO-operate with General Proctor in a descent on Upper Sandusky, as soon as Ft. Stephenson should fall into their hands. After the usual investment, wliich occupied the time till the 2ud"of Gallant Defense of Fort Btepltenson^ 313 August, General Proctor sent a summons to Captain Crogan to surrender. This he promptly refused to do, and when admon- ished of the fate which awaited them from the vengeful Indians, in case the fort had to be taken by assault, Mr. Shipp, with "whom the messenger conferred, replied: "There will none of us be left to kill." ' The messenger now retired and the attack began by a heavy cannonading, to which the besieged could only retort with "a single six-pounder. Little execution was done on either side by this method, and Oeneral Proctor, not wishing to waste his time by the slow pro- •cess of a siege before so insignificant a post, ordered an assault. This had been expected by Captain Crogan, and he had made ample provision for it by masking his cannon so as to command the ditch where the attack was to be made. The piece was loaded with a double charge of small shot and destructive mis- siles, and but half a charge of powder, as he. intend^d^before fir- ing it, to wait till the attackers were close enough to get the full force of the. contents, which, with its light charge of powder, would scatter and mow down all the larger swath of- men when near enough to receive it at its greatest force. • Unconscious of immediate danger, the assailants approached within 30 feet of its muzzle, when the peice was unmasked arid fired at their solid phalanx of men, who were advancing ;with the scaling ladders in their hands, with, which to climb the walls of the fort, l^ever before in the history of the war, was thfe eftect of a single cannon-shot so terrible; more than 50 men fell, of whom above half never rose again. . An instantaneous dis- charge of small arms from the defenders followed^ and' when the smoke was lifted from the scene of slaughter, the immense army of besiegers were seen flying from the field, while 150 of their number were left dead or dying behind.* Crogan's loss was 1 killed and 5 wounded.f Proctor's hopes of penetrating the country, so as to take Upper Sandusky, thus dashed to thegroiind, he resolved to retreat, and so apprehensive was he that Harrison would attack his rear, that he left a sloop-load of stores behind, as .* The besieged let down pails of water from the wall of the fort, for the relief of the wounded-, immediately after the assault had ceased. — Howe's History of Ohio. t Black Hawk was at this seige. which he describes in his statement, already given in the foregoing pages, thus: " Dickson came to me and said, you will see to-morrow, how easily we will take that fort. I was of the opinion they would take it, but when the mornine came I was disappointed. The British advanced, commenced an attack, and fought like braves, out by braver were defeated, and a great number killed. ..... '314 . British Retreat to Canada 1 14s;vanmiished army in hot haste crowded sail down the San- - dusky river.* . . The disappointed Indians baulked of their prey, vanished intO' t^e forests-, wending their way. northwardly towards their British . attraction, as the needle: turns towards the pole. While this ill- starred expedition of Proctor's had been in' progress, another one ■ "was planned against Erie, intended to destroy the American fleet now almost ready to sail from the place. This was entrusted to Captain Barclay, and sailed from Maiden down the lake on the 18th of .. July* After Teeonnoitering the American defenses, it returned without making the attempt, f On to Maiden, again became the watchword throughout- the northwest. Ohio proposed to raise 10,000 volunteers for the service, and Kentucky was not less zealous in the cause, but the , government had proposed to furnish regulars for the service, and -it was not possible to accept all the volunteers who felt eager to .take a hand in the invasion of Canada. A clamor of discontent * Geaeral Harrison's fame now stood so. Ijigh, especially in the estimation of the friendly Indians, that the most prominent chiefs among the Delawares and "Senecas, and even some of the Shawaneese. chiefs, offered their services to him with their respective brave?. They were accepted and joined his army alt Sene- 'ca, iia head-quarters on the Portage river; but among the Shawaneese chie&, ■one named Blue. Jacket (not the one of the same name whose high-bred virtues , hadinadehim conspicuous in bringing about the peace of Greenville), perhaps Under ah impression that if General Harrison conld be killed the Indian cause ' WQuld'be.^ained, determined on assassinating him. True to the Indian custom, ,he confided this secret,resolution to his best friend, and begged his assistance in. the, affair. Such assistance his friend was not bound to give, according tp the measure of Indian honor, but he was bound to preserve the secret. Here was a dEemma. He loved Harrison, not only for his- charity for the Indian race, but for the- kindness he. had shown him from his- early youth, ever since his father had been execnted by the laws of his tribe for the crime "of sorceiy. Moreover, ■ he -was impressed with a fiill sense of the bad consequences sure to result to his tribe (the Delawares), should the intentions of Blue Jacket be carried out. While thus painfully, brooding over the issue a few. days latter, the would-be assassin came into hi8_ presencain a towering; rage. Colonel MoPherson, an ofEcer in General Harrison's army, had just turned him out of "his presence for .some breach of decency, and he swore vengeance on.hin>for±hfi insults, declar- ing he would bjUiifatiaiso. This;roused tiie.fndignation.ofr th^ young. chiefs to- whom the murderous intention had been confided, and. he felled, him; to the ground with a single blow from his tomahawk,' and despatched him with a sec- ond. He next ordered his dead body- sent to his tribe, and bade defiance to- popular resentment for the act. Instead' of passing an unfavorable verdict' upon the hero, he was applauded, and two years later General Cass made him a hajidsome' present as a i-eward for his fidelity to General Harrison. The name of this chief -was the Beaver; he now becaine a great favorite 'with General Harrison, and later 'with Commodore •iPerry, who christened him The General's Mameluke. — Dateson's Life of Harri- soni p. 4l5. . t The impossibility of his larger vessels getting over the bar,- might have been, his reason for relinquishing the attack more than his fear of the American defenses. General Harrison's Letter to 'Governor Meigs. 315- ;ainoBg the Ohio tnilitia was the result, aud General Harrison wrote a letter to Governor Meigs to allay, it, of which the follow- ing is a part: . "The exceptions yon haVe made, and the promptitude with -which your orders have been obeyed to assemble the militia audi repei the late invasion, is truly astonishing, and reflect the high- est honor on :your State. * '* * It has been the intention of the government to form the army destined for operation on Lake Erie, exclusively of regular troops if they could be raised. The number was limited to 7,000. The deficiency of regulars was to be made up from the militia. * * I have, therefore, called on the governor of Kentucky for 2,000 men ; with those there will still be a deficiency of about 1,200. Your Excellency has stated to me that the men who have turned out on this occasion, have- done it with the expectation of being effectually employed, and? that should they be sent home, there is no prospect of getting- them to turn out hereafter, should it be necessary. To employ them all is impossible. With my utmost exertions, the embarka- tion cannot be effected in less than fifteen or eighteen days, , should I even detei-mine to substitute them for the regular troops which are expected. To keep so large a force in the field, even for a short period, would consume the means which are provided for the support of the campaign. Under these circumstances, I would recommend a middle course to your Excellency, viz: to dismiss all the militia but two regiments. * *. It appears- that the venerable governor of Kentucky is about to take com- mand of the troops of that State. Could your Excellency, think proper to follow his example, I need not tell you how highly- grateful it would be, dear sir, to vonr friend, "W. H. Haeeisok."* Agreeable to the request of General Harrison, the 2,000 Ohio- volurtteers were sent to .Upper Sandusky by Governor Meigs, to await his orders, biit unfortunately their enlistment had only been for forty days, and on these terms. General Harrison declined to accept their services. This raised a storm- of indignation against the- commanding general, unjust as it was fleeting, for it could hardly be supposed that raw recruits could accomplish the- reqiiirements of the campaign in so short a time. The new American fleet had now cut loose from its moorings,, and for the firBt time the American Jack was thrown to the breeze on Lake- Erie, It sailed up the lake to Sandusky about the 18th ck August, where Commodore Perry, who held command of it,, ancliored off the harbor and conferred with General Harrison, •Dawson's Life of Harrison, p. 412. ■316 ., Perry's Yiatory. . Trho came on board his vessel. The fleet was still deficient in men, and General Harrison furnished him 150 to complete, his «rew. The Commodore now sailed for Maiden, where the Eng- lish fleet lay protected by the land batteries. In vain the American flag was .flannted in full view; the Eng- lish fleet did not accept the challenge, and Commodore Perry retired to Put-in-bay, on the American side. On the 10th of September, however, the English fleet left Maiden, and Commo- :'?j.. j[j.$tQryi,w6u]d fail (to. fulfil ..its- mission if it did not- state here that when the war: was declared- Napoleon, was. .in the, heigl^t 0f hispojvBn. .Now he. was. an exile at Elba, and Eng- lwd's.;welh;dr;illed..aiii»:y ,w,as, xeJoased from.. the .service. at home= which had placed him there, and consequently ready for ■ aa Anlefricanrcampaign.-; ■■:':■■ v.- Still she was liot ambiEibiis to andertake-'it, choosing rather to relibquish her first terms than prolong the war. • Besides her plan- for Ian independent Indian nation in the northwest, was another provieion, which wals to bar'the Americans from building any for^ tificatiohsonthe shores of tlie lakes, or placing' any arm.ed vess^Is^ of S^a,r i^n their water s,f on the ground that such a provision wa& necessary (to preserve Canada from the danger of an Americaiii inyas;ion.' These impracticable terms being given up, an attempt tira's'made to define .the' boundary between the two governments' oh the 'nQftheastem and on the northwestern frontier, but this involved more, complications than -were expedient to be under- tik'eh at the tiiiie, and the matter was left for 'future adjustment, and'sor^tnained till settled by the Ash biirton treaty of 1846. The-' tr^ty was signed ..on' the 24th of December, 1814, and ratified .at'' Wa^hihgtoh oh the 17th of February, 1815.$ ' ' ' ', ''The' battle of New' Orleans was fought during thi4 interval, aft'fjr 'the signing' of the treaty, for then' its coinbatahtp had not h^'ard the rie-ws, of the peace. ' • '; . ''The wai' wais not Vvrithbut its glories to Americkn arms, thbiigh' ite'ibaih issiie was a dead one a few day's after i'tS declaratibn;, ■rt'heh.' the 'British rfeVoked their orders in council, which had be^ii' so obnoxious to American interests, as told in a' previous' dhafptei-. ' ■ • ' ' ' ' • ; '■ .. "Treaties of peace' -with the various western' tribes'of .Indians * Jeffiferson'i rejection of the terms was because he declined to insert them in thetreatty. ■ -Perhaps his residence in Paris as American minister, had daizled his .eyes -with French glory to the. detriment of ; England and he was not unwil- ling ioexacttromherbotii the letter and the spirit of radical justice. :'■ f Am. Sta,te Papers, 1811 to 1815, p. 60'7. ' '' ' ; ] |In cpnsidering the cohditjohs of the peace, as we have been informed of tiieiln. we'caiiiiat but iegardtheiu as honorable to this country^ The American 'Go'remme^t began the war on account of the orders in couicilj aiid to enforce iihejeliflhishihent of imfiressmant' on board their merchant yespels. The orders- ill' council -were, repealed by ojir government before they 'knew (if the commence- ment- of. the: -war.' The war -was continued by America, after she knew of the repeafl' of the orders ia connfcil, to bompel ua to relinguish the right of impress- ■ifitttt; - It was America, and not 'Great Britian, which claiined -stipulation on Wd p.Qiiat/ ' Titi -War is coiiclu-ded- by u peace -in which no such stipulatiaii is anade.— Z'Onion Courier, Dec. 2lth, 1814. ' ' Peace With The Indians. 325 ^'?lio harl been victimized into participation in tlie war followed tlie successful negotiations at Ghent, of course, fortliese liapless wretches were no longer able to raise a hostile arm.* General Harrison and Lewis Cass, on the part of the United States, negotiated mth the Delawares, Shawanees, Senecas and Miamis, at Greenville, where, nineteen years before, Gen. Wayne liad held the famous treaty with "Western tribes, which took the ■iirst half of the conn tr^;-^om,';itJi cjipjiBpcJ the moiety had been, taken by piecemeal, till but little was left to give. William 'Clark, Governor of Missouri,.]^injan JEds^atTds^ G■■9^l'AR'^',«|f^ijl*- n bis Territory, and. Son. AugusteChoutean>.of St. Eouis,' tfeajted Avith the ITorthwestern. tribes, among whom were ,.tiie Po.ttq^vat- tomies, in Jiily, 1815, onthe ieast bank of the .Mississippi .ri^v-er, just above the mouth of the Missouri. The Sac natioo ,di^ not :attend this convention, b.ut the September following, a, treaty.was made with such portibns of their, tribe as felt.fneiidly ^svitli'the TJnited States. Black Hawk was not an'iong these, and. difj,'.jiot •Sttetid the treaty. This, tenacioiis bj-ave still' clunjj. to .British interests, feveri after ' hope- haid fled,'and reina'ihedin this '^oodj frame of mind till the western march of settleiiiehts fcegan to ■encroach on. the .fights .of his tribe,, by occupying .the lijg^ufciful ifiSck River Tallev, in .1833. Then came. the Blacjt Haw)i;'^3|r, whicli will be told in its place. ., ' , .....'/: Kaskaskia was at this time tbe capital of Illinois Temtory, where thje,ej)^ecuj' "ti'Ve' court was held in an antique' Freiich building- made during thic eairly ciyj^- -iiiation that had been beg:uri in the valley of the Mississippi; at this hisixJnfi .place, in 1,700; .-Here its charitable ; mantle Jiad fallisn upon tliree generations; anclhere it ,jjpw extended goo.d-fellowsjiip \a thi; new -reo^ijie th.ough. about ..lof' Chicago, "frhich ~was' jiuibh's'hed in ytheCKicago- Times. -It brings 'to' light 'ue'W data.' for ;the rofli^ncer, :as;-*irbli ais theMstpriaii. Some future day:B!aska^lria, aSi'thepld.-medisev^l.lail^i.mg/rl^-.b.ei' Iween savage. and .civilized life, wijl be looked, Bpon witji increasing interest, Biit as yet, the onward liiarfik of western" settliaieots have, eibaust'e'd 'nearly, all their force in laying the dimension- stone/ on -which"tt)''btiild:pgrinaneiit insliittif jtionsin the broad wilds, to which, the- war of 181.2.op,ejie4'tlje doors.; :;,■:; ;;;-. -. - - ; — : — "TT^ ■ .■ ■' I ■'■■■r !^. :': !■; ,./ .'v, .. .: :.p.i — -•.;:[:!,;:; "-, ':■; ' *The history only- of such, (^mpaigns. in, this -war has been writtem Jiei;^ is bore relaltion to the northwest.' ■ ' ' " ' •■"■-' ' ■' OfiAPTER XX. TJie Grea t Westas^ ^&wArenaJ^Progres^-Iieligiotis Free- dom-^Its Effects^DiStrihuiive y&rsusGoncentrated Lear- nmg — Owr Gorman Pedigree and Its Effects — The Lakes w HigJiAoay to the West — Fort Dearhorn B^ebxiilt — Prelimina/in/ Survey for the Illmois and Michigan Canal — John Kimie Returns to Chicago — Indifin Treaty Relinquishing Lands- from, Chicago to the Illinois River — Illinois Admitted Into the Union as a Sovereign, State — Its Northern JBouhdary- Extended — Reasons for it — Chicago The Central Key of The Nation. When universal enthusiasm in any one direction dissolves into- apathy from exhanstion of the forces which pulled in that direct- ion, then comes an epoch, when mankind enter upon sew fields- of labor quite different from the ones that have last engrossed: their attention, and new energies that have long lain dormant are- awakened into life. Such a point was reached when Eui-ope sheathed the sword after the downfall of Napoleon in 1814.. Renown at the cannon's mouth was no longer sought after, for it was evident to the simplest understanding, that industry to build up what war had torn dowii would pay best, and with these nobler purposes in view, Europe and America went to work. England's problem was how to keep the balance of trade in her- favor, and how to pay the interest on her public debt which had BO recently been contracted. America's, was how to build turn- pikes, canals and school houses throughout the, as yet,. unknown . and illimitable northwest. Both nations set about their respec- tive callings immediately, to fulfill which, the inventive genius of the artisan was stimulated,- and new machinery spi-ang into existence by which creative power to supply the wanta of man. was multiplied. Besides this, America on her part brought to her aid new achievements in religion and public policy. The State was re- lie-ved from any responsibility in the former, e.ich individual conjBcience being left free to chdose its own forms of worship dafe Distributive Learning. 327 to divine grace. Here it is not too much to say that to the west belongs the honor of sweeping away every vestage of legal authority over religion from the hrst, while in 'NewEngland a public tax in the early day was leyied for the support of the gospel by the authority of the State.* This one idea is worth more than all the moral results of Napoleon's campaigns, which employed the available forces of nearly all Europe for more than ten years. The prosperity of the west is in part due to this principle, nor has its exemplary blessings stopped where they began, but by their moral force have already undermined the religious policy of England by presenting a contrast so much in favor of individual accountability when pitted against state au- thority in matters of conscience, f In ancient times the fruit of the tree of knowledge was forbidden to the masses, and a penalty attached to those who tasted it. ITow, the interest of neither king, priest or pedagogue is advanced- by a monopoly of this boon. On the contrary, it is presented, to the people under the most enticing forms which universities, col- leges, schoolhouses, books and newspapers, are able to offer. Un- der this condition, the philosophy which once gave snch singular fame to Confucius, Zoroaster, JPlato and others, and later to Co- pernicas, LaPlace and their kindred spirits, is now familiar to millions of men, and within the reach of every one. America was offered as a field where this learning conld be cultivated on a new soil, where there was no danger to be apprehended from the overshadowing influences of clannishness in politics or relig- ion, or the rights of feudalism. The result is shown in poetry, song, oratory and literature. The vital forces of a nation are on * In 1638 the following appeared in the Colonial Records of Massachusetts, Vol. 1, p. 240: " liis Court, takeingr into consideration the necessity of an equall contribu- tion of all comou charges in townes, and observing that the cheife occation of (his defect hearin arriseth f^om hence that many of those who are not freemen nor members of any church do take advantage thereby to withdraw thier helpe in such voluntary.contribution as -are in vse — It is thereforCBearby declared, ev'iy inhabititntjnianyrtowne is4yable to contribute to all charges both in church and comonwelthe whereoflf' hee doth or may receive benefit; and withall it is also ordered that such inhaliitauts who shall not voluntarily contribute p'portionately to his ability wtl» other freemen of the same towne to all comon charges, as well as tor upholding the ordinances in the churches as otherwise, shal be compelled thereto by assessment and distress, to bee levied by the cun- stable." I Modifications of this old law inherited from England, too numerous to men- tion, have had place in various New England Stiles, even since they, with the other colonies, gained their indep ndeiice; and it is still within the menio-.y nf the middle-nged men of our day that its last vestiges were released from the statute books. t The modificatipn of England's system of tithes is a proof of this assertion. an unremitting strain to grasp atmewTeach^'iTi. sieience and^ar-r tisanship, and life now. sees abundant diversity to aaimate;:its pathway. '■ . ■ • • i ; ^ ■.; .. •.;. > ,.;■ '■'.■■: Such is America, particniarlj the West, in her. crowning glory: Among.those who live in this age of activity there are' censors who protest against its tnrmdil, and sigkfor.the quietude of olden times. Perhaps the restive spirits of the ambitious West would run mad without the -restraining influence of these counselors. They may be necessary to prune off the tangent points which may be called the- deformities of our cycle in history,; neverthei- lessunparnlleledingrandeur^^a cycle in which not siicb archir te'ctural . piles as the Pyrainids,. the Pantheon or. the XDoloseniii have been built by enforced labor, but one; in which humbler edifices, dedicated to science and religion, have been distributed throughout the land. Mfental alchemy has. economized her most potent forces within unpretentious. domicils; and where this is ■the universal condition, national issues, hang upon the' turn,«f a subtle power, gathering its force from a consideratepublic.ppin:- ion as- a result of distributive instead, of concentrated, learning. This force is comparatively pei'fect when it iis adequate to. checks mate the "sinister pn rposes. of private . ambition^ used .against : the ■piiblic interest; and that it should ever be: up. to., this stand- ard, is essential to the success of a .Republican form, of govera- ment. . ' .'.■,.. i :.:;:■ * Erom the ancient Normans, have we undoubtedly inberited through ancient Briton blood,' our love 6f literature,: and) our ambition to outrival the rest of the world in national grandeur, and altlioiigh Americans love to date, their patent from Plym.q.ath Eock or Jamestown, it can only be claimed that these were way etations, on the road from the "original starting point; ' 'The literature of , the ancient l^onnans and even, their mythology, is a, sublime study of .which their descendants, though diluted wit^i -the evolutions of centnries, may justly be proud. Their brain power has Crept through the attenuations of Enrbpean revolutions, and like the, whirlwind, has seenaed to gather force, till it. ha? itound its. way: to the great interior of North America, to set up- a nucleus, around which to build' iip; our States as soon as the coun- try became accessible :t0:"settle"rs, , The termination of the \7ar;of 1812 opened the gates tO;it^ do;Wn to whiah timathe intrigues :of * The Normans or North men settled in Norway, a;s emigraifts from iAsis^, ■while Rome was in her. glory. . They settled Icfelarid in g60, and Gfreenianii in 986. . They conquered' noth England and France in the day of their gltii'j^, aind in 1066, William the C0fi4'i6rbi'; a pure Norman,' becatiie Kiitgr of Eh^and, many generations after hi^ peoj>le had first overrun the country and Settled tiiete. From this jieriod dates the Bd^mineiicetneafcof BnglSnd's'greatnesSk- •:■: •' .Spain j; the lingering -.poweT of .the English dn the 'la,l£ea, -a'nd. the ilndian occnpation, were insurmountable barriers to emigration. The true pioneer spirit now began in earnest. The; great chain of; lakes as a highway to the far west, rapidly grew into iraport- ance, and soon became a rival of the Ohio river, which had hith- erto been the only road to the west, except the track of the emi- .grant wagon through the crooked paths of the wilderness. Chicago was- now thought of again with inereasiiig interest-^ not merely as a suitable place for a fort, which" should command ;the fur trade of the back country, but as the terminus of a: thor- oughfare between the Upper Mississippi and the lakes. , With ,this end in view, President Madison, in his message at the open- ing of Congress, in 1814, recom.naended its attention to :;the im^ portanceof aship canal, connecting the waters :of. Lake :Michigan at Chicago, with the Illinois river.- This was the. first official mention of such a scheme, however much it might have;-been talked of among the geographers of the country; and the .next year, theSeerfitary of War, in his instructions to General Harris- on, I). McArthnr and John Grahame, recommended the erectioii of military posts, connecting Chicago with St loiiis, by way of ■the Illinois river.* Tlie attention of the war department appears to have been ever directed to the importance of this thoroughfare, sitice its necessity had. become apparent by the purchase of Lour jgiana, and especially after its practicability had been: assured "bj the successful termination of the late war with England; A'year later, in 1816, the war department gave'orders tor theTebuilding erf Ft. Dearborn; Captalin Hezekiah Bradley, who had entered "tlie United States service AprillOth, 1814, , and whose'hopbrr able record had won confidence in his abilities, was commissioned for the undertaking.! As chance would have it, he arrived on the ground with his men (two .companies) oii ; the 4th' of July, -just thirteen years, after his predecessor, .Captain Whistler, had landed with his men, to build the first fort.:!: • ■ • ■ The bones of the victims of the massacre of 18l2 still, laid fca;ttered over, the sand-drifts, amongst the sparse growth, of buiich grass and stunted shrubbery that grew there, and thus re^ mained tiiri822, when they w°'-'^ f-arefully gathered and 'buried with the measured respect of militiTv etiquette, and they , are HOW. a .part of the dust beneath the feet of a countless throng of husy citizens. The new fort was buut on the same spot where the first had stood, before its destruction, it. consisted' of a single -i'.'Am. State Papers, Vol. II, p. 13. . ' ' i -tAm. State Papers, Vol. I, p. 633. ..: ...... ' ■ tJaCob B. Variium; of Massacliusetta.was. appointed Factor, ttndCJhaia. Jojiett, of Virginia, Indian Agent. 330 John Kinzie Retwma to Chicago. block-house, immediately east of which were barracks for, the- soldiers, and other buildings for storage, etc., the whole enclosed with high palisades. Besides re-buildiug Ft. Dearborn, thp gov- ernment sent Major Long to make a preliminary survey of the rivers between Chicago and the Illinois river, to ascertain the practicability of a ship-canal iini'tii)<» thern. * During the summer, Mr. John Xinzie returned with his fam- ily to Chicago. Owing to tlie friendship which the Indians had entertained 'for hliii, his house had been spared from the flames, and during his .aljsence of four years, a Frenchman, named Du- Pin, resting under the usual immunity iVom Indian depredation vouchsafed to his nation, had occupied Mr. Kinzie's house apart of the time as a trading-station. The same year at St. Louis, an important treaty was concluded "with the Indians, as follows: Treaty with the Ottawas, ■Ohippewasaitd- Eottawattomies. . A treaty of peace, friendship and limits, made and concluded between Niaiam Edwards, William Clark, andAnguste Chouteau, commissioners plenipotentiary of the United States of America, on the part and behalf .of said States of .th& of the one part, and the chiefs ajid warriors of the united tribes of Ottawasj Chippewas, and Pottawattomies residinjr on the" lUinois and Milwaukee rivers- and their waters, and on the southwestern parts of Lake Michigan, of the- other part. ^ , . • ' "W-heirea^, a serious dispute has for sorne time past, existed between the con- tracting, parties relative to the right to a part of the lands, ceded to the United Statesby the tribes-ofthe SaesandFoxesonthethirddayofNovember, one thou- sand eight huadired and four, and bothipartiesibeipg desirous of preserving an har- *The following facts relative to the topograpjiy- of the country around CHicagc>- in 1816, are taken from his report to George Graham, Secretary of War. After describing the Illinois, the Desplaines and the Kankakee rivers, he speaks of the Chicago jiver, .and calls it ' ' merely an -arm of the lake. ' ' The north branch be- sets down as thitty miles long; and continues, "it receives a few tributaries. The south branch has an extent of only five or six .miles, and has no supplies- except from a small lake," (endently -what was -Mud lake a few gears agoj. ' ' The river and each of its branches are of.,variable -widths, from fifteen to fifty yards, an,d for two or thirefe mdes inland have a sufiScient. depth of water to ad- mit vessel8,of almost any burden. The entrance into Lake Michigan, however, which is tfi&ty'iyards'^wide, is obstructed' by. a sand-b.ar about seventy ya,rds., broad, upon the highest .part of which the filter is iisiistlly-nb-'more.ithian two- feet deep. * * * The water course, which is already opened between the river Desplaines and Chicago river, needs but little more excavation to render it Bufficierit^ capacious for all the purposes of a canal." The report of R. Graham and J.pseph Phillips, dated Kankakee, April 4, 1819^ concludes with the following: " The route by the Chicago, as followed by the French since the discovery of the Illinois, presents at one season of the year an nninterriiptedwq,ter "communication for boats of six or eight ^ons bwrd^n, be- tween the Mississippi and the Michigan lake. At another season, a'portdge of two miles; at another; a portage ot seven miles.from the bend of the 'Plien. (Desplaines), to the arm of the lake. And at' another a portage of fifty miles from the mouth of the Plien to the lake, over which there is a well beati-n wagon- road. Boats and their loads are hauled by oxen and vehicles, kept for that pur- pose by the Fir.^nch settlers at Chicago; Am. State Paper, Mia. Vol II, P. 655. Cession of Lands. 331 monioDS and friendly intercourse,- and of establishing permanent peace and^ friendship, hswe, for the purpose of removing all difficulties, agreed to tije fol- lowing terms : Art. 1 . Thesaid chiefs and warriors, for themselves and the tribes they repre- sent, agree to relinquish, and hereby do relinquish, to the United States,, all their right, claim and title to all the land contained in the before-mentioned cession of the Sacs and Foxes, which lies south of a due west line from the south- ern extremity of Lake Michigan to the Mississippi river. And they moreover cede to the United States all tiie land contained within the following bounds, to wit: .beginning on the left bank of the Fox.river of lUinpis, ten miles above- the mouth of said Fox river; thence run'ning so as to cross Sandy creek ten miles above its mouth ; thence, in a direct line, to a point ten miles north of the- west end of the Portage, between Chicago creek, which empties into Lake Mich- igan, and the river Des Plaines, a fork- of the Illinois;- thence in a direct line, to a point on lake Michigan, ten miles northward, of the moiith of Chicago- creek; thence, along the lake, to a point ten miles sbuthward of the mouth of the said Chicago ereet; thence, in a direct line, to a' point on the Kankakee, ten miles above its mouth; thence, with the said Kankakee and the Illinois river, -to the mouth of Fox river; and thence to the beginning: Provided, nevertheless,. that the said tribes shall be permitted to hunt and to fish within the limits of the land hereby relinquished and ceded, so long as it mayxontinue to be the- property of the United States. . - . Art. .2. In consideration of the aforesaid relinquishment and cesSipn, th» United- States have this day delivered, to said tribes, a considerable quantity of merchandise, and do agree to pay them, -annually, for the term of twelve years, goods to the value of one thousand dijllars, reckoning that value at the first co&t. of the goods in the city.or place in which they shall be purchased, wibhout.any charge for transportation; Which said goods shall be delivered to the said tribes; at some place on the Illinois river, not lower down than Peoria. And' the said United States do moreover agree to relinquish to the said tribes all the land con- tained in the aforesaid cession of the Sacs and Foxes which lies north of a due- west line from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan tothe Mississippi river,- except three leagues square at the mouth of the Guisconsin river, including, both banks, and such other tracts on or near to the Guisconsin and Mississippi rivers- as the President of the United States may think proper to reserve : Pj-OBJded!, That such other tracts shall not, in the- whole, exceed the quantity that would be- eontained in five leagues square. Art. 3. The contracting parties, that peaceandfriendship maybe permanent,, promise that, in all things whatever, they will act with justice and correctness tow-irds each other; and that they will, with perfect good faith, fulfill, all the- obligations, imposed upon them by former treaties. In -iwthess. whereof, the said Ninian- Edwards, WiIliam;-,Cldfk ahd -Auguste Chouteau, commissioners aforesaid, and'the chiefs and warriors of the aforesaid tribes, have hereunto subscribed their names and aifixed their seals,-this twenty- fourth day -of August, (me thousand eight hundred and^, sixteen, and of the- independence of the United State the forty-first. NINIAN EDWARDS, ■ WILLIAM CLARK, AUGUSTE CHGUTEAU. [Signed also by the chiefs and warriors of the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottowatomies.] Black Partridge, whose name is now nobly associated with Chicago history, was- then chief of the Pottowatomies, and signed the treaty. ' The obi'ect in securing this strip of land- was to construct a military road to facilitate the building of the proposed shi]j ca- nal. Of all the Indian treaties ever made, this will be remem- bered when all others, with their obligations, are forgotten. When the country came to be surveyed in sections, inasmuch as- SS^ Illinois ''Ai^Mithd. •irvtisf'-'^he Union. tefe STiV^qyS' 'cfiJ'b'drtb.' s'ifl^'s' of 'tlife treat^;H'iieg;Vv'^er«^'ft't)ir3 ;line,Mr, Pope pb|^ct.e.d..for th^ifpllowibg ife.SiS'4ns.vW)^^^^ ■m)in 'Ford's ■Hisl:6ry'bfT]Iiji,6(s';,'i ,;.,',' ^j:;;;'; \'.\i'..[ ':' 'X< ..\ ■^^:^iv■■i^^:M ''By the Ordinance 6f'i787. there were to be not less than three, normore than ■five States in the territory northwest of the Ohio river. The boundaries of these States were defined by, th^at law, The^tbree.Stqites pf Ohio, Jn^iana,, and iBlinois • werfe to ineMde' the ■wh6le ■ tetritoiy-,' ' aiid'were' t*)- te ' fboiiitded '^by the British possessions in Canada on the p.orth. But Congress resorted tljfe plower, 'if they thereafter shoalcl' iEnd it'ejipddiehfi'to form one bif' two Stat^' ih:'ttia,t part of the territory whifth liesnirth^of-an 6ast and-'west ■lihe-'dra*!! 'thiroiigh 4he-southerly bend of.'I^ke.JVlfchigan,., Thsj,t liAe,'' itwas gei.eEailyf.eupp'96ed, "was to be the north boundary of Illinois, .Jndge Pope, aeeipg'that, the.port.pf "CliicagoVas north of that.(]ihe, and wbuld be excluded by it 'from the State, ■and that thfe Illinois and 'Micihi^ah btoal, (which' was thei coht'einplatei) would jgsnB from. Ohieagro,.:to. connect the-:greBit. nor.tb^em .lakes iwitk the Mississippi, fid'thus be partly .within aiid paxtly ;W,ithoi)t the &tat^ of .Illinois,,, w^s thef^l^ d' ■fe' a' cfiticill examrndtion'of the Oridihaiice, which resulted ill 'a'clear aiia FredfctiQns. .■Ft.dfiiled. 335 Bat.^£aictory conviction; ^at it was competent lor- Congress-, to extend the boun- 4a.ri^,<}f a:nfiyir.Sjtp,.te as far north as they pleased; and he found. no diffiioulty in convincing others of the correctness of his views. , But therp were other, and much,- more weighty reasons for this chany^e ot' OOtindary, which were ably 'and successfully urged by Judge Pope upon tl:c at- ■ tention.of Congress. ■; It was known that in all confederated republics there wa-s danger of dissolution. The great valley of the Mississippi was filling up with a numerous people ; the original confederacy had already advanced westward a. thorlsapdiniles, across the chain 6f mountains skirting; the Atlantic; the adjoin- ing States 'in the: Western country were watered by rivers running from every pouat of; the compass, converging to afpcus at the confluence' of the Ohio and Mississippi a,t Cairo ; the waters of the Ohio, Cumheriand and Tepnessee rivers. Carried, much of the comnierce of Alabama and Tennessee, all of Kentucky, con- siderable portions of that of Virginia, Pennsylvania and New York, and the gjefiifceri portion of. the commerce of Ohio and Indiana, dortu by the PcSintat Cairo^ (situate in. the extreme south of Illinois,) where it would be met by ihft comnierce to and from the lower Mississippi with all the States and tei-ritories ■ to be formed in the immense country on the Missouri, and extending to the heald waters of the Mississippi. Illinois had a coast of 150 miles on the Ohia., river, and nearly as much on the Wabash ; the Mississippi was its western boundary for the whole length of the State ; the commerce of all the western country was to pass by its shores, and would necessarily come to a focus at the' ipqnth of the Ohio, at a point within this State, and within the control of Illi- nois, if, the Union being dissolved, she should see proper to control it. It wast- fqreseeii that none of the ^reat States in the west could venture to aid in dis- solving the Union, vrithont cultivating a State situate in such a central and commanding position. , JWfhat then was the duty of the national government ? Illinois was certain to be a, great State, vrith an.y boundaries which that government could give. Its great extent of territory, its unrivalled fertility of soil, and capacity for sustain- ' iag a, dense population, together with its commanding position, would in course- of time give the new State a very ■ controlling influence with her sister States- situate upon the western rivers, either in sustaining the federal union as it is, or' in dissolving it, and establishing new governments. If left entirely upon the waters of these great rivers, it was plain that, in case of threatened disrup-" tion,- :the; interest of the new State would be to join a southern and western con- federacy. . But if a large portion of it could be made dependent upon the com- , merce and navigation of the great northern lakes,' connected as they are with the eastern States, a rival, interest would be created, to check the wish for a- virestern and southern confederacy. .It therefore became the duty of the national government, not only to make- niuiois strong, but to raise a.n interest inclining and binding her to the eastern aid'nqrthern'portions of the Union. This could be done only through an in- terest in the lakes. At that time the commerce on the lakes was small, but its' increase wa? confidently expected, and indeed it has exceeded all anticipations,, and is yet billy in its infancy. To accomplish this object efl'ectually, it was not, only necessary to give to Ulinoia the port of Chicago and a route for the canal, ' but a considerable tsoast on -Lake Michigan, with acountry back of it sufficiently extensive to contain a population capable of .exercising a dbcided influence tipdn the councils of the State. There would, therefore, be a large commerce of the north, western, and cen- tral portions of the State afloat on the lakes, for it was then foreseen that tho canal wonld be made : and this alone would be like turning one of the many mouths of the Mississippi into Lake Michigan at Chicago. A very large com- rnerce of the centre and south wonld be found, both upon the lakes and th& rivers. Associations in business, in interest, and of iriendship, would be formed, both with the north and the south. A State thus situated, having such a de- cided interest in the commerce, and in the preservation of the whole confeder- acy, can never consent to disunion ; for the Union cannot be dissolved'without a division and disruption of the State itself. These views, urged by Judge "334: The Central Kfy..