' TWV H . it^^-.V t -Mil '' APOLEON THE- FIRST '^■^y: ^:« s:i^ '-'„>*i-''''-i!y M ^\''ALTER GEER i: %5ur!;i • .r VT 3i-:^r -■t;-/.^^ K:"^"'.' ft'/ i» • * >r» » • \,'. -'j --. J, .' . i^. V-,- f, » ■ •• . • I, »r, CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNDERGRADUATE UBRARY DC 203.029"'"""""""^'""'"''' Napoleon the First; anjptimate biography 3 1924 014 676 054 Bb^^L^H^tfi^flflH^B^HlABaHStUM^KBI^RIr^ "**•■■■■ ■ ' ■kj^-— - f ^ PRINT EDINU.S./ Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924014676054 NAPOLEON THE FIRST AN INTIMATE BIOGRAPHY NAPOLEON THE FIRST AN INTIMATE BIOGRAPHY BY WALTER GEER AUTHOR OF "napoleon THE THIRD," ETC. ILLUSTRATED NEW YORK : BRENTANO'S 1921 ., ,.URIS LIBRAF 3c COPYRIGHT I921, BY WALTER GEER 4// rights reserved 637 <3 THE PLIMPTON P E ES S • N R WO D ■ H A S S • U 'S • A ^£:4r.i'; FOREWORD OF books and memoirs about Napoleon there is no end, but there are comparatively few which give an unprejudiced picture of the man. For the most part no judgment has been passed upon him but that either of profound antipathy or of blind admira- tion. The books published about him during his life, and for many years after his death, have but little value. The idolatry and hatred which he inspired survived him too long to allow of an unbiased view. It has been his fate, in death, as in life, to stir the hearts of men to their depths. Now that one hundred years have elapsed since the " long-drawn agony " of Saint Helena we think that the time has come for a more impartial estimate. Facts are clearer, motives are better known, much new evidence is available. Let us then endeavor to depict Napoleon as he was, and " nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in maUce." Walter Geer New York, May, 1921 Cv] CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE 1769-1789 EARLY YEARS PAGE The Birthplace of Napoleon — Jean Jacques Rousseau — The Bonaparte Family — Charles and Letitia Bonaparte — Corsica Ceded to France — Napoleon's Childhood — Home Influences — The School at Brienne — Death of His Father — The £coIe Militaire — Second Lieutenant of Artillery — The Regiment de La Fere — Life at Va- lence — Leave of Absence — Corsica Again — Visit to Paris — Auxonne — First Recognition of His Talents — Another Leave — Advice of the Abbe de Saint-Ruff I CHAPTER TWO 1789-1793 THE REVOLUTION Decay of the Old Regime — The State Bankrupt — The King and Queen — Ministerial Changes — Meeting of the States-General — Fall of the Bastille — Napoleon Leaves for Corsica — Return of Paoli — Napoleon at Auxonne — Appointed First Lieutenant of the Fourth Regiment — At Valence Again — Flight of the King to Varennes — Oath of Allegiance to the Assembly — Corsica Again — Napoleon in Paris — Captain Bonaparte — The Attack on the Tuileries — Return to Ajaccio — The Maddalena Expedition — Break with Paoli — Final Departure for France 17 CHAPTER THREE 1793-1795 TOULON AND VENDfiMIAIRE L'Avenement de Bonaparte — His Personal Appearance — His Character — The Bonaparte Family — Napoleon with the Army of the South — The " Supper of Beaucaire " — The Siege of Toulon — Appointed General of Brigade — His Remembrance of Former Comrades — His High Standard of Conduct — Appointed Inspector of Coasts — Recalled and Imprisoned — Restored to His Rank — The Corsican CONTENTS PAGE Expedition — Ordered to Paris — Hopes and Disappointments — Paris in 1795 — Napoleon and Barras — His Plan for the Italian Campaign — His Precarious Situation — Constitution of the Year Three — Revolt of the Sections — The Thirteen Vendemiaire — Major-General Bonaparte #. 30 CHAPTER FOUR 1796 JOSJ^PHINE Napoleon in Command of the Army of the Interior — First Meeting with Josephine — Her Origin — The Taschers and the Beauhamais — Birth and Childhood of Josephine — Alexandre de Beauhamais — His Childhood — His Marriage with Josephine — Births of Eugene and Hortense — The Separation — Josephine at Fontainebleau and Paris — Arrest of Alexandre and Josephine — Alexandre Executed — Josephine Released — Her Precarious Existence — The Hotel Chan- tereine — Josephine's Personal Appearance — Napoleon's Courtship — Josephine's Hesitation — The Marriage — Wrath of the Bona- partes — Josephine Described by Contemporaries .... 42 CHAPTER FIVE 1796 THE CAMPAIGN OF ITALY Bonaparte in Command of the Army of Italy — Condition of the Peninsula — Situation of the Two Armies — Napoleon's Plan of Action — Battles of Montenotte and Mondovi — Peace with Piedmont — Napoleon's Proclamations — Crossing of the Po — Battle of Lodi — Entrance into Milan — Advance to the Mincio — The Famous Quadrilateral — Siege of Mantua — Castiglione and Lonato — The French in the Tyrol — Battle of Bassano — Repulse at Caldiero — Battle of Arcole — Consummate Leadership of Bonaparte . . 56 CHAPTER SIX 1797 FROM RIVOLI TO CAMPO FORMIO Renewal of Hostilities — Battle of Rivoli — The March to Mantua — Battle of La Favorita — Fall of Mantua — The Last Italian Cam- paign — The Archduke Charles — Battles in Styria — Retreat of the Austrians — Preliminaries of Leoben — Fate of Venice — Napoleon at Montebello — Family Affairs — Josephine in Italy — Royalist C viii 3 CONTENTS PAGE Plot at Paris — The i8 Fructidor — Peace of Campo Formio — Napoleon in Paris — The Career of Talleyrand — Results of the Italian Campaign 71 CHAPTER SEVEN 1798-1799 EGYPT Napoleon in Paris — Appointed to Command of the Army of England — Decides on the Expedition to Egypt — Captures Malta — Escapes the English Fleet — Arrives at Alexandria — Marches on Cairo — Battle of the Pyramids — The Occupation of Cairo — Destruction of the French Fleet — Turkey Declares War — The Syrian Expedi- tion — Capture of Jaffa — Advance to Saint- Jean-d' Acre — Its Place in History — Battle of Mont^Tabor — Last Assault on Acre — The Siege Abandoned — Napoleon's First Retreat — Arrival at Jaffa — Return to Cairo — Battle of Aboukir — Return to France — Enthusiastic Reception — Reconciliation with Josephine . . .91 CHAPTER EIGHT ^ 1799 THE COUP D'ETAT France During the Year Seven — The Bonapartes at Paris — The Second Coalition — French Defeats and Victories — Difficulties of the Gov- ernment — Sieyes Elected Director — His Schemes — The Return of Bonaparte — Preparations for the Coup d'£tat — The Role of the Ancients — The Generals at Bonaparte's House — The 18 Bru- maire at Paris — Resignations of B arras, Sieyes and Ducos — The Councils at Saint-Cloud — Events of the 19 Brumaire — The Day Saved by Lucien — Constitution of the Year Eight — Bonaparte, First Consul — His Extensive Powers — Centralization of the Gov- ernment — Success of the New Regime 107 CHAPTER NINE 1800 MARENGO Bonaparte at the Luxembourg — Marriage of Caroline and Murat — The First Consul Moves to the Tuileries — The Life There — The Winter Season in Paris — The Military Situation — Improved Condition of France under Bonaparte — The Army of Reserve — The Theatre of War — The Opposing Forces — Napoleon's Plan of Campaign — Crossing of the Alps — Fort Bard — The French Army in Piedmont CONTENTS PAGE — Consternation of Melas — Napoleon at Milan — The Army Crosses the Po — Battle of Montebello — Battle of Marengo — Defeat Turned to Victory — Death of Desaix — Results of the Campaign 123 CHAPTER TEN 1799-1804 THE CONSULATE Victory of Hohenlinden — Treaty of Luneville — Peace of Amiens — The Consular Government — The Concordat — The Code Napoleon — Royalist Plots — The Infernal Machine — Execution of the Due d'Enghien — The Consulate for Life — The Ovation to Bonaparte after Marengo — The National Holidays — Malmaison — Hortense de Beauharnais — Her Marriage with Louis Bonaparte — Birth of Napoleon Charles — A Calumny Refuted by Bourrienne — The Reconstruction of Paris — The Consular Court — Napoleon's Sim- plicity — A Sketch by an Englishman — Plan to Restore the French Colonial Empire — The Hostility of England — The War Renewed — ^Battle of Trafalgar 139 CHAPTER ELEVEN 1804 THE EMPIRE Reasons for the Establishment of Hereditary Rule — The Empire Decreed — The Dignitaries of State — The Plebiscite — The Marshals of France — Napoleon's Intellectual Gifts — His Power of Work — His Place in History — Fate of the Republican Generals — Exile of Moreau — The National Fete — Difficulties of Napoleon's Role — The Visit to Aix-la-Chapelle — The Talisman of Charlemagne — Coronation of the Emperor — The Fete Given by the Marshals — Religious Marriage of Napoleon and Josephine — Baptism of Na- poleon Louis — The Trip to Italy — Jerome Abandons His Wife — The Iron Crown of Italy — Eugene Appointed Viceroy — The Return to France 156 CHAPTER TWELVE 1805 AUSTERLITZ The Third Coalition — Napoleon Dictates the Plan of Campaign — Commanders of the Corps i'Armie — Napoleon His Own Chief of Staff— His Military Household — His Way of Travelling — His Method of Work— Plans of the Coalition — The Grand Army CONTENTS PAGE Leaves Its Camps — The Fine Ulm Manoeuvre — Mack Surrenders the Portress — Napoleon Enters Vienna — His Critical Position — He Advances to Brunn — The Battle-field of Austerlitz — The Plan of the Allies — Napoleon Prepares for a Decisive Battle — Positions of the Corps — Napoleon Tells the Army His Plan of Battle — The Anniversary of the Coronation — The "Sun of Austerlitz "— The Allied Attack — The French Take the Pratzen — The Battle Won — The Emperor Francis Sues for Peace — The Treaty of Presburg — End of the Coalition — Death of Pitt 169 CHAPTER THIRTEEN 1806 JENA AND AUERSTADT Family Alliances — Joseph, King of Naples — The Italian Titular Fiefs — Louis, King of Holland — The Question of Hanover — Peace Overtures — Confederation of the Rhine — End of the Holy Roman Empire — Napoleon's Desire for Peace — Queen Louisa — Duplicity of Prussia — Her Ultimatum to Napoleon — Strength of the Two Combatants — The Seat of War — Advance of the Prussian Army — Movements of the French — The Battle fields of Jena and Auer- stadt — The Prussians Defeated at Both Places — Dispersion of Their Army — Napoleon Enters Berlin in Triumph . . . .188 CHAPTER FOURTEEN 1807 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND The Berlin Decree — Hesse-Cassel and Saxony — Negotiations for Peace — The Polish Question — The Theatre of War — Advance Towards the East — Battle of Pultusk — Madame Walewska — Bennigsen's Movement — Napoleon's Countermarch — Battle of Eylau — Winter Quarters — Negotiations with Prussia and Austria — Re- sumption of Hostilities — Battle of Friedland — Treaty of Tilsit — Death of Napoleon Charles — Birth of Louis Napoleon — Grandeur of the Empire — Marriage of King Jerome — The Court at Fontaine- bleau zo6 CHAPTER FIFTEEN 1808 SPAIN England Seizes the Danish Fleet — Napoleon and the Czar — Tuscany and the Papal States Annexed — Demands upon Portugal — Affairs in Spain — The Royal Family — The Prince of Peace — Treaty of Cxi] CONTENTS P^GE Fontainebleau — Junot at Lisbon — Abdication of Charles — The Bayonne Conference — Joseph, King of Spain — The Erfurt Meet- ing _ The Spanish Uprising — The Grand Army Enters Spam — Topography of the Country — Capture of Madrid — Death of Sir John Moore — Napoleon Returns to Paris . . . ^p . 224 CHAPTER SIXTEEN 1809 WAGRAM Why Napoleon Left Spain — Fouche and Talleyrand — Austria Threat- ens War — Situation in Germany — Napoleon's Preparations-^ Austria's, Plan of Campaign — Errors of Berthier — Napoleon Joins the Army— His Brilliant Strategy — His Victories in Bavaria — Capture of Vienna — Battle of Aspern — Death of Lannes — Both Armies Reinforced — Battle of Wagram — Peace of Schonbrunn — The Court at Fontainebleau and the Tuileries — The Divorce of Josephine — Her Last Days *3S CHAPTER SEVENTEEN 1810-1811 MARIE-LOUISE The Austrian Imperial Family — Josephine Favors the Hapsburg Alliance — Napoleon Calls a Conference — The Russian Negotiations Abandoned — Contract Signed for Marriage with Marie-Louise — The Ceremony at Vienna — Marie-Louise at Compiegne — Her Personal Appearance — The Civil and Religious Marriages — Napoleon at Forty-one — Visit to Brussels — The Fetes at Paris — The Schwarzenberg Ball — Birth of the King of Rome — The Private Baptism — Visit to Holland — The Empire at Its Zenith — Honors Bestowed upon the Marshals — The Legion d'Honneur — Value of the Marshals — The Common Soldiers — The Old Guard — Napoleon's Popularity with His Men . . . . . . 254 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN 1812 MOSCOW The Peninsula War — The Lines of Torres Vedras — Effects of the Con- tinental System — Friction with Russia — War Inevitable — Ad- vance of the Grand Army — Preparations for the Campaign — The Commanding Officers — Napoleon at Dresden — The Russian Plans — The French Cross the Niemen — The Advance to Smolensk CONTENTS PAGE — Heavy Losses — Battle of Smolensk — The Victory Indecisive — Napoleon Marches on Moscow — Battle of Borodino — A Pyrrhic Victory — The French Enter Moscow — The City Burned — Na- poleon's Fatal Delay — The Retreat Begun — The New Route Abandoned — Beginning of Winter — Arrival at Smolensk — A New Route to Vilna — The Passage of the Beresina — The Army Recrosses the Nieipen — Napoleon Leaves for Paris — Reasons for Failure 269 CHAPTER NINETEEN 1813 LEIPZIG Napoleon after Moscow — His Reliance on Austria — Preparations for the Campaign — Plans of the Allies — Battles of Lutzen and Bautzen — The Victories Indecisive — Decline of Napoleon's Strength — The Fatal Armistice — Conditions of Peace — Austria Joins the Allies — Hostilities Resumed — Napoleon's Base on the Elbe — Danger of His Position — Battle of Dresden — Defeats of the Marshals — Napoleon's Indecision — Battle of Leipzig — French Defeat — Retreat to the Rhine — Battle of Hanau 288 CHAPTER TWENTY 1814 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE Napoleon Returns to Paris — The Sovereigns Offer Peace — An Evasive Answer — The Allies Invade France — Defection of Murat — Plan of the Allies — Napoleon's Preparations — The Theatre of War — Battles of Brienne and La Rothiere — Blucher Defeated — Schwar- zenberg Driven Back — Battle of Laon — The Congress of Chatillon — The Allies Advance on Paris — Napoleon's Move to the East — The Allies Take Paris — Napoleon at Fontainebleau — The First Abdication — Marmont's Treason — The Second Abdication — Napoleon Attempts Suicide — The Adieux de Fontainebleau — The Island of Elba — Napoleon's Life There 304 CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE 1815 WATERLOO Napoleon Decides to Leave Elba — Reasons for His Return — The Land- ing at Cannes — March to the North — The Defile of Laffray — Arrival at Paris — The New Ministry — Napoleon's Reception at n xiii 3 CONTENTS PAGE the Capital — The Champ de Mai — The Situation Changes — Personnel of the Army — Napoleon's Plans — The Theatre of War — The French Cross the Sambre — Ligny and Quatre Bras — Napoleon's Health — The Grouchy Orders — The Advance to Waterloo — The Field of Battle — The English Resistanc^r- Ar- rival of the Prussians — The Great Cavalry Charge — The Old Guard — The Cause of Napoleon's Fall — The Emperor Returns to Paris — The Final Abdication 324 CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO 1815-1821 SAINT HELENA Napoleon Leaves for Rochefort — Surrenders to England — Sent to Saint Helena — Arrives at Jamestown — Longwood — His Com- panions in Exile — The Bertrands — The Montholons — Las Cases — Gourgaud — His Journal — The Books of Las Cases and Mon- tholon — Antommarchi — Sir Hudson Lowe — Napoleon's Griev- ances — Last Portrait of the Emperor — The Rooms at Longwood — Napoleon's Books — His Occupations — Last Illness and Death — His Remains Brought Back to France — His Tomb in the Invalides 341 CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE 1769-1821 PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON His Place in History — Influence upon Europe — Social Equality — Political Liberty — Higher Education — Publicity — Personal Ap- pearance — Health — Method of Work — Dictating — Writing — Mental Equipment — Family Relations — His Career — Physical and Moral Courage — Statesmanship — Moral — Imagination — Ambition — Lack of Organization — Leadership — Compared to Caesar 357 APPENDIX THE BONAPARTES Genealogical Table . 371 Biographical Notes 372 MARSHALS OF THE EMPIRE 376 TITLES CONFERRED BY NAPOLEON 377 CHRONOLOGY 378 BIBLIOGRAPHY 381 INDEX 383 n xiv 3 ILLUSTRATIONS Napoleon .... Empress Josephine Prince de Talleyrand- Perigord Marshal Lannes King Murat Marshal Massena Marshal Soult . Marshal Davout Empress Marie-Louise Czar Alexander . Marshal Ney Napoleon, 1814 . Emperor Francis I Duke of Wellington . Marshal Bliicher _ PAGES Frontispiece SO 88 102 124 158 172 188 254 268 290 304 312 324 338 CxvH MAPS Valley of the Po Battle of Rivoli . Battle of Marengo Battle of Austerlitz Battle of Jena . Prussia and Poland Battle of Friedland Spain and Portugal Valley of the Danube Battle of Essling Battle of Wagram Russia Battle of Borodino Battle of Leipzig Northern France Battle of Waterloo 58 72 132 180 200 204 218 230 236 240 244 274 280 300 308 330 n xvi 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST CHAPTER ONE 1769-1789 EARLY YEARS The Birthplace of Napoleon — Jean Jacques Rousseau — The Bonaparte Family — Charles and Letitia Bonaparte — Corsica Ceded to France — Napoleon's Childhood — Home Influences — The School at Brienne — Death of His Father — The Ecole Militaire — Second Lieutenant of Artillery — The Regiment de La Fere — Life at Valence — Leave of Absence — Corsica Again — Visit to Paris — Auxonne — First Recog- nition of His Talents — Another Leave — Advice of the Abbe de Saint- RufF THE life of Napoleon will always be associated with the names of three small islands: Corsica, where he was born; Elba, where he was first sent into exile; and Saint Helena, where he ended his days. Lying in a magnificent site, at the extremity of its azure gulf, with an amphitheatre of mountains in the background, is situated the little city of Ajaccio, the capital of Corsica. As the place first appears to the eye of the traveller on the small steamer from Marseille, he is enchanted by a scene of beauty only surpassed by that of the larger and grander bay of Naples. The town glistens like a white city against the green slopes of snow-capped Monte d'Oro which come down from the blue sky to meet the blue sea. At the end of the stone dock, the Quai Napoleon, at which the steamer ties up, is a wide, shady square, surrounded by tall palms. A street, the Rue Napoleon, leads to the older part of the town back of the citadel. Almost in the centre of the little city, and not more than five minutes walk from the cathedral in one direction and from the citadel in another stands a four-story, square stone house at the corner of a narrow street. CO NAPOLEON THE FIRST Above the door a marble tablet bears the inscription in French: "Napoleon was born in this house 15 August 1769." The old Bonaparte mansion was partly destrqped dur- ing the Revolution, and later rebuilt by Cardinal Fesch. It has hardly been occupied since the family left Corsica, in 1793. Napoleon's mother willed it to the King of Rome, but she outlived him, and at her death it came into the possession of King Joseph. Later it was acquired by the Empress Eugenie, who owned so many of the family shrines. On the second floor, adjoining the salon, is a large chamber with one window overlooking the side street. This is the room in which Napoleon was born. In 1762, in his celebrated book "Le Contrat Social," Jean Jacques Rousseau wrote: "There is still one country in Europe susceptible of moulding by legislation — the island of Corsica. The courage and steadfastness which enabled this brave people to regain and to defend its liberty well deserve that a sage should teach it how that blessing should be preserved. I have a presentiment that this little island will some day astonish Europe." Seven years later the prophecy of the philosopher was verified by the birth on "this little island" of one whose genius was to astonish the whole world. For many centuries the Bonaparte family had lived in provincial obscurity in Tuscany — first at Florence, then at San-Miniato, and later at Sarzana, a little isolated city of the State of Genoa. From father to son, there had been a long series of notaries and municipal syndics. In 1529 a Bonaparte came from Sarzana to settle in Corsica, and this little detached branch of the family took root in an island not less Italian, but almost barba- rous, amidst the institutions, the manners and the passions of the early Middle Ages. Though ruled in turn by Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals; by Pisa, and finally by Genoa, the Corsicans had retained a striking mdividuahty. The rock-bound coast and mountainous EARLY YEARS interior helped to preserve the essential features of a primitive existence. Their life centred around the family. The State counted for little or nothing. Laws were of no account when they conflicted with the code of family honor. The vendetta was the chief law of the island. "In such a life," says Rose, "where commerce and agriculture were despised, where woman was merely a drudge and man a conspirator, there grew up the typical Corsican temperament, moody and exacting, but withal keen, brave and constant, which looked on the world as a fencing-school for the glorification of the family and the clan. Of this type Napoleon was to be the supreme exemplar; and the Fates granted him as an arena a chaotic France and a distracted Europe." Napoleon's father was a handsome, courtly gentleman of unusual culture and distinguished manners, but of a feeble and even frivolous character, too fond of pleasure to occupy himself with his affairs. The 2 June 1764, at the age of eighteen, he married Letitia Ramolino, four years younger than himself, a girl of remarkable beauty. Like her husband she belonged to a good Florentine family, which had settled in Corsica at the end of the fifteenth century. She lost her father at the age of five years, and her mother married a Captain Fesch, of Swiss origin. From this union was born, in 1763, an only son, Joseph Fesch, afterwards Cardinal, who was therefore Napo- leon's uncle, but only six years older than himself. In a land of lovely women, Letitia had borne from girlhood the title of the "most beautiful woman of Cor- sica." She was of medium height and of graceful carriage, with the small hands and feet and ears, the regular teeth, the light brown hair, the noble forehead, the brilliant eyes, the long, well-formed nose, the fine mouth and strong chin which Napoleon inherited from her. Napoleon's mother, who was afterwards called "Ma- dame Mere," preserved her beauty till extreme old age. She was an extraordinary woman, and Napoleon derived from her many of his strongest qualities. She was full l3 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST of courage, and followed her husband through woods and mountains in the last days of Corsican independence, just prior to Napoleon's birth. She was devoted to her children, but brought them up with severitjj^ "Mis- fortunes, privations, fatigues," said Napoleon, she sup- ported all, braved all: she had the head of a man upon the body of a woman." The devotion between mother . and son, which lasted throughout their lives, is one of the most beautiful episodes in modern history. Some years prior to Napoleon's birth, Corsica, which since 1300 had belonged to Genoa, had risen in rebellion and endeavored to achieve its independence under the leadership of Paoli. During the course of the Seven Years' War, Genoa sided with France, and Louis the Fifteenth promised in return to support that Republic in its contest with Corsica. For three years, from 1756 to 1759, French troops occupied the three principal harbors of the island. Measures were then taken by France to secure possession of Corsica. Negotiations with Genoa resulted in a treaty in 1768 by the terms of w^iich the King of France was granted the sovereignty of the island under certain re- strictive clauses which were generally understood to be only formal. Paoli in vain protested that Genoa had no right to thus dispose of the Corsicans. He continued the unequal struggle, but was finally decisively defeated in May 1769, and left the island a month later. Corsica thus became French only a few months before the birth of Napoleon. At the opening of the war with France, Charles Bonaparte had been an aide de camp of Paoli. After the victory of the enemy, however, he be- came a zealous supporter of the new government, and was a member of the deputation sent to sue for peace from the French. A cordial welcome was given to the foreigners at his house in Ajaccio where his beautiful young wife made a charming hostess, and the French commandant, Comte Marbceuf, was a frequent visitor. Nobility had not been recognized in Corsica before the French occupation, and the Genoese had done everything 1:43 EARLY YEARS in their power to debase the Corsican aristocracy, so that there was but little difference in the island between the manner of dress and of Hfe of nobles and peasants. The new French Government pursued a different policy. They estabUshed a nobility, accepting such titles as could be proved. The Bpnapartes were assisted in their research by the Grand Duke of Tuscany. They bore a count's coronet, and their arms were gules, two bends argent between two stars of the second. The accounts of Napoleon's childhood have been embel- lished with a number of stories which are entirely without foundation. The most trustworthy narrative is derived from his mother. She tells us that he was very industrious and had a great capacity for mathematics. His first teachers were nuns, and he later went to a school formerly kept by the Jesuits. His power of inspiring and feeling deep affection was displayed in early childhood. At the same time traces of an imperious disposition were not wanting. Napoleon at a later date frankly admitted that as a boy he was turbulent, aggressive and quarrelsome; he was afraid of no one, but bit and scratched without reference to inequality of size or age. Joseph, although the elder, was no match for him. He was certainly the product of his island home. He sprang from a proud, warlike, vindictive race. Political conditions also profoundly influenced his mind during his earlier years. "The history of Corsica," he wrote in 1789, "is nothing but the chronicle of a perpetual struggle be- tween a small people who wish to live in freedom and their neighbors who wish to oppress them." The final stage of the long struggle had been reached, as we have seen, just before his birth. "I was born when my country was dying," he wrote to Paoli. The change of front on his father's part made no difference to the boy Napoleon. Corsican he remained in his heart, for many years, al- though a subject and a beneficiary of the French King. He adored Paoli and he detested the alien conquerors. At Brienne, in a moment of rage, he exclaimed to Hour- NAPOLEON THE FIRST rienne: "Je ferai a tes Fran9ais tout le mal que je pourrai." It is often futile and misleading to inquire into the direction and extent of the influence exercis^ upon a child by his home surroundings, but Napoleon was cer- tainly his mother's son. Both mentally and morally she was a remarkable woman. She was conspicuous for her strength of character, her energy, her courage, her love of power, and her capacity for practical affairs. But despite her occasional severity, her children both loved and respected her, and to her training and influence Napoleon ascribed the development of his own character. The father was extravagant, careless, and, in the words of his famous son, "too fond of pleasure to occupy him- self with us children." Their care thus devolved almost entirely upon their mother, and well she proved herself equal to the task. Until the age of nine. Napoleon's home was at Ajaccio, though he went frequently with his parents to their country estates among the hills, not far away. Then came the first change in his life. The resources of his father were being severely tried by the continual growth of his large family, and it became necessary to provide for the education of his two elder sons. It was decided to make Joseph a priest and Napoleon a soldier. Marboeuf promised to give the latter a scholar- ship in one of the Royal military schools, and to procure for the former an ecclesiastical benefice through his nephew, the Bishop of Autun. He arranged to place both of them at the College of Autun, one of the best public schools in France, where Joseph was to study classics, and Napoleon to remain a short time to learn French. The 15 December 1778 Charles Bonaparte left Ajaccio with his two little sons, one aged ten and the other nine. He also had with him his young brother-in-law, Joseph Fesch, who was to complete his studies for the priesthood at the Seminary of Aix. As Napoleon tells us in his notes, they reached Autun EARLY YEARS the first day of January. At the school, Joseph was thought to be a good boy, shy, quiet, and without ambition. Napoleon, on the other hand, was pensive and sombre, taking no part in the games, and walking about alone, which was quite natural as he could not speak French. He was cleverer than Joseph, and learned with greater facility. In three months he acquired sufficient French to converse fluently, and to write little exercises. In the meantime his father was completing arrange- ments to enter Napoleon at one of the military schools as a pensionnaire du roi. For this two things were necessary — a certificate of nobility for four generations, and a certificate of poverty. For the first there was no difficulty, for the Bonapartes could show eleven generations of nobility. As to the second, four Corsicans testified that Charles had no income except his salary as assessor, and could not give his children the education suited to their rank. Through the eflforts of his father Napoleon finally re- ceived an appointment to Brienne, and left Autun 23 April, 1779, taking leave of his brother, who was to re- main there five years longer. This school was one of the twelve institutions which Louis the Fifteenth had founded, nominally for the training of military cadets, though as a matter of fact they were conducted by the religious orders, and included among their pupils many boys not destined for the Army. At Brienne, the boys wore a uniform, but otherwise there was nothing military about the establishment. The teaching was entirely in the hands of the fathers, and was rather poor. Latin and French literature and composition were the principal subjects of study, but some attention was given to history, geography and mathematics, and the accomplishments were represented by dancing and fencing. The discipline was not severe, but no holidays were given, and the pupils were never permitted to visit their homes or to receive visitors. For each pupil a yearly sum of about seven hundred 1:73 NAPOLEON THE FIRST francs was paid by quarterly installments in advance, and for this amount the fathers undertook to give the boys each a separate room or cell, to feed and clothe them, and to instruct them according to the curriculum out- lined above. The pupils entered the schools at tne age of eight or nine and remained six years. During the long vacation, which lasted from the middle of September to the second of November, although forbidden to leave the school, the boys had only one lesson a day and plenty of recreation. The college of Brienne, originally a monastery, was built at the foot of the hill on which the Chateau stands. It had accommodations for one hundred and fifty students. They slept in two corridors, each of which contained seventy cells about six feet square, furnished with a strap-bed, a water jug, and basin. Meals were taken in a common dining-hall, and the fare was quite generous. At first. Napoleon was thoroughly unhappy at Brienne. It is not difficult to imagine the feelings of this little ten- year-old boy, amid such surroundings, among strangers in a strange land. In the bleak climate and barren land- scape of Champagne, he grew homesick for the blue skies and green hills of his native island. But he gradually became more reconciled to his lot, and in after-life his memories of the school were by no means unpleasant. He formed a few lasting friendships, among others with Bourrienne, who was later to be his private secre- tary, and with Lauriston, his last ambassador to Saint Petersburg. During his stay at Brienne, Napoleon was short of stature. His eyes were bright, his forehead spacious, his lips delicately shaped, but his oUve complexion gave him an air of ill-health. He was very passionate and his fel- low-students were afraid of him. As to his intellectual progress during these years, the truth seems to be that he was neither a prodigy nor a dunce, but only an ordinary lad. He never learned Latin, but on the other hand he was distinguished in mathematics EARLY YEARS and remarkable for his knowledge of geography. He was the most indefatigable reader in the school, and the books which he chose were generally historical. Among his favorite authors was Plutarch. In 1782, Napoleon had a visit from his father, who also came again two years later. The principal object of the visit of Charles to France in 1784 was to place his eldest daughter Maria-Anna (Elisa) in the celebrated school for indigent young ladies at Saint-Cyr, founded by Louis the Fourteenth. This was destined to be the last meeting between father and son. Charles Bonaparte was already suffering severely from the disease which was ultimately to prove fatal to Napoleon himself, a squirre, or cancerous tumor of the stomach, which is hard and not painful. According to Taine, four other members of the family died of the same disease — Na- poleon's grandfather Joseph Bonaparte, his uncle Joseph Fesch, his brother Lucien and his sister Caroline. While in Paris, Charles consulted Marie-Antoinette's physician, the celebrated Docteur de la Sonde, who ad- vised him to try the waters of Orezza, in Corsica. But growing worse instead of better, early in 1785, he set out for France to put himself under the charge of the same physician. He got no further than Montpellier, where he died on the 24 February, having nearly com- pleted his thirty-ninth year. His death was a great blow to his family whom he left in very straitened circumstances. Napoleon had at first intended to be a sailor. He hoped to be stationed on the Mediterranean which would give him many opportunities of visiting his native island. But the influence of his mother, who dreaded the sea, and other causes, finally led him to change his plans, and to decide upon the artillery, an arm of the service in which merit had more influence than patronage or money. To his great surprise the inspector, on his visit to Brienne in 1784, chose Napoleon, with four others, to enter the Ecole Militaire at Paris. He probably owed 1:93 NAPOLEON THE FIRST this distinction to his standing in mathematics. Ac- companied by one of the friars, Napoleon and his companions left Brienne for Paris on the 30 October. Brienne will always be associated with the name of Napoleon. The little village, with its 1800 inhabitants, clustered about two cross-roads, lies in the heart of France some one hundred and twenty-five miles to the east of Paris and near Troyes, the ancient capital of Champagne. Before the Hotel de Ville there stands the bronze statue of a long-haired, lean and undersized lad — the immortal school-boy of Brienne, with golden eagles and a crown at his feet. A little further on in this street there rises an old wall which once enclosed the school of the friars. The school was closed during the Revolution, and the only surviving monument is the convent in which the fathers lived. On a little elevation near the cross-roads stands the old Chateau, where the Emperor stopped in 1805 on the way to his second coronation, at Milan. The show-room of the Chateau to-day is the "chambre a coucher de Na- poleon" with everything in it carefully kept as he left it on his last visit the 31 January 18 14, during the Cam- paign of France. The Ecole Militaire at Paris, founded by Louis the Fifteenth, had been entirely reorganized in 1776. The new plan was to select each year from the national schools, like Brienne, a few of the most deserving pupils, to be educated at Paris. They were to be sent to the school for the purpose of acquiring a general military education, and to have access to the magnificent riding-school, the best in Europe. The subjects of study were eight in number: mathematics, history and geography, French and German grammar, fortification, drawing, and fenc- ing. The young men were drilled every day, and twice a week were exercised in firing. They were also required to learn by heart the exercises of the drill-book. Each cadet had a separate room, simply furnished with an iron bedstead, a chair and a set of shelves. The old building, C 103 EARLY YEARS which is still standing, fronts on the Champ-de-Mars, not far from the Eiffel Tower and the Hotel des Invalides. The Ecole Militaire was well governed and super- vised, which goes to show that some things were done well even under the ancien regime. It was undoubtedly one of the finest educational estabhshments in France, if not the first of all. Saint-Germain, when he remodelled the school, certainly did not dream that it would one day turn out a Napoleon, but there can be no question that the career of the great soldier was profoundly influenced by the training he received there, and that the debt of gratitude he paid to his teachers was well deserved. The course of study at the school was very hard, and the discipline severe. The cadets worked eight hours a day. They were not allowed to go outside the gates, and Napoleon received permission to visit his sister at Saint- Cyr only four times during the year he was there. But the discipline was sensibly exercised, and a serious at- tempt was made to give the cadets a good education, and to fit them to be men of the world. In short, the school would compare favorably with our West Point of to-day. The sojourn of Napoleon at the Ecole Militaire was saddened by the death of his father, which he felt severely. Charles was buried first at Montpellier, but his body was later transferred to the crypt of the church at Saint-Leu, where are also buried Louis and his two elder sons. Napoleon had now to prepare himself for the examina- tion which would secure his commission in the artillery. The examination, which was held at Metz, was almost entirely confined to mathematics, in which he excelled. Out of the whole number of candidates who presented themselves in 1785, fifty-eight were passed and received their commissions. Four of the eighteen from the Paris school were successful, Bonaparte being among the number. He thus attained the honor of becoming an of- ficer at the age of sixteen, after having been less than a year at the school. Although he had not specially dis- tinguished himself at the Ecole Militaire, he won his grade, nil a NAPOLEON THE FIRST. after only ten months' work, over some of those who had surpassed him. At the military school, as at Brienne, Napoleon showed signs of a deep and serious character. He waSPvery in- dustrious and very thoughtful. He had lost the sombre taciturnity which distinguished him at Brienne and had become more companionable. But he still remained a thorough Corsican. Napoleon was at once assigned to the Regiment de La Fere which was then stationed at Valence. He spent his last two days in Paris in making preparations for his journey and in paying farewell visits. He left the school the 28 October 1785, and set out from Paris two days later in company with his friend Desmazis, who had been ordered to the same regiment. They travelled by the Lyon diligence, one of the best in the kingdom. The first day they dined at Fontainebleau and slept at Sens. From Chalons-sur-Saone they took the boat to Lyon, and from there to Valence. The garrison at Valence at that time comprised seven regiments of artillery. The Regiment de La Fere was one of the best in the French army. Three days a week were given to study and three to artillery practice. The tone of the officers was excellent and the regiment was popular in the town. Napoleon now put on the artillery uniform, blue with red facings. The first two months he drilled, like all the cadets of that period, first as private, then as corporal, and then as sergeant. He did not begin his service as second lieutenant until the first of January. His work was hard and confining. His pay was only 900 francs a year, which was supplemented by an allowance of 125 francs for lodging, and 200 francs from the Ecole Militaire, or a little more than 100 francs a month. Valence, which to-day is an attractive old city of al- most 30,000 inhabitants, is well situated on the banks of the River Rhone between Lyon and Avignon. It is but a step from the new to the old quarter, where the narrow EARLY YEARS streets twist and turn and tumble down to the broad, swift river. Here stands the cathedral, and near-by at the corner of the Grande-Rue and the Rue du Croissant is a modern business block, without an identifying tablet to mark the house at No. 48 where Napoleon lived. A spinster. Mile. Bou, kept house for her old father, and Sous-lieutenant Bonaparte paid them about ten francs a month for his lodging. When he ate his one real meal of the day, he walked along the Grande-Rue to the Place des Clercs, and turned into the little Rue PeroUerie, where he dined at the Cafe des Trois-Pigeons. Napoleon brought to Valence a letter of introduction from the Bishop of Autun to the Abbe de Saint-Ruff, at the old abbaye, now the prefecture of the Department of the Drome, near the foot of the Grande-Rue. Through him the boy officer also came to know the Abbe Raynal, one of the foremost philosophers of France at the time. Napoleon seems to have been popular at Valence, and was received with kindness by many people. But, al- though he took lessons in dancing and deportment, which he had neglected at the military school, he remained shy and awkward, and never acquired, either then or afterwards, the distinguished manners of the grands seigneurs of the old regime. He had the right to a leave of six months at the end of a year's service, and left for Corsica the first of September 1786, being allowed a month's grace on account of the distance from his home. At Aix he visited his uncle Fesch, who was still at the Seminary, and his brother Lucien who had left Brienne to be trained for the priest- hood. He reached Ajaccio the middle of September, after an absence of nearly eight years. He was then seventeen years and one month old. Napoleon saw once more with unbounded delight his mother and his brother Joseph. The latter said, many years afterwards: "Ah! the glorious Emperor will never indemnify me for Napoleon, whom I loved so well, and whom I should like to meet again as I knew him in 1786, NAPOLEON THE FIRST if there is indeed a meeting in the Elysian Fields." He was received eversnvhere with open arms, and the love of Corsica came back to him with renewed ardor. His leave which should have expired on thg first of April 1787 was extended for eight months on the ground of ill-health. As it was necessary, however, for him to visit Paris on his family affairs, he left Corsica on the 12 September after a stay of just a year. He now really saw Paris for the first time, as when at the military school he had not been allowed to visit the city. He lodged at the Hotel de Cherbourg in the Rue du Four-Saint- Honore. He went to the theatres and the Italian Opera, and frequented the gardens of the Palais-Royal. His leave would have expired the first of December, but before starting from home he had applied for a further extension of six months, which was duly accorded him. Apparently it was not difficult to obtain leaves in the Regiment de La Fere. Napoleon returned to Ajaccio on the first day of Janu- ary 1788. He found his mother in very straitened cir- cumstances, and did his best to help her. On the final expiration of his leave, the first of June, he left Corsica to rejoin his regiment, from which he had been absent twenty-one months. But these indulgences were common under the ancien fegime, and it is not fair to censure Napoleon, as some historians have done, for taking ad- vantage of what was really a custom in the Army. The regiment was now quartered at Auxonne, situated between Dijon and the Swiss frontier, where Napoleon rejoined it. He lodged near the caserne in the Pavilion de la Ville. His room was very simply furnished, and had but one window. The damp and cold climate proved very trying, after the dry and bracing air of Corsica. He wrote in July: "I have nothing to do here except to work. I sleep very little since my illness. I go to bed at ten and get up at four, and have only one meal a day." Although Napoleon was engaged in hard and con- tinuous labor, and was at times ill and down-hearted. EARLY YEARS during the fifteen months which he spent at Auxonne, he was far from leading a morose or soHtary Hfe. Besides his old chum Desmazis, he had many other warm friends, who remained attached to him through life. He had all the camaraderie of military life, which later gave him such power over his soldiers, as was evinced in the Italian campaigns, and is so often referred to in the memoirs of Marbot and others. He was present at all the regimental dinners, and there is abundant proof that he possessed the esteem and confidence of his fellow-officers. At Auxonne, Napoleon finished his course of artillery and was ranked very near the head of the list. At this time he wrote to Fesch that the general in command had charged him with some very important work, and that this unheard-of favor to a junior lieutenant had excited the jealousy of the captains. The school of artillery at Auxonne was then commanded by Baron du Teil, who was very proud of it, as he had every reason to be. It had the reputation of being the best in France, and was visited by all foreigners of distinction when they came to the country. Du Teil was the first to appreciate the talents of Napoleon, and the Emperor in his will left a hundred thousand francs to the sons or grandsons of his former chief, "in return for the care which this worthy general had bestowed upon him." While at Auxonne, Napoleon, for some unknown reason, was put under arrest for twenty-four hours. He was shut up in a room with an old chair, an old bed, and an old cupboard on top of which was an old worm-eaten copy of the "Digest." Having nothing else to do. Napoleon de- voured the one book at his disposal, and the knowledge thus gained surprised the lawyers some years later when he was drawing up the "Code Napoleon." In the summer of 1789 the contagion of the Revolution reached Auxonne. The regiment took the part of the rioters, and later broke out into open mutiny. In con- sequence of this, the regiment was separated and quartered in different places along the Saone. NAPOLEON THE FIRST Another period of leave was now due Napoleon, and he was allowed to start for home the middle of September, a month's grace being given him as usual. On his way he stopped at Valence and called on his old friend ^jie Abbe de Saint-RufF, who said to him: "As things are going at present, anyorie may become King. If you become King, Monsieur de Bonaparte, make your peace with the Christian religion; you will find it advantageous." Napoleon followed this advice later, when as First Consul he negotiated the celebrated Concordat. i:i6 3 CHAPTER TWO 1789-1793 THE REVOLUTION Decay of the Old Regime — The State Bankrupt — The King and Queen — Ministerial Changes — Meeting of the' States-General — Fall of the Bastille — Napoleon Leaves for Corsica — Return of Paoli — Napoleon at Auxonne — Appointed First Lieutenant of the Fourth Regiment — At Valence Again — Flight of the King to Varennes — Oath of Allegiance to the Assembly — Corsica Again — Napoleon in Paris — Captain Bona- parte — The Attack on the Tuileries — Return to Ajaccio — The Mad- dalena Expedition — Break with Paoli — Final Departure for France AFTER the failure of the royalist conspiracy of 1804, Napoleon uttered the famous words: "They seek to destroy the Revolution by at- tacking my person : I will defend it, for I am the Revolu- tion." It was a daring transcript of the celebrated saying of Louis the Fourteenth, "L'etat, c'est moi." And yet these were not words of presumptuous folly, they were only the sober truth, for in the single life of Napoleon Bonaparte was incarnate the world-wide movement which we call the French Revolution. He was the builder of the social edifice of modern France, and never, says Taine, has any individual character so profoundly impressed his mark upon a collective work. It is impossible to undertake to set forth here all the causes which brought about in France that revolutionary movement to which so many of the political and social institutions of modern Europe owe their existence. But in order to understand the career of Napoleon, it is neces- sary to examine briefly some of the conditions out of which the Revolution grew. Only thus can we get our sense of perspective, our standard of values. For centuries France had existed under the feudal sys- n 173 NAPOLEON THE FIRST tem, the essence of which was class distinctions, and privi- leges for all except the lowest classes. At the head of the State stood the monarch, the embodiment of the might and majesty of the nation. He was subject to q^ control. "The thing is legal because I wish it," said Louis the Sixteenth, thus stating in a single phrase the nature of the monarchy. The King made the laws, levied the taxes, spent them as he saw fit, declared war, made peace, con- tracted alliances. There were in theory practically no limits to his power. Paris was the capital of France, but the King lived twelve miles away at Versailles in the most magnificent palace in Europe, built during the preceding century at a cost of five hundred million francs. Luxury was every- where the prevailing note. The Court was composed of 18,000 people. In 1789, on the eve of the Revolution, when the nation was bankrupt, the total yearly cost of the Court was not far from a hundred million francs. Nearly half of the national income was required for the payment of the interest on the national debt, which in twelve years had increased by nearly three billion francs. Every year the expenditures were largely in excess of the receipts, and the resulting deficit was met by new loans. At last the time had come when no one was willing to loan to the State, and bankruptcy was imminent. It was impossible to increase the taxes. The nobles and the clergy were practically exempt from taxation, and the re- maining class, the third estate, was already taxed to the limit. The financial situation could no longer be ignored, and the King was finally forced to make an appeal to the people by summoning their representatives. Louis the Sixteenth was a good, well-meaning man, but deficient in education and totally lacking in distinc- tion, either of body or mind. He was awkward, timid, slow and uncertain. No king could have been less to the manner born. He was entirely under the influence of the Queen, greatly to his misfortune as well as that of France. Marie- THE REVOLUTION Antoinette was the daughter of the great Empress Maria Theresa of Austria, and she had been married to Louis in the hope of thus cementing an alliance between two states which had long been enemies. She was beautiful, graceful and vivacious, and could not very well help despising her lout of a husband. She had a strong will, a power of rapid decision; but she was lacking in wisdom and experience, and utterly failed to understand the French temperament and the spirit of the times. She had been born to the purple, and had grown up in Vienna, one of the gayest of capitals. Her education was very defective. When she came to France to become the wife of Louis she could hardly read or write. Young and frivo- lous, wilful and impatient of restraint, she committed many indiscretions and laid herself open to gossip and calumny. At the beginning of his reign, Louis had intrusted the management of the finances to Turgot, a great statesman, and a man of rare ability and courage. He announced his program to the King in the words, "No bankruptcy, no increase of taxation, no more borrowing." But although he saved many millions by suppressing useless expendi- tures, he offended those who benefited by existing abuses, and who were opposed to all reform, including the Queen, who thus helped to aggravate the financial situation and hasten the catastrophe. Louis finally yielded to the vehement importunities of the Queen and dismissed his ablest minister. Turgot was succeeded by Necker, a Genevan banker, who was the father of the notorious Madame de Stael. He was a self-made man, who had risen from poverty to great wealth. Necker had the courage to publish a financial report showing the income and expenditures of the State. This audacious step infuriated the members of the Court, and the King was once more forced to yield to the storm, and Necker was dismissed. This time the Court took no chances, and a Minister of Finance was found in Calonne, who was only too ready C193 NAPOLEON THE FIRST to gratify their wishes. His purpose was to please, and please he did — for a while. Calonne was a charming main, of graceful address, who was past-master of the gentle art of spending. In three years, in a tinie of pro- found peace, he borrowed a billion and a half or francs. Then the treasury was empty and it was impossible to float any more loans. He proposed a tax to fall upon nobles as well as commoners, and at once met the fate of Turgor and Necker. Every other resource having been exhausted the King now yielded to the popular demand and summoned the States-General to meet at Versailles the first of May 1789. Thus opened a new chapter in the history of France. The States-General was an assembly representing the three estates of the nation: the clergy, the nobility and the commoners. It was an old institution of France, but one that had never fully developed like the parliament of England. The last previous meeting had been held in 1614, during the early days of the reign of Louis the Thirteenth. It was now revived, as a last resort, in a great national crisis in the hope that it might pull the State out of its deplorable situation. Formerly each one of the three estates had had an equal number of delegates, and each estate had met separately. This organization was manifestly impossible now, if anything was to be accompHshed, as it left the nation exactly where it had been, in the hands of the privileged classes. At the first meeting, held the 5 May 1789, there were about 1200 members present, of whom over a half were members of the third estate. In reality, however, the number of delegates in sympathy with the cause of the people was much greater, as over 200 of the 300 repre- sentatives elected by the clergy were parish priests, all commoners by origin. During the first sessions, there was practical unanimity on the part of clergy, nobles, and commoners in the formal statements of grievances and of the reforms they favored. Deep affection was expressed for the King, and gratitude 1:203 THE REVOLUTION for his summoning of the States-General, and there was a general feeling of hopefulness that a way would easily be found to extract the nation from its unfortunate plight. But the Government had no plan to oflFer. The King, in his opening speech, was silent on the great question of the constitution, and had nothing to say about whether the estates should vote by order or by head. The Govern- ment thus shirked its responsibility and lost its op- portunity, and a serious crisis soon developed. A conflict between the orders on the question of voting began on the sixth of May and lasted until the end of June. Both sides stood firm and the Government allowed things to drift. Finally a majority of the clergy and a minority of the nobility yielded, and on the 27 June the King commanded all to sit with the third estate in a single assembly. The National Assembly was now complete, and its first act was to appoint a committee on the constitution. This crisis was no sooner over than another began to develop. At the inspiration of the Court party, a con- siderable body of troops, mainly foreign mercenaries, was ordered by the King to the vicinity of Paris and Versailles. It was evident that an attempt was to be made either to intimidate the Assembly or to suppress it entirely. The Assembly was saved by the violent and totally unexpected uprising of the city of Paris, which on the 14 July stormed the Bastille. The Bastille was a fortress commanding the eastern section of Paris, which for four centuries and a half had terrorized the city. It had been built during the reign of Charles the Fifth to defend the suburb which contained the royal palace of Saint-Paul. It was used as a state prison and had had many distinguished occupants — among others the "Man with the Iron Mask," who died there in 1703 after five years of confinement. A thousand engravings show us the Bastille as it was. It consisted of eight round towers, connected by massive walls, ten feet thick, pierced by narrow slits. In later times, it had only one entrance, with a draw-bridge over 1:21 a NAPOLEON THE FIRST the moat on the side towards the river. It was built on the Hne of the city walls just to the south of the Porte Saint-Antoine, which was approached over the city fosse by its own bridge. • The capture of the Bastille was regarded everywhere in France as the triumph of liberty, and joy was universal. The 14 July was declared the national holiday. A new flag, the tricolor, was adopted. It was made up of the colors of the city of Paris, red and blue, combined with the old white banner of the Bourbons. A new miUtary force, the National Guard, was organized. Three days later the King came to Paris and formally ratified these changes. At the same time the revolutionary movement began to spread over France. National guards were created everywhere in imitation of Paris. The peasants took matters into their own hands and made a violent war upon the Chateaux. In this way feudalism was abolished, not legally but practically, both at the capital and in rural France. In the midst of these excesses and disorders, the middle of September 1789, Napoleon left Auxonne for Corsica. Although the revolutionary movement had as yet hardly reached there, the whole island was in a state of great political unrest. The general desire of the people was either for independence or for incorporation in the French monarchy. The patriotic party saw that their best chance for freedom lay in an alliance with the revolutionary movement in France. There were uprisings in Ajaccio, and even more desperate riotings at Bastia. The French governor was forced to hoist the tricolor over the citadel and to sanction the organization of a National Guard. Napoleon was prominent in this movement, and naturally his conduct gave offence to the authorities. The com- mander at Ajaccio wrote to the Minister of War in Paris that Napoleon would be much better with his regiment for "il fermente sans cesse." Yet when his leave expired it was extended on the ground of his continued ill-health. He was taking the cure at the baths of Orezza, when 1:223 THE REVOLUTION Paoli once more landed in Corsica after his exile of twenty- one years. His journey through France had been a pro- longed ovation. When he entered the harbor of Bastia on the 17 July he was met with salvos of artillery and cries of "Vive le pere de la patrie!" He was now sixty-six years of age; a tall man, with piercing eyes, and long white hair. Napoleon lost no time in joining him, but their relations were not long harmonious. His leave soon expired, and he was only waiting for a favorable wind to embark. Owing to adverse winds he did not finally sail until the last of January, 1791. Napoleon was back with his regiment at Auxonne in February 1791 after an absence of nearly seventeen months. He had stopped at Valence to visit some old friends, and did not reach Auxonne until the eleventh or twelfth of the month. Although he had considerably ex- ceeded his leave and was liable to lose his pay for three months and a half, he was well received by his colonel, to whom he presented certificates from the authorities at Ajaccio which stated that his patriotism was above sus- picion and that his return had been delayed by stress of weather. The Minister of War acceded to the request of his colonel that the pay which he had lost by his ab- sence, amounting to nearly 250 francs, should be made up to him. On his return Napoleon had brought with him his brother Louis who was then about twelve years and a half old, having been born on the 2 September 1778. Napoleon had undertaken this extra care in order to re- Heve to some extent the financial strain at home. There were thus two instead of one to support on his meagre pay of one hundred francs a month. It was not easy to make ends meet. In his