A II I] V 1 E W or THE iliOailESS OF iV: THEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE IN MOIJE RECENT TIMES. BY JAMES D. FORBES, D.C.L., E.R.S. PRril-E.^.sOK I-..' NAHTvAL I'lHf.OSi iPilV IX THE UN'[VE1!SITY OF KlJlNUUKGll. EDINBURGH: ADAM AND CHARLES BLACX. MD^ OLVilI. afarneU Utttucrattg ffithrarg atttaca, Mem ^ark BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 Cornell University Library QA 21.F69 A review of the progress of mathematical 3 1924 005 726 330 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924005726330 PROCEEDINGS ROYAL SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH. Monday, 20th March 1848. On an Instrument for measuring the extensibility of Elastic Solids. By Professor Forbes. This instrument is almost a faithful reproduction of S'Graves- ande's apparatus described in his " Physices Elementa Mathema- tica," 1742 (but not in the previous editions). It is described or alluded to by few modern writers, except Biot in his " Traite de Physique." It consists of a strong wooden table or frame, with a vice at each end, between which a wire or lamina may be stretched with a determinate tension by means of a weight attached by a cord, pass- ing over a pulley in the manner of the musical apparatus, called a Monochord. After'the tension is adjusted both vices are screwed fast, the space included between them being exactly 50 inches. If now, any deviation of the middle point of the wire included by the vices be made (similar to the action of sounding a harp-string), the force required to pull it a certain distance aside will depend, 1st, on the length of the wire ; 2d, on its tension ; 3d, on its extensibility, or the modulus of elasticity. S'Gravesande employed his apparatus to verify Hooke's law, that the extension is as the extending force within the limits of per- fect elasticity. But it does not seem to have occurred to him, nor (singularly enough) to later experimenters, to deduce from the ^rces required to produce given deviations, the specific extensibility, or what Dr Young calls the Modulus of Elasticity of the body. It is essential that the deviation from the rectilinear position of the wire should be ascertained with great nicety, and S'Gravesande's contrivance effects this in a very neat and satisfactory way. A fine steel chain attaches by a hook to the middle point of the 174 extended wire, the other end being secured to the circumference of a nicely-centred wheel. Another chain attached similarly to the wire of the same wheel, has a scale attached to it, a weight placed in which causes the wheel to revolve, and by means of the first chain and hook, pulls the wire out of the straight line. A long index fixed to the same axis with the wheel, points out the deviation on a much magnified scale, referred to a divided semicircle of brass. Thus a weight being placed in the scale, the corresponding deviation is instantly shewn. Let P be the weight in the scale, D the deviation of the wire, s = half the length of the wire between the vices ; it was proved in this communication that, P = 2 TT + M (?)■ where M is the modulus of elasticity, measured in grains, which is easily reduced to the equivalent length of a similar wire or lamina, according to Dr Young's definition. This is on the supposition that Hooke's Law of Elasticity (the extension is as the extending force) — I be found for the same wire practically to vary as the cube of the deviation. The value of M, the modulus, is also at once given by a single observed deviation, the tension being known. A small correction in the value of P is to be made, for the weight of the wire deflecting it from a straight line. This small correction had not escaped the notice of S'Gravesande when he verified Hooke's law. Example. — A steel pianoforte wire, tension 50,000 grains = T ; s =25 inches. Values of Values of o m '^ ii D. P. ^ i - M (!)■ •26 inch 1100 grains 1000 100 •50 ... 2720 ... 2000 720 •75 ... 5400 ... 3000 2400 The numbers in the last column should vary as the cubes of those in the first, or be as 1, 8, 27. If we deduct 10 grains from each of them for the action of the weight of the wire depressing it, we shall have these numbers — 175 90 710 2390 dividing respectively by 1,8, and 27, 90 89 88-6 Hence the mean result for M f ~ | for D = -25, or ? (?)■ — — T5?F> is nearly 89 grains, consequently, (100)' and M = 89,000,000 grains. But a foot in length of the wire in question weighs ll grains. The equivalent modulus of elasticity is therefore very nearly 8,000,000 feet of the wire in question, which agrees closely with the received numbers for steel-wire. Note respecting the Refractive and Dispersive Power of Chloroform. By Professor Forbes. From an experiment made in very cloudy weather, and therefore rather unfavourable light, I determined the following indices of re- fraction for pure chloroform, prepared by Dr George Wilson, of sp. gr. 1-4966. The measure of the refracting angle of the prism was 39° 41'. References were made to the principal lines of the spectrum, as below : the temperature of the fluid Was probably 54°. Extreme red, . . . fi = l'i4:75 B (in the red), .... 1-4488 D (in the orange-yellow), . . . 1'451 6 (in the green), .... 1*456 F (in the blue), .... 1-457 H (in the violet, being the least refrangible of the two groups so designated), . . 1'463 Extreme violet, .... 1-4675 Hence the refractive index is by no means remarkably great, being nearly that of wax, spermaceti, and several of the essential oils. The dispersive power, or — ^ is equal to -045, which again agrees fi — 1 nearly with that of the essential oils. The high specific gravity of the body appears to have no marked influence in increasing its action on light. A EETIEW OF THE PROGRESS OF MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE IN MORE RECENT TIMES, AND PARTICULARLY BETWEEN THE YEARS 1775 AND 1850; BEING ONE OF THE DISSEETATIONS PEEFIXED TO THE EIGHTH EDITION OF THE ENCYCLOPiEDIA BEITANNIGA. BY JAMES D. rOHBES, D.C.L., F.R.S., SEC. R.S. ED., F.G.S., &c. COKBESPONDINQ MEMBER OF THE IMPEEIAL INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, ASSOCIATE OR HONORARY MEMBER OF THE BAVARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, OF THE ACADEMY OF PALERMO, OF THE DUTCH SOCIETY OF SCIENCES (HAAELEM), OF THE HELVETIC SOCIETY, OF THE PONTIFICAL ACADEMY OF " NUOVI LINCEl" AT ROME, AND OF THE NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETIES OF HEIDLEBEEG, GENEVA, AND VAUD ; HONORARY MEMBER OF THE ROYAL MEDICAL SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH, OF THE CAMBRIDGE, YORKSHIRE, ST ANDREWS, AND ISLE OF WIGHT PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETIES, AND OF THE PLYMOUTH AND BRISTOL INSTITUTIONS, AND PROFESSOR OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH. EDINBURGH: ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK. MDCCCLVIII. h 'b%CiC% ADVERTISEMENT. This Essay was written as a continuation of the Dissertations on the Progress of Mathematical and Physical Science by Professor Playfaie and Sir John Leslie, which appeared in the later Editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica. It is now reprinted for general circulation, in consequence of repeated applica- tions to that effect. Only a few inconsiderable alterations have been made upon it. For information as to the plan of the Work, the reader is referred to the Introductory Chapter. Edinbubgh, January 1858. ^ CONTENTS. CHAPTER I.— INTRODUCTORY. 1. On the Plan of this Dissertation p&gc 1 2. On the Relations between Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, and between the latter and the Mechanical Arts page 7 CHAPTER H.— PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY AND ANALYTICAL MECHANICS. § 1. Lagrange. — Variation of Parameters — Application to Physical Astronomy. The Stability of the Planetary System, ; Laplace ; Poisson, Moon^s Libration...^ag& 11 § 2. Laplace. — Lunar Theory Improved, — Oreat Ine- quality of Jupiter and Saturn. Theory of the Tides — Young; DrWhewellj Mr Airy. — Theory of Pro- babilities — Character of Laplace as a Physicist and Author page 16 § 3. Leqendee — IVOET. — Theory of Integration ; Hl- liptic Transcendants (Ahei, J acohi). The Attraction of Spheroids, and Theory of the Earth's Figure. At- mospherical Refractions page 24 4. Progress of Physical Astronomy since the publication of the Mecanique Celeste — PoissoN. — Theory of Ro- tation (Poinsot). — Mr Airy — The Solar Theory. — MM. Plana and Hansen — The Lunar Theory. — Physical Astronomy in America page 26 5. M. Leveerier — Mr Adams. — The inverse method of Perturbations. Prediction of the place and orbit of Neptune from the motions of Uranus page 29 CHAPTER III— ASTRONOMY. § 1. Maskeyline — Delambee. — Progress of Practical Astronomy from 1770 till 1810 — of the Lunar Theory deduced from Obaeniation—^The Density and Figure of the Olobe. Cavendish ; Baily. — Trigonometrical Sur- veys page 34 § 2. Sir William Heeschel. — History of Sidereal and Telescopic Astronomy to 1820. Herschel as an Opti- cian — Plcmet Uranus — Solar Spots — Orbits of Double Stars — NebulcB — The Milky Way — Swnh Motion in Space page 40 § 3. Bessel — Mr AlET. — Modem Observatories. Fixed Star Catalogues — Planetary and Lunar Observa- tions page 49 § 4. BORDA— Kater — Baily. — The Figure of the Earth from Pendulum, Observations — " Reduction to a va- cuum;" Mr Stokes — Colonel Everest — M. Steuve. — Latest Measures of the Earth. M. Fou- CAVLt's Pendulum Experiment page 52 § 5. M. Encke. — Cometary Astronomy — Periodic Comets of Halley and Encke. GaMBARt's and Biela's Co- met — Comets of 1811 and 1843 — Mr Hind — New Planets or Asteroids. Mr Lassell — Newly-disco- vered Satellites. Mr Bond page 57 § 6. Sidereal Astronomy since 1820. — M. Struve — Double Stars. Observatories of Dorpat and Pullcowa- SiE John Herschel — Orbits of Double Stars. Mag- nitudes of Stars. Variable Stars. Eael OF ROSSE — His Telescopes. Nebulae. Hendeeson and Bes- sel — Parallax of Stars page 63 CHAPTER IV.— MECHANICS OF SOLID AND FLUID BODIES, CIVIL ENGINEERING, AND ACOUSTICS. § 1. Watt. — Condition of Practical Mechanics previous to the time of Watt. His genius for the application of Science to Practice. His successive Improvements on the Steam-Engine. Steam Navigation page 67 § 2. ROBISON. — Application of Statical Principles to EngiTieering, especially to practical Masonry. COU- LOMB. — Friction — Force of Torsion page 72 § 3. Thomas Young. — Strength of Materials, and Art of construction (continued). — TELrORD — Introduc- tion of Iron into permanent Structures. Suspension Bridges— Treigali ; Mr Hodgkinson ; M. Navier. — Mr Robert Stephenson — Tubular Bridges... ^page 76 § 4. Sir M. I. Beunel. — Self-acting Machinery. — Thames Tunnel. — MrBABBAGB's Calculating Engines.. .'^a.ge 80 § 5 Teetithick. — George Stephenson. — The Loco- motive Steam-Engine. — Rise and Progress of Rail- ways. — M. de Pambour o» iooo!KOt»!/es page 83 § 6. Hydrodynamics. — DuBUAT, Ventuei, Professor Stokes. — Friction and Resistance of Fluids. — MM. Weber, Mr Scott Russell — Propagation of Waves. Their injtuence on Canal Navigation. — MM. Fotjrneybon and Poncelet — Improved Hydraulic Machines; Turbine. Reference to the subject of Capil- lary Attraction page 88 § 7. Progress of Acoustics. Chladni — Savart. — La- place's Correction of the Theory of Sound, Vibrating Plates and Acoustic Figures. Cagniard de la Tour's "Sirine." page 93 CONTENTS. CHAPTER v.— OPTICS. 1. Thomas Young. — The Undulatory Theory of Light — Its History from the time of Hoohe and Huygens. — The Law of Interference — Its application to DiffraC' tion — (0 the Rainbow — and to other subjects. — The Theory of Polarization referred to another s«c(ion..page 95 2. Malus. — Discovery of the Polarization of Light by Reflection — Early History of Double Refraction and Polarization page 103 3. Fresnel. — The Undulatory Theory of Light con- tinued — Diffraction — Transverse Vibrations; Young. — Polarization and Double Refraction explained. — Lighthouse Illumination , P^-g© 1 '^S 4. Arago. — Short Account of his Scientific Career — He discovers the Colours of Polarized Light — Lavis and Theory of Depolarization ; M. Biot ; Young; Pres- nel. — Non-interference of oppositely Polarized Rays — Rotatory Action of Quartz. — M. FoucauU'a Experi- ment on the Velocity of Light page 109 § 6. Sir David Brewster. — Progress of Experimental Optics — Laws of Polarization — Double Refraction pro' duced by Heat and Compression — Discovery ofBiaxal Crystals — Laivs of Metallic Reflection — Absorption of Light ; and Lines of the Solar Spectrum ; Fraun- HOFER. — Seebeck ; M. Biot page 113 § 6. Mr Airy, Sir William R. Hamilton, and Profes- sors Lloyd and Maccullagh. — Confirmation of FresneVs Theory — Investigation of the Wave Surface completed ; Conical Refraction. — M. Cauchv — Me- chanical Theory of Elastic Media, and of Ordinary and Metallic Reflection; M. Jarain. — Theory of Dispersion ; Professor Powell page 119 § 7. RiTTER. — Chemical Raysof the Spectrum. — Niepce; Dauguerre ; Mr Talbot. Art of Heliography or Photography — Daguerreotype — Calotype, — Professor Stokes. Chemical Rays rendered visible — Fluores- cence. P^ge 123 CHAPTER, VI.— HEAT, INCLUDING SOME TOPICS OF CHEMICAL PHILOSOPHY. 1. Black. — Latent and Specific Heat. — Irvine. — Hut- ton. — Doctrines of Heat applied to some Natural Phe- nomena page 127 2. Cavendish. — His Singular Character and Attain- ments — Em,inent Chemical Discoveries — Observations on Heat and on other Branches of Physics. — Lavoi- sier — The Calorimeter — Theory of Combustion and of Oxidation page 1 30 3. Dalton. — Theory of Oases and Vapours — Law of Expansion by Heat — Atomic Theory of Chemistry, — GrAY-LussAC , page 135 4. Romford. — Economical applications of Heat. — Point of Maximum Density of Water ; Hope. — Friction as a source of Heat. Theory that Heat is convertible into Mechanical Energy ; Mr Joule page 142 5. Sir John Leslie. — Establishment of certain Laws of Radiant Heat. — Pictet. — Prevost page 144 § 6. Fourier. — Mathematical Theory of the Conduction of Heat — Lambert ; Poisson. — Temperature of the Earth and of Space page 148 § 7. DuLONG. — The Law of Cooling. — Progress of the Sci' ence of Radiant Heat between Leslie's and MellonVs Discoveries ,■ transmission of Radiant- Heat through Glass. Herschel ; De la Roche ; Professor Powell. — Theory of Dew; Wells page 164 § 8, Melloni. — Recent History of Radiant Heat — Transmission and Refraction of Heat j Properties of Heat analogous to Colour — Experiments in Great Britain on the Polarization and Double Refraction of Heat page 157 § 9. M. Regnault. — Numerical Laws of Expansion by Heat; Rudberg. — Vaporization; Dulong. — Latent Heat; Hygrometry page 159 CHAPTER VIL— ELECTRICITY— MAGNETISM— ELECTRO-MAGNETISM. t 1. CtALVani. — Discovery of Qalvanism ; Proper Animal Electricity. — The suijectrevived Jj/Nobili. — MM. Mat- teucoi aMii Du Bois-Eeymond page 160 2. VOLTA. — Progress of Discovery in Common and At- mospheric Electricity — The Electro-motive Theory — Voltaic Pile — Chemical Analogies and Decomposition ; Fabroni; Nicholson and Carlisle page 163 3. Sir Humphky Davy. — Progress of Voltaic Electri- city — Electro-chemistry ; Berzelius.' — Davy^s Inven- tion of the Safety-Lamp. — WoiLASTON ; his Electri- cal and other Observations. Contrast of his Charac- ter ivith that of Davy page 168 i. Oersted. — Ampere. — Discovery of Electro-Magnet, ism — Electro-Dynamic Theory — Discovery of Thermo- Electricity; SEEBECK.-TAe Galvanometer of SahMveig- ger and Nobill page 175 5. Dt'Pkra.-dxy.— Progress of the Theory of Electro- Che- mical Decomposition — Volta-Electric Induction — Magneto-Electricity — Diamagnetism— Optical Changes induced by Magnetism. — Professor Pliicker — Magne- optic Action page 179 § 6. Ohm — Daniel — Mr Wheatstone — M. Jacobi. — Laws of Electrical Conduction ; — Constant Battery; — Applications of Electricity to Telegraphs — Cloohi — Motive Engines — the Electrotype page 184 § 7. Cavendish— Coulomb.— On tAcTJirtriiun'ono/ Sta- tical Electricity, and on the Mathematical Theory of the same. — POISSON — Mathematical Theory of Stati- cal Electricity and of Magnetism generalized. Green ; Professor William Thomson page 189 § 8. Professor Hansteen— Baron A. von Humboldt — Gauss— Major-General Sabine — Captain Sir J. C. Ross. — Progress of our Knowledge of Terrestrial Mag- netism in the Present Century page 192 CONSULTING INDEX TO THE PRINCIPAL NAMES AND SUBJECTS* MENTIONED IN THE FOLLOWING DISSERTATION. TI16 Rcforenoes are to tho Articles or Faragrajjh, not to the Pages. Alel, 98. Absorption of Light, 536. Acceleration of tbe Moon, Secular, 62. Acoustics, 433, &o. Adams, Mr, 127, &c. Airy, Mr, 82,115, 228, &c. ; 421, 549,879. Ampere, 792, 794, &e. Arago, 166, 500, 792. Asteroids, 282. List of, 283, and Addi- tions, p. 996. Astronomy, Piiysical, 41, &c. ; Practical, 149, &c. ; 218, &c. ; Sidereal, 172, &c. ; 289, &o. Atomic Theory, Dalton's, 618. Attraction of Spheroids, 99, &c. ; of Moun- tains, 154, &c. Attractions, Theorems about, 99, &c. ; 877, 905. Bablage, Mr, 377. Baily, 158, 242, &c. Balloon ascents, 630, and note. Barlow, Mr, 879. Berselius, 763, 767, and note. Bessel, 221, 310. Biaxal Crystals, 529 ; Theory of, 493. Biot, M., 545, 662. Black, 318, 583. Block Machinery, 370. Borda, 237, &c. Bowditch, 126. Brewster, Sir David, 519, &c. Bridges, Suspension, 351; Wooden, 356 ; Girder, 358 ; Tubular, 359, &c. Brinkley, 307, and note. Brunei, Sir M. I., 366. Cagniard de la Tour, M., 441. Calculating Engine, 377. Calorimeter, 88, 607. Calotype, The, 571. Canal Navigation, 422. Capillary Attraction, 88, 432. Catenary, 353. Gauchy, M., 556. Cavendish, 156, 593, &c. ; 871. Cavendish Experiment, 156, &c. Chances, 83. Chemical Subjects connected with Na- tural Philosophy, 582, 596, 618, &c. ; 763, &c. ; 811. Chemical action of Light, 562. Chemical Equivalents, 628. Chemical Theory of Galvanism, 751, 763, 811. Ohladni, 434. Civil Kngineering, 312-431. Clairaut, 235. Clock, Electric, 231, 862. Coloration of Heat, 713. Combustion, 608, 775. Comets, 262; Halley's, 26.'3 ; Encke's, 267 ; Gambart's or Biela's, 276 ; Co- mets of 1811 and 1843, 281. Conduction of Heat, 661, &c. Conduction of Electricity, 813, 842. Cornish Steam Engines, 323. Conical Refraction, 551. Cooling, Law of, 654, 694. Coulomb, 339, 413, 873. Daguerre, 569. Balton, ^10, 721, note. Daniell, 852. Davy, Sir H., 758, &c. ; 792, 808. Declination of the Needle, 881. Delamhre, 164, &c. De la Roche, 704. Density of the Earth, 154, &c. Depolarization, 505. Detrusion, 346. Diamagnetism, 823. Diffraction of Light, 458, 486, &c. Dip, Magnetic, 882, note ; 883. Discontinuous functions, 31, 685. Dispersion of Light, 559. Double Refraction, 475, &c. Du Bois-Reymond, M., 739. Duhuat, 410. Duhng, 693, 721. Earth's Figure, 163, 234, 249, &c.; Den- sity, 154, &c. ; Rotation, 258. Earth, Proper Heat of the, 675. Economical application of Heat, 634. Elastic Solids, 342, &c. Electricity, 728, &c. ; Animal, 734, 738, 872 ; Atmospheric, 743 ; Mathemati- cal Theory of, 869, &c. ; Distribution of, 871, 874. Electric Telegraph and Clock, 856, &c. Electro-chemistry, 751, 754, 763, 811. Electrodynamic Machines, 866. Electro-Slagnetism, 786, &c. Electrotype, 868. EUipticity of the Earth, 256. Ellis, Mr Leslie, 20, note ; 86. Emanation of Radiant Heat, 651, 667. Encke, M. 262, &c.; Encke's Comet,267. English Arc of Meridian, 167. Erman, M. Ad., 885. Evaporation, 613, 744. Everest, Colonel, 250. Expansion of the Gases, 617, 721, and note. Fabbroni, 751. Eairbairn, Mr W., 363. Faraday, Dr, 798, 807, &c. Feehnor, 851, Figure of the Earth, 163, &c. ; 234, &c. 249, &c. ; Results, 256. Flame, 770. Flexure of Beams, 347, &c. Fluids, Friction and Resistance of, 410. Fluorescence, 579. Foucauh, M., 258, 514. Fourier, 663, &c. Fourneyron's Turbine, 427, Fraunkofer, 538. French Arc of Meridian, 165. French experimenters. Skill of, 720. Fresnel, 468, 485, &c. Frog, Electricity of the, 734. Galle, M., 137. Oalloway, 212. Galvani, 728, &c. Galvanism, Discovery of, 732. Gases and Vapours, Dalton's Theory of, 613, 615, 617. Gauss, 48, 856, 896. Gay-Lussac, 617, 625, 630. Green, 558 and note, 878. Greenwich Observatory, 150, 159, 227. Gregory, Duncan, 31, note, Ealley, 882. Hamilton, Sir W. K., 550, 552, note. Hansen, M., 57, note; 122, &c., 261. Hansteen, Professor, 881, &c. Heat, 582, &c. ; Economical Applica- tions of, 634 ; Hypoihesis on the Na- ture of, 639 ; Radiant, 641, &c. ; 692, &c. ; Mathematical Theory of, 661, &c.; Motion in a Sphere, 673; Solar, 679. Heliometer, 310. Henderson, 304. Herschel, Caroline, 269, note. Herschel, Sir J. F. W., 294, 549. Herschel, Sir William, 172, &c. ; 702. Hind, Mr, 282. Historic periods in Science, 2, &c. HodgUnson, Mr, 352, 353, 363. Hooke, 452. Hope, 636. ' For the Grounds of Selection of these, and on the Use of the Index, see Articles (13) and (23). INDEX. Humboldt, Baron A. von, 734, 892, &c. Button, 591. Huygens, 453, 47S. The Principle of, 454. Hydrodynamics, 408, &o. Hygrometry, 614, 727. Indian Arc of Meridian, 250. Induction of Electric Currents, 816. Inequalities, Secular and Periodic, 47. Intensity, Magnetic, 885, 911. Integration, 31, 97. Interference of Light, 460 ; of Chemical Rays, 565. Isothermal Lines, 894. Irvine, 586, 589. Ivory, 103. Jacobi, C. G. I., 98. Jacobi, Mr M. H., 848, 868. Jamin, M., 557. Joule, Mr, 640. Jupiter and Saturn, Theory of, 65. Kelland, Professor, 421, 690. EaUr, 240. Lagrwnge, 20, note ; 41, Sc, 90. Lalande, 162, Lambert, 661. Lambton, 250. Laplace, 51, 60, &c., 199, 235, note, 433. Lasaell, Mr, 284. Latent Heat, 584, &c., 599, 724. Lavoisier, 605. Legendre, 85, 95, &c. Leslie, Sir John, 641, &,e. Leverrier, M., 127, &c. Libration of the Moon, 57. Lines of the Spectrum, 538. Lighthouses, 496. Lloyd, Dr., 550, &c., 900, 910. Locomotive Engine, 383, &c. Lubbock, Sir J. W., 79, 117. Luminous Waves, Length of, 463. Lunar Observations, 152, 229. Lunar Theory, 61, &c., 118, &c., 229. Maccullagh, 553. Magne-crystallic Force, 832. Magne-optic Force, 831. Magnetism, Terrestrial, 880, &c. ; Theory of, 903. Magneto-electricity, 819. Magnifying Power, 179, 180. Mains, 474. Mashelyne, 150. Mathematics, Pure, 20, 24, 28, &c. Mathematical Theory of Heat, 661, &c. ; of Electricity, 869, &c. ; of Magnetism, 903. Matteucei, 739. " M6canique Celeste," 89. Mechain, 166. Mechanical Arts, 11, 82, &c. Mechanical lactation, 378. Mechanics, 312, &c. Melloni, 707. Metallic Polarization, 634. Michell, 86, note, 156, 340. Milky Way, 201, So. miler, Patrick, 325. Modulus of Elasticity, 345. Natural Philosophy, its Connection with Mathematics, 24 ; with the Mechanical Arts, 32, &c. Ifautical Almanac, 153. Navier, M., 354. Nebulae, 190, 302. Kebular Theory, 198, &c. Ifeptune, Discovery of, 127, &c. ; Ele- ments of, 143. Nicholson and Carlisle, 754. Niepce, Nicephore, 569. Nobili, 708, 738, 802. Oersted, 786, &c., 803, &c. Olbers, 161. Ohm, 840. Optics, 444, &c. Parallax of Stars, 188, 306, &c. Parameters, Variation of, 44. Pendulum Observations, 236; M. Fou- cault's Pendulum, 258. Perturbations, Planetary, 46. Peters, M., 311. Photography, 567. PicUt, 648. Pile of Volta, 750, 752. Plana, M., 118, &e. Planets, New small, 282, &c. Playfair, 16, note. Plenitude of Stars, 203. Pliicker, Professor, 831. Poinsot, M., 113. Poisson, 55, 112, &c., 689. Polarization of Light, 474, &c., 625, &c. ; affected by Magnetic Actions, 834 ; of Heat, 717; of Chemical Rays, 665; Circular, 491 ; by Metals, 634. Poles, Terrestrial Magnetic, 882, 884. Poncelet, M., 431. Pond, 227, 307. Potential, 877, 905. Powell, Professor, 560, 705. Prevost, 649. Probabilities, 83. Proper Motions of Stars, 209, &c. Pulkowa, Observatory of, 293. Quartz, Optical Properties of, 511. Quaternions, 562, note. Radiant Heat, 641, &c., 692, &c. Railways, History of, 398. Rainbow, Theory of the, 465. Reflection and Refraction of Light, 490. Refrangibility of Heat, 714. Refractions, Astronomical, 107. Regnault, M., 719, &c. Rheostat, 848. Ritter, 563. Rivers, Theory of, 410. Bobison, 329, &c., 749. Ross, Sir J. C, 884, 910. Rosse, Earl of, 299. Rotation of the Earth, 258. Royal Institution, 637. Rumford, 632, &c.; Rumford Prize, 637. RuaseU, Mr J. S., 421. Russo-ScandinavianAroofMeridian,254. Sabine, Major-General, 238, 246, 909. Safety Lamp, 393, 770. Satellites, New, 284. Savart, 441. Schehallicn Experiment, 165. Scheutz, M., 380. Schuieigger, 802. Seebech, 612, 644, 801. Ships, Magnetism of, 879. " Sirfene," 441. Slide-Rest, and Planing Machine, 372. Solar Heat, 679. Somerville, Mrs, 566 and note. Sound, Theory of, 433. Specific Heat, 588, 599, 607, 727. Spectrum, Lines of the, 638 ; Heat of the, 702, 715. Stability of the Solar System, 50. Stars, Double, 187, 291, 296; Proper Motions of, 209, 292 ; Parallax of, 188, 306; Brightness of, 297; Variable, 298. Steam, Elastic Force of, 699. Steam Carriage, 384. Steam Engine, 317, &c. Steam Navigation, 325. Stephenson, George, 392, &c. Stephenson, Mr R., 365, &c. Stereoscope, 581. Stohes, Professor, 235, note; 247, 416, 679, 691. Struve, M. W., 209, note ; 252, 290, &c. Sun, The, 185. Suspension Bridges, 361. Falbot, Mr Fox, 571. Telegraph, Electric, 856. Telescopes, 178, &c., 299, &c. Telford, 351. Thermo-electricity, 801. Thermo-multiplier, 709. Thomson, Professor W., 878. Tides, 69, &c. Torpedo, 872. Torsion Balance, 167, 340, 874. Transverse Vibrations, 488. Tredgold, 352. Trevithich, 385, &c. Turbine, 425. Tunnel, The Thames, 373. Undulatory Theory of Light, 452, &c. Uranus, Discovery of, 183; Perturbations of, 132, &c. Variable Stars, 298. Variation or Declination of the Needle, 881. Variation of Parameters, 44. Venturi, 413. Venus and the Earth, long Inequality of, 115. Vision, 471, 581. Yoka, 740, &c. Volta-electric Induction, 817. Voltaic Pile, 749. Waves, Theory of, 419, &c. Water, Composition of, 697; Maximum Density of, 636. Water Wheels, 426. Watt, James, 312, Sc, 597. Weber, The MM., 420, 866, 899. Wells, 706. Wheatstone, Mr, 581, 853, &c. Whewell, Dr, 19, 79. Wilson, P., 185. WoUaston, 476, 638, 664, 780, &c. Young, Thomas, 80, 342, &c., 445, &c., 488, 606, 780. DISSEETATIO:^^ SIXTH. MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. CHAPTER I. INTROOrCTOEY. § 1. On the Plan of this Dissertation. (1.) Modern Advances in Science. (2.) Period 1450-1550. (3.) Period 1550-1650. The year 1850 may be said to complete the Third cen- tury of modern scientific progress, or the Fourth if we include its earliest dawn. To each of these ages of discovery may be assigned a peculiarity in the cha- racter of its improvements, and even in the methods which conduced to that improvement. Between 1450 and 1550 (a period so distinguished in letters and the arts), some great truths in physics and mathematics had presented themselves to a few precocious minds, yet they had not received any public acknowledgment, nor perhaps an adequate de- monstration. Algebra then first became a science. Leonardo da Vinci made the earliest steps since the time of Archimedes, in rational mechanics, and Co- pernicus almost at the close of this period promul- gated the true system of the world. But the next centenary (1550-1650) was the first of true scientific activity. Its characteristic feature was the vindication of observation and experiment as the prime essentials to the increase of natural know- ledge, with the consequent repudiation of the dogmas of the schoolmen, and the baseless methods of d priori reasoning. The men of science formed a goodly array at this stirring time ; and signal were their triumphs. Galileo was beyond all comparison the glory of his age. His sagacity, his knowledge, his versatility of talent, his ingenuity as an inventor, his success in prosecuting his discoveries, and his zeal and elo- quence in making known their importance, gave him an enviable pre-eminence even amidst a mighty gene- ration. Bacon laid down the canons of a new method in philosophy which Gilbert and Kepler, as well as Galileo, had already acted on. Napier and Descartes prepared for the general application of mathematics in the coming struggle. The hundred years which next succeeded (1650- W) 1750) saw the triumphant application of mathema- igso-iyso tics to Mechanics and Physics, and the establishment of the greatest mechanical theory of any age, that of Gravitation. The preparatory labours of a hundred and fifty years were brought, chiefly by the unparal- leled sagacity and genius of Newton, to a speedy and dazzling climax. His success brought numerous and worthy labourers into the field, but they found enough to do in gathering in the harvest which he had pre- pared for them. If we look for the distinguishing characteristic of (5.) the centenary period just elapsed (1750-1850), ^®f»cn°'*io(:n find it in this, — that it has drawn far more largely upon Experiment as a means of arriving at truth than had previously been done. By a natural conversion of the process, the knowledge thus acquired has been applied with more freedom and boldness to the exigencies of mankind, and to the farther in- vestigation of the secrets of nature. If we com- pare the now extensive subjects of Heat, Electri- city, and Magnetism, with the mere rudiments of these sciences as understood in 1750, or if we think of the astonishing revival of physical and experi- mental Optics (which had well nigh slumbered for more than a century) during the too short lives of Young and Fresnel, we shall be disposed to admit MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. piss. VI. the former part of the statement ; and when we recol- lect that the same period has given birth to the steam- engine of Watt, with its application to shipping and railways, — to the gigantic telescopes of Herschel and Lord Kosse, wonderful as works of art as well as in- struments of sublime discovery, — to the electric tele- graph, and to the tubular bridge, — we shall be ready to grant the last part of the proposition, that science and art have been more indissolubly united than at any previous period. (6.) The Dissertation of Professor Playfair closes with Limits of the period of Newton ; that of Sir John Leslie, pro- tation'^'^"^" fessedly devoted to the history of the eighteenth cen- tury, embraces some matters which belong more properly to those which preceded and followed it. After considering how I might best carry out the plan of these essays, I have adopted the period from about the year 1775 to 1850 as the general limit of my review. We may imagine this period, of three quar- ters of a century preceding the present time, to be divided into three lesser intervals of 25 years each, which have also some peculiar features of their own. (7.) From 1775 to 1800 many branches of science still Character continued in the comparatively inert state which cha- °^ *j^g ^gj^ racterized a great part of the eighteenth century, century. There were, however, two or three notable excep- tions. One was the continued successful solution of the outstanding difficulties of the Theory of Gravity applied to the moon and planets, a task in which the continental mathematicians, and of these, in chief, Lagrange and Laplace, had no rivals, or even coad- jutors, on this side of the channel : Another was the foundation of Sidereal Astronomy by Sir William Herschel ; and the last was the commencement of a system of Chemical Philosophy based on new and im- portant experiments, and including the laws of heat in combination with matter, which at that period very naturally ranged themselves within the province of the chemist. In this department two British and one foreign name stand conspicuous, Black, Caven- dish, and Lavoisier. I do not of course mean to affirm that other branches of science were not cultivated with success within the exact period of which we speak. Electricity, for instance, first statical, after- wards that of the pile, had a share in the discoveries and speculations of the time. But these were rather the mere extension of what had previously been thought of; or the first dawn of future important results, whose development fills a large space in the succeeding story. Volta and his inventions belong rather to the nine- teenth than to the eighteenth century. (8.) The first quarter of the present century attained Character a higher and more universal celebrity. Scarcely a " .