^ Pope, obtained the unqualified assent of the stateaajQn of 1818 ; and this feature •of the bill, for the admission of Illinois into the TJriipn, met the unanimous ap- probation of both houses of Congress. " That the wisdom of Mr. Pope has been amply verified by events -which liave transpired since 1860, is apparent to every one. The interest of" Chicago was united by the strongest ties which com- mercial relations could bind, both to the north and the south, a,nd had the southern limits of Wisconsin included the city of Chi- cago, the State of Illinois would have been under the complete control of southern 'infliiences diiring the early stages of the rebellion, with but slender ties to bind her to the north. On the liypothesis that this State turned the scale in favor of the Union when the question trembled in the balance, the geographical po- sition of Chicago may, with no impropriety, be called the "centre key of the nation. Such it Was deemed by Mr. Pope when the place had but two white families as residents — John Kinzie and ■Onilimette; audit is not too-much to say that to the broad-guage spirit of Chicago, representatives in the councils of the nation, the administration has sometimes looked for support in issues •of difficult solution. Nor is it too much to say that the posi- tions which have from time to time been taken, by the people of Chicago on the vital questions of the day, have been sustained in our national policy (not necessarily because Chicago came to their support), but because ter people were sufficiently cosmopolitan to comprehend the situation, and see at the first glance the real wants of the nation, for the obvious reason that within her toils, the East, the Souith and the far West are drawn. At this time the Mississippi river was teeming with flat boats engaged in the carrying trade of western productions to market, by the way of New Orleans. Six hundred and forty-three of these rude vessels were counted by a passenger, in his passage by steamboat up the river, on a.trip in 1818.* This early channel of western commerce has now a rival along -Qur lakes, which has already eclipsed it in importance, and points to their shores as the future metropolitan ceptres of trade and artisanship* •Niles Eegister, Vol. XIV, p. 844. CHAPTER XXL The Fwr Trade of Canada Under a French Charter — Tht Huguenot Sailors — Dutch Rivalry — The Hudson Bay Com- pany — Tfi^ Northwest Conhpany Its Rival— The Two Com- panies Merged into One— -The American Fur Company under John Jacoi Astor — Astoria Founded, and Taken hy the Hudson Ban/ Compamy — Mr. Astor Begins Anew at Mackinaw — Hardihood of the Engagees — The American Fur CompariAJ Establish a Branch at Chicago — Crurdoh S. Huhhard as Clerk for the American Fur Comparm/ — Arrives at Chicago — His Report of the Place — Descends the Des- plaines — His Report of the Indians and their Wigwa/ms — Hostile Repartee with an Indian— ^The Factory Systhm — First Wedding in, Chicago — Ghreat Indian Treaty at Chi- September of the year 1828. A large body of them had assem- bled, according to custom, to receive their annuity. These left- after the payment for their respective villages, except a portion of Big Foot's band. The night following the payment, there was A dance in the- soldiers' barracks, dixring the progress of which a violent storm of wind and rain arose; and about midnight these quarters 'were struck by lightning and totally consumed, together with the- store-house and a portion of the guard-house. The sleeping inmates of Mr. Kinzie's house, on the opposite- bank of the river, were aroused by the cry of "fire" from Mrs. * Says Wm. Hickling, as to the cause of this wax: Should any one be curious enough to inquire iiito the causes -which led to,, and brought about, this so-called " Winnebago War," let him consult " Rey- nolds' Life and Times," and also an interesting article on the subject fumishedl the Jacksonyille (111.) Journal, August 17, 1871, by the Hon. Wm. Thomas, of that city, and which article -was also reproduced in one of our city papers a ityr months since, underthe head of "Ffty Tears A^o." This speck of -war -with a portion of our aboriginal inhabitants, on the then» Western frontier, -was caused, like too many others of a similar character, which for more than two centuries past, have from time to time, been the cause which has deluged our frontier settlements in blood, by the wanton brutalitjr, outrage,, and total disregard of decency and light, perpetrated by a few semi-civilized,, drunken white men, upon a portion of the oand of Winnebagoes, then en- camped near Prairie du (Jhien, whose motto at that time seemed to be, as is too* often the case now-a-days, viz: " That the poor Indians have no rights which & -white- man is bound to respect." Hubbard's Accmmt of The Winnebago Scare. 359 Helm, one of their nnmbar, who from her window had seen the flames. On hearino; the alarm, I, with Robert Kinzie, late Pay- master of United States' Army, hastily arose, and only partially dressed, ran to the river. To our dismay, we found the canoe, which was used for crossing the river, filled witli water; it had been partially drawn up on the beach and became filled by the dashing of the waves. !Not being able to turn it over, and having nothing with which to bail it out, we lost no time, but swam the stream. Entering "by the north gate we saw at a glance the sit- iiation. The barracks and store-house being wrapped in flames, we directed our energies to the saving of the guard-house, the east end of which was on fire. Mr. Kinzie, rolling himself in a wet blanket, got upon the roof. The men and women, about 40 in number, formed a line to the river, and with buckets, tubs and every available utensil, passed the water to him ; this was kept up till daylight before the flames were subdued. Mr. Kinzie maintaining his dangerous position with great fortitude, though his hands, face, and portions of his body were severely burned. His father, mother, and sister, Mrs. Helm, had meanwhile freed the canoe from water, and crossing in it, fell into line with those carrying water. Some of the Big Foot band of Indians were present at the fire, but merely as spectators, and could not be prevailed upon to assist; they all left the next day for their homes. The strange- ness of their behavior was the subject of discussion among us. Six or eight days after this event, while at breakfast in Mr. Kinzie's house, we heard singing, faintly at first, was gradually growing louder as the singers approached. Mr. Kinzie recog- nized the leading voice as that of Bob Forsyth, and left the table for the piazza of the house, where we all followed. About where Wells street now crosses the river, in plain sight from where we stood, was a light birch bark canoe, manned with 13 men, rap- idly approaching, the men keeping time with their paddles to one of the Canadian boat songs; it proved to be Gov. Cass and his Secretary, liobert Forsyth, and they landed and soon joined us. From them we first learned of the breaking out of the Win- nebago war, and the massacre on the Upper Mississippi. Gov. Cass was at Green Bay by appointment, to hold a treaty with the Winnebagoes and Menomonee tribes, who, however, did not appear to meet him in council. News of hostilities reaching Ijhe Governor there, he immediately procured a light birch bai-k canoe, purposely made for speed, manned it with 12 men at the paddles and a steersman, and started up the river, making a portage into the Wisconsin, then down it and the Mississippi to Jefiferson Barracks below St. Louis. Here 'he persuaded the commanding oflicer to charter a steamer 360 Bh . the build ing the canal, will find them in Bross' History of Chicago, pnblishedby Jansen, McUlurg & Co. 364 Pioneer Civil History. government began to be instituted as a fitting preparation for the sphere to which they aimed. Their progress in this under- taking has been well told by Hon. John Wentworth, in a histor- ical Lecture which was published by Mr. Fergus, 1876, and runs as follows: " From St. Clair county, what is now Cook county, was set off in the new county of Madison; thence in the new county of •Crawford; in 1819 in the new county of Clark; and so little was then known of the northern country, that the act creating •Clark county extended it to the Canada line. In 1821 we were £et off in the new county of Pike; in 1823, in the new county of Fulton; and in 1825 in the new county of Peoria. I have not •only caused the county records of these counties to be examined, but have also corresponded ■with their earliest settlers, and I can find no official recognition of Chicago until we reach Fulton ■county. The clerk of that county writes me, that th6 earliest mention of Chicago in the records is the order of an election at the term of the Fulton county Commissioner's Court, Sept. 2, 1823, to choose one Major and company officers, polls at Chicago, to be opened at the house of John Kinzie. The returns of this •election cannot be found, if they -were ever made. As the county was organized in 1823, this, of course, was the first election under the organization of the county. The same Court ordered, April 27, 1824, that the sheriff, Abner Eads, be released from paying the money tax collected at Chicago by liousser. In those days the Sheriffs were ex-officio collectors of taxes. The name indicates that our Tax-Collector was then a Frenchman, or a mixed-breed French and Indian. It seems that they had defaulters in those -days, as well as now; " The clerk of Peoria county writes me, that his earliest records -commence March 8, 1825. From these records I learn that John Kinzie was commissioned justice of the peace July 28, 1825. He 'svas the first justice of th^ peace resident at Chicago. Alexander "Wolcott, his son-in-law, and Jolm B. Beaubien, were commis- sioned Sept. 10, of the same year. " I have also the assessment-roll of John L. Bogardus, assessor of Peoria county, for the year 1825, dated July 25, which is as follows: 'Tax-Payers' Names. ' Valuation. Tax. 1 Beaubien. John B §1000 , flO.OO 2 Clybourne. Jonas 6-25 6.25 S Clark, John K ZhQ 2.50 4 Crafts, Johu 5000 50.00 5 Clermont, Jeremy 100 1.00 € Coutra, Louis 50 .50 7 Kinzie, John : 500 > 5.00 « Laframboise, Claude, 100 1<00 JPioneer Civil History. 365 Tay Payers' Names. • . Valuation. • Tax. 9 I/aframboise, Joseph 50 .50 10 McKee, David,.. 100 1.00 11 Piche, Peter 100 1.00 12 Eobinson, Alexander, 200 2.00 13 Volcott, Alexander 572 5.72 14 Wilemet [OuilmetteJ, Antoine 400 4.0O " The entire valuation, land then being not taxable, of aU the prop- erty in Chicago was $9,047, and the' rate was one per cent. But the property of the American Fur Company was assessed to John Crafts, its agent, at $5,000. He was a bachelor, and died the next year, and Mr. Kinzie was appointed in his place. Deduct- ing the American Fur Company's assessment, we have Only $4,- 047 as the personal property' of Chicago, in 1825, $40.47 as the tax, and thirteen as the number of the tax-payers. " The clerk sent me a copy of two-poll books used at Chicago — one at an election held Aug. 7, 1826, containing thirty-five names; the other at an election held Aug. 2, 1830, containing thirty-two names; thus showing a decrease of three voters in four years. I will read you the names of our voters in 1826, and you will see that only ten of the fourteen tax-payers in 1825 titien voted: 1 Augustin Banny. [Baiinot?] 19 John Baptiste Lafortune. 2 Henry Kelley. , 20 John Baptiste Malast, 3 Daniel Bourassea. 21 Joseph Pothier. 4 Cole Weeks. ' 22 Alexander Robinson. 1825 5 Antoine Ouilmette. 1825 . 23 John K. Clark. 1825 6 John Baptiste Secor. 24 David McKee. 18ii5 7- Joseph Catie. 25 Joseph Anderson. 8 Ben.iamin RussbU. 26 Joseph Pepot. 9 Basjle Displattes. 27 John Xaptiste Beaubien. 1825 10 Francis Laframboise, Sr. 28 John Kinzie. 1825 11 Francis Laframboise, Jr. . 29 Archibald Clyboume. 12 Joseph Laframboise. 1825 30 Billy Caldwell. 13 Alexander Larant. 31 Martin Vansicle. 14- Francis Laducier. 32 Paul Jamboe. 15 Peter ChavelUe. 33 Jonas Clyboume. 1825 16 Claude Laframboise 1825 34 Edward Ament. 17 Jeremiah Clairmore [Clermont?] '25.35 Samuel Johnson. 18 Peter Junio. " I will now read you the names of our voters in 1830, show- ing that only three of the fourteen tax-payers of 1825 then voted : 1 Stephen J. Scott. 17 Stephen Mack. 2 John-B. Beaubien. 1825, 1826 18 Jonathan A. Bailey. 3 Leon Boui-assea. 19 Alexander McDollo. [McDole?] / 4 B. H. Laughton. 20 John S. C. Hogan. 5 Jesse Walker. 21 David McKee. 1825, 1826 6 Medard B. Beaubien. 22 Billy Caldwell. 1826 7 John Baptiste Chavellea. 23 Joseph Thibeaut 8 James Kinzie. 24 Peter Frique. 9 Russell E. Heacock. 25 Mark Beaubien. 10 James Brown. 26 Laurant Martin. 11 Jos. Lafra,inboise. 1825, 1826 27 John Baptiste Secot 1826 •o6G Death of John Kinzie. 12 John L. Davis. 28 Joseph Bauskey. 13 William See. 29 Michael Welch. 14 John "^aa Horn. 30 Francis Laduder. 1826 15 John Mann. 31 Lewis Ganday. ' 16 David Van Eaton. ■•32 Peresb Lfeclero. It is. a remarkable commentary upon the fickleness of our population, that only six of the men who voted in 1826 voted in 1830.; and these six were half-breeds or Government employes. Father John Kinzie, however, died between the two elections, upon the 6th of January, 1828, aged 65.* But there were some not voting at the second election, such as the late Archibald Clybourne, his father Jonas, and half-brother, John K. Clark, who ■ended their days with us. The half-breeds and French who did not vote may have been away on a hunting and trading expedi- tion. .The voters in 1826 seem to have understood their true in- terest, being dependents upon the fort, as every one of them voted the Administration ticket, John Quincy Adams then being President. If there were ever three men in the United States who electrified the whole country with their fiery denunciations ■of the military power, they were President John Quincy Adams, his Yice- President John 0. Calhoun, and his Secretary of Statey Henry Clay. ISTeither of the three ever forgot Gen. Jackson. It would have seemed malicious, and yet quite pertinent, on the •part of the Chicago member of Congress, to have asked either of these gentlemen whether it was not a singular fact that, while Mr. Adams was President, the people of Chicago unanimously voted with the fort! Ninian Edwards for Governor, Samuel H. Thomp- sou for Lieutenant-Governor, Daniel P. Cook for Congressman, the Administration candidates, each received thirty-five votes, being all there were. - The much-complained-of military power -of the present day has never secured a greater unanimity in the •colored vote of the South. But four years later, in 1830, when Andrew Jackson was President, there was a material change in *The following account of Mr. Kinzie's death has been learned from Mr. Gur- don S. Hubbard. He remained in the full vigor of health in both body and mind till he had a slight attack of apoplexy, after which his health continued to •decline tin his death, which toot place in a few months, at the residence of his son- in-law, Dr. Woolcott, who then lived in the brick building formerly used as the of- ficers' quarters in the fort. Here while on a brief visit to Mrs; Wolcott, he was suddenly attacked with apoplexy severer than ever before. Mr. Hubbard v?as then living in Mr. Kinzie's family, and was sent for. He immediately obeyed the summons, and on coming into the room of the dying man, he found hinl in convul- sions, Ijring on the floor in the parlor, his head supported by his daughter. Mr. Hubbard raised him into a sitting position, and thus supported him till he drew his last breath, about fifteen minutes afterwards. The funeral service had place at the fort, and the last honors due this old pioneer, 'were paid with impressive respect by the few inhabitants of the place. He was buried at the Military grounds south of the fort, from which place his remains were removed ultimately "to Graceland Cemetery, where they now lie. — ^[Authoe. Early Voting. 307 the politics of the place. John Eejnolds, the Jackson candidate for Governor, received twenty-two out of the thirty-two votes «ast.* Of the six who voted at both elections, and who voted for the Adams candidate in 1826, five voted for the Jackson candi- date in 1830; showing their consistency by each time voting with the Administration, or more properly with tliefort. Billy Cald- ■wel], the Sauganash, the nephew of Tecnmseh, voted the Jackson ticket; while Joseph Laframboise, a noted Indian chief, stood out and voted against it. Tip to 1848 we had the viva voce system of voting in the State of Illinois. Each man went up to the polls, with or without a ticket in his hands, and told whom he wanted to vote for, and the judges so recorded it. But in those days the masses knew as little whom they were voting for as they do now. For the judges often read off the names of the candi- dates from the tickets, and the voter would nod his hfead. There Avas no chance, however, for stuflBng the ballot-box under the viva voce system. It may account for the falling off of the vote between 1826 r.nd 1830, "that some persons would not vote the Jackson ticket, and yet disliked to vote against the fort. There were four of the Laframboise family voting in 1826, and only on( in 1830. The names of voters in 1826 indicate that full three fourths of thein were French and half-breeds. The judges in 1826 were Father John Kinzie, the late Gen. John B. Beaubien, and Billy Caldwell. The clerks were the late Archibald Clybourn and his half-brother, John K. Clark. The election was held at the Agency House, in Chicago Precinct, Peoria county. The Agency House was on the North Side, and was the second house built in •Chicago, Mr. Kinzie's being the first. The Indian Agent was Dr. Alexander "Wolcott, who died in 1830, son-in-law of Mr. Kinzie. "The election of 1830 was held in the house of James Kinzie, ■Chicago Precinct, Peoria county. This house was on the West Side, near the forks of the river. The South Side had no status at that time, there being nothing then on that side except the fort and light-house building, ' and the log-houses of the two Beaubien brothers, — one residing at the lake .shore, and one near the forks of the river, with such a marsh between, that much of the time their most convenient way of visiting each other was in boats in the river. " The judges at the election of 1830, were Eussell E. Heacock, the first lawyer to settle in Chicago, Gen. John B. Beaubien, one of the judges in 1826, and James Kinzie. The clerks were Medard B. Beaubien, well known in this city, now principal agent of the Pottawatomie tribe of Indians at Silver Lake, Shawnee County, Kansas, and Jesse "Walker." * His popularity was due to his fcankness, whatever administratiTe pressure was used to elect hiza. — [Autbob. 368 Pioneer Citizens. The following, from Hon. Wm. Bross' History of Early Chi- cago, continues tlie subject of civil records, etc., from the forego- ing extracts from Mr. Wentworth's Lecture, and is here inserted to give the reader the benefit of his notes fresh from the lips of his personal friends, as well as from his own observation: " Our d\Aest permanent resident in the city is Ool. R. J. Ham- ilton. In this view of the case, he is certainly entitled to the honor of being the " oldest inhabitant." He came here April 9th, 1831, and this has been his home ever since. G. "W. Dole, Esq., came here May 4th, 1831, and P. F. W. Peck, Esq., July 15th, of the same year. But though not living in the city lim- its, A. Clybourne, Esq., has been identified with it, or rather with the place that became Chicago, since August Sth, 1823. " Col. E. J". Hamilton came to this city, as above stated, in April, 1831. Cook county had been organized the month previ- ous. H e soon obtained a high position_ among his fellow citizens, and at that time young, and full of energy and vigor, and not the man to shrink from responsibility, we wonder that he was- not crushed with the weight of the " blushing honors^' that fell to his share of the . spoils in the new county of Cook. In the- course of the year, he became Judge of Probate, Kecorder, Coun- ty Clerk; discharged gratuitously the duties of Treasurer, and was Commissioner of Schools. The good Colonel would find his hands full were he to. fulfill the duties of all these oflBces at the present time. We have availed ourselves of his early and accu- rate knowledge of events for most of the facts which are con- tained in some half-dozen of the succeeding paragraphs. " The county of Cook, in 1831, embraced all the territory now included in the counties of Lake, McHenry, Dupage, "Will and Iroquois. At that time Fort Dearborn was occupied by two com- panies of TJ. S. Infantry, under the command of Major Fowle, The resident citizens were Mr. Elijah Wentworth and family, oc- cupying a house partly log and partly frame, owned by Mr. James Kinzie, and situated on the ground now occupied by Mr. Iforton as a lumber yard. Mr. "W.kept a tavern, the best in Chicago. In the vicinity of this tavern resided Mr. James Kinzie and fam- ily, Mr. "William See and family, Mr. Alexander Eobinson and family — now living on the Des Plaines — and Mr. Eobert A. Kin- zie, who haid a store composed of dry goods — a large portion of them Indian goods — groceries, etc. Aero.' 8 tlie North Branch of the Chicago river, and nearly opposite Mr. Wentworth's tavern,, resided Mr. Samuel Miller and family, and with them Mr. John Miller, a brother. Mr. Miller also kept tavern. On the east side of the South Branch, and immediately above the junction with the N'orth Branch, resided Mr. Mark Beaubien and family, who also kept tavern; and a short distance above him, on tha y ; s ■^ — ; N ' ' ^ s r -r^ T \ *; •s, k N fe ~ s c ; 4 M^ f \ ^^^^>i, .4 ^ r Adjacent Settlements. 3G1> South Branch, resided a Mr. Bourisso, an Indian trader. Between Mark Beanbien's tavern and Fort Dearborn there were no houses, except a small log cabin, near the foot of Dearborn street, and used as an Indian trading house. Near the garrison, and imme- diately south, on the property sold by James H. Collins, Esq., to the Illinois Central Bailroad Company, was the residence ofMr. J. B. Beaubien and family, who was connected with the Ameri- can Fur Company in the Indian trade. He had near his resi- dence a store, containing such goods as were suitable to that bu- siness. ' A short distance south of him on the lake was a house, then unoccupied. " On the north side of the river, and immediately opposite the garrison, stood the old ' Kingie House,' as it was commonly called, which was also then unoccupied, and in a very dilapidated state. A short distance above, on the main branch of the river, and on the ground now occupied by the Chicago and Galena Eailroad Company, stood what had been the Government Agency house, and known to the ' oldest inhabitant' as ' Cobweb Castle.' That was then unoccupied. Dr. Wolcott, the Government Agent, hav- ing died the fall before. In its vicinity were several small log buildings, for the accommodation of the blacksmith, interpreter, and others connected with the Agency. Tlie blacksmith then occupying one of the buildings was a Mr. McKee, now living in Dupage county. Billy Caldwell, the principal chief of the Otta- wa, Pottawatomie and Chippewa Indians, occupied another. He was then Interpreter for the Agency. Col. Thomas J. Y. Owen, who had been the winter before appointed to succeed tlie late Dr. "VVolcott, had not then taken up his residence in Chicago ; G. Ker- cheval, who was then sub- Agent, was then liere. Dr. E. Harmon, the father of C. L. Harmon, and James Harrington, of Geneva, Kane county, had taken up their i-esidence here, and were making claims on the lake shore — Dr. Harmon where Mrs. Clarke now lives, and Mr. H. immediately north and adjoining." , The settlement nearest to Chicago in 1830, was at ISTaperville, where Mr. Stephen J. Scott settled at this date, wliei-e willard, his son, now lives, 1880, still attending to his business of banking. Within the next two years a goodly number of settlers came to the place by the way of the lakes, passing through Chicago, which not pleasing them, they settled at !Naperville. Among them were Mr. I'i'aper, for whom the town was named; Mr. Hai;- ry T. Wilson, who is still living, in Wheaton, 111., and Hon. Ed. MuiTay, now living in Naperville, to whom the writer is indebted for items of historic interest. Settlements were also begim at Gross Point and on Fox river. Galena had for many years been a thriving settlement, on account of the lead mines, and several old Indian trails led to it from the 370 Dixon^s Ferry. southern extremity of lake Michigan, as well as from the settled portions of Illinois, which then extended no farther north than Ot- tawa. In 1825 a Mr. Kellogg pioneered his -wayfrom Peoria over the prairies to Galena, and subsequently others followed his track, till it had scarred the green turf into a beaten road known by the name of Kellogg's Trail. The next year Mr. John Boles made the same tour, and cut across some of. Mr. Kellogg's curves, crossing the Kock Eiver at Dixon, then a spot without inhabitants or a name. After this the road was known as Boles' Trail. For the next few years a la,rge travel between Galena and the Illinois settlements went over it, and afforded a small source of income to the Winnebagoes and Sacs, in the novel method by which they ferried wagons over Eock River at Dixon, which was done by placing both wheels on one ^ide of the wagon in one large canoe, and both on the other side in another. Thus laden, the canoes were padded across while the horses being detached from the wagon, swam behind, led by their bridles.* The settlements of Apple River and others, from ten to twenty miles from Galena, were made previous to 1832, and also those on the Mississippi at Rock Island, and at the Des Moines Rapids. Meantime, the demand for ferriage over the Rock River at Dixon increased, a.nd a Mr. J". L. Begordis, of Peoria, resolved to build a flat bot- tomed ferry-boat there. With this intent he built a small hut on the bank of the river and commenced building the boat, but the jealous Indians looked upon it as infringement of their rights, and burned it. In 1828, an Indian interpreter of French extraction, named Joe Ogie, by virtue of having married an Indian wife, succeeded better. He starlied a ferry without moles- tation from the Indians, and in 1830, sold it to Mr. Dixon, after which the place took the name of Dixon's Ferry, and siibsequently Dixon. This venerable pioneer lived till 1876, when he died full of honors and full of years. f Chicago was then in her germ cell, but during those days of uncertainty occasionally adventurers came to cast their lot with her, and among those who thus came previous to 1823, two are still living-^Gurdon S. Habbard, whose early adventures have already been told, and David McKee, who came in 1822. He is now living near Aurora, 111., where the writer visited him in the summer of 1879. He was at work in his garden, scythe in hand, mowing the weeds around its headlands. The following — '. — '. 1 * History of Ogle county by H. W. Boss, a present resident of CMcago. t Mr. John Dixon was born at Rye, Westchester Co., IT. T., in 1784. On the 13th of April, 1820, he removed to Illinois, locating near where the city of Spring- field now is, where he remained four years. Thence he removed to Peona Co., and from the latter place to Rook River, where he arrived on the 11th of April, 1830, and hduiht the ferry boat of Ogie for $1800.00. Sherwood Dixon. MoKee's Marration. 371 Is his story, snbstantially as it came from his lips, fresh from the past — truthful and laconic. He was born in Loudon county, Ya., in the year 1800; went to Cincinnati at the age of thirteen, where he remained till he was twenty years oldj when he started for Chicago on horseback, by the way of Ft. Wayne. ' Elkhart was the next settled point on his way, where two or three log cabins stood, inhabited by their lonesome tenants. Niles was the next. Here was a small set- tlement, and two miles from it a Baptist missionary station, un- der the charge of Kev. Isaac McCoy, for the benefit of the Indians. The same man sometimes visited Chicago, and held religious services. At that time there were annual arrivals by sailing vessel to Chicago, with supplies for the fort. On one of these some books were shipped for Mr. McCoy's mission, but while the vessel" lay at anchor outside of the bar, unloading her freight, a storm came up and rolled the waves over it, and ruined the books, with other portions of the freight. . He crossed the Calumet in an Indian canoe made of birch aark, his horse swimming by its side, led by the bridle. There was an Indian village at the place, its wigwams built with webs of flags interwoven together with the fibre of basswood bark. The fibre was made by boiling the bark, and beating it as flax, is made from the straw. Indian mats were made fi-om this material, and used as we use carpets. They also served as beds for the Indians, as well as the door for the wigwam. Col. J". McNeil held command of the fort at the time of his nrrival. John Kinzie lived on the north side in a house whose Bides were covered with birch bark, brought by the Indians from Michigan. The Indians made vessels for holding water, maple sap, etc., from this material. David and Barney Lawton were acting as clerks for the Amer- ican Fur Company. Both had Indian wives; David died at his brother's house, where Lyons now is. The Chicago river was then a clear stream, and its water was used for culinary purposes. Excellent flsh abounded in it, and over it hovered Wild geese, ■ducks and sand hill cranes in vast flocks, and pelicans and swans were sometimes seen. Deer were plenty, and bear, wild turkeys ai' '' otter were found on the Desplaines. opeaking of the Indians, says Mr. McKee, " they are better than white people; they always feed the hungry without regard to pay. In a natural state they are models of benevolence." On coming over the sand hills towards the fort, his attention was attracted to the battle ground of the massacre. The bones were gathered into two boxes, each about four feet square, and 372 McKe^s Narration. buried jnst west of the sand-driftSj in the soil of the prairie, by- order of Captain Bradley. Billy Caldwell told him that he buried the head of Cap- tain Wells two days after the battle, in the sand, but could not find the body. Mr. LaFramboise told him that after the first 'fire at the- battle, Captain Heald asked his soldiers if they would fight till death or surrender, and they chose to fij2;ht. For many years Mr. McKee had dealings with Alexander Eob- inson, and always found him a model of uprightness. He could not read or write, but managed to keep his accounts with exact- ness by means of characters of his own to represent quantities- with a pencil and paper. He was interpreter for all the Indians at the Chicago agency. Mr. McKee was gunsmith for the Indian department from the time of his first arrival in Chicago, in 1822, till 1827. He then became mail-carrier for the government between Fort Wayne- and Chicago, and made a trip once a month between the two places during the year 1828. He performed the service on horse- back, carrying mail bag, camping equipments, and a gun to shoot his living on the way. iSach night the earth was his bed, and the forage of the wilderness his horse feed. On one occasion, he was overtaken by an "nnusually severe snpw storm, and for six days he buffeted the tempest, painfully toiling through the drifts which bewildered him, on his way from ifiles to Chicago. In his path he found the dead body of a soldier frozen while at- tempting to reach Niles. The first house at the fork of the Chicago river (Wolf's Point), was built by James Kinzie, (John Kinzie's oldest son by his first wife.) It was a log cabin with clapboard roof and sides. It was situated on the South side. Two or three small hnts were next built near by it, by Canadians and half-breeds. John Hogan bnilt a house on the South side opposite James Eanzie's house. Chicago was yet essentially an Indian town. Peltries and furs guns, blankets, kettles, knives, hatchets, vermilion and whisky were its stock-in-trade, and Indians were its supplyers and con- sumers.* Quiet reigned there because no one had occasion to offend th^ Indians, and when they becarhe intoxicated, the squaws took care to keep sober, in order to restrain them. All this was soon to be changed by means of the Black Hawk war, which will next be told. * The Pottawatomies. paid one-half the expense of building the first bridge from the South to the West Side. — Western Annals. CHAPTER XXIII. The Wmnebagoes, tJie.Pottavjatomies, and the Sacs and Foxes in 1832 — Glacis Hawt?8 Village and Cornfield Pwrchased hy the Whites — Forbearance of the Indians — A Transient Vorwpromise — Governor Reynolds Calls for Volunteers to Drive Away the Indians — They Retire across, the Missis- sippi — Bad Advice of White Cloud, the Prophet — Black Jaawh returns to Illionis, and Camps at Sycamore Creek — The. Dog Feast — The Pursuit — The Alarm — Stillman's De- feat — Indian Creek Massacre — Flight of the Frontierers — General Scott Arrives at Detroit — The Cholera Among his Men — He Arrimes at Chicago — Fearful Ravages of the Pestilence — Black Hawk^s Fugitive Skirmishes in Northern Illinois — His Retreat — Battle of Bad Axe — General Scott Airives at Fort Armstrong — Black Hawk Brought in as a Prisoner — The War Ended. In 1831 the "Winnebagoes occnpied the country on the Wis- consin River. Their whole numbers were about 1500. White Loon was their principal chief. He with some of his braves bad fought both Wayne and Harrison, and had ever been loyal to British interest diu-ing the war of 1812. The Pottawattomies occupied the northeastern portion of Illi- nois. They had also fought on the British side during the war of 1812, but since the treaty of ISrS held with them, they had been subsidized into friendship by an annuity of $5,700.00. 'Their numbers wei-e but little short of 3,000. The Sacs and Foxes wei-e quite as numerous, and were more to be feared, as they had not been brought so much under tlie influ- vhile the squaws should cultivate the other half. Under this compromise the squaws planted their half, but as might be sup- posed, this insufficient attempt at palliation did not bridge over the chasm between the ambitions of the whites and the necessi- ties of the Indians. The former cared more for the right of the soil than for the crop, and a quarrel with the Indians would facili- tate this end. Black Hawk comprehended the whole situation, and with ^ laudable purpose hardly to be looked for in an In- dian, counseled forbearance from his people, while a little hand- ful of white men entered among them (as they felt) to rob them of their possessions ; but there is a point beyond which for- bearance cannot go, at least in minds of low degree, or even those of mediocrity. It is only the philosopher who can be patient over present griefs, and even be can do it only when he sees be- yond, those triumphs which the recoil of time are likely to bring to his consolation. But if Black Hawk himself was a philoso- pher 'the squaws who dug in the cornfields were not philoso- phers ; the white men plowed up part of the corn which they had planted on their half of the field, and they retorted by tear- ing down the fences adjacent to the white men's half, and aUowing the cattle to coine in to injure the crop. Pending these and other disturbances of the peace, eight of the ■white settlers united in a memorial to Governor Eeynolds, set- ting forth their grievances, which was presented to him at the executive office, then at Yandalia, on the 38th of May, 1831. In response to this memorial and several others of a similar nature, which Governor Eeynolds states that he received, on the 2Yth he made a call for 700 militia to protect the white settlers at the Black Hawk village, and on the same day addressed a letter to General Clark, superintendent of Indian aifairs, stationed at St. Louis, requesting his assistance in removing the Indians. The liext day the governor addressed a letter to General Gaines, then at Jefitjrson Barracks, of similar intent. In response to these letters, General Clark relieves himself from further responsibil- ity by referring the whole matter to General Gaines, who was the most proper one to act in the matter, and General Gaines replied to Governor Keynolds, saying: " I do not deem it necessary or proper to require militia or any other description of force other than the regular army at this place and Prairie du Ohien to pro- tect the frontiers." If Governor Eeynolds had referred the entire matter of pro- tecting the frontier to General Gaines, instead of calling out the militia himselij it is but a fair assumption that General Gaines, The Council. 377 by virtue ,of the anthority of the United States, would have inarched to the scene of disturbances and put an end to theni by enforcing an even measure of justice, between the two parties whose disputes were limited within the boundaries of a seven- hundred acre field of corn. But the governor had a diflScult.part to act. If he failed to call out the militia and give them a chance . to hunt Indians, he would lose the popular favor by which he had recently been elected to oiBce, and besides this he would be held responsible for any Indian outrages which the aggressive and •captious spirit of the settlers on the frontier might provoke, and in the end the miserable Indians might be doubly victimized by a fiercer though tardier war upon them. Under these circumstances history cannot blame frank, honest John Reynolds for doing as he did. Complaints against the Indians now multiplied, and General Gaines advanced to Fort Armstrong on Rock Island, close by the disputed corn field and village of Black Hawk, and here on the 7th of June, the Indians were summoned to a council to be held in the fort. At its session General Gaines, wishing to quell the war spirit among the Indians ^y making light of their inost tenacious chief, asked in derision who is Black Hawk? At which the indignant chief arose and left the counsel room with smothered rage. The next morning he returned and replied : " My father, you ask who is Black Hawk — why does he sit among the chiefs? I will tell you who I am: I am a Sac. My father was a Sac. I am a warrior and so was my father. Ask these young men who have followed me to battle, and they will tell you who Black Hawk is. Provoke our people to war, and you will learn who Black Hawk is." The conference terminated by a peremptory summons from -General Gaines to Black Hawk to leave the east side of the Mis- fiissippi and retire to its west bank, which command the chief witli more chivalry than policy refused to obey. To enforce tliis order, General Gaines deemed it prudent to wait till tlie 1,600. militia which Governor Reynolds had already raised, and were now encamped at Beardstown, should arrive, who reached Ft. Armstrong after a prosperous march of four •days. This interval gave the Indians time for a sober second thought, ^nd on the night of the 24th they left their village, retreating across the river as ordered. The next day General Gaines, at the head of his own force of regulars and Gov. Reynolds. militia, who had joined them, advanced on the place, and on the 26th took possession of its deserted wigwams and cornfields. The incidents of the war which followed the next year, are still remembered by many now living who took part in it. Many his- 378 Good Becoi'd of the Sac and. Fox Nation. tories of it are extent, some of which have made it an opportu- nity to cultivate sentimentality in favor of the Indians, at the ex- pense of the government. Others have taken the opposite ex- - treme, and while stating only truth, have omitted such portions as would he calculated to bring discredit to the system by which the Indians were driven from their lands. Some historians have- made it an opportunity to crown the brows of soldiers with . laurels. They have not succeeded in this attempt^ for the reason that the enemy was too insignificant to leave much glory to soar above his pitiful grave. Any attempt to conceal or distort the- conditions which sent him there cannot deceive the impartial his- torian who reads both sides, and compares, discriminates and veri- fies till the truth comes uppermost after much shaking. By iiO authority has it been claimed that the Sac and Fox na- tions from 1816 to the commencement of the Black Hawk war in 1832, ever killed or personally injured a white man, and it is- acknowledged that during this time traders continually passed through their country, to and from the lead mines of Galena,, often with large amounts of goods and money without being mo- • lested. The sum of accusations against them was for tearing down the fences of the corn-field as just related, and dxiring the same year, 1C31, they were accused of destroying-some goods of a trader, among which was a barrel of whiskey, which tliey emptied on the gro,.md — a common occurrence now-a-days among ourselves. After Black Hawk and his band had retreated- across the Mis- sissippi before the large force of General Gaines, he encamped on- its western bank with a white flag flying over his wretched fugi- tives, who had little else but this emblem of submission to save- them from starvation, and under this duress, a council was held between his bafid and General Gaines and Governor Reynolds- It resulted in a treaty of peace, signed on the 30th of June, 1831,. by which Black Hawk after confirming the validity of the treaty of 1804, agreed to relinquish his old claims to any lands east of the Mississippi river, and submit to the authority of Keokuk, who- with the most sensible- portion of the Sac andFox nation, were- now peaceably settled in their new home. Both Governor Reynolds and General Gaines now suppose for the indiscretion of one of his own men, the village and fort both would probably have been taken and all the inhabitants butchered, according to the merciless custom of Indian warfare. On the morning of the same day, six brave scouts had volunteer- ed to take a message from Galena to Dixon'.