shabby little room, there was no furniture except his bed, a table, two chairs, his port- manteau, and his papers and books. His brother slept on a mattress in a little cabinet adjoining his room. He himself prepared their frugal meals. During his second sojourn at Auxonne, Napoleon NAPOLEON THE FIRST worked habitually fifteen or sixteen hours a day. He gave Louis lessons in mathematics and was very proud of his progress. At a later period he complained of his brother's ingratitude, and reminded him that for his sa^ he had deprived himself even of the necessaries of life. In 1791, by a decree of the National Assembly, the organization of the artillery was entirely changed, and this arm was separated from the infantry. The regiments lost their former names and were henceforth designated by numbers. La Fere becoming the First Regiment. Napoleon was appointed first-lieutenant of the Fourth Regiment, known formerly as the Regiment de Grenoble, now in garrison at Valence. He left Auxonne for his new post the 14 June 1791 and arrived at Valence two days later. At Valence, he lived in his old lodgings with Mile. Bou. Louis boarded with the landlady, who looked after him Uke a mother, but Napoleon took his meals at the Trois- Pigeons as before. The Abbe de Saint-RufF was dead, but Napoleon found several old friends and made some new acquaintances. He was an ardent supporter of the Revolution, although nearly al] of the officers were aris- tocrats, while the common soldiers were on the side of the nation. Four days after Napoleon's arrival at Valence occurred the flight of the Royal family to Varennes, one of the most important events of the Revolution. As a result of this, all the officers were required to take an oath of al- legiance to the Assembly. This oath, which had to be written out and signed by each officer, was executed by Napoleon on the sixth of July. There is no doubt that at the time he was a sincere Republican. The necessity of taking this oath had a profound efi'ect in the army. Many officers refused to take it and at once emigrated. No less than thirty-two officers of the Fourth Regiment took this course. Many family ties were broken. The famous Desaix, who fell at Marengo, took the oath, whereas his two brothers remained faithful to the Ancien Regime. Serurier, while attempting to escape into Spain, was I Hi THE REVOLUTION stopped at the frontier, and later became a Marechal de France. During these political excitements, Napoleon did not neglect his reading, as we know from the evidence of his note-books. The abstracts which he made are very characteristic; they are generally practical in their nature, and show a strong passion for good government. At the same time he wrote an essay in competition for a prize of 1250 francs offered by the Academic de Lyon. But he was not successful, his essay being ranked next to the last among the sixteen submitted. Having finished his essay Napoleon appHed for another leave of absence. The request having been refused by his colonel, he made a direct application to Baron du Teil, who had commanded the School at Auxonne, and was now Inspector-General of Artillery for that part of France. Napoleon paid him a visit at his chateau and stayed in the house several days. They discussed the art of war, and the plan for a new road from France to Italy, which was afterwards built by Napoleon. When he left, the old general said of him: "He is a man of great powers and will make a name." Finally he received a leave of three months, without deduction of pay, but was ordered to rejoin his regiment in November. In September 1791 he reached Corsica, where he remained until the following May. He was accompanied by his brother Louis. The month after his arrival he lost his great-uncle Lucien Bonaparte, the head of the house, who had been a second father to him. The Archdeacon left a considerable sum of money, which helped to relieve the family neces- sities. At this time Paoli was master of the island. As Com- mander of the National Guard and President of the De- partment, all power, both military and civil, was in his hands. He met Napoleon once, but nothing satisfactory came of the interview, and shortly afterwards Napoleon went back to France. His presence in Paris was very necessary, for his leave I 25 2 NAPOLEON THE FIRST had expired and he was on the list of officers "absent without cause" from the general review of the first of January 1792. In ordinary times he probably would have been dropped from the army, but the governn^nt could not afford to be too severe. The army had lost so many officers by emigration that they were only too anxious to retain the services of all who were willing to support the Revolution. Therefore in July 1792 Napoleon was re- instated with the rank of captain. He had reached Paris at the end of May, and the weeks which elapsed before his reinstatement in July marked the lowest ebb in his fortunes. He was obliged to pawn his watch, and might have perished of misery if he had not been lucky enough to run across his old school-boy friend Bourrienne. During the four months that he spent at Paris, Napoleon was an eye-witness of some of the most striking events of the great drama of the Revolution. On the 20 June he saw the King appear at one of the windows of the Tuileries with the red cap of Revolution on his head while the mob surged and roared in the Gardens below. His blood boiled at the sight of these vulgar outrages, and he exclaimed : "Why don't they sweep off four or five hundred of that canaille with cannon ? The rest would then run away fast enough." The remark was prophetic. Later, on the 10 August, he saw the attack on the Tuileries when the palace was taken and the Swiss Guard cut to pieces. At Saint Helena he told Las Cases how, at the sound of the tocsin, he ran to the Carrousel, to the furniture shop of Fauvelet, Bourrienne's brother, where he was able to observe all the events of the day. After the palace was captured and the King had taken refuge with the As- sembly, in the Riding School near the present site of the Hotel Continental, Napoleon ventured into the Gardens and was much impressed by the scenes of slaughter he saw there. Napoleon's sister Elisa was at this time a pupil at Saint- Cyr, one of the royal schools, which was suppressed by a C 263 THE REVOLUTION decree of the i6 August. He obtained permission to escort her home, and they left Paris just after the "September Massacres" and travelled by Lyon to Marseille, reaching Ajaccio the middle of October. This was Napoleon's fifth visit home, and the first time in thirteen years that the whole family had been reunited under the same roof. Elisa was received with joy. She had excellent manners and considerable ability. Of the three sisters she is said to have been the one who both morally and physically most resembled Napoleon. When she became Grand Duchess of Tuscany she was her own Minister of Foreign Affairs, and she had much influence over Pauline and Caroline. Napoleon, on his arrival, resumed his position of second lieutenant-colonel of volunteers, to which he had been elected on his previous visit. He was soon engaged with his volunteers in an expedition against the island of Sardinia, his first real military service. Sardinia at that time seemed disposed to throw off the Italian yoke, and the French Government decided to send an expedition to assist her. The fleet was under the command of Ad- miral Truguet, and the military forces of Casabianca, a brave man but absolutely incapable. Semonville who was on his way as ambassador to Constantinople was also to assist. T.. Truguet arrived at Ajaccio where he was to meet Casabianca. He became very intimate with the Bona- parte family and went to their house every night to dance with the girls. He fell in love with Elisa, who indeed pre- ferred him to Bacciochi whom she afterwards married. But nothing came of it, and Truguet often regretted in later years that he had lost his opportunity. Semonville also stayed with the Bonapartes. He had married the widow of M. de Montholon, who had four children, two boys and two girls. Napoleon became much attached to Charles de Montholon, who afterwards accompanied him to Saint Helena. This intimacy between the two families was continued after the Italian campaigns when Madame Letitia was established at Paris with her family. Pauline 1:273 NAPOLEON THE FIRST lived with Mme. Semonville, and Louis and Jerome Bonaparte, as well as Eugene de Beauharnais, attended the same school as Charles de Montholon. The younger members of the two families treated each other asibrothers and sisters. Truguet's squadron set sail on the 8 January 1793. In order to assist the expedition, he had formed the plan of an attack on the north of Sardinia by a small force of two hundred and fifty regulars and four hundred and fifty volunteers under the command of Colonel Cesari. Cesari left Bonifacio the 18 February, and Napoleon was with him, in command of the artillery and the volunteers. A landing was to be made on Maddalena, the largest of the eleven islands situated in the Strait of Bonifacio between Corsica and Sardinia. Close to this is Caprera which was the residence of Garibaldi at the close of his life. At this time the islands were inhabited by a few hundred shepherds and sailors who were Corsican in language and customs. France claimed the islands on the ground that they had formerly belonged to Genoa. The troops landed on San Stefano, a little island to the west of Maddalena, and soon reduced the square tower which was garrisoned only by twenty-five Swiss. Na- poleon then built a battery, armed with a mortar and two small guns, and opened fire on the two small forts on the opposite island of Maddalena. The weather was terrible. The cold was intense, with a heavy rain and strong wind. Notwithstanding these obstacles, Napoleon hoped to be master of Maddalena on the following day. But the crew of the corvette mutinied, and threatened to set sail, leav- ing the soldiers to their fate. Napoleon was therefore forced to abandon the enterprise just as victory seemed certain. Whatever may be our judgment as to this un- fortunate expedition, its conduct casts no reflection on the character or career of Napoleon, even if it did not add much to his military reputation. A critical stage had now been reached in the affairs of Corsica. Paoli, who was still in control of the government, 1:28 3 THE REVOLUTION had been turned against the Convention by the excesses of the Jacobins and was strongly suspected of EngUsh leanings. He was denounced as a traitor by Napoleon's younger brother Lucien in a speech to the Jacobin Club at Toulon, and an order for his arrest was issued from Paris. This brought matters to a crisis in Corsica, and Napoleon was soon forced to make a decision between Paoli and' the Convention, and he did not hesitate. From that moment he devoted all of his energies to the over- throw of his former hero and friend. After various ad- ventures, he engaged in an unsuccessful attempt to drive the Paoli party from Ajaccio. Convinced that there was no further hope, he sent his mother a message to prepare for flight. Under the existing conditions it was no longer possible for the Bonapartes to remain in safety on the island. They had broken with the patriotic party and cast their lot with its enemies. It was necessary for Napoleon to rejoin his regiment, so he decided to take his family with him. On the ii June 1793 they all sailed for Toulon, where they arrived two days later, and found Lucien waiting to receive them. This was Napoleon's real fare- well to his native island, although he passed a few days at Ajaccio on his return from Egypt in 1799. As Rose points out, the interest of the events above described lies, not in their intrinsic importance, but in the signal proof which they afford of Bonaparte's wonder- ful endowments of mind and will. In a losing cause and in a petty sphere he displayed all the qualities which, when the omens were favorable, impelled him to the domina- tion of a Continent. 1:293 CHAPTER THREE * 1793-1795 TOULON AND VEND^MIAIRE • L'Avenement de Bonaparte — His Personal Appearance — His Character — The Bonaparte Family — Napoleon with the Army of the South — The "Supper of Beaucaire" — The Siege of Toulon — Appointed General of Brigade — His Remembrance of Former Comrades — His High Standard of Conduct — Appointed Inspector of Coasts — Recalled and Imprisoned — Restored to His Rank — The Corsican Expedition — Ordered to Paris — Hopes and Disappointments — Paris in 1795 — Napoleon and Barras — His Plan for the Italian Campaign — His Precarious Situation — Constitution of the Year Three — Revolt of the Sections — The Thirteen Vendemiaire — Major-General Bonaparte] WE have now arrived at what Vandal calls "L'Avenement de Bonaparte" — the com- mencement of his career. As yet, to all out- ward appearance, the little captain of artillery was the same slim, ill-proportioned, and rather insignificant youth. His head was shapely, his forehead wide and of medium height. His light brown hair fell in stiff, flat locks over his lean cheeks. His eyes were large and blue- gray in color, with a penetrating glance. The nose was Roman and finely formed, the moUth small, the lips full and sensuous, the chin round and firm. His complexion was sallow. The frame of his body was small and fine, particularly his hands and feet; but his deep chest and short neck were powerful. His gait was firm and steady. His mien was generally sombre, but when he smiled and showed his beautiful teeth, and his wonderful eyes brightened, he charmed everyone, then as ever. His career thus far had been so commonplace as to awaken little expectation for his future. His education had not gone beyond the essentials of his profession, but had been supplemented by a wide course of reading. He C303 TOULON AND VENDEMIAIRE could master details as no man before or since, and he had a vast fund of information at his command. His conception of men and affairs was not scientific but it was clear and practical. Up to the present time he had showed no taste for the trade of arms, the routine and petty details of which he heartily disliked. Nor had he yet given any signs of that mastery of strategy and tactics which he had derived from his study and analysis of the exploits of the great world-conquerors. So far, he seemed a man neither much better nor much worse than the world in which he was born, but he was far greater than those about him in perspicacity, adroitness, adaptability and perseverance. As yet these qualities of leadership were scarcely recognizable, but they existed. On their arrival at Toulon, the Bonapartes settled in the village of La Valette, at the gates of that city, but after a short stay they removed to Marseille. The life of the refugees at first was one of dire poverty. But pres- ently brighter days dawned for them. Joseph was ap- pointed a commissioner with the army, and Lucien a superintendent of stores. In August 1794 Joseph married Julie, the daughter of Monsieur Clary, a wealthy silk- merchant of Marseille, who had been a good friend of the family during their period of distress, and who now richly endowed his daughter. Masson states that she re- ceived a dot of 150,000 francs, a sum equivalent to a million and a half to-day. About the same time there was also some talk of a marriage between Napoleon and Desiree, another daughter, but nothing came of it, and she afterwards married Bernadotte, the future King of Sweden. Lucien, in the meanwhile, had taken as his wife Catherine Boyer, the daughter of an inn-keeper at Saint- Maximin, where he was stationed. She was absolutely illiterate, but was a young woman of excellent character and made him a good wife. On his return from Corsica Napoleon had rejoined his NAPOLEON THE FIRST regiment at Nice, where four companies were stationed, the remainder being at the headquarters at Grenoble. Here he found in command of the artillery of the Army of Italy, Chevalier du Teil, the brother of his oid friend. He attached Napoleon to the service of the coast bat- teries. At this time there was a general revolt in the departments of the South against the Constitution of 1793. The army of Carteaux, of which Napoleon's regi- ment was a part, was employed in putting down the rising. Napoleon himself was sent on various missions to Lyon, Valence, Avignon and Beaucaire. It was in the last named place that he wrote the remarkable pamphlet, "Le Souper de Beaucaire," which was printed at the public expense, and brought his name favorably to the attention of the, Convention. It purports to record a discussion between an officer (Napoleon himself), two merchants of Marseille and citi- zens of Nimes and MontpeUier. It urges the need of united action under the lead of the Jacobins. This is a fight to the death between French patriots and the despots of Europe. The Revolution must not be stamped out by the foreign invaders. On the ground of mere expediency men must rally to the cause of the Republic, and condone even the crimes of the Jacobins if they save the country. Better the Reign of Terror than the vengeance of the Ancien Regime. Such was the instinct of all men of patriotic feelings, and it saved France. As an expose of keen policy and all-dominating opportunism, "Le Souper de Beau- caire" is admirable. Shortly after its publication. Napoleon had his first real chance in active military service. Toulon, which was one of the places in revolt against the Convention, had opened its gates to the EngHsh, under Admiral Hood, and they were now in possession of the city. Carteaux was ordered to drive the enemy out, and proceeded there with his forces. Dommartin, who was in command of the artillery, was severely wounded in an early skirmish, and Napoleon was appointed to his place. 1:32 a TOULON AND VENDEMIAIRE Toulon was regarded at this time as one of the strongest fortresses in the world. The place was soon closely in- vested by Carteaux and the supply of water cut off. There were very few cannon when Napoleon took charge, and his first care was to raise the strength of this arm. The success of the siege depended upon the ability of the French to compel the retirement of the English fleet. Napoleon, on his arrival before the place, on the 12 September, at once saw that this could be efi^ected by seizing the point called L'Aiguillette, which commands both the inner and outer roadsteads of Toulon. At the first council of war, he placed his finger on the military map at this point of land at the mouth of the harbor, several miles from the fortifications of the town, and said with true Napoleonic brevity: "Voila Toulon!" But Carteaux, who was a vain, pompous man, an artist by profession, with very little knowledge of the science of war, would not recognize the importance of this position. The English, however, had become aware of their danger, and erected a fort on the summit of the promontory. Napoleon was furious, but he did not give up his idea. His activity was prodigious and he spared no efforts to get together a siege train and an adequate supply of am- munition. Napoleon was disgusted with the slowness of the siege, which lasted over two months. At last Carteaux was re- called, and the command was given to Dugommier, with special orders to carry on the siege with vigor. He did much to reestablish discipline. He quickly appreciated the talent of Napoleon, and took his view of the primary impor- tance of the promontory. On the 17 December, after a borrlbardment of three days, the English works on the promontory were finally taken by storm. Napoleon greatly distinguished himself in the assault. The capture of L'Aiguillette decided the fate of the town. Just as Na- poleon had predicted weeks before, the city of Toulon fell without receiving a shot. The English fleet at once set sail, after blowing up the magazines, and on the 19 NAPOLEON THE FIRST December the French entered the town. General du Teil wrote to Aubry, the Minister of War: "I have no words to describe the merit of Bonaparte: much science, as much intelligence, and too much bravery. This^s but a feeble sketch of the qualities of this rare oificer, and it is for you, Minister, to consecrate him to the service of the Republic." Napoleon had been named chef de bataillon the 29 September, promoted to adjudant general chef de brigade the 27 October, and on the 22 December he re- ceived his provisional appointment as general de brigade, which was confirmed by the Government on the 7 Jan- uary 1794. "To have been at Toulon" was always a passport to Napoleon's generosity. Even Carteaux received a pension of 6000 francs. Victor, Suchet and Marmont became Marshals of France and were loaded with titles and honors. Desaix, whom Napoleon called the greatest of his generals, would certainly have been included in the list but for his untimely death at Marengo before the dawn of the Empire. Muiron was made an aide de camp the same day as Duroc, and was Napoleon's chief of staff in Italy. He fell at Arcole, in saving the Hfe of his chief. The story of how Junot first attracted Napoleon's attention at Toulon is too well known to repeat here. He also became an aide de camp and a duke. "Such was the young Napoleon," says Browning, "at an age when young Englishmen are just taking their degree. Born of a noble family but very poor, losing his father at an early age, with nothing but himself to depend upon, he had raised himself to the rank of general in the French army by no other arts than those of industry and steadfastness, high character and devotion to duty, sup- ported, no doubt, by talents almost without example. In these first twenty-three years of his life there is not a single example of meanness or of dishonesty, or of any derogation from the high standard of conduct which he had set before himself. . . . Surely, in his case also, the youth is father of the man; and twenty-three years spent 134 3 TOULON AND VENDfiMIAIRE under the most difficult circumstances which could try the qualities of a character, crowned by high success legitimately gained, are not likely to have been followed by twenty-three other years stained by universal ambi- tion, reckless duplicity, and an aimless lust of blood- shed." The promotion of Napoleon meant a large increase in pay. As general of brigade he received a salary of 15,000 francs a year, and in addition he had the right to lodging and rations. In January 1794 he was appointed Inspector of Coasts, with headquarters at Nice. His mother was settled at Antibes a few miles away. At this moment when for the first time the future seemed clear, a terrible blow fell upon him. On the 9 Thermidor, 27 July 1794, the dictatorship of Robespierre came to an end. This meant disaster for all who were known to have been friends of the dictator, and Napoleon's relations with the younger Robespierre were a matter of common knowledge. He was denounced as a traitor, and on the 10 August was arrested and imprisoned in Fort Carre near Antibes. An examination of his papers, which had been seized, failed to reveal any grounds for the charges against him, and after thirteen days he was released. A few weeks later, on the 14 September, he was re- stored to his rank of general, and the same month took part in the operations of the Army of Italy which drove the Austrians from the crest of the mountains of the Riviera. He was then appointed to the command of the artillery in the expedition for the reconquest of Corsica, which was in the full possession of the English. The French navy, however, was in such wretched condition that the ships were not ready to sail before the month of March 1795, and then an encounter with the English fleet re- sulted disastrously. Two of the ships were captured and the remainder took refuge in the Golfe Juan. After this the expedition was abandoned. The troops already on board the transports were disembarked and detailed to the Army of Italy. Corsica was, for the moment, lost. NAPOLEON THE FIRST Napoleon now received orders to take command of the artillery of the Army of the West which was to subdue the royalist uprising in La Vendee. Accompanied by his aides de camp, Marmont and Junot, as als9 by his young brother Louis, he set out for Paris in May 1795. He was not at all pleased with the assignment, which held out little prospect for miUtary glory, but on his arrival in Paris he found even more disagreeable orders awaiting him. The Minister of War, Aubry, had transferred him from the artillery to the infantry, on account of his youth. "One grows old quickly on the field of battle," was Napoleon's retort to the minister, who had never seen a day of active service. At that time Napoleon had the notion that any other service than the artillery was unworthy of him. Later when he had had experience in command of an army he saw that such specialization was not for the best in- terests of great operations, and that no matter what brilliancy artillery officers may show, they have rarely, perhaps never, the true esprit militaire. He became so convinced of this fact that in his first promotion of mar- shals of the Empire, he included no officer of artillery, and if later he gave to Marmont this high dignity, it was only through favor and on account of old friendship. However, Napoleon had no wish to break with the minister over this matter, and was not foolish enough to resign. He simply pleaded ill-health as an excuse for not accepting the assignment, and lingered in Paris, hoping that something favorable might turn up. Ambitious, and fully conscious of his abilities and qualifications, it is not strange that Napoleon should have felt chagrined over the assignment. At the head of the Army of the North, Pichegru, who had been one of his masters at Brienne, had driven the enemy out of northern France and was conquering the Low Countries. Jourdan, in command of the Army of Sambre-et-Meuse, on the 26 June 1794 had defeated the Austrians in the battle of Fleurus. In December of the preceding year, TOULON AND VENDEMIAIRE Hoche, a man of his own age, had driven the Austrians out of Alsace, and covered himself with glory. Saint-Cyr, a captain of volunteers in 1792, was now a general of divi- sion. Bernadotte, sergeant-major at the beginning of the Revolution, also commanded a division. Kleber, a vol- unteer three years before, had also reached the same rank; and so on. But notwithstanding Napoleon's disappoint- ment, in reality Fortune never favored him more than when she removed him from the coast of Provence and brought him to the centre of all influence at Paris, where an able schemer could decide the fate of parties and governments. At the time of Napoleon's arrival in Paris in the early summer of 1795, the city was just beginning to resume the customs and pleasures of the ancien regime, and the Terror was remembered only as a hideous nightmare. Gay equipages were again seen in the streets; theatres were crowded; gambling pervaded all classes of society. Men who had grown rich by speculation in the con- fiscated State lands now vied with bankers and brokers in vulgar ostentation. The passing of the dark days of the Revolution was also being furthered by the unparalleled series of military triumphs. France had practically gained her "natural boundaries," the Rhine and the Alps. In quick succession one government after another sued for peace: Tuscany in February; Prussia in April; Hanover, Westphalia and Saxony in May; Spain and Hesse-Cassel in July; Switzer- land and Denmark in August. Such was the state of France when Napoleon came to seek his fortunes in the capital. At this time Napoleon formed a close relationship with Barras, who had been brought into prominence by the events of the 9 Thermidor. As he afterwards explained at Saint Helena: "Robespierre was dead; Barras was playing a role of importance; and I had to attach myself to somebody or something." The career of Barras deserves a few words of notice. Paul Barras was born in Provence in 1755 of a good 1:373 NAPOLEON THE FIRST family. In his youth he served as a lieutenant against the British in India. In 1789 he was a member of the States- General, and took an active part in the storming of the Bastille and the Tuileries. The siege of Toulon||»wed its success largely to his activity and energy. The overthrow of Robespierre, which ended the Terror, was accomplished mainly by him. On subsequent occasions, as President of the Convention, he acted with decision both against the intrigues of the Royalists and the excesses of the Jacobins. But the chief chance for immortality of the name of Barras lies in the fact that he was "privileged to hold the stirrup for the great captain who vaulted lightly into the saddle." Probably through the influence of Barras, Napoleon was instructed at this time to prepare a plan for the cam- paign of the French army in Italy. The plans which he now submitted were essentially the same which he had prepared a year before at the request of Robespierre, but modified by the changes in the general political situa- tion. In April 1795, Prussia had retired from the contest and made a separate treaty of peace with France. Nego- tiations were also under way with Spain which were soon to lead to peace. The only remaining adversary of any importance on the Continent was Austria, and Napoleon proposed to attack her in Italy. The Riviera having been seized and secured, the Army of Italy, reinforced by the troops set free by the peace with Spain, would march along the coast and across the mountains into Piedmont, cut off" the King of Sardinia from the Austrians, and make a separate peace with that monarch, who was known to be favorable to France. Once in the fertile plains of Northern Italy, the army could draw its supplies from the country. Such was the striking plan which a year later he himself was to carry into execution, thereby gaining undying fame. Notwithstanding the favor of Barras, Napoleon's af- fairs were again at low ebb. On the 15 September his name was stricken from the list of generals on active service CSS] TOULON AND VENDfiMIAIRE on the ground that he had refused to accept the post to which he had been appointed. He was forced to sell his books; to ask the assistance of his brother Joseph; and to borrow money from the actor Talma. At this moment there came a most dramatic change in his fortunes. The promulgation of the new Constitu- tion of the Year Three of the Republic had been followed by an open revolt of the Sections and all Paris was soon in a state of insurrection. The new constitution was moderate in character and was designed to put an end forever to the Reign of Terror. The executive and legislative powers were no longer to be united in the National Assembly. The ex- ecutive authority was to be vested in a "Directory" of five men, while the legislative power was to be confided to two chambers instead of one: a "Council of Ancients" and a "Council of Five Hundred." The five Directors were to be chosen by the Ancients from a list drawn up by the Five Hundred, and were to have charge respect- ively of Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, Justice, and the Interior. The new constitution was satisfactory neither to the extreme Radicals nor to the Royalists, who were already talking of restoring the monarchy. To protect themselves against a probable attack from the Paris populace, the Government ordered to the capital a few thousand troops of the line. This precaution inflamed the wrath of the Parisians who were opposed to the Convention. All but four of the forty-eight sections of the city revolted, as- sembled some 30,000 troops of the National Guard, and on the fourth of October successfully resisted General Menou, in command of the forces of the Convention. The Convention was in a panic, and turned to Barras, who was put in supreme command. But Barras was not a military man, and he had sense enough to know it. In his dilemma he thought of the young artillery officer who had distinguished himself at Toulon. He was a Corsican, and it was not likely therefore that he would have any 1:393 NAPOLEON THE FIRST sympathy with the enemies of the Convention. Barras sent for General Bonaparte and offered him the active command of the forces of the Convention, which he at once accepted. ^ The National Guard outnumbered the troops of the Convention by more than five to one, but they had no cannon. Everything depended therefore upon getting the ordnance from the artillery park at Sablons to the Tuil- eries. This task was entrusted by Napoleon to his future brother-in-law, Murat, a dashing cavalry officer, who carried it out successfully. Murat and his men rushed to the camp outside the city at full speed, drove back the insurgents who were trying to seize the cannon, and dragged them to the Tuileries, where they arrived at six o'clock in the morning. Neither the little general nor the dashing cavaher at the moment dreamed that this ex- ploit was to win for each of them a crown ! The cannon were placed at every point of vantage in the streets approaching the Tuileries, where the Conven- tion was sitting. A Httle later in the morning the insurgents advanced to the attack. It was the 5 October, or the 13 Vendemiaire by the revolutionary calendar, a date ever memorable in the history of Napoleon and in the annals of France. When the insurgents saw the preparations made to receive them, they hesitated to attack. Suddenly a shot was fired which gave the signal for battle. As the police reports on the occurrences of this day are missing from the archives of Paris, it will never be known from which side this shot came. At once the streets were raked by the cannon of the Convention and the strong position held by the insurgents at the church of Saint-Roch was carried. During the afternoon and evening the National Guards were driven back to the most remote quarters of the city where they were easily captured and disarmed on the following day. This is what Carlyle, in his vivid but inaccurate way, calls the "whifF of grapeshot which ended the French Revolution." After years of tumult, Paris had met its master. But the Revolution was not C403 TOULON AND VENDEMIAIRE ended: it was to be perpetuated in a more orderly form of government. Napoleon had saved the Convention and the Conven- tion showed its gratitude. He was appointed general of division and second in command of the Army of the Interior, and on the 26 October he became the commander of the same army, when Barras assumed the position of Director in the new government. In a few weeks Napoleon had reached one of the highest military positions in France. In a letter to Joseph on the day after 13 Vendemiaire he said, "Fortune is on my side." From that time on his confidence in his star never wavered. C41 3 CHAPTER FOUR 1796 JOSEPHINE Napoleon in Command of the Army of the Interior — First Meeting with Josephine — Her Origin — The Taschers and the Beauharnais — Birth and Childhood of Josephine — Alexandre de Beauharnais — His Childhood — His Marriage with Josephine — Births of Eugene and Hortense — The Separation — Josephine at Fontainebleau and Paris — Arrest of Alexandre and Josephine — Alexandre Executed — Josephine Released — Her Precarious Existence — The Hotel Chantereine — Josephine's Personal Appearance — Napoleon's Courtship — Josephine's Hesitation — The Marriage — Wrath of the Bonapartes — Josephine Described by Con- temporaries AS commander of the Army of the Interior, Na- poleon had become one of the dominant men of the State. He took up suitable quarters in the Rue des Capucines, surrounded himself with a brilliant staff, donned a handsome uniform, set up carriages and horses, and made his appearance in society. He did not affiliate with any clique or faction, but made friends in all parties. He thoroughly reorganized the Army of the Interior and the National Guard, and formed a guard for the Directory. At the same time he did not forget his family. Uncle Fesch became his secretary; Joseph was promised a consulship and Lucien a lucrative position. Louis was made a lieutenant, and Jerome was placed at school in Paris. His mother was well provided for. He never could do too much for his family, who, almost without ex- ception, repaid him with the basest ingratitude. During the month of October 1795, a short time after the events of the 13 Vendemiaire, chance brought to- gether General Bonaparte and Vicomtesse de Beauharnais. JOSEPHINE The story has been often told, and as often denied, but it is too good not to be true. As General en second of the Army of the Interior, Napoleon had ordered the disarmament of the Parisians. One morning a young boy presented himself at head- quarters to ask permission to keep his father's sword. Bonaparte saw the lad, became interested in him, and granted his request. Of course the mother of Eugene had to call on the general to express her thanks. She was a lady, a grande dame, a former vicomtesse, the widow of a President of the Constitutional Convention, of a General-in-chief of the Army of the Rhine. All this meant much to Bonaparte: the title, the social position, the noble air with which she expressed her gratitude. For the first time this young Corsican found himself in the presence of a real lady of high society. Josephine, with her worldly experience, at once perceives what an im- pression she has made. She invites Napoleon to call some evening when he has nothing better to do. The next evening he rings at the porte-cochere of the hotel in the Rue Chantereine, soon to be named in his honor Rue de la Victoire. The door is opened by the concierge, and the general passes through the long corridor, traverses the small garden and enters the house, where he is con- ducted to the little salon, which is also the dining-room. The room is furnished only with a round mahogany table, and four chairs covered with black horse-hair. On the walls are hung a few prints framed in dark wood. While he is waiting for the mistress of the mansion to appear, let us briefly review the past history of Josephine, of which he knows nothing. In 1726 there landed at Martinique a French nobleman, Gaspard- Joseph Tascher de la Pagerie, who, like many others, came to seek his fortune. There in 1734 he married a young woman of noble family, by whom he had five children, two sons and three daughters. In 1756 the King had need in the Antilles of a man of energy, and the first of November he named to the place NAPOLEON THE FIRST of governor and lieutenant-general of Martinique and the other islands, Fran9ois de Beauharnais, who was not created a marquis until eight years later. Except for the fact that both families originaljn came from the same locality in France, near Blois, there was little in common between this grand seigneur who ar- rived as master in the lands of his government, wealthy with his income of 150,000 livres, and these Taschers who were living in want in a corner of the island, without position, without fortune, buried in debt. A little later, the eldest daughter of Gaspard-Joseph entered the household of the governor as an upper serv- ant, or demoiselle de compagnie. In a very short time she had gained a dominant position in the family, which was not lessened by her marriage later with a Monsieur Renaudin. In 1761, the elder son of the original Tascher, named Joseph-Gaspard, born in 1735, married Rose-Claire des Vergers de Saunois, of a family belonging to the ancienne noblesse of Brie. From this marriage there was born on the 23 June 1763 a daughter who was named Marie- Joseph-Rose. This was Josephine. Like her future husband. Napoleon, she had a narrow escape from not being born under the French flag. Only ten days before her birth the island of Martinique had been returned to France by England in accordance with the terms of the Treaty of Paris which ended the Seven Years' War. Until the age of ten years Josephine grew up in full liberty. Then she was sent to the pension of the Dames de la Providence at Fort-Royal, where she remained over four years. When Franq:ois de Beauharnais landed as governor on the island of Martinique in May 1757 he was accompanied by his young wife, whom he had married six years before. She was his cousin, and had brought him a large fortune. They had had two children, of whom only one was then living, Fran9ois, born the preceding year. On the 28 May 1760 another son was born on the island who received n44a JOSEPHINE the name of Alexandre. When his father and mother re- turned to France in the month of April of the following year he was left in the care of Madame Tascher. Here he remained for several years, and it was not until after the death of his mother that his father had him brought to France, about the end of the year 1769. With his brother he was sent to the University of Heidelberg where he remained two years. In 1774, his brother having entered the army, his tutor Patricol was engaged by the Due de la Rochefoucauld as teacher for the two sons of his sister, Rohan-Chabot, and he took Alexandre with him. Thus it happened that the most impressionable years of his youth were passed at Roche-Guyon, in a ducal chateau. During these years, Madame Renaudin, who was his god-mother, never lost sight of him. At the age of seventeen Alexandre obtained by the favor of the Due de la Rochefoucauld an appointment as sous-lieutenant in his regiment of the Sarre-infanterie. On entering the army he abandoned the title of chevalier, given at that time to the younger sons of noble families, and assumed that of vieomte, to which he had no valid claim. At this time Madame Renaudin formed a plan for his marriage with her niece Josephine. The Marquis did not demand that M. de la Pagerie should furnish a dot, as Alexandre already had an income of 40,000 Hvres from the estate of his mother, with the expectation of 25,000 more. In October 1779 Madame Renaudin received a letter from her brother saying that he had just arrived at Brest with Josephine after a terrible passage. She at once set out with Alexandre to join them. This was the first in- terview between Josephine and her future husband since their childhood days, and he was far from enthusiastic over her appearance. The party travelled slowly to Paris, where they arrived the middle of November. The marriage was celebrated on the 13 December in the church at Noisy-le-Grand, where Mme. Renaudin had a house. This residence, for Us 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST which she had paid 33,000 livres three years before, she gave to her niece as a wedding present, besides the sum of 20,000 livres which she had spent for her trousseau. Immediately after the marriage the young^couple went to live in the Paris hotel of the Marquis, Rue Thevenot. In the spring Alexandre rejoined his regiment at Brest, leaving Josephine alone in Paris, where she had no acquaintances. When his regiment was ordered to Verdun, Alexandre returned to Paris, where he lived Uke a bachelor, making no effort to introduce his wife to society. In fact Josephine was never presented at Court. Her husband seems to have been ashamed of her. He found her awkward, embarrassed, ignorant; worse than that, he thought she was homely and provincial, with foolish ideas of conjugal love, tenderness, and jealousy. He had married to be free to enjoy his fortune, and he had no idea of being tied down by his wife. On the 3 September 1781, in the Rue Thevenot, was born a son who was named Eugene, and on the 10 April 1783, a daughter, who was baptized the following day, and received the name of Hortense-Eugenie. The previous September, Alexandre had sailed for Martinique as aide de camp of M. de Bouille. During the four years and over of his married life, he had not spent ten months with his wife. On receipt of the news of the birth of Hortense, he wrote a furious letter to Josephine in which he refused to accept any responsibility for the paternity of the child. On his return to France in October 1784, he declined to meet his wife. After a number of vain efforts to arrive at a reconciliation, in the month of November, Josephine retired with Mme. Renaudin to the Abbaye de Panthe- mont, Rue de Crenelle. Masson 'is of the opinion that Alexandre had no reason to reproach Josephine for any acts subsequent to their marriage and that his imputation upon the subject of the birth of Hortense had no foundation in fact. This opinion seems to be borne out by the terms of the formal act of separation which was signed in March 1785. He agreed JOSEPHINE to give his wife an allowance of 5000 livres a year, to leave Hortense with her mother, and also Eugene until he was five years old, and to pay for the education of his daughter. The sojourn of Josephine at Panthemont was pf great advantage to her in every way. The Abbaye was like an immense furnished hotel, of the highest respectability, open only to women of "la premiere distinction," and there Josephine for the first time had an opportunity of meeting women of her own social rank. She was received as the Vicomtesse de Beauharnais, an unfortunate, ir- reproachable young woman, the victim of a barbarous husband. For a woman of the world, Josephine already possessed two of the essential requisites: she was a coquette and she knew how to he. Without admitting the justice of the accusation of her husband, in these two respects he un- doubtedly had a serious grievance against her. And to these two qualities, Josephine adds, by the faculty of assimilation which is in her, that physical education which in a new society is to put her in a class by herself. Little by little a transformation is effected in her per- sonality, which changes the heavy and awkward Creole into a being delicate and sou-pie, a being desirable above all, who knows how to attract and to hold. It is thus at Panthemont that Josephine forms her first relations with society, that she makes her debut in French life. From every point of view this retreat of fifteen months was profitable to her. On leaving Panthemont early in 1786 Josephine, at twenty-three years of age, found herself free, with an income of ir,ooo livres for the support of her daughter and herself. At this time she sold the house at Noisy, and with the proceeds she bought at Fontainebleau a little house entre cour et jardin, where she established herself with her aunt. Here she lived until June 1788, when she suddenly left for Martinique. None of her biographers has ever been able to find a reason for this departure. At the beginning of November 1790 she re- 1:473 NAPOLEON THE FIRST turned as unexpectedly as she had left, and went to the Hotel des Asturies, Rue d'Anjou. At this time she seems to have made another attempt at reconciliation with her husband, but without success. ^ : The Marquis and Mme. Renaudin being still at Fon- tainebleau, Josephine passed the summer of 1791 there with her children, and it was there that she learned of the election of her husband as President of the Constitu- tional Convention. It was the 18 June, and three days later the President in opening the session announced the flight of the Royal family, the previous night. During the two following weeks Alexandre de Beauharnais was virtually dictator of France. In 1792 he served with distinction with the Army of the North, and early in the following year was put in command of the Army of the Rhine. A few months later he was removed on the ground of lack of force and energy. In the meantime, Josephine was living in her apart- ment in Paris, Rue Saint-Dominique, except when visit- ing her aunt at Fontainebleau. In March 1794, Alexandre, who had been living in retirement in the country, was arrested and taken to the Carmes where he was imprisoned on the fourteenth. Five weeks later, Josephine was confined in the same prison. The old convent of the church of Saint- Joseph des Carmes is still standing in the Rue Vaugirard be- tween the Luxembourg and the Theatre de I'Odeon. On the 23 July, Alexandre was guillotined. Four days later, 9 Thermidor, the fall of Robespierre ended the Reign of Terror. The life of Josephine was saved by this narrow margin of time: in two weeks she was released from prison. During the following year, the fortunes of Josephine were at their lowest ebb. When she left the prison of the Carmes, she found herself a widow of over thirty years, with two children and without a sou. With the small remittances which she received from Martinique, with money which she borrowed on every side, with bills US] JOSfiPHINE which she contracted everywhere, she somehow managed to exist. In August 1795, when her affairs were still in this pre- carious condition, she leased from JuHe Carreau, the wife of Talma, from whom she was separated, for a rent of 10,000 francs in assignats a little hotel entre cour et jardin at Number 6, Rue Chantereine, a short street recently laid out from the Faubourg Montmartre to the Chaussee d'Antin. The street was lined with the residences of filles entretenues. As this little hotel was afterwards the residence of Napoleon, until he took possession of the Tuileries as First Consul in 1800, and was also occupied by Louis and Hortense the first year of their married life, it merits a few words of description. The entrance was by a porte- cochere through a long corridor, at the end of which was a very small garden, with two small pavilions which contained the carriage-house and stable. In the middle was the little mansion, consisting only of a rez-de-chaussee with an attic above and kitchen and cellar below. There were only five rooms: an antechamber, a bed-room, a salon, which also served as a dining-room, another little salon which was used as a boudoir, and a garde-robe. The servants' quarters were in the attic. Josephine had a carriage and two horses. In her service, besides the coachman, she had a chef and a femme de chambre. At this time Hortense was sent to the school which Madame Campan had just founded at Saint-Germain. It is not easy to understand, however, why she took Eugene away from General Hoche, who desired to keep him, and placed him in an expensive school just opened at Saint-Germain under the name of the College Irlandais. Before taking possession of her new house the first of October 1795, Josephine had spent a very considerable sum in repairing and adding to the furniture in her apart- ment of the Rue Saint-Dominique: nothing very luxuri- ous perhaps, but articles which had to be paid for. Who C49a NAPOLEON THE FIRST met the bills? Barras, in his "Memoirs," does not hesitate to state, most ungallantly, that Josephine was his mistress. But Barras was a notorious liar, and he hated Napoleon and could not say anything too mean about Hiip. We will therefore give Josephine the benefit of the doubt. When Josephine first met Napoleon, in October 1795, she was already thirty-two years of age. Her hair, which was not thick, but fine in quafity, was of a dark chest- nut color. Her complexion was brunette. Her skin was already wrinkled, but so covered with powder and rouge that the fact was not apparent under a subdued hght. Her teeth were bad, but no one ever saw them. Her very small mouth was never more than slightly opened, in a sweet smile which accorded perfectly with the in- finite softness of her eyes with their long eyelashes, with the tender expression of her features, with the touching quality of her voice. "Et avec cela" writes one of her historians, "un petit nez fringant, leger, mobile, aux narines perpetuellement battantes, un nez un peu releve du bout, engageant et fripon, qui provoque le desir." Her head however could not be mentioned in com- parison with her body, so free and so svelte, which showed no signs of embonpoint, which ended in the most ador- able little feet. She wore no corset, not even a brassiere "pour soutenir la gorge, d'ailleurs bas placee et plate." But her general demeanor was more important than all the rest. This woman has a way of carr3ring herself which belongs only to her. "Elle a de la grace meme en se cou- chant." All her movements are so gracious and elegant that you forget that she is only of medium stature. With all these qualities, the femme seduced Napoleon at their first interview, while at the same time the dame impressed him by her air of dignity, as he put it, "ce maintien calme et noble de I'ancienne societe fran^aise." This first call was quickly followed by another, and soon Napoleon was a daily visitor at the little hotel. There he met many grands seigneurs, such as Segur, nso3 EMPRESS JOSfiPHINE JOSEPHINE Montesquiou, and Caulaincourt, who treated him, "petit noble," as an equal, almost as a comrade. He was not enough of a man of the world to appreciate the fact that they came en garqon, that they did not bring their wives. The siege was not long. Two weeks after the first visit, Napoleon and Josephine were already on more than intimate terms. On the 28 October she wrote him: "Vous ne venez plus voir une amie qui vous aime; vous I'avez tout a fait delaissee, vous avez bien tort, car elle vous est tendrement attachee. "Venez demain dejeuner avec moi, j'ai besoin de vous voir et de causer avec vous sur vos interets. "Bonsoir, mon ami, je vous embrasse. "Veuve Beauharnais." From this time on, Napoleon follows Josephine every- where. He makes the acquaintance of Madame TalHen; as soon as Barras is installed in the Luxembourg, in November, he attends the first reception of the new Director. In the meantime events have moved fast. He writes her: "I awake full of thoughts of thee. Sweet and incom- parable Josephine, what a strange effect you have on my heart ! I draw from your lips, from your heart, a scorching flame. In three hours I shall see thee. In the meantime, my dear love {mio dolce amor), a thousand kisses, but do not give me any, for they set my blood on fire." In January 1796, the anniversary of the execution of the "last king of France," Barras gives a grand dinner. There are ladies present: Mme. de Beauharnais, Mme. Tallien, Mme. de Carvoisin. Bonaparte is a guest and is full of life and gaiety, and seems to greatly please the ladies. Poor little Hortense, whom they had taken from school for this occasion, was present at the dinner, and seems to have been jealous of the attentions to her mother of the little general, whose name she did not even know. She said, "II parlait avec feu et paraissait uniquement occupe de ma mere." NAPOLEON THE FIRST It is impossible to say at exactly what date Napoleon conceived the idea of transforming "en mariage cette bonne fortune." For her part, Josephine took time to make up her mind. ^ In a letter to a friend she admits that she does not really love Napoleon, but that she does not feel any aversion toward him; her feeling is rather that of indif- ference. "I admire the General's courage," she con- tinues, "the extent of his knowledge upon all sorts of topics, upon all of which he talks equally well, the vivacity of his mind, which enables him to grasp the thoughts of others almost before they have been expressed, but I am frightened, I admit, at the control he tries to exercise over everything about him. His searching glanc€ has something unusual and inexplicable in it, but which compels the respect even of our Directors; judge for yourself whether a woman has' not good cause to feel intimidated by it! Finally, that which ought to please me, the force of his passion, which he expresses with an energy which leaves no room for doubt of his sin- cerity, is precisely that which makes me withhold the consent which I have often been ready to give. Can I, a woman whose youth is past, hope to hold for any length of time this violent affection which in the General resembles a fit of dehrium? If, after our marriage, he should cease to love me, will he not reproach me with what he has done for me ? Will he not regret having failed to make a more advantageous marriage? And what answer can I make then? What will there be for me to do? Tears will be my only resource." Josephine consulted all of her society friends. They told her that Bonaparte had genius and that he would go far; that Carnot made no secret of his intention to give him the command of an army. Still she hesitated. She was thirty-two years of age. She was faded. She was almost an old woman. She liked Napoleon, but she was not in love with him. In fact she never really loved any- body but herself. But she was at the end of her resources, 1:523 JOSEPHINE and marriage seemed to be the only way out of her troubles. She finally reached a decision the last of February. Nevertheless, she has precautions to take: first of all to conceal her age, for she does not wish to admit to any- one, least of all to this boy of twenty-six, that she has passed the age of thirty-two years. From Calmelot, her man of confidence, she obtains a certificate that he is well acquainted with Marie-Joseph Tascher, veuve du citoyen Beauharnais, that she is a native of the island of Martinique, and that on account of the present oc- cupation of the island by the English it is impossible to procure her birth certificate! Armed with this notarial certificate, Josephine is able to declare that she was born 23 June 1767, while she was really born four years earlier. The marriage contract was dated the 8 March 1796, and the marriage was celebrated the following day be- fore a civil officer. Among the four witnesses were Barras and Tallien. No mention was made of the consent of the parents; they had not been consulted. Two days later General Bonaparte left alone to take command of the Army of Italy. "Heureusement, on avait pris des avances sur la lune de miel." It is easier to imagine than to describe the fury of the Bonaparte family when they heard of the marriage of Napoleon. He had anticipated the storm, for he had not asked the consent of his mother; he had not written Joseph, and he had sent Lucien and Louis away from Paris. He had not asked the advice of any of his friends and had invited none of them to the wedding. From the first day, even before they had met Josephine, the Bonaparte family declared a vendetta against the Beauharnais. From that moment Napoleon lived in the midst of two hostile camps, always ready to break out into active hostilities. cssa NAPOLEON THE FIRST It may be interesting to read the opinion of some of her contemporaries regarding Josephine. To the captivating charm of her person all witnesses testify. Even Lucien, who was not particularly well-disposed toward Jj^r, had to admit this. In his "Memoires" he gives us the fol- ^owing picture: "Hardly to be noticed in the midst of this circle of pretty women, generally reputed to be of easy morals, is the widow of the Vicomte de Beauharnais. With little, very little wit, she had no trace of what could be called beauty, but there were certain Creole characteristics in the pliant undulations of her figure which was rather below the average height. Her face was without natural freshness, it is true, but the artifices of the toilet remedied this defect so as to make it appear fairly well by the light of the chandeliers. In short, her person was not entirely bereft of some of the attractions of her youth." Arnault, in his "Souvenirs d'un Sexagenaire," does her better justice. He says: "The evenness of her disposition, her good-nature, the amiability that shone in her eye and which expressed itself not only in her words but in the tones of her voice, a certain indolence peculiar to Creoles which was recognizable in her carriage and movements even when she was making an effort to please, all these lent to her a charm which transcended the dazzling beauty of her two rivals Mesdames Recamier and Tallien." Madame de Remusat, who had known Josephine since 1793, gives perhaps the most accurate description of her friend in these words: "Without being precisely beauti- ful, her whole person was possessed of a peculiar charm. Her features were delicate and harmonious, her expres- sion gentle, her tiny mouth dexterously concealed de- fective teeth; her somewhat dark complexion was im- proved by her clever use of cosmetics. Her figure was perfect, every outline well rounded and graceful; every motion was easy and elegant. Her taste in dress was ex- cellent, and whatever she wore seemed to have its beauty ns4 3 JOSfiPHINE enhanced. With these advantages and her constant care for her appearance, she succeeded in being never out- shone by the beauty and youth of so many women around her. She was not a person of especial wit; a Creole and coquette, her education had been rather neglected; but she knew wherein she was wanting, and never betrayed her ignorance. Naturally tactful, she found it easy to say agreeable things. ..." Very different was the impression which she produced upon Napoleon. "I was not insensible to the charms of women," he said later at Saint Helena, "but my dis- position made me timid in their company. Madame de Beauharnais was the first to reassure me. She said some flattering things to me about my miHtary talents. That praise intoxicated me; I addressed myself continually to her; I followed her everywhere; I was passionately in love with her, and my infatuation was generally known among our acquaintances long before I ventured to de- clare myself to her. When this rumor became general, Barras spoke to me about it. I had no reason for denying it. 