^ branch of physical science but received important 1800-1825. ^nd even capital additions. Physical Astronomy in- deed, no longer filled so large a space in the page of discovery, simply because the exhaustive labours of the geometers of the former period had brought it to a stage of perfection nearly co-ordinate with the means of observation, and because, by the publication of the MScanique Celeste, Laplace had rendered available M6canique and precise the masses of scattered research accu- mulated by the labours of a century since the close of Newton's career of discovery. It was in some sense a new book of "Principia," — ^not, indeed, the work of one, but of many ; nor of a few years, but of two generations at least. Still there it was, a great monument of successful toil, which, like its prototype, was for many years to be studied, even by minds'of the highest order, rather than to be enlarged. But the other branches of Natural Philosophy (9.) were now to make a stride, such as perhaps no pre- ^^P*^J" ceding time had witnessed. The science of Optics pj^y^^g^ was speedily expanded almost twofold, both in its facts and in its doctrines. Galvanic Electricity dis- closed a series of phenomena not less brilliant and unexpected in themselves than important from the new light they threw on the still dawning science of che- mistry, and from the power of the tool which they placed in the hands of philosophers. Before the first quarter of the present century closed, the import- ant and long suspected connection between Electricity and Magnetism was revealed, and its immediate con- sequences had been traced out with almost unpa- ralleled ingenuity and expedition. The basis of the science of Radiant Heat, slightly anticipated by the philosophers of the eighteenth and even the seven- teenth centuries (Lambert and Mariotte), was finally laid in a distinct form, assigning to the agent, heat, an independent position dissociated from grosser matter, such as light had long enjoyed. Astronomy, though enriched on the very first night of the new century by the discovery of a small planet, the he- rald of so many more of the same class, made per- haps less signal progress ; but Chemistry, besides the aid it received from the invention of the pile, had a triumph peculiarly its own in the addition of the comprehensive doctrine of Definite Proportions, des- tined to throw at some later time a steady light on the vexed question of the constitution of matter. The great number of scientific names of the first or- der of merit concerned in these numerous discoveries marks the extraordinary fertility of the period. They are imperfectly comprehended in the following list : Young, Mains, Sir David Brewster, Fresnel, and Arago ; Volta, Dalton, Davy, and Oersted ; Prevost, Leslie, and Fourier ; Gauss, Ivory, Olbers, Bessel, and Encke. Of the twenty-five years just elapsed, it is not so (10.) easy to speak with precision. The voice of criticism !'o"'"^<,.. ■, n ■ 1 ,, 1 -,1 ,1 , 1 ■ 1 1825-1850. may be fairly uttered vnth that reserve which every one must feel in speaking of his immediate contem- poraries. Yet it may perhaps be stated without just cause either of offence or regret, that it has not on the whole been characterized by the full maturity of so many commanding minds. Of the great dis- coverers of the former period, several survived an4 continued their eflncient labours during no small por- Chap. L, § 1.] PLAN OF THIS DISSEETATION. tion of the latter ; and a few happily still remain to ■ claim the respect and veneration of their disciples and successors. But the vast steps so recently made in Optics, in Electricity, in Magnetism, in Thermotics, and in Chemical principles, tended of necessity to call forth such an amount of laborious detail in the de- fining and connecting of facts and laws, and the de- ductions of the theories started to explain them, as seemed to render fresh and striking originality some- what hopeless, whilst they occasioned a vast amount of useful employment to minds of every order of ta- Optics. lent. The undulatory Theory of Light, nobly blocked out by the massive labours of Young and Fresnel, has aflforded still unexhausted material to the ma- thematician on the one hand, and to the experimen- talist on the other ; and ably have they fulfilled the double task, aldding at the same time discoveries whose impoi:tance and difficulty would have made them stiU more prominent, had they not been the legitimate consequences of a still greater discovery already in our possession. Nearly the same might have been said for the sciences of Electricity, Electro- magnetism, and Electro-chemistry, had not the com- Electricity. parative newness of the whole doctrine of these sci- Heat. ences, and the suddenness of their first rise, and, per- haps still more, the appearance of a philosopher of the very highest merit, Mr Faraday, who fortunately at- tached himself to this special department, made the last thirty years an almost unbroken period of dis- covery. Radiant Heat, too, has been successfully advanced by labours comparable perhaps to those which marked its first rise as a science, and some other topics connected with heat have risen into Astrono- great and practical consequence. Astronomy has '°^' been prosecuted with a systematic assiduity and suc- cess, especially at the British and Russian national observatories, which yields to that of no former pe- riod, whilst physical astronomy has been cultivated by methods of still improved analysis, and has achieved one triumph which France need not grudge to England, nor England to France, — so signal as to be placed by common consent in a position su- perior to any since the first publication of the theory of gravitation, more than a century and a half be- fore. This was the prediction of the position in space of a planet whose existence was unknown ex- cept by the disturbance which it produced in the Magnetism, movements of another. Terrestrial Magnetism has, for the first time, aspired to the rank of an exact science. In an illustrious- philosopher of Germany, it has found its Kepler ; and the combination of na- tional eflforts in collecting reliable data from the re- motest corners of the globe is characteristic of the Chemistry, practical energy of the age. Pure Chemistry has been cultivated with extraordinary assiduity ; but though some general principles have emerged, none are comparable, from their importance, to the dis- covery of Dalton. To cite, then, at present, but a few names, amongst the most conspicuous benefac- tors of science of the last, or contemporary period, are MM. Airy, Cauchy, Hamilton, and MacCullagh ; MM. Faraday, Melloni, and Gauss ; Sir John Her- schel, M. Struve, and Lord Rosse; MM. Plana, Poisson, Leverrier, and Adams ; MM. Mitscherlich, Liebig, and Dumas. It seems to me impossible to exclude from a re- (H-) view, however slight, of contemporary progress in^j" *'"°' the exact sciences, the advantages which have accrued to them both directly, and, as it were, reflexively, by the astonishing progress of the Mechanical Arts. The causes, indeed, which called them forth are some- what different from those which are active in more abstract, though scarcely more difficult, studies. Increasing national wealth, numbers, and enterprise, are stimulants unlike the laurels, or even the golden medals of academies, and the quiet applause of a few studious men. But the result is not less real, and the advance of knowledge scarcely more indirect. The masterpieces of civil engineering — the Steam Engine, the Locomotive Engine, and the Tubular Bridge — are only experiments on the powers of nature on a gigantic scale, and are not to be compassed without inductive skill as remarkable and as truly philosophic as any effort which the man of science exerts, save only the origination of great theories, of which one or two in a hundred years may be con- sidered as a liberal allowance. Whilst then we claim for Watt a place amongst the eminent contri- butors to the progress of science in the eighteenth century, we must reserve a similar one for the Ste- phensons and the Brunels of the present : and whilst we are proud of the changes wrought by the increase of knowledge during the last twenty-five years on the face of society, we must recollect that these very changes, and the inventions which have occasioned them, have- stamped perhaps the most characteristic feature — ^its intense practicalness — on the science itself of the same period. Having thus briefly reviewed the course of disco- (12.) very since the latter portion of the eighteenth century, "^^^ij^x"*^ I proceed in the succeeding chapters to attempt to o/science sketch it more in detail, dividing the sciences into in this groups, and in each of these endeavouring to present Essay, a lively view of its progress by connecting it with the individual career of the eminent men who have most contributed thereto, and introducing collaterally the chief results obtained by their contemporaries. In this manner I hope, 6n the one hand, to escape the formality of a history of science, and the meagre de- tail which our limits would prescribe to so vast a sub- ject ; and on the other to be enabled to impress upon the reader (as seems to be the design of these Essays) the leading facts and features of discovery in every age, together with the intellectual characteristics of the greatest minds which contributed to it. It is with no overweening confidence that I lay the (13.) MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. of the sub. ject. Scheme of result of this attempt before the reader. During the treatment lenethened period of composition of thisDissertation — protraetedbymdispositionandun toward Circumstances of different lands, I have had abundant leisure to reflect on the advantages and disadvantages of a plan which I had sketched in the previous paragraphs, at the very opening of my task. I am aware that a rigid criti- cism awaits every attempt like the present. I am aware also, that it is far easier to detect real faults, especially of omission, than to make sufficient allow- ance for the exceeding difficulty and delicacy of the undertaking. I have but one ground of confidence, and that is so strong, that I trust it will enable me calmly to meet every just critical reflection. I am conscious of having written in a spirit of absolute impartiality whether as regards persons or subjects, and that I have exercised to the full amount of my opportunities what powers of judgment I possess. I have striven to speak judicially and historically whether of friend or stranger, the dead or the living, Englishman or Foreigner. What I have felt the most constant efibrt, has been the needful exclusion of meritorious names, far more numerous than those especially included and dwelt upon in these pages. But this has appeared to me the cardinal point of my whole plan. The labourers in science have been in these latter days so numerous, that had I noticed, even briefly, every one who had made a real step in science, my pages must have been crowded by names and titles of books. Even with the extension of bulk to which this essay has gradually and unavoidably grown (nearly double of its projected amount), the reader would rather have been bewildered than led by the perusal of such a catalogue. Besides, since such a brief historical synopsis forms very generally an in- troduction to the several articles of the Encyclopedia, to repeat it all here would have been but a tedious re- dundancy. No one conversant vrith such matters will imagine that I have saved myself any labour by this particularity of selection. On the contrary, it would have cost no effort to enumerate under each subject the living or recently deceased authors upon it who are best known ; such a detail must have left a vague and shadowy impression on the mind of the general reader, and when regard is paid to the necessary limits of the essay, and the multitude of technical details and technical words which there is no space to define and illustrate, it is plain that the perusal must have been rendered as dry and unpalatable to those who seek general and elementary yet clear ideas, as it would have been tantalizing and unsatisfactory to the ac- complished student, or to the man of science in search of particular historical details. (14.) rphe end at which I have aimed is to select the more striking land-marks of progress in each subject in each age, and endeavour to connect them with the character and position of all the more eminent dis- tatioDB. coverers, thus conveying to the general reader suffi- cient information on the limited number of particular subjects discussed, and interesting him not only in the science but in the individuals. Then, by a few slighter touches only, and the mention of some secondary names, to connect with one another these brighter periods of eminent progress, in which every country and every age feels a just pride. That by many I shall be considered to have dwelt (15.) too much on some eras of invention, and to have omitted others not less important, is a difference of judgment which it is impossible not to anticipate, but equally impossible to prevent. I will only add that I have endeavoured to extend my impartiality to subjects as well as to persons ; and that I have not intentionally dwelt longer on the topics of my own predilection than on those naturally considered by other persons equally or more important. Many subjects as well as persons familiarly known to me are scarcely, if at all, mentioned in these pages. To leave some definite and vivid impressions, selected solely for their importance, on the mind of my reader, has been the great object constantly before me during the composition of this work. It will be seen from the preceding paragraphs, ^^^'\ that I have deviated in some respects from the^j^j^jj^jj^^^f scheme of my two distinguished predecessors in the the preced- composition of the Dissertations on Science, Professor i"g DisBer- Playfair and Sir John Leslie. The essay of the for- mer, which is the more finished and methodical, is admirably adapted to the period of the history of science of which he had principally to treat; the period, namely, of Galileo, Bacon, Newton, and Leibnitz. But the amount of material was smaller, and the principle of selection was also much simpler. The positive science of that age might almost be re- duced to two heads, Astronomy, including its mecha- nical principles, and Optics. It was an age not more distinguished for the Truths it disclosed, than for the invention and right appreciation of the Methods of Discovery. Inductive Logic, and Mathematical Logic applied for the first time to dynamics, very justly claimed a place in a dissertation on the pro- gress of science, in a period when these preliminary doctrines and discoveries were the stepping stones by which even the basement story of the Temple of Nature could alone be reached. The Philosophy of Bacon and the discovery of Fluxions, occupied there- fore, with much reason, a large portion of Professor Playfair's beautiful Dissertation ; and it is impossible to regret that an intellect so admirably qualified for tracing and displaying the intimate and historical connection of branches of knowledge so varied in their principles and character, should have been thus congenially employed, to the delight and edification of readers of every degree of acquirement from the highest to the humblest.^ ^ In mentioning the name of my distinguished predecessor in the Chair of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edin- burgh, I willingly take the opportunity of noticing, in a few words, his peculiar merits, to which the Dissertation contained in Chap. I., § 1.] PLAN OF THIS DISSERTATION. Exteiit^ But the extended domain of the science of the variety of last hundred years enhances vastly the difficulty of the materials, subjects Succinctly handled as one by Mr Playfair. The mechanical and experimental sciences alone con- stitute a body of knowledge so large that it is arespon- sibility sufficient for one person to attempt to grasp them all, and to set forth in order the steps of pro- gress and improvement which have been so rapid, and even so startling. Since some of these have scarcely as yet been historically digested, and the broad features of contemporary discovery have not been gradually separated by the judgment of an impartial posterity from those slighter though praiseworthy details, which lapse of time and advance of know- ledge will throw into the shadows of distance, — this difficult and most laborious task falls principally upon the reviewer. The length and breadth of the subject of Natural Philosophy, and the cumbrous and scattered depositories of knowledge in which its records must be sought, combine to render not only the undertaking an arduous one, but the result of it a good deal more bulky than might be desired, or than was easily possible, in dealing with , the glorious, but compact, history of Newton's age. It might be compared to the difference between writ- ing a history of the Jews or Eomans and that of the whole of modern Europe. The mere magnitude of the undertaking, then, might well excuse me from entering upon the cog- nate, but exceedingly distinct, subjects of the Logic of Inductive Discovery and the progress of the Pure (18.) Logic of induction. Mathematics. But an equally sound reason might be found in my consciousness of inadequacy to un- dertake, whatever had been the dimensions of my work, a threefold scheme of such magnitude and difficulty. I do not think that any one person could be found to treat the whole as it ought to be treated, and I am certain that I am not that person. One attempt — a bold and successful one — has (19.) been made, in our own day, to unite two of tli^ ^'^'/'^^ ^f three departments, — I mean the History and th^ g^j, ^ jf^. g^^. Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences. An English art MiU. philosopher of wonderful versatility, industry, and power has erected a permanent monument to his reputation in a voluminous work bearing the pre- ceding title.'- A slight inspection of that work will show how impracticable and self-destructive a plan it would have been to attempt anything like a syste- matic abridgment of such a mass of facts and specu- lations within our present limits. Mr J. Stuart Mill has also published a work bearing on the origin of our scientific knowledge, diametrically opposed in principle to the preceding one, yet marked by great ability.^ Such disquisitions belong more properly to the philosophy of the human mind than of phy- sics. After all, be it remembered that whatever has been learnt or discussed concerning the means of arriving at truth in Natural Science, it is not pre- tended that we have recently become possessed of any canons or rules of discovery superseding those fundamental principles of observation and experi- ment so well laid down by Bacon, and practised both the present volume will bear an enduring testimony. Playfair's original contributions to science were not so marked and consi- Character derable as to justify me in including his name in the comparatively brief catalogue of discoverers chronicled in the succeeding of Professor pages ; but his efforts are, nevertheless, deserving of notice, and indirectly were perhaps hardly less beneficial. He was a most Playfair. patient and admiring student of the greatest mathematical writers of his time, and, when we consider the singularly backward state of that science in Great Britain about the end of the last and commencement of the present century, it was of no slight im- portance to find a man placed in the position of a public instructor able and willing to direct attention to the splendid achieve- ments of the continental mathematicians. By his lectures both on Mathematics and Natural Philosophy — by his luminous articles in the Edinburgh Review — by some of his original papers in the O^ranscbctiona of the Royal Society of Edinhwrgh — he contributed to this useful end, and would have done so still farther had he been enabled to complete the Dissertation which he so ably com- menced. He had an excellent mathematical capacity, and mathematical taste, rather than power. His explanations, even of matters of inherent difficulty, are perspicuous and popular, qualities possessed by few of his contemporaries. His style has been pronounced by the highest authorities to be a model of clearness and eloquence. He was extensively read in subjects of meta- physics and morals, as well as of pure science ; and by a combination of talent rare, I am inclined to say, in a high degree, his taste, though eminently mathematical, was also directed, with signal success (at first through his intimate friendship for Dr Hutton), to the very opposite studies of Geology and Physical Geography, which may be said to have been the subjects of his predilection during the last twenty years of his life. Nor were these labours of the closet merely ; he was far more intimately versed in the mineral structure of the earth, from observation, than any except a few professed geologists ; and he exceeded them all in the ability with which he expounded and maintained the striking doctrines of the Huttonian theory. Though professedly the " illus- trator" of the principles specifically but obscurely laid down by Hutton, he certainly added much of his own. There is no rea- son to doubt that Playfair first apprehended the moving power of glaciers as geological agents in modifying the surface of Alpine countries, a matter which has of late been so earnestly discussed by the ablest geologists. What adds to the singularity of the combination of tastes and talents to which I have referred is, that he appears to have bad the slightest possible taste for that art of experiment which he eloquently advocated, with Bacon, as the grand distinction of modern science. I may he wrong in stating it broadly, but I do not now recollect a single experimental novelty, much less dis- covery, which we owe to Playfair, I mean in the department of Natural Philosophy ; for we cannot include barometrical mea- surements under this head, of which, indeed, it was the mathematical theory, and not the application to practice, which chiefly occupied him. The same was the case in Astronomy, which, of the mechanical sciences, interested him most. In two capacities he ' will be remembered, — first, as the able, eloquent, and generally impartial and accurate Historian of Science ; secondly, as the promoter, to so great a degree as to be considered a second founder, of modern Dynamical Geology. He was much beloved in private life, and was singularly free from the tendency to carping criticism and personal prejudices sometimes, unfortunately, found in men of letters. He was the intimate associate of Jeffrey and the other founders of the Edinburgh Review. His ^character has been drawn in three words by Sir James Mackintosh, and as happily contrasted with that of his illustrious friend : — " Playfair and Jeffrey ; the first a person very remarkable for understanding, calmness, and simplicity, the second more lively, fertile, and brilliant than any Scotchman of letters " {lAfe of Sir James Mackintosh, ii. 251). * Whewell's History and Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, 5 vols, 8vo. " Mill's Logic, 2 vols. 8vo. MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. piss. VI. (20.) Pure ma- thematics — their progress and tech- nicality. before him and since by Galileo, Newton, and their disciples. With regard to Pure Mathematics, and their pro- gress during the last seventy years, to the difficulty arising from the extent to which the review must have enlarged this Essay, and the enormous and dispropor- tionate labour it must have cost (a labour far greater to the present writer than to one by taste and habit more addicted to the study of merely abstract Ana- lysis), a conclusive argument against their systematic introduction into this historical sketch is to be found in the very nature of these modern improvements. All sciences — but especially the abstract sciences — tend to become more intensely technical the farther they are pursued. These especially are incapable of popular treatment, although in their applications to physical science they occasionally admit of it in a very remarkable manner. The progress of analysis cannot be even enunciated or expressed but in the language of analysis, and the History becomes almost a Treatise, or, if not a Treatise, something nearly as technical. It is partly for this reason that the his- tory of the Pure Mathematics has so seldom been even attempted to be written.^ Mathematicians hav6, since the time of D'Alembert, been noted for being more ready themselves to publish than to become acquainted with what others have done ; and one con- sequence of this has been the formation of a mathe- matical literature, able, profound, and original, but cumbrous, fragmentary, and full of repetitions.^ Besides, the seventeenth century had attained the vantage-ground of those grand and striking im- provements in methods to which no subsequent im- provements, however real and ingenious, can by possibility compare. We shall never have inventions comparable, in universality and importance, to the application of Algebra to Geometry, and the dis- covery of Fluxions. These also admit of being at least partly explained in language not obtrusively technical, and have been so explained by the facile pen of Playfair ; but all subsequent discoveries have been but enlargements and improvements on these pri- mary and distinguishing ones ; and before the date at which our present discourse properly opens, even the larger generalizations of Newton's fertile calcu- lus — the method, namely, of Variations, and the in- tegration of partial differential equations, had been established, by the genius of Euler and Lagrange, on an impregnable basis. The intense, and praiseworthy, and successful (21.) labours of their followers have been, then, chiefly de- voted to the occupation of the fields of conquest thus summarily opened; or, rather, to storming, one by one, fortresses still unreduced, after the main resisting army had been first routed in the open field. To quit meta- phor, the efforts of mathematicians have for many years been chiefly applied to rendering possible the solution of problems involving quantities which ac- tually occurred in the course of the rapid simulta- neous advances of physical science. They are in a manner inseparable from the branches of physics in aid of which they were originally called forth, and will therefore be most properly noticed, however briefly, in the chapters of this Dissertation where their application is considered. Some farther obser- vations on this subject will be found in the imme- diately succeeding section of the present Essay. In reviewing the progress of science— physical (22.) science in particular — during the last seventy or^"^*y'' eighty years, I have thought it advisable not to gj°o.^ajjjg' subdivide the subjects too minutely, and, following matical nearly the arrangements of Dr Whewell's excellent Sciences, treatise, already quoted,' I shall treat, in successive chapters, of Analytical Mechanics including Physical Astronomy as their loftiest and most successful ap- plication ; of Astronomy as a science of observation ; of Mechanics, with reference to the intimate consti- tution of matter, including Hydrodynamics, Acous- tics, and Civil Engineering ; of Optics, or Light ; of Heat, including the Daltonian theory of the gases and chemical elements ; and, finally, of the large and comprehensive science of Electro-magnetism, includ- ing ordinary and Voltaic Electricity, Terrestrial Mag- netism, and Diamagnetism the discovery of Dr Fa- raday, The arrangement of the chapters is thus strictly (23.) Methodical ; but in the subdivision into sections, I "^"t"^^!, have allowed the Biographical principle to predomi- meth^dica{ nate, thus giving as much as possible a historical partly bio- character to the whole, and endeavouring to intro- graphical, duce the reader to the intellectual acquaintance of the eminent men who are selected for notice on the principles which have been already detailed. In some 1 Specimens of what a history of pure mathematics would be, and must be, are to be found in the able " Reports " of Dr Peacock and Mr Leslie Ellis, in the Transactions of the British Association for 1833 and for 1846. A glance at these profound and very technical essays will show the impossibility of a popular mode of treatment, whilst the difficulty and labour of pro- ducing such summaries may be argued from their exceeding rarity in this or any other language. 2 The celebrated Lagrange, in his later years, contrasting the mathematical works of his own generation with those which he studied when a youth, is said to have observed : — " I pity the young mathematicians who have so many theories to wade through. If I were to begin, I would not study ; these large quartos frighten me too much." — (Thomson's Armals, vol. iv.) And it is stated that whilst his own most abstruse investigations were conducted in Paris, he kept the perusal of M. Grauss's writings for the tran- quil retirement of the country, — a distinction intelligible enough between the intense effort of invention more than sustained by the vU viva of genius which prompts it, and the strain required to master the dead weight of reasoning imposed upon the mind by the discoveries of another. Dr Young, in his biography of Lagrange, observes upon the voluminous mathematical literature of his time, that " unless something be done to check the useless accumulation of weighty materials, the fabric of science will sink in a few ages under its own insupportable bulk." The fact is that a large proportion of the mathematical writings of even eminent authors are in a few years forgotten, or only casually consulted on some matter of history. 3 Hiitory and Philosophy of the Inductive Scieneet, Chap. I., § 2.] MATHEMATICS — PHYSICS— MECHANICAL AET8. instances, however, it has been necessary to introduce the same individual into two or three different sec- tions, and even into different chapters, when his pur- suits have been in very various branches of science. This has been avoided, however, as much as possible, and a sacrifice has occasionally been made of the methodical order of the subjects, so as to combine in one view all that has made an eminent philosopher illustrious. Such little sacrifices of arrangement are incidental to the way of treating the whole subject ; and it may be hoped that its practical advantages, in the eye of the general reader, will be found to compensate for its defects as they may appear to the more rigorous student. For the sake of the latter especially, a short but comprehensive index of Names and Terms is prefixed, by which, I believe, it will be easy to trace all that is said of any one person or subject in any of the chapters.' § 2. On the relations between Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, and between the latter and the Mechanical Arts, (24.) Connection of Mathe- matics, physics,and mechaQical arts. (25.) Boundaries of Science and Art un- defined. (26.) The object of this Dissertation has little in com- mon with an attempt formally to subdivide human knowledge into compartments, and to assign their boundaries with metaphysical exactness. It is chiefly in their practical bearing on one another that they must be considered. If one science, like Mathe- matics, furnish the only sure step towards the un- derstanding or the enlargement of another, as Astro- nomy or Optics, a practical link is constructed be- tween them, which renders the progress of the one not independent of the progress of the other. The intimate and reciprocal connection thus subsisting between Mathematics and Physics is to be found in almost an equal degree between Pure Physics and the Mechanical Arts, of which we take Civil Engineer- ing to represent the department most cognate t6 that of Natural Philosophy, of which this Disserta- tion more especially treats. The history of the last seventy or eighty years enforces this conclusion. The boundaries of Science and Art are as undefinable as those of " fact" and " theory," or those which separate the kingdoms of nature from one another. There are arts which can hardly be called scientific, and there are others which have contributed more to the original stock of know- ledge than they ever drew from it. These last are like the shoots of those tropical plants which at first are mere buds upon the trunk, and are nourished solely by its juices, but which, when they reach the ground, plant themselves there, and become not only the props and stays of the parent stem, but supply it from an ever-increasing area with the sap which they originally borrowed. The more closely we examine the subject, the more are we satisfied that it is impossible to teach science rightly without teaching its applications; and that the limit to which we are to do so is a limit depend- ing solely on the judgment of the teacher, and on the special purpose of the lesson. But the progress of science is a lesson learnt from the great book* of experience ; and if we are to feel the force of its teachings, we must consult, not one, but many of its pages. Looking to the history of science since 1750, but especially during the present century, it is quite impossible not to admit how large a share the sciences of application have had in moulding the direction of men's thoughts and speculations, and in enabling, nay, compelling them to realize certain abstract no- tions far from easy of conception. Instances of this are to be found in the force of percussion, the co- existence of vibrations in air and other substances, and such notions of hody as we derive from practical efforts of continually-increasing boldness to extend the scale of our constructions. The analogy of the relation between Mathematics (27.) and Physics, and of the latter to civil Engineering, is P/'*<=*i<"'l so close that the three subjects might almost be re- ^f (j,e last presented as three terms of a continued proportion. 