* Arriving at Apple River Fort, they stopped to take dinner, from whence they were to take their dangerpus course over the prairies.. A few minutes' travel after they left the fort brought them within range of , one of the concealed Indians, who fired on them, wound- ing Walshe.' His companions kept the Indians at a distance by pointing their guns at the foremost ones till the woiinded maa was rescued, ana all had made a glorious retreat to Apple Eiver Port.i- Thus balked in his plan of secrecy. Black Hawk imme- diately dashed upon the town. The villagers rushed into the- fort, leaving their houses at the mercy of, the foe. The women went to melting lead and moulding bullets, and the , mein and boys seized each a musket to defend the. fort. The assault was kept up ten hours or more. In vain the Indians fired a tem- pest of bullet^ against the palisades, aiming at the loop-holes, and with ferocious yells threatened toassaulif the place by scaling its walls. A number of them had falleii before the steady aim of the defenders, and the besiegers at last retreated, after a wanton destruction of everything of value in the village. Only one man was killed in the fort. "WhUe Black Hawk's band were wasting their fury against the fort, Dixon, one of the intrepid scouts who had been fired upon as he, with his companions, had started for Dixon, was on his way to Galena to give the alarm and obtain assistance.:]: Col. Strodb,. *Fred Dixon. Wm. Eil^atrick, Walshe, "Wackelrode and two others. tBoss' History of Ogle Co. t -Pred. Dixon had been a distinguished Indian fighter in Missouri. He waa. n.ot the proprietor of Dixon's Feiiy; ' '' 296 , Battle of Kellogg' s Grove. who held command of the place, promptly, responded to the call by sending a detachment with all haste, but they did not arrive till Black Hawk liad retreated. Martial law was iiow declared in ■Galena, as a measure of defense against Black Hawk's scouts. The late daring act, though unsuccessfnl, had sufficiently dem-- kjnstrated the courage of the Indians, and their numerous war parties infesting the lonesome. paths of the prairies gave alarming ■evidence that their numbers had been augmented largely from ^tribes who were friendly as nations, but whose renegade element were in the ranks of Black Hawk. Gen. Brady, to whom the command of the new recruits had been given., being now taken violently sick, Gen. Atkinson was appointfed to take his place. While these were on their way to Dixon, Major Dement was ordered to advance to Galena with a spy. battalion numbering one hundred and fifty men. Ar- riving within thirty-five miles of his . destination at Kel- iogg's Grove, while reposing at the log-cabin of Mr. Xellogg, for whom the grove was named, on the 25th of Jun«, he was ap- Srised- of the presence of large bodies of Indians. Three or four ays before. Black Hawk had been repulsed from Apple Kiver Fort — less than a day's march from this place — and it was but a reasonable supposition that his band were ambushed near-by — perhaps within hearing of his noisy soldiers in the merriment of «amp-life. Orders were given to saddle the horses, while he, at the head of twenty men, led a reconnoitering party. It was none too soon, for within three hundred yards of his camp seven In- ■dians were, discovered, crawling on the ground, silent as Victor Hugo's thugs. His undisciplined men immediately gave chase, "whue he vainly endeavored to call them back for fear of an am- buscade. When the pursuit had continued about a mile, a large 'l)ody of Indians, reported at three hundred, but probably con- rsisting only of the attackers of Apple Kiver Fort, sprang from their hiding-places like so many goblins. Ferocious yells broke the silence of the morning, filling the solitudes around them with vengefur warnings. Dement retreated inside the log buildings •composing Mr. Kellogg's pioneer plantation, sending back occa- =8ional .shots on the way. Here he held his foes jat a great disad- vantage to them; but unwilling to give up the prize, they wasted .-considerable powder and lead against the inflexible' walls of his retreat till several of. their own number fell before the steady aim ■of the besieged.* *Amohg the Indians shot was a daring young chief who ventured very near -to secure a good aim at the loop-hole. Kev. Zadock Casey was the one who brought him down ; the same who afterwards became Lieut.-Crovernor of the fiState. _ On the-person of the chief was found a Jock of hair which was after- yrards identified as the same cut from the head of Rachel Hall, who was carried into captivity from the Indian Creek massacre. — Matson\ Shaubena, p.' ITl. Battle of P&aatonica. 397" The Indians withdrew after an hour's iiieffeetnal attempt to dislodge Dement. Five whites were killedand a larger number wonnded, which was the result of the ambuscade which the un- disciplined soldiers had fallen into, from which perilous position their retreat into the log-cabins saved them from a total defeat with great slaughter. Before the battle, an express had been sent to Gen. Posey for assistance, and two hours after the retreat of the Indians he ar- rived with his whole force. The next day he made a reconnois- sance to the north, in search of the retreating Indians, but not finding them, he took up his quarters at Et. Hamilton, on the- Pecatonica river. The news of the battle soon reached Dixon, where Gen. At- kinson, supposing that Black Hawk might attempt a retreat across the Mississippi, sent Gen. Alexander to scour its banks- below Galena, and intercept him; but pending this fruitless search, Black Hawk was retreating, nnpnrsued, to liis camp at the- head ofEock river, where his warriors, with their wives and children, were now whetting their revenge under the accumulated griefs of exile, hunger and war. A few davs before Dement's battle Colonel Dodge, who com- manded the Wisconsin volunteers, went to Fort Hamilton, which was the nearest fort to the spot where the five men had been killed in a corn-field, as told in a preceding page. From this. place, at the head of 21 daring "Wisconsin volunteers, he sallied forth in quest of the hostile Sacs who had committed the out- rage. He overtook them on the east fork of the Pecatonica,. lodged in a grove. The attack was immediately made, and re- sulted in killing the entire band of Indians, IT in number. Col- onel Dodge's loss was three killed. This little skirmish tested not only the courage, but the muscle, of the dashing volunteers,. for the conflict was mostly hand-to-hand fighting.* After Dements fight, General Atkinson, learning by Wapan- sie, a friendly Pottawatomie, that Black Hawk had returned to- his camp, he made preparation to follow him. Colonel Fry was ordered to march in advance, for the especial purpose of meeting and welcoming a company of friendl}- Pottawatomies, recruited, at Chicago, and led by Billy Caldwell and Shaubena and Geo. £. Walker, while he and Genei-al Henry, with their respective brig- ades, followed, taking their course up the east side of Eock river^ with the intention of attacking Black Hawk in liis camp. At the- same time General Alexander was ordered to advance up the west side of the river, a few miles west of its bank, while Colonel Dodge and General Posey were to march from the waters of the- ■'Smith's Doc. Hist. Wis., Vol. I, p. 275. ^98 Battle of Wisconsin Heights. Pecatonica, striking '■ Sugar creek, which flows southwardly through Green connty, Wis., thence to the most sputhern of the Four Lakes. While this sweeping invasion was. making its way northwardly, Black Hawk was fleeing before it as fast as his ■scanty means of transportation would allow, but ere he was able to cross the Wisconsin river he was overtaken by General Hen- ry's division, who^gave hira battle on its soil them bank, at a pla.ce. ■called Wisconsin Heights, about fifty miles below Ft. Winnebago, which resulted in a loss of 50 to him while in his retreat across the river. General Henry's loss was 1 killed and 8 wounded. White Crow a friendly Winnebago chief, was in General Henry's ranks during the battle, but unfortunately for Blg,ck Hawk, the Crow left the camp of the volunteers and started for Fort Winnebago as soon as darkness had put an end to the fight, for during the night General Henry's sentinels heard Indian voices calling to them, but no one could interpret their words, and nOf notice was taken of them. These were oii'ers to surrender* and had. the White Crow been present to interpret them the aw- ful fate that followed to Black Hawk's band might have been -averted. During the night Black Hawk succeeded in getting his wretched ■fugitives across the Wisconsin, whence they fled towards the Mississippi, indulging in the despairing hope that they- could reach its banks and find an asylum in the mysterious wilds be- yond, should they be able to cross before their pursuers overtook them. General Atkinson, who was in hot. pursuit of the Sacs, «t)on arrived at Helena, on the Wisconsin river, where the Wis- ■consin volunteers, under Colonel Dodge, eflfected a junction with him. Crossing over to the North side, they soon struck the trail -of Black Hawk. It was during the last days of July, and the heat of midsummer soon decomposed . the bodies of the dying iugitives, and the stench Ifeft in their wake was sometimes .almost liisupportable. Some of these dead were those who had been wounded in the late battle, and others were women or children "who had surrendered at last to starvation and exhaustion. On the 2nd of August, the advance, under Colonels Dooge and 'Zachary Taylor, overtook and attacked them, the main army, under General Atkinson meantime, pressing on, supposing that the main body of the Sacs was in front of them. In this conviction they were outwitted by the wily Black Hawk, wbo, intending to escape with his main body while amusing his pursuers with a.feint, had sent them to the banks of the Missis- sippi, at the mouth of the Bad Axe. General Henry, who was in the rear, learned this through Major Ewing, and dashing at them •Smith's "Wis. Vol. 1, P. 280. Battle of Bad Axe. 399 \^ith his whole force, the battle of Bad Axe was fought, General Atkinson reaching the scene only in time to see the ground cov- ■ei-ed witli slain Indians, and the flying remnant vainly trying to ■cross the river by swimming. " The loss of. the volunteers was 17 killed, and more wounded.* ' Imnjediately after Henry's battle at Wisconsin Heights, he had ■dispatched a messenger to Prairie du Chien to give the news. He arrived there on the 23d of Jnli and Colonel Loomis, who ithen held command of Ft. Crawford, mspatched the steamer eater- prise up the Mississippi to intercept Black Hawk, should he ■attempt to cross. Arriving at the month of Black river, they found. 40 "Winnebagoes with 28 canoes. They were friendly In- 'dians, but doubtless uiider a compassionate sympathy for their unhappy kindred in their desperate extremity, had assembled there to assist them across the river. Under this impression they were seized and sent to Fort Crawford. The Enterprise was now abandoned because she was a slow boat, and the Steamer "War- rior, armed with a six-pounder was sent up the river in her stead; There are two islands on the Mississippi at the mouth of the Bad Axe, and on one of these the most of the defeated Sacs with their women had found a breathing place after the battle. Many of them swam thither for tliej' had but one canoe, which was used to transport the . feeble squaws and children. To this isolated retreat, Colonel Taylor at the head of, 150 regulars followed them, :and charged upon the pent up fugitives, while Captain Throck- morton opened fire on them from the Warrior. They made a des- perate defense, but all fell .except one who escaped by swim- ming.f Among those who had not taken refuge on the island, was Black Hawk himself and less than a hundred of his band. Black Hawk fled to Prairie LaCross, a Winnebago village, where he sur- rendered himself to Cha-e-tar, and One Eyed Decorra. Under their custody the conquered chief with the prophet were taken to Prairie du Chien, ana delivered to General Street the agent of the Winnebagoes at that place on the 27th of August.;!: *There seems to have been no small amount of rivalship, from the first, among the various divisions of the volunteers, as to which should have the first chance .at the Sacs. It was by disobedience to the orders of the commanding General (Atkinson), that General Henry had by a hasty march overtaken and foug-ht Black Hawk on the Heights of the Wisconsin, for which offense General Atkinr ■son had placed him in the rear in the continued pursuit, but Black Hawk's suc- cessful feint at Bad Axe had by chance again given General Henry the first ■chance at his desperate and starving warriors. : See Srahh's "Wis., "Vol. I, p. 415. Re.ynoMs' My Own Times, p. 415. 'tCaptain Estes, Account, See boo. Hist. "Wis. Vol. Ill, P. 230. J On delivering the captives One Eye said: _We have done as you told us. We always do as you tell us, because we know it" is for' our good^ * * We 400 Last Fatal Retreat, Of the miserable remnant, about 50 were taken prisoners, and it is probable that a few fled to the Winnebagoes and found a shelter, but it is known that some succeeded in crossings the Mississippi, even in the face of their numerous enemies. They had no sooner landed on this savage shore than the Sioax, their ancient enemies,, fell upon the unhappv outcasts, and sent thein across another river to the Happy iLunting Ch'ounds* The thorny path they had traveled since they had returned to Illinois was now ended- If this world's griefs can ofi^set transgressions, the balance could not be greatly against them to be entered to account on the other side. Let us now return to General Scott, whom we left at Fort Dearborn. No news was obtainable from the seat of the war,, and before he would take any ofl^ensive steps, it was necessary to- conimunicate with General Atkinson. From the alarming news that had thus far reached Chicago it was then supposed that Black Hawk's war parties were wayrlaying every path through the prai- ries that intervened between Fox river and the Galena settlements,, but yet in the face of these fancied dangers, an intrepid frontierer was found who volunteered to carry a message froni General Scott to the camp of General Atkinson, which was supposed to be- on Rock River. This was John K. Clark (who it niay not be forgotten, was the son of Margaret the captive). He started on the niission with two daring half breeds, stealthily making their way over treeless plains, and creeping through silent groves to- Bock Kiver, thence following up the trail of his army reached his- camp and delivered the message.. All haste was now made to return to Chicago, which they safely effected after a week's absence from the place and delivered General Atkinson's reply to General Scott. The two inconsiderate half breeds tarnished their laurel* thus gained by a carousal in a villainous whisky den, which then stood about where the well known house of Fuller & FuUer is now yrajit you to keep them safe. If t/fae^-are to be hurt, we do not want to see it. Wait until we are gone before you do it. , - j . Black Hawk spoke as follows: * * My yrarriors. fell around me; it. began to look dismal. I saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose clear on us mafe morning, aud at night it sank in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire. This was the last sun that shone on Black Hawk. He is now a prisoner to the white man, but he can stand the torture. He is not afraid of death. ■ He is rx6: coward. Black Hawk is an Indian. He has done nothing an Indian need be ashamed of. He has fought ffie battles of his countiy against the white men who came year after year.to cheat them, :anid take away their lands. * * *" Black Hawk~is satisfied. He wiU go to the world of spirits contented. His father will meet and reward him.' The white men dp not scalp the head, but they do worse; they xwison the heart. • • • Farewell to my nation f Fare* well to Black Hawk.- *Dop.- Hist. Wis. Vol. HI, P. 284. Generdl Sootf^ Advance. 4oi located. Here they spent thenigHt in dassipation, and ihe next morning Benjamin Hall (my intbi-mant), saw them come from the place, lay down on the ground, and die with Cholera at fif- teen minutes' notice. About the 20th of July, General Scott now resolved to go to the Desplains. river and encamp, .thinking the change might be bene- ficial to'the health of his men.: He arrived there about the 20th with, his whole command and encamped at the present site of Riverside. His baggage traip consisted ■ of about fifty wagons which, with the horses to draw them, had been purchased at Milan, Ohio, and sent by teamsters to Fort Dearborn, where they arriv- ed- a few days after the general had come to the place. Eobert 1^. Murray, \?mose father had recently settled in Naper- ville (as already stated); was a lad of seventeen years, and en- listed in the service of General Scott as teamster, to di-iye one of the teams across the country. ■ General Scott, with 12 ineh and two baggage- wagons, had started in advance, leaving Colo nel Cummings in command of the main body, which was^to fol- low as soon as .the health of the soldiers would permit. In teii ■ days the train started, carrying in the wagons the few sick sol- diers who had not yet sufficiently recovered from cholera attacks, to stand the fatigue of marching. Their route lay through Gil-> bert's Grove, on the DuPage, across the Fox river three miles below Elgin; thence through the Pigeon woods to the present site of PSvedere; thence to an old Indian village at the present-, site of Beloit. Here the train rested a week, during which time a messenger came to the commanding oflBcer, informing him of ' the battle of Bad Axe, with orders to proceed to -Eock Island. ; :In obedience to these instructions, the train again started over- the prairies in a. niore southerly direction, passing the present' site of Eockford, which was then a wild of great beauty, where they encamped- for the night. Young Mun-ay had by this time attracted the eye of Colonel Cummings who promoted him to ' the position of driving his own carriage, and gave the charge of the team frorn which he had been taken, to his first driver. Here he soon bie'eame initiated into the ways of some " great men," by ■ being offered his choice of brandy or wine as often as the Colo- nel became thirsty, which was five or six times a day. Young Murray, to his surprise, declined the brandy, but retained the food opinion of his master, nevertheless. A few days' travel own Eock river now brought them to their destination. The troops were left at Fort Armstrong, and the teams sent back to Chicago, where they were sold.* *While the -writer is making- up this chapter, Mr. Murray is on the behch holding: his court hut few rods distent in the village of Wheaton. 402. Begth of Blofik SawJe. '■ On the 9th of September the Indian prisoners were sent to Jefferson Barracks, just below St. Louis, from which place Black Hawk, Witli the Prophet, was sent to Washington, arriving there the following April, 1833. On the 26th they were sent to Fort- ress Monroe, where they remained . till the 4th of June, .when they were ordered to be sent .back to their own country. . On the way Black EEawk was received with ovations in jdl the large cities through whidi he passed. Even ladies of high rank flattered him with smiles and compliments, to whom be, not wishing to be outrivaled in politeness (in- his way), responded: Pietty squaw! Pretty squaw! On returning to his cojintry, he was restored to his tribe as a chief, subordinate to Keokuk. He spent his last days in quiet- ness', dying on the 3d of October, .1838, at his home on the Des Moines river, in Iowa. He was buried in a sitting posture, after the Indian custom, near the present village of lowaville in Wa- pello county, and a mound six feet high raised over the remains of the ill-starred chieftain, who must ever stand recorded as The last native defender of the soil of the Northwest.* *Our Mr; Lincoln, whom Chicago delights to claim, at least as one of her trans- - dent citizens, served in the Black Hawk War six weeks, but humorously says that he fought nothing but mosquitoes. Out of this experience grew an incident which is told by Hon. Isaac N. Arnold, in a pamphlet published -by the Chicago Historical Society, as follows: '" When Major Anderson visited Washipgton after his evacuation of Fort , Snmter,- he called at the 'White House- to pay his respects to the Presideiit. After , the Chief Magistrate had expressed his thanks to Anderson for his conduct in Sooth Carolina, Mr. Lincoln said: 'Major, Do.you remember of ever.meeting mie before?' 'No,' replied Anderson; ' I have no recollection of ever haying had that pleasure.' 'My memory is better than yours', said Mr. Lincoln. '"Xbu musteredme into the United States service as a high private of the Illinois volunteers at Dixon's Ferry, in the Black Hairk Wax." ■ ■ OHAPTER XXrV". •Chicago as Seen ly Fhilo Carpenter in 18S2SU B.Wil. Uams' Report of Chicago in 1833 — Cooh County Oi'ganized — The Town of Chicago Organized under a Board of Trus- tees—The Mouth ' of the River Opened — The First Public Loan — Indian Treaty of 18Z0—J)itto of 1833 at Chicago — Chraphic Description y John S. 0, Hagan.- _ It stoodwhere Wafer iBtr?iet -iijbw meets LaVe. street diagonally, just east of the bridge, immemateljjsoxitla-of this on Harket street, stood a log tavern kept ty iJiirk iBeaubien. This was. ^hietimes. called the SaiiganSfih^ 'btiJt.iJtji?^q,snotthe famous Hotelknbwn by that name subsequent- ly, .erjecsted about' at. the present corner of Franklin and Late- |Streets. ' Besides these buildings, was the residence of John Bap- .tise Beaubieni south of the fort .on the bank of the river, past, its- tutn as it took its sandy way into the lake. These are all the im- provements on the South side,, as reported by Mr. Carpenter, ooi his first arrival at Chicago. Speaking of the area occupied by the sand-bar and river itself,, east of the elevated baiik on which the fort stood, he says it was; ever changing in form, and such portions of it as one day ap- peared above water were liable to be submerged the next day, Nor was the mouth of the river any more permanent in its loca- tion, for there was no spot from North to South in this low heatb of moving sands that had not at certain tijnes been its channel, in obedience to the whimsical action of the winds and waves. Ai'its immediate inouth the river was not more than twelve inch^ deep, during ordinary summer seasons, while a few feet above, it deepened to fifteen teet or mqre, but. the freshets of Spring, or an exeessive rain at any time, might produce, a current in- the xiyi^r 6ufflcierit to clear a,way the sandatitsjnouthto a depth as Ipw bb the botton of the river above„ This deptii could only be main- tained as long as the swollen waters were able. to ^ resist thecwR- tjBr action of . the waves, which would q.Uickly choke the nloutlb bi the river again when its active current subsided. "" , .', Geology has revealed . the history of many of the physical) cl.i.auge8 which are apparent on the face of nature in its present ,adaptatio.h to our wants, and of these changes observation, eveni ijnaidpd by scierioe, shows how the recent finishing up of great. fgolb^ical changes'has been completed. That latellichigan has een receding for several centuries . does not admit of a doubt when one carefully notes the topography, of its south-western> water-shed. The rapids of the Illinois river at Marsailles once- ,boi« the same relation to the great lakes on the west that Niag- ara Falls now bears on the east. The evidence of this is found in' the valley which once constituted the gently sloping banks- of a western outlet of the lakes. This must have been when the- face of the lake was thirty or more feet higher than its present- level. At that time tlie Desplahies river must have emptie.(J into the lake, and as the latter receded, its waval action, by f)bf 'elrncting its nibnth, as it subsequently did the mouth of the Chi- ic^go, riyer, turne4 it; i;nto,.the',T.l]iiiQis.yalley. .. Even aslateas- 184:9, during a great flood, the swollen waters of the DesplamW Chkago' w .1833. ii^QJ .found- tbeir old channel to the lalie through the. Chieagd river* .carrying shipping and bridges along in its irresistible calreer. .How much more lake. Michigan may recede deperids-on the friable .nature of the rock at Niagara Jails and the bed of the Detroit jriver, which as yet seems to te inflexible enough to give many centuries lease of the present height of the lake before it can re- cede sufficiently to leave Chicago as an inland city. Till then she may drink of the brimming cup which the economy of na- ture has' brought to her lips, and. if, by the wisdom and justice of our country's laws, our government stands and continues to dispense an even measure of justice.to all' its subjects till the ev- .otutions of nature shall have changed the location of our large .cities, we shall present a spectacle never before recorded in the world's history. The. solution of this problem belongs to the future.. It will .not follow the mandates of our dogmas or the whims of specala- tipni hut a thousand years hence the merits of Oriental, Grecian .aj^ditOhristian civilization will be compared with each other by Transcendental Philosophy, which is always parsimonious in its :.j)t]fftise and^ lavish in its' ceusui-e;' meantime we shall wag along, J^^h one doing all he can to contribute his mite to make up the fcSU:Jn:tota,l of the grandeur of hia own age as far asvthe promotioli ofiihis own. interest can' do- it; and the verdict of time, will be r^pronpunced in favor of that civilization whose policy the most Jlairgely turns private, enterprise into,, and secures private inters eg^fjin,. cha,nnels . not antagonistic to, but .in. harmony with . the jpnblic good. Let us' convince our posterity that Christian civi- lization can win in this. sublime rivalry. Let us return to .Chi- cago, which we left where Mr. Carpenter found it. , .Mr. Eli. B; Williams may be regarded as next in chronologi- cal order of the living witnesses of early Chicago. He is a native of. Connecticut, and with his wife arrived at Chicago, April 14th, 1833. From Detroit they came in their own private carriage across the country through Tpsilanti and Niles, coming to the .shore of the lake at the residence of Mr. Biella, who with, his family were spoken of in the previous chapter. .From this place .they, followed the immediate shore of the lake to Chicago, ferry- ing over the Calumet at Mr. Man's fei-ry, arriving at the place the next day in the afternoon. Leaving the Fort at their right they bent their course across the open prairie towards the fork of the river. . Here they found a log tavern kept by Mark Beaubien. .Several Indians were lounging around the door, in the listless -manner peculiar to their race, which was not calculated to assure ■a lady from Connecticut -vrith Confidence, and Mr. "Williams,. at t|i,e suggestion of , his wife, drove across, theriveron a floating log "bridge, to' a'tavei'n kepfby Charles BL. .Taylor:, Here they stopped 408 Ghiodgo Incorporcited. Beveral days to take observations, after which Mr. Williams de- cided to settle here, under an impression that a late appropriation which Congress had made to improve the river and narbor, to- gether with the canal when finishedj would insure a respectable sized town, where the religious and educational institutions of his native State might be re-produced. The entire white population, of Chicago did not then exceed 200 personsj but there was a much larger Indian population, which, though transient, "served to swell the volume ot trade,' and Mr. Williams concluded to open a store at once. His place of business was on South Water street, east of Geo. W. Doles. This he built, making the frame frona green timber, cut from thfe forests on the Worth Side, hewn to a snap-line* with a broad-axfe in the old-fashioned way. The weather boarding came from St. Joseph, which then furnished Chicago her lumber as much a5 it does now her peaches. Thfe flooring came from a saw mill Vhich had jnst been built by the enterprising Mr. Ifaper, at ITaper- ; ville^ who must be recorded as one of the pioneers in the'Mmber trade to Chicago. In 1831, the county of Cook had been organized, including within its area the present counties of Dupage, Lake, McHenrjr, Will and Iroquois, ireceiving its name from Daniel P. Co6k, a meinber of Congress from Southern Illinois. Samuel Miller, Gholsoii Kercheval and James Walker, were sworn iijto office as Comity Commissioners, March 8th 1831, by John S. K); Hogaii, justice, Wm, See was clerk, and Archibald Clybourn Treasurer', Jedediah Wooley was county Surveyor. Three election districts were Or^riized, one at Chicago, one on the Dupage River, and one on Hickory Creek.f " It was not uutil'two years later that the town of Chicago took any action towards organizing, when under general Statute, li»W, they held an election tor this purpose, August 10th, 1833, and. i;n- corporated the embryo town. Only twenty eight votes were cafii^ ■which was but a feeble constituency with which to start a metrop-' oils. P. J. V. Owen, Geo. W. Dole, Mederd Beaubien, John Miller and E. S. Kimberly, were elected as trustees. A log jail was built on the public square where the court house has since been erected. An estray pen was also built at an expense of $12.00. ■■ •This was a straight scribe mark made along the entire length of a log by means, of stretching: a chalked string from end to end on it, making it fast ^t each- extremity. The string was then raised up perpendicularly from the middle and being let down with a snap,, left a chalk mark on the log as a guide by' which to new it square. This was the process in the early day of m^ng sqtaai^ timber for fiames, instead of sawing.lhem as done at .the present day. .' . fThis was the' Southern Precinct, Hickory Creek being ^ branch- of the-D^ ■ •plaines in what is now Will Comity. First Publio Loan. 409 ■ The next year Mr. Williams was elected President of theCoaii- ;410 The First Steam Engine. Jobn Buel Titch planned and built the first steam engine' ever . made.. He, with his assistants, worked secretly in the oasement .of the house, and continued their labors till the engine was in .practical working order; the first of its kind which was destined to. revolutionize the transporting as well as the manufacturing interests of. the wotld, and control the destinies of nations. While at work on it, says Mr. "Williams, the screeching of files,. .the dink of hammers, and hissing of steam, which was heard! oijt'side, excited the credulity and superstition of the age, till , . witchcraft was suspected, and the whole neighihof hood were beset with fear from what, was going on in the mysterious basement. John Fitch. lived and died inpennry and want, but through his . invention the railroad and manufacturing millionaires of Europe and America grew into power,, and the present magni- tude of Chicago is already traceable to the success of that experi- .ment- that from the basement of the eMer Mr. -Williairis' houSe .crowned the twilightof the eighteenth century with everlasting iffime., lij,,theyear 1832ithePpttawattomies of Indiana and Michigan, ,on t^e 20th,., of ; Oetoberj at" Oamrp' Tippecanoe, in liidiana, con- clu(^efi, J* treaty .with, |the United States, by the. terms. -of whichthe country intervening between their cession of 1816; along the Kne .,o|' tJip..p.r9po§ed .^nal and the^Indiana line," was sold to the United States ii}: the following. terms:. After making many.reservatiDiis . io, .private . Indians ,for -services rendered ' t£e State, the United ■ S&ties. agreed J.o..pay,ta the.Pottawattomies an annui ty of $1 5,0Q0 for tvffintj years,, besides an annuity of $600 to Billy Caldwell, -,$200 to; Alexander Robinson, and $200 to Pierre Le Clerc, during ^ftit'^ives. Piirtheri the sum of $28,746 was to be paid to Hqui- diile : fief &in private. claims. against the Indians, and merchandise ■to the amount of $45,000 was to be delivered to them on signing the treaty, and an additional amount of merchandise, to the value 6t$3b,006, was to be deKvered to them at Chicago the next year (1833). ■ On the 27th. of October, the same year, 1832, and at the same- place (Tippecanoe), the Pottawattomies of Indiana sold to the tJnited States all the remainder of the lands which they still held! as a tribe, in Michigan, south of Grand river, in Indiana, and in Illinois. This, treaty did not release the claim of the Pottawatomies^ Ohippewas and Ottawas, of Illinois, to such lands as laid north aiid'west of the cession of 1816, along the track of the proposed; pan3,1,, and it .will thus be seen that almost all the northern por^ tiomof Illinois were still in tindispnted Indian possession. Ap'': J)ropHiations to biiild \he IllidQis apd Michigan canal had ialreaajf Gh'eat Indiar^ OCreah/i 411 jbeen. made.l?j -the State,, of Ulinpis, to whom the alternate sec- Mons of public lands for six miles on each side of the canal had ■been donated by the Government for this purpose. . Since the Black Hawk war, which had brought the country- iwithin. the knowledge of so many enterprising young men, emi- gration was coming in rapidly and occupying the lands, although they. had not yet been surveyed, but these moral pre-emptors did not want any better claim for an ultimate title than would result from actual possession. Speculators were also coming into Chi- cago with cash to make investments, and it was all important that the Indian title to such portions of northern Illinois as the- Sacs and Foxes had not already given up, should be speedily ex- tinguished. _To this end the Chippewas, the Ottawas and. the- Pottawattomies of Illinois, were summoned to a great council to be. held in Chicago in September, 1833. Great preparations- were made for this event. Besides the interest the Indianshad in it directly as to the amounts of money and goods coming to- them on parting with their lands, they were the unwitting in- struments by which several hundred white claimants brought charges against the Government,. either for property said to have- .been destroyed ox -stolen' by them, or for: services done the State- in times cif Indian disturbances as measures of safety, Or for servT- .jees in tim'^sbf peace under Government, contrac.ts'., .!,., ^. ;..^. At this time, M^. Charles J. Latrobe,.an Englishman of great descriptive talent, happened to be on a tour to Chicago to see the- wonders of an American frontier, and make notes of the samefor- jinblication iii London.* The naiveness of his description of jChicago,. and the transient comers to the place, both red and white^ to' attend the treaty, are too fresh to be lost, andpoirtiohs of thfem. are herp re.-prodnced a? a truer picture of the scene than, could .now be given : . •. •" We-.fburid the Village on our drrlTal crot^ed to. excess, and ire procured withi •great diffiSilty a small apartment, comfortless and noisy from its close prox- 'unilyito others, but quite as good as wlef coald have hoped for. • The' Pottawatomies were encamped onaJl sides,-^-on the wide level prairie be- yond the scattered village, beneath the shelter of the low woods whicli, che- quered them, on the side of the small river, or to the leeward of the sand hills- near the beach of the lake. They consisted of three principal tribes with cer- tain: at^uticte from smaller tribes. The main divisions are, the Pottawatomies- of the Prairie and those of the Forest, and these are subdivided into distinct vil- • 'lages under their several chiefs. The General Government of the United States, in pursuance of the scheme .of removing the whole Indian population westward of the Mississippi, had empow- ered certain gentlemen to frame a Treatjr with these tribes, to settle the term's- ■upon which the cession of their Reservations ia these States should be made ' • A preliminary council had been held with thfr chiefs some days before bur.ar- -rivSl.'/ The principal Commissioner had opened it, as we learnt, by stating^ 'o.*pti8 Bopk entitled ;",Ramble;r'' iji:Ameriear.wa,3.pnblished in London, in ISSSi- 'It was dedicated to Washington Irving. 412 Contents- bfj Chicago. ., that, "as their Great Father in'Washmgton had heard that, they wished to sell their land, he had sent Commissioners to treat with them. ' ' The Indians prompt- ly answered by their organ, " that.their Great Father in Washinp^ton must have «eeh a bad bird which had told him a lie, for that far from wishing to sell their land they wished to keep it.' The Commissioner, nothing daunted, replied: 1 that nevertheless, as they had come together for a Council, they must take the matter into consideration." He then explained to them promptly the wishes «iid intentions of their Great Father, and asked their opinion thereon. Thus pressed, they looked at the sky, saw>a few wandering clouds, and straightway . .adjourned sini die, as the weather is' not dear enough for so solemn a coundl. ' However, as the Treaty had been opened, provision was supplied to them by regular rations; and the same night they had had great rejoicings, — danced the war-dance, and kept the eyes and ears of all open by running and howUng about the village. . Such was the state of affairs on our arrival. Companies of old warriors might 'be seen sitting smoking, under every bush; arguing, palavering, or " pow-wowr- ing" with great earnestness; but liiere seemed no possibility of bringing them '4» another Council in a hurry. Meanwhile the vilkige and its occupants.presented a most motley scene. ^ The fort contained within its palisades by far the most enlighted residents, in -the little knot of officers attached to the slender garrison^ The quarters h^re consequently were too confined to afford place of residence for th^Govemmeht <3ommiasioner8, for whom and a crowd of d^iendentsj a terapori^ set of plaitk huts were erected on the north side of the nver. To the latter gentlemen we^ as the only idle lookers on, were indebted for much friendly attention ; and in th^ frank and hospitable treatment we-reoeived from the inhabitants of Fort Dear- born, we had a foretaste of that which we subsequently met with everywhere under like circumstances, during our autumnal wanderings over the Frontier, The officers of the United States Army have perhaps less opportunities of be- coming, refined than those of the Navy. They are. often, from the moment of iheir receiving commissions, after the termination of their Ciidetship at West Point, and at an age when good society is of the utmost consequence to the young and ardent, exUed for long years to the posts on the Northern or West- ■em frontier, fax removed from cultivated female society, and in daily contact -with the refuse of the hu'man race. And ibis is their misfortune — not their fault; — but wherever we have met with them, and been thrown as steangers upon their good offices, we have found them the same good friends and good ' ■company. But I was going to give yoo an- inventory of the contents of Chicago, when Hie recQjlection of the warm-hearted intercourse we had enjoyed with many fine .fellows whom probably we. shall neither see nor hear of again, drew me aside. Next in.rank to the Officers and Commissioners, may be noticed certain store- keepers and merchants resident here; .looking either to the influx of new settlers 'establishing themselves in the neighborhood, or those passing yet further to the westward, for custom and profit; not to torget the chance .of extraordinary oc- casions like the present. Add to these a doctor or two, two or three lawyers, .a land-agent, and five or six hotel-keepers. These may be considered as sta- tionary, and proprietors of the half a hundred clapboard houses around you. Then for the buds of passage, exclusive of the Ppttawatomies;' of whom' more '«inon — and emigrants and land-speculators as-numerous asthe'sands. Tou will ■find horse-dealers, andhorse-stealers, — rogues of every description, white, black, brown and red— ^half-breeds, quarter-breeds, and men of no breed at all; — .■dealers in 'pigs, poultry, and potatoes; — men pursuing Indian claimi, some for tracts, of land, others, like our friend Snipe, (one of his stage coach companions on the way) for pigs which the wolves had eaten; — creditors of the tribes, or of particular Indians, who know that they have no chance of getting their m.oney. if they do not get it from the Government agents;— sharpers of every degree-, pedlars, grpg-seilers; Indian agents and Indian traders of every description, anc -Contractors to supply the Pottawatomies with food. The'little village Tvas in an Contents of. Chicago. 