'If that is the case,' he said to me 'you ought to marry Madame de Beauharnais. You have rank and talents to be turned to good account, but you stand alone, without fortune and without connections; you must marry; that will give you position.'" This advice of Barras accorded so well with Napoleon's inclinations that he made no further attempt to suppress his passion. He felt that this union with a lady of rank, a friend of the influential Director, would strengthen his social position and further his ambition. Napoleon was never a man to let his heart run away with his head. In this case, love and ambition were in perfect accord. CSS] CHAPTER FIVE 1796 THE CAMPAIGN OF ITALY Bonaparte in Command of the Army of Italy — Condition of the Peninsula — Situation of the Two Armies — Napoleon's Plan of Action — Battles of Montenotte and Mondovi — Peace with Piedmont — Napoleon's Procla- mations — Crossing of the Po — Battle of Lodi — Entrance into Milan — Advance to the Mincio — The Famous Quadrilateral — Siege of Mantua — Castiglione and Lonato — The French in the Tyrol — Battle of Bas- sano — Repulse at Caldiero — Battle of Arcole — Consummate Leader- ship of Bonaparte TWO weeks before Napoleon's wedding he had been appointed to the command of the Army of Italy. It has generally been assumed that there was some connection between these two events, mainly due to a letter in which Josephine says, "Barras assures me that if I marry the General he will obtain for him the chief command of the Army of Italy." Barras also states that the command was in fact given by him to Napoleon as a wedding gift to Josephine! But this assertion is absolutely false. The appointment was in reality made by the great Carnot, and Barras and the three other Directors simply gave their approval. There were two main reasons why this important command was given to Bonaparte. In the first place, the Directors were afraid of him and were anxious to get him away from Paris. It is true that he had saved the Convention and so earned their gratitude, but he was now commander of the Army of the Interior, and the soldiers were devoted to him. The cannon which he had used so effectively against the Sections might just as easily be turned against the Directors. In the second place, the military conditions in Italy were bad, and the posi- ns6 3 THE CAMPAIGN OF ITALY tion of the French Army was critical. It was thought that only Bonaparte could save the situation. It will be remembered that the previous year Napoleon had drawn up a plan for the campaign of Italy. At that time, his plan had been contemptuously rejected by the two French generals in command in Italy. Kellermann had said that it was the work of a lunatic, and Scherer had remarked that the fool who proposed such an im- possible scheme ought to be sent to carry it out. Carnot had seen and studied this masterly plan and had become convinced of the strategic genius of its author. So Bona- parte owed his appointment, not to a disgraceful intrigue, but to his own commanding powers. Napoleon only spent forty-eight hours with his bride before leaving for the army, and during most of this time he was shut up in his room with the maps of Italy before him. The ii March he left Paris accompanied by his aides de camp, Junot, Marmont, Berthier, Murat and Duroc. He carried with him 48,000 francs in gold, a small sum for the succor of an army which for a long time had been in want of nearly everything. He stopped a night with the father of Marmont at Chatillon-sur-Seine, where he wrote his first letter to Josephine. At every relay he wrote her again. It is doubtful if any woman ever received such fiery love-letters as those of Napoleon to Josephine at this time. He adored her, while she was only moderately touched by his ardor. She must have had trouble in read- ing his effusions, for as she afterwards remarked to the Marquise de La Tour du Pin, "I cannot make out his letters; he writes like a cat." He turned from his route to pass two days with his mother at Marseille and hand her a letter from Josephine. His mother was still very far from being reconciled to his marriage, and it was only after a hard struggle and a family council of war that Madame Letitia was finally persuaded to write a very formal and stilted letter of congratulation to her new daughter-in-law. ns7 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST A week later, the 29 March, Napoleon arrived at Nice and took command of the Army of Italy, which he found in a very precarious situation. Its detachments were stretched out along the coast from Nice to ^vona, while the Allies occupied strong positions along the northern slopes of the Maritime Alps and the Apennines, and had the further advantage of inner and therefore shorter lines. Moreover, the French troops were badly equipped, worse clad, and for a long time had not been paid at all. The new commander, without money to feed, equip or pay his soldiers, at once won their hearts by the first of those ringing proclamations which he knew so well how to write: "Soldiers! You are hungry and nearly naked. The Gov- ernment owes you much, but can do nothing for you. Your patience and courage do you honor, but they bring you neither profit nor glory. I am come to lead you into the most fertile plains in the world. There you will find rich provinces and great towns. There you will find glory, honor, and riches. Soldiers of Italy, can your courage fail you.?" At this time, Italy, divided into twenty small rival states, existed only on the map. The King of Piedmont was Victor Amadeus the Third, whose daughters had married the two brothers of Louis the Sixteenth: Comte de Provence, afterwards Louis the Eighteenth, and Comte d'Artois, later Charles the Tenth. This fact had led him to enter the coalition against France. The House of Austria reigned over Lombardy, and a prince of that family governed Tuscany. The only heir of the Duke of Modena had married the Archduke Ferdinand. A sister of the unfortunate Marie-Antoinette occupied the throne of Naples as consort of the weak Ferdinand the Fourth. The venerable Pius Sixth, who wore the tiara, was the enemy of France on account of the destruction of the Catholic Church in the new RepubHc. Thus practically the whole Peninsula was allied against France. Only Cssn I-oniitud*' E^rPAIGXS OF1806 ETC. [ EXTLAXATICX * a 3 TOWXS cfupftutU of iOOOfi vihubitana ■1 « • TowTds (.f So-.'jO 000 OJiatUan/T - A Tt^mj ot' JO— iO COO PiAaPttanU I ^ - Fta^es hflotr tf i'oo \nKah\u\nu Sc»U of Eug^li.U Miles JENA AND AITERSTADT breeches are white and he wears soft riding boots. The saddle-cloth is edged with rich bullion fringe and the bit and bridle buckles as well as the stirrups are gold-plated. Just behind the Emperor come three of his marshals, with their waving plumes, and their uniforms covered with gold. In the centre is the martial figure of Berthier, the trusted chief of staff. At his right is Davout, the hero of Auerstadt, with his round and placid face. At the left is the tall and handsome Augereau, who has won new laurels at Jena. Then at the head of the aides de camp, and followed by the brilliant staff, comes Duroc, the Marshal of the Palace, whose face is well known in Berlin, where twice he has been sent on a special mission by his master. As the Emperor nears the Thor the glorious tricolor is unfurled, surmounted by the Napoleonic eagles; and as the music swells into a tempest of martial melody rolling up the Linden and flooding it with a glorious sea of sound, ten thousand sabres flash in air and ten thousand strident voices cry, "Vive I'Empereur!" All eyes are focussed, not on the marshals and the bril- liant staff, but on the figure of the chief in his plain uni- form. He is no longer the sHm and sallow youth of the Campaign of Italy. Amidst toils that would have worn most men to a shadow, he has grown to the roundness of robust health, "the face no longer thin with the unsatis- fied longings of youth, but square and full with toil requited and ambition well-nigh sated — a visage re- deemed from the coarseness of the epicure's only by the knitted brows that bespoke ceaseless thought, and by the keen, melancholy, unfathomable eyes." n 205 3 CHAPTER FOURTEEN * 1807 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND The Berlin Decree — Hesse-Cassel and Saxony — Negotiations for Peace — The Polish Question — The Theatre of War — Advance towards the East — Battle of Pultusk — Madame Walewska — Bennigsen's Move- ment — Napoleon's Countermarch — Battle of Eylau — Winter Quarters — Negotiations with Prussia and Austria — Resumption of Hostilities — Battle of Friedland — Treaty of Tilsit — Death of Napoleon Charles — Birth of Louis Napoleon — Grandeur of the Empire — Marriage of King Jerome — The Court at Fontainebleau A MONTH after his arrival at Potsdam, on the 21 November 1806, Napoleon issued the famous Berlin Decree which proclaimed war on British commerce. Great Britain was declared to be in a state of blockade; all commerce with her was forbidden, her goods were to be seized and her subjects imprisoned wherever found by French or allied troops. This idea of strangling English commerce was not original with Napoleon : it was a pet scheme of the Jaco- bins, a part of the political stock-in-trade of the Revolu- tion. The Berlin Decree has always been bitterly attacked by English historians, but it is now so much a matter of ancient history that it is hardly worth while to give any space to the controversy. The only question to be con- sidered here is the underlying motive which influenced Napoleon, and this is a very difficult matter to determine. But there is no doubt as to the fatal effect upon his career of the enterprises to which this act led — the occupation of Spain and the Russian Campaign, both of which adven- tures were prompted less by ambition than by the feeling that they were necessary to the complete triumph of his Continental System. As Rose well says, this question of THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND the underlying motive must at times cause every open- minded student of Napoleon's career to pause in utter doubt. While at Berlin Napoleon took other steps to cement his power. He deposed the Elector of Hesse-Cassel and sent his troops to occupy the Electorate, which was sub- sequently incorporated in Jerome's Kingdom of West- phalia. Towards Saxony he acted with great clemency. The Elector, in December, entered the Confederation of the Rhine, with the title of King, and became an ally of the Emperor. On the day after the battle of Jena Frederick William sent an aide de camp to Napoleon to treat for peace, but the Emperor refused to consider the matter until he reached Berlin. Here he received the Prussian envoy who had full powers to sign preliminaries of peace. But the conditions were so severe that the King refused to ratify the agreement when presented to him. Napoleon at first demanded all territory to the south of the Elbe up to Magdeburg, and a war-indemnity of a hundred million francs. Later he increased his demands, and would only grant a suspension of hostilities, and even that under most oppressive conditions: the French to occupy the whole country up to the Bug River; eight fortresses, in- cluding Dantzic, to be surrendered; and the Russians to be ordered out of East Prussia In order to weaken Russia, Napoleon now encouraged the Poles in their hopes for independence. To a Polish deputation which appeared at Berlin in November he stated that France had never acknowledged the partition of their country and that he would feel a deep interest in seeing the national sovereignty reestablished. A week later he went in person to Posen to further stimulate the insurrection against the Czar. A feature of the situation very embarrassing to his plans was that Austria had participated with Prussia and Russia in the C 207 3 NAPOLEON JHE FIRST partition of Poland, and he could not at that time afford to add that Power to the list of his foes. He accordingly suggested to the Austrian Government an exchange of her Polish provinces for Silesia which had been stole#from Maria Theresa by Frederick the Great. But Austria did not care to become involved in trouble with either of the belligerents and declined the proposition. It is doubtful if Napoleon ever seriously thought of restoring the Kingdom of Poland, no matter how strong his sympathies may have been with that oppressed people. It meant to take vast territories away from Austria, Prus- sia and Russia, and incur the lasting enmity of those great Powers, as against which the gratitude of Poland would count but little. The theatre of the Campaign of Poland, which now began, lies between the rivers Vistula and Niemen. The country for the most part is flat, marshy, and thickly wooded. In the field of the military operations of 1807 there were a number of lakes and many marshes. The Vistula, even at Warsaw, is a large stream several hundred yards wide. Below the city the river flows between low, marshy banks. About twenty miles below Warsaw, the Bug joins the Vistula. Both rivers are military obstacles of importance, fordable only in seasons of drought. In this area there were only dirt roads, firm enough for artillery during the heat of summer or the frosts of winter, but almost impassable when soaked with rain or dissolved by thaws. During the mild weather of December 1806 the infantry s.ank in the slush up to their knees, the guns to their axles. In the southern part of the theatre of war, occupied by the Poles, the country was sparsely populated and there were no large towns. Farther north, in the German- speaking territory, were found many villages, and there was a general air of prosperity. The climate was very trying, almost arctic in its severity in winter, and very hot in summer. In connection with C 208] THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND military operations during the campaign, the terrain was of less importance than the cHmatic conditions. Within the theatre of operations at the opening of the campaign, there were still two important fortresses in the possession of Prussia: Dantzic on the left bank of the Vistula near its mouth, a place of great strength, and Konigsberg, at the mouth of the Pregel, the capital of old Prussia, a poorly fortified city, but an immense depot of stores of all sorts. After the pursuit succeeding Jena, Frederick WiUiam was compelled to retire behind the Vistula with the few troops he had left. His only remaining field army com- prised less than 20,000 men, but he had some additional troops in garrison at Dantzic and in other fortresses. The King himself took refuge at Konigsberg, where he awaited a large Russian army which was marching to his aid. After the Peace of Presburg the Czar had still remained at war with France, and he was now the ally of Prussia. Napoleon at this time made peace overtures, but the Czar declined to consider them. For the moment Napoleon knew nothing about the movements of the Russian army or its strength. At the end of the first week in November, however, news came that Bennigsen was advancing with 56,000 men and would reach Thorn on the Vistula, midway between Warsaw and Dantzic, by the middle of November. Napoleon at once gave orders for the concentration near Posen by the 18 November, under the command of Murat, of the corps of Davout, Augereau, Lannes and 'Jerome, the Guard and part of the cavalry, about 80,000 men in all. Davout on reaching Posen however found no signs of the Russians and continued his march on Warsaw. Under Napoleon's directions the French army continued to advance, Ney and Bernadotte forming the left wing, Soult and Augereau, the centre, and Davout and Lannes, the right. The early winter of 1806 was unusually warm. It did C 209 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST not freeze, and the roads were in bad condition. Napoleon also found much trouble in supplying his army. He was not now in the valley of the Po or the Danube and his men could not live off the country. • Napoleon in person reached Warsaw on the 19 Decem- ber and found that Bennigsen was at Pultusk, about thirty miles to the north. He immediately headed his corps in that direction, and himself reached the front on the morning of the 23 December. He now adopted a plan of operations which is very puzzling to the student of his earlier campaigns. Instead of concentrating his forces in the way that had always won him success, he worked on exterior lines, and failed to strike the enemy a solid blow or beat him in detail. He was successful however in inter- posing the corps of Ney and Bernadotte between the Allies, and compelled the Prussians to retreat away from the Russian right towards Konigsberg, but his reliance on Soult and Ney to come up in time to be of use proved vain. The bottomless roads were too great an obstacle. The battle of Pultusk fought on the 26 December proved indecisive. The French, who were inferior in num- bers, could make little progress against the stubborn re- sistance of the Russians. The short day, which would end at four o'clock, was made even shorter by the premature darkness due to the stormy cloudy weather. During the night the Russians decided to retreat. Lannes who had fought all day against double his numbers was in no state to pursue. Both sides laid claims to this well-contested battle. What ground Lannes gained, he lost again. Bennigsen, though he had repulsed the attack of a very inferior force, had not been able or had not dared to pursue it. But the French remained masters of the field, and could therefore claim the victory with better grace. With this battle the campaign practically ended and both armies went into winter quarters. The question has often been asked, "What importance did Napoleon attach to love affairs during his career?" n 210 3 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND We read in one of the memoires of the time: "The Em- peror was very fond of women, but never allowed them to obtain any influence over his mind. He looked upon love as a diversion, and in this respect he could not have been more material, for the object of his affections of yesterday was as nothing to him on the morrow." Practically all of the information available on this sub- ject has been brought together by Frederic Masson in his work, "Napoleon et les Femmes," and he mentions only about half a dozen liaisons, all of which with one exception were of very brief duration. There was Mme. Foures in Egypt, and Grassini at Milan before Marengo; and there were also Mile. Georges and Mile. Denuelle at Paris. In fact. Napoleon never at any time or in any place allowed women to interfere with affairs of war or state, and in this respect he set an excellent example to his marshals and ministers. He himself drew attention to Murat's conduct and pointed out how he had committed many faults during his campaigns owing to the fact that he liked to have his headquarters every evening in a chateau where there was a pretty woman. This abstinence on the part of Napoleon is all the more remarkable when we remember his age at the height of his career and the constant temp- tation to which he was subjected. All the women of Europe were on their knees before the greatest man of his age. The only serious love affair of Napoleon was that with Mme. Walewska, which began during the campaign in Poland and only ended with his departure for Saint Helena. This was no ordinary amour: she was his " Polish wife" — his wife in all but name. The first day of January 1807, when Napoleon was re- turning from Pultusk to Warsaw, he stopped a moment at the gate of the little city of Bronie to change horses. Duroc descended from the carriage and pushed his way to the post-house through an enthusiastic crowd which had gathered to see the "liberator of Poland." Here a voice said to him in French, "Monsieur, can you not ar- range for me to speak to the Emperor a moment?" The NAPOLEON THE FIRST lady who had addressed him seemed almost a child. She was blond, with large innocent blue eyes; her beautiful face, fresh as a rose, was flushed with excitement; her figure was small, but perfectly proportioned, and ^ery graceful. She was very simply dressed and wore a black hat with a heavy veil. Duroc conducted her to the door of the carriage, and said to Napoleon, "Here is a lady who has braved all the dangers of the crowd for you." The Emperor took off" his hat and began to speak to her, but she did not allow him to finish, and, carried away by her enthusiasm, she wished him a thousand welcomes to her native land, and expressed her pleasure and her gratitude for what he had done to uplift it. Taking a bouquet which he had in the carriage Napoleon presented it to her, saying: "Gardez-le comme garant de mes bonnes intentions. Nous nous reverrons a Varsovie, je I'espere, et je reclamerai un merci de votre belle bouche." This young lady was Marie Walewska. Of an old but impoverished Polish family, at the age of sixteen she had married the head of one of the most illustrious families of , Poland, a man seventy years of age, who had a grand- child nine years older than herself. Since then two years had passed. All Poland was nbw agitated over the visit of the Emperor to Warsaw, which might decide the fate of the nation. Walewski, who was as intensely patriotic as his young wife, went there and opened his mansion. The Emperor was staying at La Blacha, the palace of Prince Poniatowski. After many inquiries Duroc finally succeeded in ascertaining the name of the "belle inconnue" of the post-house of Bronie, and the Prince called one afternoon in person to invite her to a ball to be given at the palace. She refused, and he insisted, but she would not yield. Finally she was persuaded to go at the request of her husband, joined to that of some of the most influential magnates' of the country, who said, "Who knows but that Heaven will make use of you to reestablish our native land?" C 212 3 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND Immediately after the ball, Napoleon began to write her daily in terms of warm but respectful admiration and to shower her with presents of all kinds; but she would neither answer his letters nor accept his gifts. Her coldness only increased the ardor of the Emperor who had never yet known defeat in love or war. Finally, yielding to the importunities of all around her — her family, the chief magistrates of Poland, even her husband, all of whom told her that the fate of her country was in her hands, Marie, "whispering, 'I will ne'er consent,' consented." In the words of Masson: "She was not to be for Napo- leon une maitresse de passage, but a sort of epouse a cote who would not participate it is true either in the dignities of the crown or the splendors of the throne, but who would occupy a special rank, who would be the envoy of her people near to the Emperor, sa femme polonaise." During the time that he passed at Warsaw before the battle of Eylau Napoleon saw her daily. When he trans- ported his headquarters in the spring to Finckenstein, she joined him there. When he returned to France after the Treaty of Tilsit she at first refused to follow him be- cause he had disappointed her hopes for Poland, but she finally yielded to his entreaties. During the campaign of 1809 she went to Vienna where she lived in a house prepared for her near the palace of Schonbrunn. After the Peace of Vienna she returned to her home in Poland where was born on the 4 May 1810 her son by the Emperor, Alexandre Walewski. At the end of the same year she returned to Paris where she finally took up her residence at 48, Rue de la Victoire, only a few doors from Napoleon's first home in the city. The Emperor gave his son the title of comte and settled upon him an income of fifty thousand francs. The boy was a great favorite of Josephine's, who frequently sent for him and his mother to visit her at Malmaison. In August 1814, she paid a visit to the Emperor on the island of Elba; and as soon as she heard of his return to France she went to Paris and was with him at the NAPOLEON THE FIRST Elysee and at Malmaison up to the moment of his final departure. But after Napoleon was sent to Saint Helena she felt herself free. Her husband having, died two years befere, in 1816 at Liege where she was living after the second return of the Bourbons, she married a cousin of the Emperor's, General Comte d'Ornano, one of the most brilliant officers of the Grand Army. Marie did not long enjoy her new happiness. She died at her hotel in the Rue de la Victoire the 15 December the following year at the early age of twenty-eight. When Napoleon heard at Saint Helena of her marriage he was much affected. She was the one great love of his life, and he always felt for her the deepest attachment. With her death, for him was severed the last tie of earthly aiFection. Josephine, the wife of his youth, was gone, and the ignoble Marie-Louise was living in open concubinage with Comte de Neipperg. The brilliant career of their son Alexandre Walewski under the Second Empire is well known. His life as a soldier, writer, diplomat, and statesman forms part of the history of the nineteenth century. After the battle of Pultusk orders were issued for the army to go into cantonments, and on the seventh of January the detailed plans for winter quarters were given out. Bernadotte was to guard the lower Vistula and cut the Russians off from Dantzic. Ney was to protect the approaches to Thorn, with his headquarters at that place. The other corps under Soult, Augereau, Davout and Lannes were to protect other strategic points. The Guard and general headquarters were at Warsaw, where the Emperor returned on the first day of January. In case the enemy should advance during the winter, orders were issued indicating the points at which the seven corps were to rendezvous. Great magazines were erected and abundant supplies procured. "The curtain thus fell," says Dodge, "on the first n 214 2 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND memorable campaign, which should have taught Napoleon more about Russia and its people, about the Czar and his soldiers, than it really did." After the battle of Pultusk the Russians retired about halfway to Grodno on the Niemen, where the two corps were united under the command of Bennigsen. Napoleon at once made vigorous efforts to put his army on a sound footing for the reopening of hostilities and soon had 150,000 men at his disposal. The winter was unusually mild for Poland, and Napoleon hoped the campaign would not open before spring. In this he was doomed to disappointment. Bennigsen had formed the plan of attacking Ney and Bernadotte who were on the lower Vistula, driving them across the river, and seiz- ing Dantzic. He would thus secure better winter quarters in East Prussia, and be in a favorable position at the opening of the next campaign. He had been reinforced and now had about 60,000 men. After meeting with some success in his forward movement, the Russian commander suddenly abandoned his scheme, and decided to fall back and again put his troops into cantonments. Notwithstanding his reluctance to undertake a winter campaign, this move of the Russians determined Napoleon to begin an offensive operation of his own. Having divined Bennigsen's intention he proposed to move around his rear and drive him into the angle between the Vistula and the sea. Napoleon marched against the enemy with the cavalry under Murat and the four corps of Davout, Augereau, Ney and.Soult, about 80,000 men. Bernadotte was to hold the Vistula. Napoleon's plans were well laid, and there was prospect of another Jena. There now happened one of those unfortunate accidents which sometimes occur in war and upset the ablest calcu- lations. A dispatch from the Emperor to Bernadotte giving him in detail the whole plan of operations, and prescribing his own movements, failed to reach the marshal and fell into the hands of the enemy. The Russian commander was thus on the first of February put in full possession of 1:21s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST the French plans, while Bernadotte remained for several days in complete ignorance of the general operations. The marshal consequently did not move, and Bennigsen made haste to get out of the trap prepared for l^n. He rapidly drew his troops together at AUenstein, where Napoleon attacked him on the second of February. He immediately fell back, and after a retreat of three days reached Eylau, where the roads to Konigsberg and Fried- land divide. There he saw that he must make a stand if he was to save his army from complete disorganization. On the seventh the French centre column drove the Russian rearguard into the town, and the French army advanced and took up its position opposite the town. There were in and about the village the corps of Murat, Soult and Augereau, and the Guard, while Ney and Davout were a half a day's march away. The Emperor bivouacked on the hill behind Eylau, uncertain whether the Russians would stand on the morrow or continue their retreat. The main Russian army of about 80,000 men was drawn up on the plain along the low plateau a thousand yards east and north of Eylau. There were many low hills, and many brooks and ponds, which were frozen over and covered with snow. The forces were not far from equal, but Davout and Ney had not yet arrived and the Emperor had only 60,000 men at his disposal. Though not superior in force, as he always preferred to be, Napoleon resolved to attack, and felt sure of success. The Russians had been retreating for a weeky and most troops under such conditions would be pretty well demorahzed. But Napoleon had never yet seen the Russian soldier at his best, that is, in reverse. The French army also had been marching for a week, with little or no shelter, and was much fatigued. The battle began with a heavy cannonade by the Rus- sians, who were much superior in this arm. Then they attempted to recapture the town of Eylau which had been taken by Soult at the point of the bayonet the evening before, and there was serious fighting in the streets and n2i6 3 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND gardens of the little town. Davout was ordered by the Emperor to attack the Russian left, and Augereau was sent forward to support him, but lost his way in a blizzard, and his corps was almost annihilated. Nevertheless Davout was finally successful in overpowering the Russian left wing, which he drove back until it formed a right angle with the morning position. During the night the Russians decided to retreat, and Bennigsen, hotly pursued by Murat and Ney, reached Konigsberg two days after the battle. The losses on both sides were enormous, and for once Napoleon failed to follow up his success and gather the full fruit of his victory. Even his endurance had found a limit. This winter campaign had been forced on him by the Russian offensive, and he was glad to be able to put his troops again in winter quarters. Napoleon selected Osterode for his headquarters and here for weeks he shared all the privations of his men. At first he had to be satisfied with a barn for his dwelling- place until something more suitable could be found. It was not until he moved to the castle of Finckenstein in April that his quarters became more comfortable. His cheerfulness under these hardships was an example to his officers and men. After Eylau, Napoleon opened negotiations for peace with Frederick William, and offered to restore all of his territory north of the Elbe if he would conclude a separate treaty of peace with France. But the King refused, and in April signed a new treaty with Russia. The Emperor next turned to Austria and offered great concessions to that government in return for its alliance. But the Em- peror Francis decided to remain neutral, and refused as before to side with either of the belligerents. The French troops passed the rest of the winter quietly in their quarters on the Passarge. Supplies were obtained from the base at Thorn. Keen attention was paid to the maintenance of discipline and the employment of the men so as to avoid idleness. After the fall of Dantzic the n 2173 NAPOLEON THE FIRST question of supplies was made much easier. Lefebvre with his corps had invested the place about the middle of March, and it finally surrendered the 25 May. His corps was then broken up to reinforce Mortier, and a jjgserve corps was formed, under the command of Lannes, in place of Augereau's corps which suflFered so severely at Eylau that it had to be disbanded. The Russians under Bennigsen had been in canton- ments since March along the river AUe. Later he moved forward to Heilsberg. After the fall of Dantzic, Napoleon, who had been heavily reinforced, had in hand five corps, with the Guard and Lannes' reserve corps — a total of about 170,000 men. Another corps of about 30,000 men was near Pultusk under Massena who had been called up from Italy. Other de- tachments brought the army up to a total of 285,000 men. The main Russian army under Bennigsen comprised about 90,000 men, with 20,000 Prussians in addition under Lestocq, and there were also about 50,000 Russians in reserve in the rear. The Emperor was only waiting for the fall of Dantzic before resuming active operations. On the fifth of June he issued orders for the whole army to be ready to advance at the end of five days. The Russians, however, anticipated his attack. For some time the Czar had been pressing Bennigsen to ad- vance, but he felt that he was not sufiiciently prepared. At length the complaints became so loud that he resolved to assume the offensive. The first week in June he began an advance in three columns from Heilsberg. His plan was to take advantage of Ney's exposed position and throw the bulk of his army upon him. News of this advance movement reached Napoleon at Finckenstein on the fifth at midday, and the same evening he issued new orders for the concentration of his main body under Murat, Lannes, Mortier and Davout between Osterode and Saalfeld, to which line Ney and Soult were to fall back if hard pressed. n2i8 3 3 A T T X, i; IF'li i ©LA 14 Jxme ISO 7 ■fe Cavalry i^ Infeatrv *}Mf. AitiUery THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND The same day, Bennigsen attacked Ney, who fell back slowly. The Emperor, finding that Ney was holding his own, now ordered the other corps to converge at a point further forward on the line of advance. Seeing such large forces massing in support of Ney, the Russians abandoned the oflFensive and retreated to Heils- berg. Here Napoleon attacked them in their intrenched position on the tenth with his right wing, Murat, Soult and Lannes. But their position was too strong, and he broke off the engagement to await the arrival of the other corps. Bennigsen immediately abandoned his position and retreated to Friedland where he arrived two days later. On the 14 June, Bennigsen resolved to fall on the ad- vance corps of Lannes and check the French movement towards Konigsberg. He therefore threw his main body across to the left bank of the AUe, and this led, on the anniversary of Marengo, to the decisive battle of Fried- land between 80,000 French and 60,000 Russians. The road from Eylau slopes gradually downwards towards the AUe, on the left bank of which stands the little town of Friedland. Two miles before it is reached a slight elevation in the rear of Posthenen affords a clear view over the entire battle-field, and down to the village lying directly in front of the spectator. Just before reach- ing Friedland the AUe makes a horse-shoe turn towards the west, on the north side of which the town is located. There was one important feature of the landscape which was at once recognized by Napoleon on his arrival. A small brook, known as the Mill Stream, rising a little to the west, takes a course direct to Friedland, where it expands into a semicircular pond covering the north side of the town, which is thus built at the end of a peninsula. This stream divides the plain into two sections. Flowing between steep banks, although narrow it is a serious obstacle to the free movement of troops. On the day of the battle the whole surface of the open, gently undulating plain was covered with crops of winter wheat and rye. C 219 1 NAPOLEON THE FIRST This detail will be remarked in the celebrated painting of the battle by Meissonier which now hangs in the Metro- politan Museum at New York. When the battle began at nine o'clock in the rftrning Lannes had only 17,000 men on the field to face nearly three times as many Russians. An hour later, Mortier's corps arrived, and the numbers were more nearly even. The Emperor reached the field about noon, and from the elevation near Posthenen surveyed the ground. On this bright summer morning the scene was very different from that which he had witnessed under the wintry sky of Eylau four months before. He at once grasped the salient features of the battle-field and saw the weakness of the Russian position, with their corps separated by the Mill Stream, and a deep, unfordable river in the rear, crossed by only one permanent bridge. Napoleon had sufficient force in hand to hold off the enemy, and he decided not to press the fight until Ney, Victor and the Guard arrived. Until five o'clock the action on both sides was maintained chiefly by the artillery. Then, the Guard and Victor having come up. Napoleon ordered the attack to begin. By eight o'clock Ney was in possession of Friedland and the battle was won. The Russians suffered very severe losses in their retreat over the only bridge that was left open to them. There was no pursuit of the demoralized Russians, which was contrary to Napoleon's usual practice. The expla- nation probably is that he was influenced by political considerations. A pursuit such as that of the Prussians after Jena would have inflicted very heavy losses on the enemy, but would also have caused very bitter feelings. Napoleon did not want to make a permanent enemy of the Czar. He already had in mind the Russian alliance which was soon to be concluded. On the 19 June Napoleon reached Tilsit nearly sixty miles from Friedland. His army had marched 140 miles in thirteen days, fighting two battles on the way. At Tilsit Napoleon proposed a personal meeting be- ll 220 3 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND tween the Czar and himself to arrange the terms of peace. An enormous raft was constructed by the French engineers and moored in midstream. On the 25 Jun§ at one o'clock Napoleon, accompanied by Murat, Berthier, Bessieres, Duroc and Caulaincourt, left one bank of the river at the same moment that Alexander, with the Grand Duke Constantine, Bennigsen and three aides de camp left the other. The two Emperors met on the raft, embraced, and then entered on a discussion which lasted two hours. By the Treaty of Tilsit, signed on the seventh of July, Prussia was reduced to the territory lying between the Elbe and the Oder. From her share of the ancient King- dom of Poland was formed the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. The new Kingdom of Westphalia was formed out of Prussian lands west of the Elbe and bestowed upon Jerome. The 14 May at Finckenstein Napoleon was informed by a special courier of the death at The Hague nine days before of Napoleon Charles, the eldest son of Louis and Hortense. The little Prince Royal of Holland was attacked by the croup on the evening of the fourth and died at ten o'clock the following night. His grandmother Josephine had cherished the hope that he would one day inherit the Imperial throne. The child was remarkable for his intelli- gence and beauty and was much beloved by the Emperor, whom he strongly resembled. The grief of Josephine was intense. She did not dare to leave the territory of the Empire without the permission of the Emperor, but she went at once to the chateau of Laeken near Brussels, whence she wrote Hortense to come and join her. Louis and Hortense with their only remaining son, Napoleon Louis, then two and a half years old, arrived at Laeken the next evening. A few days later, the Empress returned to Paris with Hortense and her child. After a short stay at Malmaison, Hortense left for Cauterets in the Pyrenees to take the waters for her health. Here she was rejoined by her hus- band, and for the last time they resumed their life in C 221 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST common. Nine months later at the town house of Queen Hortense, 8, Rue Cerutti, now the Rue LafEtte, Paris, was born their third and youngest son, Louis Napoleon, after- wards the Emperor Napoleon the Third. 9 On the 28 July 1807, the Emperor, who had arrived the previous evening at Saint-Cloud, received the grand dignitaries of the State, who came to offer their felicita- tions. The victor of Austerlitz, of Jena and of Friedland, the conqueror of the three greatest nations of the Con- tinent, was then at the height of his power. The dominions directly or indirectly under his control extended from the Vistula to the Strait of Gibraltar, from the North Sea to the mountains of Bohemia, from the Alps to the Adriatic. Not even Charlemagne had ever ruled so great an empire. The fete of Napoleon, 1 5 August, was celebrated that year with unusual splendor. In the evening the Emperor appeared on the balcony of the Tuileries, holding the hand of Josephine, and was acclaimed by an immense crowd which filled the illuminated Gardens. A week later was celebrated the marriage of Jerome with the young Princess Catherine of Wiirtemberg. Napo- leon had had much difficulty in securing the annulment of his brother's marriage with Miss Patterson. The Pope had replied to the request of the Emperor by a formal refusal. But the French authorities were more amenable and in October 1806 he obtained a decree which pro- nounced the marriage null and void. The King of Wiirtemberg, who owed his crown to Napoleon, was a regular colossus. The Queen, who was the step-mother of Catherine, was the daughter of King George the Third, and she was naturally opposed to the marriage. She did not venture however to raise any objections. Jerome, who was the youngest of the Bonapartes, and also the most worthless, had just received from his brother the crown of Westphalia. Born at Ajaccio the 15 November 1784, he was nearly two years younger n 222 2 THE CAMPAIGN IN POLAND than his bride. The Princess was a woman of much charm, who inspired the sympathy and respect of everybody. She was tall and beautiful; affable in her manners, and of superior intelligence. Notwithstanding Jerome's notori- ous infidelities, in 1814 she refused to divorce him, and clung to her unfortunate husband, the dethroned King. She won both the love and admiration of Napoleon, who, at Saint Helena, spoke of her in the highest terms. The marriage was first celebrated by procuration at Stuttgart. The Princess arrived at the chateau of Raincy, where she saw her fiance for the first time, 20 August, and at the Tuileries the next day. The civil marriage was cele- brated on the twenty-second in the Galerie de Diane in the presence of the Emperor and the Empress and of all the great personages of the Empire. The religious cere- mony was performed the following evening in the chapel of the Tuileries by the Archbishop of Ratisbon, the Prince- Primate of the Confederation of the Rhine. The Court arrived at the chateau of Fontainebleau the 21 September and remained there eight weeks. During the First Empire the fetes at Fontainebleau and Compiegne were much more formal than under the Second Empire. Napoleon the Third was a charming host and his guests all enjoyed themselves. But the Great Emperor was more feared than loved and his guests came as a matter of duty rather than of pleasure. He almost always dined alone, and it was a special honor, rarely extended even to princes, to be invited to his table. The hunts of the Second Empire were quite simple while those of the First were magnificent; there was very little etiquette under Napoleon the Third, but during the First Empire it was rigorous. The Emperor gave the order that all were to enjoy themselves, and he could not understand why every one had an air of ennui. n 223 3 CHAPTER FIFTEEN 1808 SPAIN England Seizes the Danish Fleet — Napoleon and the Czar — Tuscany and the Papal States Annexed — Demands upon Portugal — Affairs in Spain — The Royal Family — The Prince of Peace — Treaty of Fontainehleau — Junot at Lisbon — Abdication of Charles — The Bayonne Conference — Joseph, King of Spain — The Erfurt Meeting — The Spanish Up- rising — The Grand Army Enters Spain — Topography of the Country — Capture of Madrid — Death of Sir John Moore — Napoleon Returns to Paris IN the midst of the fetes at Fontainehleau came the unexpected news that England had sent a fleet and an expeditionary force against Denmark, and that after a three days' bombardment of Copenhagen, the Danish fleet had been seized and carried away. It de- veloped later that through an indiscretion a secret clause of the Treaty of Tilsit had become known to the English Cabinet, which jumped to the conclusion that Denmark was to be constrained by France to close its ports against British goods. This was the English excuse for this outrage upon a neutral and inoffensive Power. The immediate result was the conclusion of an alliance between Denmark and France, but without the fleet there was no possibility of closing the Sound against British vessels. The Czar, who had undertaken at Tilsit to mediate between France and England, was now forced to acknowl- edge that his eff"orts would be vain, and in accordance with the terms of the alliance, on the seventh of November 1807 he declared war on England. The Czar took this step with great reluctance, for Russia was not a manu- facturing nation, and was very dependent on British goods, which it paid for by the export of the products of its rich C 224 3 SPAIN fields and forests. The opposition in Russia to joining the Continental Blockade was almost universal, and this feeling had much to do later with the final rupture with France. For the moment however Alexander was willing to yield to the wishes of Napoleon; but he at once made a demand that, as proposed at Tilsit, he should be allowed to take possession of the Danubian principalities, Mol- davia and Wallachia, as well as of Finland, which still belonged to Sweden. Napoleon refused peremptorily to consent to this dismemberment of Turkey, but he urged the Czar to proceed to the conquest of Finland, and oiFered for this purpose to send the corps of Bernadotte to his assistance. Although the heart of Alexander was more set upon securing the Principalities, he accepted the other propo- sition, and the last of February suddenly invaded Fin- land. But the conquest did not turn out to be as easy as he had expected. The Swedes with the assistance of Eng- lish troops put up a stout resistance; the promised corps of Bernadotte did not materialize; and the Czar, owing to the continued French occupation of Prussia, did not like to reinforce his expeditionary army from that quarter. He was therefore forced to recall his troops from the Danube, which was just what Napoleon desired, as it meant giving up any hopes of conquest there for the present. Napoleon now turned his attention to Italy. The young dowager Queen of Etruria, who was surrounded by ad- visers unfriendly to France, had opened the port of Livorno to English goods which were brought in under the Ameri- can flag. The last of August, Napoleon sent a small force to take possession of Tuscany. The Queen was informed that provision would be made for her in the partition of Portugal, which was then being arranged with Spain. Tuscany, and the islands of Corsica and Elba, were in- corporated into the Empire and apportioned into three departments. n 225 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST There now remained in Italy only one small state which was not subject to Napoleon's power — that of the Pope. This must be controlled if the Continental Blockade was to be rigidly enforced. As the Holy Father, afftr pro- longed negotiations, finally refused to comply with Napo- leon's demands, early in February 1808 the Papal States were occupied by French troops, and later were formally annexed to the Empire. At Tilsit it had been arranged between the Czar and Napoleon that Portugal should be requested to enter the Continental System, and in the event of her refusal should be treated as a common enemy. In this action Spain was to be called on to cooperate. This was making no small demand on that government, for the Crown Prince John of Portugal, regent for his mother, who was of unsound mind, had married the daughter of Charles the Fourth. Nevertheless Spain acquiesced. Before telling the story of the Spanish drama upon which the curtain is about to rise, it will be well to take a look at the characters who are to play the principal roles. The family of the Spanish Bourbons was descended from Philip of Anjou, a grandson of Louis the Fourteenth of France, who became King in 170x3 under the title of Philip the Fifth. In that year the male line of the Spanish Hapsburgs became extinct, and the conflicting claims to the throne gave rise to the War of the Spanish Succession. The nearest natural heir to the throne was of the royal Bourbon line of France, the elder sister of the late King, Charles the Second, having married Louis the Fourteenth. Failing the Bourbons, the next heirs were the descendants of a younger sister of Charles who had married the Em- peror Leopold the First of Austria. Louis claimed the throne for his grandson Philip, who was proclaimed King in 1700 and was confirmed by the Peace of Utrecht in 1713- In 1808 the family was composed of seven persons, of whom only four concern us : the King, Charles the Fourth, 1:2263 SPAIN then sixty years of age; his ignoble wife, who was three years younger; his eldest son the Prince of the Asturias, afterwards Ferdinand the Seventh, a boy of twenty; and his daughter Marie-Louise, widow of the King of Etruria. To this interesting group should be added Emmanuel Godoy, Prince de la Paix, the King's favorite and the Queen's lover. Born in 1767, Godoy, who belonged to a noble but poor family, had begun his career as a garde-du- corps. His handsome appearance and the elegance of his manners had won the favor of the Queen, and he had be- come First Minister, and the real ruler of the Spanish Monarchy. The King seemed to be, if possible, as much infatuated with him as the Queen. To his title of Prime Minister, Godoy joined those of Generalissimo and Grand Admiral. At the time of the Prussian campaign, Godoy for a moment had the idea of taking part against France, but at the news of the battle of Jena he humbled himself before the Emperor, and sent a contingent of 14,000 Spaniards to join the Grand Army. By a treaty signed at Fontainebleau the 27 October 1807, he further agreed to place at the Emperor's disposal an army of 24,000 men, who with the same number of French were to undertake the conquest of Portugal. It was arranged that that country should be divided into three portions: the north was to be given to the grandson of Charles the Fourth, the little King of Etruria, in exchange for Tuscany; the south was to be erected into a sovereignty for the Prince de la Paix; and the centre was to be occupied by the French. At the time that the Treaty of Fontainebleau was signed, Ferdinand was at swords' points with his father. Detested by his mother, and on bad terms with the favorite, he had formed the plan of seizing the govern- ment. The King, advised of this plot, put himself at the head of his guards, 29 October, and went to the apartment of the young prince, whom he put under arrest. While these events were happening at Madrid, Junot C 227 2 NAPOLEON THE FIRST at the head of a French army of 25,000 men had crossed the Bidassoa the 18 October 1807, and had advanced with- out difficulty to the gates of Lisbon. Before his arrival there, the royal family of Portugal and all the principal families of the kingdom had embarked on the fleet, with all of their valuables, and sailed for Brazil. On the first day of March 1808, Napoleon notified the Court of Madrid of his intention to annex all of Spain north of the Ebro to the French Empire. At the same time he offered to the Spanish Monarchy, by way of com- pensation, all of Portugal. The King was stupefied by this proposition, but did not dare to make any open opposition. In great secrecy he made preparations to follow the ex- ample of the royal family of Portugal and flee to America. But the news in some way leaked out and there was a popular uprising, in which the troops joined, to oppose the departure of the royal family. The King, terrified by the tumult, abdicated the crown in favor of his son, who took the name of Ferdinand the Seventh. The question now was, whether this abdication would be recognized by Napoleon. A French army under Murat was already advancing on Madrid, and on the 24 March it entered the city. The new King made his entry the same day, and as the population imagined that the Emperor was the ally of the new sovereign, the French troops received a warm welcome. Charles, who was at the Escurial, now wrote the Emperor that his abdication had been forced upon him, and asked for assistance in recovering his throne. At the same time, Ferdinand also appealed; and on the tenth of April he set out to meet the Emperor at Bayonne, where Charles and his queen had already been summoned. Napoleon at this time was at the chateau of Marrac at Bayonne, where he was joined by the Empress on the 27 April. Here Charles and his wife arrived three daj'^s later, accompanied by Godoy. Meanwhile grave events had happened at Madrid. The people, enraged at the treatment of their sovereigns, on 1:2283 SPAIN the second of May broke out in open revolt against the French, but the emeute was violently suppressed by Murat. When this news reached Bayonne, the old King, who was continually haunted by the spectres of Charles the First and Louis the Sixteenth, voluntarily ceded to Napo- leon his rights to the crown of Spain, for which he received in return the chateaux of Compiegne and Chambord as residences, with a civil list of seven millions and a half of francs. Five days later, Ferdinand also resigned his claims to the throne, and received the chateau of Navarre with an income of a million francs. History certainly has never recorded a more remarkable bargain than this sale for a paltry sum of the crown of Spain and the Indies by the descendants of the Grand Monarque to the son of an obscure Corsican gentleman! On the tenth of May, Charles and his wife, accom- panied by the young Queen of Etruria and Godoy, left for Fontainebleau where they were to live until the chateau of Compiegne was prepared for their reception. The following day, Ferdinand set out for the chateau of Valenfay where he was to be for a time the guest of M. de Talleyrand. On the seventh of June, Joseph arrived at Bayonne, to be proclaimed King of Spain, and two days later he left there to take possession of his new throne. On the twentieth of the same month Napoleon and Josephine started on a round of visits to the principal cities of the south and west of France, and reached Saint-Cloud the 14 August. It was during this trip that the Emperor heard of the capitulation of Dupont at Baylen, the first striking disaster to his arms. The eyes of all Europe were now turned to the little German city of Erfurt, where Napoleon was to meet the Czar. The conference began the 27 September and lasted until the 14 October. All the allies of the Emperor were present: the kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Wurtemberg and C 229 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Westphalia; the Prince-Primate and all the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine. The actors of the Comedie Franfaise played before a "parterre of kings." One even- ing when the "CEdipus" of Voltaire was being perfdRned, as Talma declaimed the words: "The friendship of a great man Is a true gift of the gods," the Czar, amidst the applause of the audience, pressed in the most cordial manner the hand of his former and future foe. To her great regret, Josephine had not been allowed to accompany the Emperor, and she divined that her divorce would be one of the subjects of discussion. In this she was not mistaken. The Czar had two sisters of a marriageable age : the grand duchesses Catherine and Anne. Talleyrand, whom Napoleon had taken with him, broached the subject to Alexander. The Czar, while protesting his earnest desire to become the brother-in-law of the Emperor, stated frankly that his mother would be strongly opposed to the plan, and that the only way to obtain her consent was to satisfy the hopes of Russia with regard to Constantinople. It is perhaps unnecessary to state that Napoleon was not willing to pay this price for the honor of an alliance with the Imperial family of Russia. The chief practical results of the Erfurt conference can be summed up in a few words: The Franco-Russian alliance was continued, though on somewhat strained terms; the Danubian Principalities were reluctantly con- ceded to the Czar; and he was given a free hand in dealing with Sweden. For himself Napoleon had gained nothing except a breathing spell during which he could proceed, without danger of immediate interference, to the regulation of affairs in Spain. It was nothing less than a diplomatic defeat. He also made a great mistake in taking Talleyrand with him. This unprincipled minister had already begun to turn against his master, and he embraced the oppor- C 230 3 SPAIN tunity to give Alexander advice which was later to prove very detrimental to the Emperor. When Joseph arrived at Madrid in July 1808 he brought with him a new constitution and also capable ministers to execute it. He came with the best of intentions to raise the decadent kingdom to new heights of power and splendor. But the people would have none of it. Their national pride had been wounded by the treatment of their legitimate sovereigns, and their religious fervor had been aroused by Napoleon's action in robbing the Pope of his throne. The nation "refused ratification to the Treaty of Bayonne" and sprang to arms as one man. The revolt spread with furious rapidity. Before the end of July Joseph was compelled to abandon his capital and withdraw behind the Ebro with the entire French army. The Spaniards had sent messengers to London to ask assistance, and in August English troops landed in Portu- gal. The last of that month Junot was forced to capitulate, although on terms most honorable to the French army. When Napoleon left Bayonne in July he had felt no doubt that the revolt in Spain would soon be put down, and he was not a little disturbed by the news of the next two months. For the sake of his own prestige it was neces- sary to crush this rebellious movement at once, and restore his brother to the throne. He therefore resolved to enter Spain himself with the Grand Army, the invincible veterans of Austerlitz, Jena and Friedland. Confident of an easy success over the untrained Spanish levies. Napoleon lightly embarked on this five years' war, which was to bafflle him at every stage, to drain his resources, to cost him 300,000 valuable lives, and to end in failure. He was to encounter for the first time the same kind of national uprising which during the Revolution had made France invincible against the armed hosts of Europe. His previous wars had been waged with govern- ments which relied for their defence on professional armies. Now he was to face a whole nation in arms, resolved to die rather than to submit to the invader. The Spanish I 231 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST rising was to be the first of a series of popular, national movements which were to prove Napoleon's undoing. At Saint Helena he said, "It was the Spanish ulcer which ruined me." • This peculiar land, so fatal to French arms, deserves a word of description. The Pyrenees, which separate France from Spain, except at the two ends near the Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, for a distance of 250 miles, were then crossed only by mule tracks. The main highway from France starts at Bayonne, crosses the mountains to Vittoria and runs thence via Miranda on the Ebro through Burgos to Madrid. The central plateau of the country is barren, the fertile districts lying near the coasts. Madrid is a poUtical rather than a commercial centre. From the capital radiate highways leading to the principal cities. In the parts of Europe where Napoleon had conducted his previous campaigns the rivers and mountains had prescribed the strategy, but in Spain geography was against him. Both the rivers and the mountains ran in the wrong direction, right across his path. The country was too poor to support an army, and the means of com- munication were execrable. It was a country admirably designed for the defensive, very difficult for the offensive. In the passes and valleys between the successive mountain ranges it was not easy for large armies to operate, and the country was well adapted for guerrilla warfare. As Henri_ Puatre wiselv_sai d, "In Spain la rge _armies will s tarve, and smalTones wij l get beaten."