100 years. What the second is to the first may be affirmed of the third relatively to the second. Physics may exist, at least to a limited extent, without a mathe- matical basis, as the art of construction long preceded a knowledge of the principles on which it is founded. But as knowledge advances it extends in both directions towards speculation and towards practical applications, but most towards the applications. This Bacon well understood, and he has consistently main- tained, that knowledge, to be profitable to its cultiva- tors, must also be fruitful to mankind. And all the history of science since Bacon's day has read this 1 I have borrowed but sparingly, in the following pages, from the existing compilations on the history of science. Indeed, a writer who intends to make a subject his own by a well-considered, fundamental plan of treating it, will use such works prin- cipally as a guide to his own further inquiries, and to assist him in selecting the topics worthy of fullest discussion. In this respect Dr Whewell's excellent writings, already cited, have been of great use to me ; and in the particular department of Astronomy, I have often referred to Mr Grant's valuable History of that science, as well as to the writings of Delambre, and the very elaborate Historical Essay by M. Gautier, on the problem of the Three Bodies, which is not, I think, noticed by Mr Grant, but which contains a most elaborate history of the researches of Lagrange and Laplace. In optics, I have consulted the systematic treatises of Dr Voung, Sir D. Brewster, Sir J. Hersehel, Dr Lloyd, M. Moigno, and M. Eadicke ; and so of other subjects. Gehler's Phyaikalisches Worterbuch, Fechner's Repertoriwn, and that of Dove, afford a vast amount of historical infor- mation. The Transactions and Proceedings of the various societies, British and Foreign, have of course furnished a great part of my information. Such strictly biographical details as I have made use of, have in general been very carefully taken from the best accessible authority. MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. lesson more and more loudly in the ears of mankind. The era of Newton and Leibnitz was grandly distin- guished by the continually increasing applications of mathematics to physics, whereof Newton was the great teacher; the century 1750-1850, whilst profiting by the lessons of the past, has added almost a new one in the eminently practical character of its science, and in the no less scientific character of its practice. The result of these gradual modifications of human knowledge has not been in the slightest degree in- jurious to the real progress of the more abstract in- Notinju- gredient of the mixed sciences. Did mathematics nous to g^gj, flouj.jsii more vigorously than under Newton ] science. ^^ 'pvae physical science had greater triumphs than in the era of Volta, Watt, and Young ? It was precisely because the new application of mathematics stimulated their growth, because abstract relations of quantity were vivified by concrete solutions of physical problems, that a new geometry arose. Dynamics could hardly be said to exist as a science without the invention of Fluxions as a language by which its conditions and results might be expressed ; and from that time onwards, the necessities of the natural philosopher have been the prime sources of inspiration to the geometer, while the subjects have become so blended that a mere discoverer in mathe- matics has become a singularity. It would be hardly possible to point out any mathematician of the highest class since Newton, or but a few of the second class, who have not contributed almost as much to physical science as they have to analysis. Of purely mathematical discoveries, the great majority have been called forth by the immediate necessity arising from some problem requiring solution in astronomy, mechanics, optics, or heat. Lagrange's method of Variations of arbitrary Constants in Integration, the artifices for the computation of attractions by Laplace's coefiBcients ; the introduction of the method of fac- torials by Kramp in his solution of the problem of refraction, and numberless improvements in the Theory of Definite Integrals by Fourier and his suc- cessors, sufficiently warrant the statement, and show how richly the physical sciences have repaid to the purely mathematical ones the debt which they origi- nally owed. One other conclusion may be drawn from these and parallel facts. It is that the com- binations arising out of external phenomena are more suggestive of the possible relations of number and quantity than is the most unlimited stretch of fancy and imagination ; and I believe it will be conceded that, with few exceptions, theorems of the greatest value and beauty have been more frequently dis- covered during the attempt to solve some physical or at least geometrical problem, than in compre- hensive yet indefinite attempts to generalize the re- lations of abstract magnitude. (28.) These views are strikingly confirmed by the his- torical fact of the paucity of pure mathematicians, The pure and of distinct mathematical treatises of a strictly ^'**^" original character in an age distinguished by the difiusion of mathematical knowledge, and in countries (like France) most celebrated for its triumphs. There are not, perhaps, much more than half a dozen really great mathematicians of the last seventy years, who have not left treatises more numerous and more distinguished on physical science, treated mathe- matically, than on pure mathematics. Among the exceptions which more immediately occur, are Monge, Legendre, and Abel. And of distinct treatises, whilst we have the Micanique Analytique, the MScanique Cdleste, the ThSorie de la Chaleur, and numberless others, containing precious mathematical develop- ments, in connection with the applications which suggested them, the purely mathematical memoirs of the same period are to be sought chiefly in the form of detached essays, in the ponderous volumes of Academical Transactions. One point in the History of Mathematics has espe- (29.) cial interest for the English reader, and as such may Their pro- be touched upon here with reference to the progress Country, of, science for the last three quarters of a century. The national pride of England in the triumphs of Newton impelled her ablest mathematicians to at- tempt to carry forward the synthetic methods which he had chiefly used, at least in his published works, to the more arduous and intricate questions of Me- chanics and Astronomy which presented themselves for solution in the course of the 18th century. Mac- laurin was almost the last Englishman of that period whose mathematical writings came into direct com- petition with the rising schools of Germany and France. The labours of Matthew Stewart, and Simpson were mostly geometrical ; those of Landen and Waring, though profound, created little general impression ; and, gradually, the extent and difficulty of the foreign mathematics, increased by the use of the Leibnitzian notation of differentials which was ab- solutely unfamiliar in England, deterred almost every one even from perusing the writings of Clairaut and D'Alembert, Lagrange and Laplace. Of the conti- nental mathematicians, Euler was proTiably the best known, owing to the lucidity of his writings and their eminently practical tendencies. Some idea may be formed of the negation of mathematical talent in Britain during the later portion of the last century, when we find D'Alembert declaring, in 1769, that if an Englishman is to be elected one of the eight foreign associates of the Academy of Sciences, he will vote for Earl Stanhope as the best mathemati- cian there, as he believes, not having read any of his works ! If the choice was to be free, he should prefer M. de Lagrange ! l"- A more cutting, though unintentional satire on the state of Mathematics in this country could not have been written. ^ Letters of eminent persons, addressed to David Hume, edited \>j Mr Burton, p. 21S. Chap. I., § 2,] MATHEMATICS — PHYSICS — MECHANICAL ARTS. 9 (30.) At Cam- bridge, Edinburgh, and Dublin (31.) Improve- ments in Integra- tion. Diecontinu- ous func- tions. The commencement of a better era originated, early in the present century, with Woodhouse at Cambridge, and Playfair in Edinburgh, by both of whom the con- i tinental methods were introduced into the studies of their respective universities ; whilst Ivory, a native of Scotland, was the first to challenge, by his writings, a place in the list of great living mathematicians. The systematic form of the MScanique Celeste rendered the subject more accessible than were the countless me- moirs by men of the highest name, which then filled the Transactions of Paris, Turin, Berlin, and StPeters- burg. But the notation of differentials, which could alone break down the barrier between the British and foreign mathematicians, was first introduced at Cam- bridge by the efibrts of Sir John Herschel and Dean Peacock about 1816, soon after which the transla- tion of Lacroix's Differential Calculus, which they superintended, came into use as an university text- book. From this time the works of foreign mathe- maticians began to be more generally read, particu- larly the writings of Laplace and Poisson ; and within ten or a dozen years subsequently, a few active and undaunted men, chiefly of the Cambridge school, such as Mr Airy and Sir John Lubbock, grappled with the outstanding difiBculties of physical astronomy, whilst a larger number applied them- selves to the most difficult parts of pure analysis, and acquired great dexterity in its use in the solu- tion of geometrical and mechanical problems. Such, for example, were Mr Babbage, Mr De Morgan, Mr Murphy, and Mr Green ; and at Dublin Sir William E. Hamilton and Mr MacCuUagh, whose names will occur in other parts of this Dissertation. No new calculus or great general method in ana^ lysis has resulted from these persevering labours, whether of British or foreign mathematicians, but an increased facility and power in applying the ex- isting resources of mathematics to the solution of large classes of problems previously intractable, or resolved only indirectly or by approximation. The Integral Calculus, in particular, affords an almost boundless field for research, and each branch of science in succession — not only Physical Astronomy, but Optics, Heat, Electricity, and Civil Engineering — ^has offered problems of great importance, which awaited only the skill of the pure mathematician to re- Solve in a practical and finite form.'- Every year, and every civilized community, contribute to these real improvements. The principle of discontinuity, con- spicuously introduced into the doctrine of the con- duction of Heat in consequence of the abrupt varia- tion of physical circumstances at the boundary of the conducting body, enters largely into the specula- tions of mathematicians of the present century ; and the doctrine of definite integrals so intimately con- nected with it has received a proportional extension. Next, analytical geometry has acquired a very great Analytical enlargement and by attention principally to symmetry S«°™® '^• in the arrangement of the results, solutions other- wise the most intricate are obtained with facility and directness. Of this we shall find examples in our history of the Undulatory Theory of Light. Lastly, The Calcu- notwithstanding the pre-eminently practical charac- 1"^ of Ope- ter of the mathematics of the last age, speculative geometers and analysts have found time to discuss the metaphysics of their respective sciences, both as regards the foundations of the Differential Calculus and as to the use of imaginary and other symbols in Algebra. An almost new branch of abstract science (though faintly foreshadowed by Leibnitz) has come into existence — ^the separation of symbols of opera- tion from symbols of quantity, and the treatment of the former like ordinary algebraic magnitudes. In some cases remarkable simplicity is thus introduced into the solution of problems, although perhaps few ma- thematicians would choose to depend implicitly upon the method in untried cases. Sir John Herschel and the late Mr Gregory'' were amongst the most active in- troducers of this new algebra, but few of the more eminent living British or foreign mathematicians have failed to contribute their share to this more metaphysical department of analysis. I shall now attempt to consider more particu- (32.) larly the reciprocal relations of pure physical science Connection and the mechanical arts. _ scienceTd This is evidently a very intimate one. The dis- the arts, coveries of pure physics (such as Astronomy, Acous- (^^■) tics. Magnetism), are the results of either observation or experiment, and they consist in generalizations, by means of which a multitude of facts are reduced under one simple expression of a more general fact or principle. But instruments often very compli- cated are necessary for observation and for experi- ment ; as telescopes in astronomy, organs in acoustics, properly magnetized and suspended steel bars in magnetism. Art is required to construct these. The highest possible degree of science, and the utmost 1 For example the Lucasian Professor at Cambridge, Mr Stokes, has effected two previously impracticable integrations, one occurring in the theory of the rainbow, the other in that of railway girder bridges. ^ Mr Duncan Gregory, a promising mathematician who died 23d February 1844, at the early age of 30, was the youngest Mr Duncan son of Dr James Gregory, the late distinguished Professor of Medicine at Edinburgh. His name deserves a passing record, not only Gregory, from the influence he exercised on the progress of the English mathematics of his time, but as having revived the dormant charac- ter for this peculiar kind of talent, so long connected with the family of Gregory. He was, in fact, the lineal descendant of the inventor of the reflecting telescope. Mr Gregory was the first editor of the Cambridge Mathematical Journal, and author of an excellent book of Examples in the Differential and Integral Calculus, both of which have exercised a beneiicial influence on the progress of science in England. He also wrote several original memoirs on the subjects referred to in the text. Mr Leslie Ellis, a man of congenial ability, has written a short but pleasing biography of his friend. 10 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL (34.) Great Me- chanical inventions presume a knowledge of physical laws; (35.) and gene- rally an in- ductive procesSf mechanical skill, are both indispensable to make a telescope. A telescope then, though a mechanical invention, inasmuch as it is a deduction from phy- sical principles, not an addition to them, is yet a deduction so ingenious — so far from obvious — so im- possible to be conceived accidentally or by a loose thinker, and so easilymade the instrument of innumer- able discoveries of the highest novelty and grandeur, that no historian of science ever thought of omitting the invention of the telescope, or of giving it an im- portance inferior to that of a discovery, containing as it did the germ of so many discoveries. In like manner a theory of optics might be ■written in which a tele- scope need never be mentioned ; but would not the pedantry of such a work be obvious, or would any reasonable person wish to learn science after such a fashion ? The elea/r co-ordination of the parts of an invention towards the attainment of a given result, with a due regard to natural laws, and the properties of the sub- stances used, constitutes the merit of the invention ; and this merit may be irrespective of the precise im- portance of the end of the invention, which may be intended to promote science, or commerce, or con- venience, or even to satisfy mere curiosity. A tele- scope would have been a telescope still, could we have imagined it invented with no other object than a deer- stalker's sport ; and so contrivances which in their ori- gin and application seem remote from scientific uses, constitute nevertheless real steps in the progress of knowledge. The steam-engine is one striking ex- ample. Originally devised with an exclusively com- mercial object — ^the extrication of the Cornish mines from subterranean water, it became in the hands of Watt, first an instrument for experiments on the re- lation of heat to matter ; next, in its improved form, a beautiful exemplification of these laws, and an en- during monument of the sagacity and skill of its author, as well as the most important inorganic agent which exists in modifying the social condition of the entire globe. Finally, to illustrate the posi- tion from which we started, it becomes the instru- ment of fresh discoveries. This very engine has a theory to be worked out, probably unimagined even by its sagacious author — its operation as an agent for obtaining power from matter by the application o£ heat, is shown to be in all probability a single case of a more general law, including all kinds of machines and all sorts of matter ; and this more general theory of heat as a motive power leads, once more, to new practical deductions, to the conditions under which such machines may be most usefully constructed and employed.^ Every instrument, every construction, which is founded on a theory, and in which a certain compli- cation of conditions is required to produce a certain result ; a telescope, for example, or a steam-engine, or a bridge, is, in the first instance at least, an ex- periment. Few inventions are so simple and straight- forward in their plan, are so independent of the seem- ingly capricious behaviour of matter under untried circumstances, or depend so entirely on physical laws thoroughly understood, that the inventor can await, without the pang — at least of impatience — if not of anxiety, the moment of the realization, by actual trial, of his hopes and his calculations. We can all readily imagine the throb of anxiety with which Galileo pointed his glasses for the first time to the moon — ^with which Watt saw the cylinder of his As in model exhausted, and the piston descend under the Watt's action of his separate condenser — and Stephenson, „j^g' the stupendous iron tube at Conway resting for the first time straight as a ramrod on its two piers— these are moments of anxiety and of triumph, which place the inventor of a machine and the architect of a stiructure on a par with the discoverer of a planet, or with the author of a theory. " Whenever an ori- ginal mind produces new combinations of thought and feeling,'' says Sir James Mackintosh, with equal im- partiality and truth, " whether its means be words or colours, or marble or sound, or command over the mighty agents of nature ; whether the result be an epic poem, or a statue, or a steam-engine, we must equally reverence those transcendent faculties to which we give the name of genius."^ It is almost needless to add the caution, that such praise is only applicable when the invention is such as to call forth the qua- lities which distinguish the Philosopher. It is not the mere command over the agents of nature which challenges our admiration, it is the foresight, the patience, the conceptive faculty, the clear-sighted and confident anticipations of what will be the re- sults of natural laws acting in given circumstances, these circumstances being in some essential particu- lars new. Merely to adopt known contrivances, where experience has already anticipated the result, may exercise judgment, but hardly genius ; and to make contrivances in which the result depends rather upon laws of geometry than of physics, hardly come within the scope of these remarks. Watt's Parallel Motion, perhaps the most inge- (36.) nious of his inventions, would not have made a great reputation ; nor does the endless variety of machines used in the arts, as in spinning, printing, and paper- making, stand higher. It is when the inventor places Matter in new relations to Force, or derives power from new sources, or teaches Light or Electri- city to act under new conditions, that he becomes really a Mechanical Philosopher. It is not given to man to endue matter with new (37.) properties, or to prescribe the laws under which his The limits inventions are to take effect. A new motive power, °^"*' ^ See Carnot, Pumance Motrice du Feu, and the writings of M. Clapeyron, Professor 'W. Thomson, &c. ^ Speech at a meeting for erecting a monument to Watt, in Arago's Moge of Watt. Chap. II., § 1.] PHYSICAL ASTKONOMY — LAGEANGE. 11 a new form of construction, are experiments on the resources of nature under new conditions. Solutionsof ■'■^ ^**'*' ^^^^ ^^ comparatively simple cases, we mechanical cannot set forces to act on matter, or dispose mat- as of ma- ter so as to resist force, without doing not only what *'iobrems°'* we intend to do, but also a great deal more. Man sometimes ^^7 P"* powers in motion which he is unable to manifold, control ; and whilst he calculates confidently upon the effects of such and such dispositions of force or resistance, he may overlook consequences equally necessary, because resulting from laws of nature which are either unknown to him, or the magnitude of which he had overlooked, in considering those only which he required. A complicated mechanical con- trivance may be compared to the mathematical solu- tion of a problem. It represents commonly a great deal more than is meant to be derived from it. It may represent several distinct results, some possible, some impossible, and of the former only one, it may be, congruous to the real conditions of the problem proposed. In mechanics, the laws of nature are as impatient of control as the laws of quantity in geometry, and the engineer may find, too late, that nature has solved his problem differently from what he expected. But even when successful, it is to be presumed that his own contrivance contains within it results unforeseen by himself. If he is wise he will become a student in his own workshop. The material contrivances are indeed his own, but the powers which they awaken or distribute are beyond his control. Even if his reading of the equation be strictly correct, there may remain in the background others no less important. (39.) ijijie considerations here imperfectly laid before the reader are intended to justify the introduction of certain practical topics into the present Dissertation, which, though many readers will see their insertion without surprise, or would have been sorry to find them omitted, others possibly may think more or less independent of, and separable from a scheme already sufficiently extensive and intricate, if con- fined to mere subjects of scientific doctrine, to the exclusion of its applications. My chief reason for including such subjects as the Steam-engine, the strength of materials and some great examples of construction, and the electric telegraph, is that these important practical improvements are both historically and logically interwoven with the pro- gress of pure or abstract physics. They have be- sides impressed upon the character of scientific dis- covery of the last hundred years a peculiar stamp which it would have been absurd to ignore while endeavouring, within a moderate compass, and in the plainest language, to convey a vivid though compre- hensive sketch of the advancement of Natural Philo- sophy during this and the preceding, or rather two preceding generations. It is not to be imagined that the difficulty of the (40.) problems which occupy the speculative philosopher, Lessons of or the comprehensiveness of mind required for their gxpraimce. solution, diminishes in any degree as we descend from the regions of pure science to the walks of every- day life — ^from the vast periods and majestic motions which astronomy enables us to explain and predict, to the common details of the workshop and the rail- way. In fact, the former are to be regarded as the simpler investigations, whUst our terrestrial agents have their effects modified by the diversified states of aggregation and various mechanical properties of mat- ter, and by the numerous modifications of force arising from heat, electricity, or magnetism, to which it may be exposed. We have as yet made but an insignificant advance towards that completer system of Natural Philosophy of which Newton's will form but one section, in which all the properties of matter and their consequences shall be as well understood as the particular property of gravity is at present. Many of these are to be learned by daily observation of the effects which occur in the ordinary progress of civi- lization amongst us. We are continually perform- ing experiments on a great scale and on purely com- mercial principles, which no individual philosopher or merely scientific society could have ventured to attempt. And in the midst of these appeals to experience, unexpected results are frequently occur- ring which send us back once more to the study of first principles, which, indeed, while they confound the empiric, do but establish the reputation of the philosophic engineer, who seldom fails to turn them to good account, both in his theory and practice. CHAPTER II. PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY AND ANALYTICAL MECHANICS. (41.) Lagrange. 1. LaGtRANGE. — Variation of Parameters — Application to Physical Asfronomy. The Stability of the Planetary System ; Laplace ; Poisson. Moon's Libration. The period of Lagrange's most celebrated labours extends so far back into the preceding century, that having been already mentioned in Sir John Leslie's Dissertation, it might have been excusable, with so great a mass of matter before us, to have passed them over without farther notice. But they are so 12 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (42.) His birth and educa- tion: ifitimately connected with the most salient points of the history of physical astronomy, down even to the present time, and are so interwoven with the disco- veries of Laplace, and represent altogether so much of the substantive character of the progress of the age, that I have thought it necessary to devote a small space to the recital of a few of the most pro- minent of them, having regard to the intellectual portraiture of the man as one of the most pre-emi- nent and successful reasoners of his class who have ever done honour to their race. I shall repeat as little as possible what has been said elsewhere, and confine myself to only two or three topics. Joseph Louis Lagrange was born at Turin in 1736 ; he died at Paris 10th April 1813. His first paper was written at the age of 17 or 18, and his end was accelerated by the unremitting ardour of his labours at the age of 77- He was consequently an original author during sixty years ; and for the greater part of his contem- this period he, togetherwith Laplace, monopolized the poranes. greatest discoveries connected with analysis and phy- sical astronomy, and exercised an almost undisputed authority in the more recondite sciences. Euler, Lagrange, and Laplace, by a singular coincidence, lived to the respective ages of 90, 77, and 79', and all retained their activity nearly to the last. They produced, by the continuity and friendly rivalry of their labours, carried to an extent in each case which only astonishing physical vigour united to astonish- ing mental aptitude could have produced, during almost a century, an impression on the progress of science altogether remarkable. This coincidence was ;ithe more happy, because physical astronomy was exactly in that predicament when nothing less than such a combination of intelligence and intensity of application systematically urged, could have car- ri«d Newton's theory through the difficulties which at that time beset it— difiiculties which left the Prin- cipia, for so many years alone, and far in advance of the general intelligence of the age, (43.) The pregnant suggestions of Euler were developed Euler and and applied by Lagrange, and the trium/phs of Lar Laplace, grange — may, even bis occasional failures — ^were the immediate precursors of some of Laplace's; happiest efforts> Amongst the former we reckon the method of the (44.) variation of parameters, expounded to a certain point Variation by Euler, though, as in many other cases, his results "^^P"*™*' were vitiated by the haste and inaccuracy of his cal- culations. That Lagrange borrowed the idea from Euler cannot admit of a doubt, any more than that he was indebted to him for the principles of the Cal- culus of Yariations. Lagrange, with customary truth- fulness, even to his latest days, always spoke of Euler aa his best instructor and model, and as the chief of modem mathematicians, Newton only excepted. We know that he so regarded him in the case of the calculus of variations which he studied in Euler's "Methodus inveniendi lineas curvas, &c.," during the first two years of his application to the higher mathematics ; 1 whilst Euler, with equal candour, acknowledged the transcendent genius of the rising geometer, forcing its way where he himself had failed. The method of the Variation of the arbitrary con- (45.) stants or Parameters, though it may be regarded in its^signifi- one point of view as a merely analytical artifice for effecting integrations, is in reality a conception purely geometrical, first introduced by Newton" under the name of " revolving orbits," and applied by him to the explication of the conception (to use a recently introduced phrase) of the liinar inequalities. Neither the moon nor any planet really describes a mathema- tical! ellipse (in consequence of the mutual perturba- tions of the heavenly bodies). They describe curves of double curvature in space, of which we could form no intelligible idea, except by referring them to the very approximate type of the ellipse, of which the eccentricity, line of apsides, inclination, &e., are con- tinually varying, not only from one revolution to another, but throughout every part of a revolution. This representation is not only convenient, but strictly accurate. At each instant the m,oon or planet is describing a portion of an ellipse, which maybe called the instomtaneous ellipse, and which instantane- may be defined as the particular ellipse which the o"^ ellipse, body would go on to describe if it were at that instant freed from all perturbation, and allowed to complete a revolution under the single influence of its acquired motion and the central force. To take Lagrange's 1 The following is a list of the books he then read, taken from a paper probably little known, which appeared soon after the early death of Lagrange in the Moniteur newspaper, and which was translated in Thomson's Annals of Philosophy, vol. iv. He studies. first read Euclid's Elements, Clairaut's A^ebra ; then, in less than two years, and in the following order, Agnesi's Analy- tical Institutions, Euler's Analysis of Infinites, John- BernouUli's Lectures, Euler's Mechanics, the two first books of Newton's Principia, D'Alembert's Dynamics, and Bougainville's Integral Calculus, Euler's Differential Calculus and Methodus Inveniendi — a pretty course of mathematical reading for a youth between 17 and 19. Prom the same paper we abridge a few practical directions given by Lagrange for the study of mathematics, which, if tolerably obvious, are interesting from the extraordinary genius of the man, and from his singular reticence on subjects of a personal nature. " I never," he said, " studied more than one book at a time ; if good, I read it to the end." " I did not Berplex myself with difficulties, but returned to them twenty times if necessary. This failine ,1 examined another author." " / conside^'ed' reading large treatises of pare analysis quite useless. We ought to devote our time and labour chiefly to the applica- tions." Thus he read Euler's Mechanics when he had acquired a very Slight knowledge of the differential and integral calculus. " I always read with my pen in my hand, developing the calculations, and exercising myself on the questions." " From the very beginning of my career, I endeavoured to make myself master of certain subjects, that I might have an opportunity- of in-venting improvements ; and I always, as far as possiblfi, made theories to myself of the essential points, in order to fix them morei completely in my mind, to render them my own, and to accustom myself to; composition." " Finally, I every day assigned myself a task for the next. I learned this custom fromi the. King of Prussia." 