413 •■' ' "•'" uproar from morning to'niffht, and from night to morning j for during thehonrs 9f darkness, -vyhen the housed portion of the population of Chicago strove to obtain repose in the crowded plank edifices of the village, the Indians howled, sang, wept, yelled, and whooped in their various encampmente. I loved to stroll out towards sun-set across the nver, and gaze upon the level noiizon, stretching to the north-west over the surface of the prairie, dotted with innumerable objects far and near. Not far from, the river lay many groups of tents constructed of coarse canvas, blankets, and mats, and surmounted by poles, supporting meat, moccasins, and rags. Their vicinity was always enliv- ened by various painted Indian figures, dressed in the most gaudy attire.. The- mterior of the hovels generally displayed a confined area, perhaps covered with a few half-rotten mats or shavings, upon which men, women,"" children, and bag- gage were heaped pell-mell. Far and wide the grassy Prairie teemed with figures; warriors mounted or gi> foot, squaws, and horses. Here a race between three or four Indian ponies, each carrying a double rider, whooping and yelling like fiends. There a. solitary horseman with a long spear, turbaned like an Arab, scouring along at full Bpeed;^groups of hobbled horses; Indian dogs and children, or a grave con- clave of gray chiefs seated on the grass in consultation. It was amusing to wind silently from group to group — ^here noting the raised knife, the sudden drunken brawl, quashed by the good-natured and even play- ful interference of the neighbours, there a party breaking up their encampment, and falling with their little train of loaded ponies, and wolfish dogs,' into the deep black narrow trail running to the north. Tou peep into a wigwam, and see a domestic feud; the chief sitting in dogged silence on the mat, while the- women, of -which there were commonly two or three in every dwelling, and whO' appeared every evening ieven more elevated with the flames of whiskey than the- males, read hun a lecture. From another tent a constant voice of wrangling and weeping -would proceed, when suddenly an offended fair one would draw themat aside, and taking a youth standing -without by the hand, lead hiin apart, and sitting down on the grass, setup the most indescribable whine as she. told her grief. Then forward comes an Indian, staggering with his chum from a debauch; he is met by his squaw, withher child dangling in a fold of her blanket behind, and the sobbing and weeping which accompanies her whining appeal to' him, as she hangs to his hand, would melt your heart, if you did not see that she was quite as tipsy as himself. Here sitting apart and soUtary, an Indian expends the exuberance of his intoxi- cated spirits in the most ludicrous singing and gesticulation; and there squat a circle of unruly topers indulging thetnselves in the most unphilosophic and ex- cessive peals of laughter. It is a grievous thing that Government is not strong-handed enough to put a stop to the shameful and scandalous sale of whiskey to those poor miserable- wretches. But here lie casks of it for sale under the very eye of the Coinmis-. sioners, met togrether for purposes, which demand that sobriety should be main- tained, were it only that.noone should be able to lay at their door an accusation of unfaar dealing, and of ha'ving taken advantage of the helpless Indian in a bar- gain, whereby the people of the 'United States Were to be so greatly the gainers. And such was the state of things day by day. However anxious I and others- might be to exculpate the United States Government from the charge of cold and selfish policy toward the remnant of the Indian tribes, and from that of resorting to unworthy and diaboKcal means in attaining possession of their lands, — as long as it can be said with truth, that drunkenness was not guarded against, and l£afc the means were furnished at the very time of the Treaty, and under the very nose of the Commissioners, — howcanit be expected but a stigma 'will attend every transactien of this kind. The sin may_ lie at the door of the- iiidividuals more immediately in contact ■with them; but for the character of the people as a nation, it should be guarded against, beyond a possibility of trans- gression. "V^ho -will believe that any act, however formally executed by the chiefsj is valid, as longas it is kno-wn that whiskey was one of the parties to the Treaty. 414' &Miei^ of Ohicdgoi ' But how sped thfe Tr6iity?'"yo\i wia^. . ". Day after day passed. , It was in vajid tttkt flie aig^nal-gun from th© fort, gavei notice of an assemblage of chiefs at th^couiwSil'fire. Reasons were alwarefound;- for its delay. One day mi influential cTiief wis iio't in the way; another,' fife sky looked cloudy, and the Indian never performs an important business except the ■sky be dear. At length, on the 21st of September, the Pottawatomies resolved to meet the Commissioners, We were poUiely inyitsid to be present.- The council-fire was lighted under a spacious open shed on the green meadow, •on the opposite side of the rivet- firoin that on which ths Fort stood. Froid the, difficulty of getting all to-gether, it was late in the affcetfiodn when they assem- bled. "There might be twenty or thirty chiefs present, Sea,ted at the lower end ■of the enclosure, while the Commissioners, Interpreters, &c. were at the upper.' The palaver was opened by the principal Commissioner. He requested to know why he and his coUeagues were called to the council? An old warrior arose, and in short sentences, generally of five syllables, delivered with a monotonous intonation, and rapid utterance, gave answer. His gesticulation was'appropiiate hut rather violent. Rice, the half-breed Interpreter, explained the signification, from time to time to tie audience; and it was seen that the old chief, who "had got his lesson, answered one question by proposing another, the sum and snb- Btanceofhis oration being — 'that the assembled chiefs wished to know_ what was the object of their Great Father at Washington in calling his Red Children ■together at Chicago-' . This was amusmg enough after the full explanation given a week before at the opening session; and particularly when it was recollected that they had ■feasted sumptuously during the interval at the expense of their Great Father, ■was not making very encouraging progress. A young chief rose and'spoke ve- hemently to the same purpose. Hereupon the Commissioner made them a for- ■rible Jacksonian discourse,, wherein a good deal which -was akin to threat, was mihgled with exhortations not to play -with their Great Father, but to come to aja ■early determination, whether they would or wOuld not seU and exchange their temtoty; and this done, the council was dissolved. One*or two tipsy old chiefs raised an occasional disturbance, else matters were conducted 'with due gravity. The relative positions of the Commissioner and the whites before the Council- fire, and that of the Red Children of the Forest and Prairie, were to me striking-., lly impressive. The glorious light of the setting sun streaming in under the' low roof of the Conncil-Honse, fell full. on the contenances of the former as they' faced the West— while the pale light of the East, hardly lighted- up the dark, .and painted lineaments of the poor Indians, whose souls evidently clave to their birth-right in that quarter.'' Even though convinced of the necessity of their re-, moyal, my- heart bled for them in their desolation and decline. Ignorant, and ■degra'd'ed.as they may have been in their original state, their degradation is now, ten-fold, aft^ryearsof intercourse with the whites; and their speedy disappear- ahce from the earth appears as certain as though it were alrieady sealed and accomplished. -_ ■ Tour own reflection will lead you to form the conclusion, and it -will be a, just' •one,— that even' if he had the v^ill, the power would be wanting, for the Indiaii. to keep his territoi^; and that the business of arranging the terms of an Indian- Treaty, whatever it might have been two hundred years ago, while the Indian tribes had not, as now, thrown aside ihe rude but vigorous intellectual charac-'. :ter which disting^hed many among.them, now lies chiefly betweeb the various "traders, agents, creditors, and half-breeds of the tribes, on whom c'ustom and necessity have inade the degraded chiefs depenSenl, and the (Jrovfemment ' Agents. When the former have seen matters so far.axranged their self-interest' • and vajrious schemes and claims are likely to be fulfilled and allowed to their hearts' content, — the silent acquiescence of the Indian follows of course; and tin this is the case, the Treaty can never be amicably effected. In fine, _ before -v7e quitted Chicago on the ,25th, three or four days' latter,, the Treaty'-with the Fotbiwatomies was coni^uded, — the Commissioners piitting their hands, and '.'theassembled chiefs their- pa.wsr tothesainev ' "' ' ''-■■'■ ■ ■ ' By it, an apparently advantageous ' swop ' was made for both parties."' •-'••' Terms of the Treaty. 415 ' By the terms of this treaty the three tribes ceded to the- iUriited Slates the entire remainder of their lands in Illinois ^that had not . already been sold. The ceded tract laid between the' Eock Kiyer and Lake Michigan, embracing the entire lake shore ' north of Chicago, and all the lands-iuterveninej between the canal •cession of ' 1816 and the Sac and Fox and "W^innebago cessions between the Eock and Mississippi rivers of 1830 and 1832. The consideration for the relinquishment of this land was first live million acres granted to them, sitnaired on the east bank of the Missouri river south of the Boyer river, to which they were to l)e transported at the expense of the government as soon as praoti- 'Cable, and maintained in their new home for one year. One hun- dred thousand dollars was to be paid by the United States to sat- isfy certain claimants for reservations, and to indemnify the •Chippewas for certain lands in Michigan, ceded to the United States by the Menom.onees, to which they laid an equal claim. One hundred and fifty thousand dollars to satisfy private claims made against the three tribes; an annuity of fourteen thousand •dollars per year for twenty years; one hundi-ed and fifty thousand dollars to be applied to the erection of mills, farming tools and •other improvements in their new home. Seventy thousand dol- lars to support the means of education among them, and lastly, four hundred dollars per annum was to be added to the annuity of Billy Caldwell, three hundred to that of Alexander Kobiiison, and two hundred each to the annuity of Joseph LaFromboise and ■Shabonee. G. B. Porter, Th. J. Y. Owen, and William "Weatherford, in- •behalf of the United States, negotiated this treaty with the Pot- tawattomas, Chippewas, and Ottawas. It bears date of Chicago, September 26, 1833. It was the last great Indian council at this place, around which the red men had lingered in great numbers much longer after being settled by the whites than around other frontier settlements. The reason of this was obvious; Chicago, after over one hundred years of transient French occupation, first grew into importance aa an English settlement through India.n trade. Moreover, many of its first settlers were men bred on the frontiers and felt no repugnance towards the Indians, bnt on the contrary not a few felt a friendship for them, strengthened by years of compan- ionship in the fascinatin^^ sports of border life, which not only level social distinctions, but accept a good fellowship through a, .rough exterior intolerable to the uninitiated civilian. Notwith- • standing the apparent degradation of the Indian, even after be- ing brutalized by bad whisky, many of them could make nice discriminations in issues where natural rights were at stake, as ■ our government agents found in their councils. They w6ll knew ^16 Berhoval of the Indians. that they were the instruments by which many unjast - claim* were brought against the government; but of this they said nothing, lest their own rights might be compromised by, siich an exposure. The amount of goods dispensed to them at Chicago to fulfil! treaty stipulations was often very large, and in order to distrib- ute them equitably, men were chosen for the service whose per- sonal acquaintance with the Indians would enable them to do it- in the most satisfactory manner. On these occasions the huge- piles of goods, consisting largely of Indian blankets, were dis- pensed by piece-meal to the different Indian families according to their, necessities, but sometimes a discarded Indian lassie,, whose place had been substituted by a white wife, came in for-, an extra share of finery as an offset to lacerated affections. Two years elapsed alter the Indians had sold out their interest, in the country before they were removed. This was effected by Colonel J. B. F. Kussell, whose widow is still living in Chicago.. This lady, who is descended from the Peytons, of Virginia, has in her possession autograph letters of Washington and other; fathers of our country, besides many valuable relics of early Chicago, among which is the journal kept by her husband dn-. ring his public service. To her courtesy the writer is indebted for much valuable information, among which are the following- items from Mr. Russell's journal: J " The first parly of Indians left Chicago, Sept. 21, 1835, -with the Chiefs, Rob- inson, Caldwell, and La Framboise, and proceeded to their place of rendezvous,, on. the Desplaines, 12 miles from Chicago, a place of meeting usual on such oc- casions. Tmet them in council and presented to them the objects of the meet- : ing and the views of the government relative to their speedy removal to their new country. They -wished to defer answering what I had said to them for two- days, to wmch I consented. Sunday, 28th. Provided:- teams and transporta- tion for the removal of the Indians." The journal next proceeds to detail the' particulars of his thankless toil in satisfying the real and whimsical necessities of his captious charge, who honored him with the appelation of Father, and vexed him with complaints continually. Their first stopping place was Skunk River, in Iowa. Patogashah started with his. band to -winter at this place,, which was the first patty to start independent of government assistance. Rob- inson had command of a separate -party, Caldwell another, Wabansie another, and Holliday another, and Robert Kinzie- and Mr. Kerchival assisted Mr. Rus- sell in superintending the whole. Fort Des Moines, on the Mississippi river, lay on their route- to Fort Leavenworth, which was their destination, on the Mis- souri river, from whence they were to draw their supplies, as stipulated by. the government at the treaty, as they settled them- selves in their new home adjacent. The whole tribe were not removed to their new home till the next year, 1836, when the- last remnant of them took their leave of the country around the head of Lake Michigan, which they had occupied for two centu- ries, as shown ip foregoing pages. Final Destination of the Pottawatomies. 41-7 Two years after their settlement near Fort Leavenworth, owing to feeling's of hostility which the frontier settlers felt towards them, they were removed to Council Bluifs, from whence, after remaining a few years, they were removed to where they now live, diminished in numbers from 6,000, at the time they were removed from Chicago, to less than half that number.* Mr. Russell's success in removing them was the result of his frontier military experiences on the borders of Maine, togethei* with his habits of activity, tempered with patience. He deserves mention among the early settlers of Chicago, because his name is interwoven with its history. He was born in Boston in 1800, well, descended from Eevolutiona^ stock, his father being a pat- riot editor,, and his uncle (Major Ben. Russell); was stationed at West Point at the time of Arnold's treason. Mr. Russell's first arrival at Chicago was July 21st, 1832, he having been ordered to join General Scott here.' His wife did riot come to the place till the summer of 1835, when, ih company of General Cass and his two daughters she arrived, and they were guests at the Sa- gaunash. They were from this time permanent residents of Chi-. cago, well known by all the early settlers. Mr. Russell's death took place Jan. 3d, 1861. His remains rest at Rose Hill. *The report from the office of Indian affairs in Kansas, Sept.^ 1st, 1878, says : 7%6 Ppttawattomies are advancing in education, morality, Christianity, and self- ,'pport. A majority of them have erected substantial houses, planted fruit' •ees, and otherwise beautified their surroundings. The average attendance at 1 school which the government provides for them is 29, from an enrollment of 44. The school buildings are weU supplied with faculties for boarding and lodg- ing the pupils, and also for teaching the females household duties. Their reser- vation contains 77,357 acres of land in Jackson county. Their wealth in indi- vidual property amounts to 1241,650. On their farms they have reapers, mow- ers, planters, cultivators, and other agricultural machinery, all of the most' modem patterns. CHAPTEE XXV. Th• M. Cole, J. R. Brown, Solomon lincolD, P. Forbes, Rufiis Brown, Rev. Jergn^ah Porter,, T. C. Sprortt, Peter Warden, Philip Scott, . E. W. Casey, J. L. Thompson, H. T. Harding, E. S. Kimberly, P. Pruyn, Peter Cohen, Brewster, Hogan & Co.- C. H. Chapman, i Piatt Thorn, J. P. Brady, JacobG. Patterson, George Hertinpton, Alexiinder N. Fullert<»„ M. K. Brown, Silas W. Sherman, Early Joh Printing. 4SiZ Nelson E. Norton, Benjamin Hall, N. Carpenter, Hiram Lumbard, Samuel Harmon, J. W. Reed, Walter Kimball, William Taylor, H. Barnes,. E. Brown, Ahisa Hubbard, R. E. Hei-rick, Thomas Hoyt, Edward E. Hunter, John Noble, Pordi-Fjjeeman, Hiram Pease, Oliver Losier, John Marshall, S. EUis, Isaab Harmon, C. B. Dodson, L. Barnes, Richard Steele, Henry Hopkins, Elijah Clark, William Taj;lor, Mark Beaubien, John H. Eenzie, C. H. Chapman, Paul Burdeck, George Bickerdike, Aug. Penoyer, Jones & King. Robert Williston, John Davis, H. C, West, Byron King. John T. Temple, William Cooley, Rathbone Sanford, Orsemus Morrison, James Walker, Gilbert Carpenter, Benjamin Briggs, W. Vanderberg, Benjamin F. Barker, Samuel Brown, H. I. Cleveland, "S. C. George, B. Caldwell, The Account Book which Mr. Calhoun kept is equally valua- ble as a memento of the village days of Chicago. Among the charges for job printing, ball tickets, are no inconsiderable item. Government blanks for the land office* were a good source of income, for which Mr. Calhoun may thank his young wife, not only for her patient industry in helping to execute the jobs, but for her inventive genius in improvising a way to press the printed sheets to give them, the necessary finish after being printed. For the want of a lever press to do this Mrs. Calhoun suggested a flat-iron, and offered to iron- every sheet in a run of 3,000, which she did, and turned out the job in immaculate smoothness. Besides assisting her husband by this laborious undertaking, she helped him in correcting his proof, and in the general executive labors of tlie office. By the request of her husband she preserves during her life- time the entire file of his papers, and I trust that I betray no confidence by stating that, from my conversation with her as to their final disposition, I infer that she will bequeath them to the Chicago Historical Society. The last issue of his paper b^irs date of iN'ovember 16th, 1836, two days before which time by contract it was sold to Horatio Hill, a present resident of Chicago, and brother of Isaac Hill, of New Hampshire, its hard money Governor who said, in order to give point to his issue with the Whig party, that a bank of dirt was the best bank, and a plowrshare the best share in it.f Mr. Hill immediately transferred his contract to Mr. John Went- *The Govt. Land Office was opened June 1st, 1835, under charge of Col; E. D. Taylor and James Whitlock. tThis pithy similitude is here reproduced from childish memory, when the father of the writer read Mr. Hill's message to a select coterie of' listeners among whom he was an attentive one. '424 , Wolff's Fowit. worth, who then came to Chicago and began his eventful careM- where Mr. Calhoun left off as a journalist. The paper was con- tinued under the same name by Mr. "Wentworth, of which more will be said in its appropriate place. For more than twelve years previous to this time, the fork of the river then known by the name of Wolff's Point (so named after an Indian chief ) was the centre of Chicago attractions. Here stood the old Miller house, on the north side, erected by Alexander Robinson* in 1820. To him it was a palace, where he entertained not only his Indian friends, but such white persona as wished to secure Indian trade by thel distribution' of presents among them. Mr. Kobinson was early in the employ of Cona.nt and Mack as an Indian trader on Fox river,iand afterwards eni- ployed .in the sanae service by Mr. Lawton, on the Desplaines. He spoke both the English and Pottawatomie languages wit^i ease, and on conventional occasions acted as interpreter. It is not known at what time he disposed of his house at "the fork, but it is known that in 1832 Mr. Samuel Miller kept tavern here^the same who had married Elizabeth Kinzie, the third child of John Kinzie, by Marraret, his first wife. She died at this house in August, 1832. The original building was made of logs, but afterwards covered with weather-boards, to give it the appear- ance of a frame house. But even at this early day the whole structure was in a ■ state of decay, especially the roof, as will be seen by the accompanying picture. It Iiad before this date served as church, schoolhouse and private residence. On the west bank of the river, at the immedia,te junction of the.two branches, was a tavern kept by Elijah Wentworth ih 1833. This was at the time the model hotel of the town. Kobert A. Kinzie had a store, in 1832, where theMenashaWopd- en. Ware Co. pow is, on, the west bank of the river. Thomas Cook then lived immediatly west of the Green Tree, following the oc- cupation of teamster. He is still living at :his home, in Lyons. The Green Tree is still standing, being the northeast corner of Lake apd Canal streets.. It was built by John H. Kinzie, and i,s the oldest building in the city at the present day. For niaEty years it has, been known as the Lake Street Honse, but it is now . a common saloon and private dwelling. Immediately east of this place James Kinzie kejpt a store in 1835, where he drove a. thriv- ing trade with Indians and newcomers. Alexander Robinson's "^Mr. Robinson's father was a Canadian voyapeur, of Scottish descent, in the employ of a fur compajiy, and his mother a Pottawatomie woman. He was bred to his father's occupation, and became a useful man in his, sphere, as well as a true friend to the Indians, for which cause he rose to the position of princi- pal chief of the Fottawatomies, and remained such tiU their removal, in 1835. ' Alexander SoMnson. ^25 second residence was situated between Lake and Kandolph streets, ■on the west side. His place was generally lively with. Indians, in the declining glories of their latter days in Chicago. Groups of blanketed squaws, with their pappoos'es slung on their backs, in birch bark pockets, and an equal number of braves, dedaubed with paint and ornamented jvith feathers, hung around his doors in listless dalliance, while among them a few white drummers might sometimes, be seen distributing free whiskey to secure their trade. A few hours' boisterous yelling and a war-dance would wind up the scene, and with the small hours of morn- ing tranquility would be restored. It may appear str&nge to some that a man of Mr. Kdbinson's integrity and . reputation for excellence in those qualifications which make up the character of the model citizen, should inter- mingle and associate with the low class of Indians that came and went freely to and from his house, and for this apparent incon- sistency history ought to make an apology in his behalf; not on his individual account, but because he was one of but a smaR number left who represented the once lofty virtues of his race in. their purer and happier days, and who, after a hundred- and fifty years' occupation of Chicago in company with the French, were now taking their leave forever of this place . so dear to them.. " A man's a man for a' that," was a sentiment of which Robinson felt the true force. No one could be too low to become a recipient of liis favor, and no one 60 high in his estimation as to be unapproachable through the common forms of respect. Being half Indian, and having a wife of the same race, he was shut out from civilized society socially, and to have cut loose from the Indians would have left liim witli- Dut inflence, and alone in the. world. This same principle is riot unfrequently seen now-a-days when a partisa,n politician in de- fense of some dogma essential to secure public spoils, receives' bn terms of social equality persons far beneath his station, and Rob- inson was more justifiable than these, because his motive was not a selfish one, but the result of an inevitable destiny. In 1833 Mr. Philo Carpenter presented the temperance pledge to him (the first, says Mr. Carpenter to the writer, that was ever drawn up in Chicago). After a moment's refiection he signed it, at the same time proving the sincerity of his resolution by drawing a flask of whisky from his pocket and emptying its contents on tlie groiiri^. It is not known how long he held his resolution, but he never was a drunkard. The removal of his tribe was a turning point in his life. The issue now came directly to him which to choose — an Indian or a civilized life. After weighing the matter, in cbhsideratioh of his 426 ■ Alexcmder • BoMns&n. cliildren's bestgoo^jhe chose the latter, not without paiiifal emo- tions on his part, and sore disappointment on the part of hiai tribe. Soon after their removal he moved to his reservation on the Desplaines river, and became a farmer highlj esteemed bj all who knew him. His wife was equally exemplary in her walk in life, and afforded one of the many proofs that the pure Indian is possessed of high virtues when circumstances favor their growthj which is all that can be said_ of any one. His daughter Cynthia, the wife of M.v. Cooney, is now a resident of Chicago, -to- which placethe family recently came, for the laudable purpose of educating their children. Prom her the writer has leai'ned that her father came to Chicago in 1806, and henceforward made it his home till he retired to his reservation on the Desplaines. He was not present at the massacre of 1S12, but on hearing of it returned in time to unite with the Sauganash. and Black Par- -tridge to save the lives of the prisoners, and when his own life was threatened for his courageous interposition to this end. Say& his daughter: "He told the would-be assassins that they might destroy- the white hlood in him, hut Tmist not touch the Indian." This dilemma, with its complex issue, helped to turn the scale in favor, of the prisoners, and when the issue was settled, he took Mr. andMrs|i'Helm under his charge and. rowed thein in his ca- noe around the extremity of Lake Michigan arid along its eastern shore to Mackinaw.' He lived to see the great fire of 1871, and as he beheld its desolations from Lake street bridge, he gave a lusty whoop, and exclaimed that he once more saw the openrprai* rie there, as in the old days of his own prime. He died the next year,. April 19th, 1872, at. the advanced age of 110 years, accord* ing to Robert Kinzie's estimate,, who says that he was born be- fore his father, John Kenzie.. ■ Some others set his age at 105^ .but aU agree as to his wonderful longevity; and no one chal- lenges, his record for uprightness, hospitality and benevolence. An equally noble specimen of an upright man was Shabonee, whose eulogy' has been told by, Col. Gurdon S. Hubbard, in a pamphlet publjslied by the Chicago Historical Society. * In addition to Mr. Hubbard's voucher as to the integrity of Shabonee, the following bit of his history from Chicago's. welt known citizen, Wm. Hickling, Esq., is only a just tribute to the *" I cannot close," says Mr. Hubbaxd, "Without adding my testimony to that of Mr. Hicklings, regarding the character and services of that noble Lidian Chief,' Shabonee. t From my first acquaintance with him, which began in the fall of 1818, to his death I. was impresised withthg nobleiiess of his character. Physically he wa» as fine a specimen of a man as.I ever saw; tall, weU proportioned, strong and t His name lias been speUed in two wass b; bis b^ograpbeis. Shdbonee, ' 43T memory of him whose remains now honor our soil, and whose life-size portrait is treasnred in grateful memory by the Chicago Historial society. * The same treaty which gave to Caldwell, Eobinson and others of our Indians and half-breeds, their reservations of land, also- gave two sections to Shabonee. This he desired to be so located, that it would include his old home and council-house in the frove before mentioned. By direction of Major Langham, tlieu urveyor-General of Illinois and Missouri, a sui-vey and plat of the reservation was made by a Deputy Surveyor, and Shabonee fondl;^ hoped that the house which he and his family had occu- pied tor so many years was secured to him and them forever. I believe that in all the other reservations of land granted by the aforementioned treaty, that all the parties thereto, having such reservations, enjoyed theip in fee, and only required the consent of, and signature of the President of the United States, in order to pass a good title to parties purchasing silch reserved lands. "Why Shabonee's case should differ from all the rest I could never determine. At any rate, when the survej' of the public lands- lying north of the old Indian boundary line was ordered by the Land Department to be made, the Deputy Surveyor had instruc- tions to ignore the previous survey of the reservations, and include the lands thereon contained in the regular section lines of the Uiiited States survey, and during the absence . of poor old Shabonee and his family in. Kansas, these lands were sold by pub- ax:tive, with a face expressing great strength of mind and goodness of heart. Had he been favored with the advantages of education, he might have com.' manded a high position among the men of his day. He was remarkable for his ■integrity, of a generous and forgiving nature, always hospitable, and until hist, return from the west, a strictly temperate man, not only abstaining himself froifi all intoxicating liquors, but inQuencing his people to do the same: He- was ever.a.fcieiid to the white settlers, and should be held by thein in gratefuli reiiiembraiice. . He had' an uncommonly retentive memory, and a perfect knowl- edge of this" western country. He' would readily draiw on the sand or a bed of ashes, (^uite a correct map of the whole 'district from the lakes to the Missouri liver, giving general courses of rivers, designating towns and places of notori- ety, even'though he had never seen them. * * * It ought to be a matter or regret and mortification to us all that . our government so wronged this man (vrtio 60 often periled his own Ufe to save those of the whites), by withholding- - from him the title to the land granted him under a solemn treaty. The com- inissioners representing our government having given him their pledge that the- land allotted him by the Pottawatomie nation should be guaranteed to him by- our government, and^he protected in its ownership. He never sold his right to- the land, but by. force was driven from it, when he returned from the west to- take possession and found that our government disregarded his rights and sold it." * This portrait was painted from life by Mr. P. B. Young, of Rome, N. T. It was presented t6 the society by Mr. Cyrus F. MiUer, of Rockford, at which place it was painted in 1840. 428 ShUdonee. lie sale at Dikon. The tome of the old Ohief and hi$ family- passed into other hands, strangers to him, and in answer to an appeal made at Washington in Shabonee's behalf, the Commis- ■sioner of the General Land Department, in answer, said that twenty-five feet deep. Northerly and easterly winds throw the cool waters of the lake into this ctiannel, and raise it about three feet. North Branch, which, is the largest, rises a short distance above the boundary line, and near the laie, and runs paxallel with the late shore a southerly course, and is navigable for small boats. Its banks are well timbered and the land fertile. South Branch rises in an opposite direction in the prairies towards the Saga- naskee swamp, runs a northern direction about twenty miles, and forms a junc- tion with lie North branch i)i the town of Chicago. The timber is rather scarce- on the South branch." The following gentlemen were trustees of the town of Chicago in 1835, as- appears from the lease of a wharfing lot 50x40 feet on the river, immediately west of Clark street bridge. Hiram Hugunin, George W. Dole, Samuel Jack- son, Eli. B. Williams, Francis C. Sherman, James Kinzie, Alexander Lloyd,. "Walter Kimball and Bryan King, trustees, leased said lot to L. Harmon, H. G. Loomis and D. Harmon. The terms of the lease were $500.00 cash down, and $1,500.00 payable in equal installments of one, two and three years, with interest at six per cent, per annum. After which the lesses were to pay an annual rental of one barley corn, on the 23d day of November. These were the terms on which, the wharfing lots were first leased, but subsequently they were modified to suit a more modem style of business, when the payment of the annual barley com, (a form inherited from old English usages) was no longer demanded. One of these old leases is now in the hands of Mr. G. F. Rumsey. The same year a statement appears in the Democrat of November 25th, esti- mating the population of Chicago at 3265, inhabitants. This may be set down as the first year of that speculative excitement for which Chicago has ever since been remarkable. The receipts at the land oflBce which was opened this year,' exceeded half a million dollars for the first six months. The following has been copied from Prof E. Colbert's Histor- ical notes of Chicago, which have been compiled with his accus- tomed care, and are here inserted by permission from him: "During the summer of 1833 not less than 160 frame houses were erected, and the number of stores was increased from five or six to 25. Among the new build- ings was the Green Tree Tavern, by J. H. Kinzie, which was the first structure ever erected in the ' place for that purpose; its predecessors were simply pri- vate residences, thrown open to the public for a consideration. The year 1834 witnessed the establishment of closer commercial relations with other points east and west. The second week in April a schooner arrived from St. Joseph, and two cleared for the same port. On the 30th of the same inohth the corporation organ announced that emigration had fairly set in, as more than a hundred persons had arrived by boat and otherwise during the preceding ten days. On the 4th of June the Democrat announced that arrangements had been made by the proprietors of the steamboats on Lake Erie, whereby Chicago would be visited by a steamboat once a week till the 25th of August. On Satur- day, July 11th, the schooner Illinois, the first large vessel that ever entered the river, sailed into the harbor amid great acclamations, the -sand having been washed away by the freshet of the spring previous. In its issue of September 3d, the paper stated that 150 vessels had discharged their cargoes at the port of- \ Chicago in 1835. 433 Chicago since the 20th of April preceding:. The total number of votes polled in the whole of Cook county this year was 528. ' The poll-list of Chicago had in- creased to 111, out of a popu.ation of 400, Ijesides 200 soldiers in the fort. It is noteworthy that not less than 13 of the 111 were candidates for office at the August election. ■ In the spring of 1834, a stage communication was opened up between Chicago and the country to the westward, by means of J. T. Temple's line for St. Louis. The route to Ottawa was piloted out by John D. Caton, who had previously been over the unmarked road on horseback. A bitter storm sprung up, and the driver was obliged to resign his post; he died afterward from that day's, exposure to the cold. Mr. Caton, afterward Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, took the stage through to Ottawa, where a better system of roads b^egan, the iirst settlement of the State having been from the southward, as a ready stated. A lajge black bear was seen on the morning of October 6th, in a strip of tim- ber on the comer of Market and Jackson .streets, almost exactly on the cpot where the armory was afterward built. He was shot; then the citizens -jfot up a grand wolf hunt in the same neighborhood, and killed not less than ibrty of those animals before nightfall. It was just at this point, thirty-seven years after, alinost to a day, that the flames leaped across the river from the West Division, and thence swept northward to the limits of the city. In this year a draw-bridge was built across the river at Dearborn street; active measures were taken to prevent the spread of the cholera, and a commit- tee was authorized to build a cholera hospital outside the town if the disease should make it appearance; the first Sunday liquor law was passed (September 1st); the large sum of forty dollars was paid for repairing bridges; and the town was divided into four wards, by an ordinance intended to prevent fires. Prior to this year all the stores were located on South Water street — indeed, Lake street, and all the streets southward of it, only existed on paper. In the autumn of 1834, Thomas Church erected a store on Lake street, which was soon the busiest in the whole town. The packing statistics of the year show that Mr. Clyboume packed 600 cattle, and more than:-!,000 hogs; while Messrs. Newberry & Dole slaughtered some 400 cattle and 1,400 hogs in a packing house of their own, recently built on the south branch. The same year Gurdon S. Hubbard packed 5,000 hogs, on the comer of Lake and LaSalle streets. The first water works of the future city was established about this time, the sum of $95.50 being paid for the digging, stoning, and stone of a well, in Kinzie's addition, on the north side. In 1835 the hotel accommodations of the year increased in proportion to the population. Besides the Green Tree Hotel, on the corner of Lake and Canal streets, there were now thi'ee others. The Tremont House had been erected a year previously, on the northwest corner of Lake and Dearborn, and the loungers of that day used to stand on its steps and shoot the ducks on the river, or on the slough that lay before the door. Starr Foot was the first landloid. but he speedily gave way to Ira Couch, under whose management the Tremont soon became head-quarters for the travelers and speculators with which the town abounded. It was bumed down in 1839, in the second fire that had visited the place, the first having occurred in 1884. The Graves (log) tavern stood nearly opposite the Tremont, and the Sasfan ash Hotel ofiered accommodations for man and beast, on the corner of Market and Lake streets, the spot where Lincoln was nominated in 1860 for the presidency. At' that date the grove of timber along the east side of the south branch was still undisturbed, the north division was thickly studded with trees, a few piaes stood on the lake shore south of the harbor, the timber being thickest near the river, and a great pine tree stood near the foot of Eaudolph street. By an act of the Legislature, approved February 11, 1853, all the land east of State street, from Twelfth street to Chicago avenue, was included within the town lines; .except that it was provided that the Port Dearborn reservation, lying between Madison street and the river, should not belong to the town till vacated by the United States. 434 Seal of Chicago. - In tliis year (June) an attempt was made to borrow money on the credit of the town. The treasurer was authorized to borrow $2,000, at not more than ten per cent, interest, and payable in twelve months. He resigned rather than face tiip novel responsibility, and the street commissioner followed suit In this year the Chicago American entered the field to compete with the Demo- crat lor the advertising: pattoriage of the town and iis citizens. Two additional buildings were placed in the court house square in 1835 — a small brick edifice on the northeast comer, for the use of the county officers and the safe keeping of the records, and an engine-house, costing $220, the latter not being finished till the following year. The first fire engine was bought December 10th, of Messrs. Hubbard and Co., for the sum of $896.38, and a second ordered; The first fire-engine- company was organized two days after- wards. •%• On the 14th of November the Board of Town Trustees resolved to seU the leases of the wharfing privileges in the town for the term of 999 years, binding the board to dredge the river to the depth of ten feet at least, within four years from the sale, and the lessees of the privileges being bound to erect good docks, five feet wide and three feet above the water, within two years from the date of the lease. The sale of those immensely valuable privil^es took place on the 26th of November, 1835, at the store of Messrs. Jones, mng & Co., and it may be interesting to remember now the "minimum prices " at which owners of lote fronting the river had the privilege of buying. On South Water sti-eet the price was $25 per front foot; on North Water street, $18.75 per front foot; on West Water street $18 per front foot. The_ men who got rich in buying such prop- erty, at such prices, deserve no credit for speculative ability. But the board, on the 18th of November, 1835, offered still further assistance in their newschoolof " affluence made easy." They then resolved that they would not be bound to dredge the river, in making leases on North Water street, consequent^ tiiey lowered the minimum figure to $15 per front foot, in part, and $8.50 per front foot on the .remainder of the line. To aid in paying for leases at this rate, the board took secured notes for three and six months, for the first payment of one quar- ter of the price, and gave three years in which to pay off the balance. The sale was three times postponed, and while waiting for a sale all the picked lots seemed to have been taken at a minimum price. When the vendue did take place, only six lots remained to be sold, and but one of these found a purchaser, at $26 per front foot. The dty will have the right to resume possession of these valuable lots on the 26th day of November, A.D. 2834. The "privileges " thus thrown away by a lot of men who ought to have known better, subsequently became matter of much anxious legislation on the part of the board, and with the sale of the magnificent school lands, made October 21, 1833, on a petition signed by twenty-three citizens, form the two great sores in the history of the city. Both were literally "sold for a mere song." The school-lands, sold for $38,865, have since been worth nearly fifty millions. The official seal was adopted in November. 