_NapQleon-4vas to leariithi£JessQiL±JQQ_late. By the end of October, Napoleon had over 200,000 men ready to march into Spain. About 100,000 had been taken from Italy and southern France, and the corps of Victor, Ney, Mortier, Lannes and Soult had been brought back from Germany, leaving only 100,000 troops across the Rhine. As soon as the Erfurt conference was over Napoleon n 232 1 SPAIN set out for Spain, arriving at Bayonne on the third of November. The French centre was then posted on the main road from Bayonne to the Ebro. It comprised the corps of Soult, Victor and Ney, the Guard, and the cavalry reserve under Bessieres, in all about 75,000 men. Napoleon's plan was to advance to Burgos and interpose between the enemy's two flank forces. Immediately on his arrival the troops were set in motion. The small Spanish forces were easily scattered, but small guerrilla bodies formed in the rear of the French advance and seriously hampered the system of communications. Napoleon ap- peared before Madrid on the second of December, bom- barded the city on the third, and entered it the following day. He then made arrangements to have the Guard and three corps at Madrid by the middle of the month, while only Soult and Moncey would be detached. At the same time the corps of Junot and Mortier would be crossing the frontier to join him. In the meantime the English army under Sir John Moore had advanced towards Burgos. When Napoleon heard of this movement he left Madrid with the Guard and Ney's corps to cut off Moore's retreat, while Soult held him in front. As soon as Moore learned of his danger, he turned back and made good his escape. The Emperor then returned to Madrid with the Guard, leaving Ney and Soult to deal with Moore. Soult pursued Moore as far as the coast, and drove the remnant of the British army back upon their ships. Corunna and Ferrol with all their sup- plies fell into the hands of the French. Sir John Moore was killed, and his burial has been described in one of the most celebrated poems in the English language. Napoleon reinstated his brother in Madrid, and when in January he was called back to France by the menace of another war with Austria, he could look back upon a series of successes which held out the hope that Spain would soon be completely pacified. He felt so sure of the situation that he even withdrew 30,000 men for service on the Rhine. C 233 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST During the few weeks that Napoleon stayed in Madrid he was constantly occupied with plans for the upbuilding of the country. He abohshed the Inquisition; also the remains of the feudal system; also the tariff bdftndaries which shut off province from province. He also closed two- thirds of the monasteries. Probably Napoleon, if he had had the opportunity, would have so firmly established the new institutions that they would have finally taken root, and Spain to-day would be a far more progressive State, but time was necessary, and time he could not command. On the i8 January 1809 Napoleon left this country which he alone could have conquered, which he never was to see again, and which was destined to ruin his Empire. He left behind him 300,000 men and five Marshals of France. On the 23 January he was at Paris. n 2343 CHAPTER SIXTEEN 1809 WAGRAM Why Napoleon Left Spain — Fouche and Talleyrand — Austria Threatens War — Situation in Germany — Napoleon's Preparations — Austria's Plan of Campaign — Errors of Bertiiier — Napoleon Joins the Army — His Brilliant Strategy — His Victories in Bavaria — Capture of Vienna — Battle of Aspern — Death of Lannes — Both Armies Reinforced — Battle of Wagram — Peace of Schonbrunn — The Court at Fontainebleau and the Tuileries — The Divorce of Josephine — Her Last Days THE Emperor's sudden and unexpected return to Paris had been caused by events of momentous importance in the internal and external politics of France. Even as early as 1805 his minister of Finance, Gaudin, had made the remark to him that the Empire had been increased to a point where only he was capable of governing it. Two years later Metternich, the Austrian diplomat, made the same observation, "It is remarkable that Napoleon has not yet taken the first step towards assuring the existence of his successors." In 1809 he added, "His death will be the signal for a new and terrible bouleversement." These signs of the times had not escaped the notice of the clear-headed Talleyrand. On the second of January Napoleon received at his headquarters in Spain the reports of a rapprochement of those usually envious rivals Talleyrand and Fouche, who now walked arm in arm, held private conferences, and seemed to have some secret understanding with his ambitious brother-in- law Murat. In spite of the assertions of Lanfrey and other historians there is evidence of an intrigue by no means insignificant conducted by these ministers and others who were alarmed over the Continental System of the Emperor in general, and the Spanish enterprise in particular. C 23s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST But whatever impression this news may have made on the Emperor, the consideration of Austria's attitude was of greater weight in determining him to leave Spain. During his absence that Power had been pushing fbrward its military preparations and appeared determined upon war. With Napoleon and most of his veteran troops deeply involved in the Spanish undertaking, Austria thought that the moment was opportune to recover her lost pos- sessions. Her desperate financial situation furnished another argument in favor of immediate action, for the army could be maintained at its full complement only until spring. The subsidies which had been asked from England had been promised only upon the actual com- mencement of hostilities. Austria had also hoped for as- sistance from Prussia, but the King on his return from a visit to the Czar at Saint Petersburg had positively refused to take any part in warlike operations, and strongly advised Austria to preserve the peace. This stand of Frederick William was very depressing to the Vienna Court, as it showed that the Czar was still sincere in his friendship for France. Notwithstanding all these dis- couragements Austria decided to go ahead. It is impossible to state to what extent Napoleon was advised of the Austrian plans before his return to Paris, but he certainly had enough information to put him on his guard. At this time he had only 90,000 men in Germany, under Davout and Oudinot. He immediately took steps to organize a new army of 160,000 young recruits. He withdrew two divisions and the Guard from Spain and ordered some troops which were on their way there to face about and proceed to Germany. Napoleon's first orders were for Davout to leave good garrisons in the fortresses and with 45,000 men to ren- dezvous at Bamberg. Oudinot was ordered to Augsburg, Lannes was called back from Spain, and Massena, who was actually at Lyon with 30,000 men en route for the Peninsula, was sent to Strasbourg. The Confederation of the Rhine was called on to mobilize 30,000 men. By the 1:2363 WAGRAM end of March the Emperor counted on having 140,000 troops in Bavaria, while the Guard would soon be there. The Archduke Charles, who had been for many months in charge of Austrian military matters, had made a supreme effort to raise a force capable of competing with Napoleon, and he had done his work well. The active army consisted of over 300,000 men, divided on the French system into ten corps. Seven corps under Charles were assembled in Bohemia ready to debouch into Bavaria at Ratisbon; John was to head two corps in Italy, while Ferdinand was to invade Poland with the remaining corps. In an order issued from Paris the last of March, the Emperor placed Berthier in charge of operations, and indicated to him the general plan he was to pursue until he himself should reach the front. The key-note of this order, which the Emperor sounded again and again, was, "Should the Austrians attack, the army is to concentrate behind the Lech." By the word "attack" he meant of course an advance into Bavaria with the intent of attack- ing the French forces. Nothing could be clearer. Armed with these orders, which no doubt were supplemented by verbal instructions, Berthier left Paris the last day of March and arrived at Strasbourg on the fourth of April. On the eighth of April the Emperor issued the order for the final organization of the army. There were to be six corps under the command of Lannes, Davout, Massena, Lefebvre, Augereau and Bernadotte, the cavalry reserve under Bessieres, and the Guard, about 300,000 men in all. The total Austrian levies were also about 300,000 men under the colors, with 100,000 landwehr in reserve. Mili- tary skill quite apart, it was about an even match, but with Napoleon in command the French had a marked superiority. The enemy always regarded his presence on the field of battle as equal to an army corps of fifty thousand men. Having learned at Paris late on the 12 April that the C 237 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Austrians had crossed the Inn on the tenth, the Emperor started for the front at daylight the next morning. At that time messages were transmitted by a number of "telegraph" or semaphore stations which had bten es- tablished in central and southern Germany all converging on Strasbourg, from which place there were some forty stations to Paris. On his arrival at Donanworth on the morning of the 17 April the Emperor learned with dismay that Berthier had blundered terribly in carrying out his orders. The enemy stood substantially in one body in front of Land- shut, on the Isar, while the isolated French left wing under Davout was in danger of being cut off at Ratisbon less than thirty miles to the north; the French right wing at Augs- burg seventy miles away was equally isolated, and the sparsely-held centre could easily have been pierced. As Jomini says, "twenty campaigns had impressed no com- prehension of strategy on Berthier." Instead of being con- centrated the army was widely scattered in the face of the enemy. "Is there any wonder," asks Dodge, "when the man nearest the Emperor was so obtuse, that Napoleon's new method of war so long remained a puzzle ? " The only thing which saved the French army from disaster was the Archduke's awe of his formidable op- ponent and his excess of caution. Fortunately the Emperor arrived in time. Despite the dangerous situation there was yet hope in speed and purpose. Almost any other general would have ordered Davout to fall back by way of the north bank of the Danube, but the Emperor assumed that a bold front was the safest defence, and Davout was directed to march on the south bank in battle order and ready for attack. At the same time Massena at Augsburg was ordered to start in light order and march towards Ingolstadt. Owing to the Archduke's slowness the Emperor thus recovered the initiative and turned a dangerous position into the offensive. In one day his master-mind had completely changed the conditions. In a postscript to Massena's orders he wrote in his own hand: "Activity! C 2383 WAGRAM Activity! Speed!" What saved the situation was the speed with which the marshals executed his orders, added to the accurate directions he gave their march. Had Charles even then have divined the conditions and pushed in with vigor he might have driven Napoleon back to the Rhine, but he could not see and act as quickly as his great op- ponent, and he feared to venture on a bold manoeuvre with Napoleon in his front. It would be tedious to attempt to give in detail the operations which followed. Even the most reliable con- temporary records and the best historians do not agree. But the strategy and the grand-tactics are plain.Charles had been decisively out-manoeuvred. Whereas at Land- shut he had been concentrated opposite the weak French centre which he could have brushed away like a cobweb, his own line was now long and scattered. There was a gap between the Austrian right and left wings, held by a slender cordon of troops which the French could dislodge and cut the army in two. Napoleon now had the precise opportunity which Charles had neglected, and he was not slow to take advantage of it. "And yet," says Dodge, "the Archduke was a soldier of high rank, perhaps, with Welling- ton, the strongest of his contemporaries, except when the gigantic personality of Napoleon overshadowed him and robbed him of the push and purpose he really possessed." In the four days from the 19 to the 22 April the Emperor compelled the Archduke to abandon his offensive move- ment which had hardly begun and to retire to the north bank of the Danube. Never before had Napoleon acted with more intense energy, nor had he ever made such calls upon his troops and obtained such a splendid response. He was always more proud of this series of manoeuvres than of any other he conducted. On the twelfth of April he was in Paris; four days later he was at the front, and in a short week he won two battles : Abensberg, which cut the enemy in two and isolated the Austrian left, and Eckmiihl, which broke the Austrian right. He considered these operations infinitely superior to those of Marengo, t 239 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST and the most brilliant and able of his career. Like Caesar he might have said: "vent, vidi, vici." In his "Proclamation to the Army" issued the 24 April at Ratisbon the Emperor stated that a hundred pieces of cannon, forty flags, and fifty thousand prisone* had been captured. In conclusion he said, "Before a month we shall be in Vienna." The Emperor was mistaken. He was there in three weeks ! In this campaign Napoleon for the last time showed all the activity of^the days of Italy. He was always in motion, always present at the important point, hardly giving an instant to rest or food. There were no bounds to his capacity for work. Napoleon soon abandoned the idea of pursuing Charles along the left bank of the Danube. There were many excellent defensive positions in Bohemia which would delay his advance to Vienna. He therefore decided to follow the old route along the right bank. On the tenth of May, just one month after Charles had invaded Bavaria, Napoleon stood in front of Vienna, which surrendered after a feeble defence three days later. Napoleon's chief preoccupation now was the means of crossing the Danube so as to attack the Austrian army. It will be recalled that in 1805 Murat had won the Florids- dorf bridge by a ruse de guerre, but this time it had been destroyed. Every day's delay would give the enemy time to fortify the positions opposite all the known crossings.' No operation in war is more difficult than the passage of a river in the face of the enemy. And yet the operation is equally difficult to resist, and prior to the Great War, when the rivers were held in force along their entire course, it was generally successful. Down to within a few miles of Vienna the Danube flows in a kind of a gorge, with its channel narrowed by the mountains on either side, but just above the city the chan- nel opens out into a series of arms containing numerous small and several large islands, aff'ording many places for crossings. Below Vienna there is one very large island, C 240 3 '=t'.^#^^.\ er -^M^* vj ^wm. _. Tl ^, B ^KT i^g^ laa a l ■I 21^&22"'fMiiy 1800. STA LF. WAGRAM Lobau, shaped somewhat hke a pear, and in dimensions nearly three miles east and west, by a little less north and south. Lobau is separated from the south bank by several other large islands, among which runs the main current, much shallower and slower at this point than above the city. Two bridges were built here, one 1500 and the other 800 feet in length. Between the island and the north bank the arm is less than 400 feet wide. Lobau may thus be described as a fortress with a broad moat in front. It afforded shelter for a large force, and seemed to be the most available point for crossing. The main bridge, in three sections, which was built under the supervision of Massena, was composed of big freight boats, found at the city wharves, which were of various sizes and called for much adjustment. It was also difficult to anchor them in the swift current which was now swollen by the melted snow from the mountains at the source. As in 1805, Napoleon had made his headquarters at Schonbrunn, but on the 19 May he went to Kaiser Ebers- dorf to watch proceedings. On the left bank of the river opposite Lobau lies the Marchfeld, a wide, slightly rolling plain. About a mile from the river and about as far apart are situated the villages of Aspern and Essling. The curtain connecting the two places was an inconsiderable depression in the ground and a slightly embanked road, which gave very little if any defensive strength. But it was different with the two villages, which formed natural bastions. Aspern, which was much the larger, boasted of two streets, while Essling had but one. Both were solidly built of stone and were sur- rounded by low embankments to keep out high floods from the river. Each of them had strong reduits in the form of buildings of very substantial construction. In Aspern the church and the cemetery at the western end formed a sort of citadel from which the streets were en- filaded. In EssHng there was a large granary in the centre and a walled enclosure farther west. n 241 H NAPOLEON THE FIRST By noon on the twentieth the big bridge from the south shore was completed, and at six o'clock the same afternoon a pontoon was thrown across the narrow arm to the north shore and Bessieres with two divisions of cavalry passed over and took possession of the ground between A* em and Essling. Other troops followed during the night. Such conflicting reports were brought in by the reconnoitring light-horse that at midnight the Emperor sent Massena over to ascertain what was in front. He mounted the clock tower of Aspern, and satisfied himself that the Austrian army was encamped along the Russbach about ten miles to the northeast. At daybreak the Emperor himself rode out with Bessieres, Lannes and Massena. A glance at the map will show that the essential thing to do was to occupy the two villages with a force capable of holding them until the rest of the army had time to cross. Dodge says that no orders to this effect were given, and that the neglect on Napoleon's part is hard to explain. But this statement does not seem to be correct. The numbers of the opposing forces at Vienna and in the neighborhood were about 110,000 French and 105,000 Austrians. The Archduke, who had been closely watching the French movements, had laid his plans to wait until part of their army had crossed and then to attack it in force. At midday on the twenty-first the Austrian advance began. The necessary materials for breaking the bridges had previously been collected. The Austrians numbered about 80,000 to 40,000 French, who under Massena at Aspern and Lannes at Essling had occupied and strongly fortified these two natural redoubts. Napoleon's plan was to hold on to these two strong flank positions and thus gain time for his remaining divisions to debouch into the Marchfeld. The brunt of the first day's battle fell on Aspern, which was taken and retaken several times, and at evening re- mained in the hands of the Austrians. Their attacks on Essling were less successful. Early in the day a rapid rise of the waters in the river C 242 3 WAGRAM seriously damaged the main bridge, but by midnight it was sufficiently restored to enable one cavalry and four infantry divisions, making a total of 30,000 men, to cross. When the battle was resumed on the following day. Napoleon detailed three divisions to recapture and hold Aspern, and sent two to reinforce Essling, while the Guard and two infantry and three cavalry divisions formed the centre. At three o'clock in the morning, Massena seized Aspern by a sudden attack, while Lannes at Essling re- pulsed two Austrian columns. At seven, the Emperor launched his centre in a strong attack upon the Austrian centre which began to waver and was only rallied by the personal efforts of the Archduke. About nine o'clock Napoleon learned that the bridges had once more broken down and that Davout would be unable to cross that day. At one o'clock he ordered a retreat to Lobau. The retreat was covered by Massena who did not retire from Aspern and Essling until three o'clock the following morning, when he finally withdrew to the island with the Guard, unpursued, and destroying the pontoon bridges behind him. The fighting of the French had been beyond words to praise, and Charles, who had really put in his last man, was obliged to rest content with the laurels already won. With overwhelming superiority in numbers he had fought what was practically a drawn battle with his great op- ponent, but which would almost certainly have been a French victory, if Davout's corps had been able to cross. In the face of these facts the historians hostile to Napoleon have claimed that he was defeated. Towards the end of the battle Lannes, who was sitting with his legs crossed, was struck on the knee by a cannon ball which ricocheted off the ground just in front of him. He was removed to the rear and the surgeons decided that it was necessary to amputate his right leg. The Marshal bore the operation well. He was removed to Vienna, where he died a week later, from infection of the wound, which in those days before the discovery of antiseptics was difficult n 243 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST to prevent. He was the first of the marshals to lose his life. At Saint Helena the Emperor said: "Lannes was a man of extraordinary bravery. As a general he was in- finitely superior to Moreau and Soult." Napoleo^was much affected by his death, which he regarded as a great personal loss. At three o'clock on the morning of the 23 May, in a raging thunderstorm Napoleon and Berthier made in a small boat the perilous passage across the still rising waters of the Danube from Lobau to Ebersdorf. Here the Emperor is said to have slept for twenty-four hours. This is not probable in his case although he had had little if any sleep for two days and had been all the time in the thick of the fight. Napoleon, unlike some modern com- manders, was not in the habit of conducting operations from a bomb-proof chateau many leagues from the front. The operations in Italy began during the second week in April, after Archduke John arrived on the scene. Eugene was defeated and thrown back across the Piave to Cal- diero east of Verona where Napoleon met his only reverse in the Campaign of Italy. John pursued but made no further attack. It was already known that the Archduke Charles had been driven from Bavaria, and John received orders to retreat. His first intention was to retire slowly, but when he heard of Napoleon's rapid advance on Vienna he liastened his march. He was closely followed by Eugene and Macdonald. After Aspern both commanders employed the next few days in calling up reinforcements. Charles ordered two corps to join him, and directed John to fall back to Pres- burg. Napoleon drew in Bernadotte and Vandamme, and sent Eugene and Macdonald into Hungary to contain the Archduke John. Vigorously pursued by the Viceroy, John on the 14 June took up a position for action on the heights southeast of Raab, but was again worsted and n 244 3 W A ©: 1 4 i_ '■J^'ki,^ July 1809. S H ECT 2-6"? JULY ■^ French Au-ttriaiiH i^^^ r IT OiT ^E lufjuitry +W4 Ai-lill rj ■^ T.nfcliwli ifil.-s. WAGRAM forced to continue his retreat. He did not finally reach Presburg until the fourth of July. Another side operation in the campaign was Marmont's march from Dalmatia to the Danube. Starting the last of April, after frequent encounters on the way, he finally reached Vienna on the third of July. Napoleon had arranged to concentrate all of his forces at Vienna the last week in June, regardless of his com- munications, and all of his marshals were ordered up by forced marches. He left only some 35,cxdo men detached at various points, and on the fourth of July he was pre- pared to debouch into the Marchfeld with 175,000 men and 500 guns. Charles was not so successful in drawing in his detached bodies and when the crisis developed he had 95,000 men at distant points and only 135,000 men and 400 guns in hand. His forces were grouped to strike at the French army while it was , crossing the river, and before the operation was completed, as he had done at Aspern, or in case this plan failed to receive the enemy's attack at Wagram behind the Russbach. Napoleon's plan was to effect the crossing as rapidly as possible and at an unexpected point. The army was once more to be concentrated in the Lobau and sent over in a mass by the southern end of the Stadler branch opposite the extreme left wing of the Austrians. The troops were to cross on ten pontoon bridges which were to be thrown over at the last moment, and the whole movement was to be covered by the numerous batteries which had been erected on the north shore of the Lobau and armed with ICO heavy guns. During the month of June two very solid bridges pro- tected by stockades had been built from the south shore over to the Lobau. An elaborate pretence was also made of preparations to cross at the old point opposite Aspern. The enemy fell into the trap and massed troops there. When all his preparations were completed, on the even- ing of the fourth of July, in stormy weather that favored C 24s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST secrecy, Napoleon sent his army across by the southern extremity of the Stadler branch. By noon the following day, incredible as it may seem, his whole army of about 150,000 men was in line of battle north of the Daffiibe. During the first five days of July, punctual to a moment, the four corps of Davout, Marmont, Eugene and Wrede had' all come up by forced marches and joined Napoleon at the Lobau. When the day of battle arrived the Austrians on the field numbered 110,000 against Napoleon's 170,000 men. Finding that the main body of the Austrians was as- sembled at Wagram behind the Russbach some six miles away Napoleon decided to advance into the Marchfeld. This movement was completed about six o'clock, and notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, the Emperor ordered an immediate attack on Wagram in order to pierce the Austrian line which was extended over a front of about ten miles. His tactical deployment was not com- plete, but he wanted to strike home before the Archduke had time to concentrate. The attempt however failed. The grand-tactics of the battle on the following day were very similar to those of Austerlitz. The Archduke designed an enveloping attack from both wings. The right wing under Klenau advanced towards Aspern with the idea of cutting the French line of retreat to Lobau and Vienna. Massena was ordered to incline to the left to meet him. At the same time the Austrians left under Rosenberg started out to drive back Davout on the French right so as to clear the road for the approach of Archduke John who was expected to arrive from Presburg. This move- ment failed and Rosenberg fell back again. Then Napoleon ordered Davout to advance against the Austrian left which he rolled up until like the Russian wing at Eylau it stood at right angles to its earlier position. As soon as the Emperor saw that Davout had accomplished his task, he formed the corps of Macdonald into a solid column, supported by a lOO-gun battery, and launched it against the Austrian centre. It was like a blow in the solar c 246 n WAGRAM plexus and the enemy reeled from the shock. This decided the battle, and by two o'clock the Austrians were in full retreat. Charles had put in all his men, and John's small corps was still ten miles away and could not be counted on. The Emperor still had in reserve Marmont's corps and the Guard, over 20,000 men. Charles, who was always cautious, deemed it wiser to preserve his beaten but by no means disorganized army and run no further risk. His conduct of the battle had been excellent. Wagram, although a victory for Napoleon, was by no means as decisive as Austerlitz or Jena. The Emperor has been criticized for not pursuing the enemy with more vigor, but both he and his men were exhausted. They had had little or no sleep for two days and had been fighting for nearly thirty hours. The July day had been excessively hot, and the men had suffered much for lack of water. The three marshals who led the pursuit after Jena were absent: Murat and Ney were in Spain and Lannes was dead. Massena had been injured by a fall from his horse two days before and conducted the operations of his corps from a caleche. His brilliant cavalry leader Lasalle was killed in the moment of victory. Bessieres who commanded the cavalry of the Old Guard had a horse shot under him and was so shaken up by the fall that he had to turn over the command to a subordinate. There were three lines of retreat open to the Archduke: by his left into Hungary where he could join his brother; back of his centre on Moravia, and to his right on Bohemia, where Prague would furnish him a base rich in supplies. For Napoleon it was best to cut Charles off from Hungary, and Wagram had been fought with this end in view. Charles chose the latter alternative and retired towards Znaim. Here five days after the battle he proposed an armistice which Napoleon immediately accepted. In the Treaty of Schonbrunn signed the 14 October Napoleon dictated his own terms. The Emperor Francis gave up his only remaining seaport, Trieste; and Austrian Poland was added to the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and n 247 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Salzburg to Bavaria. Besides losing three million and a half subjects, Austria had to pay an indemnity of eighty- five million francs. Napoleon had never learned to follow the sage Advice of old Frederick the Great, "Never maltreat an enemy by halves." "The only statesman-Hke alternatives," says Rose, "were, to win his friendship by generous treatment, or to crush him to the earth so that he could not rise to deal another blow." If Napoleon at this time had been as wise as was Bismarck after Sadowa two generations later, he might have converted his future father-in-law into a firm friend and ally who would have insured his dynasty, but his paramount thought was still the English vendetta. Russia, with her extensive seacoast, seemed to him of far more importance in his Continental System than land- locked Austria. He therefore preferred the uncertain al- liance of Alexander to the almost certain friendship of Francis. At Vienna in the summer of 1809 Napoleon stood at the parting of the ways and he took the wrong path. He no longer had the level-headed Talleyrand by his side to advise him. When Napoleon left Paris on the 13 April he was ac- companied by Josephine as far as Strasbourg, where they arrived on the sixteenth at four o'clock in the morning, in the almost incredibly short time of three days. The fastest express now takes nine hours to make the run of 312 miles. At Strasbourg they said adieu and the Emperor immediately crossed the Rhine, while the Empress re- mained for several weeks. During the campaign Napoleon sent Josephine from time to time brief notes telling of his health and his movements — very different from the burning letters of his first campaign. The increasing anxiety of Josephine affected her health and in June she went to Plombieres to take the waters. She was there a month later when she received the letters announcing the victory of Wagram and the truce of Znaim. She would n248 3 WAGRAM have liked to join the Emperor at Vienna, but he wrote her that the weather was very hot and advised her to go to Malmaison. He was enjoying the society of the lovely Marie Walewska and did not care for the company of his wife. Napoleon left Schonbrunn on the 15 October before receiving news of the final ratification of the treaty of peace and proceeded to Munich. From there he sent a courier to announce his arrival at Fontainebleau on the evening of the twenty-seventh, on which date he wished to have the Court in residence there. But he travelled with such speed that he arrived thirty hours ahead of time and found no one except the concierge to receive him. To pass the time he visited the new apartments of the chateau, which had been furnished with great magnificence. To Cambaceres who arrived earlier than the other courtiers he announced his fixed determination to repudiate Jose- phine and marry a princess of Russia or of Austria. On Josephine's arrival from Saint-Cloud late in the afternoon she had a very cold reception from the Emperor; yet later they dined together and he was pleasant and almost gay. But at the end of the evening she discovered that the door of the private staircase which communicated with the apartment of the Emperor had been closed, and she knew then that the divorce was only a question of time. More absolute and more imperious than ever Napoleon no longer allowed any contradiction in his family or from his ministers. Every one obeyed and kept silent. In the words of M. Thiers: "His personal aspect had remarkably changed at this period. From being sombre and thin, as he was formerly, he had become open, assured, plein d' embonpoint, without his face being less handsome. From being taciturn he had become a great talker. In a word his all-powerful nature had completely blossomed out, and it was to fade away like his fortune, for nothing stands still." The only thing which troubled Napoleon in the midst C 249 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST of all his prosperity was the fact that his immense empire had no heir. But with the divorce this would be remedied. He would marry the princess of his choice and she would bear him a son. Since she had become Empress, Josephine had given him no cause for reproach. She was a model of sweetness, of submission, of resignation and of fidelity. She en- deavored constantly to meet his wishes, to anticipate his least desires, and Napoleon was really touched to see her so affectionate and so submissive. When the Court left Fontainebleau the fourteenth of November Josephine was not yet informed of her fate. Napoleon had not yet spoken, and she still had hope. They did not make the trip to Paris together as the Emperor rode most of the distance on horseback. On enter- ing the capital at nightfall, after an absence of just seven months, Napoleon stopped at the Elysee to make a short call on the King of Saxony who had arrived the night , before, and then went on to the Tuileries for dinner. There was soon a regular assembly of crowned heads at Paris. Besides the King of Saxony, the King of Wiirtem- berg, the King and Queen of Holland, the King and Queen of Westphalia, and the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, came to pay their court to the "sovereign of sove- reigns." It was in the presence of so many princes that the cruel sacrifice of the divorce was to be consummated, and by the irony of fate the Court had never been so brilliant as at the moment that the Empress was to leave it forever. Napoleon, usually so prompt to put his plans into execution, hesitated when the moment approached to break with the wife who for fourteen years had been asso- ciated with his destiny and who recalled the most brilliant days of his youth and his glory. The charm of the past came back and he could not make up his mind to break a heart so tender and so devoted. The Prefet du Palais, M. de Bausset, draws this sketch of Josephine at the time of the divorce: c 2503 WAGRAM "The Empress was forty-six years old. No woman could have more grace of manner and bearing. Her eyes were enchanting, her smile full of charm, her voice of an extreme softness, her form noble, supple, perfect. Her toilettes were always elegant and in perfect taste and made her appear much younger than she really was. But all this was as nothing beside the goodness of her heart. Her esprit was amiable : never did she wound the amour-propre of any one, never had she anything disagreeable to say. Her dis- position was always even and placid. Devoted to Napo- leon, she communicated to him, without his perceiving it, her kindness and goodness." Finally on the last day of November the Emperor de- cided to break to her the fatal news. This memorable scene, which Napoleon himself called a "tragedy," has been described by M. de Bausset, who was one of the spectators and even one of the actors. Napoleon and Josephine had dined together in a room on the first floor adjoining his bed-chamber. Neither of them touched the dishes which were placed before them. After dinner they went into the room known as the Salon de I'Empereur between the Throne Room and the Galerie de Diane. When they were alone the Emperor decided to speak. He said that the safety of the Empire demanded a supreme sacrifice and that he counted on the courage of Josephine to consent to a divorce to which he himself had had great difficulty in making up his mind. At the word "divorce" Josephine burst into tears and fell as if in a swoon. The Emperor then called Bausset and they carried the Empress down the narrow and winding staircase to her apartment on the ground floor. Here they placed her on a sofa, and, after ringing for a maid, the Emperor retired with his eyes full of tears. Friday evening the 15 December 1809 was the time chosen by the Emperor for the dissolution of his civil marriage. At nine o'clock all the sovereigns present at Paris and all of the grand dignitaries of the Empire as- sembled in the same salon where the news of the divorce nasi 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST had been broken to Josephine. The Emperor then read an address in which he spoke of the necessity for an heir to the throne and of the loss of hope that he could Jiave children by his "beloved spouse the Empress Josephme," which rendered necessary the dissolution of their marriage. Josephine then read her statement in which she expressed her willingness to give this great proof of her attachment and devotion to the one who had crowned her and to whose kindness she owed everything. The following day Josephine left the Tuileries forever, to take up her residence at Malmaison. She kept the title of Empress and received an allowance of two million francs from the State. The Emperor knew that it was useless to ask the Pope to recognize the divorce, but the Chancery of the Arch- bishop in Paris was not so difficult, and before the end of January 1810 that body declared his religious marriage null upon the ground of "moral coercion." During the weeks immediately following the divorce Napoleon wrote Josephine almost every day and visited her very frequently. On Christmas day they dined to- gether at the Trianon, for the last time. The Emperor was very generous in the financial arrangements he made for his former wife. He gave her a million francs for re- pairs to Malmaison and for the purchase of silver and linen, and ordered another million advanced to her from her civil list for 1810 to pay her debts. He also gave his courtiers to understand that in no way could they afford him greater pleasure than by calling on the Empress. After this the road to Malmaison was once more covered with the carriages of visitors. The first week in February Josephine returned to Paris to reside at the Elysee which Napoleon had given her for a town house. This palace, built in 1718, had been the residence of Madame de Pompadour up to the time of her death. Condemned as national property during the Revo- lution it was bought in 1803 by Murat who sold it to Napoleon in 1808 at the time he became King of Naples. C 252 3 WAGRAM It is now the official residence of the presidents of the French Republic. But Josephine's residence there was very short. When the news became known, the first of March, of the early arrival of Marie-Louise, she returned to Malmaison, and at the end of that month she went to the chateau of Navarre which the Emperor had given her. This chateau was a very large building but at the time in a bad state of repair. It was surrounded by an extensive park with magnificent trees. Before the Revolution it had been the property of the princes of Bouillon who received it from Louis the Fourteenth. Here Josephine spent the month of April, and then returned to Malmaison. Later she made a visit to Aix-en-Savoie and to Geneva, and in November she returned to Navarre where she remained nearly a year. In September 1811 Josephine was once more back at Malmaison where she remained niost of the time during the two following years. After his marriage the Emperor wrote her very rarely and paid her only a few visits. At the time the Allies entered Paris the last of March 1814, Josephine went to Navarre for a month and then returned again to Malmaison. Here she was frequently visited by the Czar Alexander, and the other allied sovereigns, who showed her every possible courtesy. The last of May she became very ill, and a consultation of physicians decided that she had a very serious attack of quinsy for which there was no hope. On Sunday the 29 May 1814 she passed away, having nearly completed her fifty-first year. "The Empress Josephine," says Saint-Amand, "had merited, a very rare thing, the sympathies of all parties and the esteem of all nations. She had won the respect both of the patriots who defended France and of the strangers who invaded it. All classes spoke of her death with emotion. The cause of this universal tribute of regret is easy to find : Josephine avait toujours ete bonne." C 2S3 3 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN 1810-1811 MARIE-LOUISE The Austrian Imperial Family — Josephine Favors the Hapsburg Alliance' — Napoleon Calls a Conference — The Russian Negotiations Abandoned — Contract Signed for Marriage with Marie-Louise — The Ceremony at Vienna — Marie-Louise at Compiegne — Her Personal Appearance — The Civil and Religious Marriages — Napoleon at Forty-one — Visit to Brussels — The Fetes at Paris — The Schwatzenberg Ball — Birth of the King of Rome — The Private Baptism — Visit to Holland — The Empire at Its Zenith — Honors Bestowed upon the Marshals — The Legion d'Honneur — Value of the Marshals — The Common Soldiers — The Old Guard — Napoleon's Popularity with His Men MARIE-LOUISE, Archduchess of Austria, was born at Vienna the 12 December 1791. She was the eldest child of the Archduke Francis-, who a year after her birth, upon the death of his father Leopold the Second, became Emperor of Germany under the name of Francis the Second. Leopold was the son of the great Empress Maria Theresa, and was the brother of Marie-Antoinette, Queen of France, and of Marie-Caroline, Queen of Naples. Marie-Therese, the eldest daughter of the Queen of Naples, married her first cousin Francis, so Marie-Louise was the great-granddaughter of Maria Theresa on both her father's and her mother's side. A sister of Marie-Therese married Louis Philippe, after- wards King of the French, and was the grandmother of the Comte de Paris; and her brother Francis married his cousin Marie-Clementine, daughter of Leopold the Second, and their daughter became the wife of the Due de Berry, son of Charles the Tenth of France, and was the mother of Comte de Chambord. It thus appears, curious as it may seem, that the son t 2S4 3 EMPRESS MARIE-LOUISE MARIE-LOUISE of Napoleon and Marie-Louise, the Duke of Reichstadt, chief of the Imperial dynasty, the Comte de Chambord, head of the elder branch of the Bourbons, and the Comte de Paris, representative of the younger branch of the same family, were all three descendants in direct line from Maria Theresa, Empress of Germany, and her daughter Marie-Caroline, Queen of Naples. What philosophical reflections come to the mind when one thinks of the fate of these three cousins, all born heirs to the throne of France, whose birth was announced by the booming of the cannon of the Invalides, but none of whom was destined to wear a crown! As previously stated, the divorce of Josephine was first officially discussed at the Erfurt meeting in September 1807. At that time Napoleon directed Talleyrand and Caulaincourt to sound Alexander regarding an alliance with one of his sisters. The response was equally vague and discreet. But a week after his return home his sister Catherine was aflBanced to the heir of the Duchy of Oldenburg. There could be no doubts in Napoleon's mind as to the significance of this event. During the two following years, although Napoleon had not by any means abandoned the idea of repudiating Josephine, the matter remained in abeyance. For a long time past there had existed in France a very general de- sire that the Emperor should assure the stability of the throne by contracting a new marriage and acquiring a direct heir to his dynasty. To this wish Napoleon was now ready to accede. Neither before nor after the conclusion of the Peace of Vienna had there been a word exchanged with the Aus- trian Cabinet upon the subject of a matrimonial alliance. Napoleon's thoughts still turned to the Grand Duchess Anne, the other sister of the Czar. On the 22 November l8og, a week before the formal notification to Josephine of his intentions, the Emperor instructed Champagny, the Minister of Foreign AflFairs, to send a dispatch to Caulaincourt, the French ambassador at Saint Petersburg, NAPOLEON THE FIRST directing him to ask the Czar to state frankly whether he "could count upon his sister." At that time it took two weeks for a courier to go from Paris to Saint Peters- burg and Napoleon had received no reply to his demand when on the last day of November he informed Josephine that the divorce was irrevocably decided. A month later, no answer had yet come from Russia, and in the meantime no steps had been taken towards opening matrimonial negotiations with Austria. It is a very remarkable fact that it was Josephine who took the initiative. On the second of January 1810 she asked the Comtesse de Metternich to come and see her at Mal- maison. Before the campaign of Wagram, Metternich, who was then a count, as his father Prince de Metternich was still living, had been the Austrian ambassador at Paris, where he had had much success both as a diplomat and as a man of the world. On the declaration of war, he had been recalled to Vienna but had left his wife in Paris. Since the peace he had been made Minister of Foreign Affairs in place of the bellicose Stadion. To Madame de Metternich Josephine said: "I have a plan for the Emperor to marry your Archduchess. I spoke to him about it yesterday, and he replied that his choice had not yet been definitely made. But I think that it would be if he were certain to be accepted by you." Madame de Metternich, very much surprised at this overture, hastened to send the news to her husband in a letter written the following day. The Russian reply was still awaited, and no official communications had been addressed to Austria, when the Emperor after mass on Sunday the 21 January 18 10 called a meeting of the principal dignitaries of the Empire, to discuss the respective advantages and disadvantages of a matrimonial alliance with Russia, Austria or Saxony. The arch-chancellor, Cambaceres, and King Murat de- clared for the Grand Duchess Anne; Prince Eugene, Talleyrand, Champagny, Berthier, and Maret for the 1:2563 MARIE-LOUISE Archduchess Marie-Louise, while Lebrun favored the daughter of the King of Saxony. Napoleon, at the end of the conference, gave no indication of his own preference. By a curious coincidence this discussion took place seven- teen years to a day after the execution of Louis the Six- teenth, the husband of the great-aunt of Marie-Louise. It is a striking instance of the shortness of human fore- sight that this Austrian marriage which was so warmly advocated by the ablest of Napoleon's counsellors, as destined to assure thp safety of the Empire, was to be the cause of its fall. If he had not blindly counted upon the friendship of his father-in-law Napoleon would certainly never have undertaken the disastrous Russian campaign. As he afterwards said himself: his marriage with the arch- duchess was only an abyss covered with flowers. On the sixth of February a dispatch was received from Caulaincourt in which he stated that he had not yet obtained a definite answer from the Czar. He added that the grand duchess, who was only fifteen, was not yet of an age to marry, and furthermore that she was not willing to change her religion. Napoleon hesitated no longer. He immediately broke off negotiations with Russia, and the same evening inquired of the Austrian ambassador. Prince de Schwarzenberg, whether the marriage contract with the Archduchess Marie-Louise could be sigried the next day! The ambassador was placed in a very embarrassing position. He knew that his Court was favorably disposed, but no one had thought events would move so rapidly and he had no definite instructions. Knowing the impatience of Napoleon, who never wished to be kept waiting, he assumed the responsibility and replied without hesitation that he was ready, and made an appointment with Cham- pagny to sign on the following day at the Tuileries the contract for the marriage of the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, with the Archduchess of Austria, Marie- Louise. The contract, which was duly signed as arranged, was an almost exact copy of the marriage contract of C 257 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Marie-Antoinette signed forty years before. At the Court of the Tuileries the satisfaction was universal. The courier dispatched by the Austrian ambassador brought the news to Vienna a week later. There the feeling was one of surprise rather than of pleasure. But no ob- jections were raised in any quarter. The formal announce- ment was made in the government gazette under date of the 24 February. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp on the 1 1 March in the Church of the Augustins, the Archduke Charles representing the Emperor Napoleon. Two days later the new Empress started on her journey to Paris. At the Bavarian frontier she was received by the ladies of her future household, who were to serve as her escort during the remainder of the journey. On the 23 March Marie-Louise crossed the Rhine and arrived at Strasbourg on French soil. The Emperor had already been for three days at Compiegne where he awaited with impatience the arrival of his new wife. The chateau had been repaired and sumptuously refurnished, and the members of the Imperial family had arrived. The formal meeting between the Emperor and Marie- Louise was to have taken place with much ceremony at a point between Soissons and Compiegne, but Napoleon could not restrain his impatience. All at once he decided to abandon the etiquette arranged for the following day and rush to meet her. With Murat as his only companion, he entered a modest caleche without armorial bearings, conducted by a servant without livery, and set out. It was raining in torrents when they arrived at Courcelles, where the Empress would stop to change horses. They descended from the carriage and took refuge from the rain under the porch of a church opposite the relay- station. No one in the village imagined that these two unknown travellers were the Emperor of the French and the King of Naples. As soon as the carriage of the Empress arrived, Napoleon rushed to the door, and entering precipitately embraced 1:2583 MARIE-LOUISE his wife. The carriage then continued its course with the Emperor and Murat and their wives. At ten o'clock they reached Compiegne. At the chateau the members of the Court were awaiting them at the foot of the staircase. Napoleon presented them to the Empress and then con- ducted her to her own apartment where they had supper together. According to the etiquette arranged in advance the Emperor was to have passed the night at the hotel of the Chancellerie, but this program went the way of that of the first meeting, and Napoleon followed the example of Henri Quatre with Marie de Medicis. "Marie-Louise," writes Meneval, "was then in all the bloom of youth; her form was perfect; her light chestnut hair, fine and abundant, framed a visage which was fresh and full, to which her soft eyes gave a charming expres- sion; her lips which were somewhat large recalled the type of the reigning family of Austria, as the slightly aquiline shape of her nose made one think of the House of Bourbon." The Court left Compiegne the last day of March and arrived at Saint-Cloud the same evening. Here the civil marriage was celebrated the following day, in the presence of nearly all the members of the Imperial family. On Monday the second of April Napoleon and Marie- Louise went to Paris for the religious ceremony. They used the magnificent coronation carriage and were es- corted by the cavalry of the Imperial Guard. The beautiful avenue of the Champs-Elysees was lined with troops who kept back the crowds of enthusiastic spectators. They entered the Tuileries by way of the Gardens and ascended the grand stairway to the first floor. From there they passed by the Pavilion de Flore through the grand gal- leries of the Louvre to the Salon-Carre which had been transformed into a chapel for the religious ceremony. Napoleon was very happy in his marriage, and was very devoted to his young wife. At this time he was not yet forty-one years of age. He had become much hand- somer in his maturity than during his youth. He was much C 259 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST less brusque in his manners and was far more amiable. He had become familiar with Court rules and etiquette and played his role of sovereign with all the talent and ease of a born actor. From being taciturn he hadPbecome a brilliant talker, with a command of language which sur- prised every one. When he wished to please, there was a charm in his smile which no one could resist. He endeavored not only to please but to fascinate his young wife. He was not only happy, but also proud to be allied with so old and so distinguished a family, and this feeling of satisfied pride gave him an evenness of temper, a serenity, a gaiety, which delighted his courtiers. From Saint-Cloud the sovereigns went on the fifth of April to Compiegne, whence they departed at the end of the month for a triumphal tour through the northern departments. Their trip was a long ovation. They were accompanied by Jerome and his wife, Caroline, Eugene, Schwarzenberg and Metternich. During the course of their journey the Emperor and Empress spent several days at the chateau of Laeken near Brussels, and the Marquise de La Tour du Pin, whose husband was then prefect of that city, has given us in her " Recollections " an interesting account of this visit. She found Marie-Louise stupid and insignificant to the last degree, absolutely lacking in tact and savoir faire. On the contrary she was charmed with the Emperor, of whom she always speaks in the highest terms. On the first of June they were back at Saint-Cloud where they, passed the summer. The life of Napoleon at this time was one continual ovation. Never had Louis the Fourteenth, the " Roi Soleil," been so flattered in prose or in verse. Even his military adversaries had become his admirers. The most illustrious of them all, the Archduke Charles, wrote him in terms of the greatest admiration, in acknowledging the grand cordon of the Legion d'hon- neur, which the Emperor had sent him, accompanied by a simple cross of chevalier, of even greater value, because he had worn it himself. 1:2603 MARIE-LOUISE During the month of June numerous fetes were given in honor of the Emperor and Empress. That of the tenth of June given by the City of Paris was particularly bril- liant. On the fourteenth a magnificent ball was given by the Princesse Pauline at her chateau of Neuilly. But the most beautiful, the most original and the most imposing of all was that of the Imperial Guard in the Champ-de- Mars. The last of these grand entertainments was to be the ball of the Austrian ambassador, Prince de Schwarzen- berg, on the first of July, at his hotel in the Rue de la Chaussee-d'Antin. This was the former residence of the Marquise de Montesson, the widow of the old Due d'Orleans, to whom this lady had been united by a morga- natic marriage. As the rez-de-chaussee of the hotel was too small to accommodate all of the guests, a large temporary ball-room had been built of wood. The Emperor and Empress and all of the haute societe of Paris were present. A little after midnight when the ball was at its height the flimsy decorations of the ball-room caught fire from a flickering candle and the flames spread with terrible rapidity. The Emperor, who remained as calm as on the field of battle, urged all the guests to retain their presence of mind, and quietly escorted the Empress out by way of the gardens. But unfortunately many lost their heads and in the panic which ensued there were a number of victims to the flames, including the wife of the ambassador. Napoleon, after accompanying Marie-Louise as far as the Place de la Concorde, returned to the hotel while the Empress went on to Saint-Cloud. The Emperor remained at the hotel, supervising the work there, exposed to a torrent of rain, until three o'- clock in the morning. This catastrophe produced a profound impression of sad- ness throughout the city. Many persons recalled the calamity which had overshadowed the fetes at the time of the marriage of Marie-Antoinette forty years before, and saw in it an omen of ill-fortune. 