2' This Lagrange himself points out in his Mecanique Analytique. Chap. II., § 1.] PHYSICAL ASTEONOMY — LAGRANGE. 13 theory. a single example; the planet Uranus has not yet completed one revolution since the time of its disco- very in 1781, yet its observed path diiFered so much from a true elliptic arc (even when we allow for the perturbation of Jupiter and Saturn), that the orbit which satisfied the observations from 1781 to 1800 would not satisfy those from 1800 to 1820; and since 1820 a new orbit had to be computed for every few years, so great were the variations of the instant- aneous from any permanent ellipse. These varia- tions led to the discovery of the planet Neptune. (46.) To adapt the notion of the perpetual variation of Hicnr^v™^ the elliptic elements to analytical calculation, and to ascribe to each planet its influence in perturbing the elliptic motion of the others, was the great problem mainly solved by Lagrange. In the planetary theory, where the perturbations are all very small, on account of the excessive preponderance of the mass of the sun, the motion of each planet may be considered as under the separate disturbing influence of every other, and the whole perturbation is the sum of the separate perturbations. (47.) Now, these perturbations of elliptic motion may Periodic ^,g divided into two great classes, which Lagrange inequali- first, in 1782, included in a common analysis, which ties. expressed the disturbed elements of planetary motion by two sets of terms : those which include the rela- tive positions (or configuration) of the disturbing and disturbed planets being the one set, and those which included only the masses and elements being the other. The former are called periodic, the latter secular inequalities. The distinction is important, since, after a suflaciently long time, two planets (sup- pose the Earth and Mars) will have been presented to one another in space in every conceivable posi- tion of which, by the form and position of their or- bits, they are susceptible, a like recurrence of confi- gurations will recommence, and like perturbations will resnlt. Such influences, though running through long periods, will be evidently recurring. But there is another class of disturbances, which may in thought be entirely separated from the former, being the ulti- mate or average effect of the influence of one planet on another, arising, not from the position of the pla- nets in their orbits at any one time, but from the po- sition of the orbits themselves. Thus in a single revolution (and on account of the independent excen- tricities of the orbits during many successive revo- lutions) of Mars and the Earth, the attraction of the former on the latter sometimes conspires with the sun's attraction, sometimes opposes it, sometimes urges the Earth forward in its path, and sometimes pulls it back, producing numerous periodic inequali- ties ; but it is quite evident that, in the long run, the attraction of Mars on the Earth tends to pull it away from the sun, and to diminish the effect of the solar attraction — in fact, to increase the length of our year ; and that this influence will be precisely the same if we take the average of a great many re- volutions now, and compare them with a similar ave- rage hereafter, provided that the orbits undergo no permanent change. This , therefore, though not strictly an inequality, because the length of the year is per- manently changed by it, shows an average effect in- dependent of the configuration of the planets. An example of a true secular inequality is the revolution of the line of apsides or major axis of any orbit, by the influence of the disturbing forces of the planets, whether interior or exterior to the one considered. , .„ Few of the secular inequalities have been detected by change of observation throughout the entire records of Astro- apsides and nomy. It is known, however, that the apsides of the excentn- planetary orbits (at least in the case of the old planets) all progress, with the exception of those of Venus, which retrograde, and that the inclination of all is at present diminishing. The excentricity of the Earth's orbit is decreasing at the rate of 40 miles per annum. The exclusive dependence of the secular ine- qualities on the orbits, not on the places of the planets, may be well illustrated by a method actually employed by Gauss for computing them (though it does not appear to be attended by any special advantage). He conceives the orbit of the disturbing planet to be strewed with attractive matter, whose thickness at any point is inversely as the planet's velocity there, or directly as the time of its sojourn in any small length of the orbit. , . . The method of variations of the elements is evidently most applicable to the determination of Secular Per- turbations ; for to compute by means of it the ordi- nary inequalities involves an apparently unnecessary labour. The place of a planet is completelydetermined by three co-ordinates — its longitude, latitude, and radius vector; whilst the elements of the orbit are six in number, and when found, a further calculation must be made to find the co-ordinates of position. The more direct method of deducing the co-ordinates at once from the conditions of perturbation, was gene- rally followed until 1808, when Lagrange and Laplace almost simultaneously devised methods of using the variation of the elements with directness and despatch in the calculation of Planetary Pertur- bations. In the estimation of the second and higher orders of disturbance, it has even the advantage in these respects over the other method. Stability and Permanence of the Solar System,. — gtavrt f After it had been clearly recognised, principally by the solar the labours of Lagrange, that the elements of the pla- system. netary orbits are in a condition of perpetual change, it came to be a most interesting question how far such variations were likely to be continuous, and ulti- mately so great as to modify altogether the forms of the orbits, and even endanger the separate existence of the planets. This is a question which has excited a very general, as well as scientific interest. It is evident that the variations of the different elements are not all equally important in affecting the perma- nence of an orbit. The five properly orbital ele- 14 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. ments (the sixth being the longitude of the planet on its orbit at a given time) may conveniently be con- sidered thus : 1st, the major axis, which, for one and the same system, involves the periodic time or mean motion; 2d, the excentricity and position of the line of apsides; 3d, the inclination and position of the line of nodes . Of these, the stability primarily depends upon the first. If the major axis and mean period increase or diminish without limit, the planets will diverge into infinite space, or rush after myriads of ages to utter annihilation in the burning embrace of the sun. The latter alternative was the popular belief about the middle of last century, and was maintained by the grave authority of Euler ; whilst Darwin, in his florid but picturesque language, described the order and beauty of the planetary system as but a little more permanent than the glowing ornaments of the gay parterre.^ The principal reason for this conclu- sion, and its refutation, will be mentioned in the next section. (51.) The first person who perceived the probable sta- Laplace's bility of the major axes and mean motions was not disco rery. Lagrange but Laplace, who, in a paper published in 1773, gave a demonstration, the sufficiency of which has not been doubted, that the major axes are in- variable, so far as the influence of the principal terms of the disturbances are concerned, that is as far as terms containing the cubes of the excentrici- ties inclusive, and the first powers of the perturbing masses. Nor does Laplace appear to have doubted that the mutual distinction of the terms, including secular changes, was not accidental, but would ex- tend also to the farther approximations. Lagrange, however, in a celebrated though short memoir of 1776, demonstrated the truth of the conclusion for the higher powers of quantities contained in the per- turbations of the first order, and that by methods peculiarly comprehensive and elegant, which he far- ther extended in 1781 to the other five orbital ele- ments, showing the periodicity within certain narrow limits of the excentricity and inclination, the only elements, except the major axis, whose variations menace the stability of the system. Yet it is quite impossible to separate completely the names of La- grange and Laplace in the efiectual demonstration of this important truth, the former as frequently in- dicating the means of overcoming the more purely mathematical difficulties, as the latter was suggestive and far-sighted in anticipating their application to the peculiarities of our system. Laplace discovered (1784) two remarkable theo- (52.) rems which limit the whole amount of the excentri- ^^"^'j^^J; cities and inclinations of the orbits of the planetary ues and in- system, showing that if once small, they must ever clinations remain so ; and, in particular, that the most massive °^ P^™^" planets of the system (Jupiter and Saturn) mi»st also "■'^ "'' ^ '' undergo the most trifling variation ia these respects. In the case of the small planets between Mars and Jupiter^a wider range may occur (as indeed we prac- tically find to be the case), without endangering the permanency of the whole. It also follows that these variations, though " secular," are practically " perio- dic ;" that is, that the excentricities and inclinations oscillate about certain mean values and within ex- tremely narrow limits, the periods of these oscillations being also of vast duration. Concerning such changes, theory is our only guide. The whole duration of astro- nomical records can barely reveal the existence of two or three of them, and iells us absolutely nothiag of their remoter consequences. Lagrange calculated the superior limits of the excentricities of the larger planets, and M. Leverrier has recently, by more ac- curate methods, obtained results nearly coincident. According to him, the maximum excentricity of the Earth's orbit is 0-07775, the minimum 0-003314, so that it can never be quite a circle. It is now di- minishing, and will continue (according to the same geometer) to do so for 24,000 years, when it will begin to increase. The inclinations of the Earth's orbit to its equator, and also to a fixed plane, are confined within definite limits which are not perhaps very perfectly known. The motions of the apsides and nodes of the orbits (53.) which gradually complete the entire circumference *'°*"'°' "^ have manifestly no tendency to affect the stability of „^j[gg_ the system. The grand cycle of the Earth's perihe- lion will only be completed in 110,000 years. It coincided with the vernal equinox 4089 years before Christ, a period (as Laplace remarks) nearly coinci- dentwith that assigned bychronologerstothe creation. These results may be considered as among the (54.) most astonishing with which science brings us ac- ^ " Roll on ye stars ! exult in youthful prime, Mark with bright curves the printless steps of Time, Near and more near your beamy cars approach, And lessening orbs on lessening orbs encroach; Flowers of the sky ! ye too to age must yield, Frail as your silken sisters of the field ! Star after star from heaven's high arch shall rush, Suns sink on suns, and systems systems crush. Headlong, extinct, to one dark centre fall. And Death and Night and Chaos mingle all ! 'Till o'er the wreck, emerging from the storm, Immortal Nature lifts her changeful form, Mounts from her funeral pyre on wings of flame. And soars and shines, another and the same." Vanuin'a Botanic Garden, Canto iv., line 367. Chap. II., § 2.] PHYSICAL ASTKONOMY — LAGRANGE. 15 quainted. The range of insight which man has ac- quired into the past and future history of the uni- verse throughout periods, compared to which, the whole existence of his species is but a span, enhances our admiration of the reasoning power which can attain to knowledge so high and excellent. And the sublimity of the contemplation is increased when we recollect that these recondite truths are all conse- quences of a law so simple as that of gravity. Ob- servation will reveal only to a late posterity the se- cular modifications of the planetary orbits which geo- metry now predicts to us. Some of the ellipses will elongate, whilst others tend to become circles ; their planes will vary in inclination, but ultimately be stayed within the limit which human sagacity had predicted myriads of years before. "These," says a French analyst, "are the pendulums of eternity, which beat ages whilst ours beat seconds." And amidst all these variations, subject to law and to impass- able limits, the Major Axes of the orbits preserve a stedfast uniformity, or are subject only to transient fluctuations ; and thus permanence arises in the midst of change, and the perfection of the system is demon- strated by the very nature of the disturbances which seemed at one time inevitably to limit its duration. It remains to add, in closing this interesting discussion, that Lagrange himself had not quitted the thrtheory" ^^^^ before his able disciple and follower, Poisson, pursued the inquiry of the stability of the system, and the permanency of the major axes particularly, to a degree of approximation not before attempted. He included the perturbations of the second order, or those which arise by correcting the elements for the disturbances first found, and including the effects of the correction in the modification of the perturba- tions themselves. These also are subject to the same laws as found by Laplace and Lagrange for lower degrees of approximation ; and as MM. de Pontecoulant and Leverrier have confirmed the result (at least for all the larger planets of the system), we may conclude it to be a truth as firmly established as any negative fact can be, that our system is arranged for a duration apparently indefinite ; that if the planets cease to roll, and the sun and moon to do their office in enlightening the world, it must be in all (55.-) Poisson's addition to probability by an interposition of Almighty power, as direct and immediate as the creative energy by which they were launched into space, and (our earth at least) peopled with successive races of animated beings. ' We have, in the commencement of this section, (56.) disclaimed the intention of entering at large upon the Lagrange's history of Lagrange's discoveries. They fell more pro- "^-j^ ^ perly under the scope of the preceding Dissertation, and an able summary and enumeration of his writings by no less competent a person than Dr Thomas Young will be found in the alphabetical part of this Encyclo- psedia. I will only add, that while scarcely a topic in physical astronomy, or in pure mathematics, failed to receive important additions from his pen, his memoirs on the Libration of the Moon, his solution of several problems of Sound and vibrating strings, and his methods of computing the perturbations of Comets, are amongst his contributions to science, most vividly remembered and most justly admired as models of analytical ability. He himself is stated to have preferred, amongst all his papers, one in the Turin Memoirs of 1784, on the Integral Calculus.^ With reference to the Lunar Libration, Lagrange (57.) confirmed the singular conclusion of Newton, that the Libration moon is a spheroid, having three unequal axes, the ^..^ longest of which is always approximately directed to the earth, and the shortest is her axis of rotation. In consequence of this, the moon, of necessity, re- volves on her axis in the exact time that she circu- lates round the earth (supposing that at any time these periods were nearly, though not absolutely, coincident), and is subject (as Newton had divined) to a species of oscillation upon her axis, owing to the line of the earth's attraction not always coinciding (in consequence of the moon's irregular motion in longitude) with the moon's greatest diameter. This constitutes a physical libration, as inequalities in lon- gitude, by enabling us to see more or less of the lunar hemisphere diametrically opposed to us, con- stitute an optical libration, or apparent to-and-fro motion on her axis. In this investigation Lagrange first used the combination of D'Alembert's Principle with that of Virtual Velocities, afterwards fully ex- panded in the Mecanique Analytique.* Lagrange was happy in passing his days with (58.) ^ No reasonable doubt exists as to the stability of the planetary system to which our earth belongs, as it is at present consti- tuted. To what extent the laws of order which we observe in it might be transgressed with impunity, it is more difficult to say. The investigations of Laplace and Lagrange assume the motion of the planets in one direction, and their moderate excentri- cities and inclinations, as conditions of the guarantee of stability. But it does not appear by any means certain that all these conditions are essential, and consequently the argument which ha* been sometimes employed, that the concurrence of many in- dependent circumstances were requisite to the stability of the system, is at least incomplete. Compare Laplace, Systtme du Monde, edit. 1824, vol. ii., p. 29, and Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy, art. (669). * It is Ifo. 17 in the enumeration of his papers in the article Lagrange in the Encyclopaedia. ^ Very recently (1854), M. Hansen of Grotha, a most eminent living authority, has somewhat modified the received opinion jf Hansen respecting the moon's figure. He finds that the presumed ellipticity of the moon in the direction of the radius of her orbit is on the not justified by observations, which ought to show a slight variation in her horizontal diameter when the libration presents to moon'» us oiir satellite in a slightly varied aspect. And he infers from an elaborate investigation of the lunar observations, that her figure, centre of figure does not coincide with her centre of gravity, but lies about 31 English miles nearer to us than the latter. M. Hansen adds that the existence of such a protuberance of the moon's body relatively to the centre of gravity on the side which we can alone view, would account for the apparent absence of water and air, which may abound upon the opposite side.— Astronomical Society^s Notices, vol. xv., p. 13. 16 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. Private the tranquillity of a philosopher. He was respected character of a,ii,i rewarded alike by kings and democrats — he was agrange. jjQjjQm.g^ g^jj^ promoted in three great states, Sar- dinia, France, and Prussia. Though patronized by the despotic Frederick, and lodged in her palace by the gentle queen of Louis XVI., he escaped the misfortunes of almost every one of his contempora- ries, including Laplace, Lavoisier, and Delambre ; he retained his scientific appointments throughout all the frenzy of the French Eevolution. His mildness of disposition and disinterested devotion to science, more than the European celebrity of his name, con- tributed to this result. He was equally fortunate in his scientific relations. Euler, D'Alembert, and Laplace, whilst they were emphatically his rivals, were also his sincere friends. If he ever felt jealousy. it was perhaps towards those who, he thought, at- tained too easily by circumstances to a high reputa- tion : Monge seems to have been of this number. It is remarkable that for a series of years Lagrange di- verted his mind altogether from mathematics, and studied chemistry, natural history, and even meta- physics. His reply is well known, when asked how he liked the first of these sciences ; " Oh," said he, " I find it on trial as easy as algebra." It may be doubted whether in our own day he would have given as favourable an opinion ! He was unassuming in conversation, and dis- (590 liked speaking of himself. His commonest answer was " I don't know." He was happy in his domestic relations, and died universally honoured and regret- ted, 10th April 1813. § 2. Laplace. — Lunar Theory Improved. — Great Inequality of Jupiter and Saturn. — Theory of the Tides. — Young ; Dr Whewell ; Mr Airy. — Theory of Probabilities. — Character of Laplace as a Physicist and Author. (60.) PiERKE Simon Laplace has generally, and not jap ace. ^^;];jo^^ reason, been considered as a sort of exemplar or type of the highest class of mathematical natural philosophers of this, or rather the immediately preced- ing age. The causes of this, and the degree in which it is warranted, we shall endeavour to state towards the close of this section. In the meantime, finding it quite impossible within our prescribed limits to notice, ever so briefly, all his more material investigations, we shall select three or four marked by their ori- ginality and general interest. Such are, 1 . His im- provements of the lunar theory. 2. His discovery of the cause of the great inequality of Jupiter and Saturn's motions. 3. His theory of the tides. 4. His work on probabilities. 5. We shall consider his character as a general physicist, and as a writer. I. First, then, we are to speak of the improve- (61.) ments in ments of the lunar theory efiected by him. The ap- the Lunar plication of Newton' s own principles to the perfecting Theory. ^f ^^ theory of the moon's motion has been related in Sir John LesUe's Dissertation, and so far as the labours of Clairaut, D'Alembert, Euler, and Mayer, are concerned, belongs distinctly to the middle por- tion of the last century. The errors of Mayer's tables little exceeded one minute of space, which was twice more accurate than in Halley's time. With one important exception, the main outstanding dif- ferences between theory and observation had disap- peared. The eclipses recorded in the Arabic and Chaldean annals could not (as Halley first observed) be correctly explained by the motion of the moon as given by recent tables. At length it became admit- ted that the mean motion of the moon has been accelerated from century to century by a minute quantity, which, in the lapse of thousands of years, has become recognisable. It amounts to this, that the moon comes to the meridian two hours sooner than she would have done had her present period remained invariable from the earliest astronomical records of eclipses. It is at once evident how delicate a test this must be of changes otherwise imperceptible. The effect on the dimension of the moon's orbit maybe thus expressed, that at each lunation she approaches nearer to the earth than during the last by one-four- teenth of an inch ! thus describing a spiral of almost infinitely slow convergence. The minuteness of the effect may be illustrated by the shortening of the pendulum of a clock by an amount absolutely in- sensible, which yet, after days and weeks, will alter by many seconds the time shown by the hands. g v ^ After several unsuccessful speculations as to accelera- the cause of this anomaly, Laplace, in 1787, thus sa- tiou of the tisfactorily accounts for it: — It is well known that the ■'*°°°' sun's attraction on the earth and moon lessens, on the whole, the tendency of the latter to the former, and lengthens permanently the lunar period. But, so far as this effect is uniform, it does not directly appear. The effect is greater, however, when the earth is near the sun than when it is farther off. The lunations are therefore longer in winter (when the earth is in perihelion) than in summer. This is called the annual equation, and the amount is very sensible for this reason, that (as may be easily seen) the perturbing force varies inversely as the cube of the sun's distance. Now, though the earth's mean distance from the sun has not varied in the lapse of ages, the excentricity of the earth's orbit has been diminishing from the earliest historic times, and the average inverse cube of the distance has Chap. II., § 2.] PHYSICAL ASTEONOMY — LAPLACE. 17 (63.) Earth's eHipticity and solar parallax deduced from the moon's motion. been also slowly increasing. The result is that the moon's motion has been continually accelerated. Now, we have in the last section referred by anti- cipation to this acceleration as having led to the belief that the moon must at last fall to the earth. Laplace's discovery, however, shows that the acce- leration has a limit, depending on that of the ex- centricity of the earth's orbit, which having reached its minimum, the lunar mean motion will begin to be retarded, and will continue so through a vast cycle of ages, and so on alternately. Theory enables us to assign, with considerable accuracy, the amount of the acceleration, which is now about 10'' of lon- gitude in a century.* Besides this very satisfactory discovery, Laplace investigated three of the lunar inequalities in a man- ner leading to curious and unexpected results. Two of these depend on the spheroidal figure of the earth. The nutation of the earth's axis, which is due to the attraction of the moon on the protuberant equatoreal parts of the earth, is exactly reproduced by the equi- valence of action and reaction in the movements of the lunar orbit, only less perceptible in degree on account of the length of the leverage at which they are eflFected. The inequality of the moon's motion in latitude may be used to determine the degree of compression of our globe at the poles. Laplace de- duced from the Greenwich observations of the moon the fraction ^^, and, from a relative inequality in longitude, j^^ ; a coincidence really astonishing, not only as between themselves, but also when compared with the mean result of laborious investigations by actual measurement of the earth's surface. The other result we referred to was the determination from the lunar theory of the solar parallax, — in other words, the distance of the earth from the sun, which enters into the expression of a certain inequality of the moon's motion in longitude. From the observed amount of this inequality, Laplace obtained a value of the solar parallax exactly coincident with that obtained with so much labour on occasion of the transit of Venus in 1769. Strange and admirable result (as Laplace himself remarks), that the astro- nomer, immured in his observatory, and watching our satellite tbrougb his telescopes, and reading the re- sult by the aid 6f mathematical analysis and the theory of gravitation, should be able to determine the figure of our earth, and its distance from the sun, with- perhaps quite as great accuracy as by any direct measurements. Truly the wonders of fact exceed those of fiction, and the divinations of true science may match the pretensions of her counterfeit, astro- logy. In conclusion of this subject, I regret that space (6*0 does not allow me to advert particularly to Laplace's j^pj^^.," remarkable success in accounting for some singular satellites, peculiarities in the system of Jupiter's satellites, arising from, and partly occasioning, an exact com- mensurability in the periods of some of them (which Sir John Herschel has lately observed to hold also in the Satumian system in a somewhat different manner), a case which we have seen to be especially excluded in the instance of the planets, and which has been pronounced by a very competent judge (Mr Airy) to be " the most curious and complicated sys- tem that has ever been reduced to calculation." It ought to be stated, however, that Laplace's dis- coveries were based upon a previous and highly original investigation of Lagrange. II. In the second place, we shall briefly state the (65.) nature of Laplace's happy explanation of a great in- ^°°S In- equality of the solar system, tc which, like the fact ^f jupiter of the lunar acceleration, especial attention had been and Sa- called by the sagacity of Halley, and which, like it, *'^''°- resisting all the efforts of geometers to interpret, threatened the credibility of the Newtonian theory of gravity. "We are therefore to look upon this step as something more than a solution of a difficult problem; it was a new, peculiar, and unsuspected combination of circumstances on which it depended, and the solu- tion aiforded a key in all time coming to difficulties depending upon a like cause. Halley had ascertained, that by comparing mo- (66.) dern with the most ancient observations of Jupiter and^'^'^y °^ Saturn, the mean motion of the former planet had been qualitii accelerated, and that of the latter retarded. Lambert remarked subsequently that, if we confine ourselves to modern observations alone, an opposite change would appear to be in progress. The amount of the error of the tables was so considerable (amounting to 20' or more in the middle of the eighteenth century, and capable, in fact, of becoming much larger), as to have been (along with the apsidal motion of the lunar orbit) one of the first subjects of anxiety and specu- lation to geometers, when the Newtonian theory came fairly into discussion. For nearly forty years this stubborn inequality was vainly attempted to be ac- counted for by Euler, Clairaut, D' Alembert, Lagrange, and by Laplace himself, before the latter hit upon the true cause of the anomaly. It was long, and naturally, believed to be a properly secular inequa- lity, arising from the average mutual effects of the planets Jupiter and Saturn, though Lambert's re- mark rendered this less probable. It was in the course of the consequent research that Laplace proved that the mutual action of the two planets could produce ine- lies : 1 We here- add that very recently Mr Adams has discovered that Laplace, and also his followers, in confining their at- tention to the radial effect of the son's interference with the lunar motions, as aiFected by the excentricity of the earth's orbit, have unwarrantably assumed that the area described by the moon a unit of time is invariable. He finds, on the contrary, tan- gential perturbations depending on the same cause, and sensibly modifying the amount of secular mean motion deduced from theory, ^^—(Fhilcsophical TrcmiMtiom, 1853.) 