1835 — a spread-eagle having three arrows in his claws, and the words "United States of America" surrounding the same." Among other ambitions developed in Chicago as a town, was ship-building, and on the 18th of May, 1836, the sloop Clarissa slid from her stocks into the river, amidst the huzzas of a large assemblage gathered there to celebrate the event. But the great attraction of the year was the celebration of turning the first sod for the canal excavation, which is told as follows by Mr. John L. Wilson, who was an eye witness: " The beginning of the canal was celebrated July 4th, 1836, by nearlv the whole milage of Chicago going up to Bridgeport on the small steamer George "W. lioie, towing two schooners. Chicago in 1836. 435 Doctor "Win. B. Egan delivered the address on this most auspicious •event, and the Hon. Theophilus W. Smith began the "ditch" by throwing out the first shovel full of earth. The celebration of "the day we celebrate" then- began, and a right joyous one it was, as the Canal Bill had struggled long in its passage through the Legislature, and the probability of ever having a railroad to or from Chicago was hardly dreamed of. On arranging and starting the " flotilla " homeward bound, a squad of men on the banks of the narrow river, without any cause, began throwing stones into the steamer, breaking the cabin windows, and injur- ing one or two ladies, and keeping up the fusilade until a de- tachment of a dozen or jnore " old settlers " jumped ashore, (or rather into the shallow water), and charged among them. Those that I now remember were John H. and Eobert A. Kinzie, Stephen F. Gale, John and Richard L. "Wilson, Henry G. Hub- bard, Gurdon S. Hubbard, Sr., James B. Campbell, Ashvel Steele, 6.- B. Cobb, Mark Beaubien and others. There were none of the enemy standing as soon as they could be reached. The weapons used were only those brought into action in the ' manly art of self-defense,' but they proved exceedingly eflBcient. And thus ■ended the 'glorious 4th ' of July, 1836." * The year 1836 closes the career of Chicago as a town, the next year being her first as a city. The following is her com- mercial record till that time: TEAE. NO. VESSELS AEBIVED. TONNAGE. 1833 4 700 1834 176 5,000 1835 250 22,500 1836 450 60,000 The above list of arrivals of vessels, especially in 1834, consisted largely of three small schooners running to and from St. Joseph to carry passengers and flour. The arrivals, previous to 1833, consisted first of the schooner Tracy, which brought the officers to build the fort in 1803, after which an annual arrival of supplies from the fort, came, during the time there was a garrison at.the fort. The steamboat William Penn was used for this purpose in 1832, 3 and 4, bringing supplies to Ft. Gratiot, Macinac, and Ft. Howard at the same time. Besides these channels of communication with the Bast, was a wagon track around the head of the lake, thence.one branch running to Detroit, and another to Fort Wayne. This road ran along the beach, crossing the Calumet by means of a ferry which had been established June 7th, 1830, by the county commissioners of Peoria county granting to Rev. Wm. Lee the right to keep the ferry, with a stipulated bill of charges for ferriage, as follows: 12 J^ cents for a foot passenger; 25 cents for a man and horse; 37 j^ cents for a wagon and (jne horse; 75 cents for a wagon and two horses, and $1.00 for a wagon and four horses. * Mr. Wilson's recent contributions to the Chicago press have teemed with reminiscences of the early day here which pleasantly freshen the memories of eiarly Chicago in the minds of many thousands of its citizens. CHICAGO CHARTEEED AS A CITY. FIBST MAYOK ELECTED. The year 1836 had been one of remarkable prosperity to the lit- tle village of Chicago. Its population liad grown to the astonish- ing number of 3820 (as estimated), from a beginniiig of about 200 persons in 1833. Work on the canal had actually been begun and the harbor was in process of iniprovement, at the expense of the general government. Land specula- tors were rapidly buying up tlie lands, and that system of real estate speculation, which has since this period presented snch fascinations to the speculative capitalists of the country, was now inaugurated. Under these auspicious beginnings, on the 26th of October the town board took the necessary steps to take upon themselves the forms of a .city. The president of the board of trustees invited the inhabitants of each of the three districts of which the town was composed, to select delegates to meet the board, to confer together on tlie expediency of apply- ing to the legislature for a city charter. The meeting had place on the 25th of November, and resulted in the appointment, bj' Eli B. "Williams, the President of the board, of five delegates to draw np the charter in form for presentation. Their names were Ebenezer Peck, J. D. Caton, T. "W. Smith, "Wm. B. Ogden, and Nathan H. Bolles. On December 9th, this committee, through Mr. Peck, presented their charter to the board, and after some amendments it.was adopted, and on the fourth of March, the' next year, 1837, the legislature of Illinois passed the bill approving the charter, and Chicago took upon herself the forms of a city. The next move was to choose a mayor. The material for an able one was not wanting, but from its very excess the difficulty in making a choice was iu creased. Happily there were no spoils at state and no: rings to covet them. ■o Charter Election. 437 The issue was defined by the two political parties which then divided the country on political economy. The whig party represented one and the Democratic party the other. And here it may be pertinent to say that the separate policies of the two parties could not be accurately defined in theory so as to be well understood at this day, but practically the Whigs repre- •sented a policy which embraced a liberal system of banking, pro- tective tariffs, and an extensive system of public works, while the Democrats did not oppose this entirely, but professed to :guard against excesses in their propagation. The most of them went for a metalic currency only, or paper convertible at the •will of the holder. John H. Kinzie was the "Whig candidate for mayor, and Wm. B. Ogden the Democratic. Says Hon. ■John "Wentworth: "Both were members of the old St. James Episcopal Church, both men of wealth for that time, and there was nothing in the character of either of the men to give either one any advantage over the other. It was a fair stand-up fight between the Whigs and Democrats. Men of each political party wanted the city government to stand under its peculiar aus- pices." The contest was sharp and spirited, and great care was taken to provide against illegal voting^ Young Wentworth was challenged on the grounds ot his youth, and was sworn before be- ing allowed to vote — a suspicion of the truth of which charge, he humorously says, he has since outgrown. Mr. Ogden received 469 votes and Mr. Kinzie 237, showing a large majority of the citizens of Chicago to be in favor of the ■democratic policy of the country, at which time, it is not too annch to say, we were almost at a loss for any very vital issue. The total vote of the south division was 408, the north 204, and the west 97, and of the whole city 709. ENLARGEMENT OP CHICAGO BY WARDS AND CITY LIMITS. BT JOHN A. MOODY, CHIEF CLEKK IN CITY CLERK's OFFICE. In 1835, John H. Kinzie, Gurdon S. Hubbard, Ebenezer Good- rich, John K. Boyer and John S. C. Hogan were constituted by the legislature of Illinois a body politic and corporate to be knownby the name of the "Trustees of the Town of Chicago." The jurisdiction of the town extended over all that district con- tained in sections nine and sixteen, north and south fractional section ten and fractional section fifteen, in township 39, N. E. 14 E. of the 3rd P. M., except that portion of fractional section ten occupied by the United States, for military purposes. The act creating the town provided that the corporate powers and 438 Wards — City Limits. duties should be vested in a board of nine trustees, after the first Monday of June, A. D. 1835, on which date the term of office of the above named gentlemen expired. In the year following, tlie- system of water works of Chicago was instituted by the act in- corporating the Chicago Hydraulic Company. Two years after the incoruoration of the town, on the ith of March, 1837, the legislature enacted that "the district of coun- try known as the east half of the southeast quarter of section, thirty-three, fractional section thirty-four, the east fourth part of sections six, seven, eighteen and- nineteen, all in township forty;, also fractional section three, sections four, five, eight, nine, and: fractional section ten, excepting the southwest fractional quarter of said section ten, occupied as a military post, until the same shall become private property, fractional section fifteen, sections six- teen, seventeen, twenty, twenty-one, and fractional section twenty- two, all in township thirty-nine, range fourteen, east of the third P. M.; being in the county of Cook and State of Illinois, should' be known as the city of Chicago." It is impossible to give the boundaries above fixed by streets. There is a manifest error in the copy of the act which is on file- in the office of the. city clerk. The maps show that the sections- six, seven, eighteen and nineteen, above mentioned, are in town- ship thirty-nine instead of forty. The territory was divided into six wards; of which the 1st and- 2d were in the south, the 3d and 4th in the west, and the 5th arid 6th- in the north divisions, respectively. The government was vested in tlie mayor and twelve aldermen — two aldermen from each ward, except the third and fifth wards, which were en- titled to but one alderman each until the annual election for the year 1839. By the act of March 4, 1837, the school system of Chicago was first established; and by an act passed March 1, 1839, additional powers were granted the common council for establishing and. maintaining schools. Within ten years from its incorporation, the new city felt that it did not contain territory enough, and that its original charter was insufficient for its proper government. . On Feb. 16, 1847, a supplementary act was passed extending the limits so as to in- clude all the territory bounded as follows: .Beginning at the intersection of 2.2d street with the lake, shore,, thence west to "Western avenue, thence north to North avenue^ thence east to Sedgwick street, thence north to Fullerton avenue,, thence east to the lake, thence southward on the lake shore to the- place of beginning. The city was also divided into nine wards of which the 1st, 2d» Wa/rds^City Limits. 439 3rd arid 4tli were in the south division, the 5th and 6th in the ■west, and the 7th, 8th and 9th in the north. ' The city census taken in that year showed a population of 16,859 persons. The vahiation of the real and personal estate was, $5,849,170; the amount of revenue raised by taxation $18,159,01, and the floating liabilities $13,179,89. In 1851, the various acts atfecting the city were reduced into one act, and additional powers were granted, but the bounda- ries of the city were not changed. In 1853, the city was by act of the general assembly divided into the divisions called north, south and west, the limifs were also ex^ tended so as to include within the city all of sections 27, 28, 29 and 30, T.' 39, ]!T. E. 14 E., also those parts of 31 and 32 T. 40, E. 14, lying east of the north branch, and also the ■ W.^ of Sec. 33, 40, 14. This extension made Slst-street the southern boundary, Western avenue from 31st street to North avenue and the north branch from !tforth avenue to Fullerton avenue the western boundaries, and l^orth avenue and FuUerton avenue the northern boundaries. The jurisdiction of the city was also extended over so much of the shore and bed of the lake as lie within one mile east of frac- tional section 27. The number of the wards was not changed, the added territory being annexed to the 1st, 2d,' 3rd, 4th, 5tii and 7th wards. The city census taken in 1853, showed a population of 60,652. The valua'tion was $16,841,831.00, and the bonded debt, $189,070. In 1855 the sewerage system of Chicago was inaugurated by the creation of a board of sewerage commissioners, with such powers and duties as were deemed necessary to carry into eifect its objects. The amended city charter, approved Feb. 15, 1857, provided for the creation of an additional ward, the tenth, out of the territory in the West Division. By the revised charter of 1863, the city limits were extendedso as to include all of township 39, north range 14 east of the 3rd P. M., and all of sections 31, 32, 33 and fractional section 34, 40, 14, with so much of the waters and bed of Lake Michigan as lie within one mile of the shore, and east of the territory aforesaid. The street boundaries were Egan avenue (39th street) on the south. Western avenue on the west and FuUerton avenue on the noi'th. The territory was divided into sixteen wards of which the 1st' to the 5th inclusive were in the' south, the 6th to the 12th inclusive in the west and the four remaining in the north division. Again, in 1869, the general assembly extended the city limits on the west so as to include within it the territory lying north of the II- 44:0 Wards — City Li/tnits. linois & Micliigan Caiial, east of Crawford avenue and soutli of North aveiiue. The same act divided the city into twenty wards, of which six were located in the South Division, nine in the West Division and five in the North Division. The city then contaiii- ed an area of at least thirty-five square miles with a population of 306,605 persons, an. assessed vahiation of $275,986,550.00 and a bonded indebtedness of over $11,000,000.00. In 1870 it levied a tax of $4,139,798.70. In 1837 the tax levy was $5,905.15. Since 1869 there has been no territory added to the city. In 1875 the question whether the city should reorganize under the general incorporation act, was submitted to a vote of the people, and was adopted by a vote of 11,714 for, to 10,281 against. Lest this vote may be taken as an indication of the number of voters in the city at that time, I desire to state here that at the last preceding general election for mayor, 47,390 votes were cast. Under the provisions of the general incorporation law, the council divided the city into eighteen wards — five in the South Division, nine in the West Division, and four in the North Di- vision. By virtue of various amendments to the charter, the city gov- ernment was, at the time of reorganization, in the hands of many irresponsible boards. Under powers given by the new incorporation law, these boards were all abolished, and the departments governed by them re- established on ordinances passed by the city council. The ma- chinery of the city government is now more simple and less ex- pensive, considering the vastly greater business entrusted to it, than under any of the older charters. The mayor and aldermen practically control the entire city government. The taxation j?e?" capita in 1837 was about 1.41; in 1847 about 1.08; in 1857 about 6.73; in 1867 about 12.59; in 1877 about 9.83. The highest rate was in 1873, which was about 15.27. OFFICIAL RECORD OF FORT DEARBORN, TAKEN FROM THB BECOKDS OP THE WAK DBPABTMENT AT WASHINGWON, BT > HON. THOS. B. BBTAN. FORT DEARBORN, ILL. SlTCTATED AT CHICAGO, IlL., -WITHIN A VEW TAKDS OF LaKE MICHIGAN ; Lat. 41° 5V N.; LoN. 87° 15' W. Post established by the U., S. forces in 1804. Aug. 15, 1812, the garrison, under the command of Captain ISTathan Heald, 1st U. S. Infantry, composed of 54 regular infantry, 12 militia-men, and 1 interpreter, was attacked by thie Indians, and evacuated same day. The Indians numbered between 400 and 500, of wliom 15 were reported killed. The killed of the garrison were Ensign Geo; Eowan,* 1st Inf., Doctor J. V. VanVoorhis,t Oapt. Wells, interpreter, 24 enlisted men U. S. Inf., and 12 militia- men; 2 women and 12 children were also killed. The wounded were Capt. JS"athan Heald and Mrs. Heald. None others re- ported. The next day, Aug. 16, 1812, it was destroyed by the Indians. Re-occupied about June, 1816, Captain Hezekiah Brad- ley, 3d Infantry, commanding. The troops continued in occupa- tion until October, 1823, when it was evacuated, and the post left in charge of the Indian Agent, and was re-occupied Oct. 3d,. 1828. Capt. Hezekiah Bradley, 3d Inf, commanded the post from June, 1816, to May, 1817; Bvt.Maj. D. Baker, 3d Inf, to June, 1820; Capt. Hezekiah Bradley, 3d Inf, to Jan'y, 1821; Maj. Alex. Cummines, 3d Inf, to Oct., 1821; Lt. Col. J. MclSTeal' 3d Inf, to July, 1823; Capt. John Greene, 3d Inf, to Oct., 1823. Post not garrisoned from Oct., 1823, to Oct., 1828. *His name is spelled Ronan in Wabun. t Spelled Voorhees in Wabun. According to the above official record the attack preceded the evacuation. This was a mistake, according to the account of every eye witness who has written its history, of whom there are several. — Author. The following item is from Wm. Hickling, Esq. : " At this present time there is standing, fronting on State, near the N. E. corner of 33d street, what appears to be a two-story frame h6use; the body of this edifice is made of hewn timber which formerly formed a part of the officers' quarters of Fort Dearborn (ei'ected in 1816). Many years ago, the late Judge Henry Fuller reihoved this building from its old site, on the Fort reservation, to its present locality; then modernized it by covering with siding and a new shin- gle roof. In another building erected by Judge Fuller, No. 872 Michigan ave- nue, may be found an oaken virindow-frame inserted in the kitchen part of said building; this venerable relic was also removed from the "officers' quarte^" of the old Fort, after having done duty there for some thirty years, it seems that the judge had a great Eking for these old Port Dearborn buildings, for he removed a portion of another log building belonging to the old Fort, converting the same into a stable on the rear of his property, No. 872 Michigan avenue. This old relic of the Fort he afterwards sold, and I understand the purchaser broke up the old timbers for firewood." h^l cS 1— 1 '"' ^ w g o o w H w ^ <^ s H ^ O P •i eSSorJ s o o Oct. '32. ecome a of July ed until .2d Inf. ct. from Post for li neand fing 1) e 11th rendei and I stof om ■K gg 4>' 113111=° aI S returns 1)e "Tort Dea Gen'l Hospi last, no retu its re-occup returned to Campaign." ct., 1832. 3 13 s .3 •a g s g izi : : : : : o o o a a a a S 3| r.=ss= s I Q ?§- Aug. Marc Doc. May Aug. 1 June 20, 1S29. Nov. 4, " 1 c r,-a:--iiiSii agSg ,i "3 -* WgjgOM.pOJWjjg,,-]'^ ET gS eo CO 53 to CO rt » •« c g"— ' 3£ o P - i-3l^'-'-^i-5Qoriation for the Cnicago post office in tiie following words: " For the accommo- tion of the custom, house, post office. United States courts, and steamboat in- spectors, a building of stone 85x60 feet, 60 feet in height from the foundation, to cost not more than $88,000." And it is irorthy of mention that this is the -only building whose walls survived the great fire of 1871. Chicago Post Office. 447 danger to the employes of the departments. It was established on the northwest corner of State and 16th streets, from wlience, after two months, it was removed to the Wabash Avenue Meth- odist Chnrch, corner of Harrison street, where it remained till the fire of 1874, when- it again fled before the devouring element — saving all the mail — establishing itself at the postal station, "Corner of "Washington and Halstead streets in the West Division, and no interruption was caused by this fire in the delivery of letters. These quarters were retained about a month, when the ■ofiice was established in the Honore building, corner of Dearborn and Adams streets, where it remained till fire again. invaded their quarters, Jan. .4th, 1879, when they, with ^11 the mail saved, took flight to the northeast corner of Washington and State streets, in the basement of the Singer building, where.it remained tiU April 12th, 1879, at which time the office was established at its present locality in the Government building, occupying the square be- tween Adams, Jackson, Clark and Dearborn streets. The expenses of the office in 1836 were $300, and its commis- -sions the same year were $2,148.29. Ten years later, in 1846, the ■expenses were $5,234.39, while the ' expenses were $7,228.51. Ten years later, in 1856, the expenses were $41,130.56, and the •expenses, $65,804.41.' Since the fire, beginning with 1872, the total amount of nioney- •order- transactions received and paid out have been as follows: For 1872, $7,937,751.20; 1873, $10,632,069.08; 1874, $14,507,- 431.83; 1875, $14,741,446.65; 1876, $12,930,824.88; 1877, $13,- 157,085.33; 1878, $15,598,765.14; 1879, $16,892,975.92. The :sale of stamps, stamped envelopes and postal cards for the same period has been, 1872, $715,010.27; 1873, when postal cards were first introduced, $788,006.29; 1874, $840,388.48; 1875, $970,886.47; 1876, $955,417.70; 1877, $953,148.08; 1878, $1,006,- ^'52.10: 1879, $1,074,237.62. 448 Chicago Rarbor. CHICAGO HARBOR. Chicaso III., June 21, 1880. RcFus Blajstohahd. "Wheaton, HI, Dear Sir: I take great pleasure in submitting, in accordance with your request, the following statement of work done by the U". S. Government for improving the harbor at Chicago; it would be more accurate to say for making a harbor, as none ex- isted until the natural condition of afiFairs was modified. An. idea of what this condition was may be derived from a glance at the plate fronting page 264, Part III of your book; there we see that the Chicago iiiver, making an abrupt bend to the souths breaks through the sandspit some distance south of the site of the old fort. It must not, be supposed that this was a perma- nent outlet, nor that it constituted a reliable channel of com- munication between the lake and river. It was simply a break through the sandspit, in which the depth of water seldom ex- ceeded two feet, and which was frequently entirely blockaded with sand. The act of Congress approved March 2nd, 1833, appropriated the sum of $25,000 for improving the " harbor at Chicago, on Lake Michigan;" and then was begun that series of works which has given to Chicago the fine harbor facilities indicated on the sketch, transmitted herewith. The first step was to. make a direct cut fi'om the bend in the river, to the lake; a revetment was placed on the north side of the cut, and the north pier was projected into the lake for a dis- tance of about 1,000 feet; the object of this pier was to catch and hold back the sand, which, moving south along the lake shore under the influence of the littoral current, would soon have closed the outlet, and left matters as bad as before. While the construction of the north pier was in progress, the cut waa widened to 200 feet, and riveted on the south side. In this way a reliable entrance to the river was secured at an early date. It would be neither interesting nor instructive to follow, step by step^ the progress of this system of improvement, and I will 'simply state that the work consisted in a gradual extension of the piers, and some necessary dredging between them, until the year 1869, before any movement was made to obtain increased harbor facil- ities, beyond those furnished by the' river. At this time the end Chicago Harbor. i4(> of the north pier was 1,100 feet lakeward of tlie shore line of 1869, — the shore line itself having advanced, by natural accretions due to the littoral cuiTent before referred to, through a distauce of 2,000 feet; the area of these accretions was about 75 acres; the south pier was about 1,600 feet shorter than the northpier; the total extent of pier work and revetment made by the U. S. from 1833 to 1870 aggregated about 6,000 feet. In the meantime, the commerce of Chicago had increased to such proportions, as to show clearly that something must be done to relieve the river from its crowded conditiou. _ Accord- ingly we find that Major J. B. Wheeler, the U. S. Engineer in charge of the works, reported to the Chief of Engineers, in a letter dated Nov. 30, 1869, " that the Chicago river is taxed to its utmost, to accommodate the present condition of affairs, and that it is utterly inadequate to meet the wants of commerce rap- idly growing." To obtain the desired relief, he recommended that a portion of the lake be inclosed in such a manner as to form an outer harbor; to this end he proposed to construct a brea.kwater extending southerly, from the entrance between the piers, for a distance of 4,000 feet, and from the south end of this structure, a closing pier, 3,400 feet long to tlie shore at the foot of Van Bnren"St.; the enclosed area was then to be dredged' to a sufficient depth for vessels to lie at anchor. This plan having been approved, work was commenced on the main breakwater in 1870, and completed in 1875. The depth "of water in which it was built, varies from 20 to 22 feet ; it is built of cribs 30 feet wide solidly filled with stone ; its superstructure extends to 6 feet above the wafer surface. During the time that work on this structure was in progress, the south pier was extended 600 feet and a " return " 300 feet long, added to the north end of the break- water ; in 1876, the north pier was extended 600 feet Thus the total extent of crib-work for piers and breakwater, built from 1870 to 1876 inclusive, was 5,500 lineal feet. There was no money available for doing nmch work, in the year following, but when the appropriation for 1878 became avail- able, it was applied, in part, to dredging a channel 500 feet wide to a depth of 16^ feet, through the outer harbor, the amount of excavation being about 100,000 cubic yards. In ]Srovember,.1878, Captain Gr. J. tlydecker, the U. S. engineer in charge, submitted a project for modifying and extending the facilities furnished by Wheeler's plan; the principal features. of this modified plan, which was approved, were the substitution of a detached break- water for the southerly or closing pier, proposed by Major Wheeler, and the construction of an exterior breakwater, located to the northward and eastward of the north pier, to cover a good 450 Chicago Hatibor. anchorage ground in deep-water, and provide in this way a harbor of refnge. The construction of the southerly breakwater was commenced in June, 1879, and completed to its full extent, 3,000 feet, early in the summer of 1880. The total expenditure by theU. S. Government, for'this harbor, from 1833 to July, 1880, is $1,108,005. The work has all been planned and executed under the direction of officers detailed from the Corps of Engineers IT. IS. Army; it includes the construction of about 14,500 lineal feet of piers and breakwater, and an in- ■definite amount of dredging. The benefits derived therefrom may be summarized as follows: In 1833 there was no reliable channel connecting the lake' and river, whereas now there is a straight entrance between the piers, with a channel depth of 15 feet. TJie breakwaters already built shelter an area of 450 acres, which was formerly in the open lake, and will permit the con- struction of wharves along the lake front as far as 12th Street, which, supposing one at the foot of each street, would provide an aggregate length of dock line of at least 32,000 feet, and these docks will be in direct communication with the railway system of the city. When the work already authorized is completed, the outer harbor will have a uniform depth of 16^ feet, and the exterior breakwater will provide an excellent harbor of refuge, which vessels can reach with ease during the severest storms, and from which the outer harbor and river will be readily accessible. For carrving on this work, Congress has this year appropriated the sum' of $145,000. In addition to the works described above for the improvement of the harbor, the Government has also built and maintained at Chicago one lighthouse, three beacons, and one life-saving station. Yery respectfully, G. J. Ltdeokee^ Major of Engineers TJ. S. A. Convention of I860- ^">^ CONVENTION OF 1860. Two opposing forces grew into antagonism in the United States within the memory of middle-aged men now living. This antagonism, that had been gathering force during a gen- eration in its progress, had gradually obliterated party ]ines,"and ■ substituted an issue on a real principle in political economy for the old one which had existed between the "Whigs and the Democrats. The old issue grew out of an honest difference of opinion on financial questions, such as tariff, banting and public improve- ments; the "Whigs being the ambitious and progressive element, and the Democrats "Claiming to be the cautious regulators to apply the brakes upon hasty and ill-digested legislation. But at the time when the new issue came into existence the old -one had lost its national character and become effete. The new issue was oil the subject of slavery, and dispite all efforts on the part of statesmen, as well as divines, to bury it beneath some plas- tic subterfuge, it came up in 1856 in its naked proportions, at the Philadelphia convention which nominated Fremont as candidate for President of the United States to represent the principles of the new party. The issue that now divided the country prac- tically involved the existence of slavery. Financial questions were lost sight of, and had little or no part in it. It was the first time in the history of the country that an issue had grown up in Jhe popular heart exempt from any other but conscientious principles as to what policy should best promote justice, as well as national honor. The situation in the United States at that time resembled that of England when the common- wealth displaced the reigning dynasty on a religious question. It was the higher law in both cases that the new party was con- tending for, and in both it was the first time that either country, by the force of public opinion only, succeeded in establishing a moral tribunal by which to overturn the majesty of legal forms. No one will deny that this was the case in England in the days of Cromwell, and the proof that such was the case in the United States in the political campaign of 1860, is found in the fact that after the war which followed it, the Constitu,tion had to be changed to comply with the changes it had wrought. The attempt to compass the desired end, brought to light in 1856 at the Philadelphia Republican Convention, the first of its kind, proved a failure. 452 Convention of 1860. The moral sense of its advocates was deeply wounded, but they bore the humiliation in silence, witli no letting down of their purposes; on the contrary, they gathered strength as the time drew near for another trial in 1860. And now no prestige, no favor- itis?n, no conventional forms or local rights must stand in the way of the fulfilment of the great popular voice that transcended everything. In vain may history be searched for sucli a sub- lime episode when so complete a submission was made to a prin- ciple as the Chicago Convention of 1860 personified. It is- doubtful if Chicago is ever again destined to such honors as fell upon her when she was selected as the most appropriate place- for this convention. It was a compliment paid to the moiral sense of her rising mind, to the magnanimity of her national policy, to her immunity from local prejudice, to her bold and original conceptions, and to her youthful and impulsive force, so- essential to the success of the work which .the convention were about to undertake. More than all this, it was a proof that her interests were locally interwoven with- every part of the United States, not only by the physical forces of nature, but by the fra- ternizing influences that grow out of them through the channels of commerce. As soon as the selection was made, prompt action was taken by Chicago's leading citizens to make preparation for the occas- ion, commensurate .with its importance. The first thing to be done was to provide a place for its sessions, and to this end anew and original plan was proposed. It was to erect a building on purpose. The proposal was received with favor so universal, that by voluntary subscriptions, the bulk of which was not over ten dollars from each giver, the building was erected. It consisted of an immense audience room arranged like an amphitheatre,, whose roof was supported by numerous upright posts. It was christened The Wigwam. ■ The convention was unlike any that had ever preceded it. Beneath the noisy demonstrations that always accompany such gatherings, like the froth that floats upon, the surface of deep wa- ters, was a silent force, the oft'spring of that kind of philosophy which might be called Antinomian in its cliaracter; a philosophy that accepts things for what they are worth, and not for what they appear to be; a philosophy that sees the snblimest truths in simple formula, and beholds a direct road to national grandeur, iinobstructed by the vagaries of partisans; a philosophy that could be charitable without complicity, discreet without being excbisive, prudent without being intolerant, conservative without a iMing down of /prvnciple, and more tenacious for substance than for theory. Who could fill such a measurei Who could step Convention of I860. 453 into the arena impervious to the shots of envy, liatred aind malice destined to be hurled. against him from an old party whose long lease of power had confirmed it in its defensive measures of ex- treme constitutional rights ? Horace Greeley was then a potent force in the new party. All ■eyes were turned to him for support, and no doubt exists that, liad he given Mr. Sfeward his hearty support from the first, he would havcibeen elected as the nominee at the first balloting of the convention. Every influence that the ingenuity of Mr. Seward's friends could, suggest was early brought to bear upon Mr. Greeley in hjs behalf, but the venerable printer was imper- vious to any pressure that could be brought upon him. He did not oppose Mr. Seward, but the fact that he had not advocated his cause, added to the fact that the Eress and Tribune, the -Journal and the Democrat; of Chicago, had from the first been earnest supporters oi. Abraham' Lincoln as the nominee, pre- vented, hasty action in the convention and held back • the party leaders in abeyance to public sentiment. In the liands of the latter, Mr. Lincoln's nomination was assured, for the convention -dared not disobey its mandates. Besides tliis, the very atmos- phere of Chicago was charged in his favor by a subtle and irre- =sistible force, before which all other pretensions vanished, and when the day set for the opening of the convention arrived an impressive circumspection reigned throughout the hall, and even •extended its influence into the broad open air of the streets out- ride; for among the many thousands gathered there, were a good- ly number whose maturity of intellect rose above the average nnind, and leavened the whole lump with a fall measure of -gravity appropriate to the occasion. The convention commenced its sittings on the 16th of May, 1860, and continued till the 19th. Jt was composed of 466 delegates, 234 of whom were necessary for a choice. On the third ballot Lincoln received 354 votes, -which result was announced to the audience, and loud and long -contiMied cheers from them sufficiently vouched the action of the delegates by unmistakable signs of enthusiasm. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine,, was nominated on the next ballot for vice- president by 367 votes. The news flew to every part of the •country, and the presidential campaign opened with an enthusi- asm on the part of the new party, and firmness on the part of the old, never before witnessed. / The results of the Eepublican victory which followed are sub- lime beyond description, and sad 1 eyond measure, and will never be forgotten in the history of the world. A careful study of them, while it reveals the frailties of over- reaching ambition on the part of those who raised their arm -454 Convention of I860. against the government, also reveals the unwelcome truth that posterity's teeth will be set on eds^e by the public debt, incurred in the inevitable war which followed. Mr. Lincoln's untar- nished record in it has turned all his poilitical enemies into- frieii^ of his measures and his memory, and convinced the world, that greatness is less the result of "ndtoriety than natural good- sense." The creatures of vaiii ambition stood appalled before his unpretentious power, that with a. simple helm overturned the work of the forum, and demolished whatever stood in the way or the sense of the nation, of which he was the faithful representa- tive. His life and his death were an ever-living proof that justice is- the only thing that can save a nation in times of peril, and his- exemplary administration of public affairs has made it possible- for historians to write his eulogy without being accused of parti- sanship. No President of the United States should come short of this high standard of statesmanship wliich, if universally practiced, would be a safeguard against the disgraces of partisan strategy and the dangers of disunion, as well as the moody discontents of Socialism.. Simple justice is all the people want, in default of which revolution, feooner or later, will bring it with fearful retri- bution. That Mr. Lincoln's administration was statesman-like and not partisan, is demonstrated by the fact that at his untimely death, one of the best representatives of the Southern Confedei-acyy Alexander H. Stephens, said: "That is the heaviest blow the; South has yet received." Had his life been spared, it is fair to assume that the probleia of reconstruction would have received a magnanimous solution more consistent with political economy tlian was possible with- out his counsels. He who knew how to improvise useful mater- ial to build up' his own cause out of those opposed to him, might have turned the popular tide of the South after the war in favor of the Union by those modifying arts that melted away opposi- tion to the forms of law and order which he had reduced to- simple elements. As an example of his easy way of overcorning- opposition, the following circumstance, which lias never before- been made public, is here related. When Mr. Lincoln was in a quandary as to whom he should give the chief command of the- union tbrces,he consultad an old friend on the impoi-tant' matter,. . and while conferring together, Mr. Lincoln proposed to give the- chief command of the Union forces to Douglas, on the ground that his indomitable energy and superior capacity would insure- success against the foe, and convert enemies in the north intci» Convention of I860. 455 feiends. This measure was opposed by the adviser of Mr. Lin- coln, on the ground that if successful, Mr. Douglas might use hi3 prestige in a spirit of rivalry against. the administration, .^is consideration had no weigh"t with Mr. Lincoln, who still favored the promotion of Mr. Douglas to the position. / Seeing he could not turn his purposes, his adviser admonished nim of the fact, that inasmuch as Mr. Douglas was then dan- gerously, sick at Chicago, it would be prudentto wait till he had ^recovered before appointing him to the position, lest in the event ; of his death, the friends of Mr. Douglas would say that an empty honor had been confeiTed upon him, which it was certain, lie never could live to -enjoy. .This consideration, had its desired effect, and Mr. Lincoln concluded to let the appointment rest, to await the result of Mr. Douglas' sickness. Within two weeks from that time he'died.