1:2613 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Marie-Louise was also very happy in her married life. The Empress wrote her father at this time: "I assure you, dear papa, that the Emperor has been much calumniated. The more you see him de pres, the more you apffireciate and love him." The satisfaction of Napoleon was even greater when he learned that his young wife was enceinte. His joy had no bounds, and he was if possible even more attentive than before. The official statement of the coming event was not made until late in November. The child, so earnestly desired, was born at nine o'clock on the morning of the 20 March 181 1. An enormous crowd awaited in the Gardens of the Tuileries the news of the birth, which would be announced by the thunder of the cannon of the Invalides. If the child was a girl, only twenty-one shots would be fired: if a boy, one hundred and one. Suddenly the cannon began to boom. All the windows in the city are open. The carriages stop in the streets, and the pedestrians halt on the sidewalks. Every one counts the reports. At the twenty-second, there is an explosion of joy: every one knows that the Emperor has a son; at last there is an heir to the throne of France. It was the happiest day in the life of Napoleon. His eyes were filled with tears of joy. The decree annexing the Papal states had made the Eternal City the second city in the Empire. In imitation of the ancient custom by which the prince destined to succeed to the German Caesar was called the King of the Romans, Napoleon had decided that his son should be given the title of King of Rome. The day of his birth the little King of Rome was pri- vately baptized at nine o'clock in the evening in the chapel of the Tuileries. All of the Imperial family and the prin- cipal dignitaries of the State were present. The Marquise de La Tour du Pin has given in her "Recollections" a vivid description of the scene : "We had had to enter by the Pavilion de Flore and pass through all the apartments, as far as the Salle des Mare- chaux. The salons were full of the dignitaries of the Em- C 262 3 MARIE-LOUISE pire, men and women. Every one endeavored to be at the edge of the passage-way, kept open by the ushers, where the procession was to pass to descend to the Chapel. We managed to manceuvre so as to find ourselves on the land- ing of the stairway. From this point we enjoyed a very rare sight, that of the old grognards of the Vieille Garde, arranged in order upon each step, every one wearing the cross upon his breast. They were forbidden to make a movement, but a very vivid emotion was depicted upon their stern faces, and I saw tears of joy in their eyes. The Emperor appeared at the side of Mme. de Montesquieu, who bore the child, with his face uncovered, upon a cushion of white satin covered with lace. I had the opportunity to obtain a good look at him." On the 22 March when the Emperor received in the Throne Room of the Tuileries the great dignitaries of the State, the President of the Senate said : " Your people salute with unanimous acclamations this new star which has arisen upon the horizon of France, whose first ray dissipates even the last shadows of the darkness of the future." What sympathetic heart can avoid a feeling of sadness at the thought of how this "new star'.' was so soon to dis- appear below the horizon; of how this little King of Rome was to be deprived not only of his royal title, but even of his name of Napoleon Bonaparte; that he was destined to be called only Francis, Duke of Reichstadt, and to be laid to his eternal rest in the Church of the Capuchins at Vienna, in an Austrian uniform! Shortly after his return from Wagram, Napoleon made the remark, " En voila assez du metier de soldat, le temps est arrive de faire celui du roi." During the years 1810 and i8ii it was generally believed that France had seen the end of wars for the rest of his reign. The victor in so many campaigns seemed to be ambitious only for the glories of peace. On the 19 September the Emperor left Compiegne for n263a NAPOLEON THE FIRST an extended tour to Belgium, Holland and the banks of the Rhine. Three days later the Empress with her Court set out for the chateau of Laeken near Brussels. The Em- peror was to rejoin her the last of the month at Antwerp after a visit to the ports on the Channel. On the ninth of October the sovereigns entered Amster- dam in state. Here the Court remained for two weeks. The company of the Theatre Fran9ais had been sum- moned from Paris, and Talma appeared in his best roles. The people of Holland had been much dissatisfied since the abdication of King Louis the previous year, which had been followed by a rigid enforcement of the Continental System. The Low Countries had been annexed to the Empire, and Lebrun was the governor-general. The more the Hollanders were discontented, the more the Emperor was determined to win their regard. He gave his entire time to the study of their wants and wishes with the idea of improving their condition. The first of November they left for Cologne, whence they returned by way of Liege to Compiegne, and were back at Saint-Cloud the last of November, after a trip of nearly three months, the longest which the Emperor ever made to the French provinces. At the beginning of the year 1812 Napoleon was at the height of his glory. To the democratic period of the earlier days of the Empire had succeeded an aristocratic regime. The words "Republique Fran9aise" had disappeared from the coins, which now bore the legend "Empire Fran9ais." The Emperor posed as the new Charlemagne, the chief of a family of sovereigns. The kings of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Saxony, Westphalia, Naples and Spain owed to him their royal crowns. The reigning princes of the Confederation of the Rhine were his subservient vassals. No monarch in history had ever held sway over so many lands and so many peoples. From the Baltic to the Strait of Gibraltar, from the Channel to the Adriatic, his will was law. The grand dignitaries and marshals of the Empire con- 1:2643 MARIE-LOUISE cealed their plebeian names under the titles of dukes and princes, even of kings. Lefebvre, a miller's son, was Due de Dantzic; Augereau, the son of a mason, was Due de Castiglione; Ney, a cooper's son, was Due d'Elehingen; Massena, the son of a pubhcan, was Prince d'Essling; Berthier, whose father was a steward at Versailles, was the sovereign Prince de Neufehatel and married to a Bavarian princess, and Murat, the son of an innkeeper, was King of Naples. All of the marshals were provided with magnificent dota- tions to sustain their titles. Berthier possessed an income of over a million francs, without counting the revenues from his principality; Massena had an income of eight hundred thousand in addition to his salary of two hundred thousand as marshal; and so with the others. The Emperor also gave them fine hotels in the city and magnificent estates in the country. In addition to the titles of prince or due which com- memorated decisive battles, like Rivoli, Montebello, Ess- ling and Wagram, other duehes, granting no territorial authority, but provided with an annual dotation of sixty thousand francs, were given to marshals and generals. In order to bind his eompanions-in-arms more firmly to his throne and dynasty. Napoleon married them to the richest heiresses in France. Other officers of lower rank received the title of comte or baron with smaller dotations; for example, Lasalle had fifty thousand francs; Junot, eighty; Rapp and Savary each over a hundred thousand francs. In addition to these magnificent incomes the Emperor distributed other rewards. After his return from Tilsit in 1807 he divided eleven million francs among his marshals and generals of division. Every oflUcer was to receive from one to three thousand napoleons "with which to amuse himself during a few days in Paris." Promotions, titles and wealth were the allurements held out before every one in the army. To these substantial rewards of position and money, as a means of reeompens- 1:2653 NAPOLEON THE FIRST ing his army. Napoleon added others in which imagina- tion played a leading part. Chief among these was the Legion d'honneur, which even to-day is the most highly esteemed decoration in the world. The order was%ivided into five classes : chevaliers, officiers, commandeurs, grands officiers and grands-croix. Ranks in the Legion were high honors which were not distributed indiscriminately. "Bulletins, orders of the day, words of praise, a more affectionate manner or smile — one of those charming smiles which won the hearts of generals as much as those of simple grenadiers — were still other means adopted by Napoleon to give his army a final increase of energy, in- centive and dash." The impulsion thus given was at first irresistible. But the time came when the marshals and generals wanted to enjoy their honors and their wealth at home in peace, and no longer cared for the danger and fatigue of campaigns from which they had little further to gain. Then this appeal to selfish interests reacted upon himself and had not a little to do with his final downfall. But what consummate art he showed in handling and influencing men and in forming them into the finest army in the world ! Although Napoleon never clearly expressed his opinion regarding the value of his marshals, he certainly estab- lished differences among them and graded them with regard to intelligence, character, and ability for independ- ent command. This is clearly shown in the tasks allotted to the different marshals and the number of divisions assigned to their command. Massena, Souk and Davout were the only ones he considered competent for chief com- mand. Ney, "the bravest of the brave," and Murat, the beau sabreur, were essentially fighters. Lannes was an excel- lent corps commander: "He was superior to all the gen- erals of the French army on the field of battle when it was a question of manoeuvring 25,000 infantry men." Of all the generals of the Revolution, Hoche, Desaix and Kleber were the only ones he thought might have gone far. He had a very poor opinion of Moreau. 1:2663 MARIE-LOUISE Napoleon always seems to have preferred officers of brilliancy and dash, like Ney and Murat, to men of more solid and methodical characters, like Davout and Saint- Cyr. To the Emperor, Davout's brilliant victory at Auerstadt was a revelation, and his splendid work at Eylau and Wagram could but magnify his worth. The Emperor was also slow to appreciate the firmness of character, joined to great intelligence, which distin- guished Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, who did not receive his baton until 1812. Marbot, who was under his orders during the Russian campaign, says: "He was one of the most capable military men in Europe. I have never known any one who directed his troops better on the field of battle. It was im- possible to find a calmer man." Yet, chiefly owing to po- litical reasons, he was always given a secondary place by the Emperor. But Napoleon's great victories were not due entirely to the brilliancy of his strategy and tactics, and the ability of his marshals and generals. Much credit must also be given to his soldiers, who were the best in Europe. Coming from the most martial nation on earth, they were formed by the Emperor into the greatest fighting machine the world has ever known. Napoleon had the power of ani- mating the common soldier and filling him with enthusi- asm; he was in the highest degree an inciter of energy. "He spared no pains," says Mme. de Remusat, "to encourage and satisfy his soldiers." All the material and moral means at his disposal were employed with this object in view. "Probably no leader of an army," says Vachee, "gave more orders than Napoleon to assure the upkeep and sub- sistence of his armies." While the tendency in modern armies is to make every- thing uniform, the Emperor created picked corps among his troops in order to further stimulate the feeling of emu- lation. The best known of these favored organizations were the Guards. The Old Guard, whom the men called the "Immortals," because they were rarely sent into 1:2673 NAPOLEON THE FIRST action, were better paid, better fed and better clothed than the common soldiers. The Young Guard also re- ceived high pay and shared the renown of its elder. All the regiments were jealous of this sacred body of %oops, which, in addition to their material advantages and fasci- nating renown, had the honor of daily watching over the security of the Emperor and of being his supreme resource in battle. "His soldiers," says Meneval, "never ceased to become enthusiastic about him, to come under his charm, and to obey his will." Although he was finally abandoned by many of his marshals, whom he had loaded with favors, the common soldiers remained faithful to the end, and loved him when he was no longer there. In his " Memoires," Meneval thus explains the secret of Napoleon's mysterious power: "The study of the human heart had taught him the art of attaching men to him and subjugating them. His presence and words aroused enthusiasm. His eloquence was earnest and rapid; his words were energetic, profound, and often sublime. His simple exterior, heightened by an air of grandeur and the habit of command, and the fasci- nation of his look, inspired respect, mingled with fear and affection. No leader in history was more popular, and yet never would he consent to humble himself to acquire that popularity." Although he might hold himself aloof in his grandeur from the marshals, the relations between the Emperor and the humble companions who shared his glory were always famihar and cordial. He was hke a father with his children. To them he never ceased to be "Le petit caporal." 1:2683 CZAR ALEXANDER CHAPTER EIGHTEEN 1812 MOSCOW The Peninsula War — The Lines of Torres Vedras — Effects of the Conti- nental System — Friction with Russia — War Inevitable — Advance of the Grand Army — Preparations for the Campaign — The Commanding Officers — Napoleon at Dresden — The Russian Plans — The French Cross the Niemen — The Advance to Smolensk — Heavy Losses — Battle of Smolensk — The Victory Indecisive — Napoleon Marches on Moscow — Battle of Borodino — A Pyrrhic Victory — The French Enter Moscow — The City Burned — Napoleon's Fatal Delay — The Retreat Begun — The New Route Abandoned — Beginning of Winter — Arrival at Smolensk — A New Route to Vilna — The Passage of the Beresina — The Army Recrosses the Niemen — Napoleon Leaves for Paris — Reasons for Failure BUT little space can be given to the military and political events of the two years preceding the Russian war. After the Wagram campaign. Na- poleon would have done well to return to Spain, but he remained at Paris, where he could better supervise the Continental System, and devote himself to Marie-Louise and a round of fetes and provincial visits. In the mean- time the Peninsula War dragged out its weary length. Soult, and later Massena, were put in command there with abundant reinforcements. King Joseph thought that the pacification of the country would be brought about more speedily by the occupation of Andalusia, while Napoleon's opinion was that the English should be at- tacked at Lisbon and driven out of Portugal, when the insurrection in Spain would end for lack of support. Un- fortunately he allowed himself to be overpersuaded by his brother. In 1810 Soult conquered and occupied Andalusia, but the 60,000 men employed there could have been used to better advantage elsewhere. 1:2693 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Thus it happened that the whole task of driving out Wellington fell on Massena. For his descent into Portugal in May 1810, Massena had about 75,000 men, including the corps of Ney, Junot and Reynier. Wellington feH^back behind the celebrated lines of Torres Vedras which he had been preparing for months before. These lines were con- structed on the heights north of Lisbon about twenty miles from the capital, where the four main roads from the north and east converged. They were practically im- pregnable against any force Massena could bring against them. After spending five months before these works, Massena was obHged to retreat just as Soult was finally coming to his assistance. So the whole operation against Lisbon failed through lack of cooperation and unity of leadership. This would never have happened if Napoleon had gone to Spain. Massena, followed by Wellington, retired to Salamanca, where he put his troops into quarters. In June 181 1 Marmont took over the command from Massena with orders to join Soult and renew the attack on Lisbon. Nothing definite, however, was accomplished. Early in 181 2, before entering on the Russian campaign. Napoleon decided to withdraw 60,000 seasoned troops from Spain, and to content himself with the occupation of the provinces north of the Ebro, which had been an- nexed to the Empire. This wise plan was opposed by Joseph and the marshals in Spain, and once more, most unfortunately for him, the Emperor allowed himself to be won over by their arguments. He left nearly 300,000 men in Spain: under the command of Joseph, in and around Madrid; of Soult, in Andalusia; of Marmont, near Sala- manca, and of Suchet in Valencia, At this time Wellington had an army of about 140,000 English, Portuguese and Spanish troops, and there were over 100,000 more Span- iards acting independently. At the end of 18 10, England seemed on the verge of ruin from the strangling grip of the Continental System. The three per cent, consuls had fallen to 25, and the bank- C 270 3 MOSCOW ruptcies averaged 250 a month. But this year was to see the climax of this great commercial experiment. In July 1 8 10 Louis was practically forced to abdicate as King of Holland. He had taken into his head the strange notion that he reigned by divine right, and refused to carry out the orders of his brother. When twenty thousand French troops were approaching Amsterdam to bring him to reason, he suddenly abandoned his throne and fled to Bohemia. On the ninth of July, Holland was annexed to the Empire, and the commercial decrees were executed as rigorously at Rotterdam as at Havre. At the close of the year the commercial system was ex- tended to the Baltic, by the annexation of Oldenburg, the northern parts of Hanover and Westphalia, and Bremen, Hamburg and Liibeck. Nothing less than the most rigor- ous enforcement of the Continental System could suffice Napoleon; for it was a characteristic feature of this enter- prise that its entire success depended on the completeness with which it was put into execution: one gap would render useless the whole barrier so laboriously constructed. Nevertheless, English goods, by many devious routes, still reached the Continent, and in one way or another, with infinite discomfort and friction, trade was still carried on. It is strange that Napoleon never thought of cutting off the export of food-stuffs to England. He apparently had the notion that the more the British bought, the sooner they would be bankrupt. As Rose states, "the out- look would have been hopeless had not our great enemy allowed us to import continental corn, if besides lack of work and low wages there had been the added horrors of a bread famine." In the main the Continental System was popular in France, and the people endured the high prices, and the lack of English goods, and of staples Hke sugar, coffee, rice and tobacco, carried in British ships. At this time the Emperor was deHghted at the noteworthy discovery that sugar could be extracted from beet-root. Pride in the n 271 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST national glory, and hatred of England, led the French to endure without complaint increased taxes, high prices, and even chicory. For Germany the hardships were far greater aj|d the benefits far less, and the unpopularity of the Continental System was one of the principal underlying causes of the national uprising in 1 813. Upon Russia also the influence of the System was more and more oppressive. Napoleon's complaints of the Rus- sian laxity of administration were constant. Another cause of friction was the annexation of Oldenburg. The heir to this duchy had married Alexander's elder sister, Catherine, for whose hand Napoleon had negotiated at Erfurt. The deposition of the duke was not only a personal affront, it was a violation of the Treaty of Tilsit. But even before the news of this event reached Russia, the Czar himself broke the treaty. Instead of admitting on easy terms, as arranged at Tilsit, the articles de luxe of French manu- facture, he levied a heavy duty on them. When called to account by Napoleon, Alexander pleaded the economic needs of his country, and protested his fidelity to the Continental System, while at the same time calling atten- tion to the Oldenburg grievance. But Napoleon would not listen. "Here is a great planet taking a wrong direction," he exclaimed, "I do not understand its course at all." To bring this planet back into its orbit, half a million men were to perish amidst the snows of Russia, and Napoleon was to die an exile at Saint Helena! Although there were many subsidiary reasons for the breach with the Czar, the real cause of the war was Napoleon's determination to force Russia to accept the conditions of the Continental Blockade in order to de- stroy England's trade and commerce. It was not his ambi- tion for absolute sovereignty in Europe which carried him to Moscow, but the undying vendetta. For two years it had been evident that a break with Russia must come sooner or later, and Napoleon had been steadily preparing himself during this time. He secured t 272 3 MOSCOW the alliance of Austria and compelled Prussia to furnish him troops and supplies. The Czar also foresaw the war and made preparations for it. The Russians, however, had no formal plan, but merely proposed to act on the defensive. They were in doubt as to whether they should meet the attack by ad- vancing to the Vistula or await it behind their own fron- tiers. The strategy which they afterwards employed so successfully was the result of circumstances rather than any preconceived plan. After the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807 the Russian army had been entirely reorganized, and under the new plan should have produced in 181 2 an active army of half a million men with double that number in reserve. But when the army was mobilized on the frontier in the spring of that year it was found that there were less than 250,000 men. Napoleon moved his Grand Army to the line of the Vistula during the months of February, March and April. This field army consisted of thirty-one infantry and twenty-seven cavalry divisions and numbered 450,000 men, including 50,000 cavalry and 1000 guns. This force was organized in nine corps d'armee under the command of Davout, Oudinot, Ney, Eugene, Poniatowski, Gouvion- Saint-Cyr, Reynier, Vandamme and Macdonald. An addi- tional corps of 33,000 men under Victor came up later, and an eleventh corps of 47,000 was in reserve at Berlin and Mayence under the command of Augereau. Transportation was organized on the largest scale. Every possible source had been drawn on for supplies. Nothing was neglected. One thing only Napoleon had apparently forgotten since his campaign in Poland: the fact that there were no roads worthy of the name in Russia. There were too many wagons, and far too many servants. There were also many women, the "love escort" which was tolerated in the armies of the Republic and the Empire. At the very outset it seemed as if the expedition would be destroyed by its impedimenta. Still if Napoleon had been able to bring on a battle near the frontier, or had C 273 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST adhered to his original plan not to go beyond Smolensk the first year, all might have gone well. More than half of the cavalry were French, and nearly all of the artillery, but less than half of the infangfy arm. In this enormous number of foreigners there were Italians, Germans and Poles, and even battalions of Swiss, Spanish, Portuguese and Croats. The Prussian and Austrian con- tingents operated by themselves on either wing. The French element was large enough to leaven the batch, and the failure of the campaign cannot be laid to the indis- cipline of the common soldiers, although some of the marshals and division commanders, who were weary of war, failed to do their full duty. The Emperor was accompanied by a host of executives, including Berthier, Chief of Staff; Lebrun, Mouton and Rapp, aides de camp; Daru, Secretary of State; Maret, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Caulaincourt and Duroc; Meneval and Fain, private secretaries, and Jomini, his- toriographer. Berthier as usual was the efficient mouth-piece of the Emperor. Jerome and Eugene were in command because of their relationship, but the latter was an able leader. Davout and Ney had proved their worth in previous cam- paigns. Bessieres, Oudinot, Saint-Cyr, Victor and Junot were good corps commanders. Soult, Marmont and Suchet were still in Spain, and Massena had retired in broken health after his failure there. Lefebvre commanded the Old Guard, of nearly 50,000 men in all, while Murat was at the head of the large cavalry reserve of 40,000 horsemen. On the ninth of May, Napoleon, accompanied by Marie- Louise and a large part of his Court, left Saint-Cloud for Dresden, where he arrived a week later. Here he expected to make a stay of two or three weeks, before putting him- self at the head of his troops, and to receive the visits of all the allied sovereigns. The first morning the princes who had already arrived called to present their homage to the Emperor, who was lodged in the state apartments of the royal palace. The second day, the Emperor and Em- C 274 3 D-Vanyoiiiaii/l Tiibkbh.r MOSCOW press of Austria arrived, to the great joy of Marie-Louise, who had not seen her father since her marriage two years before. The sojourn at Dresden was the apogee of the power of Napoleon. No mortal had ever before reached such a pin- nacle of glory as the new Charlemagne. The assembled sovereigns appeared to be the courtiers rather than the equals of the Emperor. His lever, says Segur, furnished a remarkable spectacle, where sovereigns came to attend the audience of the conqueror of Europe. At Saint Helena the Emperor, in recalling the memories of these passed splendors, said: "The Dresden meeting was the epoch of the greatest power of Napoleon. There he seemed to be the King of Kings." He had summoned from Paris the company of the Theatre Franfais, and as at Erfurt Talma played before a "parterre de rois." But Napoleon was far from being entirely taken up with pleasure while at Dresden. He was occupied with the many minute details of the immense expedition which he was about to undertake. Just before Napoleon left Dresden, the King of Prussia arrived. He had agreed to furnish for the coming campaign twenty thousand men under the command of a Prussian general. As for Austria, she had promised a contingent of thirty thousand troops, commanded by an Austrian gen- eral, under the orders of Napoleon. The 29 May 1812 Napoleon left Dresden to place him- self at the head of his army. After a stop of two days at Posen, he proceeded to Thorn, and from there to Dantzic. By long marches the troops had reached the Vistula where they were spread out on a front of four hundred miles. This plan had been adopted by the Emperor with the design of keeping the Russians uncertain as to his main line of advance, and resulted as he wished in their separat- ing their armies. The numbers of the Russian armies are hard to deter- mine, but they probably amounted to less than 250,000 men. With these forces they were to meet half a million invaders under the greatest captain of modern times. The n 27s 1 NAPOLEON THE FIRST statement has often been made that the Russians expected to meet the French advance by a constant retreat, and that Alexander had said that before yielding he would abandon Moscow and retire into Siberia. But the f?ct re- mains that the Russian generals expected to fight, and that the defensive campaign was the result of the Russian unpreparedness at the beginning, and the overwhelming superiority of the French forces. Thus it happened that the very size of Napoleon's army was to be the principal reason for his failure. It was physically impossible to keep such an enormous host supplied, and the great discrepancy in numbers made the Russians afraid to risk a battle. "From a military point of view," says Dodge, "the re- tiring scheme of the Russians against a stronger and more able foe was the best. But the Czar had to look at some political questions. If a system of retreat was adopted, the Polish provinces would fall away from their allegiance, and the opposition of the anti-war party might be grave, as well as the effect upon friendly nations." There were but three roads leading across the Russian frontier by which the main part of the Grand Army could advance: at Kovno and Grodno on the Niemen, and further south and west at Brest Litovsk on the Bug. During the winter the Russian troops had been spread out over a front of five hundred miles, but in May when the French approached the Vistula, the troops drew together into two large bodies, under Balrclay and Bagration, with headquarters at Vilna and Lutsk. These two armies were separated by the morasses of the upper Pripet, and their distance from each other was due to the broad front of Napoleon's advance. As soon as it became apparent that Napoleon was marching on the Niemen, the Czar with- drew troops from Bagration and strengthened Barclay's army at Vilna to 130,000 men, while Bagration with 50,000 troops came up to Volkovisk south of Grodno. The two Russian armies thus stood across the three roads to Moscow. Napoleon does not seem to have had any particular C 2763 MOSCOW plan of campaign beyond the general idea of finding the Russian army, and as at Austerlitz winning "not an ordi- nary victory." Metternich states in his "Memoirs" that the Emperor told him at Dresden that in his first cam- paign he did not expect to go beyond Smolensk. In the Russian camp there were as many plans of cam- paign as there were leaders. Barclay favored awaiting the French on Russian soil and then fighting; Bagration wanted to hold the line of the Niemen and at the same time invade the Grand Duchy of Warsaw; the Czar pro- posed a policy of retreat. Having learned in a general way of the location of the two Russian armies, Napoleon's first plan was to break in between Barclay and Bagration by an advance on Vilna through Kovno. The Grand Army began its movement from the Vistula on the sixth of June and reached the Nie- men eighteen days later. Napoleon immediately crossed the river without meet- ing with any resistance. He then advanced rapidly to Vilna, covering the distance of sixty miles in four days. He was disappointed, however, in taking the First Army by surprise, as they retreated rapidly on his approach. The roads were almost impassable, and guns and wagons were continually embedded in the mud. After waiting three days to obtain information about the enemy's movements, on the first of July Napoleon decided to advance due east. In the meantime the two Russian armies had continued their retreat towards Smolensk where they effected a junction on the third of August. Both sides had lost about one third of their numbers in the first five weeks of the campaign, the French from disease and the Russians from wholesale desertion. The French troops had advanced so rapidly that the supply trains, floundering in muddy roads, could not keep pace with them. The men consequently lived to a large extent on meat, which they found everywhere, and fresh-cut corn, which they either baked roughly or boiled in water. C 277 2 NAPOLEON THE FIRST In a short time there was an epidemic of enteric diseases. At the end of July the Emperor was compelled to call a halt for eight days on account of the exhaustion of his troops and to allow the supply trains to come up. m After the two Russian armies had met at Smolensk, Barclay found himself compelled by the growing discon- tent among his troops to offer battle. So on the seventh of August he moved west towards the French. After a two days' march he came upon the enemy's outposts, but here his courage failed him at the thought of attacking Na- poleon in person, and he came to a halt. On learning of this movement Napoleon decided to march south to the Dnieper, cross the river and advance by the south bank to a surprise attack upon Smolensk and so force Barclay to give battle. This plan was carried out so effectively that the Russians remained in entire ignorance of the movement. On the 17 August Napoleon appeared before the city, which two Russian corps hastily occu- pied, and to which Barclay fell back with all possible speed. On the following evening Napoleon moved forward to the attack and bombarded the town. Barclay found it impossible to hold the place, so he evacuated it during the night and retreated to the north bank of the river. This left the road to Moscow open, but in spite of the vigorous pressure of the French he managed to get back on to the road the following evening and secure his line of retreat eastward. The city of Smolensk lies on the south bank of the Dnieper, in a beautiful amphitheatre of hills, with the suburb of Saint Petersburg on the opposite bank. The place is difficult of defence as it is commanded by the sur- rounding heights. The city proper was fortified with a brick wall ten feet thick and twenty-five feet high, with a useless dry ditch. The walls would easily resist the field guns of that period, and could hardly be escaladed. It was an old sacred city, with numerous churches and convents and many gardens. The houses in the suburbs n278 3 MOSCOW were nearly all of wood. It was one of the oldest cities in Russia, and had at one time contained eighty thousand inhabitants but had dwindled to not more than a quarter of that number. The river was crossed by a wooden bridge, and from the north bank ran the main roads to Moscow and Saint Petersburg. Assuming the Emperor's design to have been the cap- ture of Smolensk, his manoeuvre had been well conducted; but this was only an incident: the real object was to seize the Moscow road, cut off the Russian army, and compel it to fight at a disadvantage. This he failed to accomplish. "By extending his right across the river and establishing a corps suitably supported upon the Moscow road," says Dodge, "the longed-for battle could be forced, or the enemy thrown back on the Saint Petersburg road, eccen- trically to his true line of retreat. . . . For three days the strategically worthless town had arrested the Grand Army when time was of the essence." Smolensk was the natural terminus of the campaign of 1 812, where Napoleon had first intended to stop, and where he should have stopped and put his army into quarters. As he was draining the supplies from a large part of the em- pire, the Russians would sooner or later have been com- pelled to advance and attack him. If for political reasons he was unwilling to retreat, this was the only sound mili- tary course open to him. His situation was not dissimilar to that in Poland during the winter of 1807 before Fried- land. Although he could probably reach Moscow, there was no certainty that he could bring on a decisive battle there and dictate peace to the Czar. Even if he reached Moscow he must have known that he could not maintain himself there with a fine of communications over five hundred miles long. Of the large force with which he crossed the Niemen he had less than half left. At Smolensk, from the military point of view, there was still hope; at Moscow there was none. The situation is well summarized by Dodge as follows : C 279 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST If Napoleon stopped at Smolensk, he ran a certain risk of political damage; if he advanced to Moscow all military chances were against him. But with an army at Smolensk he could personally return to France, organize a fre^ cam- paign, and in 1813 be better equipped for an advance, for he would have time to prepare proper transportation. This plan offered him a show of success, political and military. The advance on Moscow now could succeed only if Alexan- der could be intimidated by a show of military power Na- poleon no longer possessed. Yet Jomini and Clausewitz both approve Napoleon's decision as his only proper course. It is difficult to agree with these eminent authorities. Napoleon still had about 150,000 men actually in hand when he left Smolensk. He followed closely upon the heels of the retreating Russians, who had now been reinforced to 120,000 men. The Czar, who was disappointed with Barclay's Fabian tactics, which were ultimately to bring him success, now appointed Kutusov to succeed him, with instructions to accept the battle for which every one was longing. Kutusov will be remembered in connection with the Austerlitz campaign. He was now seventy, too portly to ride, and very inactive. A few days later, when the army reached Borodino, it was decided to take up a position there to cover Moscow. There were two post-roads from Smolensk to Moscow, an old one and a new one, which were here about two and a half miles apart. The village of Borodino lay on the new road where it crossed the Kolotsa, an affluent of the Moskova. Here Kutusov drew up his troops on a frontage of over five miles at right angles to the two roads. The country is rolling but quite flat; the numerous brooks run through deep ravines. There were many woods, some of which had been cut. The Kolotsa runs for several miles parallel to the new road until near Borodino it crosses and leaves it to flow northerly towards the Moskova. The river is fordable in places. East of the village the land rises into a plateau a mile wide. Some 1:2803 MOSCOW simple field-works had been erected by the Russians. The position was liable to be turned, but it was also one easy to defend. Between the two roads there are a number of hamlets and villages, the principal one being Semenovskai. Napoleon after a short halt to give his men a rest con- tinued his advance in three columns. On the fifth of September the leading troops of his right and centre columns came in contact with the Russian left wing and forced it back. The following day Napoleon advanced to the attack. His left wing under Eugene kept close to the new road and was massed against Borodino. The centre column moved towards Semenovskai, and further south the right wing under Poniatowski advanced along the old road. The whole frontage was about three miles and a half. In the battle of Borodino, fought on the seventh of September, the French numbered 130,000 against 120,000 Russians. Napoleon's plan was quickly formed after a reconnoissance of the enemy's position. On the left Eugene was to contain Kutusov's right; Davout and Ney in the centre were to break down his left wing, while Poniatowski on the right should turn his left flank. The object was to throw the Russians back on the Moskova where he could fight them to a finish. The French showed the utmost courage, and the Russian defence was very stubborn. The losses on both sides were enormous. It was certainly a French victory, as Kutusov in the end drew off his army in broken condition and retreated towards Moscow, sixty miles away. It enabled Napoleon to reach the sacred city, but his losses were so great that he could not remain there unless the Gzar treated for peace. The Emperor did not put in the Guard, his final reserve, which might have made the victory decisive and caused Alexander to open nego- tiations. For this Napoleon has been much criticized by military writers; but he was two thousand miles from home and the Old Guard was his last resource. Whether he was right or wrong will always be a subject of discus- sion. At the decisive moment, about the middle of the afternoon, if he had sent in this superb body of picked NAPOLEON THE FIRST troops, still twenty thousand strong, with which he had so many times struck a decisive blow at the critical mo- ment, he might have made Borodino a crushing Russian defeat. On the other hand, had he put in his last r«erves without success, as later at Waterloo, his army would have been a flying mob in half an hour. At Borodino his motto was "safety first"; at Waterloo he was playing all for all. After the battle the Russians retreated slowly to Mos- cow, followed by the French. The victors were too much exhausted to pursue with the vigor of former campaigns. In front of Moscow, Kutusov called a council of war to decide whether the city should be defended, and the vote was in favor of fighting to the death. But Kutusov thought that the army was more important to Russia than the city and refused to be bound by the council. On the 14 Septem- ber he marched through the city and retired to Panki. At the same time most of the population departed. Murat and his cavalry arrived at two o'clock the same afternoon and took possession of the city. The Guard, when it arrived, was sent in to occupy the Kremlin; Ney and Davout took up a position west of the city, Poniatowski on the south, and Eugene to the north. Murat was sta- tioned on the road to the southeast. The Imperial head- quarters were estabUshed temporarily in the west suburb. Moscow, like Rome, lies upon seven hills. It was the "sacred city" of Russia, and its two hundred churches, with colored domes and belfries, gave it a most picturesque appearance, more Oriental than European in its aspect. During the first night fires began to break out, and by the morning of the second day the whole city was aflame. The Emperor, who had taken up his quarters in the Krem- lin was forced to retire to a castle outside the walls of the city. On the eighteenth, after some eight thousand houses had been consumed, the fire was controlled and Napoleon returned to the Kremlin. It will always be a disputed question whether Moscow MOSCOW was deliberately set afire by the Russians or whether the conflagration was due to accidental causes, but the latter was probably the case. In a city built entirely of wood, in possession of a marauding army, fires might easily be started by carelessness, and the equinoctial gales did the rest. It was at this time that Napoleon made the most fatal error of his life. After the fire he should have begun his retreat at once, but he tarried at Moscow for a whole month, hoping against hope that the Czar would sue for peace. Since Saint-Jean-d'Acre he had never retired from an operation. After Eylau and at Essling he had not hesi- tated to "reculer pour mieux sauter," but he had never yet faced failure and he could not bring himself to believe in it now. Moreover retreat was no easy matter. Which- ever way he turned his path was beset with almost insur- mountable difficulties. Four plans were considered by the Emperor: first, to winter in Moscow; second, to march on Saint Petersburg; third, to retire on the southern provinces; fourth, to retreat to Smolensk via Kaluga, following a route far to the south of his line of advance. The first he rejected at once as not feasible. The second was truly Napoleonic in its audacity and strongly appealed to the great soldier, but the difficulties far exceeded the chances. The third plan was open to the same objections as the first. Only the fourth remained, and this was finally adopted. On the 15 October the Emperor issued his orders for the retreat and four days later he left Moscow. When the retreat began Napoleon had in and around Moscow five corps, the Guard, and the cavalry reserve, in all 110,000 men. At diflferent points in the rear there were six more corps and the Austrian contingent, about 140,000 troops, or a grand total of 250,000. On the Russian side there was the main army, con- siderably reinforced, under Kutusov, 140,000, and four detachments amounting in all to 150,000, making a total of 290,000. 1:2833 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Although the relative strength of the adversaries was not yet unfavorable to Napoleon, it was certain to become so as time went by. Above all, the serious lack of horses for the cavalry and artillery could not easily be mad^up. In order to give his retreat the appearance of an offen- sive movement, and to direct it through parts of the coun- try which had not already been devastated, the Emperor proposed to retire by the old highway towards Kaluga, and from there by a southerly route to Smolensk. On the 24 October Napoleon found Kutusov at Malo- Jaroslowitz posted across the road from Moscow to Kaluga, and an action was fought there between the lead- ing columns of the two armies. Each general kept his main body back as neither wanted to be drawn into a decisive engagement at this point. The next day the Rus- sians retreated to Kaluga, and Napoleon turned back to the northwest towards Borodino. There was a new road to Smolensk via Juknov and Jelnia of which Napoleon had desired to take advantage, and why he did not do so after Kutusov withdrew will ever remain an unsolved mystery. This has been called by some historians the turning-point of his career, but it was not so much so as his decision at Smolensk to advance to Moscow. The manoeuvre towards Kaluga was strategically sound, for the new road he proposed to take led through an undev- astated region to Smolensk, and only as a last resort, after a defeat, was it excusable to follow the old route. On learning of this movement of the French, Kutusov struck off to the northwest in pursuit. The failure of the Russian campaign has generally been ascribed to the weather, but this is only partially true. For nearly three weeks after the army left Moscow the weather was perfect. The winter season was delayed and there was less cold and snow.than usual. The temperature averaged from 15° to 25° Fahrenheit. Few of the streams were frozen, and it was the seventh of November before real cold set in. After this date there was great suffering in the bivouacs and the snow destroyed all the forage for 1:2843 MOSCOW the animals. This rapidly decreased the French forces, and Napoleon entered Smolensk with his army reduced to 75,000 men and about one hundred horses. Here Napoleon received intelligence that Saint-Cyr and Victor had been defeated and driven back towards Vitebsk, and later that that place had been occupied by the Rus- sians. Under the circumstances he had no alternative ex- cept to try to reach Vilna by way of Borisov. The retreat from Smolensk began the 12 November. The vigorous efforts of the Russians to impede the retreat led to several small actions around Krasnoi five days later. But Napoleon halted with the Guard and personally directed a counter-attack upon Kutusov who drew off his troops and ceased to pursue the French. At this time Napoleon received the discouraging news that the Russians had seized Borisov and the crossing of the Beresina river and stood with 40,000 men upon his main line of retreat. At this moment Napoleon was eighty miles away. Yet in spite of the fact that he had one army in front of him and two others threatening his flank and rear, each stronger than his own, Napoleon was successful in forcing the passage of the river. By this achievement in a situation which with almost any other general would have led to the surrender of his entire army the Emperor won fresh laurels. After making a demonstration at one point, as if he intended to cross there, and drawing off the Russians to the south. Napoleon threw two bridges across at a place farther west, by which the main body crossed. The river was about a hundred yards broad, and the ice-floes increased the difficulty. The bridges were then destroyed. At this stage the French army consisted of about 30,000 troops and nearly twice as many camp-followers. Napoleon did not retreat through Minsk as he originally intended but directed his army on Vilna. Before reaching there he turned the command over to Murat and hastened to Paris. Vilna also had to be abandoned, and Murat recrossed C 28s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST the Niemen on the 1 5 December with a miserable body of 5000 combatants and 45,000 others, while Davout and Poniatowski led the remnants of three other corps across at another point. Only Cossacks continued the pursuit west of the Bere- sina. The Russian army, also reduced to about 60,000 men, entered Vilna the middle of December. Napoleon had led 450,000 men across the Niemen in June and had received reinforcements of 1 50,000. Of these only about 150,000 returned. Thus the French lost about 450,000 men, probably one third sick or prisoners, the balance killed and missing. The Russian losses were about 250,000, or proportionately even greater than the French. On leaving the army, the Emperor took Caulaincourt with him in the carriage, and Roustan on the box. Duroc and Mouton followed. After consulting with Maret at Vilna, he drove to Warsaw, and thence to Dresden and Paris, travelling day and night as was his lifelong habit. He reached the Tuileries on the 18 December. The criticism of Napoleon for abandoning his army is absolutely unwarranted. The fate of the Grand Army was sealed, and nothing he could do now would change it. Any one of his generals could lead the remnants back to the Niemen as well as he. The place of the Emperor, as head of the State, was now at Paris. The statement in his last Bulletin that "the health of His Majesty has never been better" has also been pointed out as selfish; but has not the health of a sovereign always been considered, even in times of peace, as a matter of prime importance to the State.? How much more then the health of the Emperor at the end of a great campaign, when reports of his death had been circulated at Paris! It is remarkable that not one of the French commanders above the rank of general of division lost his life; also that the proportion of officers who returned was much above that of the men. If this had not been the case Napoleon would have been unable to raise an efficient army in 1813. n286 3 MOSCOW They one and all had fearlessly exposed themselves during the campaign, and the fact can only be explained by their higher moral. Some of the principal reasons for the failure of the Russian campaign have been stated above, and there is not space to go into the matter further. The principal error was in not realizing the fact that in Russia, as in Spain, "large armies will starve, and small ones will get beaten." This much can be said : There was no other living commander who could have got any part of the Grand Army from Moscow back to the Niemen. 1:2873 CHAPTER NINETEEN 1813 LEIPZIG Napoleon after Moscow — His Reliance on Austria — Preparations for the Campaign — Plans of the Allies — Battles of Liitzen and Bautzen — The Victories Indecisive — Decline of Napoleon's Strength — The Fatal Armistice — Conditions of Peace — Austria Joins the Allies — Hostilities Resumed — Napoleon's Base on the Elbe — Danger of His Position — Battle of Dresden — Defeats of the Marshals — Napoleon's Indecision — Battle of Leipzig — French Defeat — Retreat to the Rhine — Battle of Hanau WHOM Jupiter wishes to destroy, said the ancient Romans, he first makes mad. {^uos vult Jupiter perdere, dementat prius.) After the Russian campaign Napoleon seems to have lost his mental balance. He had lived so long in an atmosphere of flattery and adulation that he was no longer willing to accept sugges- tions, much less criticism, from any one. "By degrees," says Rose, "the passion for the grandiose had over- mastered the calculating faculties which in early life gen- erally held ambition in leash. The same powers were there, even to excess, but the sound judgment which coor- dinated them no longer exercised a sovereign control." At the beginning of 1813 Napoleon was still in a position to save his empire notwithstanding the terrible Russian disaster. He still had at his command immense resources of men and money. There were at least a quarter of a million seasoned troops in the Peninsula, and one hun- dred and fifty thousand more in the fortresses of Germany, He should have recalled his army from Spain and sent Ferdinand back to his throne. Two army corps of fifty thousand men could easily have defended the only two n288 3 LEIPZIG practicable passes of the Pyrenees. This would have given him a veteran army of 350,000 men, with a reserve force of the same size in training in the depots of France. With such an army he could easily have defended the line of the Elbe against the Russians and Prussians, and Austria would never have entered the coalition against him. But he was no longer the Bonaparte who in 1796 had raised the investment of Mantua, destroyed his siege train, and marched with every available soldier to meet the Aus- trians; nor was he the same Napoleon who at Eylau and Essling had drawn back in order to leap further. Napoleon was now the spoiled child of Fortune. "He who seeks to hold everything will end by losing everything," had said wise old Frederick the Great. By forgetting this maxim Napoleon was to lose his throne. Had he recognized his danger, and concentrated all his forces, he would not have been outnumbered. Instead of that, the Emperor, like a desperate gambler, placed his entire fortune on a single card, and played for "all or nothing." The principal cause of these mistakes of Napoleon was that, from the political point of view, he attached an ex- aggerated importance to his marriage with an archduchess. He should have realized that before becoming the father- in-law of the Emperor of the French, the father of Marie- Louise was the Emperor of Austria, and that all history shows the little consequence of matrimonial alliances when they conflict with affairs of state. Nevertheless, it seems probable that at this time Francis was favorably disposed towards Napoleon, and had no desire to see the Bourbons restored to the throne of France. There never had been any love lost between the Hapsburgs and the royal family of France, and the Austrian emperor sincerely wished to see the new Imperial dynasty maintained. But this desire did not go to the length of being willing to sacrifice the interests of the State to the personal inclination of the sovereign. On the other hand, Napoleon seems to have thought 1:2893 NAPOLEON THE FIRST that Austria would be his ally, defensive and offensive, and, without asking anything in return, would aid him to conserve the entire French Empire, including the parts which he had torn from her own domain! It was expecting too much. In the meantime Napoleon, full of spirits and confidence, was displaying a prodigious activity in assembling and equipping a new army. In less than three months he raised a fresh levy of 250,000 men. These troops, added to a force of about 80,000 men who had been enlisted as a home guard in 1812, and 30,000 men withdrawn from Spain, gave him a new Grand Army of over 3 50,000 troops, but they were chiefly untrained men. Napoleon's original intention was to operate on the line of the Vistula again, but he soon had to give up this idea. By the end of April he had 200,000 men in the vicinity of Leipzig. The Allies were completely taken by surprise. It had never occurred to the wildest imagination that the Emperor would be able to face them with such a force. They decided at once to make a flank attack on Napoleon at Liitzen as he advanced towards Leipzig. The general plan of the Allies was excellent, but it was not well carried out. On the afternoon of the second of May they advanced to the attack, but they met with a more vigorous resistance than they expected. They tried to envelop Ney, but in the end they were enveloped them- selves, for Napoleon sent Macdonald round to the left, and Bertrand and Marmont to the right of Ney to take them on both flanks. About five o'clock he sent up the Guard as well to support Ney, whereupon the Allies re- treated. The Prussians fell back to the east as if to cover Berlin, while the Russians retired towards Dresden. The Emperor was too weak in cavalry to pursue vigorously, and the victory was therefore indecisive. Napoleon's battle of Liitzen was fought, not on the field where Gustavus Adolphus fell in 1632, but several miles to the south of it. The country is a big rolling plain which C 290 2 MARSHAL NEY LEIPZIG reaches up to the Bohemian mountains. It is traversed by several rivers, and is covered by villages and farms. The Emperor could congratulate himself on a brilliant and much-needed victory. A large part of his forces were not put in, and the Old Guard did not fire a shot. The allied army of seventy thousand men actually engaged had been put to rout by less than sixty thousand French. Napoleon entered Dresden on the eighth of May, and Saxony returned to her alliance with him. Ney with three corps, a force of 60,000 men, was sent forward towards Berlin. Eugene returned to Italy to take charge of opera- tions there. The Allies again joined forces and retreated together to Bautzen. Only Billow was detached to fall back on Berlin and cover the capital. Napoleon now had the choice of two courses: to march on Berlin, or on the allied army. On the day he entered Dresden, Ney was at Torgau, where the main road to Berlin crosses the Elbe. The bridge at Dresden had not been entirely destroyed and the rest of the Grand Army immediately crossed to the right bank of the river. The Emperor was still much in the dark as to the movements of the Allies. He surmised that they had separated after the battle, and his plan was to definitely prevent their coming together again, while Ney threatened Berlin. A week later the Emperor finally learned that the Allies had united near Bautzen, about three days' marches from him, and were apparently preparing for battle. He imme- diately resolved to attack them, and recalled Ney. As the marshal was eighty miles away, and could not be expected to reach Bautzen before the twenty-first, Napoleon timed his own movements so as to Arrive there the night before that date, and attack the following morning with the support of Ney. Napoleon was again approaching classic ground. It was here that Frederick after his defeat at Hochkirch took up his stand and defied the much superior forces of Daun. The country is full of small streams which wander around t 291 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST between the many hillocks, which increase in height to the south near the Bohemian mountains. The landscape is mostly open, and is dotted with villages. ^ The allied army at Bautzen mustered only iio,ocx5, while Napoleon if he could bring all of his troops into action would have nearly 150,000 men. The Allies were under the nominal command of the Czar Alexander. The Russian army held the left, and the Prussians under Bliicher the right. The result of the first day's action on the 20 May was that the French drove the Allies out of Bautzen and gained firm footing on the right bank of the Spree, the enemy retiring to a strongly fortified second line of defence. Napoleon's plan of battle for the following day was to contain the Allies in their works by feigned attacks until Ney should debouch in force on their right and rear, and then to throw in all his troops and give the knock-out blow. No finer plan of battle had ever been perfected by the Emperor. But Ney failed to act with his usual energy. If he had fully carried out the Emperor's orders the bulk of the allied army and all of its guns would have been taken. Only the left wing and the cavalry could have gotten away, and Bautzen would have been as decisive a victory as Austerlitz, and almost certainly have ended the cam- paign. Some of the critics seem to think that the Emperor's orders to Ney were not sufficiently explicit, but Napoleon probably felt that no more need be said to a man who had acted with such vigor at Friedland and Borodino. As it was, the French took no prisoners and the battle was inde- cisive. It was very unfortunate that the Emperor gave Davout, the hero of Auerstadt and Wagram, a role so inferior to that of Ney in this campaign. Ney was a brilliant corps commander when under the direct orders of the Em- peror, but he was not capable of acting wisely if left to himself, and Napoleon should have known this. There is one salient fact which stands out in the history of Napoleon's career, and that is the small margin of safety C 292 3 LEIPZIG by which he won so many of his victories. In nearly all of his campaigns he was fighting against superior numbers and it was only the indomitable energy of the man which insured success. He himself told the whole story in a letter which he wrote from Italy in 1797 to the Minister of Foreign Affairs: "All great events hang always only by a hair. The able man profits by everything, neglects nothing of all which may yield him some chances more. The less able man, sometimes by neglecting a single one of these, makes everything fail." Carlyle has said that, "Genius means the transcendent capacity of taking trouble." If this be true, no man in history was ever better entitled to the attribute than Napoleon. He owed his success to hard work. For twenty- five years he toiled from fifteen to sixteen hours a day. He never took more than twenty minutes for his meals, and he was satisfied with from four to six hours of sleep. Al- though his marvellous mental powers never failed him, at the age of forty his physical strength began to decline. He had made too great drafts upon his bank of reserve. This was most marked during the campaign of Leipzig. "One does not recognize Napoleon during this campaign," Marmont writes. Says Fain, his secretary: "Instead of being up and about, riding from place to place in the saddle, he remained almost constantly locked in his room, where his bed and his maps had been brought." At Bautzen, he was no longer the Napoleon of Austerlitz and Jena. As Ney's command was to do the most impor- tant work of the day, the Emperor should either have given him more specific orders, or should himself have ridden over to his column and personally have directed the operation. The result would then have been a brilliant vic- tory instead of an indecisive action. On the fourth of June 1813 the Emperor signed an armis- tice, which with its extensions lasted for ten weeks. This was the crowning error of the many mistakes that he made during this campaign so fatal to his fortunes. The coalition C 293 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST against him, after the defeats of Lutzen and Bautzen, was on the point of breaking up. If Napoleon intended to con- tinue the war, he should not have agreed to a suspension of hostilities; if he wished for peace, he should hav#been willing to make some reasonable concessions. The conditions put forward were: (i) That the Grand Duchy of Warsaw should be abolished; (2) That Prussia should regain her former boundaries; (3) That the Con- federation of the Rhine should be dissolved; and (4) That Trieste and Dalmatia should be restored to Austria. Under the circumstances these conditions were very favorable to Napoleon. He would have retained all of Italy, and France with her "natural boundaries," the frontier of the Rhine, which included Belgium and Holland. No French monarch, not even Charlemagne, had ever ruled over so extensive a domain. It was because Napoleon was not willing to make so slight a concession that he lost his throne. It is difficult to explain his conduct. He seems to have still viewed events through the distorting medium of his Continental System, and to have been governed by the vendetta instincts of his race. He now succeeded in bringing about what Charles James Fox had declared to be impossible. In 1806 the English Foreign Minister had said to Talleyrand, "The prefect of combining the whole of Europe against France is to the last degree chimerical." For the first time since the Revolution the European Powers buried their petty jealousies and animosities, and Austria, Prussia, Russia and Sweden ranged themselves on the side of Great Britain and the Spanish patriots who for four years had been carrying on an almost hopeless struggle against the Con- queror. After the battle of Bautzen, Barclay, who had once more assumed command on the death of Kutusov, led the Rus- sian troops back to Warsaw to reorganize them there. The Prussians were forced back into the extreme south of Silesia, and the outlook for the coalition seemed dark indeed. n 294 3 LEIPZIG At this moment Austria intervened