18 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. no permanent alteration of the mean motion of either ; a conclusion which, as we have seen in the last section, he afterwards generalized for the pla- netary system. Several other memoirs by Lagrange and himself followed ; and when the question be- came thus narrowed to periodic perturbations only, Laplace, with characteristic ardour and resolution, determined to search out every term which could affect the result; an irksome task, less congenial to the gene- ralizing spirit of Lagrange. He had already noticed, in his memoir of 1773, thatEuler and Lagrange had, in their researches on this very subject, omitted terms, multiplied by sines and cosines of very small angles, which yet might, in the process of integration, be- come considerable by the largeness of the coefficients, their Eleven years later he detected, in the expansion of origin ; ^j^g mutual perturbation of Jupiter and Saturn, terms of this kind. The coefficient (or maximum value of the term) is in this case divided by the square^ of the same quantity which renders the angle under the sine or cosine small. These terms were indeed likewise multiplied by the cubes of the excentricity, or like their small quantities ; but notwithstanding this, by reason amount. ^f ^he small divisor just mentioned, they were capable of attaining a formidable magnitude ; in the case of Jupiter, to 21', and of Saturn, to 48' or 49'. That so small a force should produce so large an effect is due to the very long period of the most considerable portion of this inequality, which, in fact, led to its being confounded with perturbations properly secu- lar. The period of complete recurrence of the effects is about 920 years ; and during half this time the motion of one planet is being constantly accelerated, and that of the other retarded ; during the other half the action is reversed. An effect continually in- creasing or diminishing for so long a time, and be- tween the two most massive of the planetary bodies, is evidently liable to become considerable. The maximum displacement of Jupiter and Saturn Laplace found by calculation to have occurred in 1560, explaining the peculiarity above mentioned in the comparison of ancient with modem observa- tions. (67.) When we look to the physical cause of the large- '^''®."' ness of these particular perturbative terms, it is found ^^"° ' to be this ; — that the period of revolution of Jupiter compared to that of Saturn, is almost as the num- bers 2 and 5 : — ^in other words to the near commen- surability of the mean motions. Were they exactly in proportion to these numbers, formidable and per- manent changes would possibly result in the orbits. As it is, the planets come into conjunction when Jupiter has completed 5 revolutions, and about j^jth more ; Saturn 2 revolutions, and j\th more. Consequently the point of conjunction travels round the circumfer- ence after about 44 conjunctions have occurred, which requires nearly 2700 years. But a little considera- tion will show that conjunctions occur successively at three nearly equidistant points of the circumference ; consequently the two planets will have been presented to one another in every possible variety of configu- ration, when the point of conjunction has travelled one-third round the circumference, that is in about 900 years. The effect of this great improvement in the (68.) Theory of Jupiter and Saturn was, that the most an- cient observations were completely reconciled with the modern, and the modem with one another ; the errors of the tables were immediately reduced to one-tenth of their former amount, and soon after to much less. III. The third topic which I must shortly discuss in (69.) connection with the career of Laplace, is the Theory Theory of of the Tides. ^he Tides. The Newtonian Theory of the Tides has been ex- (70.) plained in Mr Playfair's Dissertation, but its progress Newton's, during the 18th century has not been adverted to iiinouif^g (,, the continuation by Sir John Leslie. It will be suf- the Equ'ili- ficient to state here, that it was pursued into its conse- hrium quences with ability and success by Daniel Bemouilli, Theory, who in 1740 shared a prize of the French Academy of Sciences on this subject, along with Euler, Mac- laurin, and Cavalleri, a Jesuit, the last a supporter of the Cartesian vortices. It was, perhaps, the conclud- ing honour paid to that once popular theory. The Tidal Theory of Newton and BernouilU (71.) presumes the earth to be at rest; and also the waters Ks results, of the ocean to be at rest, and at every moment in a state of equilibrium between the force of gravity, tending to the earth's centre, and the lesser forces tending towards the sun and moon. That a theory, founded on suppositions so far from the truth (not to mention the irregular distribution of sea and land on the earth's surface), should in any manner or degree represent correctly what happens, may be matter of just surprise. The leading phenomena are however tolerably consistent with it ; the dependence of the great tides on the moon's position with respect to the meridian of the port ; the spring and neap tides when the sun's action and that of the moon conspire with or oppose one another ; the priming and lagging of the tides depending on the displacement of the vertex of the compound ellipsoid due to the combined effect of the sun's and moon's attraction, depending therefore on the moon's elongation from the sun ; the effects of the moon being in the nearer or remoter part of her orbit ; all these facts are indicated by the Equilibrium Theory (as it has been termed), and are also results of observation. The theory, however, does not give the true depth of tide, nor (except in casual instances) does the time of high and low water coincide with theory ; besides many minor imperfections. Laplace had the singular boldness to attempt the solution of a problem, which is more one of hydro- ^ In cons equence of a double integration in respect of the time. Chap. II., § 2.] PHYSICAL ASTEONOMY — LAPLACE. 19 Laplace's Dynamical Theory. (73.) Its diffi- culty. (74.) Its incom- pleteness. (75.) Three classes of Tides. dynamics than of astronomy, and to estimate all the causes of movement of the particles of a heavy fluid, surrounding a spheroidal rotating nucleus exposed to the attractions of the sun and moon. This he did in a series of memoirs, more systematically condensed in the Traits de Mdcanique CSleste, and it may safely be affirmed that no other mathematician of his day was equal to the labours and disappointments of an investigation attended with every species of difficulty, in which each result must be attained by a combina- tion of general sagacity with mathematical rigour, and for the verification of which observations were yet in a great measure wanting. The Theory of the Tides was, upon the whole, the most arduous and compli- cated problem which could well be conceived, in a branch of science (hydrodynamics) hitherto remark- ably little successful in predicting the results of the most simple and arbitrarily selected experiments. That Laplace has been in a measure successful in such an undertaking must be considered the highest test of his genius, especially in reducing his mathe- matics to practical application ; but the result has been a treatise so profound tod obscure (I mean as regards the tide theory), that very few persons have attempted to master its difficulties. Mr Airy, the present astronomer royal, has done a great service to men of science, and to that far wider community whom the laws of the tides nearly interest, by giving a connected and tolerably elementary view of La- place's investigation, which he states confidently to be " the most obscure of the MScanique Cileste." In this theory the figure of the ocean at any moment is considered as a dynamical problem ; and that figure as a momentary state arising from the in- ternal movements of the fluid itself, as well as from the variation of the external forces. The resulting differential equations, expressing the attractions of the sui>^ moon, and earth, the rotatory movement of the earth, and the pressure of the water itself in mo- tion, are abundantly complex, and the solutions only partial and imperfect. The inferences from these solutions, too, partake not only of their imperfection, but, since they take no cognisance of the irregular distribution of land and water, present cases almost impossible to verify by observation. Some of the results are indeed so paradoxical, that without bet- ter evidence of their fxuth we do not further allude to them. The tidal effects are divided by Laplace into three classes ; the distinction of which, however, cannot be called a discovery of his. The /,rst class are inde- pendent of the earth's rotation, and are practically insignificant. The second class includes the diurnal tide occurring once in about 24 hoursi Concerning it, Laplace draws this conclusion, that its rise and fall (not, however, its horizontal motion) are insensible if the depth of the ocean is uniform ;^ and being practi- cally insensible in moat latitudes, we have thence an argument of more or less weight for a general tendency to uniformity in the depth of the sea. The third class of tides are the ordinary semi-diurnal tides. They afford, as Newton acutely perceived, the most direct and attainable measure of the relative at- tractions of the sun and moon. We have the sum of these attractions at the conjunctions and oppositions of the luminaries, and the difference when they are 90° apart ; and a higher maximum when both bodies are without latitude. From the observation of the tides on the Severn near Bristol, Newton computed the relative action of the moon and sun to be as 4"48 to 1 ; but this value is much too great, and gave far too large a relative mass to the moon. The result in the harbour of Brest, from observations made under Laplace's direction, is about 2-90 to 1 ; and the moon's mass yV^h that of the earth, agreeing almost identically with that deduced from the nutation of the earth's axis caused by her attraction. Observa- tions at London and Liverpool reduced by Sir John Lubbock and Dr Whewell give about 2*66 to 1.^ From the general theory of Laplace, the follow- (76.) ing results have been deduced with confidence : — (1.) Laplace's That the stability of the ocean is secure, whilst the '■^^'^''• density of the ocean is inferior to that of the earth generally ; which it is about five or six times. (2.) That the phenomenon of precession is not modified by the fluid covering of the globe. In the application of his theory to special cases, (77.) Laplace is compelled to have recourse to an assump- tion entirely arbitrary — namely, that the periodic fluctuations, however otherwise modified by circum- stances, recur in the same periods as the causes to which they are due. In this manner he conciliates the results of observation with his theory, which the latter would have been altogether incompetent to predict. The general merits of Laplace's theory we will sum (78.) up in the words of Mr Airy, who, of all his succes- Character sors, has probably most attentively studied it : — " If, , , . puttmg trom our thoughts the details of the investi- vestigation. gation, we consider its general plan and objects, we must allow it to be one of the most splendid works of the greatest mathematician of the past age. To appreciate this, the reader must consider — first, the boldness of the writer who, having a clear under- standing of the gross imperfection of the methods of his predecessors, had also the courage deliberately to take up the problem on grounds fundamentally correct (however it might be limited by suppositions afterwards introduced) ; secondly, the general diffi- ^ Dr Young asserts that the conclusion will not hold unless the depth be also evanescent. Laplace has shown in his Fifth Boole that the disappearance of diurnal tides will take place only when the nucleus is completely covered. 2 These ratios, however, being found to depend upon the configuration of the coast or estuary, cannot he used directli/ to de> termine the relative action of the sun and moon. See Phil, Tratu., 1845, p. 42. 20 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. culty of treating the motions of fluids ; thirdly, the peculiar difficulty of treating the motions when the fluids cover an area which is not plane but convex ; and, fourthly, the sagacity of perceiving that it was necessary to consider the earth as a revolving body, and the skill of correctly introducing this considera- tion. The last point alone, in our opinion, gives a greater claim for reputation than the boasted explana- tion of the long inequality of Jupiter and Saturn." ^ We must, however, qualify this eulogy by adding, in the words of the same writer, that Laplace's theory, though based on sounder principles than the equili- brium theory, " has far too little regard to the actual state of the earth to serve for the explanation of even the principal phenomena of the tides." It is, in fact, like many other productions of the same age and school, a great display of ingenuity and mathemati- cal skill, which hardly yields a single result worthy of confidence, or agreeing with nature, except by the abandonment of its deductive rigour, or a concealed induction backwards from the phenomena to be ac- counted for. The same amount of skill and resource which Mr Airy has shown in adapting it to his own views, and to recent observations, would probably have sufficed to construct a theory from the founda- tion. By others the attempt seems to have been abandoned as hopeless. C^^-) Since our Umits will not permit us to return to tjjijgg Pj. the subject of tides, we shall here briefly state the Whewell— progress of the subject since the time of Laplace. Sir J. Lub- The chief steps have consisted in co-ordinating the results of observation and analyzing them into their partial phenomena, by the help of Newton's and Bernouilli's theory. This labour has been greatly advanced by Dr Whewell, and also by Sir John Lub- Cotidal bock. The former has constructed maps of " cotidal lines," which, indicating the relative time of high water in difierent parts of the globe, give us a gra- phic conception of the course and propagation of the tidal wave. The tides of the Eastern Pacific are but little known ; but a vast wave advances northwards between Australia and Africa, diverted or retarded by the obstacles it meets with in the Indian Archi- pela,go. Another (and to us the most important) branch sets from south to north up the vast canal of the Atlantic, where it is gradually complicated by local tides, having their origin in the wide expanse between Afiica and the Gulf of Mexico. The two sets of waves sometimes reinforce, sometimes oppose, one another ; they are prolonged to the western shores of England and Norway, where the tidal im- pulse arrives 24 hours after it passed the Cape of Good Hope. It is propagated most rapidly at a dis- tance from coasts, and is retarded in narrows and shallows. It sends ofishoots into every bay and strait, always greatly retarded in point of time (ap- bock. lines. parently by friction), but often increased in elevation by concentration of the effect in a gradually narrow- ing channel, as we see in the exaggerated tides of the river Amazon, the Severn, and the Bay of Fundy. The same place may be the seat of several tides at once, which may increase or destroy one another ; thus, a small tide is propagated through the Straits of Dover as far as the Dutch coast, where it only arrives simultaneously with the principal wave, which has made the entire tour of Great Britain. As regards the progress of theory, Dr Thomas ^^^^°-)^j. Young, whose character as one of the greatest Dr Young, philosophers of the past age we shall have to con- sider in another chapter, next after Laplace grappled with the difficulties of this arduous subject. Em- ploying mathematical methods of inferior power but greater directness, and taking into account causes of local action which Laplace had not ventured to in- clude in his analysis, he gradually matured a theory adequate to represent many of the results of ex- perience, of which Laplace gives no account. He distinguishes the results of the forced and free ^^^'K oscillations of the sea ; the former resulting from the forced direct action of the sun and moon combined with the waves, rotation of the earth, and whose periods of rise and fall are determined solely by those external causes (external, I mean, to the mass of the ocean) ; the free waves, on the contrary, derived from the former, are transmitted with velocities depending on the me- chanism of the fluid itself, on its depth, and on the resistances arising from friction to which those mo- tions are exposed. These all -important modifications of the dynamical Theory of the Tides were deduced by Dr Young from the general theory of oscillations and resistances, and from the laws of fluids detected by Dubuat,^ and he applied them with no ordinary skill to the solution of the problems of tides in oceans, estuaries, and rivers. It is an extraordinary fact, and not without significance, in the history of science, that these researches of Young, published anonymously in the Supplement to the Sixth Edition of the Eneyclopsedia Britannica, and in the Seventh Edition of this work, and likewise in several jour- nals and reviews, so generally escaped notice as to have been almost unknown till Dr Peacock, in his recently published " Life and Miscellaneous Works of Dr Thomas Young" has fortunately recalled attention to their existence and their important results. In doing so, Dr Peacock has communicated with (^O Mr Airy, whose very valuable article on IXdes and Tideg'nnd™ Waves has been above referred to (78), and has Waves, ascertained from him that Dr Young's researches had escaped his notice when he undertook that elaborate recension of Laplace's theory, and made those important additions to it to which I have ^ Encyclopaedia MetropoUlana, " Tides and Waves," art. 117. 2 See Chapter IV., Section 6, where we shall return to some portion of this subject. Chap. II., § 2.] PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY — LAPLACE. 21 called attention.! It is very satisfactory to find that, by their independent and very different modes of analysis, Mr Airy and Dr Young have arrived at results generally coincident. It is in the essay of the former that most readers will now seek for an acquaintance with Laplace's abstruse investigations, whilst they will find in it the bearing of experiments more recent than the time of Young on the propa- gation of waves in canals, the theory of Mr Airy, beginning as it were at the opposite end from that of Laplace, and offering far more p\)ints of contact with actual observation, particularly in the Tides of Rivers and Estuaries. The theory of Young will naturally be best studied in his own article Tides, in this Encyclopajdia. (83.) IV. In the fourth place, we connect the name of Probablli- ■'-"^P^*"^ 'With, the progress, during the period we are ties. considering, of the curious doctrine of probability, or the laws of chance and expectation. These he discussed in two works, the ThSorie Analytique and the Essai Philosophique sur les ProbahilitSs — the first the most mathematically profound, the last the most popular and elegant, account of the subject which has yet been given. Nearly all mathematicians are agreed on two points — first, in considering this the " most subtle" and " difiicult to handle" of all the applications of their science, involving a perpetual recurrence to contingencies, and to elements of the argument easily left out of account, and in which, more than in any other, it is dangerous to let sleep for a moment the severely reasoning faculty, or per- mit it to be lulled to security amidst the maze of symbolic transformation. In truth, from experience, I am disposed to receive with doubt the solution of even a tolerably simple problem of chances, unless two competent persons at least have concurred in verifying it. Secondly, Mathematicians are agreed in considering Laplace's ThSorie nearly, if not quite, the ablest specimen of mathematical writing of his age, notwithstanding a degree of obscurity and repe- tition in addition to the inherent abstruseness of the subject, which render it, in the opinion of one of the most learned and extensively read of our pure ma- thematicians,* " by very much the most difiicult ma- thematical work he ever met with." (84.) A single paragraph has been devoted to the subject Improve- ^f probabilities in Sir John Leslie's Dissertation, investiffa^.'^ relating to its earlier history ; and the subject was so tion by popular during the last century, that there was Laplace, scarcely an eminent mathematician who did not add something to its practical development ; so that La- place may be considered rather to have enlarged widely its applications by means of his almost unex- ampled power in handling the calculus, than to have improved or established its first principles, or even applied it to classes of problems altogether new. We find that most of the principles of the Calculus were established by James Bemouilli, in the earliest part of the eighteenth century, who gave the first History of application of the Binomial Theorem to determine *«^o^^'^°« the probability of a particular combination of a given number of tlungs occurring, in preference to all the other equally possible combinations. Stirling dis- covered a curious theorem for approximating to the continued product of the arithmetical series of num- bers carried to any extent, which perpetually occurs in such calculations, Demoivre carried out Halley's application of it to the laws of mortality. Condorcet applied it to moral questions ; Mitchell to natural phenomena, considered as the results of accident or design ; Lagrange to errors of observation. The chief applications of the Theory of Probability are Its chief ap- the following : — 1. To chances known ct priori, as plications, that of throwing two given numbers with dice, the whole range of possibilities being known with preci- sion. 2. The calculation of the expectation of future events on a great or average scale, deduced from the past course of events observed also on a great or average scale. Of this description are the calcula- tions of life assurance, first tabulated by Halley. 3, To find the most probable result of a number of in- dependent observations and problems of a like kind. 4. To the proof of causation as opposed to accident or " random," derived from existing combinations of facts. 5. To the probability of testimony, and the confidence due to legal decisions. None of these inquiries are peculiar to Laplace, or originated with him. We select, however, for a brief notice (which must be confined to a few sentences) the third and fourth of these applications. The chances are enormous against the most expe- (85.) rienced marksman's hitting the bull's eye of a target. '^° ^°^ **'* But if he make many shots in succession, the balls |,^^,jg ^^°' will be lodged round about the spot at which he suit of a aimed, and they will be fewer in each successive ring number of of equal area drawn round the mark. The degree V" t^^v' of their scattering will depend upon the skill of the vations. marksman ; but in all cases the most probable result will be, that the point aimed at is the centre of gravity of the shots. This may be shown to be equivalent to saying that the most probable result of any number of equally reliable observations is that which will make the sum of the squares of the outstanding errors a minimum. This rule was conjecturally proposed by Legendre's Legendre in 1806. A demonstration of its truth was method of first published by Laplace. It is of great practical ^*^* use in deducing the results. of complex observations, such as those of Astronomy, and generally in com- bining " equations of condition" more numerous than the quantities whose value is sought to be extracted from them. In very many cases, however, a graphical ^ See note to p. 262 of the Second Volume of " Young's Miscellaneous Works," by Peacock, 2 Professor De Morgan in Encyclopedia MetropoUtcma. 22 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. Probable (86.) method of interpolation will serve the same purpose, as well as save a very tedious calculation. Perhaps too much importance has heen assigned to the " probable mean error" of a single observation deduced from many individual errors by the same theory. If a man has but one shot at a target, it is perfectly un- certain (by hypothesis) whether that shot be one of his best, or one of his worst, or one of his middling ones. But as there are more middling hits than very bad or very good ones, there is a certain dis- tance which it will be safe to bet (i. e. for which the probability is J), that he will not exceed ; though it would be a strange occurrence indeed, if he exactly struck the ring in question. This is all that is meant by the phrase " probable error ;" it is an entirely artificial number, which serves to give a sort of nume- rical value of the skill of the performer, but is other- wise of no importance. Its application has sometimes been strangely mistaken. Even the " rule of least squares" is often misapplied, and empirical laws al- together false have been deduced from it ; for it is rare in practice that the chances of error of observa- tion of a varying quantity are the same throughout the limits of observation. But those applications of the doctrine of proba the matter, it is one which few persons are competent to handle. The state of health of Mr Ellis leaves us little hope of his resuming the inquiry ; but two eminent mathematicians, Mr De Morgan and Mr Boole, have published considerable works chiefly bearing upon it. As an implement bearing upon discovery in (87.) science, the Calculus of Probabilities has as yet I'een P'°''»'^!ljty of little service. Whilst Laplace tries to indicate how ^^ \f^^ ® it guided his researches connected with planetary irre- covery. gularities, every one sees at a glance that, with the data before him, common sense must have outstripped analysis. Laplace has called the doctrines of pro- bability "good sense reduced to calculation." What is to be feared is, that the calculation should outstrip the good sense. V. Fifthly, We are to consider Laplace's charac- (88.) ter as a general physicist and as a writer. chMacter In the former respect he stands in a higher posi- as a phy- tion than that usually attained by eminent analysts, sicist, and In fact, if we compare him with any of his own J° *" *"' generation, we find him not only better acquainted with physical principles, and more scrupulous in taking account of them in his mathematical discus- of T'e^ti-''^ bility which pretend to give us a measure of our belief sions, but even possessing skill and interest in ex. ony and in the constancy of natural laws, in the confidence due of Design, tg testimony and to the teachings of history, in the proofs of design in cosmical arrangements, — are inquiries which, from their connection with meta- physics, religion, andmorals,havehad a higher interest for mankind at large than ordinary problems about cards and dice. To these Laplace paid peculiar attention ; and the reputation of his name tended to create in others a belief that the analysis he so power- fully wielded could communicate a portion of its certainty to the data subjected to it, and gave a currency to many of his conclusions to which we believe them by no means entitled. Professor Play- fair, one of the most ardent of Laplace's admirers, has recorded (in a criticism in the Edinburgh Review, of the works we are considering) his total dissent from Laplace's doctrine that the transmission from age to age of the historic record of a fact diminishes its credi- Laplace's bility in a geometrical ratio. But a Cambridge doctrines mathematician and speculative philosopher of singu- qucs lone . ^^^ penetration, Mr Leslie Ellis, has most formally assailed^ the principle of nearly all Laplace's esti- mates of our expectation of events arising from causes unknown or assumed to be so, such, for instance, as that a common cause determined the revolution of all the planets in one direction. The subject of the meta- physics of probability evidently requires a complete reconsideration ; and, owing to the singular subtlety of periments. The Calorimeter for measuring the capa- cities of bodies for heat was the joint invention of Lavoisier and himself ; at least their memoir does not assign to either a predominant share in it,* and their determmations of the expansions of the metals by heat seem also to have been made in common. His happy discovery of the chief or sole cause of the Memoirs on discrepancy between the theoretical and observed Heat, in velocity of sound (due to the heat developed by com- <"'™"""' pression) would alone have given him a just reputa- Lavoisier, tion, so anxiously had the matter been debated, and so much was it involved in a purely mathematical intricacy. Even in his great work on physical as- tronomy he takes a peculiar pleasure in embracing topics of terrestrial physics. We there find discussed the theory of barometrical measurements, the ques- on Baro- tion of atmospheric tides, the laws of capillary attrac- metrical tion, and the constitution of the gases. As to the first Measure- of these topics he made a practical improvement on capillary the formulae of his predecessors, so that his rules are Attraction, in fact still in use. As regards capillary attraction, * Astrono- he was materially anticipated by Young, who evi- factions' dently considered his principles to have been pirated ; yet his theory, though obscured by a display of re- dundant mathematics, was a real improvement. His theory of tides, and that of atmospheric refraction's, though closely connected with physical astronomy, were in fact not less so with the doctrines of hydro- ^ Cambridge Transactions, Vol. VIII. The writer of these pages has also given his reasons for dissenting from the argu- ments of Michell (which have been sanctioned by the authority of Laplace) on an astronomical question as discussed by the Theory of Probabilities. See Philosophical Magazine for December 1850. ^ Dr Black, the discoverer of latent heat (who was probably well-informed), states in a letter to Watt that he believes Laplace to have been the inventor. See Correipondenu of Watt on the Decomposition of Water, p. 66. Chap. II., § 2.] PHYSICAL ASTEONOMY— LAPLACE. 