* There may be some at this time who honestly deprecate the war, and aver that the national debt will entail more evils upon the white race that can be compensated by the liberation of the colored race; but even these do not censure Mr. Lincoln, or hold him responsible for any national griefs, for by his own record he is shown to have been willing to save the union, either with or without slavery, and his tardy issue of the emancipation procla- mation till it became a sine qua nan, as to public confidence in the ability of the JSTorth to conquer the rebellion, sufficiently de- monstrated his broad national conservatism, as well as his fidelity to the union. Such a happy combination of all the statesman- like qualities so necessary to guide the ship of State through the tangled mazes of our Civil War, could not have grown into being under l^ew England culture; not but what sliehad men superior to Mr Lincoln in any one gift, but in va,in mav we look there for those matciiless virtues which Western pioneer training, Western broad-gauge statesmanship, and universal good fellowsliip, has added to their already mnnificent inheritances from the East, and for which an everlasting debt of obligation is due her. The West is the child of the East, and as the parent in tlie ma- turity of age takes pride in the transcendent genius of a son, so the East beholds the zenith of imperial power graduating west-- ward as new fields for national grandeur are unfolded in that di- rection, quickening into activity generous purposes; in propor- tion to her accumulating resources. ; : T-^T *The authority for this is a etat-esman now living:, whose advanced yeais are . his apology for not allowing his name to appear, lest it might subject him to inquisitive interviewing. He says, however, that if necessary to sustain the veracity of the writer, he will waive the .objections and give his name to the public as voucher for the statement. 456 Convention of I860. Mr. Lincoln was. the incarnate type and model of the combined virtues of the Western citizen ; and where on the face of the great world of progress can his equal be fonnd. in his full rounded uj character, deficient in nothing which could bring strength to thj nation by securing the services of the working bees, and not thj drones, in its great hive. Both of the !N"apoleons have made their mistakes, plain to b^ seen by all, for which .they have paid the penalty. Cromwell'a rule with all its grandeur, if blended with Lincoln's charity,\ would have secured the full endorsement of the Massachusetts \ colony (which it never received), and would have warded off the ' recoil, which, at his death, replaced the old dynasty. Bismarck, for want of Lincoln's charity, has of late entangled Germany in a threatening religious issue, besides having challenged a hostile antagonism in France, that costs the nation millions annually to defend themselves against. The policy by which even wise England conquered Ifapoleon at the expense of their national debt, has long since been ac- knowledged by her best statesmen to have been a mistake,* and it is not too much to say, would never have had place, if the con- servatism of Abraham Lincoln had prevailed in the English par- liament at the time. By comparing notes with the world, while we as frontierers can make but a pitiful show in science or art, yet in that kind of natural good sense which our conditions have introduced into political economy, we have claims worthy of consideration ; and it is not too much to say that the genius of Lincoln, as the representative of them, has crowned the "West with imperishable laurels. It has also proven, the elastic tenacity of the West, a bond essential to the preservation of the Union in times of peril, and Chicago to be the pivot on which the hinge turns. Under this responsibility the city of the lakes rests in her majesty of strength, not to be challenged, but to be utilized *As a proof of this the following extract from a letter from Rt. Hon. John Bright, member of parliament from Birmingham, io the author, is quoted. It is dated One Ash, Rochdale, April 8th, 1880: ■'As to the wisdom of Parliament at the end of the last and the beginning of the present century, I suspect there was no such thing as wisdom in those times in- the BriHsh Pariimnent, or in the councils of the King. And nowthe.time is past, and little good- can come from the discussion of the good or had of what Parliament then did." The author agrees with the distinguished British statesman that no g-ood can come from discussing the above question. But an allusion is here made to it by way of comparing notes between the policy of England and America, in the con- tracting of their respective national debts, and the author takes this occasion to thank his honorable correspondent for the frank expression of his opinion as above, though it censures the past policy of his government. Not eveiy Amer- ican statesmen would be equally ingenuous. Cowoention of I860. 45T in the great fraternity of States, to wliicli Chicago extends her right hand in that broad-gauge spirit of good fellowship, for which she has a high reputation. Eeckless partisan leaders have, no hand in this fellowship. Tlie general interests of the country are the last things they care for, for they live on the offal of venality, and in proportion as political vices accumulate, their services are in demand to carry them, like mill-stones about their necks, till corruption has reached the limit -which the good sense of the nation will bear. Then comes the recoil. New men and new measures are brought to the front in the more forcible but less noisy strength of jus- tice. Strong vices stimulate into life equally strong virtues, to repair spoilation, and in no place in the country can these vir- tues find an equally available field for action, as in the great center whose relations and associations are divided and shared from every direction, and whose charities are broadened into a national conservatism too flexible to be severed, and too tenacious' to be conquered. Such is the proud position of the great North- west in 1881. And let it never be forgotten, that she is the cradle of the new National Policy, which every American citizen now ■endorses, and that this policy was the fruitage of the broad fields for agriculture that nature so invitingly spread for free labour in the W est, out-rivaling the time-serving policy of slave labour, and changing petty partisan disputes in our national councils into grander issues, more worthy the minds of American citizens. Twenty years have passed since the assembling of this conven- tion, and more material for history has grown up with them, than •during the seventy-seven years preceding it, which would date back to the peace of Paris, succeeding the Revolution. With truth, it may be said, that the issues that divided the ■country into two nearly equal parts before this convention, divide it no longer. What, at least, one political party then considered •only a side-issue, every political party now looks upon as a national issue, involving vital principles of public policy, now settled on the only permanent basis which " manifest destiny" pointed out. Viewed, as such, it becomes a legitimate theme for the historian, and if left out of history, the treatment of all or any other points ■on political history would be in vain. Next to the question of slavery, the question whether we are s. solid nation, or a confederacy of states, whose integrity is sub- ject to the caprices of any single one, has been settled TKE GREAT FIRE OF 1S71. " A voice is ringing in the air, A tale is trembling on the wire, Tlie people shout in wild despair: ' Chicago is on fire.' "* In the year 1871 A. D., and the year 38 of the existence of Chicago as a city, on the Ttii, 8th and 9th cff October, occurred the great fires. They mark an episode in Chicago history never to be ■ forgotten. The official census of the city for 1870 was 598,977. Its population at the time of the iires, one year later, at a prudent estimate, may be set down eight per cent, more, making 322,895. A small portion only of tliese were born here. They had been drawn hither by those incentives which the local- ity offered for speculation, not only in the rise of real estate, but in the facilities which the place offered as an emporium for the sale of every kind of merchandise, to supply the increasing wants of the great ITorthwest in the biiildingup process in which she was then, and must still for many years, be engaged, before she will have taken upon herself the conditions of political and social maturity. The extra stimulus which the war had given to the increase of business in Chicago had subsided, and a lull in that impulsive haste that had long been a distinguishing feature here, had set- tled upon the city. The volume of staple business was without diminution, the real estate market was firm; and the derriand foi- this important auxiliary to wealth was healthy; but yet there was evidently an undercurrent manifest in moneyed circles, sig- nifying that prices of it would not soon again advance, at least,, by any eccentric movement. ' After the war was over, a general expectation followed that prices for everything would fall imme'- diately, and as one, two, three and four years had passed without any serious reduction, either in goods or real estate, the people of Chicago had begun to believe that no such destiny was in store for theni. Such was the feeling in the spring of 1871. The latter part of the summer and autumn following passed without rain in the entire ISTortiiwest. The whole country was- so exhausted of moisture that even the night refused Jier cus- tomary allowance of dew on the vegetation,' and the grass was- crisp beneath the feet of the hungry cattle of the pasture. The * " The Fall of Chicago," a poem written by Mrs. S. B. Olsen, while the fire- was burning, and published in a pamphlet. The Grmt Fire of 1871. 459' eai"th was dry as ashes to the depth of three feet, and the peaty bogs of the marsh were as combustible as the contents of the furnace. Southern winds prevailed, bringing warmth without moisture, and fanned the forests into universal tinder. Even the 'summer's growth of the prairie would feed a flame in places where it had not been grazed down or mowed. Chicago was noc unlike the country around in dryness, and, unfortunately, the well-built buildings of stone and brick which composed her cen- tral portions were partly surrounded by cheap wooden buildings, characteristic of all "Western cities of sudden growth. It was among these that a fire broke out a little before ten o'clock on the night of October 7, 1871, on Clinton street, near its crossing- of Yan Bnren street, two blocks west of the river. Owing to- the inflammable character of the building where it 'began, and. the strong wind that blew directly from the south, it quickly- spread to adjacent buildings, and, ere it could be extinguished,, burnt over the area lying between Yan Buren street oh the south,. Clinton on the west, Adams on the north, and the river on the east, except one or two small buildings on the outermost corners- of the blocks. This was the largest fire that had ever visited Chicago up to- this date. The next evening, Snndaj'^ "ight, October 8, at about the same- hour, a fire broke out six blocks south of the first fire, in a cow- stable on the north side of De Koven street, a little east of- Jef- ferson. The current account at the time attribiated it to the- kicking over of a kerosene lamp by a cow, while its owner, a wo- man named O'Leary, was milking her, and in the turmoil of the- hour, this theory was accepted as a veritable truth, published in the newspapers, and even in some of the books giving the his- tory of the fire, but no evidence can be found to sustain it, while,. on the contrary, the following statement would go to disprove it,, or, at -least, involve the cause of the fire in mystery. On the following morning, (Monday), Clinton S. Snowden, now city ed- itor of the Chicago Times, and Edgar L. Wakeman, now man- ager of the Louisville Courier- Journal for Chicago, while the fire was yet consuming the buildings in the ISTorth Division, vis- ited the scene where it started. Here they found a large crowd! of 'excited men speculating on its cause, and here was. the hut of O'Leary, with doors and windows barred, while her cow stable^ where all the crowd supposed that the fire originated, was re- duced. to ashes. The two sight-seers now determined to force a passage into the O'Leary hut, and to this end pried up one of the back windows with a board and entered the premises. They found Mrs. O'Leary in a fearful state of suspense lest she should be arrested as an incendiary, but somewhat under the 460 The Great Fire of 1871. influence of stimulants to brace np her courage for the occasion. She solemnly denied any knowledge of the cause of the fire, and if she knows its cause, without doubt she will carry the mysteri- ■ous burden while she lives. The above circumstances are stated ibecause they describe the first interviewing of Mrs. O'Learj, and both of the gentlemen are now well-known journalists of Chi- cago. Their statement accords with the following, fi'om the foreman of the first engine company on the ground, which is Jiere inserted as official: Chicago, November 14, 188Q. l&x. Emfns Blanchard, Dear Sir: — In compliance with your re- ■quest as to the origin and condition of the great Chicago fire, I 'would state, that being' the first officer at the fire, that I received 4in alarm from the man in watch-tower of engine company No. ■6, one minute in advance of the alarm given by the. watchman an city hall tower. On my arrival at the fire, which was in the alley bounded by Jefierson, Clinton, Taylor and DeKoven streets, I discovered three or more barns and sheds on fire. I coanected to the nearest fire plug, located on the corner of Jefferson and DeKoven streets, and went to work. As to which barn the fire originated in, I could not say. As to the fire not being checked in its northward progress, I ■would state in explanation, that previous to the great fire of, 1871, watchmen were stationed in the city hall tower, to keep a' lookout for fires; and if a fire was discovered by either of the; unen, he called the operator on duty in the fire alarm office, loca- -ted on the third floor below the watch-tower, and instructed him -what box to strike. On the evening of Oct. 8, 1871, the w^atchman on duty in the ■city hall tower, discovered the fire, and ordered the operator to .■strike a box located one mile southwest from the fire, which he should have located one mile northeast, and which would have brought the first alarm engines instead of the second, which re- iSponded to the alarm given by watchman, the first alarm en- gines remaining at their respective houses. In conclusion, I iwonld state that the above are facts. William Musham, ' ^ Foreman of Engine Co. No. 6. "&' Whatever might have been its cause, there is no reasonable ■suspicion that it was the result of incendiarism. Before the strong south-westerly wind which was then blowing, it penetrated ■diagonally across block after block, at first cutting a swath about 80 teet wide, gradually increasing in width in passing tlirough ihe cheap wooden buildings in its track, leaving beJiind a fiery The Great Fire of 1871. 461 walie, making slow but sure inroads, laterally on both sides- At 11:30 it had reached the open ruins of the previous night's- devastations. Though np to this time the utmost exertions of the firemen had been feeble and unavailing against the progress of the flames, it was hoped that the broad space burnt the night before would arrest the northern progress of the fire, and the river its eastern progress. Butby tJiis time it had attacked the planing- mills and various manufactures of lumber along the west side of the river, between Taylor and Yan Buren streets, and a living- mass of fire, covering a hundred acres of combustibles, shot up into the clouds, lightingup the midnight hour with a sheet of flame, which dashed hope of an-esting its career to the gi-ound. At one bound the wind carried bviraing brands, not only across the river, but even to Franklin Street. These newly "kindled fires immediately spread, and the South Side was ablaze; andnow it assumed proportions that exceeded in magnitude its intensity thus far. 'The whole South Division was now thoroughly alarmed, it being evident that not only the entire business area of the city" must burn, but nearly the entire North Division lay in the track of the destroyer in its irresistible progress before the wind. Still a ray of hope was left to the IN"orth-sidei-s, and to the owners of the Tribune building also, which was supposed to be fire proof. This hope was dispelled two hours later, as will appear from the- following account, wi'itten in Sheahan & Upton's History, from notes as they viewed the scene from the upper windows of the- Tribune building: " About one o'clock, a cloud of black smoke rose in the south- west, which, colored by the lurid glare of the flames, presented a. remarkable picture. Due west another column of smoke and fire rose, while the north was lighted with flying cinders and destructive brands. In ten minutes more, the whole horizon to- the west, as far as could be seen from the windows, was a fire cloud with flames leaping up along the whole line, just showing their heads and subsiding from view like tongues of snakes. Five- minutes more wrought a change. Peal after pesd was sounded from the Court House bell. The fire was on La Salle street, had swept north, and the Chamber of Commerce began to belch forth smoke and flame from windows and ventilators. The east wing- of the Court House was alight; then the west wing; the tower was blazing on the south side, and at two o'clock tlie whole buildr ing was in. a sheet of flame. The Chamber of Commerce burned with a bright steady flame. The smoke in front grew denser for a minute or two, and then bursting into a bla^ie from JVEonroe to- Madison streets, proclaimed that Farwell Hall and the buildings north and south of it were on- fire. At 2.10 o'clock the Court House tower was a glorious sight. At 2.15 o'clock the tower -462 The Great Fire of 1871. dfell, and in two minutes more a crash announced the fall of the interior .of the building.- The windows of the office were hot, and the flames gave a light almost dazzling in its intensity. It be- -came evident that the whole block from Clark to Dearborn, and from Monroe to Madison, must go ; that the block from Madison to "Washington must foUow; Portland Block was ablaze, while every- thing from Clark- to Dearborn, on Washington street, was on fire. _A.t 2.30 tlie fire was half-way down Madison street; the wind blew a hurricane; the firebrands were hurled along the ground with incredible for^ against everything that stood in their way. 'Then the flames shdtup in the rear of Kejrnolds' block, and the Tribune building seemed doomed. An effort was made to save the files and other valuables, which were moved into the compos- ing room, but the building stood like a rock, lashed on both sides by raging waves of flame, and it was abandoned. It was a fire proof building; and there were not a few who expected to see it rstand the shock. The greatest possible anxiety was felt for it, as it was the key to the whole block, including McVicker's Theatre, and protected State street and Wabash and Michigan avenues, north of Madison street. When the walls of Reynolds' Block fell, and 'Cobb's building was no more, the prosjjects of its standing were -good. Several persons were up-stairs and found it cool and pleasant-— quite a refreshing haven from the hurricane of smoke, dust and cinders that assailed the eyes. "Meanwhile the fire had swept along northward and eastward. ' The Briggs House, the Sherman House, the Tremont House, had fallen in a few minutes. The bridges from Wells to Kush street were burning; the Northwestern Depot was in a blaze, and from Van Buren street on the south, far over into. the north side, from the river to Dearborn street, the whole country was a mass of .-smoke, fiames and ruin. It seemed as if the city east of Dearborn street and to the river would be saved. The hope was strength- ened when the walls fell of Honore's noble block without ignit- ing that standing opposite. The vacant lot to the sonth seemed to protect it, and at seven o'clock on Monday morning the whole of the region designated was considered "saved, no fire being ■visible except a smoaldering fire in the barber's shop under the Trihune office, which being cqnfined in brick walls, was not con- sidered dangerous. Every effort was made to quench it, but the water works had burned, and the absence of water, while it -announced how far north the flames had reached, forbade any Jiope of quenching the fire below. There was one remarkable turning point in this fire, in which vevery thing was remarkable ; and that was at Madison street bridge, • where every one expected to see the fire re-cross to the west side, .and commence upon a new path of destrnction. Directly across The Great Fire of 1S71. 463 this 'bridge were the Oriental Flouring Mills, which were saved froin destraction by the immense steam f^rf.e jjiimp attached to the mill, by which a powerful stream of water was thrown i^pon the exposed property, hour after liour. This pump iindoubtedly saved the West Division from a terrible conflagration, for if the Oriental Mills had burned, the combustible nature of the ad- joining buildings and adjacent lumber yards would have insured a scene of devastation too heart-sickening for contemplation. The scene presented when the fire was at its height in the South Division, is well nigh iridesci'ibable. The huge stone and brick structures melted before tlie flerceness of the flames as a fijiow-flake melts and disappears in water, and almost as (piickly. Six-story buildings would take fire, and disappear forever from :sight, in five minutes by the watch. In nearly every street the ilames would enter at the rears of buildings, and appear simulta- neously at the fronts. For an instant the windows would redden, then great billows of fire would belch out, and meeting each other, ■shoot up into the air a vivid, quivering column of flame, and poising itself in awful majesty, hurl itself bodily several hundred feet and kindle new buildings. The intense heat created new •currents of air. The general direction of the wind was from the southwest. This main current carried the fire straight through the city, from southwest to north-east, cutting a swath a mile in width, and then, as if maddened at missing any of its prey, it would turn backward in its frenzy and face the fierce wind, mow- ing one hage field on the west of the N"orth Division, while in tiie South Division it also doubled on its track at the great Un- ion Central Depot, and burned half a mile southward in the Tery teeth of the gale — a gale which blew a perfect tornado, and in which no, vessel could have lived on the lake. The flames sometimes made glowing diagonal arches across the streets, trav- ersed by whirls of smoke.. At times, the wind would seize the. •entire volume of fire on the front of one of the large blocks, de- tach it entirely and hurl it in every direction, in fierce masses of flame, leaving the building as if it had been untouched — for an instant only, however, for fresh gusts would once more wrap them in sheets of fire. The whole air was filled with glowing -cinders, looking like an illuminated snowstorm. At times ca- pricious flurries of the gale would seize these flying messengers ■of destruction and dash them down to the earth, hurrying them •over the pavements, with lightning-like rapiditj'^, fio-ing every- thing they touched. Interspersed among these cinders were larger brands, covered with flaine, whicli the wind_ dashed through windows and upon awnings and roofs, kindling new fires. Strange, fantastic fires of blue, red and green, played along the cornices of the buildings. On the banks of the river, 464 The Great Fire of 1871. Ted hot walls fell hissing into the water, sending np great col- nmns of spray and exposing the fierce white fnrnace of heat, which they had enclosed.' The hnge piles of coal emitted dense billows of smoke which hurried along far above the flames be- low. If the sight was grand and overpowering, tlie sound was- no less so. Tlie flames crackled, growled and liissed. The lime • stone, of which many of the butlaings were composed, as soon as it was exposed to h^at flaked off, Sie fragments flew in every direction, with ahoise like that of continuous discliarges of mus- ketry. Almost every instant was added the dull, lieavy thud of falling walls, which shook the earth. But above all these sounds,, there was one other which was terribly fascinating; it was the- steady roar of the advancing flames — the awful diapason in this carnival of fire. It was like nothing so much as tlie united roar of the ocean with the howl of the blast on some stormy, rocky coast. Great calamities always develop latent passions, emotions, and traits of character, hitherto concealed.. In this case, there was a. world-wide difference in the manner in which men witnessed the destruction of all about them. Some were philosophical, even merry, and witnessed the loss of their own property with a calin . shrug of the shoulders, although the loss was to bring upon them irretrievable ruin. Others clenched their teeth together,, and witnessed the sight with a sort of grim defiance. Others,, who were strong men, stood in tears, and some became fairly frenzied with excitement and rushed about in an aimless manner,, doing exactly what they would not have done in their cooler mo- ments, and almost too delirious to save their own lives from the general wreck. ■ Of course, the utmost d^order and excitement prevailed, for nearly every one was in some, degree demoralized, and in tl\e absence both of gas and water, had given up the en- tire city to its doom. Mobs of men and women rushed wildly frotn street to street, screaming, gesticnlating, and shouting,, crossing each otliei-'s paths, and intercepting each other as if just escaped from a mad house. The yards and sidewalk of Michi- gan and Wabash avenues for a distance of two miles south of the tire limit in the South Division, were choked with household goods of every description^the contents of hovels, and tlie con- tents of aristocratic residences, Iraddled together in inextrica- ble confusioh. Elegant ladies who hardly supposed themselves able to lift the wei^t of a pincushion, astonisned tliemselves by dragging trunks, and carrying heavy loads of pictures and orna- mental furniture for a long distance. Some adorned tlleniselves- with all their jeweliy, for the purpose of saving it, and strug- gled along through the crowds, perhaps only.; to lose it at the hands of some ruffian. Delicate girls, with red eyes ■ and black- The Great Eire of 1871. 4fi5 ened faces, toiled, hour after honr, to save household goods. Poor women staggered along with their arms full of homely household wares, and mattresses on their heads, which sometimes took fire as they were carrying them. Every few steps along the avenues were little piles ot household property, or, perhaps, only a trunk, guarded by children, some of whom were weeping, and others laughing and playing. Here was a man sitting upon what he had saved, bereft ot his senses, looking at the motley throng with staring, . vacant eyes; here, a woman, weeping and tearing her hair, and calling for her children in utter despair; here, children, hand-in-hand, separated from their parents, and crying with the heart-breaking sorrow of childhood; here, a wo- man, kneeling ori the hot groimd, and praying, with her crucifix before her. One family had saved a coffee-pot and chest of draw- ers, and raking together the falling embers in the street, were boiling their coffee as cheerily as if at home. Barrels of liquor were rolled into the streets from the saloons. The heads were speedily knocked in, and men and boys drank to excess, and staggered about the streets. Some must have miserably perished in the flames, while others wandered away into the unburned dis- trict, and slept a drunken sleep upon the sidewalks and in dcor- yards. Thieves pursued their profession with perfect inapunity. Lake street and Clark street were rich with treasure, and hordes of thieves entered the stores, and flung out goods to their fel- lows, who bore them away without opposition. Wabash avenue was literally choked up with goods of every description. Every one who had been forced from the burning portion of the divis- ion had brought some articles with them, and been forced to drop some, or all ot,them. Yaluable oil paintings, books, pet animals, instruments, toys, mirrors, bedding, and ornamental and useful articles of every kind, were trampled under foot by the hurrying crowds. The streets leading southward frona the fire were jammed with vehicles of every description, all driven along at top speed. E'ot only the goods which were deposited in the streets took fire, but wagon loads of stuff in transit, also kindled, and the drivers were obliged to cut the- traces to save the animals. There was fire overhead, everywhere, not only on the low, red clouds, which rolled along the roofs, but in the air itself, filled with millions of blazing fagots, that carried destruction wherever they 'fell. Those who did rescue anything from the burningi buildings, were obliged to defend it at the risk of their lives. Expressmen and owners of every description of wagons, were extortionate in their demands, asking from twenty to fifty dollars for conveying a small load a few blocks. Even then there was no surety that the goods would reach their place of destination, as they were often followed by howling crowds, who would 466 The Great Fire of 1671. snatch tlie goods from the wagons. Sometimes, thieves got pos- session of vehicles, and drove off with rich loads of dry goods, jewelry, or merchandise, to out-of-the-way places." As early as three o'clock, on the morning of the 9th, the fire attacked the North Side. It has not been definitely known where it first began, but it is certain that the Water Works, a mile distant from any portion of the blazing South Side, were among the first buildings visited; and their speedy destruction, cutting off the water supply, all hopes of extinguishing the fire fled. Two large elevators on the north bank of the river were also in flames immediately afterwards, and the wretched inhab- itants living east of Franklin street, beheld, with dismay the ap- proach of the destroyer both in front and rear. Suddenly the entire population seized the most valuable things they could carry, and fled, either to the lake shore, or westward across . the river, or directly before the pursuing enemy, . northwardly out Clark or Wells Street. Says Mr. Colbert: "A terrible panic ensued. There was sudden screaming and dashing about of half-clad women, gathering up such valuables as could be suddenly snatched. There was frantic rushing into the streets and shouting for vehicles. There was anxious inquiry and anon distressed cries for absent protectors — a large portion of the men being on the far side of the river, and in many cases unable to reach their homes. Then there was a pell-mell rush through' the streets, some of the wild faces pushing eagerly in this direction and others quite as eagerly in the opposite; and children screaming; and shouts resounding; and brands falling in showers; and truckmen running each other down; and hali- drunken, wholly desperate raflSans peering into doors and seizins; valuables, and insulting women; and oaths from lips unused to them, as hot as the flames which leaped and crackled near by; and prayers from manly breasts where they had slumbered since childhood; and eveiry other sign of turmoil and terror." Those who took refuge on the sands of the lake-shore, found it a treacherous asylum. There was no escape to the northward, for the narrow passes farther in that direction were a sweltering current of hot air pouring over the crested margin of the lake, like the vomiting of a furnace.. Meantime the heat soon began to be almost insupportable where thej"^ were, and in this extrem- ity, at places, they were forced into the shallow waters of the lake, to protect themselves from burning till they could be i/escued in boats. By four o'clock in the afternoon of the 9th, the fire had burned- out. Its progress against the wind on the South Side was ar- rested by the efforts of private citizens and a small military force under Gen. Sheridan; but on the North Side it burned as long The Great Fwe of 1871. 467 as buildings stood before it, arid died away on the open prairie for ■want of fuel. ^ ^ ^ In its early stages, after the flames had crossed, the river, and ^ere rapidly devouring the business portion of the city in the South Division, Lind Block, on the west side of Market Street, between Eandolph and Lake, by dint of gi-eat exertion, on the part of some of its tenants, successfully resisted them. .The well- known house of Fuller & Fuller, occupied the central portions of this block; and in reply to the wi-iter's inquiry how it was saved, Mr. O. _F. Fuller stated that while the fire was burning on the West Side, and approaching towards them, they took the precau- tion to provide an abundant supply of water on each jGfoor of ' their prenaises, and constantly applied it to the most exposed portions of the building when the fire reached their immediate vicinity, having previously cut away wooden signs or any other combustible material outside. During the greatest heat the outside walls of the block were too hot to bear the hand on, but still every man remained at his post inside on each floor, subject to the_ order of a sentinel, whose business it was to call them away if the building ignited. Three times a retreat was ordered, under an impression that combustion had taken place, but hap- pily this impression was *a false alarm, growing out of the lurid ^lare from adjacent flames, reflected from the windows of the building, and each time the nien returned to their posts, where they continued to ply water to the heated windows, while was raging " Fire to right of them, Fire to left of them,' . Fire in front of them." Said Mr. Fuller: "The fire, viewed from the roof of Lind Block at this time, presented phases of thrilling interest. At two o'clock a.m., Market street and the approaches to Lake and Eandolph street bridges were crowded with loaded vehicles hurrying to the West Side, and this retreat grew into a stampede when the Gar- den City hotel, and the buildings on the East side of Market street, from Madison to South Water, ignited. After burning fiercely for but a brief space of time, they fell in quick succession in the general ruin." The next morning when the light of the sun was piercing through the smoke and flames that now enshroiTded the entire business portion of the South Division, there stood Lind Block, •a solitary relict of its former grandeur. Beyond it, toward the East, the eye could catch transient glimpses of many a grim old ruin in its ragged defonnity, amidst the accumulating clouds of sriaoke that rose to the sky in dissolving forms, and told 468 The Great Fire of- 1871. the tale of destruction. Besides Lind Block in tlie South Division^ the house of Mahlon B. Ogden, in the central track of the fire in the North Division,, was sayed, while all else around it was- left in ashes. Mr. Ogden, shortly after the fire, informed the. writer that ho remained in his house as long as he could without being sur- rounded by fire, when he, with his family, retreated with th& crowd ; but that he kept the roof of his house covered with wet carpets while he was in it, and it being in the inside of a square,, with trees all around, as if by a miracle it did not burn. No attempt will here be made to record personal incidents of the. fire. These are almost infinite, and their records may be foimd in the several large volumes published immediately after the fire, but the followingaccount of the action of the city au- thorities, taken jfrom the Ileport of the Chicago Kelief and Aid Society, is an • historical document which shows the elastic force of the people of Chicago in their promptness to grapple with the duties before them: " The homeless people of the South Side were for the most part received into the abodes of their more fortunate neighbors,. or taken to the hearts and hospitalities of those to whom a day before they were utter strangers, withoutformalities or ceremonies,, for a kindred sorrow which had left no human interest untouched had done its work. " Those of the Worth Division had betaken themselves for the night to the sands of the lake shore, to Lincoln and other small parks, and the Jprairies. Comparatively few had foimd shelter lor the night. " Those of the West Division who were left homeless were for the most part sheltered in the churches and school-houses, and on the prairies on the northwest of the city. Comparatively few of those who had fied before the flames, had tasted food since early Sunday evening, and hunger came to them to add its terrors- to those of exposure, and in many instances apprehension of death. " And then came the greatest terror of all, the consciousness of the fact that families had been separated; husbands and wives, parents and children were missing. The flight had been so rapid, and in all directions the thoroughfares had been so ob- structed, and in some cases utterly impassable, by the crowding of vehicles and masses of people, and the city itself a wave of fire — it is no marvel that \inder these circumstances, thousands for the time were lost sight of, and became lonely wanderers, and that hundreds perished in the fiames. "The seeds 01 permanent or temporary disease sown, the bodily suffering and mental anguish endiired, can never have statistical computation, or adequate description. v The Great Fire of 1871. 460 "The bodies of the dead, not less than three hundred in niimber, "who perished in the iiames, were given interment at the county burying ground. "The city authorities were prompt in their endeavors to brin » order out of the chaos which, in some measure, we have assayed "to describe. The Mayor telegraphed to neighboring cities, Brst ■of all, for engines to help stay the ravages of the nre, and for bread to feed the homeless and destitute." A council of city officers was held, who issued and signed the following, which was the first proclamation from the Mayor ■ and ■Govermnent: PROCLAMATION. Whbkeas, In the providence of God, to whose will we humbly suhmit, a terrible calamity has befallen our city, which demands of us our best efforts for the preservation of order and the relief of suffering : Be it Tcnown, That the faith and credit of the city of Chicago are hereby pledged for the necessary expenses for the relief of the suffering. Public order will be preserved. The police and special police now being ap- pointed will be responsible for the maintenance of the peace and the protection of property. AH officers and men of the Fire Department and Health Department will act as special policemen without further notice. The Mayor and Comptroller will give vouchers for all supplies furnished by the different relief committees. The headquarters of the City Government will be at the Congrfgational •Church, corner of West Washington and Ann streets. All persons are *arned against any act tending to endanger property. Per- sons caught in any depredation will be immediately arrested. With the help of God, order and peace and private property will be pre- served. The City Grovernment and the committee of citizens pledge themselves to the community to protect them, and prepare the way for a restoration of public and private welfare. It is believed the fire has spenfits force, and all will soon be well. B. B. Mason, Mayor. George Taylor, Comptroller. (By R. B. Mason.) Charles C. P. Holden, President Common Council. T. B. Brown, President Board of Police. October 9, 1871, 2 p. m. Promptly following the above proclamation, and growing out of the exigencies of the day, or the hour, as it came, others were issued; and no better account of the action of the municipal gov- ■ernment can be given than that which is contained h\ these sev- eral official papers, and therefore, "without comment, which would be needless, the text of these proclamations, which in some in- stances were only fly-sheets, is herein given. BREAD ORDINANCE.— NOTICE. Chicago, October 10, 1871. The following ordinance was passed at a meeting of the Common Coimcil of the city of Chicago, on the 10th day of October, A. D., 1871 : .470 Tlte Great Fire of 1871. An Ordinance Be it ordained by the Common Council of the City of Cliicago : — Section 1. That the price of bread in the City of Chicago for the next tere 4ays is hereby fixed and established at eight (8) cenis per fca/ of twelve ounces, and ^t the. same rate for all loaves of less or greater weight. Sec. 2. .Any person' selling or attempting to sell any bread within the liniits. of the City of Chicago, within said ten days, at a gre&ter price than is "fixed in . this ordinance, shall be liable to a penalty of ten (10) dollars for each and every offense, to be collected as other penalties for violation of City Ordinances. Sec. 3. This Ordinance shall be in full force and effect from and atter its- passage. Apvrmed October 10, 18.71. Attest:- R.B. MASON, Mayor.. C. T. HoTCHKiss, City Glerk. MAYOR'S PROCLAMATIOK—ADVISOKT AND PRECAUTIONARY.. 