and saved the situa- tion. Metternich had been endeavoring for several months to bring about a general peace, and he now approached Napoleon and Alexander once more as a negotiator. Dur- ing the armistice, which was eventually extended to the tenth of August, negotiations between Metternich, Na- poleon and the Allies were actively pushed forward. Napoleon, as we have seen, refused to give up an inch of the territory he had conquered, and at the conclusion of the armistice Austria declared war against him. Continuous reinforcements had brought the French forces in Germany up to 500,000 men, and the Emperor expected to outnumber the Allies even when joined by Austria. By the time Austria and Sweden had joined them, how- ever, the Allies could dispose of 800,000 men. In three months Austria put 200,000 troops in the field, under the command of Schwarzenberg, and by the end of the year brought this number up to over half a million. Prussia raised 160,000, the Russians contributed about 180,000, and Bernadotte brought 30,000 Swedes. At the opening of the autumn campaign the main army of the Allies, about 250,000 strong, imder Schwarzenberg, was on the Elbe; another army of 110,000 under Bliicher was in Silesia; and the Northern Army under Bernadotte, 125,000, was near Berlin. Napoleon with 300,000 men was in a central position near Dresden, whence he could strike from interior lines wherever he might detect a weak point, while Davout and Oudinot with 120,000 men were facing the Northern Army. The base of Napoleon's operation was the Elbe, which was strongly fortified at all the crossings. His main line of communications was by the great highroad from Mayence via Erfurt to Leipzig, and large stores and ammunition depots were set up everjrwhere. It is only necessary to glance at the map to see the weakness of Napoleon's position after Austria entered the war. It is true, as he claimed, that Dresden was the pivot n 29s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST on which all his movements turned, and that the Allies were stretched out on an arc extending from Berlin to Prague, while he, operating from the centre on interior lines, could outmanoeuvre them. But his line of communi- cations with France was exposed, and an Austrian army debouching from the Bohemian mountains could cut him off from the Rhine. "If they venture between my fortified lines of the Elbe and the Rhine," said Napoleon, "I will enter Bohemia and thus take them in the rear." The Em- peror must indeed have despised his foe to venture all on so hazardous a plan! In vain did his marshals remind him that he was in a perilous position so far from France. He retorted that at Marengo, Austerlitz and Wagram he was in greater danger, and that glory would be the prize of mediocre minds if no risks were ever taken in war. In accordance with the allied plan of operations, at the outbreak of hostilities the Silesian Army advanced towards the Bohemian frontier. The general idea was to envelope Napoleon on three sides, from Berlin, Breslau, and Bo- hemia; to threaten his line of communications, and to wear him out without risking a pitched battle, in which the Allies from sad experience feared his powers of generalship. Napoleon first turned his attention to the Army of Silesia, which he proposed to attack in force, while holding the Bohemian passes south of Bautzen so as to prevent any invasion of Saxony. In adopting this plan he took the risk of leaving Dresden and his line of communications open to attack. The Emperor left Bautzen on the 17 August and pro- ceeded east to Gorlitz. After much marching and counter- marching he failed to bring Bliicher to an action. The Prussian general, usually as bold as a lion, was now as wily as a fox. He withdrew to the southeast, hoping to lure Napoleon into the wilds of Silesia and give the Austrians time to seize Dresden. But the Emperor was not to be drawn further afield. Late on the evening of the twenty-third he received at Gorlitz a dispatch from Saint-Cyr telling him that Dresden C2963 LEIPZIG was in danger of capture. Taking the Guard and two divisions of cavalry and infantry he hurried back by forced marches to Dresden, where he arrived two days later. In a pouring rain, many of his battalions traversed forty leagues in forty-eight hours. Meanwhile the Austrian army had been concentrating south of the Erz Gebirge, which it crossed in four columns, and advanced on Dresden. Owing to the intervention of the Czar, the plan of an immediate attack on the defences of the city was abandoned, and this delay enabled Na- poleon to come up. Dresden lies on the left bank of the Elbe, and is con- nected with Neustadt on the opposite bank by an old stone bridge which has played a part in many a campaign. After passing through the mountains, the Allies advanced on the city by the three highways which converge there from the south and southwest. The ground is hilly, but descends gradually towards the city. There are several brooks which flow towards the Elbe, and one long defile, hard for troops to cross, through which runs a larger stream to enter the river just below the city. Villages dot the plain, "with farms, gardens and other enclosures, all good points to defend. Adjoining the city to the east, the Grosser Garten, a mile long by half as wide, makes an excellent outwork. Schwarzenberg's orders for the 26 August were to drive the French back on the city from all their advanced posi- tions, after which in the afternoon the artillery would come up and bombard the place. But before this plan could fully be carried out there came a counter-stroke from Napoleon. The Emperor reached the capital about nine o'clock in the morning. From then until late in the afternoon the Guard was continuously filing across the Elbe and rein- forcing Saint-Cyr's hard-pressed troops. As soon as they were all up Napoleon ordered a general advance to recap- ture sufficient space for deployment in front of the city. n 297 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST As had so often happened before, the Allies had lost a splendid opportunity by their delay and indecision. With the arrival of Napoleon all doubts and fea|p had vanished in the French army. At the sight of the well- known figure in the gray redingote fatigues and discom- forts were forgotten, and the cries of "Vive I'Empereur!" rent the air, carrying inspiration to the defenders, dismay to the enemy. The news of Napoleon's arrival so shook the nerves of the Czar that he favored an immediate retreat. But the original plan was carried out. As night fell the Allies drew off, with heavy losses, abandoning all the points of vantage they had gained during the day. For the battle of the second day Napoleon ordered Murat to attack the weak point of the Allies, their left wing, which was separated from the centre by the defile spoken of above. The French centre was only to hold the enemy in front of it, while the left wing attacked Barclay along the Pima road. Although Napoleon was considerably outnumbered he had the advantage of an inner line only half the length of that of the AUies, and could therefore easily be superior in force at any point he chose to attack. The drenching rain rendered the muskets practically useless for service and the battle was decided by the artillery and cold steel. The French advance against the allied right was at first successful, but was finally checked. Along the centre there was a heavy artillery duel, the most noteworthy result of which was the death of the French traitor Moreau, who was in the Czar's suite, and had both legs carried off by a stray shot from a field battery. But on the French right a brilliant success was gained by Murat, who overwhelmed two Austrian divisions, and captured ten thousand men. The news of this disaster decided the Allies to retire into Bohemia, and during the night began that famous retreat which soon became a rout. Dresden was one of Napoleon's most brilliant tactical battles and the last of his great victories. It is the only one n 298 3 LEIPZIG of his battles in which he advanced both wings. He is severely criticized by Dodge because he did not make his victory more decisive by a sharp advance in force. The reason of the sudden check in the pursuit of the disorgan- ized allied army, as stated by Comte de Rochechouart in his "Memoirs," was that the torrents of rain which began to fall the second day of the battle and lasted without intermission for three days brought on a chill followed by a violent attack of fever which compelled Napoleon to return to Dresden instead of going on to Pima. The ab- sence of orders from the French headquarters prevented the pursuit which might have been decisive. Napoleon had accustomed his generals too much to receive all their orders from headquarters and to have no initiative. Although Napoleon could claim a brilliant success for himself, during the next few days news reached him from all quarters of disasters to his marshals. Vandamme with his single corps of 40,000 men issued out of the mountains on the flank of the Allies, threw himself across their line of retreat, and was overwhelmed by sheer weight of num- bers and his entire corps destroyed. About the same time, Oudinot was severely beaten near Berlin, and Macdonald was badly defeated by Bliicher. "This being the Emperor's first defensive campaign," says Dodge, "he failed to conduct it on lines he had always shown to be correct; he left too big a task to Macdonald; he organized three offensive movements at the same time from a defensive position ; he did not make sure of his vic- tory over the army of the Sovereigns." The movements of the great captain during the next month do not exhibit him to advantage. After the battle of Dresden, instead of following up his victory, he shut himself up in his study for two days and dictated a long review of the military outlook which has been a puzzle to strategical students ever since. In this "Note on the General Situation of My Affairs" he suddenly throws aside every principle which he had laid down and so often demonstrated in his brilliant career. To n 299 2 NAPOLEON THE FIRST the admirer of his genius it is amazing to see Napoleon writing notes instead of acting. Having undertaken a de- fensive, for the first time in his life, he seems to have lost all his initiative. The rest of the month he spent *Ris time moving all around Dresden without attacking anybody seriously. On the fourth of October he again drew up a review of the situation in which he apparently seriously contemplated the impossible scheme of giving up his com- munications with France and wintering in and around ' Dresden! Suddenly Napoleon completely changed his plans and decided to give up Dresden as a base and fall back towards Erfurt. But after calling up Saint-Cyr from Dresden, he cancelled the order and left him there, only to be finally captured by the Allies. Having drawn up a brilliant plan, in which one again recognizes the old com- mander. Napoleon for three days remained inactive, once more a prey to the most extraordinary irresolution. In the meantime, while the great captain waited and waited, the Allies were putting to use against him his own methods. They had distinctly outmanoeuvred him and stood in full force upon his line of retreat with their own open. He was in as bad a predicament as he had ever placed one of his enemies, and he alone was to blame. It is indeed impossible "to recognize Napoleon during this campaign." He now decided that there was nothing to do except to march on Leipzig and accept battle there, which under the circumstances was simply to invite destruction. He should have avoided battle and manoeuvred to turn the flank of his enemies so as to reach the Rhine. At noon on the 13 October the French corps began the march to Leipzig. Nothing now could save the situation but a great victory, and it was not possible for him to con- centrate his forces in time. Up to the present moment the Allies had constantly refused to meet him, and Napoleon seemed to imagine that they would never dare to attack him, and that he could come to battle when and how he pleased. A fatal error! "In going to Leipzig to fight a n 300 3 4( !4>m (^(-Z :l ^ fi/t 4f iiwi L.-#r"4 IT- V > 7/ '^^ ■,,^.rr^^'Tg^t^"^ • —-^-^ BATTLE OF J7.I8 S:!!* Ottober 18J 1813 ■^1^ FrtR ii- \llips m^ f^^B C axali'v S^lnlantrv jjja ^ rtilliorv SCALE ~ '■ " o "l ^'i^j^'''^ ' .^V'U^- y LEIPZIG battle," says Dodge, "he deliberately committed strategic suicide. Any manoeuvre was better." The old university town of Leipzig is situated in a large plain, on the right bank of the Elster at the point where it is joined by the Pleisse. Between the rivers, for several miles above and below the city, there is low marshy meadow-land. On the north of the city a smaller stream, the Partha, comes in from the east. The only outlet from Leipzig to the west, towards Erfurt and Mayence, is over the long causeway bridge that crosses the several arms of the two rivers; and at the western end of this bridge is Lindenau. The old road from Halle, by which Bliicher arrived, runs parallel to the north bank of the Elster. There are many villages in the rolling plain to the east of the city, all so built as to be capable of stout defence. These villages were an important feature of the battle-field. On the 15 October the rival armies lined up for battle. To the southeast of the city Napoleon's main body of 130,000 men faced Schwarzenberg with 200,000. At Mockern to the north stood Ney and Marmont with 50,000, opposed to Bliicher with 60,000 men. Near Lin- denau Bertrand with 20,000 men opposed a strong column under Giulay who was working around to join the Prus- sians on the north. Giulay opened the battle on the sixteenth with an attack on the French position at Lindenau; but he was repulsed and retreated up the Elster to rejoin the main body of the Allies. The brunt of the fighting took place around Wachau about two miles and a half to the southeast of the city. Here the French batteries broke up the attack of two Aus- trian columns. A counter-attack of three cavalry divisions under Murat, which Napoleon sent direct against the Austrian centre, failed of success on account of the marshy ground. Another advance of the French against the Aus- trian right was also repulsed. The fighting on both sides was most obstinate. On the north, however, Ney and Marmont were forced back by Bliicher who came within a mile of the gates of the city. n 301 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST The next day Napoleon was reinforced by the arrival of Reynier's corps, which went into position to the east of the city. On the allied side, Bernadotte came up from Halle and formed up his troops opposite Reyniejjpthus closing the gap between the Austrians and Prussians. At the same time Schwarzenberg's right wing was strength- ened by Bennigsen. The rain fell without ceasing, and a general rest seemed to be imposed. During the day the French line of battle was withdrawn nearly a league farther back. Napoleon's front now extended in a semicircle over eleven miles in length from the northern side of the city to the Pleisse on the south. Only Bertrand remained on the left bank of the river at Lindenau covering the line of retreat. The French now numbered 200,000 against 300,000 of the Allies. On the eighteenth Schwarzenberg's intention was to advance with his main body along the Pleisse and turn the French right and cut them ofF from Leipzig and their line of retreat. The fighting again was most obstinate and the Allies failed to gain any decisive advantage. But early in the afternoon the troops from Baden, Wiirtemberg and Saxony deserted the French and went over to the Allies, a defection which in the words of the royalist Rochechouart "may be called infamous treachery, a disgraceful action, unprecedented in the annals of modern warfare; for not only had these troops deserted the French, but they at- tacked them almost at once." All hope of saving the battle had now to be given up, but the French covered their retreat with great stubbornness, and by daybreak the next morning one-half of the army was already filing along the road to Erfurt which had so fortunately been left for them. Napoleon reached Liitzen that day with his main body, while the Allies stormed Leipzig. By an error the bridge across the Elster was blown up before all the French had crossed, and part of the rearguard was thus cut off. Poniatowski, who had just received his marshal's baton, lost his life in trying to swim the river. t 302 3 LEIPZIG The aged King of Saxony who had remained in Leipzig during the battle was treated by the allied sovereigns with the greatest severity. He was sent to Berlin as a prisoner of war and remained there until the close of 1814. The Kings of Saxony and Denmark were the last sovereigns to remain faithful to Napoleon, even in his fall, and they paid dearly for their fidelity. Talleyrand pleaded the cause of the King of Saxony at the Congress of Vienna and finally obtained for him his Uberty and his kingdom, with the exception of one province which was assigned to Prussia. The King of Denmark lost Norway, which was given to the King of Sweden as a reward for his help in this campaign of 1813, and to indemnify him for the loss of Finland which had been reunited to Russia. The French retreat had been so well covered that no direct pursuit was attempted. The army, still over 100,000 strong, marched rapidly via Erfurt to Hanau on the Main. Here Napoleon found his way barred by Wrede with 60,000 men and over 100 guns in a strong position. To this fresh emergency he responded in most brilliant fashion. He at once attacked, and after one of the finest artillery manoeuvres in history, marched right over the enemy, practically destroying his entire force. Henceforth the march was unmolested and Napoleon reached Mayence on the second of November. Thus ended the Campaign of Leipzig, the most unsound that Napoleon ever conducted — "the weakest in con- ception, the mos^^rtile in blunders, and the most disas- trous in its results. "-tU-^ r>W& -V!«>| (l^\Ax>I^_4' 1:303 3 CHAPTER TWENTY 1814 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE Napoleon Returns to Paris — The Sovereigns Offer Peace — An Evasive Answer — The Allies Invade France — Defection of Murat — Plan of the Allies — Napoleon's Preparations — The Theatre of War — Battles of Brienne and La Rothiere — Bliicher Defeated — Schwarzenberg Driven Back — Battle of Laon — The Congress of Chatillon — The Allies Advance on Paris — Napoleon's Move to the East — The Allies Take Paris — Napoleon at Fontainebleau — The First Abdication — Marmont's Treason — The Second Abdication — Napoleon Attempts Suicide — The Adieux de Fontainebleau — The Island of Elba — Na- poleon's Life There WHEN Napoleon had recrossed the Rhine at Mayence and found himself once more on the soil of the Empire he had a feeling of discour- agement which it was difficult for him to conceal. He was no longer the Conqueror returning in triumph to his people. The Russian disaster he had been able to dissem- ble, and attribute to the forces of Nature, but no such course was possible to the general who had been van- quished at Leipzig. He remained a few days at Mayence and then left for Paris. On the evening of the ninth of November he reached Saint-Cloud where he was welcomed by the Empress. He had not a word to say regarding the results of the campaign, and addressed no reproaches to Marie-Louise on account of his desertion by her father. The 14 November there arrived at Saint-Cloud an emissary of peace from the allied Sovereigns. This was Baron de Saint-Aignan, Napoleon's minister at Weimar. He was authorized to say to the Empefor that the AUies were willing to treat for peace on the basis of the "natural frontiers " of France, the Rhine, the Alps and the Pyrenees. THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE It is very difficult now to say whether these proposals were sincere or not. But Napoleon, even in defeat, still inspired so much respect and fear that it is more than prob- able that he could even then have made "peace with honor." At this moment, neither the Czar nor the Em- peror Francis desired the return of the Bourbons. The Allies, with the memories of the Revolutionary wars still fresh in their minds, hesitated to cross the Rhine and the Pyrenees. The ablest of their ministers advised a policy of conciliation as both honorable and prudent. Napoleon, instead of seizing this opportunity, returned an evasive answer, and suggested a congress at some future date, without indicating in any way his views as to the proposal. When he finally decided two weeks later to accept the conditions, it was too late. The Allies had been informed by the Royalists in France of the weakness of Napoleon's position, and the offer was withdrawn. When Napoleon finally decided that peace was neces- sary, he wished to recall Talleyrand to his former post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, but the latter refused because the Emperor insisted that in becoming minister he should resign his position of vice-grand-electeur. Over such an in- significant matter of etiquette Napoleon at this critical moment lost the services of his ablest adviser. The Em- peror then appointed the wise and pacific Caulaincourt, who was persona grata to the Czar, at whose Court he had held the position of French Ambassador. But it was now too late for negotiations. As Bismarck once said, "There are moments in diplomatic affairs which never return." The 19 December the Emperor in person opened the session of the Corps Legislatif with great pomp. He failed to receive the usual enthusiastic reception. Two days later the Allies began the invasion of France. The nation which for over twenty years had not seen an invader on its soil was not prepared for its defence. The fortresses of the Elbe and the Vistula were strongly gar- risoned and well supplied, but no thought had been given to the strong places of France. Nearly one hundred and C 30s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST fifty thousand veteran troops were holding the German fortresses and as many more were still fighting in Spain, while in France there were not enough soldiers to guard the Rhine. ^ On the II December 1813, Napoleon had concluded a treaty with Ferdinand by which the latter was to be re- stored to the throne of Spain, and the French garrisons were to come home. Again it was too late. These soldiers who might have saved the Empire did not return in time to fight the invaders. On learning of the signature of this treaty Joseph was profoundly mortified, but there was nothing to do but to submit. He retained his title of king, and the dignity of prince of the Empire, and took up his residence in the Luxembourg. At the moment that the brothers became reconciled Napoleon was cut to the quick at learning that his sister Caroline and her husband Murat had deserted him and gone over to the Allies. Strangest thing of all, it was the other Caroline, the sister of Marie-Antoinette, the deposed Queen of Naples, from whom the Emperor received the first warning of this defection; and it was this same Caro- line, who had so much reason to detest Napoleon, who a few months later reproached her grand-daughter Marie- Louise for abandoning her unfortunate husband. After the battle of Leipzig the main army of the Allies advanced to the Rhine where they remained stationary during the month of November. There were no active operations except in Holland and around the fortresses along the Elbe and the Oder. The situation was so uncer- tain that the Allies did not feel justified in advancing on Paris. It was reported that Napoleon had raised a new army of 300,000 men, and after the surprise of the previ- ous spring they were ready to beheve anything. It was at this time that the Sovereigns made the very favorable offers of peace which Napoleon was so insensate as not to accept, They did not then know that the French army was C 306 3 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE far short of its strength on paper; that it was not, and could not be, properly equipped; and that it was suffering severely from an epidemic of typhus. At the close of the year 1813 the main aUied army of about 200,000 men under Schwarzenberg was on the Rhine between Bale and Mannheim, and another army of 80,000 was at Mayence and Coblenz under Bliicher. Bernadotte had gone to Holstein; Bennigsen was confronting Davout at Hamburg; and Biilow was in Holland with one Prussian and one Russian corps, 70,000 men in all. This gave the Allies an army for active operations of about 350,000 in all. At the same time Napoleon's total available forces did not exceed 100,000 men, and they were scattered at a dozen different points from Bale to Brussels. If there was ever a time when Napoleon needed to put to use his rule of concentration it was now. If after Leipzig he had drawn in Saint-Cyr and Davout from Germany, Eugene from Italy and Suchet and Souk from Spain, to add to his field army, there is no question that he could have kept the Allies beyond the Rhine and retained his throne with the enlarged boundaries of France. But for the time being the general was sunk in the monarch, and he was governed by political rather than military considerations. The wide separation of the small French forces was in the highest decree unwise. He should have abandoned for the moment his conquests in Belgium, Italy and Spain, concentrated all his forces on the Rhine, beaten the several alHed armies in detail and driven them from the soil of the Empire. He would then have recovered his prestige and his territory at one blow. But the Emperor did nothing of the kind, and it is difficult to recognize at this time the man whose first principle of war was to mass every man and every gun for battle. If there Was not time to concentrate his forces along the frontier he should certainly have done so for the defence of the capital. If he lost Paris all was lost, for all history shows that Paris is the heart of France. C 307 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Napoleon did not expect that the Allies would attempt to invade France before spring, and he thus hoped to have ample time for his preparations. In this he was to be dis- appointed. This time they did not intend to givefhe Em- peror an opportunity to reorganize and recruit his army. The plan of operations adopted by the Allies was sim- plicity itself. Paris was their objective, and they purposed to march on the capital in three columns. The most direct route from Germany is through Metz to Chalons, and Napoleon expected them this way. But the main army under Schwarzenberg advanced from Bale towards Dijon, while the second army under Bliicher was to move on Metz the moment that the first had crossed the Jura Mountains. As soon as the two armies were in touch with each other they were to march on Paris by the valleys of the Seine and the Marne. If Napoleon assumed the offen- sive they purposed to threaten his flanks while avoiding a decisive engagement. At the same time the third army under Bulow was to advance from Holland through Namur on Laon and ap- proach Paris from the north. We do not propose to enter into the details of the inva- sion until Napoleon himself appears upon the scene the last of January. No serious defence was possible from the feeble cordon of French troops facing the Rhine, and the advance of the Allies to the Marne was only a -promenade militaire. From the time of his return to Paris early in November the Emperor had been busy trying to raise a new army. He might have withdrawn 300,000 trained soldiers from the fortresses of Germany and from his armies in Spain and Italy, but as we have seen he was deterred by political considerations, although the military situation demanded it. On paper he succeeded in raising a new levy of nearly a milUon men, but Houssaye calculates that not more than one-third were actually called up, and not over one-eighth ever fought. From Suchet and Soult in Spain he withdrew about 25,000 men; from Italy, none; and the troops C3083 •ass v*.. . OtihT.^?::^ MAF OF PARTS OF to Illustrate the CAMPAIGXS OF 181415. Scale of >a)^isl[i ililes \ ^■\i (> fiyirmt'nr L_ :>iEztF.iii:;s^ •V 1 ■"? ^_ ' '^' , Ayy/-iiiriiii /:^ I'h.-iir. .nr/ THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE left in Germany were soon invested and ultimately forced to surrender. Into the details of Napoleon's efforts to raise a new army we cannot enter. When he finally faced the enemy at Chalons the last week in January he had only 50,000 troops available for immediate operations. The theatre of the Campaign of France is an irregular pentagon of which the five corners are Paris, Laon, Saint- Dizier, Chaumont, and Fontainebleau. The country is generally flat and in parts scantily populated. The two principal rivers in this area are the Marne and the Seine, which flow more or less parallel to each other until they begin to converge to unite just outside Paris, to the east. They are rarely fordable in winter and are always serious military obstacles. There are also many large tributaries to these rivers, which were of importance in the campaign. Across the theatre of war there were three great roads to Paris: (i) From Chalons via Chateau-Thierry; (2) From Chaumont via Troyes; and (3) From Auxerre via Sens, joining the second route at the crossing of the Marne out- side Paris. These roads passed many times over the Marne and Seine and other streams, and the destruction of the bridges had an important effect on the course of operations. On the 26 January, Napoleon took command at Chalons of the forces of Ney, Victor, Marmont, and a little later of Mortier as well — in all about 50,000 men. From there he advanced up the Marne to Saint-Dizier, where he learned that Bliicher had marched to Brienne. Napoleon followed and attacked Bliicher, who narrowly escaped cap- ture in the Chateau of Brienne. The Army of Silesia fell back to Bar-sur-Aube to get in touch with Schwarzenberg. After waiting two days at Brienne the Emperor pre- pared to march to Troyes. At La Rothiere on the first of February he was attacked by the first and second allied armies which outnumbered him four to one. But the attack was begun late in the day, and Napoleon was able to hold 1 309 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST his own until darkness fell. The following day he retreated to Troyes, hotly pursued by the Allies. After the battle it was decided that the two allied armies should again separate; that Bliicher should march A Cha- lons and thenceby the valley of the Marne to Paris; that the Army of Bohemia should advance on Troyes, and thence by both banks of the Seine on Paris; and that the Cossacks should form a connecting link between the two armies. Meanwhile Napoleon with his usual intuition had al- ready divined the probable movements of the enemy. He immediately moved across to Nogent. There he left Victor and Oudinot with half his force to hold back Schwarzen- berg, while he crossed the Seine with the Guard, 30,000 strong, and marched north. On the tenth, at Champau- bert, he struck the centre of the Silesian Army which was strung out on a line about forty-five miles long, and de- stroyed one corps. Then leaving Marmont to check Bliicher's advance he turned to the west and attacked one of Yorck's corps and forced it to retreat to Chateau- Thierry. Leaving Mortier to contain Yorck, he dashed off again with his main body to Montmirail, at the same time sending Marmont orders to fall back on that place, and draw Bliicher after him. The Prussian general fell into the trap, and was defeated by Napoleon and forced to retire to Chalons a distance of forty miles. These brilliant vic- tories in three successive days recalled the glories of the Campaign of Italy. The whole Silesian Army had been put hors de combat, and forced to abandon its advance on Paris. For the time-being Napoleon had knocked out his most dangerous and implacable enemy. In a letter to his wife, Bliicher said, "I have had a bitter three days"; but with his usual hopefulness and pluck he adds : " Don't be afraid that we shall be beaten; unless some unheard-of mistake occurs, that is not possible." After defeating Bliicher, it was high time for Napoleon to return to the assistance of his retaining force on the Seine. Leaving Mortier and Marmont to look after the Army of Silesia he hurried back to the valley of the Seine C 310 3 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE where Victor and Oudinot had been forced back to within twelve miles of Paris. While Napoleon was dealing with Bliicher, Schwarzenberg had seized Troyes and continued his advance on a wide front between the Seine and the Yonne. He stormed Sens and his vanguard reached Fontainebleau. While the Army of Bohemia was thus continuing its leisurely advance Napoleon suddenly fell upon it, and during the five days from 17-21 February defeated it three times, and inflicted such heavy punishment on his adver- saries that they retreated hastily to Bar-sur-Aube, over one hundred miles from the capital. In the meantime Bliicher had again advanced and was driving Marmont and Mortier before him. On receiving this information the Emperor decided to discontinue his pursuit of Schwarzenberg and fall upon Bliicher again. Leaving 30,000 men on the Aube under Macdonald and Oudinot to try to keep back the Bohemian Army, he took the remaining 25,000 to join the 15,000 that were with his marshals on the Marne. He arrived there on the second of March, having covered seventy-five miles in five days. He immediately fell upon Bliicher's left and drove him back on Soissons. This place had been held by a French garrison, which had capitulated only twenty-four hours before, un- known to Napoleon. The Silesian Army was thus able- to escape, and marching north to Laon it effected a junction with Bernadotte, thus bringing Bliicher's forces up to 100,000 men. On the seventh Napoleon defeated an advance guard of the enemy at Craonne, and drove it back on Laon, where a battle took place on the ninth. Napoleon was repulsed and was obliged to retire to Reims to rest his men. On the fourteenth, Schwarzenberg, who had learned of Napoleon's absence from his front, began another advance, but retreated again to Brienne on the news of the Em- peror's approach. Thus after six weeks' fighting the Allies were no nearer Paris than at the beginning of the campaign. NAPOLEON THE FIRST In order not to interrupt the narrative of the military operations no reference has yet been made to the peace negotiations which were carried on for several weeks dur- ing the course of the campaign, and we must now turn for a moment to the duller affairs of the diplomatists. The congress was held at the little city of Chatillon on the Seine, very near to the theatre of war. There were present the plenipotentiaries of England, Austria, Prussia, Russia and France. The Emperor was represented by Caulain- court, his Minister of Foreign Affairs. Nothing could have been more difficult than the role of the French commissioner. Caulaincourt was a brave gen- eral, a man of honor, a patriot if there ever was one. Absolutely devoted to the Emperor, he was nevertheless sincerely in favor of peace, which he believed to be the only salvation for Napoleon and for France. If his prudent advice had been followed the Emperor might have saved his throne. Napoleon could have had peace if he had been willing to accept the frontiers of 1792, but he insisted on the "natural boundaries" which he had once rejected. At times the Emperor seemed ready to give way, but as soon as he gained a military success he was again obdurate. Caulaincourt filled with honor and dignity his thankless role. The congress opened at Chatillon on the fourth of February, just after Napoleon's desperate defensive battle at La Rothiere. At that time the Emperor gave Caulain- court carte blanche "to conduct the negotiations to a happy finish." Three days later the Powers made known their ulti- matum that France should withdraw within the limits of 1792, and should have no voice in the disposition of the ceded territory. An immediate reply was demanded, yes or no, without any pourparlers. Caulaincourt expressed his willingness to accept even these hard terms, but upon condition that there should be an immediate suspension of hostilities. This condition was rejected by the Allies, and the following day the conferences were suspended for a week. C 312 3 EMPEROR FRANCIS I THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE When the sessions were resumed on the 15 February, Napoleon had just gained his brilliant victories over Bliicher, and he wrote Caulaincourt from Nangis, with- drawing his carte blanche and insisting on the bases pro- posed at Frankfort, that is to say the "natural frontiers." Napoleon thought the Allies would be much more dis- couraged than they were. At the session of the 17 February they presented a series of preliminary articles even more drastic than their previous propositions. When Napoleon heard of these demands his rage knew no bounds. He wrote Caulaincourt that he would rather see the Bourbons back than accept such infamous terms. But the Allies would not yield a single point. The last day of February they notified Caulaincourt that unless a favorable reply was received by the tenth of March the congress would immediately be dissolved. With much difficulty the French commissioner obtained an extension of five days, and finally on the 1 5 March he presented the counter-proposition of Napoleon in which the Emperor made some minor concessions but still in- sisted on the line of the Alps and the Rhine. The Allies considered this proposition as an ultimatum which made peace impossible, and on the 18 March the congress finally adjourned. The Allies now suddenly decided to cut loose from their communications and march directly upon Paris. This change of plan was brought about by several circum- stances. Under the leadership of Talleyrand, who had long secretly desired the fall of Napoleon, a plot had been formed at Paris to dethrone the Emperor and restore the Bourbons. The allied sovereigns were informed of this con- spiracy but they were not entirely convinced that Na- poleon's situation was as weak as represented. While they were still hesitating a letter to the Emperor from Savary was intercepted in which the minister described the ex- haustion of the treasury, the arsenals and the magazines, and spoke of the grave discontent of the population. After n 313 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST reading this letter the Czar decided to issue orders for an immediate march on the capital. At the same moment that the Allies began their advance on Paris, Napoleon suddenly eflPected a manoeuvft that has been differently criticized — blamed by many, ap- proved by few, the result of which was to bring about his fall within a few days. This manoeuvre consisted in passing to the rear of the allied armies, in order to cut oflF their communications. Napoleon hoped that they would follow him and thus be drawn away from Paris. The Allies, how- ever, divided their forces, leaving two Russian and Prus- sian corps to watch Napoleon while the rest of the army marched directly on Paris, driving before them the corps of Marmont and Mortier. In this sudden and rapid move- ment the Emperor of Austria became separated from his aUies, an apparently unimportant incident, which, how- ever, deprived Napoleon of the protection of his father- in-law and of Prince Metternich at a very critical moment for himself and his dynasty. Marmont and Mortier were driven back to Paris where they took up a position at Montmartre for the defence of the city, which was not fortified at that time. The 29 March there was fighting at the gates of Paris along an immense line. The aUied armies formed an effec- tive force of at least i50,ocx) men. To these the French could not oppose more than 30,000 men, who moreover were disheartened by recent defeats. The two marshals did not agree and would not act in concert. The confusion was great and the capture of Paris inevitable. The allied army had marched on Paris in the form of a large semicircle, leaving only the route to Orleans open. By this road the Regent, the Empress Marie-Louise, with her son, King Jo~seph and the Imperial Government re- tired and took up their residence at Blois, thus leaving the capital without government and a prey to all the ele- ments of intrigue that were within it. The result was the surrender of the city to the Allies on the last day of March almost without firing a shot. 1:3143 THE CAMPATGN OF FRANCE When Napoleon found that his movement to the East to cut the allied communications did not cause them to fall back as he had expected, he was for the moment unde- cided whether to pursue them or to leave his army and hasten himself to the defence of his capital. Not dreaming that Paris would capitulate almost without resistance, he decided on the latter course and travelled post-haste via Troyes to Fontainebleau. Pushing on from there to Paris, at a point twelve miles south of the capital he learned of the capitulation. He then turned back to Fontainebleau, and began to assemble his troops, who had followed him by forced marches, with the idea of recapturing Paris. As soon as the Emperor reached Fontainebleau he sent Caulaincourt to Paris to see the Czar Alexander, with a letter of credentials in which he gave him full power to negotiate and conclude peace, and promised to ratify any arrangement he might make. The first of April, the day after the Emperor's arrival, the heads of the columns from Champagne began to come in from the direction of Sens, and also the advance guard of the troops from Paris. The marshals also began to appear, and soon there could be seen at the Imperial head- quarters : Moncey, the commander of the National Guard of Paris; Lefebvre, who at the age of sixty had served through the campaign; Ney, Oudinot and Macdonald who came from Troyes, and Mortier and Marmont who arrived from Paris. The troops as they came in were placed in position behind the Essonnes about ten miles from Paris. The day after his arrival Napoleon already had 30,000 men in line. The Emperor, whose feeling of lassitude had passed away, was already laying his plans to seize Paris by a coup de main. He only awaited the arrival of further reinforce- ments and the return of Caulaincourt from Paris. The first conference between the Allies was held the first day of April at the residence of Talleyrand. The de- parture of Marie-Louise for Blois with her son and the Imperial Government, and the absence of the Emperor of NAPOLEON THE FIRST Austria who was only able to arrive on the fifteenth, when all was over, had left the field free to the enemies of the Empire. The news which Caulaincourt brought from tll^ capital the night of the second was most discouraging. The Czar was lodged in the hotel of Talleyrand, the central figure of the royalist plot, who had just been named as the head of the provisional government, with four colleagues; but the restoration of the Bourbons was not yet decided, and the throne might still be saved if the Emperor abdicated in favor of the King of Rome. Caulaincourt urged Napoleon to take this course. The following morning the Emperor assembled the Old Guard in the court of the Cheval-Blanc and addressed them. He was received with such enthusiasm that for the moment he returned again to his plan of mairching on Paris. But if the soldiers and the officers were still eager for war, the case was far different with the marshals, who were now, almost without exception, determined to force the abdication. Ney took the lead in speaking decisively and even disrespectfully to the Emperor. At noon on the fourth Napoleon called the marshals to his salon, and ordered his secretary. Fain, to read the act of abdication, which he then signed. A careful reading of this paper will show that it was merely a conditional offer to "descend from the throne" subject to "the rights of his son," and was not an absolute abdication. Caulain- court, Ney and Macdonald were directed to take the paper to Paris and make a final supreme effort at least to save the dynasty. On their way to the city the three plenipotentiaries stopped at Essonnes to see Marmont. This little village, situated about five miles from Corbeil, was the headquar- ters of this marshal and of the Sixth Corps which had been under his command during the campaign. The village bears the same name as the river which enters the Seine at Corbeil, and which separated the troops of Marmont from those of the AlUes. 1:3163 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE On meeting Marmont the emissaries of the Emperor were struck by his air of embarrassment, which they could not understand. The mystery was to be explained only too soon. Marmont, who had fought by the side of Napoleon since the days of Toulon, who had been rewarded by him with titles and riches, who had covered himself with glory during the Campaign of France — Marmont had betrayed the Empire! Following a conference held at his hotel in Paris on the evening of the 3 1 March, a few hours after the capitula- tion of the city, at which he became convinced that noth- ing could prevent the fall of Napoleon, he had decided to range himself under the white flag of the Bourbons. On the morning of the fourth of April he called a meeting at his headquarters of all his generals except Chastel and explained his plans. Such was the state of affairs when the same afternoon Caulaincourt, Ney and Macdonald stopped at Essonnes and informed Marmont of their mission and asked him to accompany them to Paris. Having obtained a sauf-conduit from Prince de Schwarzenberg, Caulaincourt and the three marshals proceeded to Paris where they arrived at two o'clock on the morning of the fifth and went directly to the hotel of Talleyrand where the Czar was living. The Czar saw them at once and gave them a very cordial re- ception. After listening to their pleadings in favor of the King of Rome he promised to give them an answer during the course of the day after a conference with his allies. An event fatal to the hopes of the Imperial dynasty now occurred. Marmont had planned the act of treason, and during his absence his generals carried it out. The marshal had hardly left for Paris when an aide de camp of the Emperor arrived at his quarters with an order for him to go to Fontainebleau. The generals of the Sixth Corps at once jumped to the conclusion that the plans of their commander had been exposed to the Emperor. Without awaiting the return of Marmont they decided to carry out the convention arranged with Schwarzenberg and lead 1:3173 NAPOLEON THE FIRST their troops across the Essonnes within the Austrian lines. When the unfortunate soldiers, in the middle of the night, received their orders to cross the Essofflies and march towards Paris, they thought naturally that they were about to take part in a movement for the recovery of the capital. But their suspicions were soon aroused when they saw that the Allies did not oppose their march, and the word "treason" ran through the ranks. When the sun rose and the situation became clearer, the rear column under General Chastel, which was not yet surrounded by the enemy, turned back and recrossed the bridge. When an aide de camp brought the news to Marmont at his hotel in Paris, he went immediately to find Ney, who was on the point of returning with his colleagues to see the Czar and receive his answer. Marmont told them of the action of his generals and added, "I would give my arm if the report was not true." " Say your head," cried Marshal Ney, "and even that would not be enough!" When the plenipotentiaries arrived at the hotel of Talley- rand, where the news had already been received, they found that the last chance to save the Imperial throne had disappeared and that the restoration of the Bourbons was certain. For the rest of his life the wretched marshal was pur- sued by a feeling of remorse. In vain the Bourbons loaded him with honors. At the last, in 1830, he was to prove their evil genius, as he had been that of Napoleon in 1814. Driven into exile by the fall of Charles the Tenth he ended his career at Schonbrunn, where he gave lessons in strategy to another exile not less unfortunate than himself, a young man who had been called the King of Rome, and who was then known only as the Duke of Reichstadt. In the meantime Napoleon at Fontainebleau awaited impatiently the reply from Paris. In case of an unfavor- able response he was determined to march immediately on the capital, fall upon the Allies, whose troops were C3183 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE scattered in and around the city, defeat them in detail and reconquer his throne. Who can say that he would not have succeeded ? At this moment came the news of the treason of Mar- mont which ruined all his plans. Napoleon only pronounced these words, "L'ingrat, il sera plus malheureux que moi!" When Caulaincourt, Ney and Macdonald returned to Fontainebleau on the evening of the fifth and reported the failure of their mission they found the Emperor calm and dignified, with no reproaches for any one. After a night of reflexion, Napoleon finally decided to submit to the inevitable. In the morning he summoned the marshals to his cabinet, and there, on a little round ma- hogany table, he signed his second act of abdication : "The allied Powers having declared that the Emperor was the only obstacle to the reestablishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor, faithful to his oath, declares that he renounces for himself and his heirs, the thrones of France and Italy, and that there is no sacrifice, even that of his life, which he is not ready to make in the interests of France." From the sixth to the twentieth of April Napoleon re- mained at Fontainebleau in a state of great depression. On the twelfth Caulaincourt brought for his signature the treaty which had been concluded at Paris the night before. This treaty gave to Napoleon the title of Emperor, with the sovereignty of the island of Elba, and an allowance of two million francs a year. It also contained pecuniary provisions for his mother, Josephine, Joseph, Louis, Hor- tense, Elisa and Pauline. He was also accorded the privi- lege of taking with him a body-guard of four hundred men. This treaty, which the Allies considered the height of generosity, appeared to Napoleon to be an act of the most profound humiliation. He said that he would rather die than affix his name to so ignominious a convention. That night he took a dose of poison which he had carried in a sachet attached to a cord around his neck during the retreat from Moscow. But the poison had lost its strength n 319 1 NAPOLEON THE FIRST and only caused him intense pain without ending his life. His physician Yvan gave him an antidote which soon re- lieved him. "Tout, jusqu'a la mort, m'a trahi," ^ said, "je suis condamne a vivre encore." When he awoke the following morning he enjoined upon his suite absolute secrecy regarding this attempt of which he was now ashamed. He had entirely recovered his usual calm self-possession, and during the course of the day he signed the treaty. In the career of Napoleon, history and legend are con- founded. To us the Great Emperor appears like a hero of Antiquity, and the veterans of his Old Guard are almost mythical personages like the legionaries of Caesar. The "Adieux de Fontainebleau," the celebrated scene of the Emperor with the grenadiers of the Vieille Garde in the court of the Cheval-Blanc, seems like the final act of a great historical drama. It is the twentieth of April, the day of his departure. In the court the Old Guard is drawn up in serried ranks. The travelling carriages are already waiting. On the stroke of midday the faithful Bertrand announces to the Em- peror that all is ready. He traverses the gallery of Francis the First and descends the stairway of the Fer-a-Cheval with a firm and rapid step. The drums beat the charge. At the foot of the stairs the Emperor makes a sign that he wishes to speak, and the drums are silent. "Soldiers of my Old Guard," he said, "I bid you fare- well. For twenty years I have always found you in the path of honor and glory." After a few more words his voice broke. Then he continued: "Adieu, my children. I would like to press you all against my heart. Let me at least embrace your flag!" At these words General Petit seized the flag and came forward. Napoleon received him in his arms, and kissed the eagle of the standard. Then overcome with emotion he entered the carriage which was to bear him away to exile. On the 27 April Napoleon arrived at Frejus, and the following day he embarked. The vessel dropped anchor in C 320 3 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE the harbor of Porto-Ferrajo the third of May, and the next afternoon he landed amidst the cheers of the inhabitants, who were proud of their new sovereign. Elba lies in the Mediterranean between Corsica and Italy, at a distance of only seven miles from the mainland. The island has many times belonged to France, but to-day it is Italian. In all respects it is essentially Corsican. The island is about seventeen by twelve miles in size, the greater dimension being from east to west. The customs of the islanders are most primitive. The climate is hot and unhealthy; skin diseases are common, and typhus is a scourge. Such was the prison to which the Emperor had been consigned. Napoleon, with his usual activity, at once visited every part of the island, on horseback or on foot, often walking for ten hours under heat that would have felled an ox. He at once began many municipal improvements. He repaired the roads, dredged the ports, and developed the mines. He introduced the olive, the lemon and the orange, which still flourish on the island. He also created an abun- dant water supply, and improved the health of the people by draining swamps and exterminating the mosquitoes. He gave the islanders their first lessons in cleanliness and sanitation. After lodging for a short time in a few rooms of the Hotel de Ville, the Emperor arranged for his home a build- ing on the slope of the hill near the capital, acting as his own architect. This building the Elbans called the Mulini Palace. As no furniture could be obtained on the island Napoleon sent an expedition to the mainland to secure the furniture of the palace of Piombino belonging to his sister Elisa. Three weeks after Napoleon reached Elba the Guard, who had left Fontainebleau several days before him, finally arrived. They were under the command of Cam- bronne, and numbered nearer 700 than the 400 men allowed by the Allies. At the time of his arrival at Elba the Emperor had C 321 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST about four million francs, nearly all of which he treated as a reserve fund only to be used in case of necessity, as he expected to live on the revenues of the island added to his allowance. The expenses of the administrftion of his little kingdom came to about 120,000 francs, and the revenues to nearly three times that sum, so that the bud- get was most satisfactory. There remained to be met, how- ever, the Emperor's current expenses and the maintenance of his little army, which alone cost nearly one hundred thousand francs a month. The Emperor's horses had come over with the Guard to join their old master in exile. They were seven in num- ber and had been ridden by him in many campaigns of the Empire from Madrid to Moscow. There were also forty- eight horses to draw the various carriages, including the large sleeping-coach in which Napoleon had made the journey to the coast. During the year Napoleon received two visits from his family. His sister Pauline came the last of May, but at that time only stayed two days. The first of August his mother arrived. A month later he received a visit from Mme. Walewska, who came to share his exile. But Napoleon only allowed her to remain for two days, as he was still hoping that Marie-Louise and his son would join him, and he wished to avoid any scandal. The Empress, how- ever, had already consoled herself with Neipperg and had no idea of rejoining her husband. Other cares now began to trouble the Emperor. The French Government had failed to pay his income and he had been forced to draw heavily on his reserve funds. His letters had no effect. France was as silent on this point, as was Austria regarding Marie-Louise. The Congress of Vienna was also debating whether it would not be safer to "remove" the Emperor to a point more distant from France. The outlook was far from reassuring. The first of November Pauline returned and cheered Napoleon with her bright smiles. The life of the household was thoroughly domestic. The evenings were devoted to C 322 3 THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANCE games of cards or chess. The Emperor usually retired at nine o'clock, and rose an hour before dejeuner. He passed most of his days in excursions over the island, supervising the work which was going on. He occupied himself with the affairs of his little kingdom with the same attention that he formerly gave to his immense empire. On the whole his life was not so unhappy. After so many emotions he needed a little rest. In this quiet routine passed the final months of 1814 and the first eight weeks of the following year. Then came the " Return from Elba," one of the most dramatic events in the history of the world. 1 323 "2 CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE 1815 WATERLOO Napoleon Decides to Leave Elba — Reasons for His Return — The Landing at Cannes — March to the North — The Defile of LafFray — Arrival at Paris — The New Ministry — Napoleon's Reception at the Capital — The Champ de Mai — The Situation Changes — Personnel of the Army — Napoleon's Plans — The Theatre of War — The French Cross the Sambre — Ligny and Quatre Bras — Napoleon's Health — The Grouchy Orders — The Advance to Waterloo — The Field of Battle — The English Resistance — Arrival of the Prussians — The Great Cavalry Charge — The Old Guard — The Cause of Napoleon's Fall — The Emperor Returns to Paris — The Final Abdication THE reasons for Napoleon's decision to return from Elba were partly personal and partly political. The personal reasons, which have already been alluded to, were, the refusal of the Emperor of Austria to allow his wife and son to rejoin him; the failure of the French Government to pay his allowance; and the talk at Vienna of removing him to the Azores or Saint Helena. There were also numerous political reasons. The Bour- bons, who had "learned nothing and forgotten nothing," during their long exile, were extremely unpopular in France. The King dated his first document from "the nineteenth year of my reign," as if there had never been a Republic and an Empire; he restored the white flag and banished the glorious tricolor which had been borne in triumph to every capital in Europe. He dissolved the Old Guard and formed the "Maison du Roi," a corps of 6000 Royalists. The peasants, by far the most numerous class in France, were alarmed at the demands of the nobles and the clergy for the restoration of their lands which had been confiscated and sold to the people. Moreover the Powers, C 324 3 DUKE OF WELLINGTON WATERLOO at the Congress of Vienna, were quarrelling over the divi- sion of the spoils and the former allies seemed on the brink of war. On Saturday, the 25 February 1815, at Porto-Ferrajo, the only subject of conversation was the ball to be given by the Princesse Pauline. The Emperor was present that evening, and was full of life. When he left at a late hour, he called Bertrand and Drouot to his room, and informed them of his intention to sail the next night. On Sunday at five o'clock the little army of iioo men received the order to embark on the six small vessels which composed the fleet. As had happened so many times before in his career, wind and wave were favorable to Napoleon, and the south wind which bore him to France kept Campbell the English commissioner becalmed in the harbor of Livorno. On the afternoon of the fourth day Napoleon sailed into the Golfe Juan and landed near Cannes. Around the head- land to the left was Frejus where he had been welcomed home from Egypt, and whence he had sailed for Elba. A little farther to the west was Toulon where his name first became known, and whence he sailed for the Orient. Beyond the cape to the east was Nice where he took com- mand of the Army of Italy. The whole littoral for him was full of memories. To-day, on the avenue from Cannes to Nice the tourist sees in the shade of a tree by the roadside a simple shaft of stone bearing only the inscription: "Souvenir du i" mars 1815." This marks the spot where Napoleon landed. Turning away from the royalist towns of the coast of Provence, the Emperor at once marched north into the mountains. His first objective was Grenoble, a district which he believed would be favorable to him. Just before reaching this place, on the seventh of March, there oc- curred a scene without parallel in the history of the world. In the defile of LaflFray there is a narrow road between lake and hills. Here he found a battalion of infantry drawn up in order of battle, commanded by Delessart. This 1:32s 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST officer, who was only nineteen years of age, was a nephew of General Marchand, the commander of Grenoble. Al- though he was then very bitter against Napoleon, under the Second Empire he became Marshal of Franft and Minister of War. Napoleon, who had ridden up with his lancers, now dis- mounted. He ordered his soldiers to carry their muskets reversed under their left arms, and at their head advanced towards the battalion. He wore his well-known hat with the little cockade, and the traditional gray redingote. "There he is! Fire!" cried Captain Randon. The soldiers were livid, their knees shook and their hands trembled. When he was within a few paces Napoleon opened his overcoat and said: "If there is amongst you a soldier who would slay his Emperor, here I am!" A great shout arose of "Vive I'Empereur!" The soldiers tore off their white cockades, broke ranks, and rushed to surround their beloved commander. Randon set spurs to his horse and rode away, while Delessart burst into tears and surren- dered his sword to the Emperor, who comforted him. Before leaving Elba Napoleon had said, " I shall arrive in Paris without firing a shot"; and in his proclamation to the Army he had written, "The eagle will fly from steeple to steeple, even to the towers of Notre-Dame." Both of these predictions were verified. From Grenoble to Paris Napoleon's journey was one long ovation. At Lyon, a large force under Macdonald melted away at his approach. Ney, who had promised the King that he would bring Bona- parte back in an "iron cage," was deserted by his own soldiers, who left him with cries of "Vive I'Empereur!" Unable to resist the general contagion, he too went to offer his sword to Napoleon, who received him with open arms. The monarchy fell to pieces like a house of cards. The troops sent to stop Napoleon's march joined his army. A placard was attached to the Vendome Column: "Napoleon to Louis XVIII. My good brother, it is useless to send any more troops: I have enough." 