23 (89.) His Traite deMi- canigue Par less original than the Principia ; yet gives him justly a high re- putation. dynamics and optics; and we shall find very few important branches of general physics in which he has not left some permanent record of his interest, in the course of his career of fifty-jive years of anxious devotion to science. His largest and most systematic work, the Trak4 de MScanique CMeste, in five quarto volumes, was not only most ably executed, but exceedingly well timed. The applications of analysis to physical astro- nomy had been accumulating for nearly a century. Hundreds of memoirs relating to them, dispersed through many volumes in different languages, written with varying ability, in various stages of scientific pro- gress, and with differing notations, presented a mass of reading almost beyond the reach of the most reso- lute student. Laplace undertook to digest the whole into one body of doctrine, composed throughout on & uniform plan, with the best mathematical aids which were known at the commencement of this century. And though improvements and discoveries have been since made, the methods and most of the results of the MScanique Cileste remain, with little variation, the preferable ones of our own time. As a work of labour, it may compete with the Principia of New- ton ; as an original work, it is of course immeasur- ably inferior. Its principles are, in fact, the same with those laid down in that immortal code, and its deductions are collected (as we have said) from the writings of Clairaut,D'Alembert, Euler,and Lagrange, as well as from the previous memoirs of the author himself. Laplace has been too sparing of his cita- tions and acknowledgments, and a consequence of this literary avarice has been that he is sometimes considered as more of a compiler and less of a dis- coverer than is justly his due. For however ill he could have dispensed with the skilful preparations of his illustrious rivals and contemporaries, his pre- eminent sagacity furnished on several occasions the key-stone of the arch which imparted at once strength and completeness to the fabric. We have seen in the last section that though the credit of the theo- rems respecting the stability of the solar system is very generally attributed to Lagrange, who, indeed, prin- cipally furnished the methods, and gave great gene- rality to the results, yet the capital discovery of the invariability of the major axes of the planetary orbits is due to Laplace. It was he, again, who removed from the theory of gravity the two greatest and most impracticable difficulties with which it had ever been assailed — the anomaly of the lunar ac- celerations, and the great inequalities of Jupiter and Saturn, and by so doing rendered it almost infinitely improbable that any future discrepancy should more than temporarily embarrass a theory which had tri- umphed in succession over such formidable causes of doubt. True that Lagrange, in his memoir of 1783, had come within a single step of the first of these discoveries, and, by a process of exclusion, had almost forced attention in the right direction respecting the latter ; still Laplace seized the prize in both cases, after a fair, prolonged, and arduous struggle. Now these three discoveries were the greatest in physical astronomy between those of D' Alembert and Clairaut on the precession of the equinoxes, the motion of the lunar apse, and the periodicity of comets, — and that of Leverrier and Adams on the perturbations of Uranus about a century later. The universal testimony of mathematicians is to ^^ ^^^-^ the efiect that Lagrange was unrivalled as a pure compared analyst, in his power of generalization, and in the with La- inherent elegance of his methods ; that Laplace, grange, with nearly equal power in using the calculus, had more sagacity in its mechanical and astronomical applications, or rather, perhaps, we shoidd say, in directing it to the discrimination of causes, and the revelation of consequences. In other respects he difiered far more widely from (91.) his illustrious compeer. He rather courted popu- ^^ public larity, and was pleased at being considered worthy of political distinction. For a short time he was one of Napoleon's ministers ; but the Emperor, it is said, was more satisfied with his mathematical than with his diplomatic talents. He had none of the shyness of Lagrange, nor his repugnance to general socieff . He received with afiability and kindness those who were introduced to him, and his attentions were after- wards recollected with gratitude by rising men of science abroad. He had a villa at Arceuil, adjoining that of BerthoUet, and was one of the original mem- bers of the " Society d'ArceuU," to whose memoirs he contributed. He exercised a powerful influence and as a in the Academy of Sciences, of which for a time he M^^Jier of acted as dictator, and he was not very tolerant of demy of views in science opposed to his own. The undula- Sciences, tory theory of light he always opposed, and was mainly determined in doing so by the facility with which the attraction of luminous corpuscles could be subjected to calculation. The weak point of his scientific character was one so (92.) natural, and perhaps so inseparable from his prevail ''^"^j^^*^ ing studies, that it is not fair to criticise it too severely, display. This was a love of analytical display in treating ques- tions which it rather embarrassed than illustrated ; and generally, a disposition to overrate the sphere of mathematical discovery. This he had in common with Euler, to whom he was very superior in physical attainments and sagacity. His language, and that of his eulogists,* often amounts to the assumption that 1 For instance Arago says (speaking of the invariability of the major axes) : " Enfin par la toute-pnissance d'une formule mathgmatique, le monde materiel se trouva raffermi sur ses fondements" (Annuaire, 1844, p. 304). This is indeed the idolatry of mathematics. Many examples may be found in Laplace's V7ritings on Probability ; vrhich occasioned Mr Ellis to say of him, that " to Laplace all the lessons of History vrere merely confirmations of the ' resultate de calcul.' " To the same effect was the mot of Napoleon, " that Laplace carried into the art of government the principles of the infinitesimal calculus." 24 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. the marvellous power of analysis, in unravelling intri- cate consequences of admitted or assumed laws, could supply deficiencies of primary conceptions of the laws of nature, or could teach men fundamental truths in natural science. (93.) To add to the remarkable list of Laplace's endow- His Systime ments One more ; he was a perspicuous and elegant writer. His Systeme du Monde contains a popular exposition of astronomy in theory and practice en- tirely original in its plan and execution, and though frequently imitated, it is still perhaps the first of its class. Laplace was born in Normandy 23d March 1749, (94.) and died the 5th May 1827, leaving in the Academy ^^« °^^ he had so long honoured no one within many degrees ^^^^^^ of his ability in the same peculiar walk of science. § 3. Legendre. — Ivory Theory of Integration; Elliptic Tranacendants (Abel, Jacobi). The Attraction of Spheroids, and Theory of the Earth's Figure. Atmospherical Refractions. (95.) Legendre, (96.) Distin- guished as an able mathe- matician. (97.) His re- searches on Elliptic Functions. Adrien Marie Legendre was born in France in 1752, and died in 1833 (10th January); he was consequently three years younger than Laplace, and survived him by nearly six years. He fonned, there- fore, an integral part of that constellation of mathe- matical talent of which Paris was fcfr more than two generations the main centre. Like his illustrious compeers Lagrange and Laplace, he laboured with enthusiasm all the days of his life, and like them was engaged in editing and improving his works down almost to the day of his death, at the ripe age of four- score. The mathematical career of Legendre was less splendid than that of the other two whom we have just mentioned. He did not possess the wonderful powers of generalization of Lagrange, and he wanted the flexibility of mind, and the general physical knowledge, of Laplace. Legendre was very strictly a mathematician ; and he has been exceeded by none in the unquenchable zeal with which he pursued sub- jects of a dry and even repulsive character, often till he had hunted them down by sheer force of ap- plication, or, to adopt the metaphor applied to him by Lagrange, until he carried, sword in hand, the strong- hold which he besieged. No more striking proof can be given of these state- ments than the unflinching pertinacity with which, during nearly fifty years (1786-1833), he studied and improved the theory of Integration, applicable to those cases frequently occurring, which involve the higher powers of the independent variable, and which do not usually admit of finite expression. Two large works, the Exercises du Calcul Integral (1811), and the Traits des Fonctions Elliptiques (1827-32), — the lat- ter in good measure a republication of the materials of the former, — bear testimony to his diligence ; and these works were almost entirely original, and contained tables of most laboured construction, calculated by himself. Hardly any mathematician entered into competition or co-operation with him until his labours were drawing to a close, when, with a libe- rality worthy of all commendation, he welcomed the analytical discoveries of Abel and Jacobi, which were to give an unlooked-for extension to his own. These methods of integration, and their reference to certain properties of the Lemniscate and the Ellipse, originated in the early part of the last century with Fagnano and Euler. Legendre took up the subject exactly where Euler left it, and finally re- duced the large class of expressions to which his methods are applicable to three standard forms or in- tegrals in which the independent variable is always expressed by a circular function, and to which a numerical approximation may always be made by means of the tables calculated by himself. Abel, who succeeded in generalizing Legendre's (98.) methods to a far greater extent, was a native of ■^■''el'f dis- Norway, bom in 1802 (25th August),^ and died t""^^^'^'^"" at the premature age of twenty-six (1829, 26th subject; his April). His principal memoir was presented to the personal; Institute when he was only twenty-four years old ; ^^^^"y- and, to use the language of Mr Leslie Ellis, " when the resources of the integral calculus were appar- ently exhausted, Abel was enabled to pass into new fields of research by bringing it into intimate connection with a new Isranch of analysis, namely the Theory of Equations. The manner in which this was done shows that he was not unworthy to follow in the path of Euler and of Lagi-ange."^ Legendre's eulogy of Abel was concise : — " Quelle tete celle du jeune Norvegien!" It is less agreeable to add that the life of Abel was perhaps shortened by poverty and care. Though ultimately befriended by Legendre, Poisson, and others,his firstvisit to Paris (in 1826) occasioned nothing but disappointment, and his great memoir (no unusual lot, for the same happened to Fresnel) lay hopelessly lost amidst the papers of the Institute for fifteen years. Much, however, to their credit, the geometers above mentioned at length ad- dressed the King of Sweden on behalf of the rare genius his dominions contained ; but in vain, Abel died ne- glected, unable even to print his researches, which were tardily given to the world in a collected form, at the expense of the government which refused to support 1 There is some discrepancy, as to the year of his birth, but I believe this to be correct. 2 Report on the recent progress of Analysis. British Association Report for 1846. Chap. IT., § 3.] PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY — LEGENDEE — IVORY. 25 (99.) liegendre's researches on the at- traetion of ElHpsoids, (100.) sometimes in part at- tributed to Laplace. (101.) History of the subject. (102.) Other works. (103.) Ivory. him when alive. The French Academy, which had buried his memoir in their most inaccessible"archives," decreed too late the unprecedented honour of a post- humous medal to his mother. Jacobi, the friendly rival of Abel in his discoveries, died recently, at a mature though not advanced age, at Konigsberg, where he was professor. But to return to the labours of Legendre. The theory of the figure and attraction of the earth and of other planets naturally divides itself into two parts — fl.) the law of attraction of an ellipsoid on a material point without or within it ; (2.) the figure of equilibrium of a fluid subjected to no forces but the mutual attractions of its particles, and the cen- trifugal force due to its rotation. The latter of these problems is still imperfectly solved, the former completely so, and that mainly in consequence of the labours of Legendre and Ivory,' Though the services of Legendre are well known and admitted, the superior address of Laplace in the applications of mathematics has occasioned his re- ceiving the credit of what in some instances belonged to the former. Maclaurin, by an exercise of synthetic skill not exceeded since the death of Newton, had demon- strated the attraction of an ellipsoid of revolution upon a material point anywhere within it or on its surface, as well as for an exterior point in the prolongation of its axis or in the plane of its equator. The same problem wa« afterwards ana- lytically solved by D'Alembert and Lagrange. In 1782, Legendre, by a profound and complicated analysis, obtained an expression, by means of series, for the attraction of an exterior particle generally, and he was the first to imagine and employ those artifices of calculation known usually by the name of " Laplace's functions." Laplace made a step towards the simplification of the expression of ex- terior attractions, but the complete solution was reserved for Mr Ivory, as I shall mention below. The other labours of Legendre need not be spe- cified here. He co-operated in the trigonometrical survey of France, and gave the formula, known by his name, for approximately reducing a spherical to a plane triangle. He also wrote on the orbits of comets, and on the method of least squares. James Ivoey, the most considerable British mathe- matician of his time, or that had appeared since Mac- laurin, was born at Dundee in 1765, and studied at St Andrews along with Sir John Leslie. The most ac- tive period of his life was passed as mathematical pro- fessor at the Military College of Marlow (afterwards removed to Sandhurst). He was essentially a self- taught mathematician, and spent much of his time in retirement. He fathomed in private the profoundest writings of the most learned continental mathemati- cians, and, at a period when but few Englishmen were able to understand those difficult works, he showed his capacity of adding to their value by ori- ginal contributions, not unworthy of the first ana- lysts. We pass over his earlier contributions con- nected with mathematics and astronomy, several of which are contained in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and proceed to his most celebrated paper, published in the Philoso- phical Transactions for 1809, in which he com- pletely and definitely resolves the problem of attrac- tions for every class of ellipsoidal bodies. After what has been stated above as to the position of the problem as treated by Legendre, a few words will explain the precise import of Ivory's Theorem, one of the most celebrated mathematical results of that time. We have seen that the attraction of an ellipsoid (104.) on a point within or at its surface had been assigned ^'^^P°'''" by Maclaurin. The theorem in question enables ^"^^ Q„^°J^g us at once to reduce the case of an exterior attracted attraction point to that of a point on the surface of the ellipsoid, of EUip- Suppose an ellipsoid having the same excentricity, °''"^^' and with the principal sections parallel to the first, but whose surface passes through the given exterior point. Let points on the. surface whose co-ordinates parallel to the three axes of the respective solids are proportional to those axes be called corresponding points; then the attraction parallel to each axis which one of these bodies exerts on a point situated on the surface of the other is to the attsaction of the latter on the " corresponding point" of the sur- face of the former, as the product of the two other axes of the first ellipsoid is to the product of the two other axes of the second. By this means the attrac- tion on an exterior point is accurately expressed in terms of the attraction on an interior point, which is known. It is feir to add that both Legendre and Laplace had some glimpses of the principle, though they failed to apply it to the direct solution of the problem, and between the publication of their Me- moirs and that of Mr Ivory there elapsed nearly a quarter of a century. Besides this paper, Ivory contributed many others (105.; on the subject of the attraction of spheroids and the ^*^ °^^^^ theory of the figure of the earth, during a period of P*^®"^^' nearly thirty years ; several of these were controversial, and did not add materially to the progress of the sub- ject; others are considered as masterpieces of analyti- cal skill. One of the last subjects which occupied his attention was the possible equilibrium of a spheroid with three unequal axes, which Jacobi had discovered. Between the labours of Ivory and those of Legen- dre a great analogy subsists ; for the doctrine of ellip- tic integrals also occupied the attention of the former. But next to the theory of attractions, that of At- mospheric Refraction most seriously engaged Ivory's •*''"<'■ attention. Its great importance in astronomy, and fracTion. ^' (106.) (107.) ^ See the articles Attraction and Figube of the Eabth (the former by Ivory) in this Encyclopaedia. 26 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss, VL the curious mathematical difficulties which it pre- sents, renders it very interesting to analysts. La- place had applied to it his method of Generating Functions ; Kramp had introduced into his (now scarce) treatise the almost new Calculus of Factorials ; and others, like Bessel and Atkinson, had skilfully combined theory and observation for the construc- tion of useful tables. One of the most curious re- sults of recent enqiiiries into this subject is, that Sir Isaac Newton's table of refractions (Phil. Trans., 1721) must have been founded on a profound con- sideration of the problem, such as no one else thought of till a much later period, and is so numerically ex- act as to agree closely with the later tables, Kramp's for example.^ (108.) Mr Ivory attained the age of seventy-seven, dying Hie death. on the 21st September 1842. Probably his unceasing devotion to a confined and abstruse topic of enquiry, reacting on a sensitive frame, rendered him in some degree irritable and unsocial. He was not altogether responsible for this ; but students of science should recollect that diversity of occupations and interests is subservient not only to bodily health, but also to men- tal equanimity and vigour. The historian of science dwells with a special in- (1*^9;) terest on the results of Ivory's labours, when we re-^g^j 'j_ cal the singular destitution of higher mathematical tion as a talent which had reigned in this country for so long a British Ma- period, and which left us not only no position in tlie*j®"**'" great struggle going on abroad for the advancement of physical astronomy, but scarcely even the rank of intelligent spectators. § 4. Progress of Physical Astronomy since the publication of the Mecanique Celeste. — PoiSSON. — Theory of Rotation (Poinsot). — Mr AiKY — The Solar Theory. — MM. Plana and Hansen— The Lunar Theory. — Physical Astronomy in America. (110.) The more that any theory of a mathematical kind, mfficuitv^f^'^'*'® *^^* °^ Gravitation, advances to perfection, physical as- the less reason have we to expect great and striking tronomy. results in the prosecution of it, and the more intense and continuous is the labour in matters of detail ne- cessary to make any advance at all. (111.) ^g regards the general and popular view of the gj^^g™^'^^^^ subject, we might pass at once from the epoch of La- publication grange and Laplace to that of Leverrier and Adams, of the Notwithstanding, however, the necessity of extreme Mecamqm compression, I must devote one short section to men- tioning the chief labours in connection with physical astronomy of four eminent men mentioned in our title, who may fitly be considered as the immediate succes- sors of Laplace. Two of them will be again referred to in this discourse. (112.) Simeon Denis Poisson, born in 1781, may be said truly to have been brought up at the feet of La- grange and Laplace. He was their pupil in the first and brightest years of the Polytechnic School, where he was especially noticed by the former. He had the distinguished privilege of being literally their fellow-worker, his early memoirs having reference to their labours, and stimulating the still vigorous mind of Lagrange to the production, in his latest years, of several memoirs, which have been considered worthy of his best days. I refer more particularly to Pois- T vrt f ^^"^'^ proof that the stability of the planetary system the system ■ hol^s when perturbations of the second order are taken into account, as has been stated in the first section of this chapter, Art. (55.) This was in 1808. Soon after, following out another of Lagrange's ad- mirable generalizations of his theory of Arbitrary Poisson Constants, he embraced in a common series of for- °?^^**" mulse the result of those mechanical laws which regulate the rotation of bodies, together with those concerned in their translation in space. This im- portant subject (rotation) continued at intervals to engage the attention of Poisson, not only as re- gards the motions of the heavenly bodies on their axes, but also as a branch of common mechanics. The basis of this intricate doctrine was laid by Huy- gens ; Euler, in a celebrated and original work, gave it a general and analytical form ; D'Alembert solved by it the problems of precession and nutation ; Laplace demonstrated the constancy of the time of the earth's rotation round its axis. This last pro- blem was more fully discussed by Poisson, who showed by theory that neither can the earth ever rotate round an axis different from its present one, nor can the time of its rotation vary in consequence of any ex- ternal attractions to which it is subject. These two matters are of the utmost moment ; the first prevents the latitude of places from varying, and also renders impossible the extensive flooding of dry land by the waters of the ocean, which would be the evident con- sequence of such a change ; the second assures us that the grand unit of reckoning in all ages, the™'^"'"*''^" basis of astronomical chronology and of physical ^JJ^ ^^j^j astronomy generally, the length of the mean solar day, day, has not varied, and never will perceptibly vary under the action of known forces. Laplace had long be- fore proved, by a comparison of ancient eclipses with modern observations, that, practically, the length of the day had not varied in 2000 years. It appears, indeed, that since the earliest recorded Chaldean ^ See Biot in Oonnaitsance des T6mps,lS39 ; and Baily's Life of Flamiteed, Chap. II., § 4.] PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY — MM. AIRY, PLANA, AND HANSEN. 2T eclipse (that of B.C. 720), the rotatory velocity has not altered by one ten-millionth part. (113.). An eminent contemporary and rival of Poisson, M. on Rota- Poinsot, has added many elegant propositions to the tion. Theory of Rotation. . M. Poinsot is also the author of the Theory of Statical Couples, which now forms part of all elementary treatises on mechanics. (114.) Poisson wrote many other papers on subjects of writings of P^y®^*^^ astronomy, such, for example, as the Lunar Poisson. Theory, but they did not lead, on the whole, to strik- ing conclusions. In fact, he allowed himself to be diverted from this his most natural calling, by the ambition of constructing a system of Physics mainly founded on the applications of analysis. Some bulky volumes of this series appeared, espe- cially those on Capillary Attraction, and on the Theory of Heat. The author here shows him- self as a profound analyst, but adds little to our knowledge either of principles or of important re- sults. A similar criticism may be applied to his theory of Elastic Substances, and to his doctrine of Waves. His papers on Magnetism and Electricity will . be mentioned elsewhere, but their character is some- what similar. In Optics he was attached to the Newtonian theory. In Mechanics not requiring as- sumptions as to the properties of matter, he was very- successful . He was eminently a solver of hard pro- blems : his investigation of the whole circumstances of motion of a projectile in air deserves notice. Indeed every branch of mechanics received his atten- tion, and the number of his printed papers is said to exceed three hundred. On the whole, he will, per- haps, be most generally and favourably known by the His Treay. g^cellent Treatise on Mechanics which he wrote for the chanics. ^ise of advanced students. He was an eminent and diligent Professor, and his whole life was one of almost unremitting study. " La vie c'est le travail" was his reply, when urged to consult his health by reposing from his labours : and he actually died in the dis- charge of his duty as examinator of the Polytechnic School. This occurred on the 25th April 1840, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. ^A^^"^ Mr AiET on the perturbation by Venus of the ■ (jjg pertur- EartKs motion. — ^We here detach from what we shall bation of elsewhere have to record of the eminent services ren- the Earth ^ered to the cause of astronomy by the present As- y enus. ^j-Qj^Qj^gr Royal of England, a notice of his chief dis- covery in physical astronomy, the more remarkable from being almost the only improvement in the theory of the planetary motions, as applicable to the tables, which had proceeded from an English mathematician for a very long period. . Sir James South called at- tention, in 1826, to a small but well marked devia- tion of the Sun's place from that given by Delambre's solar theory (the Sun's place or the Earth's are of course convertible terms). Mr Airy, then Lucasian professor at Cambridge, instituted, in 1827, a more extensive comparison with the Greenwich Observa- tions, and attributed the error chiefly to the assump- tion of erroneous masses for Venus and Mars. But prolonged study satisfied him that it arose from a "long inequality," arising from the mutual action of the Earth and Venus, similar in its nature to that men- tioned in Art. (66), as detected by Laplace in the case of Jupiter and Saturn. It arises from the cir- cumstance that eight times the orbital period of the Earth is almost equivalent to thirteen times that of Venus. Terms of the series expressive of the mu- tual action of the planets, which are divided by thir- teen times the mean motion of the former minus eight times the mean motion of the latter (which is a very small quantity), may consequently become consider- able ; still more, those involving the square of this quantity. Such terms belong to the fifth and higher orders of the excentricity, and would consequently be very minute indeed, but for the casual magnitude of their coefficient. The labour of tracing out and cal- culating the efiects of these important terms from the vast mass of algebraic developments is enormously great, — much greater than in the corresponding case of Jupiter and Saturn. As the calculations are not very likely to be repeated, Mr Airy took extraordi- nary precautions in their verification. The period of the inequality depends, first, as has been explained in Art. (67), upon the period required to carry the point of conjunction of the two planets completely round the circumference. This period is no less than 270 years. The perturbation is of course mutual, and afiects the place of Venus as well as of the Earth. Mr Airy is also the author of investigations con- (116.) nected with the Figure of the Earth, and the Theory of the Tides [see Art. (82)] ; and he has published va- luable Tracts on Physical Astronomy for the use of students. Sir John Lubbock's name deserves mention here (117.) as having devoted his energies, about the same time ^'"^ ^°^^ with Mr Airy, to intricate and laborious researches " °'^ ' connected with the least inviting parts of physical astronomy, and striven to redeem England from the reproach of indifierence or incapacity in respect of such inquiries. The chief object of his numerous memoirs (in the Philosophical Transactions for 1830, and following years) is to express, in a more conve- nient and exact manner than had been in use, the complicated serieses indicative of the perturbations as well in the Lunar as in the Planetary Theory. The Lunar Theory : MM. Plana and Hansen. — jjjj_ pj'^^^ M. Plana, an astronomer and analyst of the greatest and Han- merit, who fortunately still does honour to the native sen on the city of Lagrange (Turin), though the author of a great mh"*"" number of Memoirs in the Transactions of the Turin Academy, on difierent points of Applied Mathema- tics, is, and will be, best known by his elaborate and learned treatise on the Theory of the Moon. This extends to three very bulky quarto volumes, which are, so to speak, one mass of symbols. Nothing caa 28 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. give a more impressive idea of the condition at which Physical Astronomy has now arrived, than a glance at this mountain of intellectual labour, — especially as to the intricacy, inexpressible by words, of the motions of our own satellite. Here we have a work, not much smaller in appearance than the whole Mecanique Cileste, devoted to this one object. It is not super- fluous to add, that this is no chimerical undertaking — no curious puzzle — no learned trifling ; the Lunar Theory is the grand basis of the Art of Navigation. The real and main use to mankind of our companion planet is a discovery of these latter ages : her cheer- ful and beneficial light, which all appreciate, and all enjoy, may almost be termed a secondary boon, r ^^ t^^ k ^ merit of M. Plana is not so much that of of the for- ^^ original geometer, outstripping the theories of La- mer, place and Lagrange, as of a most intrepid and skilful calculator, who has contrived to place in complete order the whole mathematical and many of the arith- metical steps of the solution of one vast problem, ex- tending to some 2000 quarto pages. The calcula- tions he has made unaided ! The details are ar- ranged in so lucid a manner, as to court enquiry from those interested in verifying them ; and though the readers of so abstruse and indeed repulsive a work must be few indeed, it has already proved of essential service in the way which was intended — the improvement of the lunar tables. The ap- proximations by series are in all cases carried to the fifth powers of small quantities, and, in some in- stances, to the seventh powers. Sir John Herschel has expressed in forcible and picturesque language the nature of what is wanting to the completeness of Laplace's investigations and which M. Plana has supplied, as regards the theory of the moon's nttotions : — " In the MScanique Cileste, we admire the elegance displayed in the alternate interlinking and develop- ment of formulae, and exult in the power of the ana- lytical methods used ; but when we come to the statement of numerical results, we quail before the vast task of filling in those distant steps ; and while cloud rolls after cloud in majesty and darkness, we feel our dependence on the conclusions attained to partake of superstitious trust, or of amicable confidence, rather than of clear and demonstrative conviction." 1 The courage of M. Plana did not " quail" before the serried ranks of symbolic legions. He attacked them first, and finally became their com- mander. But more than this ; on the same high authority, " his analysis is always graceful, his com- binations well considered, and his conceptions of the ultimate results to be expected from them perfectly just, and justified by the results when obtained." I may here mention that M. Plana, in conjunc- tion with M. Carlini of Milan, undertook the calcula- tion of the moon's motions from theory alone (that is. Lunar with only the fundamental constants required to be ^^°^^^ given by observation), in compliance with a pro- Theory gramme issued by the French Academy of Sciences alone, on the proposition of Laplace ; and that a French parlim — geometer, M. Damoiseau, on the same occasion, pro- duced an independent investigation with very elabo- rate and valuable tables founded thereon. M. Plana is the author of many other more (121.) circumscribed researches on important points in phy- sical astronomy, in geodesy, and in mathematical physics. M. Hansen, a German astronomer and analyst (122.) of great merit, has made the most recent considerable ^- Hansen, improvement in the theory of the moon. We will first, however, allude to an invention which is ap- plicable to the whole theory of perturbation. We have seen, in the first section of this chap- (123.) ter, that the effects of perturbation may be considered ^^^} . either as applicable directly to the three co-ordinates perturba- of the perturbed body, or to the variation of the ele- tlons. ments of the orbit considered as instantaneously va- rying ; that the former method has the advantage of being in most cases, and especially in first approxi- mations, most direct ; the latter is most applicable to secular inequalities, and has a great recommenda- tion in the exact physical conceptions on which it is founded. M. Hansen has proposed a third method, a refinement, in fact; on that of Lagrange, in which, by an assumption purely mathematical and arbitrary, he throws the effect of perturbation entirely on the element of time, so that with the time so altered, and invariable elliptic elements, the conditions of pertur- bation may be satisfied, and the true place of the body may result from the calculation. Such is the general nature of the conception, which, to be carried out, requires the introduction of subsidiary terms, which serve to correct the latitude and radius vector. The advantages which are understood to follow from this highly artificial mode of proceeding are stated to be (1 .) that the serieses expressing the perturbation of the co-ordinates are more convergent than in the other methods, and likewise the coefficients of the terms to be retained are more easily calculated ; (2.) M. Hansen considers that his method enables- him to ascertain with certainty those terms which, when fully calculated, will affect the result in a sensible manner. The inventor has applied his methods both to the Lunar and to the Planetary theory. We have said that physical astronomy is indebted (124.) to M. Hansen for a notable improvement in the theory '^'^° "^.