1. All citizens are requested to exercise great caution in the use of fire in: their dwellings, and not to use kerosene lights at present, as the city will be- without a full supply of water for probably two or three days. 2. The following bridges are passable, to wit: All bridges (except Van Bu- len and Adams streets) from Lake Street south, and all bridges over the Northt Branch of the Chicago River. 3. All good citizens who are willing to serve are requested to report at the- comer of Ann and Washington streets, to be sworn in as special policemen. Citizens .are requested to organize a poHce for each block in the city, and to send reports of such organization to the police headquarters, comer of Union, and West Madison streets. All persons needing food will be relieved by applying at the following- places:-^ At the comer of Ann and Washington; Illinois Central Railroad Round- house. M. S. R. R. — ^Twenty-second Street station. C. B. & Q R. R.— Canal Street Depot. St. L. & A. R. R. — Near Sixteenth Street. C. & N. W. R. R. — Comer of Kinzie and Canal streets. All the public school-houses, and at nearly all the churches. 4. Citizens are requfisted to avoid passing through the -burnt districts until the dangerous ^alls left standing can be leveled. 5. -All saloons are ordered to be closed at 9 p. m. every day for one week,, under a penalty of forfeiture of license. 6. The Common Council have this day by ordinance fixed-ithe price of breaff at eight (8) cents per loaf of twelve punces, and at the same rate for loaves of a less- or greater weight, and affixed a penalty of ten dollars for selling, or attempting- to sell, bread- at a greater rate -within the next ten days. 7. .' Any hackman, expressman, drayman, or teamster charging more than the- regular fare, will have his license revoked. All citizens are requested to aid in preserving the peace, good order, and. good name of our city. Oa. 10, 1871. R. B. MASON, Mayor. I In addition to the action of the city authorities, Lieut. General" P. H. Sheridan, whose military headquarters were here^at the ear- nestrequestof Mr. Mason, the Mayor, and many prominent citizens of Chicago, consented to declare martial law for the preservation of order throughout the city, as well as to protect from fire what remained of it,- and on the 11th of October a proclamation was The Great Fire. of. 1871. 471 lissued by him to this eifect. Two days previous to this, while the fire was still spreading on the "North Side, he had ordered a company of frontier soldiers from Fort Leavenworth, Kan., to be sent by rail to Chicago, and as soon as they arrived they were detailed in squads of about twenty each to guard the various places along the outer edge of the burnt district that needed pro- tection. ■ Throughout the South Division burnt, were many bank vaults still buried beneath heated bricks and stone, in an uncertain condition. At night the soldiers detailed to guard these were quartered on the premises of Messrs. Fuller & Fuller, which had been saved from the geheral wreck as already told. And in con- versation with Mr. Fuller, the informant of the writer, as to the fidelity with which they executed their trust, the praise which he . gave these noble soldiers should not be omitted. They were strictly temperate, many of them teetotalers, arid some of them old weather-beaten veterans as noble in sentiment as they were brave and faithful, and an honor to the country in whose service they had enlistpd. The debt of gratitude which Chicago owes them challenges this acknowledgement; The extent of the fire may be summed up in the following statement, which has been carefully taken from various records of the event: On the "West Side, the burnt district measured 194 acres, and the number of burnt buildings was about 500, most of them being of an inferior class. In the South Division 460 acres were burned over, on which stood 8,650 buildings, which constituted substantially the banks, wholesale stores, hotels, and the general heavy business blocks of the city included, with many of its first-class private dwell- ings, added to which was a district in the southwest portion, where many poor people lived. In the North Division 1,4T0 acres were burnt over, and 13,300 buildings destroyed, leaving but about four per cent of the buildings standing in the entire division, and those of the poorest class. The total number pf acres burnt over was 2,124, and of buildings destroyed about 17,450. About 100,000 people were rendered homeless, which included guests at. hotels and boarding-houses. Of these, some thousands were gathered in squads on the prairies outside the city on the morning of the 9th, and not a few made the earth their bed on the night of the 10th. Every train of rail- road cars that left the city for several days was loaded to its ut- most with the fugitives. Tlie most of them had no means where- with to pay their fare. In such cases, the railroad coiiipanies, with exemplary generosity, carried therii free till the Relief and Aid Society had organized, to make provision for the sufferers On the 10th relief began to come in from the country ;towns near by. Never before had their sympathies been so awakened. 472 The Great Fire of 1S71. Mothers, in their imagination, heard little cliildren crying for bread on the open prairie, and saw whole families lying on the ground, bereft of everything bnt natural claims on humanity, and the next trains that went to the city were loaded witlr free bread, milk, blankets, and such other things as the body stands most in need of when stripped of everything but its wants. *■ To detail all the means used to relieve the immediate wants of the victims' would be inconsistent with time, and space to record them. It was one of those great waves that roll . over mankind, burying them so deep beneath its crest as to drown out selfish- ness for the time, and open an unfrequented path to many hearts. Dormant passions and affections were awakened into being, that else might have slumbered and died ere they had blossomed into life and beauty. Like a flash, the cry of distress went through the world, and gathered force as it traveled. News of the de- struction of armies in one great chasm of death had been told before, till recitals of such events palled upon the senses; bnt this was a great social disaster, visited upon effeminate grace and beauty, quick and sudden, dashing ambition to the ground, and withering life's sweetest hopes; sundering the dearest associations and robbmg the heart of home treasures, so highly prized by the most refined people. From St. Louis, Cincinnati, Detroit, New York, Boston, and nearly all the large cities of the United States, and from man'jr cities in England, Germany and France, came prompt relief. The most of the cash sent from these places was taken into the custody of the Chicago Kelief and Aid Society, and by them dis- pensed to the sufferers with as provident a care as could have~ been expected under such a pressure. The amounts contributed from the world, (the great field of charity for this occasion), was but little short of $3,000,000. The number of lives lost in the fire can never be told. It has been estimated to exceed 300. The charred remains of many were found, but no such number as this. The amount of property destroyed in the fire, by a careful es- timate by EKas Colbert, was $192,000,000. Not more than one- fourth of this was covered by insurance, and of the amounts in- sured, not more than fifty per cent was paid, some insurance companies not paying more than ten per cent, while others paid in full. The heads of families and business portion of the hundred thousand' victims of the fire may be divided into several classes. The portion of them whose wealth was in stocks or bonds had lost nothing but their ink-stands and writing-desks, and tlie op- portunities now offered for speculation, seemed to give" promise of an abundant harvest out of the situation. Of the merchants 4Y3 TU Great Fire of 1871. who liad both capital and credit yet in reserve, to begin anew, a prospect opened for business perhaps never before equaled. To those merchants who had lost everything, little consolation could •come, and yet many of these,, availing -Qaemselves of an untar- nished reputation,, immediately began again on credit, and not a few of them made a success of it. Out of the recoil that came from such an overwhelming, calamity quickly sprang up a buoy- ant feeling in the minds of everyone. E'o timid coimsels pre- vailed. Medmi/ous was the watchword. Dimension stone, brick,, mortar, lime, naarble, red sandstone, granite, cement; iron pillars, girders, floor tile, sand, glass, joist, scantling and boards were at .a premium. Autumn hung on into the winter months, and fire- proof buildings sprang up rapidly amidst the desolations of the burnt district. Meantime, while these were in course of construc- tion, every empty place on the West Side, and far out in the South Division, was rented at high figures, and frequently might be tbnnd the most enterprising merchants doing business in some ■dingy, cavernous quarters on the West Side, that for years before tlie fire had grown moldy for the want of tenants. Por several months, Canal street, between Lake and Madison, was the center pf business. Here the newspapers set up their presses, and by dint of courage and resolution to be found nowhere outside of ■Chicago, soon reproduced their respective sheets, imdiminished in size and unctions with grit. All the while capital flowed into Chicago, and the building mania was at . fever heat. Nobody seemed to think it could be overdone. They did not stop to con- sider that the improved class of buildings which were being, sub- stituted for the old ones woiild aftbrd convenience and room for & greatly increased amount of business. Add to this the extra room for business where private houses had been burnt, close by the business portions of Chicago, which would never be replaced, on account of their proximity to the turmoil of a commercial emporium, and it is not strange that an unnecessarily large area was left open for the wants of business. These conditions caused a temporary lull in building up the burnt district after the work had been going on two years, for which reason there are still (1881) many vacant lots where the moldering walls of old build- ings, burnt in the flre, stand as reminders' of the event; but no great length of time can now transpire till the recent increasing demand for more stores and offices, as well as a demand beyond the present supply for private dwellings, will not only fill up Va- cant lots in liie burnt district, but enlarge the area of the city. 474 Oramma/r of JSTames. GEAMMAR OS" AMERICAN NAMES. When we look over the map of- Asia, except in Asia Minor,, the cradle of Christianity, we see few names of which the ordi- nary English scholar knows their derivation or their history, bat on the map of Europe, especially in England, the case is differ- ent; for here grew up a civilization directly inherited from Grecian, Roman, !Norman, Saxon, Magyar and Celtic sources, and its proper names have their origin from history and biogra- phy, familiar to all who are well read in our popular literature. Hence the eye rests with far more interest on the map of Europe than that of Asia, and the memory is less tasked to retain names on the former than the latter. Turning from both of these to the Map of America, the mind of the American scholar is delighted with the sight of household nomenclature, comparatively speaking, as the versatile sources from which our geographical names have been drawn comprise the most familiar names of Grecian and Roman antiquity, as well as from ancient Britian, medieval and modern English sources ; to which may be added names to perpetuate the mem- ory of the Fathers of our Kepnblic, and battle-fields of American pride. JBesides all these, our numerous names of Indian origin, rich in native beauty, the chief value of which grows out of the fact that they give us a key to meanings attached to free and easy vocal utterances, or, in other words, to natural language. School- craft, as well as others who have studied Indian language, state that it admits of a perfect grammatical analysis, and that it ex- presses social conditions and affections with much impressment,, free from hyperbole or affectation. Of course it is destined soon to ..become extinct, but while this is true, let us cherish what re- , mains of it in its application to our geography, and our history especially, as it has imparted to it a touch of vocal harmony not found, in the grammatical geography of any other country, and it is not too much to say that in no part of America have so- many Indian names been retained as in the North "West; and, to- make the. most of these valuable relics, the following article from Mr. Haines, who has given this subject considerable attention,, has been solicited: Indian Names. ^1^ INDIAN NAMES. BY E. M. HAHTES. "Whilst the red race of North America are fast disappearing- before the march of civilization, they have left to us a perpetnS reminder of their former presence in the land through the multi- tude of local names applied' to rivers, lakes, towns, counties,, states, and localities of various descriptions, the origin and meaning of which is becoming a subject of interesting inquiry^ In preparing an article on this subject, at the request of Mr^ Blanchard, for his work concerning the discovery ana conquests of the Iforthwest, I can only regret that other engagements have- prevented me from pursuing the subject to that extent and as- fully as its importance would seem to demand. I came to Chi- cago in early youth, while the country about was still in posses- sion of the native inhabitants. The Indian language was hear(J in every direction, and was indeed the prevailing language. The- {)rincipal trade was with the Indians, in conducting which their anguage was the medium of communication. This afforded me an opportunity of 'satisfying a boyish curiosity of learning some- thing of this language as spoken by the Pottawattomies, then the prevailing tribe in the vicinity, which in after life led to a more full investigation into the various Indian languages of the country. The popular idea is that these Indian names, or those which are taken to be such, are genuine names and possess some oppro- priate signification ; but whoever will take the trouble to investi- fate in this regard, will find much in this notion that is erroneous., his not being a written language, there is wanting a permanent- standard of pronunciation ; hence, in transferring Indian names- into our literature they have been liable to undergo material changes in their sounds, so much so in a large proportion of in- stances, that the original intention can scarcely be determined with any degree of certainty. As an example in this respect, an. instance is afforded, among others, concerning the name of a locality on the southern border of Lake Superior, where a point of land extends into the lake, for a distance beyond which ' the water is shoal, which the Indians. call Sha-ga-waum-ic-ong from Sha-ga-waum-ic, a shoal point in the water. This word, passing- through the French into our language, became Chequamegony and the place is so called at this day, which is not an Indian word, and has no element whatever of an Indian word, except as- 47G Indian Watnes. to the syllable cAe, which is a familiar prefix in the Algonquin ' language. In like manner, as before remarked, a large proportion of our so-called Indian geographical names, have undergone such changes that they can scarcely be recognized as Indian words ' in their present iorva.. In this connection, before proceeding :fnrther, it is proper to state that it is not intended in this brief -article to pursue a general enquiry as to Indian names extending -over the continent, but the field will be limited to our more im- mediate vicinity in the North-West. In pursuing this subject intelligently, it is proper first to class- ify the various groups of native inhabitants as nearly as may be, -so far as they are marked by a common or generic language. These were the Algonquin, Iroquois, Appalachian, Dakota and Shoshonee. Each of these were divided into tribes or families, :speaking different dialects of the common language, by which the main group was distinguished. In this division of tribes they a-esembled the ancient Jews. The Algonquins inhabited the country extending from !N"ova Scotia south to the James Kiver, thence west to the mouth of the Ohio, and from thence northward to Hudsons Bay, excepting that portion on the south and east of Lake Ontario, since comprised -within the State of New York, which was occupied by the Iro- ■^uois. The Amialachians occupied that portion of the country ■south of the Algonquins, and east of the Mississippi. The DaJcotas, called by the French 8io%Kii, occupied a district of coun- try west of the Mississippi and north of the Missouri and Platte Kivers. The country south and west of them was occupied by the Shoshonees. Thus, in tracing the origin or in arriving at the meaning of In- -dian names, we have first to determine from which language of the several groups they are derived, and through what particular ■dialect they are produced. Among the tribes east of the Kocky Mountains, the Algon- ■qnin language as, spoken by the Ojibway nation, was regarded as the court language, so that when a person fell among a strange tribe, whose language he did not understand, if he spoke this lan- guage, they were bound as a general rule, to furnish some one who who could communicate with him in that language. It was through this language, that Marqilette spoke with all the tribes, -on bis route from Montreal to the Des Moines, and so it was with all these early Trench travellers, including LaHontan, who pro- ■ceeded, as we may believe from his narrative, far up the Platte river. Thus the language of the Algonquins became m one sense ihe universal language of the continent; whereby it happens Indian Names. ^7T that a large pi'oportion of our Indian geographical names are de-, rived from that sonrce. Hence it may be proper to give in this connection some general suggestions in regard to this language- According to the Ojibway standard only seventeen letters are required to write correctly and plainly all the words in this ex- pressive language. These letters are divided into vowels and consonants. There are only four vowels, a, e, i, o. This language has properly no u. There are thirteen consonants, namely : b,. c, d, g, h, j, k. m, n, p, s, t, w. The follo\v'ing consonants, ' f, 1, q, r, V, X, z, never occur in the words of tliis language. So any word stated to be an Indian word, if it comprises any of the last mentioned letters, it can be -set down for certain that it is not an ALgonqwvn, word, and the chances are that it is not a genuine-. Indian word, but a corruption of an Indian word. The French^ as a general thing, in writing and speaking this langiiage, sub- stituted the letter I for that of n, as in the word Milwaulde, which should properly heMinwaukie. It is stated, however, that, four tribes of the Algonquin group — the Lenni Lenapes, or Delawares, the Sacs, Foxes' and Shawnees — ^liad in tlieir dialect, the sound of I. In constructing words in this language, it is required that a consonant should precede or follow a vowel, except in dissyllables wherein two consonants are sounded in juxtaposition, as in muk- Tcuk, a box, and as-sm, a stone; the utterances in these cases being confluent. But in longer compounds this juxtaposition is gener- ally avoided by throwing in a vowel, for the sake of euphony, as in the term Assinebwoin, thee in which is a mere connective, and has no meaning by itself. !Nor is it' allowable, in general, for vowels to follow each other in syllabication. The plural of animate names is marked by adding the letter g. Thus, manito, a spirit; plural, manitog. The plural of inanimate names is marked by the letter «• added ; t\\\iB,dbwi, a paddle; plural, aSwm. This termination, however, is varied by vowels . preceding tlie fi- nal letter forming the plural, according to circumstances. In pursuing Indian geographical names, it is noticeable that. in general the names are derived from the language of the tribes who inhabited that part of the country where such names ar& found. In many instances, however, these names have been car- ried by emigrants from their appropriate locality to other parts of the country. But as a general rule such names serve , to- mark the former locality of Indian tribes speaking the language from which they are derived; as in the State of New York, which abounds in Indian names, and reminds us that here once lived the Iroquois nation. Not only are the people, who have succeeded the native tribes,, in complete ignorance of the origin and meaning of the names-. ' 4'TS Indian Name^.- ■they have left us to designate, rivers, towns, and localities, but "they are unaware of the fact that Yerj many names we are now using, which we suppose to come from other sources, a.r% also, Indian names, or derived therefrom. Of the thirty-eighi States •of the Union, eighteen have Indian names, as follows : Massa- chusetts, Connecticut, Alabama, Tennessee, Ohio, Kentucky, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Mis- -sissippi, Texas, Arkansas, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, which in general, are derived from great rivers or other waters. In pursuing this subject, there is one thing with which we have to deal wherein at this time we can obtain no satisfactory aid in case of doubt or uncertainty. We frequently find Indian words where the same sounds occur, from two or more difierent languages or dialects, with entirely different meanings; so, what ■may have been the original intention in giving the name, or from which language or dialect the word is derived, cannot be stated. In such cases, conjecture only can be given. The word Chicago, or that which is essentially the same, is found in several "different languages, with entirely different meanings. In the following list of Indian names, we will, for convenience, Tise abbreviations to some extent, thus: Alg., for Algonquin, Irq., for Iroquois, Apl., for Appalachian, Dah, for Dakota. Abkansaw — A town in Wisconsin; given by the French as Arkcunsas; applied to a tribeof Indians in the vicinity of a river ■of that name flowing into the Mississippi from the west. Hen- nepin speaks of these Indians as the Kansas, the signification •of which is not given. It is said that they made a superior kind of bows for shooting, the material being of a peculiar kind of wood growing in that country, hence they were called "Arc- kansas," pronounced Arkansaw. By some, called " the bow In- dians." AsHKUM — Alg. — A town in Elinois; more and more: Thus Ashkum-ahhoose, he is getting worse (more sick.) Ashkv/m, Wabishkah, it is getting whiter. Abotapee — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin, when, when is if. Allamakee (An-a-ma-kee) — Ag. — A county in Iowa. Thtm- ■der. ALGONQuiisr. — A town in Illinois. The name of one of the principar groups of North American Indians, given to them by the French. Its meaning is in some doubt. It is deirived' from the Algonquin language, and is said to mean, feople of the 'Other side, or opposite shore. Algonao. — A town in Michigan. Pertaining to Algonquin. Place of the Algonquins. AifOKA. — Alg. — A town in Minnesota. Se works, or "a busy 3)lace." Indian Names. -179. Anamosa. — Alg. — A town in Iowa. You walk from me, or, perhaps, from An-a-mosh, "a dog." Appanoose — Alg.^—A. town in Illinois. !N'ame of an Indian chief of the Fox tribe. The grandchild. Catuga {Gwe-u-gweh) — Irq. — A town in Illinois, Mucky- . land; frona a tribe oi' Indians in New York of the Iroquois nation; they were called Gwe-u-gweh-o-no, "People of the Mncky land." Chebaitse — Alg. — A town in Illinois; Little Duck, from an Indian chief of tl'iat name. Chemung — Irq. — A town in Illinois; from. a river of that name in iN'ew York, sisnifying hig horn, so named by the Indians from finding in the bed of the river a fossil elephant's tusk. Chicago — Alg. — A city in Illinois; said to derive its name from the river of that name. Some insist that it comes from she-kaqh, or she-gagh — " skunk." The word Choe-ea-go occurs in the Pottawattamie dialect, which signifies " destitute." There is nothing in the history or tradition of this word which would lead to the conclusion that it was derived from the word she- Jcagh, except the mere coincidence of sounds. The word, or that which is essentially the same, first occurs in Hennepin's ■account of Fort Oreve Coeur, built by LaSalle, January, 1680, on the Illinois river, near where Peoria now stands. He says this fort was called by the savages Chicagou, but does not give tlie meaning of the word. This reference thereto, occurs in the heading to that chapter of his book giving an account of the building of this fort, the words of which are as follows: "An account of the building of a new fort on the river of the Illinois, named by the savages Checagou, and by us Fort Grevecoer." Four years later the name appears on a French map, applied to a river represented as putting into the river Desplevn from the east, near Mount Joliet. A few years later LaHonton designates the portage between the Illinois river and the great lake as the portage of Chikakou. Charlevoix, in 1720, refers to the point on the great lake at which the portage to the Illinois river commences as Chicagou. There are several words in the various dialects of the' Algonquin group to which the origin of this word may be assigned with equal propriety as that of she-kahg. Certain it is, that there is no light afforded us in history by which we can ■determine the original intention as to the meaning of this word.* EsoAKABA — Algi — ^Menominee dialect. — A town in Michigan. Wlatrock. * In the early part of this work the writer gave the signification of this word, laocording to the meaning which the Indians gave it in the later day, and which has generally been accepted as good authority; but the investigations of Mr. Haines would go to show that a diversity of Indian meanings have been applied to it with so little afSnity with each other, that one is lost in the attempt to settle on a consistent theory as to the true spirit of the term. — ^Actthob. 4S0 Indian Names. Geneseo {Oen-niSrJ^-yo) Irq. — ^A- town in Illinois. Beautiful Valley. The name of a river in New York, so named by the Iriqnois from the beautiful valley this river passes through. iLLiNoiSr-From the Algonquin word imni, "man," and ■French adjective termination ois. The French substituted I for n. From tradition, it was intended to mean or have reference to a perfect man, as distinguished from the Iroquois nation, who were .considered by the, Western tribes as beasts. Marquette, in descending the Mississippi, touched on the west bank of that, river at a place near the mouth of the Des Moines, where he found marks of inhabitants, which he pursued westward a few miles, when he arrived at an Indian village, where he was received with demonstrations of great friendship. He communicated with the inhabitants, it would appear, in the Algonquin language, but as their dialect differed from that of any of the tribes he had before met with, he asked the chief who received him who they were. He answered in the Algonquin language, '.'"We are mere," as- distinguished from the Iroquois, whom they looked upon as beasts in consequence of their cruel conduct in their invasions- upon the "Western tribes. Hence the term Inini, " man," or as the French rendered it, Illini. Thereafter the tribes of this vicinity became known among the French as Illmese or Illinois. IsHPEMiNG — Ala. — A town in Michigan. Migh-dbove-Meaven. Ealamazdo — Q^e-gih-an-a-mM-zoo) — Alg. — A river in Michi- gan. The contraction of an Indian phrase descriptive of the stones seen through the water in its bed, which from a refractive power in the current, resembled an otter swimming under water. Kenosha — JAlg. — A town in "Wisconsin. A long fish-^-a pike. From Kenose — "long." EIewaotse — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Prairie hen. EJEWASKTTM — Alg. — A town in "Wisconsin. Returning track... ^lOKXPOO— Alg. — A town in Illinois. The name of one of the Algonquin tribes of the West, jestingly applied by others of the same stock. From Negik-dbos — an otter's appa/rition — ghost of an otter. KiSHWAUKE — Alg. — A river in Illinois. Place of sycamore trees. KoKOMO — -Alg. — ^A town in Indiana. — Wise, Wee am, owl. From which it would seem that the Indians, like the ancient Greeks, esteemed the owl as an emblem or. symbol of wisdpm. MoccASiJsr — Alg. — A town inElinois. A shoe. Maottoba — {Mdn-i-to-hwa.) — Alg. — Name of a lake in the- British Possessions of the Northwest. Spirit-voice. Maotto — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Spirit. By the early French travelers, Manitou. Maiuxowoc — Alg. — ^A town in "Wisconsin. Place of th&- Indian- Nam&s. 48 !• Spvrib. By some, Mdn-i-to-auk — "A tree whevespirits abide." Mascodtah— ^^^.— A town in Illinois. From mascodaj. "prairie." • ' ' ' Mazo MAmm—Dah. — A town in "Wisconsin. Walker on won. Name of a Sioux chief. • MENOimrEE — Mg. — A river and town in Wisconsin. Eater of wild rice. From a tribe of Indians called Menominees, from their subsisting on wild rice.* Meqtjon, or Maquon — Alg. — A river in Wisconsin. Feather or quill. MiCHiGAMME, or Michigumme — Alg. — ^A town in Michigan. Great water. , MiCHiLiMACiNAc — Alg. — ^An island in the straits between lakes Huron and Michigan. Great Turtle. MjomorAJs^Alg. — The Great Lake. 'MmNEBAHAs—{Mimi,e-rara) — Dak. — Name of a noted water- fall in Minnesota. Laughvnq water; from Mviine, " water " and ra ra, "lau^h." This was the name originally given by theZ>a- kotahs to bt. Anthonys Falls. Hennepin visited these Falls in 1680, and gave to them the present name of St. Anthony. In later years the name Minnehaha., intended for Min-ne-ra-ra, became applied to that small but interesting waterfall near Ft. Snelling. 'M.TL-w&.TjKEs^—{Min-wau-kee). — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin, Good ea/rth. — Good country. MnsrsTETONKA — Dah. — Name of a noted lake in Minnesota; a great pleasure resort. The word is Minne Tonga, or more properly spoken, Tonga Minne., signifying "a lake" orhody of water. MnsTNESOTA — I)ak. — ^Name of a river and state. From Min- ne " ^\^ater, " and "sota," which is understood to mean mixed or mottled, signifying the condition or appearance of the water of this river, when affected by the flood of the Mississippi; some^ say that aoito, refers to the hazy or smoky appearance of the at- mosphere, over the valley of this river at some seasons of the year. ' Mississippi — Alg.-. — Name of a river and statei-r-^-mif Hiver. MiSHA MocinA--{Mish-d-muk-wa.) — Alg. — ^A town in Wis- consin — Great iear.' Frovamisha, " great," and mw^a, "a bear." MoKBiTA — {Mok-e-na) — Alg. — ^A town in Illinois. Turtle. MoAWEQTJA — Alg^—A town in Illinois. Weeping woman/ she tlvat weeps. MuscoiDA — Alg.^—A. town in Wisconsin. Prairie. r* The margh}' lands along Fox River and adjacent lakes, in the country of the Menominees, abounded in wild rice, and was their principal article of subsis- tence; hence the appellation, Menominees, fiom me-no-min, "wild rice." • 4S2 Indian Names. MusKEGOK — {Muskeg-ong) Alg. — A. town in Michigan. At the swamp. MusKEGO — Alg. — K. town in "Wisconsin. Swamp. MtjsqtjjlXA. — Alg. — Sac dialect.^T-A town in Iowa. Bed earth. N EOGA — Irq. — ^A town in Illinois. Place of the Great Spirit. Neshotah — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Twin. NoKOMis — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Ch-amdmother. NirafDA — Irq. — ^A town in Illinois. Hills. . Ogema — Alg. — ^A town in -Wisconsin. Chief— head man. Ohio {0-hee-d) — Irq. — ^JSTame of a river. Beautiful — how beautiful. Ontonagon — Alg. — A town on Lake Superior. From Non- tonagon, Y-. My disli." Osage — Alg. — A town, in Illinois. Miami dialect. 5%(S Neutral. The name of a tribe of Indians. Oscoda — Alg. — A town in Michigan. From Iscoda, "Fire." OsHKosH — Mg. — A town in Wisconsin. Brave. Name of a Menominee chief. Oquaka — Alg. — Sac dialect. — A town in Illinois. Yellow ea/rth. OssiNEKE {Os-siM-e-ka) — Alg. — A town ^p. Michigan. He that gathers or works in stones. Oswego {f)-Sweh-go)—Irq. — ^A town in Illinois. Flowing out. This name was given by the Iroquois to the place at the mouth of the river, since called by that name, in the state of New York. Ottawa — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Trader. Name of a tribe of Indians whom the French designated as the traders. Ozaitkee — Alg. — ^A county in Wisconsin. Tellow earth.. Pembina — Alg. — A town in Minnesota. High Jmsh cran- ierries. The name of a river, being so named by the Indians from these bushes growing along its banks. Peotone (^Pe-tone) — Alg. — A town in Illinois. Bring— bring here. . Poweshiek — Alg. — A county in Iowa. From an Indian chief of the Fox itribe. The roused bea/r. PoTGAN — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Pipe. Sebewa — [Se-be-wan) — Alg. — ^A town in Michigan. Bunming water. Shawano — Alg. — :A town in Wisconsin. Southern. -. SoMONATTE {Bs-sem-in-auh)-^Alg.-^A town in Illinois, Paw Paw tree. ToNioA — Alg. — :A town in Illinois. A place inhabited. Tuscola — Apl. — A town in Illinois. A level plavn. Wabashaw — Dak. — A town in Minnesota. From an Indian chief of the Sioux nation. Bedleaf or tJie leaf Indiom Names. 483 Wapella — Alg.—k. town in Illinois. From an Indian chief of the Fox Ti-ibe. Se who is painted white. 'Wxuaxv—Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Far off. "Wattkesha {Wau-hoosh-ong) — Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. At the Fox, on Fox Miver. This is another of those numer- ous instances of an attempt to adopt an Indian name, which has not been successful. The word given in parenthesis is be- lieved to be' the word intended. The place bearing this name was originally called Prairieville. As the town grew in importance, the inhabitants, foremost among whom was the late Gov. Ean- dall, desired to adopt some more appropriate name. It. being situated on Fox river, they wished to adopt some Indian name, suggestive of its locality. This would be properly expressed by the word' Wau-koosh-oiig, which would seem to be the word in- tended. BntWauJcesha would not be recognized by the Indians as an Indian word. Waukegait ( Wau-Td-e-gan) — Alg. — A town in Illinois. A house, or fort: The place where this town is situated was originally called Little Fort. It seems to have been a French trading post of minor importance — probably established about the year 1720, or at some time in the .early part of that century. The occasion of selecting this point as a post seems to have been two-fold. It was in the vicinity of excellent hunting and trapping grounds, especially the latter, and was found to be the nearest point of any for reaching the Desplaines river from Lake Michigan, where in a good stage of water a short, easy portage could be made on the route to the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, saving about forty miles of lake coast, necessary in going by way of Chicago. It .was continued as a French post until probably about 1760. After the English succeeded to the country the point became known as TAe Little Fort, and the town subse- quently built up here took that name. Judge Blodgett, now of the D^nited States Court, becoming a resident of the place, and having a fancy for Indian names, suggested that the name of Little Fort be changed by substituting an Indian name signify- ing the same thing." The diminutive of nouns in the Algonquin language is formed by adding the syllable anse, so that Little Fort in that language would be Wau-hi-e-ganse; but for the pur- poses of euphony the name adopted was WauJcegan, which would signify simply Fort or House. Although the pronunciation! is not precisely the same as the Indian word intended, but yet is nearer to that intended than the so called Indian names generally are. The Indians designated a fort or dwelling of the white man by the same name. The original dwellings of the whites among them were buildings for trading posts, built in a style for pro- tection, and were called forts by the French. ^84 iTidian^ Names'.:^ .WAJacowDArr-DaL-rr-A towxi ill lUijjoisi ' The Qood S^pirUi "Wanatah — Dak. — A town in Indiaiia. He. that charges of», his enemies. . !Rame.of, an Indian chief. Wattpun {Wavr-lmrbj-^-Alg. — A town in Wisconsin. Earl/y — frontier.- ■...'•■ "Wetauwega — Alg. — ^A, town in Wisconsin. This is onep£ the words. passing for an Indian name, which in its present form, is not an Indian word. The word, according to the late. (Gov. •Dotj, is Wey-au-we-ya, ais given by him to the postoffice depart-, ment at Washington when the postoflSce at that place was estab- lished. ■ The ■ departinent mistook the. y for g, rendering the name as it now is. The word intended is an Algonquin word, of the Menominee dialect, and signi&es whirling wind. It was the name of a faithful Menominee Indian guide long in the service- of Grov. Doty, whose name he sought after his death to perpetu- ate through applying it to this town. Wesetka— rAZ^.