1:3263 WATERLOO Napoleon accomplished the last stage of his journey, from Fontainebleau to Paris, in a carriage escorted by only half a dozen Polish lancers. A little before midnight on Palm Sunday, the 19 March, the King left the Tuileries, and before noon the following day the tricolor was flying over the Palace and all the public buildings in Paris. The funds which, on the news of Napoleon's landing, had fallen ten points, had already recovered half their loss. On Monday evening, Hortense, several of the marshals, and many of the former ministers and dignitaries of the Empire were waiting at the Tuileries for the arrival of the master. There was a thick fog and a sprinkle of rain, but the expectant crowd could see the lights in thewindows. About nine o'clock a distant sound of horses was heard. A post-chaise entered the court-yard at a trot, followed by a thousand horsemen crying, "Vive I'Empereurl" They were troops who had been sent out the evening before to fight him. "Napoleon was lifted from the carriage and borne up the grand staircase in the arms of his Old Guard. At length he reached his cabinet and the doors were closed against the crowd. Such was the return from Elba, one of the most marvel- lous episodes in history. It was resolved upon and arranged by Napoleon alone, and surprised the Bonapartes as much as it did the Bourbons. It was a movement of the people, assisted by the army. Peasant and soldier marched side by side. It was a great tribute to the popularity of the Emperor and the most impressive form of plebiscite. Landing on the coast of France with 11 00 men, Napoleon had marched in triumph to the capital and entered the Tuileries to find his Court around him and the palace decorated and illuminated for his reception. If supreme power is ever to be founded on the basis of a nation's will, no sovereign in history ever had a clearer title to his throne than the right of Napoleon to reign over France. The Emperor was able to nominate his ministers on the very night of his arrival. Maret became Secretary of State, n 327 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST and Cambaceres, Minister of Justice, while Gaudin took charge of the Finances. It is remarkable that all three were members of the Consular Government after the i8 Brumaire. Davout consented with some reluctan^^ to be Minister of War. Caulaincourt again took the portfolio of Foreign Affairs. Savary refused the post of head of the police, and Napoleon reluctantly appointed that notorious turncoat Fouche. The veteran Carnot, "the organizer of victory," was made Minister of the Interior. It was a strong Ministry, made up of men of talent and experience. But Napoleon's fate was to be decided at Vienna and not at Paris. When the news of his return was received there, a declaration was drawn up and signed placing Napoleon under the ban of Europe as a public enemy. The rigor of this decree has been generally condemned, and the English historians try in vain to defend it. There were a few civil disturbances, in the Vendee and the South, but the Imperial Government was immediately recognized almost everywhere. Although Napoleon at once made overtures of peace, his arrival at the Tuileries was regarded by the other Powers as a declaration of war. His circular address to the sovereigns was stopped at the frontiers. The members of the Bonaparte family who were outside the limits of France were Interned. But if these were the sentiments of the rulers, the feeling of the peoples was very different. In Italy, in Belgium, and along the Rhine, the return of Napoleon was hailed with joy. But the general voice of Germany called out for an invasion of France. In England public opinion was divided. The Government was in favor of war, while the Whigs made a popular hero of Napoleon. At Paris Napoleon, in order to reassure the people, did his best to conceal the hostile designs of the Powers, and the city remained quite calm. At the same time he re- viewed every day in the Carrousel the soldiers who were leaving for the frontier. He also showed himself con- C 328 3 WATERLOO stantly to the people, riding about the streets almost alone. A very interesting account of Napoleon at this time is given in the letters of John Cam Hobhouse to Lord Byron. In the court of the Carrousel he stood within ten paces of the Emperor at a review. Napoleon fixed his eyes and filled his imagination. He also saw him at the Fran9ais, at his first visit to the theatre after his return, and says that it is impossible to give any idea of the joy with which Napoleon was received. "Napoleon entered at the third scene. The whole mass rose with a shout which still thunders in my ears. I saw the Bourbon princes received, for the first time, in the same place last year. Their greet- ing will bear no comparison with that of Napoleon, nor will any of those accorded to the heroes of the very many ceremonies I have witnessed in the course of my life." Hobhouse concludes with the remark: "There is something magical in that power of personal attachment which is proved by a thousand notorious facts to belong to this extraordinary man; and never had any one who wore a crown so many friends or retained them so long." On the first of June took place the famous assembly of the Champ de Mai, when the Emperor presented the eagles to the 50,000 soldiers who filed before him. Hob- house, who was present, says that the scene was more magnificent than any pen can describe. When Napoleon entered the Tuileries on the 20 March he was elated at his triumph and full of energy, resolution and hope. But in a few weeks the outlook changed decid- edly for the worse. The Powers placed him under the ban of Europe and armed a million men to overthrow him. The situation in France was most discouraging: the army was in want of men, the arsenals of supplies, the treasury of funds. Ever5rwhere he found hostility and suspicion. Even Napoleon's iron constitution could not stand the strain of this mental torture on top of almost continual labor to bring order out of chaos. When he left Paris to place himself at the head of the army he was no longer the same man morally or physically. For the first time he was subject to bodily ailments of a very painful nature. He C 329 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST had lost hope and energy, and was no longer confident of success. In order to restore confidence at home and conquer peace abroad Napoleon realized as never before tiliat he must gain a great victory. He had decided to leave for the front on the 12 June. The evening of the eleventh he dined with his mother, his brothers and the princesses at the Elysee, where he had moved from the Tuileries in April, After dinner the two children of Hortense were brought to him, and little Louis begged him not to go to the war. Napoleon turned to Marshal Soult after the boy had gone and made the prophetic remark, "He is perhaps the hope of my race." Before entering on the description of his last campaign it is necessary to consider the condition of the forces with which Napoleon hoped to secure the victory. By the first of June he had 200,000 men in the field; the National Guard numbered the same, and 50,000 more were de- tached in depots. Coming now to the personnel of the army: Napoleon's old chief of staff, Berthier, who had served him in this capacity for twenty years, had retired to Bavaria, and his loss was badly felt during the campaign. To supply his place the Emperor selected Marshal Soult, a very bad choice. Soult had great qualities, but was not fitted by temperament or experience for this position, where others would have done better. Napoleon was obliged to leave Davout behind at Paris because there was no one else to whom he could intrust the care of the capital. Augereau had been struck from the list, and Marmont and Victor had followed the King. Macdonald refused to serve,' and Oudinot and Saint-Cyr were not employed. Massena and Mortier were ill. Brune was sent to the South, and Jourdan and Suchet were also employed. Ney was summoned at the last moment and given an important command, but it would have been better if Napoleon had left him at Paris. Grouchy, who had just received his baton, had a great reputation as a cavalry officer, and Napoleon could not know how fatal his services were to prove. C 3303 <» ^ * .. rs ^ f 5 ffV e!' ^ ^^ «5"» ^ -*.-^^ H "05 C OH 5^ ' ^T^^ i3\TTIE (J> i> J I II II '^ "tt_imlLfjT WATERLOO On the first of June a large Austrian army under Schwarzenberg was nearing the Rhine, and Russia was also making great military preparations. Across the fron- tier in Belgium an Anglo-Prussian army was assembled near Brussels. Napoleon considered two plans of operations. He could either await the enemy's attack, which would give him more time to organize and equip his army, and a better chance of success, or advance to the attack himself and endeavor to crush a part of the allied forces before the rest could come up. For many reasons he chose the latter course. Of his 200,000 men he kept 120,000 in hand as his main army, and sent the remainder to the Vendee, Italy, the Rhine and the Pyrenees. The military situation at the opening of the campaign was favorable to Napoleon. The allied army was spread out on a line of over eighty miles along the Belgian fron- tier. They needed two entire days to assemble on the same battle-field. Wellington's headquarters were at Brussels, Bliicher's at Namur. The English line of communications ran through Brussels to Antwerp, the Prussian, through Liege to Cologne; in case of disaster the lines of retreat would diverge. It is interesting to note that in his last campaign Na- poleon was confronted by exactly the same problem as in his first, and that he solved it in the same way. Nowy as in 1796, his opponents were superior in numbers, occupied an extended front, and had divergent lines of communi- cations. He decided as before to strike in full force at the point of junction, drive a wedge between the two armies, and throw them back on their respective bases. The plan was a Napoleonic masterpiece, but its execution was far from perfect. Nevertheless it almost succeeded, and was lost by but a few hours' delay. The theatre of the 181 5 campaign is bounded on the south by the Sambre from Maubeuge to Naniur. About midway between these two places lies Charleroi where one of the main roads to Brussels crosses the river. Ten t 331 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST miles to the north this chaussee is cut by the paved road which runs from Hal through Nivelles to Namur, and this crossroads is known as Quatre Bras. Lrgny lies a mile south of this road, northeast of Charleroi. About twentj^iles. to the north of Charleroi is the little village of Waterloo, a short ten miles to the east of which is Wavre. The ground is rolling, and mostly open, with country roads running in every direction, and no streams of any impor- tance. All of the operations of the campaign were con- ducted within the irregular triangle whose apex is Brussels, and the base a Une drawn from Mons through Charleroi to Namur. In the early hours of the 15 June the French army crossed the Sambre at Charleroi without opposition, and took Wellington and Bliicher completely by surprise. The first definite information they received was from Bourmont the commander of the vanguard of the French right column who went over to the enemy and betrayed the Emperor's plans. During the day the French left wing under Ney pushed back the enemy's outposts towards Quatre Bras but failed to reach that point. One corps under Vandamme encamped near Fleurus, just south of Ligny, while the Guard and the corps of Gerard and Lobau were near Charleroi. At the same time Bliicher took up a battle position near Ligny and Wellington hurried up rein- forcements to his troops at Quatre Bras. These arrange- ments led to the two battles of the sixteenth. In the battle of Ligny fought on the 16 June, Bliicher had about 80,000 men against the 70,000 of Napoleon. When the Emperor found the Prussians were in force at Ligny, he sent orders to Ney, and also direct to Erlon, for the First Corps to support his frontal attack upon Ligny. But when Erlon did not appear he finally sent in the Guard, who drove the Prussians from their position. At the same time Ney had attacked the English at Quatre Bras with Reille's corps. Owing to the contradic- tory orders received by Erlon from Napoleon and Ney, his corps spent the afternoon in marching and counter- C 332 3 WATERLOO marching between the two battle-fields and took no part in the fighting at either place. Consequently Ney was repulsed at Quatre Bras, and Napoleon's victory at Ligny was not decisive. The battle did not end until ten o'clock and no pursuit was attempted that night. All that Ney had accomplished was to contain Wellington. The whole operation, save for the fatal loss of time, had been well carried out, and Napoleon felt satisfied with the opening act of the campaign. He had broken through the allied centre, and had beaten Bliicher singly. The immediate thing for him to do was vigorously to pursue the routed Prussians and prevent them from rallying and uniting with the English. This Napoleon failed to do. He returned to his quarters at eleven o'clock in such a state of fatigue that he was incapable of action. On the previous day he had been on horseback for nearly eighteen hours direct- ing the movements of his troops, and during the battle of Ligny he had again spent many hours in the saddle, through a day of terrible heat. Much has been written regarding the condition of Napoleon's health during this campaign, but the evidence seems to show that he was in his usual health, although he may have suffered from a local ailment which rendered horseback riding painful and fatiguing. The seventeenth Napoleon was very late in rising and no orders were issued until eight o'clock. He then gave Grouchy command of the corps of Vandamme and Gerard, over 30,000 men, and sent him in pursuit of Bliicher. The Emperor naturally supposed that the Prus- sians had retreated to the northeast towards Liege. In- stead of that Bliicher had abandoned his line of communi- cations and was retiring on Wavre. For many years after the battle of Waterloo a wholly false notion was prevalent as to the task assigned by Napoleon to Grouchy. The marshal denied over and over again that he had received any written order from the Emperor to supplement the verbal instructions referred to above. It was not until 1842 that the Bertrand dispatch t 333 D NAPOLEON THE FIRST was published in which Napoleon says, that it is important to penetrate whether the Prussians "are separating them- selves from the English or whether they are intending still to unite to cover Brussels or Liege, in trying the fate of another battle." This order clearly shows that Napoleon distinctly recognized the possibility of the Prussians unit- ing with the English, and that, in this case, he expected Grouchy to act in conjunction with the main army. That Grouchy, in spite of his many denials, fully understood his task is shown by his dispatch of the 17 June, at 10 p.m., in which he says that if the Prussians retire on Wavre he will follow them in that direction "in order that they may not be able to gain Brussels, and to separate them from WeUington." After giving these orders to Groufchy, Napoleon with the remainder of his army marched to Quatre Bras to join Ney. On reaching there at one o'clock he found that" Wellington had gone. He immediately followed, and on his arrival at La Belle-Alliance the same evening he found the English army drawn up at Mont-Saint-Jean, evidently resolved to give battle. South of Brussels for many miles stretches the large Forest of Soignes. At a distance of three leagues from the capital, on the edge of the woods, lies the little village of Waterloo, the headquarters of Wellington, which gave its name to the battle. Two miles farther on is Mont-Saint- Jean where the battle was fought. A glance at the map will show that the salient points of the battle-field of Waterloo form an almost perfect letter A. The top of the letter, where the two highroadsifrom Nivelles and Charleroi to Brussels join is Mont-Saint- Jean : there is Wellington; the lower right point is La Belle- AUiance: there is Napoleon; the lower left point is Hougo- mont, an old stone chateau, which lay in a large grove, and with its enclosing walls stood like a kind of fortress just in front of the French lines. The cord or crosspiece of the A is a by-road which inter- im 334 1 WATERLOO sects the two highroads at right angles, and, like many of the Belgian roads, in places is sunk much below the level of the fields. This road which borders the crest of the plateau of Mont-Saint-Jean and cuts the Brussels route at right angles covered almost the entire English position with a line of natural obstacles. To the east of the highway, the road was on a level with the fields, but a double border of high and thick hedges rendered it impassable by cavalry. To the west, the road was sunk from five to ten feet, between two banks, and thus formed for a distance of over four hundred yards a formidable intrenchment. By many historians the existence of this sunken road is en- tirely ignored, while others seem to doubt that there was such an obstacle. This is perhaps due to the fact that this part of the field was much changed a few years after the battle in the construction of the immense "Mound of the Belgian Lion." At that time the hedges were cut down and the sunken road was obliterated. That these two features existed at the time of the battle, however, is clearly shown in the official engineer's map drawn up in 1816. This road must not be forgotten, as it played a very im- portant part in the battle. Just below the point where the cord joins the right down-strok'e of the A is La Haie-Sainte, whose buildings and walls were fortified and held like those^of Hougomont by the English. The triangle comprised between the point, the two down-strokes, and the cord of the A is the plateau of Mont-Saint- Jean, the centre of the British line. This plateau in a way dominates the surrounding country; and on i s southern slopes was drawn up Wellington's army numbering about 70,000 men. In its front, along a lower crest less than a mile away was the army of Napoleon, which was of about the same size. Between the plateaux on which the two armies were posted, the ground is much lower, so that the French had to march up-hill to attack. Opposite La Haie-Sainte, nearer the other down-stroke of the A, now rises the "Mound of the Belgian Lion." The C33S 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST mound is two hundred feet in height and is surmounted by a huge lion cast from the metal of French cannon captured in the battle. In order to build this large mound, many thousand wagon-loads of earth were taken from the pla- teau, and this has much changed the contour of the coun- try, so that at the present time it is not easy to recognize many of the salient points. In the Banqueting Hall of the old palace of Whitehall in London, now occupied by the Royal United Service Museum, there is a large model of the battle which gives a better idea of the disposition and movements of the forces on the eventful day, than an actual visit to the field. Although naturally strong, for defensive purposes, the British position was subject to the defect of having its line of retreat along a single narrow road through a dense forest, and in case of defeat the English army would have been practically annihilated. At Waterloo, as in Russia, the Emperor owed his defeat largely to the elements. It was always his habit to begin his battles at day-break. On the i8 June, almost the longest day in the year, the sun in this northern latitude rose about four o'clock, and the battle, if commenced at dawn, in all probability would have been over and the English army destroyed before noon. But it had rained in torrents the previous night and the ground was too soft for artillery manoeuvres. Napoleon, who had a large superiority in guns, and who had never forgotten that he was once an officer of artillery, therefore waited until nearly noon for the ground to dry and harden before giv- ing the signal for attack. Although the Enghsh made a brave resistance, at four o'clock the battle was decidedly going against them. Wellington frequently looked at his watch, and "wished to God that night or Bliicher would come." At this crisis of the battle, when a decisive French vic- tory seemed certain, the Prussians began to arrive on the field and the Emperor had to send a part of his reserves to hold them in check. 1:3363 WATERLOO The English army had already begun to fall back, and troops were no longer to be seen on the front of the oppo- site plateau. Napoleon now decided to make a supreme effort to break the English centre by a charge of the cavalry of the Old Guard. Before giving the order, he once more carefully surveyed the field with his glass. His trained eye noticed a dark line running parallel to the enemy's front, and only a few hundred feet before it. He leaned over in his saddle and asked a question of the Belgian guide who stood beside his horse. The answer was negative. The Emperor then sent an aide de camp to give the order to charge. Ney drew his sword and put himself at the head of the Guard. No such sight had been seen since the taking of the great redoubt by the heavy cavalry at Borodino. This magnificent body of horsemen, sixty-five hundred in number, descended the hill at a trot, disap- peared in the battle-smoke, and then reappeared at the other side of the valley, mounting the hill at full gallop. It seemed as if nothing could resist the impact of this solid mass of men. Suddenly, at the right of the line, the front rank tried to pull rein. Arrived almost at the top of the hill, the cuirassiers for the first time perceived between them and the English a deep moat; it was the sunken road! It was a terrible moment, an unlooked for catastrophe. The first line attempted to pull up, but the second line pushed the first, and the third shoved the second. There was no way of holding back. The impetus acquired to annihilate the English crushed the French. When this ditch was full of living men and horses the rear squadrons passed over their bodies. Nearly a third of one brigade perished in this hole. The negative reply of a treacherous guide to the Emperor's inquiry had brought about this fatality which perhaps decided the fate of Napoleon. Although the full force of the charge had been broken, the plateau was taken by the French, but they were unable to maintain themselves there and were finally forced to C 337 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST retire. There is little doubt that this charge, but for the catastrophe of the sunken road, would have broken the British centre and decided the battle. Wellington, who was so nearly defeated, could not repress an exclamation of admiration. He said: "Splendid!" When, finally exhausted, the French cavalry turned and drifted down the slope, it was followed by the entire Eng- lish army. The French were becoming demoralized and Napoleon was obliged to put in his last reserve, the in- fantry of the Old Guard. The sky had been covered all day. All at once, at this very moment, about eight o'clock in the evening, the clouds parted in the west, and there appeared the large red ball of the setting sun. It was the rising sun which had greeted Napoleon on the field of Austerlitz! For this last effort, every battalion of the Guard was commanded by a general. When the tall bear-skin caps of the grenadiers appeared amidst the gloom of the falling night, the enemy for a moment recoiled at the sight of these veterans of so many wars of the Empire, who never yet had advanced except to victory. Knowing that they were going to die, they still saluted Napoleon as of old with cries of "Vive I'Empereur!" Although the Guard heard the cries of "Sauve qui pent!" and saw their fellow-soldiers retiring all around them, they continued to advance. They were led by Marshal Ney, "the bravest of the brave." After having five horses shot under him, he advanced on foot, a broken sword in his hand, crying to the English: "Venez voir comment meurt un Marechal de France sur le champ de bataille!" But in vain: he bore a charmed life. He was to meet his fate from French bullets! Night had now come, and only a few squares of the Guard remained. Abandoned by all, terrible in their expir- ing agony, they still fought on. Austerlitz, Jena, Fried- land, Wagram were dying in them. At nine o'clock only one square was left at the foot of the plateau of Saint-Jean. The English, filled with admira- 1:3383 MARSHAL BLUCHER WATERLOO tion for so much lieroism, suspended their fire, and an officer cried, "Brave Frenchmen, surrender!" Cambronne gave the immortal reply: "La Garde meurt et ne se rend pas!" Says Victor Hugo: "The man who gained the battle of Waterloo was not Napoleon, who was routed; it was not Wellington, giving way at four, hopeless at five; it was not Bliicher, who took no part in the battle; the man who gained the battle of Waterloo was Cambronne." At the reply of Cambronne the English officer cried: "Fire!" When the smoke rolled away, nothing was left: like the fortunes of Napoleon, the Old Guard had passed away upon the bloody field of Waterloo! As the Old Guard went in. Napoleon had started to descend into the valley to share their fate, but two faithful aides de camp seized the reins of his bridle, and led him, like a man in a dream, from the field. What was the cause of the downfall of Napoleon ? The question has been asked a million times and answered in many different ways. The treason of Bour- mont, the incapacity of Grouchy, and the rashness of Ney undoubtedly had much to do with the failure of the cam- paign. Too much stress has been laid by some historians on the failing health of the Emperor, and the decline in his mental powers, of which there is little evidence. Says Victor Hugo in his splendid sketch of the battle of Waterloo, in the second volume of "Les Miserables": "Was it possible for Napoleon to win the battle? We answer in the negative. Why? On account of Wellington? On account of Bliicher? No; on account of God. "Bonaparte, victor at Waterloo, would not harmonize with the law of the nineteenth century." Says John Holland Rose at the conclusion of his brilliant Lowell Lectures on the "Personality of Napoleon": "In a world which his energies had awakened to full consciousness such a career could not achieve lasting success. Providence uses such men while they serve its C 339 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST mysterious designs for the uplifting of the race. It casts them aside when their renovating work is accomplished. Napoleon saw not when that time had come. He struggled on towards the Indies, Cadiz, and Moscow as though the new age of nationality had not dawned; and therefore he ended his days at Saint Helena." Says Marechal Foch in an essay published on the one- hundreth anniversary of the death of Napoleon: "In my opinon the deep reason for the disaster which over- whelmed him was that he forgot that a man cannot be God; that, above the individual, there is the Nation; that above men, there is the Moral Law; and that war is not the highest goal, since, above war, there is peace." Napoleon reached Charleroi at five o'clock on the morn- ing after the battle. Leaving orders for the army to rendez- vous at Laon, he immediately proceeded to Paris where he arrived early on the twenty-first and went to the Elysee. He was completely worn out with fatigue. His brother Lucien advised him to seize the reins of power by a coup d'etat, but Napoleon was no longer equal to such a course. He sent his brother with a message to the Chamber of Deputies asking them to concert measures for the national defence. In the evening Carnot went to the Peers and Lucien to the Deputies to appeal for a united national effort against the Powers, but their pleas were of no eflFect. On the 22 June, under the advice of his minis- ters, Napoleon took the final act of his official career and abdicated in favor of his son. But the Deputies refused to recognize Napoleon the Second, and at once appointed an executive Coffimission of five members of which Fouche was chosen President. 1:3403 CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO 1815-1821 SAINT HELENA Napoleon Leaves for Rochefort — Surrenders to England — Sent to Saint Helena — Arrives at Jamestown — Longwood — His Companions in Exile — The Bertrands — The Montholons — Las Cases — Gourgaud — His Journal — The Books of Las Cases and Montholon — Antommarchi — Sir Hudson Lowe — Napoleon's Grievances — Last Portrait of the Emperor — The Rooms at Longwood — Napoleon's Books — His Occu- pations — Last Illness and Death — His Remains Brought Back to France — His Tomb in the Invalides ON the Sunday after the battle of Waterloo, the 25 June, Napoleon left his capital for the last time and went to Malmaison. Here he remained for four days in a state of indecision very foreign to his usual character. But the Allies were fast approaching Paris, and he was forced to leave. On Thursday, for the first time in many years, he put on civilian dress, and said adieu to his mother and Queen Hortense. On the lawn at Malmaison a stone still marks the spot where he entered the carriage that was to bear him away to exile. That night at the chateau of Rambouillet he slept for the last time beneath a palace roof. The next day he proceeded by way of Tours to the naval port of Rochefort. Here he hoped to find a vessel to take him to the United States, his chosen place of refuge, but he found the harbor blockaded by the British fleet. Even to the last, the "wooden walls" of England were to prove an obstacle which he could not overcome. Joseph off"ered him the cabin which he had engaged aboard an American ship sailing from Bordeaux, but Napoleon refused to secure his own safety at the expense of his brother's. Finally he decided to surrender to Great Britain, and throw himself on the mercy of his most bitter foe. On the C3413 NAPOLEON THE FIRST 14 July, the national fete day, he went aboard the "Bel- lerophon," which immediately ' set sail for England. After a slow voyage of a week the vessel dropped anchor in the lovely harbor of Torbay, which Napoleon said r^inded him of Porto-Ferrajo. Two days later the captain received orders to proceed to Plymouth. After four days of suspense in the harbor there. Admiral Lord Keith arrived with an order that "General Buonaparte" should be conveyed to the island of Saint Helena. The Government allowed the captive to choose three officers and a physician to accompany him. Napoleon selected Bertrand, Montholon, and Gourgaud, for his companions in exile, and Las Cases was added to the number in the coveted post of secretary. The "Bellero- phon" then sailed for Torbay where the Emperor and his suite were transferred on the seventh of August to a newer ship, the "Northumberland", which had been chosen for the voyage. At this time, Bertrand asked that O'Meara, the surgeon of the " Bellerophon," be designated to accompany the Emperor in place of the physician origi- nally selected, and the admiral consented to the change. During the voyage Napoleon passed most of his days in his cabin, where he at once began to dictate his recollec- tions to Las Cases. He dined every day with the admiral and the ship's officers, with whom he conversed freely. In the evening he played cards or chess in the general cabin. After a voyage of sixty-seven days, the exiles sighted the frowning cliffs of Saint Helena, "that black wart ris- ing out of the ocean." After dark the next day, the 17 October, Napoleon landed, and passed the night at a house prepared for his reception at Jamestown. On the morrow he was up at dawn and rode with Admiral Cock- burn and Bertrand to Longwood, which had been selected for his residence. Napoleon seemed satisfied with the arrangement, and expressed a desire to occupy the house as soon as it could be altered for his occupancy. In the meantime he took up his abode for seven weeks in a little bungalow near the town named "The Briars." C 342 3 SAINT HELENA A more solitary, out-of-the-way place than Saint Helena could not have been chosen for the captive eagle. The island is only ten miles by seven in dimensions, and its population at the time was less than three thousand, only a quarter of whom were white. It lies almost in the middle of the South Atlantic, 1700 miles east of Brazil and 1200 miles west of the mouth of the Congo, nearly 4000 miles from the Strait of Gibraltar. "And where, may we ask," says the apologetic Mr. Rose, "could a less unpleasant place of detention have been found? In Europe he must inevitably have submitted to far closer confinement. The Tower of London, the eyrie of Dumbarton Castle, even Fort William itself, were named as possible places of detention. Were they suited to the child of the Mediterranean? He needed sun; he needed exercise; he needed society. All these he could have on the plateau of Longwood, in a singularly equable climate, where the heat of the tropics is assuaged by the south-east trade wind, and plants of the sub-tropical and temperate zones alike flourish." It was December, and the tropical summer had come, before the Emperor took up his residerice in his final home at Longwood. For the former proprietor of so many sump- tuous palaces, his generous host, the British nation, had provided as an abode an old one-story cow-stable, which had been remodelled for his residence. From the porch one entered a fair-sized billiard-room, and passed through into the salon, beyond which was the dining-room, lighted only by a glass door. Opening out of this room, on the left was the library, and on the right Napoleon's private suite comprising a study, bedroom and bath. The landscape was as bare and dreary as the house. To the south, beyond the barren plateau, with its gnarled and stunted gum trees, lay the boundless expanse of the Atlantic. In all other directions the eye rested only on the scant verdure of the valleys or the bleak walls of the mountains. Such was the earthly Paradise which Mr. Rose so eloquently describes ! C 343 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Unfortunately, Napoleon's household at Longwood was hardly more congenial than the surroundings of the island. The personages of this long tragedy are few in number, and of some of them we catch only occasional gliippses. Bertrand, the former Marechal du Palais, and aide de camp of the Emperor, was an engineer officer of distinc- tion. He was devoted to his master, and not less devoted to his wife. He possessed the singular distinction among the companions of the Emperor of being the only one who did not write a book. This, in a way, is to be regretted, for except Montholon he is the only one who stayed till the end, and of the last three years of Napoleon's hfe we know but little. In his loyal silence he remains the most sympa- thetic figure of the Emperor's entourage. Madame Bertrand was the daughter of Arthur Dillon, Colonel of the Dillon Regiment, celebrated in the history of France. By his first marriage he had one daughter who married the Marquis de La Tour du Pin and was the author of the interesting " Recollections of the Revolution and the Empire." After the death of his wife Dillon married a widow, Mme. de La Touche, a first cousin of the Empress Josephine. When Fanny Dillon was twenty- three years of age, in 1808, the Emperor himself arranged her marriage with his favorite aide de camp, who was twelve years her senior. She was a most engaging, fascinat- ing woman, with something of the Creole charm of Jose- phine. She spoke English with perfect fluency. At Plym- outh she entreated her husband not to follow Napoleon to Saint Helena, made a scene in his cabin, and then attempted to drown herself. After this first tumult of Creole passion she seems to have become reconciled to her lot; she won the regard and good-will of all who knew her, and was the peace-maker of the little community. One trait of humor is recorded of her. At Saint Helena a child was born to her, whom she presented to the Emperor as "the first French visitor who had entered Longwood with- out Lord Bathurst's permission." Of the personality of M. and Mme. de Montholon we C 344 3 SAINT HELENA catch but a faint view at Saint Helena. He had known Napoleon ever since he was a child, when he went to Corsica with his mother and his stepfather M. de Semon- ville. He was afterwards at school in Paris with Jerome, and Eugene de Beauharnais. It was his strange fate to share for six years the exile of the Great Emperor, and then twenty years later, after the fiasco of Boulogne, to share for the same period of time, in the fortress of Ham, the im- prisonment of his nephew, the future Napoleon the Third. After the departure of Las Cases he succeeded to the vacant place of secretary, and became the most necessary member of the Emperor's staff. He wished, however, to accompany his wife when she left in 1819, and only re- mained at the urgent request of Napoleon. ► Of his wife we know but little. Curiously enough her marriage with Montholon had at one time been forbidden by the Emperor because she had two divorced husbands living, but he was afterwards tricked into giving his con- sent to Montholon's marriage with the "niece of the President Seguier," without realizing that the bride was the same woman under another description. Las Cases had had a very checkered career. In his youth he had entered the French navy, and had risen to the command of a brig. At the beginning of the Revolution he was among the first to emigrate. After the 18 Brumaire he returned to France, and became a councillor of state. At the time of the Restoration he retired to England, but again returned to France during the Hundred Days, and after Waterloo besought Napoleon to take him to Saint Helena. Born three years before the Emperor, he survived him by twenty-one. With him was his son, then a boy, who in 1840 returned with the expedition to bring back Na- poleon's remains; he afterwards became a senator under the Second Empire. Gourgaud was born in 1783 at Versailles where his father was a musician at the royal chapel. At a very early age he entered the army, and fought with distinction in all the campaigns of the Empire from Austerlitz to Water- C 345 2 NAPOLEON THE FIRST loo. For exceptional services in Russia he received the title of baron. During the Hundred Days he was named general and aide de camp by the Emperor. After the battle of Waterloo he returned with Napoleon to Pane, and accompanied him to Rochefort and England, and became one of his companions in exile. At Longwood his extreme vanity soon brought him into collision with Las Cases and Montholon. Tiring of the Ufe at Saint Helena he returned to England. In 1840 he was a member of the party which brought back the remains of the Emperor. He died in 1852 on the eve of the proclama- tion of the Second Empire, but his "Journal de Sainte- Helene" was not published until 1899. In the opinion of Lord Rosebery the one capital and supreme record of the life at Saint Helena is the private journal of Gourgaud, written for his own eye, without flattery or even prejudice, almost brutal in its raw realism. He alone of all the chroniclers strove to be accurate and on the whole succeeded. His portrait of Napoleon is the most pleasing which exists. But the curse of his Hfe was his jealous temperament which rendered him an impossible companion and made Napoleon glad to get rid of him. He quarrelled with everybody, the Emperor included. By all who knew him, and did not have to live with him, he was highly esteemed. But in the little community at Long- wood he was out of place. What makes Gourgaud's book profoundly interesting and valuable is the new and interesting view it affords of Napoleon's real character. We are apt to think of him as selfish and domineering. But in this record we see a new Napoleon, strange and contrary to our ideas, a Napoleon such as few but Rapp have hitherto presented to us. Rapp, the most independent and unflattering of all Napoleon's generals, and who as his aide de camp was constantly at his side says : " Many people describe Napoleon as a harsh, violent, passionate man. It is because they never knew him. Absorbed as he was in his affairs, opposed in his plans, hampered in his projects, his humor was sometimes im- n346 3 SAINT HELENA patient and fluctuating. But he was so good and so gener- ous that he was soon appeased." Says the Emperor's private secretary, "I always found him kind, patient, indulgent." Many other testimonies of the same kind might be quoted. Gourgaud unconsciously depicts Na- poleon as gentle, patient, good-tempered, trying to sooth his touchy and morbid attendant with something like the tenderness of a kind parent for a wayward child. No one at Saint Helena had more to endure than the Emperor, who was so little trained to patience, and few men would have borne his trials so well. The book of Las Cases, first published in eight volumes, and subsequently in abridged form under the title of "Memorial of Saint Helena," had a very large circulation. It is alleged to have been written from day to day, and to give an exact report of Napoleon's conversations. When corroborated by other evidence it may be considered a faithful transcript, but its value is much impaired by the number of spurious documents which it contains. Hardly one of these is genuine, and it has always been a mystery where he obtained them. Certainly not from the Emperor, for it is known that at the time he left Paris he confided to his brother Joseph the letters which he considered the most important: they were bound in volumes. It was chiefly to Montholon that Napoleon dictated the notes on his career which form so interesting, though not always trustworthy, a commentary on the events of the first part of his life. While Las Cases left the island in November 1816, and Gourgaud in January 1818, Mon- tholon remained till the end. His memoirs were published in two volumes at Paris in 1847 under the title of "Recits de la captivite de I'Empereur Napoleon a Sainte-Helene." The book is so interesting that it is a matter of regret that it was not published in its entirety. As it stands there are obvious suppressions, due no doubt to the author's venera- tion for Napoleon's memory, and solicitude for the political fortunes of his nephew. n 347 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST For the final days of the Emperor we have no chronicles except those of Antommarchi, the least reUable of them all. He was a young Corsican surgeon of some reputation, and arrived at Saint Helena eighteen montlR before Napoleon's death. He did not get on well with the Em- peror, who considered him too young and inexperienced. He certainly made a wrong diagnosis of Napoleon's case, and treated him for a Uver trouble which he considered trifling. He rendered one service however which almost makes up for his mendacious book: he took a cast of Napoleon's face after his death. The original of this, now at Brussels, "represents the exquisite and early beauty of the countenance, when illness had transmuted passion into patience, and when death, with its last serene touch, had restored the regularity and refinement of youth." Of O'Meara's "Voice from Saint Helena," the less said the better. Unknown to Napoleon the man was the con- fidential agent of Lowe, and his book is so obviously tainted as to be worthless. The years spent at Saint Helena were of immense serv- ice to the Napoleonic tradition. Most historians seem to regard the Hundred Days as a mere epilogue to the great drama of the First Empire's fall, not realizing that it was in point of fact a prologue to the strange romance of the rise of the Second Empire. This attitude is revealed in the most interesting English study of Napoleon's cap- tivity at Saint Helena. To Lord Rosebery that captivity is "the last phase," and nothing more. But the import- ance of this phase cannot be rightly appreciated if we overlook the constructive work of Napoleon during his captivity. Saint Helena saw not only the end of a great career, but the beginning of a great creation: it was the scene not merely of the death of Napoleon, but of the birth of the Napoleonic Legend. It is impossible even after the lapse of a century to speak in terms of moderation of England's treatment of Na- poleon. Lord Rosebery says: "Were it possible, we would ignore all this literature, as it is pecuUarly painful for an 1:3483 SAINT HELENA Englishman to read. He must regret that his government ever undertook the custody of Napoleon, and he must regret still more that the duty should have been discharged in a spirit so ignoble and through agents so unfortunate." The delicate post of Governor of Saint Helena during Napoleon's captivity was entrusted to Sir Hudson Lowe, a narrow, ignorant man, without a vestige of tact or sym- pathy. He was in no sense of the word a gentleman. Al- though his intentions may have been good, he was in every way unfitted for the task. These remarks are not the im- pressions only of the present writer : the verdict of history is almost unanimous. Even the Duke of Wellington says: "Lowe was a very bad choice; he was a man wanting in education and judgment." After a few interviews, six in all, and those in the first three months of his term of ofl&ce. Napoleon refused to see him, and during the last five years of his life they never met. The grievances of which Napoleon complained may be ranged under three heads : those relating to title, to finance, and to custody. When Lowe invited Napoleon to dinner soon after his arrival he addressed him as "General Buonaparte." The Emperor regarded this as an affront. It is impossible to conceive any ground on which his title was disputed. He had been recognized as Emperor by every Power in the world except Great Britain, and even England had informally recognized him as Emperor of the French, as also his heirs and successors, in perpetuity, in the official documents of the peace negotiations at Chatillon in 1814, which were signed by the plenipotentiaries of all the Allies, including "His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." He had been anointed Emperor by the Pope himself, and twice sol- emnly crowned, once as Emperor and once as King. He had received every sanction which tradition or religion or diplomacy could give to the Imperial title. It is difficult to imagine any reason for England's action except that of petty annoyance to a hated foe. The attitude of the C 349 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST British Government would be pitiable were it not ridicu- lous. It seems almost incredible, but it is true, that this contemptible policy did not end even with the ^mperor's death. His followers wished to put on his tomb the simple inscription, "Napoleon," with the date and place of his birth and death. But Lowe refused to allow this unless "Bonaparte" was added, so the tomb bore no inscription. Next was the question of finance, which may be treated briefly. Napoleon and his household of fifty-one persons in all were to cost £8000, while that expensive luxury Sir Hudson Lowe alone received a salary of £i2,cxx5. If the Emperor required anything more he could provide it him- self. Although Napoleon's own wants were very simple, the total expenses seem to have been considerably more than double the allowance. Napoleon ordered his silver sold to make up the deficit, and the governor generously increased the allowance to an amount equal to his salary. But Bathurst, his official chief, again cut the amount down to the original sum. All this, however, so far as Napoleon was concerned, was more or less of a comedy. He did not need to sell a single spoon, for he had ample funds at Paris, and even at Saint Helena. He was only trying to show up the meanness of the English Government, and in this he succeeded. The last group of grievances related to the question of custody, and in its relation to the health and comfort of the captive this was by far the most serious of all. The precautions taken to prevent Napoleon's escape would have been ludicrous if the effect on his health had not been so grave. The plateau of Longwood is separated from the rest of the island by a frightful gully which entirely surrounds it, and is only approached by a narrow tongue of land twenty feet broad. In spite of these facts this path- way was guarded by a regiment of soldiers and a park of artillery. At night the chain of sentries was so close they could almost touch each other. From the signal stations an approaching vessel could be seen at a distance of sixty miles. Two brigs-of-war patrolled around the island night c 3503 SAINT HELENA and day, and frigates guarded the only two landing places, in addition to the impregnable forts. Surely under these circumstances Napoleon might have been allowed to keep himself in good health by riding over this barren rock without the guardianship of a British officer. Later on when Napoleon was confined to his room by serious illness, the governor issued orders that he must show himself twice a day to the officer on duty. When the Emperor refused, the officer was ordered to peep through the key-hole or the window to see if the illustrious prisoner had not flown! The result of all this irksome espionnage was that after the first months of his captivity Napoleon, who all his life had ridden many miles a day, never mounted a horse, and his health suffered from the lack of his regular exercise. It may be of interest to give here a sort of composite sketch of Napoleon as he appeared at this time to a num- ber of observers, especially as it is the last view we shall have of him. He was about five feet six and a half inches tall, stout, but very strongly built and muscular. His head was well shaped, his hair dark brown without a gray hair among it. His eyes were a light blue or gray; his nose finely formed; his teeth good, and his mouth beautiful; his chin round. His complexion was a pale olive color. His hands were small, with tapering fingers and beautiful nails. His limbs were well formed, with a small and well- shaped foot. His expression was pleasant, his smile win- ning and his manners affable. He wore the uniform of the Chasseurs de la Garde, a green coat with red facings, white waistcoat and breeches, white silk stockings and low shoes with small oval gold buckles. Over his waistcoat he wore the red cordon of the Legion d'honneur, with the plaque and the cross on his left breast. As to Napoleon's habitation, it was a collection of old one-story cow-sheds. It was swept by eternal winds, it was shadeless and it was damp. The lord of so many palaces, who had also occupied as conqueror so many not CssO NAPOLEON THE FIRST his own, was now confined for his private suite to two rooms about twelve feet by fourteen in size. Each of these rooms had two small windows looking towards the regi- mental camp. In one corner of his bedroom was thdismall camp-bed which Napoleon had used during his campaigns. Between the fireplace and the screen which hid the back door was a sofa on which he passed most of his days. As ornaments of the room there were portraits of Marie- Louise and the King of Rome, a miniature of Josephine, and the alarm-clock of Frederick the Great taken from Sans Souci. In the study there were some book-shelves, a writing table, and another bed on which the Emperor could rest in the daytime, or to which he could change at night when restless or sleepless, as often happened. At Saint Helena the Emperor breakfasted alone at eleven, dressed for the day about two, and dined at various hours from three to seven. Soon after his arrival he aban- doned his uniform and generally wore a green hunting coat, but he retained the little cocked hat, although he laid aside the cockade. He passed all his days at the hut, reading, writing and talking. The one great pleasure of Napoleon's life at Saint Helena was the arrival of a box of books. All through life he was a great reader. At Brienne all of his spare hours were spent in the school Hbrary where he literally de- voured Caesar and Plutarch, and developed his admiration for the heroes of Antiquity. Later in life he wrote of those joyous hours, when he lived among his books — his only friends. As a young lieutenant of artillery at Valence and Auxonne, he read Herodotus, "the father of history," then just translated into French, Machiavelli and Vol- taire. History was always his favorite, but he also seized upon works of travel, biography, and particularly geog- raphy. There is still on file a list of the books he took to Egypt. There were over 300 volumes, nearly half of which were on History; 40 volumes on Geography; as many on Poetry; and many English novels, in French translation, as well as the Bible, the Koran and so on. SAINT HELENA As Emperor he had made for him a travelling library of a thousand volumes. To save space the books were printed on thin paper, without margins, and were bound in flexible morocco covers. They were all packed in boxes lined with velvet, sixty in a box. The list included books on Religion, Poetry and the Drama, but was mostly made up of History, Biography and Memoirs. A box of books was always placed under the seat of his travelling carriage which was so arranged that it could be made up into a bed at night. There was an overhead light, which enabled the Emperor to read at night, and he devoured many volumes as he rolled through the country, throwing out of the window the books he did not care to keep. Wher- ever he halted for the night a box was always brought to his room, where he read to pass away his sleepless hours. When he went to Elba, the books he selected from the library at Fontainebleau filled three large vans. In addi- tion he subscribed to all the circulating libraries, and gave a standing order to have sent him all new volumes of his- toric value as they were published. At Saint Helena Napoleon asked for some books which he needed, mainly in order to write his memoirs. The English Government was graciously pleased to furnish the volumes, but they sent him a demand for the amount paid. The Emperor ordered Bertrand not to settle the account until he received an itemized bill. So on his death the books were seized by Lowe and sold in London for less than a quarter of their original cost, some fourteen hun- dred pounds. As the books all bore traces of his study of them, and were covered with notes in the Emperor's handwriting, which had added greatly to their value, the Government by this petty, spiteful policy lost to the nation a priceless collection which should have been pre- served in the British Museum. Napoleon hated writing, and what he did write was almost illegible. But he Uked to dictate, and sometimes did so for half a day at a stretch, only stopping occasionally to read over what had been written. Shorthand was then C 3S3 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST practically unknown, and his poor secretaries had much difficulty in keeping pace with his rapid dictation. Worst of all, when wakeful, he dicated all night, and ^urgaud would be sent for at four in the morning to take the place of the exhausted Montholon. Besides reading and dictation Napoleon had few dis- tractions. He stayed so much indoors that he became ill from the lack of exercise; so the last year of his life he took up gardening. Paul Delaroche painted a portrait of him in his garden, wearing red slippers and a wide-brimmed straw hat, spade in hand, resting from his labors. He sometimes played a game of billiards, at which he was not expert, or of chess, in which he was far from skilful. As he did not like to be beaten, it severely taxed the courtliness of his suite to let him win. At cards he always cheated, but refused to take the stakes he thus won. Of the last days of Napoleon we know but little. Not- withstanding the atmosphere of surveillance in which he lived, his death was not expected, and the end came sud- denly. During the first weeks of 1821 his disease made rapid progress, but even his physician did not realize that it was mortal until a few days before his death. He became faint and weary, lay upon his bed or reclined on his sofa all day, and gave up his dictating. He could hardly retain any food, and lost flesh perceptibly. On the 15 April he dictated his testament to Montholon. In this he distrib- uted among his most faithful followers the six million francs he had deposited with his Paris bankers; also some souvenirs. For the last two days of his life he was con- stantly delirious. He yielded his last breath on the fifth day of May at ten minutes before six in the evening. A terrible storm was raging outside as the soul of the exile took flight. The violent wind shook the frail huts of the soldiers and tore up the trees that the Emperor had planted. The autopsy, which was performed at his own request, showed that he had died of a cancer of the stomach, the C 3S4 3 SAINT HELENA same disease which carried off his father and so many members of his family. All the other organs were sound. After being embalmed, his body was clothed in the familiar green uniform, and lay in state for four days. After death the superfluous flesh sank away, and all were struck with the serene and beautiful expression of the face, which recalled the early days of the Empire. The funeral took place with all the pomp that the island could afford. The coffin, on which lay the sword and the cloak he had worn at Marengo, was borne with full mili- tary honors by British grenadiers to a spot chosen by the Emperor himself. The grave had been dug under two large weeping-willow trees in a secluded valley not far from Longwood. In his will Napoleon had said: "Je desire que mes cendres reposent sur les bords de la Seine au milieu de ce peuple Fran9ais que j'ai tant aime." Nineteen years later a French frigate, the " Belle-Poule," under the command of Prince de Joinville, anchored at Jamestown. In response to the universal desire of the nation King Louis Philippe had sent his son to convey back to France the Emperor's remains. On this last pious pilgrimage there returned to Saint Helena, Bertrand and Gourgaud, the young Las Cases, and Arthur Bertrand, "the first French visitor who entered Longwood without Lord Bathurst's permission." There, too, were Marchand, the valet, as well as Saint- Denis, and three others of the Emperor's faithful attend- ants. They found that Longwood had reverted to its former use and again become a stable. At midnight on the 15 October 1840, the twenty-fifth anniversary of his arrival at Saint Helena, the party gathered around the Emperor's grave. When, after