^ of the Moon,— the discovery, in fact, of two inequali- ^q"oaUtieB. ties of long period, the existence of which had been more than suspected from observation, but which were ^ Astronomical Society's Monthly Notices, vol. v., p. 37. The lasb expressions may astonish some persons, but experienced ana- lytical calculators agree in the same view. Mr Airy (probably the most competent authority in Britain) states the same thing in many passages of hia writings, to the effect that the evidence for conclusions so obtained is rather that of moral than of ma- thematical certainty. Chap. II., § 5.] PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY. — M. LEVERRIER — ME ADAMS, 29 not accounted for. In the infancy of the lunar theory, Euler had predicted that it would always be im- possible, on account of the perturbing forces of the planets, to predict the Moon's place within 30" ; and it was a quantity of about this measure which re- mained outstanding after all the resources of analysis seemed exhausted. M. Poisson and Sir J. Lubbock showed that the anomaly could not be due to the solar action, nor yet to the irregularity of the Earth's figure. The planetary attractions, then, alone re- mained. M. Hansen discovered two independent in- equalities due to the action of Venus. One of these is an indirect (or, as it is sometimes called, reflected?) effect depending on the change of form of the Earth's orbit by the attraction of Venus, which, of course, modifies slightly the solar perturbation of the Moon's longitude. It is, in fact, a secondary consequence of long inequality of Venus and the Earth investigated by Mr Airy [Art. (115)], and has the same period, namely, about 240 years. Its greatest amount is 23"-2. The other inequality discovered by Hansen is of a still more curious and complicated kind, which goes on increasing for 2000 lunations, when it at- tains a maximum value of 27""4 in longitude (al- though the perturbation of the radius vector does not exceed 10 feet), after which it diminishes for an equal space of time. (125.) By these discoveries, the movements of our re- His other ffactory satellite may be considered to be, after an works ** V ' unprecedented amount of labour, accounted for by theory almost or quite within the limits of the pre- sent accuracy of observation.^ M. Hansen has re- cently been engaged in perfecting the practical details of the lunar theory, in accordance with the extensive reductions of the Greenwich observations which will be mentioned in the next chapter. He has also given the first complete theory of " Foucault's pendulum," also to be mentioned hereafter. Altogether, he stands amongst the most eminent analytical astrono- mers of the present day. We have in this section selected (though not by (126.) design) representatives of the four great intellectual <^™eral communities of Europe, engaged in the mighty task ph^idi of perfecting the theories of physical astronomy. Astronomy Poisson for France, Airy for England, Plana for Italy, Hansen for Germany. It would be easy, of course, to add the names of many others engaged in similar works, and scarcely less deserving of notice. Some of these will find a place in other chapters, and we have yet one section of this chapter to devote to the history of a discovery of rare interest, in which France and England have a joint share. We may in Europe, be allowed to mention the names of M. Damoiseau and M. Pontecoulant in France ; the former known by his excellent lunar tables deduced from theory, the latter for his calculations of cometary perturba- tion, and his compendious treatise on physical as- tronomy, based on the MScanique CSleste ; in Italy, MM. Carlini and Santini. But in Germany these studies have been perhaps most systematically pur- sued. MM. Gauss and Encke have only not been included in this section because we find it more suit- able to our plan to associate the name of the former with his theory of Terrestrial Magnetism, and the latter with the recent history of Comets. Bessel likewise was a physical as well as first-rate prac- tical astronomer. I will here only add that these and in severe and arduous studies have at length been America, effectually cultivated beyond the limits of Europe. Mr Bowditch (born 1773, died 1838), a private Bowditch. gentleman of the United States, undertook the gigantic labour of translating and illustrating, with a complete commentary in which every difiiculty is considered, and every step of analysis supplied, the MScanique CSleste of Laplace. Since his death, a younger race of American mathematicians has taken up the great problems of physical astronomy, amongst whom may be mentioned Mr Walker and Mr Peirce. The latter gentleman has recently (1853) published lunar tables, embracing the latest researches of theory. (127.) The dis- covery of Neptune from theory by MM. Le- verrier and Adams. (128.) Its cireum- etances. I 5. M. Levekriek — Mr Adams. — The inverse method of Perturbations, and orbit of Neptune from the motions of Uranus. Prediction of the place We have now to chronicle a discovery which, by general consent, stands first in the achievements of science, not only in the period now under review, but even in the long and eventful series of years which have elapsed since Newton established the doctrine of universal gravitation. The discovery of which we speak was no less than the proof of the existence of a planet beyond the recognised boundary of our system, merely as an inference from the perturbed motion of the outmost planet Uranus ; a proof, not general or abstract, but particular and specific : " Look, on such a night, and in such a direction, and there you will see (by the telescope) a star, small indeed, but with a distin- guishable disk, — that is the planet which has made Uranus move so unsteadily in its orbit ;" — so spoke the mathematician ; and the zealous astronomer, to whom the call was especially addressed, pointing his glass to the sky, discovered at once, that is, the same evening, a body answering almost precisely in position, as well as in brilliancy, to the oracular announce- ment. 1 M. Hansen has also discovered the course of a small inequality of the Moon's latitude, detected from observation by Mr Airy. His theory of the Moon's figure has been referred to in a note to Art. (57.) 30 PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY.— M. LEVERRIER— ME, ADAMS. [Diss. VI. (129.) Since the publication of the Principia, or rather difflcultv ^® should say since the great theory contained in that work had fully attracted the sympathies of thoughtful and able men, nearly the whole science of physical astronomy consisted in the solution of one vast and intricate problem, which has been called the " Problem of the Three Bodies." To this were bent the powers of Clairaut, Euler, Lagrange, Laplace, Plana, Hansen, and so many more. " Let three bodies be placed and move in a given manner in space and attract one another by the Newtonian law, to determine the motions as affected by their mutual influence." The problem solved independently by the tw<;> analysts whose names stand at the head of this section is this, " Given two bodies (the Sun and Uranus) and their relative motion, to find at any moment the position of a third body whose attraction shall be required to account for those motions." To have solved this new and far more difficult problem (under certain limitations) is a triumph altogether unlike in kind to any of the other brilliant successes of which we have had to speak in the preceding (130.) Tiie great intricacy of the problem is not perhaps at the first moment fully apparent. The pertur- bation of the known planet (Uranus) is not the effect, either in direction or in amount, of the attrac- tion of the body sought, either at the instant, or at any previous instant. It is an accumulated effect arising from the totality of the mutual influences of the two planets during a long space of time, and under a variety of circumstances, which circum- stances it is the aim of the solution to discover. But, more than this, we do not even know the quan- tity or direction of the perturbative action at any moment for which the cause is sought, for we do not knovj the purely elliptic elements of Uranus. His motion has, by hypothesis, been always troubled by this exterior planet, and Uranus has been so short a time known and observed (only accurately since 1781) that the motion has not yet been cleared of ordinary inequalities (due to the action of the unseen body), which, therefore, are inextricably mixed up with the elliptic elements. It is absolutely necessary, therefore, to suppose not only the elements of the new planet to be unknown, but also the elements of Uranus to be severally affected by unknown errors. This nearly doubles the unknown quantities to be found; (131.) -yy-g gjiall now glance at the history of these un- ■'' explained perturbations, and at the rise and growth of the idea of their being explicable by the influence of an unseen body. (132.) After Sir William Herschel had discovered, in 1781, the planet which he called Georgium Sidus, Irregulari- (afterwards named Herschel, and finally, by general ties of the ^ , XT N V 1, e \. ^ motions of consent, Uranus,) it was easy, by a tew observations, upanus. to ascertain its approximate orbit and distance from the sun. But the extreme slowness of its motion (it will not have completed a single revolution before 1861) made it impossible to determine its elements with precision, until it had been discovered that the records of astronomy contained about twenty observa- tions of this body before its planetary nature was discovered ; being, in fact, registered places of fixed stars where no stars exist, concurring in brightness and position with the circumstances of Uranus at those remoter periods ; the earliest of these obser- vations was one of Flamsteed, in 1690. The first person who constructod tables of the planet was De- lambre ; but even at that early period, it was re- marked, that the modem were not satisfactorily recon- cilable with the ancient observations; and, finally, Delambre included of the latter only one, by Mayer, which he did, he tells us, " out of pure respect," al- though it certainly rendered the tables less exact and less durable. The longer the planet was observed, and the greater the care that was expended in analys- ing and combining the observations, the more clearly it appeared that the tables had only an empirical cha- racter, satisfying observations for a few years before and after the time for which they had been con- structed ; and that, in particular, as the nineteenth century advanced, the deviations from elliptic regu- larity became more and more intolerable, till the " an- cient" observations were at length totally given up. This was the state of matters in 1821, after M. Bouvard of the Observatory of Paris, a most able cal- culator, had exhausted every resource in improving the Tables of Uranus. A few years more gave that patient astronomer the mortification of seeing his tables as obsolete as those of his predecessors, and nu- merous surmises were circulated as to possible expla- nations of the anomaly : a failure' in the law of gra- Hypotheses vity, cometary perturbation, a resisting medium, '° accouDt and, finally, the presence of an unseen planet, were '°^ *™' amongst these guesses. The last and most plausible of these hypotheses occurred to many; amongst others, to Mr Hussey in England, M. Bouvard in France, and later to M. Bessel in Germany.^ The first of these astronomers actually consulted Mr Airy, in 1834, on the possibility of predicting the place of the perturbing planet from theory, and then disco- vering it by observation. Mrs Somerville, in 1836, gave a precise expression to the same idea.^ From this time the subject could not be lost sight of. The errors of the tables which in 1821 were insen- sible, increased in 1830 to 15" or 20", and in 1845 1 Clairaut, nearly a century before, in calculating the return of Halley's comet, hinted at thei possible perturbation due to a planet superior to Saturn. 3 In her Connection of the Phydeal Sciencei, ' Chap. II., § 5.] PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY. — M. LEVEREIER — MR ADAMS. 31 amounted to two minutes of longitude. M. Bouvard to his latest years, perhaps his latest hours, i che- rished the hope of extricating this theory from its difficulties. He also engaged his nephew M. Eugene Bouvard in the same career, who appears to have followed it with much zeal and intelligence, and in 1845 constructed new tables of Uranus. But by this time two geometers had separately and inde- pendently undertaken the problem, with the deter- mination of finding, if possible, a physical solution of all this perplexity. The earliest in point of date was Mr Adams, a young graduate of Cambridge ; the other was M. Leverrier of Paris, -^jrhose attention was directed to the subject by M. Arago. As the researches of M. Leverrier, though second in point of time, occasioned the actual recognition of the planet, and thus stamped the correctness of the solution with success, we shall consider them in the first instance. (133.) M. L:everrier is, we believe, a native of St Lo M. Lever- in Normandy, a province which has been singularly tiga'iong?' productive of eminent men (Laplace and Fresnel were of the number). With no advantages, but the reverse, he won a high position at entering the polytechnic school, which he constantly maintained. He at first, we believe, attached himself to chemis- try, but his taste for physical astronomy was soon developed, and was advanced entirely by his private efforts. It is a peculiarity of the mode of culti- vating the sciences in Paris, that such abstruse and difiicult studies are not merely engaged in tem- porarily for purposes of academial distinction, but that they actually become a " carriere" or calling, and are pursued in that methodical manner for which the French are distinguished. In 1845, when he com- menced the careful examination of the theory of Uranus, M. Leverrier was already favourably known by his researches on comets, and on the orbit of Mercury, but especially by immense calculations, con- nected with the secular inequalities of the planets, by which his ability and hardihood in computation had been thoroughly exercised. He began his new en- quiry with the method and intrepidity of calculation which distinguish him. He revised with the most minute care the observations of Uranus, and computed afresh every sensible perturbation which theory recognised as arising from known planets. This done, and having compared the most probable orbit with observations which he collected from authentic sources, and especially from the Greenwich observations which were communicated to him for this purpose, the result was, that even confining himself to observations since 1781, arranged in eleven convenient groups (each resulting from many observed places), and attributing to each group the largest error which could be in reason allowed, and even admitting that all these errors were in the direction most favourable to the assumption, it was still' impossible to account for more than one-fourth part of the observed discordances. M. Leverrier then assumed that a perturbing (134.) planet existed beyond the orbit of Uranus, and at nearly double its distance from the sun, in conformity with the empirical law, (usually attributed to Bode the German astronomer,) which expresses with gene- ral accuracy, thus far, the arrangement of the planetary system. The law is, that the distances of the planetary orbits from Mercury are successively doubled. This assumption — (it was absolutely necessary to assume some distance to begin with) — was ingeniously con- firmed by other considerations. Leaving the perturbations in latitude out of ac- (135.) count, he now considered each error of Uranus in ^°'^ <"'°" longitude as the expression of a perturbation due to the action of the unknown planet, and capable therefore of algebraic expression in terms of the ele- ments of that planet, namely its excentricity, longi- tude of perihelion, epoch in its orbit, and mass ; but, as we have already remarked, the first three of these elements must be considered as incorrectly assumed for Uranus itself, as well as the mean distance of that planet, and, therefore, there are four unknown correc- tions for its elliptic elements, making in all eight quan- tities to be eliminated from the discordances of theory and observation. So complex an elimination cannot be directly efiected ; and even if it could, the result could not be depended on, as the possible error of each observation involves a fresh and important source of doubt in the conclusion. M. Leverrier proceeded, by a series of gradually restricted assump- tions, to find within what limits the more important elements might be made to vary without producing efifects incompatible with observation, and his atten- tion was at first confined to the approximate mean longitude of the planet. He obtained a result after Their re- a prodigious amount of tentative calculation. The ^'^^'• excentricity and position of the perihelion were then inferred. On the 1st June 184,6 he announced to the Academy of Sciences that the true longitude of the expected planet for 1st January 1847 was 325°, with a probable error of 10°. This result was im- mediately published in the Comptes Bendus. Between the 1st June and 31st August 1846, (136. when his third memoir on the perturbations of M- Lever- Uranus appeared, M. Leverrier busied himself in oh- '''^'^^^^^ taining a farther approximation to the elements and ment • place of the suspected planet. He now assumed the correction of the mean distance amongst the other quantities to be sought. By a fresh calculation he ^ SI. Bouvard was born in 1767. He performed almost all of the numerical calculations required by Laplace in his great work, and was associated with that eminent man by the most friendly ties. He " ceased to calculate and to live" 7th Juna 1843. 32 PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY. — M. LEVERRIER — MR ADAMS. [Diss. VI. deduced a complete list of elements as regards longi- tude ; and diminislied the mean distance considerably. The true longitude by this calculation differed only 1^° from his previous estimation. He finds for the mean distance from the Sun 36 times that of our Earth (that of Uranus being 19), the period 217 years, and the mass ^^\-^ of the Sun's. Assuming the density of the planet to be the same as that of Uranus, he conjectures that the apparent diameter will be 3"- 3 ; that it will therefore have a visible disk sufficient to distinguish it from a fixed star, and that its brilliancy should equal that of a star of the 8th or 9th magnitude. As the result of these supposi- tions, he found that the whole errors in the places of Uranus from 1781 to 1844 were reconciled within quantities amounting but in one instance to 5" ; that the ancient observations of the 18th century were reconciled withia 7" or 8" ; and the oldest observa- tion of all, that of Plamsteed in 1690, had an out- standing error of 20", a quantity very far from exces- sive, considering the state of astronomy at that period. (137.) No one who read at the time the abstract of this resulting in remarkable paper in the Comptes Rendus failed to te* ^of "' ^ struck with it, not only as regarded the weighty Neptune by matter, thus publicly announced, but also on account M. Galle. of the calm and well-grounded conviction which the author manifested in the truth of his bold conclusions, and the definite manner in which he gives the chal- lenge to practical astronomers to verify or disprove them. " Since Copernicus declared',' (according to the prevalent tradition) " that when means should be dis- covered for improvingthe vision, it would be found that Venus had phases like the moon, nothing," writes Mr Airy, " so bold, and so justifiably bold, has been uttered in astronomical prediction." M.Leverrier had hastened his calculations in anticipation of the approaching opposition of the new planet in the autumn of 1846, but it is very doubtful whether astronomers would have made the discovery at that time, but for his per- sonal application to M. Galle, then assistant-astro- nomer at Berlin, where a powerful refractor suitable for the search existed. So ardent a conviction in a manner compelled the proof which the geometer claimed, and M. Galle, whose intelligence and zeal are well known, pointed his telescope to the sky the very evening that M. Leverrier's letter reached him. Fortunately provided with a newly published star map by Brenicker of that region of the heavens, which was not at that time diffused, generally amongst European observatories, he detected that same night (the 23d September 1846) a star-like body of the 8th magnitude, not noted in the star chart, therefore a wandering body, having a manifest disk from 2J" to 3" in diameter, and distant only fifty-four minutes of a degree from the predicted place. (138.) It will be remarked that the discovery in question was anticipated and completed in France and Ger- many alone; England hadnodirectparticipation. We must now, however, state briefly what occurred there of a similar character at the same time, and even earlier. Mr John Couch Adams, when a student at St (1390 John's College, Cambridge, in 1841, formed the de- sign of detecting the position of a perturbing planet which should account for the anomalous motions of Uranus. He made a preliminary essay on the pro- blem in 1843, assuming the distance of the suspected body from the Sun to be double that of Uranus. I learn from good authority that he obtained a place for the unseen planet not very different from that which he finally adopted. Early in 1844 he ob- tained from Greenwich the valuable series of places of Uranus which were afterwards in like manner ap- plied for by M. Leverrier. In September 1845, he communicated to Professor Challis the elements of the new planet's orbit (neglecting the inclination) and an ephemeris of its geocentric place ; and in October he transmitted the elements also to the Astronomer Royal. Mr Adams This, it will be observed, was soon after M. Leverrier's preceded attention was first directed to the subject, and nine ^^^^ j^ ^ months previous to his announcement of the locality similar in- where the new body should be sought. Mr Adams vestiga- afterwards repeated his calculation with a mean dis- ^° ' tance ^'gth less than before, and considered himself warranted, by the improvement thus produced on the residual errors, in inferring that a farther consider- able diminution of the mean distance would satisfy the observations still better. This was communicated to Mr Airy on the 2d September 1846 ; subsequently therefore to the publication of M. Leverrier's Ele- ments. Mr Adams, in communicating his results (at a later time) to the Astronomical Society, with charac- teristic modesty says, " I mention these dates merely to show that my results were arrived at independently, and previously to the publication of M. Leverrier, and not with the intention of interfering with his just claims to the honors of the discovery, for there is no doubt that his researches were first published to the world and led to the actual discovery of the planet by Dr Galle." And such is no doubt the fact. The priority of Mr G*".) Adams in the mathematical investigation is as certain ^^^^ was^not as that the researches of M. Leverrier alone produced discovered the discovery of Neptune. Even the search for the in conse- planet which took place in August and September ^"™'^^' 1846 at Cambridge by Professor Challis, was not oc- casioned by Mr Adams' researches only ; it was the near coincidence of the longitude assigned by Mr Adams in the previous October with that published by M. Leverrier in June 1846 which induced Mr Airy to suggest this investigation of the heavens, and to offer (if need were) himself to bear the ex- pense. Had the planet been discovered^ at Cambridge ^ The planet was indeed seen, at Cambridge by Mr Challis, for it was recorded more than once amongst the numerous fixed stars whose places were taken down in the progress of the Bearch ; but as the comparisons of the " sweeps" were not made at the time, the discovery was anticipated by M. Galle. Chap. II., § 5.] PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY. — M. LEVERRIER — MR ADAMS. 33 (141.) Remarks on the his- tory. (1*2.) before it was at Berlin, M. Leverrier must still have had a share in the credit of success. It is perhaps to be regretted that Mr Adams had not given his -whole investigation to the world, or at least published his results, so as to avouch the confidence which he felt in his own prediction, and to throw upon practical astronomers generally the re- sponsibility of its verification. Had he done so in 1845, it is possible that the planet might have been discovered at the opposition of that year ; but it is at least certain that M. Leverrier's claims to priority as regards the discovery of Neptune would have been effectually anticipated. But it is only just to our countryman to recollect the difference of his age and position. M. Leverrier was at the time about 35 years of age, and was a candidate for the sub- stantial benefits as well as for the honour of a mem- bership of the Academy of Sciences. Mr Adams must have been nine or ten years younger at the period of this discovery, a circumstance which en- hances our admiraion at the achievement, whilst it gives an additional grace to the modest conduct of the author. I have endeavoured to state correctly (with due re- gard to the limits of this essay) the main facts of the most curious case of double discovery which, perhaps, the history of science presents ; and happily as to the facts, down to the minutest detail, no discrepancy of opinion ever existed. Difierent minds will, with per- fect truth, attach more or less distinction to the two illustrious rivals, — neither of whom has for an in- stant lowered the dignity of his position by one ungenerous expression, — but that the absolute merit of both is of the very highest character is on all hands admitted. " The names of M. Leverrier and Mr Adams," said Sir John Herschel, addressing the Astronomical Society, " which Genius and Destiny have joined, I shall by no means put asunder ; nor will they ever be pronounced apart so long as lan- guage shall celebrate the triumphs of Science in her sublimest walks." But before closing, I must briefly state how far qS}^?'^ the orbit of the planet Neptune, when discovered, yation of realized the previsions of theory. A fortunate cir- Neptune as cumstance rendered it easy to obtain at an early a fixed star, period a correct knowledge of the elements. It seems that the planet Neptune was observed by Lalande at Paris on the 8th and 10th May 1795, and entered as a fixed star, notwithstanding a distinct change of place between the observations, actually corresponding to what the planet should have had.^ But such an oversight had been made by Lemonnier in the case of Uranus. By means of this observation of fifty years back, the orbit was easily computed. It is a singular and startling fact, that, except as regards the longitude on the orbit, the other elements computed from observation were somewhat widely different from those assigned by M. Leverrier and Mr Adams. We shall present them in a tabular view. The value of the mass in the last column is calculated from the elongation and period of a satellite of Neptune dis- covered by Mr Lassell. Theory — Leverrier. Theory — Adams. Observation — Walker Epocli of Elements, 1st Jan. 1847, eth Oct. 1846, 1st Jan. 1847. Mean Longitude, 318° 47' 323° 2' 328° 33' Mean Distance, 36-15 37-242 30-04 Period, 217-4 years 164-6 Long. Perihelion, 284° 45' 299° 11' 47° 12' Exoentricity, 0-1076 0-1206 0-00872 Mass, .... ^^jT, of Sun's tAti I^FTTU ^ (144.) The difierences of theory and observation are so striking as to have occasioned surprise to many per- sons that, with data so' erroneous, the perturbations of Uranus or the longitude of Neptune at the epoch of discovery should have been obtained even approxi- mately. (145.) The fact, however, is this : — that the mutual per- [ow a,n as- turbations of Uranus and Neptune are sensible for e™neoua° "'^^J * small portion of the joint orbits when the planets are nearly in conjunction. The conjunction (when the mutual distance is least and the attraction strongest) took place in 1822. Now the places of Uranus from 1690 (the first observation) until 1800 can be sufiiciently well represented by elliptic ele- ments. The perturbation of Neptune became sen- erroneous elements led to the discovery ; sible therefore only twenty years before conjunction. In this time Neptune describes (really) only ^ of a cir- cumference, or 45°, and relatively to the motion of Uranus about the same. It is evident then that even a considerable error in the period of Neptune would scarcely sensibly affect the law of perturba^ tion during twenty years, and that the approximate determination of the place of the perturbing planet about the time of conjunction will not be much aficcted by the error of that assumption. Again, as to the error of mean distance, we may observe, that since the mutual action of the planets is confined within such (comparatively) narrow limits of space and time, though we might anticipate a toler- able approximation to the interval between the bodies 1 One of the observations was suppressed in the puhlication, and only discovered on searching Lalande's MS. " This was the hypothesis upon which Mr Adams made his second or corrected calculation of elements. Nevertheless, he inferred from that calculation that the mean distance might with much probability be reduced to 33-4. 3 Pierce. Struve's mass is tiJut- ASTRONOMY. — MASKELYNE — DEL AMBRE . [Diss. VI. at that time, it would be unreasonable to expect a correct determination of the form and ellipticity of the ' orbit of Neptune, such as might belooked forif theper- turbations weresensible throughthe entire orbits; and in fact, by varying the position of the perihelion and the amount of excentricity, we may, for an assumed mean distance, obtain any value whatever for the in- terval of the two planets at a particular time. We have seen the origin of the false assumption of mean distance on the part both of M. Leverrier and Mr Adams, and we find that the mathematical solution corrects to a great extent the error of that assump- tion by giving a correspondingly incorrect position of the perihelion, and also an exaggerated measure of the excentricity, by which two circumstances the planets of both mathematicians would have had, near the time of conjunction, a distance from the sun of only 32 or 33 radii of the earth's orbit, the true dis- tance being about ^ part less. This still remaining error was palliated, and evidently might for a time have been completely masked, by assuming a mass of Neptune proportionally too great, as indeed the table we have given shows was the case. (146.) That the discovery of Neptune took place at the th 'ba- great accuracy the perturbing effects of the planets Encke's on the Comet's motion; and it is not a little curious comet ap- and satisfactory, that the movements of this insigni- P'^®? *" ficant erratic body should have occasioned a niate-|^°ggg^Qf ^ rial rectification of the masses of two of the Planets. Mercury M. Encke very early suspected that the received ^^d Jnpi- mass of Jupiter was too small, a fact clearly esta- Wished afterwards by Mr Airy ; and in 1838 M. Encke showed that the mass of Mercury (which, not having a satellite, was little more than guessed at previously) had been assumed nearly three times too great by La- grange. The perihelion of the Comet approaches much Miss Caro- ^ Caroline Liicretia Herachel, sister of Sir William and aunt of Sir John Herschel, deserves a passing notice, not only as the line Her- independent discoverer of eight comets (of which five were first seen by her), but as the indefatigable and intelligent assistant of schel ' ^'"^ William Herschel during the busiest years of his life. For this service King George III., carrying out his judicious liberality to her brother, gfranted her a small pension. She died at Hanover 9th January 1848, aged 97. I 60 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL (272.) Theory of a resisting medium not altogether favourably received. (273.) and still questioned. (274.) (275.) M. Encke on pertur- bations. more nearly to the orbit of Mercury than the aphelion does to that of Jupiter ; consequently at times the perturbations due to the former planet may be very great, and though the gravitating mass of the Comet is utterly unknown, yet since the momentary direc- tion of its motion depends solely on the ratio of the attractive force of the Sun and Mercury, its observed course gives the means of estimating that ratio.