— A town in Illinois. A 'beautiful 'place. WiNinEBAGo ( Win-ne-he-gog) — Ag. — Name of a county in Illi- nois. Dirty waters. The name of a tribe of Indians found by the. .Prench at Green Bay, which they called Stinking Bay for some cause, whereby these Indians became known as Wi^ine^ bUgogs, or people of the dirty waters WiscoNsm-. — Name of a river and state. Marquette calls thi& river the Mishhonsvng, which is supposed to have been intended as ah Indian word, signifying strong &iirrent, a feature which marks this stream in high water. Wtanet. — Alg. — A town in Illinois. BeaulAful. Tahkton. — Dak. — ^A town in Dakota Territory. Froiq Eyanh-ton-wah, " People of the Sacred, or Spirit Lakes," YALEDICTOEY. Fak different is the early history of the Northwest from that of New England, or the Virginia colonies. The people of both came from the same origin, except the French, who remained in thecountry, but when the Anglo-Americans came to the West, their minds were tinclouded by the servitude of caste, either in re- ligious or political affairs, for time had wrought great changes between the days of the settlement of Jamestown by gentlemen, and Plymouth by unctions Puritans, and the days of "William Henry Hamson, when Western pioneering became a mania throughout the East.. Then came a rash of adventurers to the new held of labor. Wot regretful fugitives from persecution, but bold, aggressive and ambitious fortune-seekers who could tolerate •Jews, especially if they -would loan them money, or Quakers, if they v^oiild sell them "honest goods" as they are wont to do. They could fellowship any one who would do something to help «nbaue the wilds of the West, and build progressive institutions therein; and here grew into being from cosmopolitan elements, The West As It Is: the wealthiest country in the world in -creature comforts if not in gold. Its adult population have largely witnessed its growth and who of them can say, they have not felt their minds enlarge by Western experience. Readers, to this conviction I confess. To you, I therefore iSay that in writing the foregoing pages, I have imagined myself familiarly conversing with my peers who were in sympathy with me and knew how to ace«pt my words, feeble as words are to measure the geaijdeue of the West histokically. Here lived and grew the pioneer, Amidst the ■wilds by nature spread; Who never felt a servile fear, From titled lord or crowned head. Prophetic in his visions gleam, Through future ages yet to be. The star of empire's Western stream, Along its vf ay, fi-om sea to sea. And here was work for him to do, With glory yet to oown his age. Where all things must be built anew, On virgin fields of fair presage. And peerless temples here shall rise, , Drawn fi-om the world's great manifest. Whose spires shall pierce the azure skies, Whose light adorns the BomsTEOUs West. Chicago, lU., December, 1880. THE AUTHOR. WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL OF A TOUR TO THE OHIO, m 1753. With Notes by JoHif G. Shea. The following diary of young Washington, on his tour to the head-waters of the Ohio, has never before been published in a form availkblB'to'the'-bobk-buyers of the 'West, arid is 'here in- serted as an interesting historical document, well worthy a place in Northwestern History, all &e taore valuable for Mr. Shea's Notes and Introduction accompanying it. INTROpiJGTiaS". The earliest of. "Washington's diaries, printed almost as soon as its last page was written, possesses lincomnion interest, from the fiilluess with which he describes ~the events of his journey, a full- ness for which. we are indebted to the instructions of Governor fDinwiddie. Washington was then twenty-one, but already a " person of distinction." Adjutant General of the colonial troops, with the rank of Major, to him M^as committed the northern division of the colony. His earlier exploration as surveyor had brought him into contact with the Indians; and none seemed" better tp Imow and understand them; while his' earl'y^maturity, dignity and judgment fitted him- for any important undertaking that did pot require the experience of years.' ::: !.:' , . • Aifairs had reached a, .cri;si5. France, had colonized' Canada', .Jllin.9is and Louisiana, and connected, them, by detached posts, ^ut t^e possession of the Ohio, .so necessary to ,t;he. safety of her wide .j)rovincial power,. was, soon to fall into the hands of her rival by the rapid progress of English' colonization. To setla barrier to its westwar4 progress, France determined; to run a tine of forts from Niagara to the forks of the OhiOy and down that river. ; Tlie.Indians. first took the alarm. When the tidings reached the Ohio that a French force 'was on its way to. erect. this line of forts, a council of the wandering tribes, Mingoes, Shawnees and i)eiawares, met at Logstowii, and in April, 1753, dispatdied an envoy to ^Niagara to protest against the action of the French. The protest was unheeded. . Tanacharisson then went to Fort Presque Isle to meet iy[arin,..a;nd. reported to. Washington^, as. we shall see, the result of his frui'tless.niigsiQn. ^■■'■" "' (3) 4 Introduction. Pennsylvania then took the alarm, and Governor Hamilton in .vain, urged. his assembly to check the French invasion of their frontiers, yet they appoiiited Norris, their speaker, and Franklin,, to meet at Carlisle a deputation from the tribes. There the Indian dedared his will. The land was theirs. They wished neither English nor French to intrude; Yet, as danger from the latter seemed more imminent, they were willing to help the English to- expel the French. They did not see that it was but a change of masters, and if, in the event, English garrisons-replaced the French, the power of the latter was scarcely prostrated, when, in 1763, the long-smothered wrath of the baffled red man swept the English from Forts Erie, Le Bceuf and Venango, and burst in. its might on Fort Pitt. Virginia, too, moved, and Washington, from his official posi- tion and his knowledge of the Indians, was selected by Governor Dinwiddle to proceed to the Ohio, demand the withdrawal of the French and examine the condition of their forces. The following- letter, recently come to light, and one of -the few of' that period of his career known, shows how he was engaged when chosen for the mission to the Ohio: ' "Winchester, Oct. 17, 1753. HoNOEABLE Sir: — iLast night, by retura . of the express who went to Captain Montour, I received the inclosed from Mr. Har- ris, at Susquehanna. I think no means should be neglected to preserve what few Indians still remain in our interest, for which reason I shall send Mr. Gist, as soon as he arrives, which I expect will be to-day, to Harris' Ferry, in hopes of engaging- and bring- ing "virithiiim the Belt Jof Wampum and ..other Indfems at that place; and I shall further desire him to send an Indian express to Andrew Montour, to try if he can be brought along with him. In however trifling light the French attempting to alienate the affections of our southern Indians, may at first sight appear^ I must look upon it as a thing of the utmost consequence, that requires_our greatest and most immediate attention. I have often ■ wondered at not hearing that this was attempted before, and had it noted, among other memoranda, to acquaint your honor of when I should come down. The French policy in treating with Indians is so prevalent that I should not be in- the least surprised! Introduction. 5- were they to engage the Clierokees, Outtabas, .&c., nnless timel-j and vigorous measiu-es are taken to prevent it. A pnsillanimone- behavior would ill suit the times, and trusting for traders and common interpreters (who will sell their integrity to the highest bidder) may prove the destruction of these affairs. I therefore- think that if a person of distinction, acquainted with their lan- guage, is to be found, his price should be come to at any rate; if no such can be had, a man of sense and character, to conduct the- Indians to any council that may be had, or to superintend any other matters, will be extremely necessary. ' It is impertinent, I own, in me to offer my opinions on these- matters when better judges may direct; but my steady and hearty zeal in the cause aind the great impositions I have kno-wa prac- ticed by the traders, &c., upon these occasions, would not suffer- me to be quite silent. I have heard, from undoubted authority^, that some of the Oherokees that have been introduced as sachems- and princes by the interpreters (who share their presents and profits), have been no others than common hunters and blood- thirsty villains. We have no accounts yet of the militia from Fairfax, &c. This day I march with about one hundred men to- Fort Cumberland. Yesterday, by an express,- 1 was informed of the arrival of eighty odd recruits to Fredericksburg, which L have ordered to proceed to this place, but for want of the regu- larity being observed by which I should know where every officer,.. &c., ought to be, my orders are only conditional and always con- fused. Whatever necessaries your honor gets below, I should be- glad to -have them Sent to Alexandria, from whence they come- much more handy than from Fredericksburgh; besides, as pro- visions are lodged there, and none at the other place, it will be- best for the men to be all sent there that is any ways convenient^, for we have met with insuperable difficulty at Fredericksburgh in our march from here, by the neglect of the Com., who is at this time greatly wanted here. Therefore I hope your honor will, order him lip immediately. ' I am, honorable sir,, your most obedient servant, Gr. Washington- a inirodzictiyn-. • • But before this could have reached the governor aiid been adteS itipdDj came his commissionj with these ■ msTEjJcnoi^a ^b qeoege wasj^pEngton. , -J. Whereas I have . received inforiria|;ion , of a body of French forces being assembled in^^a hostile manner on. the Hiver Ohio> intending by force of arms to erect certain forts on the eaid riv^r, Tvithin.thi? territory, and; contrary to 'the. dignity, and peace, pi ■«!ur;Sovereigji, the,, ting of Great Britain-;, these ai*e therefore , (to require and direct you, the said ..George Washingtbiij . forthwith 4o,. repair, to .Logstown, on the said Eiver Ohi9,..and having, diere anformed.yqnrself .where the said French forces, haye .posted them^ rselves,. thereupon to proceed to; such placcj and being there ar.^ j-iyed, to present your credentials, together with .my l?*ter to the ■«hief eo.mmanding officer, and in the name, of his. Britannic jiaj'esty, to demand an answer thereto. • , On your, arrival at Logstown, you are to address. yourself to the "Half-King, to Monac^toocha, and to the other sachems of the Six JS'ations,; acquainting them with jour orders tp- visit and deliver ijiiy fetter to the French commanding officer, and desiring the said •chiefs to appoint you a sufficient^ number- of their., wai'riors to be _y6ttr safeguard, as near th^ French, as you may desire, and, to wait your further direction. - .. , You are diligently to inquire into the numbers and force of ^he.jFrench on. the Ohio and the adjacent coujutry,, how .they are ][ik?ly..to.be a.ssistedirom Canada, and what are the .: difficulties :gn^ .conveniences of that communication and the tinj.8 required ipr.it. ." .,^ ..., ; . . •.,-.■ .: ^^ .,■■■■ ,. You^re to. take, care to be truly infoii^ied what forts the French iaye erec.ted, iind, where^ liow they are. garrisoned iand appointed, :ftnd, what is their distance from each othe^r ^and^ fi"pm..Logsto,wy.; and ■irpni.the.best intelligence you can prpcure, you are t0( learn •what gave occasion to this' eiaqjedition of tlie French,, hoyr' they are likely to be supported, and what their pr.etpnsions are,; ,,.,.. . When the French commandant has glyen yon the required and necessary dispatches, you are to desire of him a proper guard to protect you as far on your return as you may judge for your safety, against any straggling Indians or hunters that may be . ignorant of your character and molest you. Introduction. T "Wishing you success in your negotiation and a safe and speedy return, 1 am, &c., ROBEKT DlNWIDDIE. WlLLiAMSBUKG, October 30, 1753 "With these instructions Wasliington proceeded to the Ohio, to- demand the withdra-wral of the Freiich from the soil claimed as English territorj'. This act opened a series of struggles, in tlie course of which English, French and Americans changed tlieir- relative positions, and which closed thirty years after, with the gaze of mankind riveted on the august form of liim whom Ave- here behold :tlie.- stripling. By that series of struggles America alone profited. The mighty Genius directing her destiny seems to have used the- power of England to drive France from the north and west and south, and then used bafiied France to drive the English power- within that line of lakes which Dongan, a century before, marked as our boundary ; used France, too, at a later day, to add to the- American limits that Louisiana which she could not hold herself,, so that ere the century succeeding the events here described had reached its close, a mighty republic, stretching from the Atlantid to th& Pacific, reveres, perpetuates and exalts the name of "Wash- ington. J. G. S. ■S Advertisement. ADYEETISEMENT. As it was thought advisable by his Honor, the Governor, to Tiave the following account of my proceedings to and from the French on the Ohio committed to print, I think I can do no less than apologize in some measure for the nuinberless imperfections -of it. There intervened but one day' between my arrival in Williamsburg and the time for the Council's meeting, for me to prepare and transcribe, from the rough minutes I had taken in miy travels, this journal, the writing of which only was sufficient i;o employ me closely the whole time; conseciuently admitted of no leisure to consult of a new and proper form to ofter it in, or to correct and amend the diction of the old; neither was- 1 ap- prised, nor did in the least conceive, when I wrote this for his Honor's perusal, that it ever would be published, or even have more than a cursory reading, till I was informed, at the meeting -of the present General Assembly, that it was already in the press. "There is nothing can recommend it to the public but this: Those things which came under the notice of my own observation, I have been explicit and just in a recital of; those which I have gathered from report, I have been particularly cautious not to augment, but collected the opinions of the several intelligencers -and selected from the whole the most probable and consistent .account. G. "WjiBmifGTOif. OCTOBER 31, 1753. I was commissioned and appointed by tlie Hon. Robert Din- -widdie, Esq., Governor of Yirginia,^ to visit and deliver a letter to the commandant of the Erench forces on the Ohio, and set ■out on the intended journey on the same day (October 31, 1758);. the next I arrived at Fredericksburg and engaged Mr. Jacob Yan .Braam^ to be my French interpreter, and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided necessaries. From thence we went to Winchester and got baggage, horses, &c., and from thence we pursued the new road to Will's Greek, where we arrived on the 14rtn of November. Here I engaged Mr. Gist' to pilot us out, and also hired four others as servitors, Bamaby Carran and John M'Quire, Indian traders; Henry Steward and "William Jenkins ; and in company -with those persons left the inliabitants the next day. 1 Robert Dinwiddle, a native of Scotland, had been a clerk to a collector in •a West India custom-house, and gained the favor of government by exposing the frauds of that officer. For this he was, in 1741, made surveyor of the cus- toms of the colonies, and having, in that capacity, been obnoxious to the Vir- ginia aristocracy, was made Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia in 1753. His administration was like that of most colonial governors. Campbell thus de: scribes its close in his " History of Virginia," p. 497 : " In January, 1758, Rob- ert Dinwiddle, after an arduous and disturbed administration of five years, worn out with vexation and age, sailed from Virginia, not much regretted except by his particular friends." 2 Jacob Van Braam had served under Lawrence Washington, in Vernon's ■ expedition against Carthagena, and had been fencing master, as he was now interpreter, to George Washington. In the subsequent campaign, when Wash- ington capitulated at Fort Necessity, Van Braam, actln^ as translator, made Washington admit that he had assassinated De JumonviUe. After that alfair, he was left, with Stobo, as hostage, in the hands of the French. 3 Christopher Gist was an early settler in those parts, and Washington, in recommending his appointment as Indian agent, thus writes to John Robinspn, speaker of the House of Burgesses, May3(), 1757: "I know of no personso well qualified for an undertaking of this sort as the bearer, Captain Gist He has had extensive dealings with the Indians, is in great esteem among them, well acquainted with their manners and customs, indefatigable and patient — most excellent qualities where Indians are concerned. As to his capacity, hon- -esty and zeal, I dare venture to engage. — Writmgs, vol. il, p. 336. (9) 10 Ths Fork of the Ohio. NOVEMBER 22. The excessiYe rains and vast quantity of snow wliicli had fallen prevented our reaching Mr. Erasier's, an Indian trader, at the mouth, of Turtle Greet, on Monongahela Eiver, until Thursday, the 22nd. "We were informed here that expresses had heen sent a few days before, to the traders down the river, to acquaint them with the French general's death,* and the return of the major part of the French army into winter qiiarters. The waters were • quite impassable without swimming oui' horses, which obliged us to get the loan of a, canoe from Frazier, andto send 'Barnaby Gurrih and Henry Stev^ard 'down the Mo- nongaJiela with pur baggage, to meet us atthe fork of the Ohio, about ten miles, there to cross the Alleghany. As, I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in viewing the rivers and the land. in. the ibrk, which I think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both riv- ers.' The land at the point is twenty or twenty-five feet above the. common surface ot the water, and a considerable bottom of flat, well-tinihered land all.aroimd it, v.ery convenient forbuild-^ 4 This French general was.Pierre Paul, Sieur de Marin, a brave and intelli- gent officer, one of the best in Bu'Quesne's force, and high in the esteem of that reformer of discipline. Du'Quesne had dispatched him to the Ohio, to found the fort.at.the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongaliela. The register of Port Duquesne has the following entry : " In the year one thousand seven hun- dred and fifty three, the 29th of October, died, at lialf past four o'clock in the afternoon, in the fort of Biviere auxBoeufs; under the title of St. Petei-, Moip sieur Pierre Paul, Esq., Sieur de Marin, Knight of the Military and Royal Order of St. Louis, Captain of Infantry and Commandant General of the Army of the Ohio, after having received the sacraments of penance, extreme unction, and the viaticum, aged sixty-three years. His body ivas inteixed in th6 cemetery of said. fort by us. Recollect priest. Chaplain of said fort, and, during the campaign, of the River Ohio! Were present at his interment, Monsieur de Repentignyj Commandant of said army and Captain of Infantry ; Messi.euis du Muys,' Lieu- tenant of Infantry; Benols, Lieutenant of Infantry; de Simblin, Major at said fort ; Laforce, Commissary of the Stores : who fiave, signed with us. ■ V "Le GaKDBUR DB Rkpmntigny, ; " IiAFOKCE — BbNOIS — ^Du MXHtS, ' ■ "J. Depekb Simbun, 1 " Pkias Denis Baron, , . Recollect- priest, Cha;plain." ■ Marin had just erected Forts Presque Isle and Le Boeuf. Du Quesne, in his letter to M; De Rouille, August 30, 1753, says: " Sieur Marin writes me on the 3d inst., that the- fort at Presque Isle is entirely finished; that the Portage Road, which is six leagues in lengtli, is also ready for caniages ; that the st^e, which was necessaiy to be built halfway across the portage, is. in a condition to receive- the supplies, and that the second fort, which is located at the mouth of the Rivi ieire au Boeuf, will soon be completed." — iV". F. CoZ. i>oc., x., 356. ' , 5 This .choice, says Dussieux, proves the accurate glance and excellent judgi ment of the yotmg major. But at the moment of his making- the report, the French -were already erecting Fort Duquesne on the spot>— Le Cawtda smislck Domination Francaue, p. 61. ' The Half -King. \X ing. The rivers are eacli a quarter of a mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right angles, Alleghany bearing nortli- ieast and Monongahela southeast. The former of these two is a very rapid and swift-running water, the other deep and still, with- out any perceptible fall. About two miles from- this, on the southeast side of the river, at the place where the Ohio Company intended to erect a fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Bela wares." "We called- upon him, to invite him to counsel at the Logstown. As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situation at the fork, my curiosity led me to- examine this more particu- larly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defense or ad- vantages, especially the latter; for a foi-t at the fork would be' equally well situated on the Ohio, and have the entire cotninand of the Monongahela, which runs up our settlement, and is ex- tremely well designed for water carriage, and it is of a deep, still nature. Besides, a fort at the fork might be built at much less expense than at the other places. ifature has well contrived this lower place forj water defense; but the hill whereon it must stand, being about a quarter of a mile in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, will render it difficult and very expensive to make a sufficient fortification there. The whole flat upon the hill must be taken in,, the side next the descent made extremely high, or else the hill itself cut away; otherwise the enemy may raise batteries within that distance without being exposed to a single shot from tiie/ort. Shingiss attended us to the Logstown, where we arrived between sxtn-settirig and dark, the twenty-fifth day. after I left "Williams- burg. We traveled over some extremely good and bad land to get.to this place. As soon as I came into town, I went to Monacatoocha (as the Half-King'' was out at his bunting cabin on Little Beaver Creek, about fifteen miles oft), and informed him by John Davidson, -my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French feneral, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six rations to acquaint them with it. I gave him a string of wam- pum and a twist of tobacco and desired him to send for the Half- King, which be promised to do by a runner in the morning, and -.6 ShiDgiss had been the terror of the English frontiers, but had now warmly espoused the cause of the English. 7' Half-King. Tanacharisson, a shrewd Seneca, was called the. Half-King, as his authority was subjectto that of the Five Nations. CampbeWi Hisiori/ <>f Vii'ginia, p. 461 ; Sargent's Braddock, p. 54. He was with Washiugton lu Uic afifair with Jumonville, and died in October, 1754. 12 French Forts on the Mississipjpi. for other sachems. I invited him and the other great men pj-esr ■ ent to my tent, where they stayed abont an hour and returned. According to the best observations I could make, Mr. Gist's new settlement (which we passed by) bears about west northwest seventy miles from Will's creek; Shannopins, or the fork, north by wiBst, or north northwest, about fifty miles from that; and from thence to tlie Logstown the course is nearly west about «ighteen or twenty miles; so that the whole distance, as we went and computed it, is at least one hundred and thirty-five or one- hundred and forty miles from our back inhabitants. NOVEMBER 25. Came to town, four of ten Frenchmen, who had deserted from a company at the Kuskuskas,' which lies at the mouth of this river. I got the following account from them: They were sent from New Orleans with a hundred men and eight canoe loads of provisions, to this place, where they expected to have met tlie same number of men from the forts on this side of Lak^Erie, to. convoy them and the stores up,- who were not arrived when they ran off. . I inquired into the situation of the Erench on the Mississippi, their numbers, and what forts they had built. They informedme that there were four small forts between New Orleans and the Black Islands,' garrisoned with about thirty or forty men and a few small pieces in each; that at New Orleans, which is near the mouth of the Mississippi, there are thirty-five companies of forty ■ men each, with a pretty strong. fort, mounting eight carriage f;uns, and at the Black Islands there are several companies and a . ort with six guns. The Black Islands are about a hundred and thirty leagues above the mouth of the Ohio, which Is about three hundred and fifty above New Orleans. They also acquainted me that there was a small palisadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Obaish,"' about sixty leagues from .the Mississippi. The 8 Kuskuskas was, it is said, an Indian town on Big Beaver Creek, Pennsylva- nia, but it is more likely that the French post of Kaskaskia is intended. 9 Black Islands. Washington was here evidently misled by the sonnd, and mistook Illinois for Isles Noires, that is, Black Islands. There was na French post called Black Islands, but the name Illinois,now so familiar to us, was then unheard in the British colonies. The Miamis and Illinois were known as Ckick- taghicks and Twigtwies, and.both together frequently under the last, the more common term. 10 Obaish, Wabash ; in French, Ouabache. This name was given by Mar- quette, La Salle, and other early explorers, to the Ohio, but finally became that of a branch, while the Iroquois name, Ohio, of B?aiutiful Kiver, was applied to 111? main stream. The fort'alluded to was probably Vincennes., The Ralf^King's Speech. 13 Obaish heads near the west end of Lake Erie, and affords the ■communication betw€ien the Trench on the Mississippi and those ■on the lakes. These deserters came np from the lower Shan- .noah" town with one Brown, an. Indian trader, and were going to .Philadelphia. ' ' About three o'clock this evening the Half-King cam'e to town. I went np and invited him, with Davidson, privately, tp my tent, :an.d desired him to relate some'of the particnlai-s of his journey to the French commandant, and of his reception there; also to .give me an account of the ways and distance.' He told me that the nearest and levelest way was now. impassable by reason of many large, miiy savannas; that we must be obliged to go by 'Venatigo,'^ and should not get to the near fort in less than live br six night's sleep, good travSing. "When he went to the fort, he ■said he was received in a very stern manner by the late com- mander, who asked him very abruptly what he liad come about, ■and to declare his business, which he said he did in the following speech: " Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches, what your own mouths have declared. "Fathers,' you, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it; to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be ■churlish to one another; and that if any such persoti should be found to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish A rod, which you must scourge- them with ; "and if your father, should get foolish in my old days, I desire you may use' it upon rhae, as well as others. ' ■ ■ , . "Now, fathers, it is yon who are the disturbers in this land, by; •coming and IjuOding your towns, and taking it away unkiiownto ms, and by force. " Fathers, we kindled a fire a long tinie ago at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to corne and in- , tmde upon our land. . I now desire you may dispatcii, tp that place; for be it kiiown to you, fathers, that this is our land, and ' Tiot yours. 11 Shawanoe, or, as now ■wxitteD,-'Sha^nig'e. They -were calied,'by the IVench,, ■Chawanon. They were the most restless of the Algoncjuin tribes, haviii'pr been,' for a longer or shorter period, in almost all. the Atlantic colonies, from j'lorida to New York, and bands of them accompanied La Salle and Tonti up and down Ihe Mississippi, one of them even sharing the death of the gi'eat explorer.. 13 Venango.^ Fort 'Venango was at the confluence of French Creek and the Alleghany, on the left, and another French fort, Machault, lay on the right. The ruins of Fort Venango cover a space of about four himdrea feet, and the ram- parts are eight feet high. 14. The French GeneraVs Answer. "Fathers,'! desire you may hear me.in civihiess; if. not, we miist handle that rod which was laid down tor the Use of the ob- streperous. If you had come in a peaceable .mannei-, like our brotjiers the English, we would not have been against your tnidingr with us as they do; but to come, fathers, and build houses U])uiv our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. " Fathers, both you and the English are white; we live in it country between; therefore the land belongs to neither, one nor the other; but the .Great Being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us; so, fathers, I desire you to witlidraw, as I have- done our brothers the English; for I will 'keep yon. at anu's- length. I lay this down as a trial for both, to see which will Jiavo- the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand bj' and malccs- equal sharers with us. Our brothers the English have heard this, and I come now to tell it to yon, for I am not afraid to discliargc- you off this land." This, he said, was the substance of what he spoke to .the gen- eral, who made this reply: "JSTow, my child, I have heard your speech. You spoke firsts but it is my time to speak now. Where is my wampum that you took away with the marks of towns on it? This wampum I do- not know, which jon have discharged nie off the land with.; but you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for I will not hear yoii. I am, not afraid of flies or musquitoes, for Indians-, are such as those. I tell yon, down that river I will go, andbniicL upon it, according to niy command. If the river was blocked up, I have forces snflScient to burst it open and tread under my feet all that stand in opposition, together with- their alliances, tur my force is as the sand upon the seashore; therefore here is yonr wampum; I sling it at you. Ohild^ you talk foolish. You say thislaiid belongs to you, biit there is not the black of my nail yours. I saw mat land sooner than you did; before the Shan- noahs and-yoii were at war. Lead was the man who went down and took possession of that river. It isony land, and I will have- it, let who will, stand up for or say against it. I will buy and sell with the English (mockingly). If ijcoidIc will be ruled by nie, they may expect kindness, bnt not else.-" The Half-King told mie he had inquired of tlie general at'tcr two Englishmen who were made prisoners, and received tiiis answer; , " Child, you think it a very great hardship that I made prison- ers of those two people at Venango. Don't you concci-n your- self with it. We took and carried them to Canada, to get intcU Jigence of. what, the English were doing... in Yirginia." He informed me that they had built- two fortSj one on Lakei Washington's Speech. 15 ■Erie" and, another on French Creek, near a small lake," about "fifteen miles asnnderj and a large wagon-road between. They are both built after the same model, but different in size; that on the lake the largest. He gave me a plan of them of his own • ut I rather think they could not get their hunters in. 'We set out about nine o'clock, with the Half-King, Jeskakake, "White Thunder, and the Hunter, and traveled on tlie road to "Venango, where we arrived the ith of .December, without any- thing remarkable" happening but a continued, series of bad weather. This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French Creek, on the Ohio, and lies near north about sixty miles from the Logstown, but more than seventy the way we were obliged "We found the French colors hoisted at a house from which th6y had driven Mr. John Frasier, an iEnglish subject. I imme- diately repaired to it to know where the commander resided. Theire" were three oflScers, one of whom. Captain Joncaire, in-, foiined niie that he had the command of tlie .Oliio, but tliat tliere was a general officer at the near fort, where he advised nie to ap- ply for an ansv^er. He invited us to sup with them and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in tlieir con- versation and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sci?- timents more Ireely. They told me that it was their absolute design to take ppsses- siou of the Ohio, and by G-.- they would do it, for that, altliough they were sensible the English- could raise tw;o men for their one, yet they knew their motions, were too slow and dilatory to .pre- vent any undertaking oif theirs. They pretend to have an un- 20 The French Forts amd-Gwrrisons. doubted, right to the river from a discovery made by one La Sailed sixty years ago> and the rise of this expedition is to prevent onr .settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some fam- ilies moving out in order thereto. From the best- intelligence L could get, there have been fifteen hundred men on this side On- tario Lake, but upon the death. of the general- all were recalled, to about six or seven hundred, who were left to garrison four forts, one hundred and fifty or thereabout in- each. The first of them is on French Creek,^ near a small lake, about sixty miles from "Venango, near north northwest; the next lies on Lake Erie,^ where the greater part of their stores are kept, about fif- teen miles from, the other; from this it is one hundi'ed and twenty, miles to the carrying place, at the falls of Lake Erie, where there- is a small fort,^ at which they lodge their goods in bringing them from Montreal, the place from whence all their stores are brought. The next fort lies about twenty miles from this, on Ontario Lake.^ Between this fort and Montreal there are three others, the first of which^ is nearly opposite to the English fort Oswego^ From the fort on Lake Erie to Montreal is about six hundred miles, whidi, tliey say, requires no more (if good weather) than foar weeks' voyage, if they go in barks or large vessels,- so that they may cross the lake; out if they come in ca- noes it will reqjoire five or six "weeks, for they are obliged to keep under the shore. - . DECEMBEE 5. Eained excessively all day, which prevented bur traveling. Cap- tain Joncaire sent for the Half-Eaiig, as he had but jnst heard that he came with me. He aftected to be ■ much concerned that I did not make fi-ee to bring them in before. I excused it intha best manner of which I was capable, and told him I did not. think their company agreeable, as I had heard him say a good, deal in dispraise of Indians in genefkl; but another motive pre- vented me from bringing them into his company; I knew that. 21 La Salle. Eobert Cavalier de La Salle,"it is kno-wn, followed up the dis- coveiy osf Marquette and Joliet, and in 1682 descended the Mississippi to its mouth, -which he reached on the 9th of April. He planted the arms of France and took possession of the river and all the country watered by it and its- branches. This extended the French claim to the head waters of the Alleghany and Monongahela. See " The Discovery and JExploration of the MissiesippL" ■ and narrative there given. Previous to this and apparently about 1670-71,- La. Salle had reached the Ohio from the Seneca countiy, and descended it to the- falls at Louisville. No narrMive of this voyage is extant, but he claims to have- done so in some documents, and maps drawn by Joliet recognize his claim, and theseFrench ofBcers maintain it. 22-FortLeBoeuf. ' 33 Fort Presque Isle. 24 Fort Niagara. . 25 Fort Toronto! ■ , 26 Fort ^ontenac. More Belay. 21 he was an interpreter and a person of very great influence among the Indis«is,andhad lately used all'^possible means to draw them over to his interest; therefore I was desirous of giving him no opwrtnnity that could be avoided. " _ When they came in there was great pleasure expressed at see- ing them. , He wondered how fliiey could be so near without coming to visit him, made several trifling presents, and applied liquor so fast that they were soon rendered incapable of the busi- ness .they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was given " DECEMBER. 6. The Half-King came to my tent quite sober and insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the French. I fain would have prevented him from speaking any- thing until he came to the commandant, but could not prevail. He told me that at thisplace a council fire was kindled, where all their business with these people was to be transacted, and that . the management of the Indian affairs was left solely to Mon- sieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue of this,. I agreed to stay; but sent our horses a litUe way- up French Creek, to raft over and encamp, which I knew would make it. near night. About ten o'clock they met in council. The King spoke much the same as he had before! done to the General, and pffered the French ™efech-belt which had ^before been demanded, with the marks of four towns on itijv^ich. Monsieur Joncaire refused to- receive, but desired him tb (Jarry it to the fort to the commander^ ., ,.:-^^ ,::;^''l)ECEMBEK7. ' ' * ■ . - , * MpnsieuE.X'a Force, Commissary of the French stores, and three other soldiers; came over to accompany us up. We found, it extremdy difficult to get the. Indians off to-day, as every strat- agem had been used to prevent their going up with me. I had • last night left John Davidson (the Indian interpreter), whom I had brought with me from town, and strictly charged him not t» 27 Gist, in his journal, here notes : " Onr Indians T^ere in conncil with the Dela^ares, who lived under the French colors, and ordered them to deliver up- to the French the belt with the marks of the four towns, according to the desire- pf Eing Shingiss. ' But the chief of these Delawares said: ' It was true. King: Shingiss waB a great' man, but he had sent no speech, and,' said he, ' I cannot pretend to makea speech for a king.' So our Indians could not prevail witl^ )he.m to deliver^iheir belt, but the Half-Eing did deliver his belt as he had de^ ' termined." S2 Le Gard&ur de St. Pierre. be out of their company, as I could hot get tliem over to mj tent; for they had some business withKustalogo, chiefly to know ■why he did not deliver up the French speech-belt whidi he had in keeping; but I was obliged to send Mr. Gist over to-^ay to fetcJi tnem, which he did -mtli great persuasion. ^^t twelve o'clock we set oat for the foi-t, and were prevented arriving there until the 11th by excessive rains, snows, and bad traveling through many niires and swamps. These we were ■obliged to pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impassa- ble,' either by fording or raftings the water was so higlv and japid;' We passed over much good land since we left Venango, and "through several extensive and very rich, meadows, one of which, J believe,, was nearly four iniles in length and considei-ably wide in Bome places. DECEMBEE 12. I prepared early to wait upon the Commander, and was re- ceived and condncted to him by the second officer in command. 1 acquainted him with my business and offered him my. commis- sion and letter, both of which he desired me to keep until the^ arrival of Monsieur Reparti, captain at the next fort, who was ^£ent for and expect ied every hour. . This . Commander is a Knight of the military order of St. Xouis, and named Le Gardeur de St. Pierre.'* He is an elderly gentleman and has much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the command immediately upon the death of the late -44<' .Henr}> Alexander 1?2 J^ens.K.. , 6* Hplt, Mrs., at the Chicago.Massacre 27» Hopkins, Gen., his Expedition to IllinoiB. 294 Habba^ Gordon S., arrives at diicago. . . 340- ;Hndson Bay Co., The '. 336- Hudson. Biver Explored 21 Huron Lake Discovered 21 -HuUi Gen KT Beaches Detroit 259' Surrenders Detroit 26& Iberville enters the Mississippi 66 Illinois Tribes first Mentioned , 23 Their Principal YiUages 27 Illinois Territory Organized -. 24» nUnois, State of. Admitted into the pinion. 332 DJinois and IQcbigan Canal Located.'. .... 363. Indian Oeek, Massacre «t 383 Indian Houses '..- 342- Indlan Names, their Origin andDerlvation. 47S Indiana Territory Organized - .-. 2S& Index. Ill- PAGE. Its Census ta ISIO 344 Iroqaois, The TO Jay, Jolm,'lilB Mission to England... 217 Bis Treaty of 1794.'....;. ' '... 252 Johnson, Gen ". d5 Defeats tbe FKncli at tbe Bead of Lake George ..; 90 Takes Fort Niagara 108 Joliet .' , 24 'WiXh. Harquette at Chicago in 1673 28 Jonte] ■ S5 Kaskaskia Settled 74 Kellogg's Grove, Battle of. .;... 396 Einzie^ James ...; 23ff E'jizie, John, his first Marriage 236 Bis second Marriage 237 Bis arrival at Chicago 838 Sent as War Prisoner with his Family to Detroit 284 Setums'to Chicago 330 Bis Death ; 366 Einzie, JohnH 261 Einzies, The ."...' 420 LaBaire ' '..'. '. B3 La Hal at Chicago 228 Latrohe^ Charles G., his Description of . Indian Treaty at Chicago 411 La Salle Bnilds & Fort at Niagara 37 Seachesthe St. Joseph. ,! ; S3 Bnilds Fort Creevo C. 153 Post Christian Frederic..!!!! 99i Post Office at Chicago ''. 445 Fottbwattomles 261 IV Ind&B. BemoTedfiom Chicago 436 Prairie dn CUen '. 298 Taken by the Britisti 321 FrideanXi Gen., Attacks Fort Kiagara 103 Proctor, Gen 265 Prophet, (The) of Tecumseh 243 His Indiscretion 247 Quebec Settled 20 Taken hy the English 108 Bed Jacket, his Speech 226 Beynolds, Got. of Dlinois, his experience asa Soldier 294 Bight of Search ^3 Elver Baifiln, Battle of. 306 Sobinson, Alexander 285 Beminlscences of him 425 Bogers. K^. Bobert, bis-Hlesion Ill Takes possession of Detroit 116 Bonan Ensign at the Chicago Massacre . . . 277 Bnssell, Col. J. B. P 416 Sacs and Poxes 378 San-ga-nash, (The) saves Prisoneis at the Chicago Massacre 283 Scott, Gen. 'Wlnlield, ordered to Chicago.. 387 Encamps on the DesPlalnes 401 Scott, Col., his Expedition to the "Wahash. 196 Schenectady Burned 70 Shabonee 860, 427 Shelby, Got., joins Harrison 817 Shirley, Gen .'. 85 Uarches against Niagara. '..'.'.'. 89 Shingis 132 Sioax,The 22 Slaves In Illinois 141 Snow, Gep. W, his arrival at Chicago. ... 404 St Anga 157 St. Anthony's Palls 43 StarvedBock 53 St. Clair appointed Governor of the North- west Territory 190 Invades the Indian Country 193 Is Defeated by Little Tnrtle 200 Steam-boat, &8t on Western Waters 250 Steam Engine, Qie first made 410 Sterling, Capt-j takes English possession of PortChartres : 16S St. ndefonso. Treaty of. 142, Stillman'B Defeat 382 St. Ijawrence Biver Explored 20 St. Joseph Mver 38 St. Joseph taken by Volnntcers from the Prench Settlements of Dlinois 166 Taken by the Spanish fh>m St. Lonls .... 173 Indian Conncilat 244 St Lonls Settled..... 142 Attacked by the tCngllsh and Indians... 174 St. Marie; Palls of;'Beached 21 This Yolmne containa 568 pageR PAOE'. Spanlsh Intrignes 19ff Stobo, Ha). Bobert 83, 105 St. Vrain, JDeath of. 3.93 Snrveys, Public IS* Swearington, James S 23^ Superior Lake Beached 21 Taylor, Capt. Zachary defends Fort Har- rison '... 291 Tecnmeeh attempts to form an Indian C6nfederacy '. 24» Visits Harrison at Vincennes ; 245- Death of. 320- Ticohderoga blown np 104 Tippecanoe, Battle of ' 248= Thames, Bittle of. 319- Tonty 38,50. 54, 64 Treaty of 1816 at Chicago 345. Treaty of 1833 at Chicago 411 Valedictory •-....'. 4K Van Braum, Jacob S$ Vessel, First on the Lakes 37 Vigo, Francis ; 170^ Vlncennes '. 66> Settled 74 Voln'ey, his interview with Little Turtle. . . 223. War Declared against England by the United States 256 Washington, Maj. at Braddock'B Defeat.. 87 Betelvetf grant of land on the Ohio 77 HiB IGBSiontotbe Ohio T» Bis' Diary on a Tour to the Ohio in 1753, Pages 1 to 30 at the end of the book. Wayne, Gen. Anthony, appoiiited to Com- mand the Western Troops 201 Marches against the Indians 21^ His T^ctory : 214 Weld, Isaac, his statement 21& Wells, Capt. Wm. Wayne, comes to the Bescueof Port Dearborn... 273 His Death 27» Western Beserve Ceded.'. 243 Whistler, Capt. John 233 Whistler, MaJ. Wm..'. 388 Whistler, Mrs. Wm...: 239 White Cloud, the Prophet; 379 WalteEyes 164 Wilkinsons' Expedition 196 Wlnamac 244 ■^nnebago Scare 388 Winslow.John ; , 87 Winnebagoes, The 373 WUllams, Ell B:, his arrival at Chicago... 409^ 'V^consln Heights, Battle of. 398 Wolfe, Gen 96 B«fore Quebec 104 V ctory on the Heights of Abraham.'. . :. 108 Woi\'B- Point;;;;;;;.; '. 424 excluding illnstratioiis. i-;--'-"-^ —:■■.— "■- ,, r.~'-."''--' - -.-'■'■H'-.-;V^-jV--''.i"*-Ji?Sb'f'?'