ten hours' strenuous labor, the coffin was finally opened, they beheld once more the well-known features, unaltered and unimpaired. On a bitter December day the dead Conqueror made the most majestic of his entrances into his capital. Csss 1 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Mounted upon a stately funeral car, escorted by the aged veterans of the Old Guard, his body was borne in triumph down the beautiful avenue of the Champs-Elysees, under his Arc de Triomphe, across the Place de la Concorde, and over the Seine to the Invalides. Here the King of the French, surrounded by the royal family and all the digni- taries of State, awaited the arrival of the illustrious dead. Suddenly a chamberlain appeared at the door and broke the silence with the announcement: "L'Empereur!" and the assembly arose with a common emotion as the body was borne slowly in. • ■■' > Under the gilded dome of the Invalides the spirit of the Great Emperor still reigns. His tomb is the first spot to which the visitor to Paris turns his steps. In an open cir- cular crypt, directly under the dome, one sees the massive sarcophagus of red Finland porphyry. Like sentinels around the tomb stand twelve colossal Victories in Carrara marble, beside which are trophies composed of sixty stand- ards taken from the enemy. In the mosaic of the pavement are traced the names of eight of Napoleon's greatest vic- tories: Rivoli, Pyramides, Marengo, Austeriitz, lena, Friedland, Wagram, Moskova, Here, under the soft blue light of the dome of the Invalides, on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people he loved so well, repose for all' time the ashes of the greatest soldier the world has ever known. C3S6n CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE 1769-1821 PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON His Place in History — Influence on Europe — Social Equality — Political Liberty — Higher Education — Publicity — Personal Appearance — Health — Method of Work — ■ Dictating — Writing — Mental Equip- ment — Family Relations — His Career — Physical and Moral Courage — Statesmanship — Moral — Imagination — Ambition — Lack of Organ- ization — Leadership — Compared to Cxsar. THERE is no personage in history who has been so much written about| as Napoleon. The books on his Hfe would fill a large library. Yet, upon one point only is there practical unanimity of opinion — that as a soldier the world has never seen his equal. A century has not been long enough to arrive at a conclusion as to the full meaning of his life ; nor has it produced any man comparable to him in force of will, energy, or in sheer power of intellect. It has been said that Napoleon himself never under- stood England, but it is certain that the British mind has never been able to fully appreciate the Emperor. Many have' studied him, with profit and insight, but never entirely free from the old insular prejudice. In France, the cult of the Napoleonic Legend still survives, but no longer in an Imperialistic sense. The nation to- day is profoundly pacific, but it is not unmindful of the great figures of its historic past. This centennial year, France has united in honoring the greatness, nay the grandeur, of Napoleon. A century hence it may be possible to see in a truer perspective the influence of Napoleon upon Europe and the world. Italy and Germany really owe to him their i:3S7 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST unification. The struggles of peoples for their inde- pendence, that marked the course of the last century, received from him their original impulse, and in the Europe of to-day his influence is clearly to be seenp In the calm light of a century of experience there can now be little room for serious hesitation as to the place to be assigned him in the march of political and social progress. " No single mind," says Mr. H. A. L. Fisher, " is more powerfully stamped upon the institutions of contempo- rary France, for by his reaction against its excesses he saved all that was precious in the philosophy of the Revolution." Napoleon had none of the illusions of a democratic statesman like Burke, that " whenever the people have a feehng they are commonly in the right." In his opinion an inteUigent but iUiterate population like that of France, demoralized by revolutionary anarchy, and without ex- perience with democratic institutions, was unfit for political Hberty. What the nation needed was social equality, guaranteed by a strong and intelligent govern- ment. The old Monarchy had been weak because the vital forces of the state had been paralysed by social privilege. No matter how autocratic the administration of Napoleon might be, it still provided an open career to talent of every kind. In the social structure of France, as it was left by Napoleon, equality was the rule. Compared with the England of Pitt and Fox, the France of Napoleon was essentially democratic. " It is for this system of equality," said the exile to O'Meara, " that your oli- garchy hates me so much." With respect to political liberty Napoleon's attitude was entirely difi^erent. The memory of the wild orgy of talk and legislation in the revolutionary assemblies was still fresh in his mind, and the trying scenes of the 19 Brumaire had never been forgotten. He felt that a popular assembly, so far from being a help to the ruler, was a source of perplexity and embarrassment. If he Csssn PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON had not yielded during the Hundred Days to what he believed to be the growing popular demand for a legis- lative form of government, he might have preserved his throne. The higher education of France received at his hands the impetus which won the admiration of Matthew Arnold. During the recent war some five million men in the American and British armies received some form of liberal or technical instruction. The idea was sug- gested by Napoleon at Saint Helena, where he said that it was one of his plans that every regiment should have its school for instruction in science, the humanities, and mechanics. Brilliant as was his military renown. Napoleon always realized that he lacked the greatest of all props to political power — legitimacy — and that only continued success could assure the stability of his throne. He therefore turned to a new force, until then hardly realized by public men in Europe, and became the first journalist of his time. He possessed in the highest degree the talent of placing his victories in the most favorable light, while excluding all uncomfortable matter, and his bulle- tins, and other communications, published in the " Moni- teur," constantly commended the principal actor to the admiration and applause of the world. In the monu- ments of the capital and in the museums of painting and sculpture, the memory of his military triumphs was also preserved, and will live for all time as an inspiration for a great martial people. During his youth, and until he became Consul, Napoleon was not at all attractive in person, and could hardly be called well-groomed. He was a little over five feet six, English measure, and was well proportioned. At the age of forty he became stout, and looked even smaller than he really was. His hair was dark brown, and until after his return from Egypt he wore it long in the Revolu- tionary style. His forehead was high ; his eyes a brilliant blue-gray ; his nose straight and well shaped ; his mouth 1:3593 NAPOLEON THE FIRST rather large, with a so-called Cupidon upper lip ; his chin round and dimpled. During the early years of the Empire, before his face became too full, his features were very handsome, with a clear cameo-like profile. • In early life his health was uniformly good, but later he began to show signs of lessened activity, due partly to a greater love of ease, and partly to failing physical strength. He had inherited a sound and tough body, capable of standing great fatigue, and with remarkable nervous strength. He was very moderate so far as the table went, although he ate too fast, and he never drank any wine except a little Chambertin diluted with water. Without being entirely chaste, he was never in any sense a libertine. During his campaigns, until the different army corps had nearly reached the positions assigned them. Napoleon remained at general headquarters. Then he proceeded rapidly to the front in his travelling carriage. In the presence of the enemy he always accompanied his troops on horseback. At his quarters in the field, he received the reports of his marshals, and personally directed all the corps movements. In the intervals, he attended to the internal administration of France, and replied to the reports which were sent him from Paris by his ministers, who wrote him every day. He thus governed his Empire at the same time that he directed his army. He had such a remarkable constitution that he could sleep for an hour, be awakened to receive a report and give an order, and immediately fall asleep again, without his repose or his health suffering. Six hours of sleep was sufiicient for him, whether he took it consecutively or at different intervals during the twenty-four hours. The days which preceded a great battle he was con- stantly on horseback, to reconnoitre the force and the position of the enemy, study the field of battle, and visit the bivouacs of his soldiers. Even during the night, he rode along the entire front to further assure himself of the strength of the enemy by the number of his camp fires, n36o3 PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON and he wore out several horses in a day. The day of battle he took a position at a central point where he could see everything which took place. He was sur- rounded by his aides de camp, whom he dispatched to carry his orders to all points. A short distance behind him were always stationed four squadrons of the cavalry of the Guard. The marshals were advised of his position, so that their reports could easily reach him. If his pres- ence became necessary at any point, he immediately galloped there, followed by his escort. Napoleon was a very hardy, but also a very careless rider. He sat hunched up in the saddle, holding the reins loosely in his right hand, with his left arm pendent by his side. Sometimes he went at a walk or a trot, but more often at full gallop, without paying the slightest attention to the route. Before adopting the legendary gray redingote. Na- poleon protected himself against the cold of the bivouac with a light-blue cloak, the " manteau de Marengo," which he always kept, and which covered his coffin at Saint Helena, and under which he now sleeps in the Invalides. Upon the field of battle the tents of the Emperor were erected in the middle of a square of the Old Guard. There were always three principal tents, one for the Emperor, one for Berthier, the Chief of Staff, and a third for the officers of the household. The personal tent of the Emperor was in two parts : the first, called the office, was furnished with a small writing-table, an arm-chair of red morocco, for the Emperor, and two stools for the secretary and the aide de camp on duty ; the table and the chairs were all folding. The second part was used as a bedroom : here was erected the little folding iron campaign bed, with straps, enclosed with dark green curtains. The foot-rug of the travelling- coach served for a descente de lit, and the necessaire de voyage completed the furnishing. At night, the secretary and the aide de camp slept on cushions in the office. 1:3613 NAPOLEON THE FIRST The tents, the bed, and the furniture could all be folded and rolled up, and packed on the backs of mules for transportation. The little iron camp-bed was about six feet long and three feet wide. It was the bfH used by Napoleon at Saint Helena, upon which he died, and is now at Paris. Meneval states that Napoleon never dictated except while walking. He sometimes began while seated, but at the first phrase he arose, and began to walk around the room, continuing this promenade the entire time he was dictating. Words to express his thoughts came to him without effort, and although sometimes incorrect, they always conveyed his idea clearly. In his addresses to the Senate, in his proclamations, in his diplomatic notes, the style was always well-considered and appropriate to the subject. Napoleon rarely wrote himself : he found it too fatigu- ing, as his hand could not keep pace with the rapidity of his conception. He never took a pen in his hand except occasionally when he was alone, and there was no one within call to act as his amanuensis. His writing was an assemblage of characters without connection and almost unreadable. Half the letters of the words were wanting. His spelling was never correct, although he could always find any errors in the writing of other persons. This was due to the fact that his mind moved so rapidly that he would not interrupt the flow of his thoughts to take time to write correctly. Napoleon had naturally a very active mind. Always, and in all things, he went straight to the point. In a dis- cussion, he always found at once the conclusive argument ; upon the field of battle, he discovered the decisive ma- noeuvre. For him, to think, to decide, to act, was a single Indivisible act, so rapidly executed that between the thought and the act there was not a moment lost. " If," says Thiers, " he had chosen one of the civil careers, where one can only succeed by persuading others, in 1:3623 PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON winning them to your point of view, perhaps he would have learned to moderate, to control his passionate dis- position ; but thrown into the career of arms, and en- dowed with the supreme faculty of divining at a glance what must be done to win, he reached with one bound the domination of Italy ; with a second, the government of France ; with a third, the supremacy of Europe, — what marvel then that this nature which God had made so quick, which victory had made still more prompt, should be brusque, impetuous, domineering, absolute in its will ! Everything had cooperated, nature and events, to make of this mortal the most absolute, the most im- petuous of men." It was not, however, until towards the end of his career that Napoleon gave way entirely to this spirit of domination. Then, seeing nations submit, and sov- ereigns bow before him, he no longer takes account either of men or of nature, and dares all, undertakes all. When he had ceased to command he became gentle, simple, charitable, with that charity of a great mind which understands human nature, appreciates its weak- nesses, and pardons them because he knows that they are unavoidable. At Saint Helena, divested of all prestige, having over his companions in misfortune only the ascendancy of a great mind and character, Napoleon continued to dominate them absolutely. He so strongly attached them to himself, by his unaltering kindness, that after fearing him for the greater part of their lives, they loved him for the rest. Towards his family he always showed the greatest kindness and generosity, and pardoned over and over again their faults and their failures. For the Empress Josephine, even after her divorce, he also displayed a profound tenderness, although his first passionate love for her had long been cooled by her many acts of in- fidelity. In his testament he speaks in the kindest terms of his " dear wife Marie-Louise," and states that at the last moment he has for her only the tenderest sentiments, C3633 NAPOLEON THE FIRST although he knew full well that she was living in open concubinage with Neipperg. No career in history has been so dramatic^ew so pathetic as that of Napoleon. It covers just nineteen years. It began in 1796 with the Campaign of Italy : it ended with Waterloo in 181 5. Looking back when all was over, from the lonely rock where fate had chained him, he said : " I may have had many plans, but I was never free to carry out any of them. It was all very well for me to hold the helm, but however strong was the hand that grasped it, the waves were much stronger still. I have never been really my master ; I have always been controlled by circumstances." He always realized that his hold upon power was in- secure. It was this feeUng that constantly urged him on to deeds that brought ruin in their train. "Your sovereigns, born on the throne," he said to Metternich, " may be beaten twenty times and go back to their capitals ; I cannot, because I am an upstart soldier. My domination will not outlive the day when I cease to be strong, and to be feared because I am strong." As a soldier. Napoleon's personal courage was above reproach. Of this he gave many admirable examples, from the bridge of Arcole, in the first campaign in Italy, to his last battle at Waterloo. It was, however, his moral courage that won his campaigns ; the character- istic boldness in design and execution, the willingness to risk much to win much, that, coupled with intellect, made him the master of Europe. No man in history has equalled Napoleon in force of intellect and character, and perhaps no one has ever been more favored by opportunity. Yet despite his great administrative work. Napoleon was not a true statesman. He had the power to create, but not the talent to mould into permanent form. Had he been content to rule a France limited by her " natural bound- aries " of the Rhine, the Alps and the Pyrenees, he n364 3 PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON might have founded a dynasty which would be the most powerful in Europe to-day. But as Frederick puts it, he sought to keep too much and ended by keeping nothing. Success in war, in the opinion of Napoleon himself, is largely a question of moral, in other words, of opinion or reputation, and, he adds, " the art is to preserve the reputation when one has secured it." This view is also endorsed by the greatest soldier of our own day, Marechal Foch, who insists upon it frequently in his writings. Every great commander, having established a reputation for boldness, enterprise and skill, wins under circum- stances where, without this moral help, he might fail. This fact is often illustrated in Napoleon's career, par- ticularly at the opening of the Wagram campaign of 1809, and during the Campaign of France in 1814, where his reputation of doing sudden, unexpected and dangerous things puzzled and dismayed his antagonists. No great soldier has ever achieved success without imagination : the ability to see the result of a far-reaching operation at its very beginning, and Napoleon possessed this trait in a very marked degree. Says Bourrienne, "Although he was perhaps the most positive man who ever lived, yet I have known no one who allowed himself to be carried away more easily by the charms of imagina- tion : under many circumstances, to wish and to believe were one and the same thing." But this will to see nothing impossible, this unlimited reliance on results, which was at first one of the causes of his success, ended by becoming fatal. There was developed gradually the feeling that failure was for him impossible, and that his own views and acts were infallibly right. When he ceased to tolerate dissent, discussion fell into disuse, and every one obeyed his orders, even though he knew that the Emperor was not sustained by facts. This was most marked during the unfortunate campaign of 181 3, the poorest he ever conducted. As Marmont said of him, " He no longer believed in truth when it conflicted with his passions, his interests, or his moods." 1:3653 NAPOLEON THE FIRST That Napoleon was ambitious cannot be gainsaid — ambitious not only for the present but for the future. Bourrienne quotes him as saying : " For me the im- mortality of the soul is the impression one leaves on the memory of man. This thought leads to great things ; it were better not to have lived, than to leave behind no traces of one's existence." It is the thought expressed in Scott's immortal lines : "One crowded hour of glorious life Is worth an age without a name." On another occasion he denied that he had ambition ; then he corrected himself, and said that it was " so natural to him, so innate, so attached to his being that it was like the blood that flowed in his veins or the air he breathed." So long as Napoleon commanded small armies, and retained his abnormal nervous vigor, his desire to keep everything in his own hands was one of the chief causes of his success. But when his armies grew larger, and his physical force began to decline, his lack of a competent general staff" led to failure. It was impossible for him to attend personally to details so extensive, and he had trained no subordinates to do it for him. Like many men of very positive character. Napoleon wanted around him only active, laborious and obedient mediocrity. His nominal chief of staff", Berthier, was only a very efficient and docile head-clerk. It was the same with his mar- shals : only a few, like Massena, Soult and Davout, were capable of independent command. His other generals were exceptional lieutenants only. Never was a man so born for leadership as Napoleon. This trait was displayed even during his school days at Brienne. When he took command of the Army of Italy in 1796, he found a group of general officers all older and more experienced than himself, and yet he at once im- posed his will upon them. There was no attempt to evade an order during the campaign. This power over men extended both to his generals and to his troops. 1:3663 PERSONALITY OF NAPOLEON " The qualities which go to make up the typical war- rior," says Dodge, " were possessed by Napoleon in greater measure than in any other man of modern days, and so superior was he to his antagonists that he could hot fail to win under anything like equal conditions." No commander in history ever conceived such gigantic military problems, reduced their execution to such sim- plicity, and carried them through with such boldness and ability. His power to gauge a situation was most remarkable. Says Odenleben, in speaking of the campaign in Saxony : " One look through his glass, and he had seized the pic- ture of a whole army with incredible speed. He thus judged, from some height, whole corps of fifty or sixty thousand men, according to space and position." When to this power of clear vision there be added the innate boldness of the man, and his capacity for hard, unceasing work, you have such a combination of qualities as the world has rarely seen. At Saint Helena, Napoleon said, " Genius consists in carrying out things despite obstacles, and meanwhile in finding few or no impossibilities." The result of all this clearness, boldness and application was, as he himself puts it, that " all plans of the fourteen campaigns of Napoleon were in strict accord with the true principles of war. His wars were bold but methodical." To this greatest of commanders, leadership is naturally the sovereign spell. " An army," he lays down, " is nothing save what it is by its head. The general is the head, is the all, of an army. It was not the Roman legions that conquered Gaul, but Caesar ; it was not the Carthaginian army at the gates of Rome that made the Republic tremble, but Hannibal." In all his wonderful career there is no scene more thrilUng than that in which by word and action he sub- dued and won over the first of the troops sent to oppose him upon his return from Elba. Alone, in front of his chasseurs. Napoleon steps forward : " Soldiers of the 1 367 3 NAPOLEON THE FIRST Fifth, I am your Emperor ! Acknowledge me ! " Then, as he flings back his coat : " If there is amongst you a soldier who would slay his Emperor, here I am ! " France was won ; the whole army yielded to t\M spell. Theatrical it may have been, but who except this mighty player would have had the daring, the skill, the profound knowledge of the heart, to play that desperate role ? For this man knew human nature as thoroughly as Shakespeare, and could play upon it with the same sure touch. It is futile, as Rose well says, to attempt to sum up Napoleon in any one category. Attempts have been made to do so, but with indifferent success. There is only one man in history of faculties sufiiciently varied and forceful to challenge comparison with Napoleon. The figure of Julius Caesar dominates the Roman world, as that of the great Corsican overshadows the age of the French Revolution. Take them all in all, as soldiers, statesmen, law-givers, Caesar and Napoleon are the two greatest characters in history. 1:3683 APPENDIX THE BONAPARTES Genealogical Table Biographical Notes MARSHALS OF THE EMPIRE TITLES CONFERRED BY NAPOLEON CHRONOLOGY BIBLIOGRAPHY n369 3 I Charles Bonaparte THE BONAPARTES GENEALOGICAL TABLE I 11 III IV 2 Joseph 3 Napoleon I 7 Napoleon II f IS Joseph 8 Charles ' l6 Lucien 1/ Charles 9 Louis Lucien 4 Lucien 10 Pierre i8 Roland ' II Napoleon Charles 12 Napoleon Louis 13 Napoleon III 19 Prince Imperial 20 Victor 22 Louis 21 Louis Compiled by the Author S Louis 6 Jerome 14 Prince Napoleon 1 371 3 THE BONAPARTE FAMILY First Generation 1. Charles Bonaparte, born at Ajaccio, Corsica, 29 March, 1746; died at Montpellier, France, 24 February, 1785; married 2 June, 1764, Letitia Ramolino, born at Ajaccio, 24 August, 1750; died at Rome, 2 February, 1836. Chil- dren: (2) Joseph, (3) Napoleon, (4) Lucien, (S) Louis, (6) Jerome, Elisa, Pauline, Caroline. Second Generation 2. Joseph, King of Spain, born at Corte, Corsica, 7 January, 1768; died at Florence, 28 July, 1844; married i August, 1794, Julie Clary, born 26 December, 1771. No sons. 3. Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, born at Ajaccio, 15 August, 1769; died at Saint Helena, 5 May, 1821; married, ist, 9 March, 1796, Josephine de Beauhamais, born at Trois-Ilets, Martinique, 23 June, 1763; died at Malmaison, 29 May, 1814; divorced, 1809; married, 2d, II March, 1810, Marie-Louise, born at Vienna, 12 De- cember, 1791; died at Vienna, 18 December, 1847. Son: (7) Napoleon IL 4. Lucien, Prince of Canino (in Italy), born at Ajaccio, 21 May, 1775; died at Viterbo, Italy, 30 June, 1840; married, ist, 4 May, 1794, Catherine Boyer, by whom he had two daughters; married, 2d, 23 October, 1803, Alexandrine de Bleschamp (Madame Jouberthou). Children: (8) Charles, (9) Louis Lucien, (10) Pierre, and two other sons and four daughters. 5. Louis, King of Holland, born at Ajaccio, 2 September, 1778; died at Leghorn, Italy, 25 July, 1846; married 4 January, 1802, Hortense de Beauharnais, born at Paris, 10 April, 1783; died at Arenenberg, Switzerland, S October, 1837. n 372 3 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Children: (ii) Napoleon Charles, (12) Napoleon Louis, (13) Louis Napoleon (Napoleon III). Jerome, King of Westphalia, born at Ajaccio, 15 November, 1784; died near Paris, 24 June, i860; married, ist, 24 De- cember, 1803, Elizabeth Patterson, of Baltimore, born 6 February, 1785; died 4 April, 1879; one son: Jerome Napoleon, born at Camberwell, England, 7 July, 1805; died at Baltimore, 17 June, 1870. He had two sons: Jerome Napoleon, bom at Baltimore, 5 November, 1832; died at Pride's Crossing, Mass., 4 September, 1893; and Charles Joseph, born at Baltimore, 9 June, 1851; died at Bella Vista, near Baltimore, 28 June, 1921. The former left a son of the same name (b. 1878); the latter had no children. King Jerome married, 2d, 22 August, 1807, after the annulment of his first marriage. Princess Catherine of Wiirteftiberg, born 21 February, 1783. Children: Jerome Napoleon, Prince de Montfort, born 24 August, 1814; died 12 May, 1847; (14) Napoleon Joseph, and Mathilde, born at Trieste, 27 May, 1820; died at Paris, 2 January, 1904; married Prince Demidov. Elisa, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, born at Ajaccio, 3 Janu- ary, 1777; died near Trieste, 6 August, 1820; married I May, 1797, Felix Bacciochi (b. 1762). Pauline, Princesse Borghese, born at Ajaccio, 20 October, 1780; died at Florence, 9 June, 1825; married, ist, 14 June, 1797, General Leclerc (1772-1802); married, 2d, 28 August, 1803, Prince Borghese. Caroline, Queen of Naples, bom at Ajaccio, 25 March, 1782; died at Florence, 18 May, 1839; married 20 Janu- ary, 1800, General Joachim Murat, who became King of Naples in 1808. He was born 25 March, 1771 (.? 1767); executed in Italy, 13 October, 1815. Children: Napoleon Achille, born 21 January, 1801; died 15 April, 1847; married Caroline Dudley; and Napoleon Lucien Charles, born 16 May, 1803; died 10 April, 1878; married, 1827, Georgiana Eraser, by whom he had three sons: Joachim (1834-1901), Achille (1847-1895), and Louis (1851- ). t 373 3 THE BONAPARTE FAMILY Third Generation 7, Napoleon II, King of Rome, Duke of Reichstadt, bom at Paris, 20 March, 181 1; died at Vienna, 22 July, 1832. Never married. 8, Charles, born at Paris, 24 May, 1803, died at Paris, 29 July, 1857, married at Brussels, 29 June, 1822, his cousin Zenaide, born 8 July, 1804, died 8 August, 1854, daughter of King Joseph, by whom he had three sons and five daughters. The branch is now extinct. 9, Lucien Louis, born at Thorngrove, England, 4 January, 1813; died 3 November, 1891; married; left no children. 10. Pierre, born at Rome, 12 September, 1815; died at Ver- sailles, 7 April, 1881; married 3 November, 1867, Justine Eleonore Ruffin, by whom he had, before his marriage, two children: (18) Roland and Jeanne. In January, 1870, he killed Victor Noir. 11. Napoleon Charles, born at Paris, 10 October, 1802; died at The Hague, J May, 1807. 12. Napoleon Louis, born at Paris, 11 October, 1804; died at Forli, Italy 17 March, 183 1 ; married his cousin, Charlotte, (1802-1839) daughter of King Joseph. No children. 13. Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, born at Paris, 20 April, 1808; died at Chislehurst, near London, 9 January, 1873; married 30 January, 1853, Eugenie de Montijo, born at Granada, Spain, 5 May, 1826; died at Madrid, 11 July, 1920. One son: (19) Napoleon Louis, the Prince Imperial. 14. Napoleon Joseph, called Prince Napoleon, bom at Trieste, 9 September, 1822; died at Rome, 17 March 1891; married in January, 1859, Princess Qotilde, daughter of King Victor Emmanuel. Children: (20) Victor, (21) Louis, and Marie Lsetitia born 20 December, i8$6, who married in September, 1888, her maternal uncle Amadeus, Duke of Aosta, ex-King of Spain, and brother of King Humbert of Italy, by whom she had one son, Humbert, bom in 1889. n 374 3 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES Fourth Generation 15. Joseph, Prince of Canino, born at Philadelphia, 13 Feb- ruary, 1824; died 1865; left no heirs. 16. LuciEN, Cardinal Bonaparte, born at Rome, 15 November, 1828; died in 1895. 17. Charles, born 5 February, 1839, died in 1899; married 26 November, 1859, the Princess Ruspoli,by whom he had two daughters, born in 1870 and 1872. 18. Roland, born 19 May, 1858; married 7 November, 1880, Marie Blanc, the daughter of the proprietor of the gambling establishment at Monte Carlo. She died i August, 1882, leaving him one daughter and an enormous fortune. His daughter, Marie, in 1907, married Prince George, second son of King George of Greece. 19. Napoleon Louis, the Prince Imperial, born at Paris 16 March, 1856; killed in Zululand, South Africa, i June, 1879. Never married. 20. Napoleon Victor, Prince Napoleon, present head of the Bonaparte family, born at Paris, 18 July, 1862; married 14 November, 1910, the Princess Clementine, born 1872, daughter of Leopold II, King of the Belgians. She is a cousin of the present King Albert; two children : Clotilde, born at Brussels, 20 March, 191 2, and (22) Louis Napo- leon, born at Brussels, 23 January, 1914. 21. Louis Napoleon, born at Paris, 16 July, 1864. He was a General of Cavalry in the Russian Army, and, in 1906, Governor of the Caucasus. Never married. Fifth Generation 22. Louis Napoleon, son and heir of Prince Napoleon, bom at Brussels, 23 January, 1914. 1:37s 3 MARSHALS OF THE EMPIRE Name Augereau Bernadotte Berthier Bessieres Brune Davout Grouchy Jourdan Kellermann * Lannes Lefebvre * Macdonald Marmont Massena Moncey Mortier Murat Ney Oudinot Perignon * Poniatowski Saint-Cyr Serurier * Soult Suchet Victor Title Castiglione (D) Sweden (K) Neufchatel (P) Istria (D) Comte Eckrauhl (P) Comte Comte Valmy (D) Montebello (D) Dantzig (D) Taranto (D) Ragusa (D) Essling (P) Conegliano (D) Treviso (D) Naples (K) Moskova (P) Reggie (D) Comte Prince Comte Comte Dalmatia (D) Albufera (D) Belluno (D) Born 1757 1763 1753 1768 1763 1770 1766 1762 173s 1769 I7SS 176s 1774 1756 1754 1768 1771 1769 1767 I7S4 1762 1764 1742 1769 1772 1764 Appointed 1804 1804 1804 1804 1804 1804 181S 1804 1804 1804 1804 1809 1809 1804 1804 1804 1804 1804 1809 1804 1813 1812 1804 1804 1811 1807 Died 1816 1844 181S 1813 181S 1823 1847 1833 1820 1809 1820 1840 1852 1817 1842 183s 1815 181S 1847 1818 1813 1830 1819 1851 1826 1841 Cause Natural Natural Accident Wounds Murder Natural Natural Natural Natural Wounds Natural Natural Natural Natural Natural Bomb Shot Shot Natural Natural Drowned Natural Natural Natural Natural Natural ' Honorary Marshals. n376 3 TITLES CONFERRED BY NAPOLEON An asterisk is affixed to the names of his Marshals •AuGEREAU, Due de Castiglione. ♦Bernadotte, Prince de Pont« Corvo. *Berthier, Chief of Staff; Prince de Neufchatel, Prince de Wagram. *Bessieres, Due d'lstria; Com- mander of the Old Guard. Bonaparte, Joseph (King of Naples), King of Spain. Bonaparte, Louis, King of Holland. Bonaparte, Jerome, King of West- phalia. *Brune, Comte. Cambaceres, Areh-Chancellor; Due de Parma. Caulaincourt, Due de Vicenza; Master of Horse; Minister of Foreign Affairs (1814). Champaony, Due de Cadore; Minis- ter of Foreign Affairs (1807-1811). Chaptal, Minister of the Interior; Comte de Chanteloup. Clarke, Minister of War; Due de Feltre. *Davout, Due d'Auerstadt, Prince d'Eekmiihl. Drouet, Comte d'Erlon. DuROC, Grand Marshal of the Palace; Due de Friuli. Eugene (Beauharnais), Viceroy of Italy. Fesch (Cardinal), Grand Almoner. FoucHE, Minister of Police (1804- 10); Due d'Otranto. •Grouchy, Comte. *JouRDAN, Comte. JuNOT, Due d'Abrantes. *Kellermann, Due de Valmy. *Lannes, Due de Montebello. Lavalette, Comte; Minister of Posts. Lebrun, Due de Plaisance. •Lefebvre, Due de Dantzig. *Macdonald, Due de Taranto. Maret, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1811-14); Due de Bassano. *Marmont, Due de Ragusa. *MASsiNA, Due de Rivoli; Prince d'Essling. Mollien, Comte; Minister of the Treasury. *Moncey, Due de Conegliano. *MoRTiER, Due de Treviso. MouTON, Comte de Lobau. *MuRAT (Grand Due de Berg); King of Naples. *Ney, Due d'Elehingen; Prince de la Moskova. *0uDiNOT, Due de Reggio. Pasquier, Due de; Prefect of Police. Savary, Due de Rovigo; Minister of Police (1810-14). *Serurier, Comte. *SouLT, Due de Dalmatia. *Saint-Cyr, Marquis de. *SucHET, Due d'Albufera. Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1799-1807); Grand Cham- berlain (1804-1808); Prince de Benevento. Vandamme, Comte. ♦Victor, Due de Belluno 1:377 3 CHRONOLOGY 1769 Napoleon born at Ajaccio, Cor- sica, 15 August 1779 School at Brienne, 25 April 1784 Military Academy at Paris, 31 October 1785 Second-Lieutenant of Artillery, I September 1785 1 In garrison at Valence or to t Auxonne, except when ab- 1793 J sent on leave in Corsica 1789 Capture of the Bastille, 14 July 1791 First-Lieutenant, June 1792 Captain, July French Republic, 21 September 1793 Execution of Louis XVI, 21 January Bonapartes leave Corsica, 11 June Major, 29 September Capture of Toulon, 19 Decem- ber General of Brigade, 22 De- cember 1794 Inspector of Coasts, at Nice Fall of Robespierre, 9 Thermi- dor (27 July) Under arrest, 10-23 August; restored to rank, 14 Sep- tember 1795 Ordered to Paris, May The 13 Vendemiaire (j Oc- tober) General of Division, 26 Oc- tober 1796 Marriage with Josephine, 9 March Leaves to take command oi Army of Italy, 11 March Victory of Montenotte, 12 April Battle of Lodi, 10 May Entry into Milan 15 May Siege of Mantua begins, 30 May Castiglione, 5 August Verona, Bassano, Mantua, 4-12 September Arcole, 15-17 November 1797 Rivoli, 14 January Fall of Mantua, 2 February Leoben peace preliminaries, 18 April 18 Fructidor (4 September) Peace of Campo Formio, 17 Oc- tober Return to Paris, s December 1798 Sails for Egypt, 19 May Arrives at Malta, 10 June Alexandria taken, 2 July The Pyramids, 21 July Battle of the Nile, i August 1799 Jaffa stormed, 6 March Siege of Acre, March to May Mont-Tabor, 16 April Aboukir, 25 July Leaves Egypt, 24 August Lands at Frejus, 9 October 18 Brumaire (9 November) First Consul, 24 December 1800 Leaves Paris for Italy, 6 May Crosses the Alps, 15-20 May Marengo, 14 June 1:3783 CHRONOLOGY 1801 Peace of Luneville, 9 February The Concordat, ij August 1802 President of Cisalpine Repub- lic, January Peace of Amiens, 27 March Consul for Life, 4 August 1809 l8b3 Code Napoleon decreed, j March Renewal of war with England, 18 May 1804 Due d'Enghien shot, 2i March Empire proclaimed, 18 May Coronation, 2 December 1 805 Crowned King of Italy, 26 May Army leaves Boulogne, 27 Au- 18 10 gust Surrender of Mack at Ulm, 18 1 1 17 October Trafalgar, 21 October 18 12 Vienna occupied, 13 November Austerlitz, 2 December Peace of Presburg, 26 De- cember 1806 Invasion of Naples by Mas- sena, February Joseph, King of Naples, 30 March Louis, King of Holland, 5 June 1813 Confederation of the Rhine, 12 July War with Prussia, October Jena and Auerstadt, 14 Oc- tober 18 14 Berlin occupied, 27 October The Berlin Decree, 21 No- vember 1807 Eylau, 7-8 February Friedland, 14 June Peace of Tilsit, 7 July Jerome, King of Westphalia, July Junot occupies Lisbon, 30 No- vember 1808 Charles IV resigns crown at Bayonne, 5 May Joseph, King of Spain, 6 June [ 379 ] Surrender of Dupont at Bay len, 19 July Erfurt Interview, 27 September Napoleon in Spain, November Occupies Madrid, 4 December Returns to Paris, 23 January Eckmiihl, 22 April Vienna occupied, 13 May Battle of Aspern, 21-22 May Wagram, 5-6 July Peace of Schonbrunn, 14 Oc- tober Divorce of Josephine, ij De- cember Marriage with Marie-Louise, II March Birth of King of Rome, 20 March Invasion of Russia, 23 June Smolensk, 18 August Borodino, 7 September Moscow occupied, 14 Sep- tember Retreat begun, 19 October Beresina, 26-29 November Napoleon leaves army, 5 De- cember Liitzen, 2 May Bautzen, 21 May Armistice, 4 June to 10 August Dresden, 26-27 August Leipzig, 16-18 October Saint-Dizier, 27 January Brienne, 29 January La Rothiere, I February Champaubert, 10 February Montmirail, 13 February Nangis, 17 February Craonne, 7 March Laon, 9 March Paris capitulates, 31 March Abdication of Napoleon, 6 April Treaty of Fontainebleau, 11 April Leaves Fontainebleau, 20 April Death of Josephine, 29 May CHRONOLOGY Congress of Vienna, 20 Sep- tember 1815 Napoleon leaves Elba, 26 Feb- ruary Disembarks near Cannes, I March Arrives at Paris, 20 March Champ de Mai, i June Leaves Paris, 12 June Ligny, 16 June Waterloo, 18 June 1821 1832 1840 Final Abdication, 22 June Goes to Malmaison, 25 June Leaves for Rochefort, 29 June Surrenders to England, 14 July Sails for St. Helenar^o August Arrives at St. Helena, IJ Oc- tober Dies at Longwood, 5 May . Death of King of Rome, 22 July Remains placed in Invalides, 15 December n38o3 BIBLIOGRAPHY In a work of this kind it is not desirable to give a complete bibliography of sources, or to indicate at the foot of the page the authority on which each statement rests. In the following brief list only the more important works are mentioned, and the most valuable of these are indicated by an asterisk. For a more complete Bibliography the reader is referred to Volume IX of the Cambridge Modem History. BIOGRAPHIES FouRNiER, A. 'Napoleon I (1901) ♦Napoleon the First (1903) Ropes, J. C. Lanfrey, p. The First Napoleon (1885) History of Napoleon (i886) Sloane, W. M. Rose, J. H. *Napoleon Bonaparte (1896) CAMPAIGNS Dodge, T. A. *Wagram (1909) *Napoleon (1904) *Leipzig (1912) JoMiNi, Henri *France (1914) *Life of Napoleon (1863) Ropes, J. C. Morris, W. O'C. *Waterloo (1892) ♦Campaign of 1815 (1900) Sargent, H. H. Petre, F. L. *Napoleon's First Campaign (1895} *Jena (1907) 'Marengo (1897) *Friedland (1907) GENERAL HISTORIES Davis W. S. 'French Revolution and Napoleon ♦History of France (1920) (1917) Hazen, C. D. Macdonald, J. R. M. History of France (1915) MEMOIRS Talleyrand, Prince Marbot, Baron Memoirs (1891) *Memoires (1892) La Tour du Pin, Marquise de Pasquier, Chancellier ♦Recollections of the Revolution Memoires (1893) and the Empire (1920) Remusat, Mme. de Memoires (1884) 1:381 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY PARTICULAR PERIODS AULAKD, A. *French Revolution (1910) Browning, Oscar ♦Napoleon, the First Phase (1905) *The Fall of Napoleon (1907) Carlyle, Thomas French Revolution (1900) Gonnard, Philippe The Exile of St. Helena (1909) Gruyer, Paul Napoleon, King of Elba (1906) GouRGAUD, General Journal (1899) Rose, J. H. (Editor) Napoleon's Last Voyages (1906) RosEBERY, Lord * ♦Napoleon; the Last Phase (1901) Stephens, H. M. *French Revolution (1891) HOUSSAYE, H. *i8i4 (1899) •1815 (190s) Vandal *L'Avenement de Bonaparte (1902) MISCELLANEOUS Dunn-Pattison, R. p. Napoleon's Marshals (1909) Hudson, W. H. The Man Napoleon (1914) Morgan, James In the Footsteps of Napoleon (191S) Rose, J. H. ♦Personality of Napoleon (191 2) Vachee, Colonel ♦Napoleon at Work (1914) LfivY, A. Napoleon Indme Masson, F. Napoleon et sa Famille Napoleon et les Femmes Napoleon et son Fils Napoleon chez lui Josephine Marie-Louise Saint-Amand, I. DE Femmes des Tuileries n382 3 INDEX Abdications, the, of Napoleon, 316, 319. 340 Abensberg, battle of, 239 Aboukir, defeat of French fleet near, 98; victory of Napoleon at, 104 Acre, siege of, loi Addington, 139, 169 Ahmed Pasha (Djezzar), lOI Ajaccio, I Alexander I, Czar, 193, 224, 253, 272- 283, 297 Alexandria, 95 Alvinzy, 67-74 Amiens, Treaty of, 139 Ancients, Council of, 39, 115, 1 17 Anne, Grand Duchess, 230, 255 Antommarchi, 348 Arcole, battle of, £9 Argenteau, 60 Armistice (1813), 293 Army, rewards of, 265 Arnault, "Souvenirs," 54, 1 14 Artois, Comte d', 144 Aspern, battle of, 241-3 Auerstadt, battle of, 202 Augereau, 85, 173 Augusta, Princess, 188 Austerlitz, battle of, 181-5, 188 Austria, 64, 66, 67, 71, 76, 87, 170, 217, 29s Autun, 6 Auxonne, 14 Bacciochi, 81 Bagration, 276-8 Bank of France, 142 Barclay de Tolly, 276-8, 294 Bard, Fort, 131 Barras, 38, 39, 92 Bastille, 21 Bautzen, battle of, 291 Bavaria, King of, 189 Baylen, 229 Bayonne, 229 Beauharnais, Alexandre, 45-48 Beauharnais, Eugene, 43, 45, 46, 167, 190, 224, 281, 291 Beauharnais, Hortense, 46, 49, [147, 3*7. Beaulieu, General, 59 "Bellerophon," Napoleon embarks on, 34* Bennigsen, 215-220 Berlin, Napoleon enters, in triumph, 203; decree of, 206 Bemadotte, 31, 37, 109, 112, 172, 202, 2iSi 295. 302. 314 Berthier, 175, 237-8 Bertrand, Gen. and Mme., 344 Bessieres, 173 Blucher, Gen., 201, 295, 308-11, 332- 340 Bonaparte family, 2, 53, 81, 107 Bonaparte, Charles, 3, 4, 11 Bonaparte, Caroline, 124, 306 Bonaparte, Elisa, 9, 26, 81, no, 170 Bonaparte, Jerome, no, 167, 221, 222 Bonaparte, Joseph, 6, 31, 82, 109, 229, 269, 270, 306, 341 Bonaparte, Josephine (Beauharnais), 42-SS. 78-84. 106, 107-110, 221, 230, 247-52, 256 Bonaparte, Letitia, 3 Bonaparte, Louis, 23, 82, 109, 147, 264, 271 Bonaparte, Lucien, 31, 54, 82, 109, 119, 120, 340 Bonaparte, Louis Napoleon, see Napoleon III Bonaparte, Napoleon Charles, 148, 221 Bonaparte, Pauline, 81, no Borodino, battle of, 280-82 Bourbons, Spanish, 226 Bourrienne, 8, 26, 149 C383] INDEX Boulogne, military school at, 7-10; battle of, 309 Brienne, 171 Brueys, Admiral, 98 Brumaire, i8th and 19th, 107-122 Biilow, 308 Cadoudal, Georges, 122, 144 Cairo, 96 Calonne, 19 Cambaceres, 121 Cambronne, 321, 339 Campo Formio, Peace of, 86, 87 Caprara, Cardinal Legate, 163 Carnot, 56 Caroline, Queen of Naples, 192, 254, 306 Carteaux, 32 Castiglione, battle of, 65 Catharine, Queen of Westphalia, 222 Catharine, Grand Duchess, of Russia, 230, 2SS, 272 Caulaincourt, 175, 305-19 Champaubert, battle of, 3 10 Champ de Mai, 329 Charlemagne, 163 Charleroi, 331 Charles, Archduke of Austria, 76, 174, 238-47, 260 Charles, Grand Duke of Baden, 189, 191 Charles IV, of Spain, 226, 229 Chatillon, congress at, 31Z-13 Church, States of, 226 Qary, Julie, 31; Desiree, 31, 109 Coalition, Second, iii Cockburn, Admiral, 342 "Code Napoleon," 141 Concordat, 141 Confederation of the Rhine, 195 Congress of Vienna, 324, 328 Constantine, Grand Duke, 184 Constitution, year III, 39, 115; of year VIII, 121; of Empire, 158 Consul, First, Napoleon as, 140 Consulate, 121, 139 Continental System, 206, 270, 271 Convention, 39 Coronation, at Paris 165-6; at Milan, 167 Corsica, i, 225 Coup d'etat, of i8th Brumaire, 107; of 1 8th Fructidor, 84 Dalberg, Archbishop of Mayence, 195, 223 . . . • Danube, principalities on, 225 Davidovitch, 66, 67 Davout, 172, 246, 295 Denmark, 224, 303 D'esaix, 24, 135, 136 Dignitaries of State, 157-8, 256 Directory, 39, 93, no Dresden, 274; battle of, 297 Dupont, General, 229 Duroc, 80, 175 Du Teil, General, 15, 25, 34 Echmiihl, battle of, 239 £cole Militaire, 10 Egypt, expedition to, 91-106 Elba, 225, 320-324 Enghien, Due d', 144 England, 92, 154, i6g, 224, 271, 348, 349. 353 Erfurt, interview at, 229 Essling, battle of, 241-3 Etruria, Queen of, 225, 227 Etruria, Kingdom of, name for Tuscany, 225 Eylau, battle of, 216-17 Ferdinand, Archduke, 178, 237 Ferdinand IV, of Naples, 58 Ferdinand, Crown Prince of Spain, 228, 229, 306 Fesch, uncle of Napoleon, 2, 3, 6 Finkenstein, castle of, 217 Finland, 224 Five Hundred, Council of, 39, 115, 118 Fontainebleau, 223; Adieux de, 320 Fouche, Minister of Police, 235, 328 Fox, 19s, 294 France, 152, 163; campaign of, 309-20 Francis I, 186, 195, 289 Frederick Augustus, King of Saxony, 302 Frederick the Great, 202, 248, 289, 291 Frederick William III, 196, 206, 209, 217, 236 Frejus, 105, 320 C384] INDEX Friedland, battle of, 218-20 Fructidor, i8th, 84 Gaudin, Minister of Finance, 235 Gaza, 100 Genoa, 2, 4, 60, 170 George III, of England, 169, 192 German Empire, 195 Germany, 271 Godoy, " Prince of Peace," 227 Gohier, 114 Gourgaud, General, 345 Gregorian Calendar, re-established, 190 Grouchy, 333-4 Guard, the Old, 267, 338 Hanau, battle of, 303 Hanover, 192, 193, 194 Haye-Sainte, La, 335 Heilsberg, battle of, 219 Hoche, 37 Hohenlinden, 139 Hohenlohe, 201 Holland, 192, 264, 271 Hortense, see Bonaparte, Hortense Hougomont, 334 Ibrahim Bey, 97 Infernal Machine, 143 Interior, Army of the, 41 Invalides, Hotel des, 356 Italy, Viceroy of, see Beauharnais, Eugene Italy, 58, 89, 128, 167, 22s Jacobins, 32 Jaffa, 100, 103 Jena, battle of, 200 John, Crown Prince of Portugal, 226 John, Archduke, 237, 244 Joubert, 72, 112 Jourdan, 36 Junot, 79, 227, 2^1 Kleber, 37, 102, 104 Krasnoi, battle of, 285 Kray, 128 Kutusov, 181, 184, 280-84 La Fere, regiment of, 12 Lannes, 102, 132, 173, 199, 243-4 Laon, battle of, 311 La Rothiere, battle of, 309 Las Cases, Count, 345 La Tour du Pin, Marquise de, 260, 262 Lauriston, General, 8 Lebrun, 121 Leclerc, General, 81, 152 Lefebvre, 117, 218 Legion d'honneur, 142, 266 Leipzig, battle of, 300-02 Leoben, preliminaries of, 77 Ligny, battle of, 332 Lobau, island in Danube, 240-46 Lodi, battle of, 62 Lonato, battle of, 65 Longwood, 343-54 Louis XV, 4 Louis XVI, 18 Louis XVIII, 324 Louisa, Queen of Prussia, 196 Louisiana, 153 Louverture, 152 Lowe, Sir Hudson, 349-53 LUbeck, 203 Luneville, Peace of, 139 Liitzen, battle of, 290 Macdonald, Marshal, 246, 299 Mack, General, 178-180 Malmaison, 108, 146 Malo-Jaroslowitz, battle of, 284 Malta, 95, 154 Mamelukes, 96, 103 Mantua, 64, 75 Marbceuf, Count, 4, 6 Marengo, battle of, 133 Marie-Antoinette, 18 Marie-Louise, 77, 213, 254, 264, 314 M^rmont, 80, 172, 270, 316-18 Marshals, 159-160, 266 Massena, iii, 127, 174, 178, 218, 241, 243, 246, 269 Melas, 127-137 Metternich, Comtesse, 256 Mettemich, Prince, 235, 294 Milan, 63, 78, 81, 83 Mondovi, battle of, 62 Montenotte, battle of, 61 Montholon, 27, 344, 347 Mont-Saint- Jean, 334 Moore, Sir John, 233 [385] INDEX Moreau, 113, 139, 162, 298 Mortier, 314 Moscow, 282-3 Murad Bey, 97 Murat, 40, 120, 124, I73> 203, 228, 298, 301, 3C36 Napoleon Bonaparte, his birthplace, 2; the prediction of Rousseau, 2; the Bonaparte family, 2; his father and mother, 3; his childhood, 5; school days at Brienne, 7-10; death of his father, 9; military school at Paris, 9-1 1; commissioned sous- lieutenant of artillery, 11; sta- tioned at Valence, 12; first visit to Corsica, 13; visit to Paris, 14; return to Corsica, 14; stationed at Auxonne, 14; third visit to Corsica, 15; takes part in revolutionary movement, 22; returns to Auxonne, 23; appointed lieutenant of 4th regiment at Valence, 24; takes oath of allegiance to Assembly, 24; fourth visit to Corsica, 25; visit to Paris, 26; appointed captain, 26; fifth visit to Corsica, 27; takes part in Maddalena expedition, 28; fi- nally leaves Corsica with family, 29; his personal appearance, 30; sta- tioned at Nice, 32; writes "Le Souper de Beaucaire," 32; in com- mand of artillery at Toulon, 32; greatly distinguishes himself, 33; appointed general of brigade, 34; estimate of his character, 34; ap- pointed Inspector of Coasts at Nice, 3S; under arrest, 35; ap- pointed to command of artillery for Corsican expedition, 35; ordered to Paris, 36; relations with Barras, 37; prepares plans for Italian cam- paign, 38; commands troops of the Convention, 13 Vendemiaire, 40; appointed general of division and commander Army of Interior, 41; first meeting with Josephine, 42; his marriage, 53; takes command of the Army of Italy, 56; reasons for his appointment, 56; his first proclamation, 58; his officers, 59; his plan of campaign, 60; his first victories, 6(; forces Sardinia to make peace, 62; his second procla- mation, 63; battle of Lodi, 63; enters Milan, 63; g|Crosses the Mincio, 64; invests^lantua, 64; battle of Castiglione, 65; battle of Bassano, 66; repulsed at Caldiero, 67; battle of Arcole, 68-70; con- summate leadership during the campaign, 70; battle of Rivoli, 71- 74; battle of La Favorita, 75; capture of Mantua, 75; march to Tagliamento, 76; his "philosophi- cal letter" to Archduke Charles, 77; preliminaries of Leoben, 77; action regarding Venice, 78; return to Milan, 79; treaty with the Pope, 80; letters to Josephine, 80; life at Montebello, 81; arranges mat* riage of Pauline, 81; life at Milan, 82; connection with the coup d'etat of 18 Fructidor, 84; arranges peace of Campo Formio, 86; returns to Paris, 87; reception there, 88; attends ball given by Talleyrand, 89; presents Treaty of Campo Formio to Directors, 92; appointed to command of Army of England, 92; plans Egyptian expedition, 93; sails from Toulon, 93; captures Malta, 95; escapes English fleet, 95; captures Alexandria, 95; marches on Cairo, 96; battle of the Pyramids, 96; destruction of his fleet, 98; versatility of his genius, 98; advances into Pales- tine, 100; captures Jaffa, 100; siege of Acre, 101-103; battle of Mont-Tabor, 102; abandons siege of Acre, 103; returns to Cairo, 103; battle of Aboukir, 104; decides to return home, 104; lands at Frejus, 105; arrives at Paris, 105; pardons Josephine, 106; reception on his return, ii2; forms alliance with Sieyes, 113; plans coup d'etat, 114; his actions on 18 Brumaire, 117; overthrows Directory on 19 Bru- maire, 118; becomes First Consul, 121 ; takes up his residence in the C386] INDEX Luxembourg, 123; removes to the Tuileries, 125; his life there, 126; organizes Army of Reserve, 127; crosses Grand-Saint-Bernard, 129; surprises the Austrians, 131; enters Milan, 132; battle of Marengo, 133; regains northern Italy, 136; his estimate of Desaix and Kleber, 136; appreciations by Alison and Sargent, 137; concludes the peace of Amiens, 139; his activities as First Consul, 146; negotiates the Concordat, 141; prepares the Code Napoleon, 141; attempts on his life, 143; executes the Due d'En- ghien, 144; fetes on his return from Marengo, 145; his residences at Paris, 146; begins reconstruction of Paris, 149; appointed Consul for Life, 150; his appearance described •by Foster, 151; his desire for restoration of French Colonial Empire, 152; sells Louisiana to the United States, 153; begins prepara- tions for invasion of England, 154; proclaimed Emperor of the French, 157 Napoleon I (Emperor), appoints Dignitaries of State and Grand Offi- cers of the Crown, 157-8; names eighteen Marshals, 159; his intellec- tual powers, 160; his love of work, 161; visits tomb of Charlemagne, 163; presented with the Talisman, 164; coronation as Emperor, 164; religious marriage with Josephine, 166; coronation as King of Italy, 167; interview with Jerome, 167; returns to Fontainebleau, 168; proposes peace to George III, 169; dictates plan for campaign of Ulm, 171; his organization of the Grand Army, 172; his military household, 175; method of travel, 176; meth- ods of work, 178; operations in Bavaria, 179; surrender of Mack, 180; enters Vienna, 180; his critical position, 180; tactics at Austerlitz, 182; brilliant victory, 183-5; inter- view with Francis I, 186; peace of Presburg, 187; joins Josephine at Munich, 189; arranges marriage of Eugene and Princess Augusta, 190; also marriage of Stephanie de Beau- hamais with Prince Charles of Baden, 191; deposes Bourbon dynasty of Naples, 192; appoints Joseph King of Naples, 192; creates twenty titular duchies, 192; makes Louis King of Holland, 193; makes overtures of peace to England and Russia, 194; organizes Confedera- tion of the Rhine, 195; prepares for war with Prussia, 199; plan of campaign, 199; battle of Jena, 201; destruction of Prussian army, 201; criticism of Bernadotte, 202; occu- pation of Prussia, 203; triumphal entry into Berlin, 204; issues Berlin Decree, 206; encourages hopes of the Poles, 207; advances with army to Warsaw, 210; battle of Pultusk, 210; his love affairs, 211; intimacy with Mme. Walewska, 212-214; undertakes winter campaign, 215; battle of Eylau, 216; winter quai^ ters, 217; resumes active operations, 218; victory of Friedland, 219-20; interview with Czar at Tilsit, 221; signs Treaty of Tilsit, 221; grief at death of Napoleon Charles, 221; returns to Saint-Cloud, 222; mar- riage of Jerome and the Princess Catherine of Wiirtemberg, 222; the fetes at Fontainebleau, 223; takes possession of Tuscany, 225; occu- pies Papal States, 226; occupies Portugal, 228; annexes Spain north of the Ebro, 228; persuades Ferdi- nand to resign crown of Spain, 229; proclaims Joseph King of Spain, 229; conference with Czar at Er- furt, 230; negotiates for hand of Czar's sister, 230; resolves to enter Spain with Grand Army, 231; plan of campaign, 232; enters Madrid, 233; leaves for Paris, 234; reasons for his return, 235; Austria plans for war, 236; mistakes of Berthier, 237; brilliant manoeuvres in Ba- varia, 238; defeats the Austrians, 239; occupies Vienna, 240; moves [387] INDEX army to Lobau, 241; battle of Aspem and Essling, 242-3; grief at death of Lannes, 244; with- draws to Lobau, 244; reinforces army, 244; again crosses Danube, 245; victory of Wagram, 246; Treaty of Schonbrunn, 247; returns to Fontainebleau, 249; finally de- cides to divorce Josephine, 250; his marriage annulled, 251; finan- cial provisions for Josephine, 252; matrimonial negotiations with Russia broken off, 256; calls meet- ing of Dignitaries to discuss mai^ riage, 257; makes proposal for hand of Marie-Louise, 257; the marriage by proxy at Vienna, 258; first meeting at Compiegne, 259; civil marriage at Saint-Cloud, 259; religious marriage at the Louvre, 259; devotion to his young wife, 260; visit to Brussels, 260; fetes in honor of the marriage, 261; the Schwarzenberg ball, 261; birth of the King of Rome, 262; the private baptism, 263; tour to Belgium, Holland and the Rhine, 264; honors conferred on the marshals, 265; the Legion d'honneur, 266; his opinion of the marshals, 266; the Old Guard, 267; popularity with his soldiers, 268; the drain of the Spanish War, 269; preparations for Russian campaign, 270; reasons for the break with the Czar, 271; effects of the Continental System, 272; organization of the army, 273; visit to Dresden, 274; crosses the Nie- men, 27s; indecisive victory at Smolensk, 278-9; decides to ad- vance to Moscow, 280; battle of Borodino, 281; occupies Moscow, 282; fatal delay there, 263; begins retreat, 283; crossing of the Bere- sina, 28;; leaves the army, 286; arrives at Paris, 287; his resources after the Russian disaster, 288; importance attached to Austrian marriage, 289; plans for the new campaign, 290; battle of Lutzen, 290; occupies Dresden, 291; battle of Bautzen, 292-3; agrees to armi- stice, 293; refuses conditions of peace, 294; resumes hostilities, 295; gains briUiant victory at Dresden, 296-7; indecision folhRring battle, 297; marches to Leipzig, 299; ovei^ whelmed by the Allies, 301-2; re- treats to the Rhine, 303; returns to . Saint-Qoud, 304; refuses new peace proposals, 305; concludes treaty with Ferdinand, 306; pre- pares for new campaign, 307; mis- takes at this time, 307; takes command at Chalons, 309; battle of Brienne, 309; victories over Bliicher, 310-11; peace negotia- tions at Chatillon, 312-13; refuses allied terms, 313; decides to ad- vance to the East, 314; returns to Fontainebleau, 315; plans to re- capture Paris, 315; results of Marmont's treason, 316; abdicates in favor of son, 316; final abdica- tion, 319; attempts suicide, 319; bids adieu to the Old Guard, 320; leaves for Elba, 320; arrives at Porto-Ferrajo, 321; his life at Elba, 321-3; visits from his mother and sister, 322; decides to return to France, 324; reasons for his act, 324; lands near Cannes, 325; the defileof Laffray, 326; reaches Paris, 327; appoints new ministry, 328; outlawed by the Allies, 328; pre- pares for new campaign, 330; leaves for the front, 330; plan of operations, 331-2; defeats Prus- sians at Ligny, 332-3; battle of Waterloo, 334-9; reasons for the French defeat, 339; last abdication, 340; leaves Paris for Malmaison, 341; goes to Rochefort, 341; sur- renders to England, 342; is ban- ished to Saint Helena, 342; chooses his companions in exile, 342; his residence at Longwood, 343; his grievances against the English, 349; the question of title, 349; the question of finances, 350; the ques- tion of custody, 350; his love of reading, 352-3; his last days, 354; C388] INDEX his death and burial, 355; his remains brought back to France, 356; his tomb in the Invalides, 356^ his personality, 357; his place in history, 357; influence on Europe, 358; social equality, 358; political liberty, 358; higher education, 359; publicity, 359; his personal appear^ ance, 359; health, 360; method of work, 360; dictating, 362; writing, 362; mental equipment, 362; family relations, 363; his career, 364; courage, 364; statesmanship, 364; moral, 365; imagination, 365; ambition, 366; lack of organiza- tion, 366; leadership, 366; com- pared to CsEsar, 368 Napoleonic Legend, 348 Napoleon II (King of Rome), 262-3, 340 Napoleon III, 222, 223, 330 National Assembly, 21 National Guard, 22, 39, 40 Natural boundaries, 294 Necker, 19 Nelson, Admiral, 93, 98 Ney, 173, 292, 316, 332, 337-8 Nile, battle of, 98 Novi, 112 Oldenburg, 271 Oldenburg, Duke of, 255 O'Meara, 348 Osterode, 217 Oudinot, 299 Pagerie (father of Josephine), 44 Paoli, 4, 25, 28 Paris, reconstrucrion of, 149-150 Paul I, III, 127 Petit, General, 3. Phelippeaux, at siege of Acre, lOI Pichegru, 36, 84, 144 Piedmont, 58-62 Pitt, 139, 169, 187 Poland, 208 Poniatowski, 302 Pope Pius VI, 58 Pope Pius VII, 164 Portugal, 226, 227 Presburg, Peace of, 186, 189 Prince of Peace, see Godoy Prussia, 192, 197, 198, 221 Pultusk, battle of, 210 Pyrmaids, battle of, 96 Quadrilateral, 64 Quatre-Bras, 332 Quasdanovich, Austrian General, 65 Ramolino, Letitia, see Bonaparte Remusat, Madame de, 54 Renaudin, Madame, 44, 45 Revolution, French, 17-22, 26 Rivoli, battle of, 72-74 Robespierre, 35 Roger-Ducos, 116, 118, 120 Rousseau, 2 Roustan, 175 Royalists, 143 Russia, 170, 269-287 Saint-Aignan, Baron de, 304 Saint-Bernard, pass, 129 Saint- Cloud, 118 Saint-Cyr, 37, 267, 296, 300 Saint-Domingue, 152 Saint-Gothard, passage of, 129 Saint Helena, 342-55 Saint John, Knights of, 95 Saint-RuiF, Abbe de, 13, 16 Sardinia, 62 Savary, 313 Saxony, 207, 29 1 Schonbrunn, Treaty of, 207 Schwarzenberg, Prince de, 257, 261, 295, 297-30'. 308-11 Sebastiani, 116 Senatus consultum, 157 Serurier, 24 Sicily, 196 Sieyes, ill, 114 Smith, Sir Sidney, loi, 104 Smolensk, battle of, 278-80 Soult, 172, 269 "Souper de Beaucaire, Le," 32 Spain, 224-34, 269 Stael, Madame de, 89 States-General, 20 Stephanie, married to Prince of Baden, 191 [389] INDEX Tabor, Mont-, 102 Talisman, 164 Talleyrand, 87-89, 23s, 30S, 313, 316 Tilsit, Treaty of, 221 Titles, 192 Tolentino, Treaty of, 80 Torres Vedras, 270 Toulon, 30-34 Trafalgar, 155 Tuileries, 126 Turgot, 19 Turkey, 99 Tuscany, 225 Tussaud, Mme., 176 Ulm, 179, 189 United States, 153 Valence, 12 Vandamme, 299 Vandemiaite, 13th, 40 Venice, 78 Victor Amadeus, 58 Victor, 75 Vienna, 180, 240 ^ Villeneuve, Admiral, 155 Wagram, battle of, 246-7 Walewska, Mme, 148, 211-14, 322 Walewski, Cbmte, 148, 214 Wallachia, 225 Warsaw, Grand Duchy of, 221 Waterloo, battle of, 334-39 Wellington, Duke of, 270, 332-40 Westphalia, Kingdom of, 221 Wrede, Bavarian general, 303 Wurmser, 65-70, 75 Znaim, 247 Zurich, III C 390 ] '-"rl,- ',-'• .,'•.'.,,>■•;'■ v;.*"