^ The theory of a resisting medium was, on the whole, well received, especially in England, where some of our first authorities gave it their adhesion. The then recent establishment of the Undulatory Theory of Light, was thought by many to receive a confirmation from this evidence of something material filling the planetary spaces. In Germany the hypothesis of re- sistance received the complete opposition of Bessel's high authority ; who declared that " a hundred other reasons" might be found for the fact of the accelera- tion, vjhieh he admits to be true. Encke, in reply, reduces these IQO possible hypotheses to four, of which we shall mention only one, as seemingly important, namely, the forces exerted with so much intensity witliin the body of the Comet itself, as indicated by the projection of the tail. But he observes, with great sagacity, that these forces, being apparently usually excited in the line of the radius-vector joining the Comet and the Sun, can hardly be supposed to afiect the periodic time. It having also been objected that Halley's Comet shows no trace of acceleration, but, if anything, of the reverse, M. Eneke truly says, that its perihelion distance does not lie witliin the assumed limits of the denser ether. Nevertheless, the theory of a resisting medium in space is not perhaps very popular, except in England. Althougl* M. de Humboldt appears to favour it, I understand that the German astronomers in general scarcely regard it as in any degree proved. Yet, if not true, the cardinal fact remains unex- plained. The anomalous phenomena of the Tails of Coniets, considered by Herschel to be altogether inex- plicable by the law of gravity, demand the closest scrutiny ; and one can hardly help supposing that the two diiSculties may be in close connection. As the Newtonian law is now considered (since the dis- covery of Neptune, and the latest corrections of the Ltinar Tables) to be ahsolutely siufficient to account for everything connected with planetary motion, the Astronomy of Comets will be looked to with increas- ing interest, as likely to reveal some laws of nature not otherwise to be detected. In this respect. Pro- fessor Encke's labours are likely to be more and more important in their results. With reference to this very eminent astronomer, we have only to add, that he has for a great many years been at the. head of the Observatory at Berlin, and in that capacity has published an Astronomical Ephemeris of first-rate excellence. It is as a phy- sical astronomer, however, that he will be principally remembered. Besides his admirable investigations connected with the Comet, he improved the theory of Vesta, and has very lately published a new Method of Computing Perturbations, especially for orbits con- siderably elliptical. Neptune was discovered at his Observatory, by the assistant astronomer, M. Galle. Gamhart's and Biela's Comet. — Jean Gambaet, (276.) one of the most promising astronomers in France, died Gambart's of consumption at a comparatively early age, I believe ^^^^^ in 1836. He was director of the Observatory at Mar- seilles, which, notwithstanding its very unfavourable position in the midst of the town, has acquired con- siderable celebrity as regards the discovery and obser- vation of Comets. Pons, by whom Encke's Comet was found, both in 1805 and 1818, conducted the Ob- servatory ; but its mounting was as bad as its situa- tion, and Pons used despairingly to describe his tele- scope as rather 'paralytic than parallactic. To this crippled establishment M. Gambart succeeded, and by his skill in managing his defective instruments, and by his patience in sweeping for Comets, he discovered and subsequently computed the orbits of a number of these bodies between 1822 and the period of his death. Gambart was highly esteemed, both by French and foreign Astronomers. Pons also deserves great credit for his extraordinary diligence in the discovery of Comets, and M. Valz, who still directs the Obser- vatory of Marseilles has cultivated this and other branches of the science with success. Gambart's most remarkable discovery was the pe- (277.) riodicity of the first Comet of 1826, having' detected Periodicity that body independently at Marseilles, though it had '" ^^ J**" been observed some days previously in Bohemia, by Biela, an ofiicer in the Austrian service. It is most usually called Biela' s Comet, though it might with equal right be termed Gambart's, who assigned its path and predicted its return. Clausen, about the same time with Gambart, assigned it a period of about 7 years ; and it was identified with former appear- ances in 1772 and 1805-6. Its period thus appeared to be 2460 days, or 6f years ; its aphelion is a little exterior to Jupiter's orbit, and its perihelion is not much within the Earth's. This Comet's orbit very nearly intersects in one place the orbit of the Earth, so that had the earth been one month forwarder in its annual course in 1832, a collision would have taken place, or at least the Earth would have been enveloped in a cometary haze ; for it is difficult to imagine a collision with a body whose tenmty is so excessive, that Sir John Herschel perceived through its entire thickness (estimated at 50,000 miles) stars of the most excessive minuteness (16th or 17th mag- nitude) as seen by his 20-feet reflector. It is an in- teresting circumstance, that the first predicted peri- helion passage, in 1832, took place within some hours of the time fixed by MM. Santini and Damoiseau, 1 On the Masses and Densities of the Planets, see Encke in ^stron. Nachrichten, vol. xix., col. 187. Chap. III., § 5.] ASTKONOMY. — MR HIND — MR LASSELL. 61 (278.) (279.) Division of the body of the co- met in 1846. (280.) Other periodical comets. (281.) Great comets of 1811 and 1843. though the perturhations of Jupiter were, as usual, large. Biela's Comet has been since recognised in 1846 and 1852, but it was not seen in 1839. It does not appear to be admitted that it shows any acceleration due to a resisting medium. Its perihelion distance is, however, considerable. At the apparition of 1846 an extraordinary cir- cumstance occurred. When discovered in the end of November 1845 it appeared round and single. On the 19 th December it was observed by Mr Hind to be elongated, and ten days, later was seen in Ame- rica (and soon after at Cambridge and elsewhere) to have divided into two seemingly distinct nebulous parts.* These continued to subsist and move inde- pendently throughout the remainder of the appari- tion : the real distance of the centres being about 150,000 English miles. In 1852 the comet was rediscovered at Rome ; the division into two still subsisting, but the interval of separation being in- creased about eight-fold. Besides the comets of Encke and Biela, there are several others which are suspected on good grounds to have periods of from 5^ to 7^- years, their aphelia all lying in tolerable proximity to the orbit, of Ju- piter. But among these. the return of only one has yet been verified by observation ; namely, the comet of Faye, which, after passing its perihelion 17th October 1843, returned to it 3d April 1851, within an hour of the time predicted by M. Leverrier. The motion of comets of short period seems to be inva^ riably direct or conformable to that of the planets. The inclination of their orbits to the Ecliptic is usually moderate. Great Comets of 1811 and 1843. — ^The finest comets of the last hundred years were those of 1811 and 1843. The former was observed for a length of time altogether unusual, having been visible from March 1811 to August 1812. There is pretty good reason to think that its period is not much less than 3000 years. The comet of 1843 was even more splendid, but its flight was more rapid, and it was not favourably seen in northern latitudes. It was visible at many places in broad daylight when less than 4° from the Sun, and at one time a tail 65° in length could be traced. The circumstance which distinguishes this comet from all others which have been computed is the smallness of its perihelion dis- tance, which was only ^^5 of the radius of the Earth's orbit, or the comet approached the Sun's body within one-seventh of his radius. The solar disk then sub- tended an angle at the comet of 121^°, or the glare was equal to that of 47,000 suns as seen by us ! The heat to which the comet was exposed is supposed to have exceeded 24 times that concentrated by our most powerful burning-glasses by which even rock crystal has been fused.^ Mk Hind. — Discovery of New Planets. — ^We have i^ii.) spoken in a former section (161), of the discovery of Discovery four small planets or asteroids between the orbits of of new Mars and Jupiter. They were found between the years ^'g^^"^* -^""^ 1801 and 1807. An interval of nearly forty years elapsed without any addition to the members of our system. In 1845 a new asteroid, Astrsea, was found by M. Hencke ; the following year was distinguished by the discovery of Neptune under unparalleled cir- cumstances ; and since 1847 every year, down to the present time (1855), has added to our knowledge of the group of asteroids. Among the discoverers of these planetary bodies „ ^ S,^^ Mr Hind has been distinguished by frequent success, under circumstances which appeared by no means peculiarly advantageous. This indefatigable obser- ver and computer commenced (I believe) his astrono- mical career as one of the assistants at (Greenwich, and afterwards had the sole charge of the private ob- servatory of Mr Bishop, a wealthy citizen of London, together with the use of a fine refractor equatoreally mounted. It is within the Regent's Park, close to the smoke of the metropolis, that Mr Hind has dis- covered a larger number of planetary bodies than any other person Uving. Next to him M. de Gas- **• ?® ^'^ paris of Naples has been most successful. Unques- tionably the impulse towards these new discoveries has been given by the indefatigable industry of astro- nomers (principally those of Germany), in constructing minutely accurate star-maps. Mr Hind is also advan- tageously known by the discovery of several comets, and by his ingenious observations in sidereal astro- nomy, especially on variable stars. I shall here give a table of the asteroids in the order of discovery as at present known (July 1855). ^ List of the Asteroids. 1 Ceres 1801 Jan. 1 Piazzi. 2 Pallas 1802 March 28 Olbers. 3 Juno 1804 Sept. 1 Harding. 4 Vesta 1807 March 29 Olbers. 5 Astrsea 1845 Dec. 8 Hencke. 6 Hebe 1847 July 1 Hencke. 7 Iris Aug. 13 Hind. 8 Flora Oct. 18 Hind. 9 Metis 1848 April 26 Graham, 10 Hygeia 1849 April 12 ' De Gasparis. 11 Parthenope 1850 May 11 De Gasparis. 12 Victoria Sept. 13 Hind. 13 Egeria Nov. 2 De Gasparia. 14 Irene 1851 May 19 Hind. 15 Eunomia July 29 De Gasparis. 16 Psyche 1852 March 17 De Gasparis. 17 Thetis April 17 Luther. 18 Melpomene June 24 Hind. 19 Portuna Aug. 22 Hind. 1 A similar phenomenon is related by Seneca, See Grant's History of Astronomy, p. 302. ^ See many other interestine particulars of this comet in Sir 31 Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy, arts. 589, &c. See also in- teresting details on the subject of comets generally in Mr Hind's and Mr Milne's works on comets, and in Mr Grant's excellent History of Physical Astronomy, '1 1 62 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss, VL 20 Massilia 21 Lutetia 1852 Sept. 19 Nov. 15 De Gasparis. Goldschmidt. 22 Calliope 23 Thalia Nov. 16 Dec. 15 Hind. Hind. 24 Themis 25 Phoceea 1863 April 5 April 6 De Gasparis. Chacornac. 26 Proserpine 27 Euterpe 28 Bellona May 5 Nov. 8 1854 March 1 Luther. Hind. Luther. 29 Amphitrite 30 Urania March 1 July 22 Marth. Hind. 31 Euphrosyne 32 Pomona Sept. 1 Oct. 26 Ferguson. Goldschmidt. 33 Polyhymnia Oct. 28 Chacornac. 34 Circe 1855 April 6 Chacornac. 35 Leucothsea April 19 Luther. Mr Lassell. — New Secondary Planets. — Mr Las- sell of Liverpool deserves a more lengthened no- (284.) New Se- Plan"^ tice than bur limits will permit, not only as a dis- Mr Lassell. tinguished discoverer, but as one wliose success can- not be too -widely made known as an' encouragement to others. This gentleman, engaged in mercantile pursuits in an eminently commercial town, possessing little leisure and no enormous fortune, has contrived, in the intervals of business, to construct with his own hands telescopes which in accuracy of definition ap- pear to rival any which art stimulated by national liberality has yet constructed elsewhere, and to use them with a degree of skill and success which has not been exceeded (nor in some respects equalled) by any astronomer whether professional or otherwise. I speak, let it be observed, of accuracy of definition, such as is necessary to display minute points of light, like the satellites of Uranus. In respect of the amount of illumination requisite for the display of many difiuse faint objects among the nebulae, the gigantic telescopes of Herschel and Lord Eosse are of course superior. Mr Lassel's observatory near Liverpool was erected in 1840. The principal instrument is a reflecting telescope of 24 inches aperture (completed, however, only some years later), mounted equatoreally, an ar- rangement requiring great mechanical skill, but, as the results show, most effectually accomplished. The speculum was worked and polished by machinery con- structed by Mr Nasmyth, but principally devised by Mr Lassell, after he had examined and tried Lord Eosse's method. I should think it must be admitted to be the most perfect optical work of its kind ever made : for I believe there is no test object in existence which Mr Lassell has not seen with it ; in fact he has discovered the most delicate tests himself, — the 6th star of the group 6 Orionis (though not first seen (285.) His instru- ments. by him), a satellite of Neptune, an eighth satellite of Saturn, and several satellites of Uranus. Not many days had elapsed after the discovery of (286.) Neptune, before Mr Lassell, directing his telescope He disco- to it, perceived a satellite (as he believed) on Oct. T^y^ °f" 10, 1846. The discovery was fully made out in the Neptune, following year, and was soon after verified by the great refractors of Pulkowa and Western Cambridge (U.S.) Its period is about 5'879 days,^ and its dis- covery was of singular importance as leading to a knowledge of the mass of the planet. Till 1848 only seven satellites of Saturn were ad- (287.) mitted. The two closest to the planet were detected and one of by Sir "William Herschel in 1789, and have been^'""'^"- seen by very few astronomers since. During five years' residence at the Cape, Sir John Herschel never but once obtained even a doubtful glimpse of the closest with an 18-inch mirror. The third, fourth, and fifth were discovered by Cassini in 1684 ; the sixth and most conspicuous by Huygens in 1654 : the outermost by Cassini in 1671. To these an eighth satellite, intermediate in position between the two last, was added by Mr Lassell on the 19th September 1848. By a singular coincidence, it was recognised as a satellite the very same evening by Mr Bond of Cambridge (in America) with the great Munich re- fractor. The new body was called Hyperion, in con- formity with Sir John Herschel's suggestion of distin- guishing the satellites as well as the planets by mytho- logical names. On the 22d November 1850 Mr Las- sell saw at once Saturn with his whole train of eight satellites — ^a glorious spectacle probably enjoyed by no other astronomer. In the same month of November Faint ring Mr Bond discovered a faint or dusky ring of Saturn °f Saturn interior to the two long known. It is probably ne- ^'^"^7"^ bulous, for by Mr Lassell' s observations and Mr Bond. Jacob's it appears to be transparent. Sir William Herschel thought that he recognised (288.) six satellites of Uranus. The second and fourth of^^'^'^""" his table have been observed by several astronomers, particularly Sir John Herschel and M. Lamont. Their periods are 8,are contributors. Mr Robert Stephenson is the son of Mr George Stephenson, who will be mentioned in a succeeding section. He was born in 1803; educated (in part) at Other the University of Edinburgh, under Leslie, Hope, and ^^^ "^ Jameson ; he long occupied the chief position in the phenson. locomotive factory established by his father at New- castle, having in the first place constructed under his direction the celebrated " Rocket" engine which gained the prize at the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester railway. To his own exertions, both before and after that period, the locomotive owes much of its present perfection. He surveyed and principally carried through the London and Bir- mingham railway, the second great line in the king- dom ; and he has been engaged in a large proportion of the most remarkable engineering works connected with railways, both in this country and abroad. He has personally superintended the construction of railways amidst the blowing sands of Egypt, and in Norway with its heavy winter snows and deeply frozen soil. Ilis high personal character, both for skill and integrity, has everywhere procured him the respect and confidence of his profession and of the public. § 4. Brunel. — Self-acting Machinery. — The Thames Tunnel. — Mr Babbage's Calculating Engines. tart Bru- nei. (366.) Sir Marc Isambart Brunei, bom at Hacqueville Marc Isam- jn Normandy on the 25th April 176 9, was one of the most inventive mechanicians and engineers of his day. As his genius gave a strong impression to contem- porary art, we associate his name with the progress of civil engineering in the earlier part of the pre- sent century, particularly in connection with me- chanism. Like most of his eminent coevals in the same profession, he had not the benefit of a scien- tific education ; but he more than most of them sup- plied its defects by a singular capacity for correct induction and by great mechanical ingenuity. Though a native of France, it was in Great Britain that his talents were to find their full scope, and it became his thoroughly adopted country. Disgusted by the horrors of the first revolution, he quitted France in 1793 in the capacity of a com- mon sailor, a position far below that which either his birth or his intellect entitled him to hold, yet in which he made himself remarked by his excellent disposition and mental superiority. His destination was New York, where in 1794 he commenced his (367.) His early history. career as a civil engineer, his boyish tastes having already indicated this as his natural calling. He exe- cuted some considerable works, and planned many more ; it is stated that he there devised the essential parts of his block machinery. About 1799 he decided on settliug in England, It is probable that his talents and ingentiity alone recommended him to a government employment at a time when the mere fact of his being a Frenchman must have acted as a powerful obstacle to his suc- cess. Those who recollect the vivacity and bright intelligence of even his later years, will imderstand that in his more active days it must have been difii- cult to refuse Brunei at least a hearing. And it is to the credit of Lord Spencer, then one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and of General Sir Samuel Ben- tham, inspector of naval works, that Brunei was en- gaged in 1802 to superintend the erection of his cele- brated block machinery. The invention of self-acting machinery to super- sede the work of artisans was of course not new. The saw-mill and the spinning-jenny were already in (368.) . Employed by the Eng- lish go- vernment. Self-acting machinet'y. 1 It has been alleged that Mr Stephenson's original proposal to allow the suspension chains (which were primarily intended to be used in putting together the tubes in their final positions) to remain in aid of the rigidity of the structure, manifested a want of confidence in his own great idea. But a dispassionate consideration of his evidence before the committee of the House of Commons would alone clearly show (independent of Mr Stephenson's declarations on the subject) that he was forced into the admission that the chains might give an ulterior guarantee against miscarriage of the whole plan, simply to save the bUl from being thrown out by the not unnatural incredulity of those to whom a proposal so new, so gigantic, and aflfeoting the lives of so many persons, as well as so great pecuniary and other interests, was for the first time and suddenly proposed. Be- sides this, even his own coadjutors did not aU entirely support him. Mr Hodgkinson, whose character for scientific know- ledge carried great weight with the committee, recommended in his report the ultimate additional security of chains. Chap. IV., § 4.] MECHANICS. — BKUNEL — MR BABBAGE. 81 (370.) The block- machineij its results. (371.) Crave an impulse to mechanics. (372.) Introduc- tion of me- chanism into work' shops. use, but tte invention of Brunei was not less im- portant as creating an epoch in art. Not only is it possible to execute in a comparatively short time, and with a prodigious economy, objects such as blocks and pulleys, which are required in vast num- bers and precisely alike, but the nicety and accuracy of the manufacture is thereby increased, and owing to the facility with which inanimate force may be concentrated on machinery, works which transcend the power of unaided muscular labour are as surely and exactly executed as those of smaller dimensions. For example, by no enlargement of the common turning-lathe would it be possible to construct an accurately turned iron steam-cylinder 8 feet or more in diameter, which is yet readily executed under the direction of a very ordinary workman by means of steam power and self-acting machinery. The block-machinery at Portsmouth consists of a series of engines impelled by steam, and by means of ' which thematerials of wood and metal employed in the construction of ships' blocks are reduced to exact forms in graduated sizes, and are finally put together with very little manual labour. These machines, with the exception of the turning-lathe and circular saw, were wholly new, and, it is stated, were devised in part by General Bentham, who gave to Brunei at least the benefit of his advice and previous experiments. In some of them we have the first germ of implements now used by every machine-maker in the kingdom; and the ingenuity of the movements, and the variety of effects produced, earned for this great invention a just celebrity. Such a beginning could not have been made without the aid of government. To con- struct the tools was an expensive and troublesome business, and to start the manufactory cost L.53,000, which was speedily saved by the economy of the pro- cess. In the course of a year 140,000 blocks of no less than 200 different patterns were produced, and the number of workmen was diminished in the pro- portion of about 11 to 1. As a reward, Mr Brunei received L.16 ,000, being two-thirds of the first year's saving, itself a sufficient proof that he was the bona Jide inventor of this admirable apparatus, whatever hints he may have received from his immediate su- perior. So successful an experiment produced ultimately, though with characteristic slowness, its effect on the mercantile world ; nearly twenty years elapsed before such a splendid example of ingenious economy and artistic precision was at all generally imitated. Yet before his death. Sir Marc Brunei saw the fruit of his ingenuity almost indefinitely miJtiplied in the work- shops of London, Manchester, Glasgow, Newcastle, and Binningham, and highly appreciated if less ex- tensively imitated abroad. The more we reflect on the comparative state of the arts now and a century ago, the more we shall find reason to estimate highly the introduction of correct and scientific ideas of machinery and of tools for con- structing other machines and structures. It was, in fact, the necessary complement of the invention of the steam-engine. Watt contrived the mighty Heart which was to give a new impulse to social life, Bru- nei and others of the same stamp added limbs and muscles, whereby its energies were rendered tho- roughly pi?actical. The sixteenth, seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth centuries, had given to the world designs for countless mechanical contrivances, often highly original and ingenious. But many were grounded on fallacies, and others belong to the class of elaborate trifles. At that period the slide-rest of the turning-lathe, the planing machine, and the circular saw, were practically unknown ; at least the two former, which are incomparably the most important inventions of their class, and which belong to no certain author, having almost imper- ceptibly come into use — the slide-rest about the Slide-rest end of the last century, the planing machine as f"^ P^*°" lately as about 1820. The former of these readily ^^?j"*' forms surfaces of revolution with geometrical accu- racy, the latter plane surfaces, and in either case the application to metals is most important. The circular saw and slide-rest form part of Brunei's series of machines, and he afterwards constructed the former on a very great scale for the manufacture of wooden veneers. To them he added the mortising machine, and these, it will be seen (together with the planing engine), form the staple of the magnificent and varied apparatus with which, driven by the gi- gantic power of steam, our mechanical factories are now so generally provided. We again repeat that the triumphs of art in which our generation glories, our railroads, our locomotives, our crystal palaces, and our steam navies, would have been impossible feats but for the improvement of tools and the substi- tution of steam for muscular power. Every one is, however, aware that Brunei owed Ms (373.) reputation to other achievements as well as his im- TheThamea provements of mechanical tools. The Thames Tun- T""°ei. nel will ever be considered as his most arduous tri- umph. It is a structure of exquisite firmness laid in a qtdcksand. It will endure like the cloacee of regal Rome, when the palace and the cathedral have crumbled to dust. Yet here also we perceive that it was Brunei's exquisite mechanical tact and inge- nuity which enabled him to succeed. The problem of the tunnel is not one of balancing vaults ; the sta^ tical conditions of stability are simple enough, and it was not in the solution of such that Brunei pecu- liarly excelled. The practical problem was to intro- duce a rigid tube of brick horizontally into the middle of a quaking mass of mud ; and the solution was the invention of a tool which should enable men to make the excavation and to proceed with the building in safety. It was the shield which carried The shield. the tunnel under the Thames, — a moveable vertical frame of cast iron, provided with thirty-sis cells, in each of which a man was placed with a pick to ex- 82 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (374.) Completion of the tun- nel. cavate the area required for the construction of the tunnel. By a simple but most ingenious contrivance, every part of tlie face of unstable clay was firmly supported by boards which leaned upon the frame or shield, which, in its turn, pressed against the part of the brickwork of the tunnel already completed. Each workman could remove one or more of these small boards at pleasure, and excavate a short way into the yielding mass before him, then advance the boards and sustain the slippery face. When the whole face had thus undergone piecemeal excavation, the frame or shield was moved bodUy forwards by powerful screws, and the bricklayers brought up the masonry behind, which was then beyond the reach of injury. The idea of the shield was derived, it is stated, from a specimen in the arsenal at Chatham, showing the operations of a testaceous worm which bores under water, and which nature has provided with a protec- tive covering. But the analogy is certainly indirect, since water could hardly retard the operations of such an animal. Repeated irruptions of the Thames several times drowned the work, which was as often abandoned and renewed, but every difficulty was met by fresh resources on the part of the engineer. The failure of funds was a far more serious obstacle, and government at last came to the aid of an undertak- ing of such consummate ingenuity that its comple- tion was deemed due to the honour of the nation. The tunnel was commenced on the 2d March 1825, and finished 25th March 1843. Brunei survived the completion of his great work above six years, dying on the 12th December 1849, aged 81. We have not in this brief sketch glanced at one half of his ingenious projects and successful enter- prizes. Scarcely any branch of his multiform pro- fession but received some improvement at his hand. The discovery of the condensation of several gases in 1823, by Mr Faraday, suggested to Brunei their ap- plication as a moving power ; and his want of suc- cess did not arise from any deficiency on his part of skiU or forethought. He was one of the first to con- struct a roof of extreme lightness, somewhat resem- bling those now in use for railway stations. He erected a suspension bridge in the Isle of Bourbon on an original plan ; and he pointed out with cha- racteristic shrewdness how much of the stability of arches depends upon the cohesion of the parts, so that the vault may in some cases be entirely dis- pensed with. It will be understood that we have selected Sir Marc Brunei as the representative of a class, the eminently mechanical engineers, a class now exten- sively multiplied, and amongst whom his son, Mr Brunei, occupies an eminent position. (377.) It cannot be expected in an essay like the present Calculat- t}ia,t I should enter into the details of the variety of chfnes^of mechanical inventions which have now become so Mr Bab- numerous, and which have been marked by every Death of Brunei. (375.) Variety of his works. (376.) gradation of originality and resource. But as illus- trating a class of contrivances altogether different from those of Brunei, though like them tending to produce a great influence on the improvement of the mechanical arts, I will briefly refer to the Calcu- lating Machines of Mr Babbage, which have at dif- ferent times excited the interest of the public and of scientific men. Mr Babbage was a fellow student at Cambridge (378.) with Sir John Herschel and Dean Peacock, and along '^^Jf^^ with them he contributed by his writings and per- «""*°S'°*- sonal efforts to introduce into that university the improved Continental mathematics. A few years after leaving college he originated the plan of a machine for calculating tables by means of successive orders of differences, and having received for it in 1822 and the following year the support of the Astronomical and Royal Societies, and a grant of money from go- vernment, he proceeded to its execution. It is be- lieved that Mr Babbage was the first who thought of employing mechanism for computing tables by means of differences ; the machine was subsequently termed the difference engine. In the course of his proceedings Mr Babbage invented a mechanical no- tation (described in the Philosophical Transactions for 1826), intended to show the exact mutual rela- tions of all the parts of any connected machine, how- ever complex, at a given instant of time. He also made himself acquainted with the various machines used in the arts, with the tools used in constructing them, and with the details of the most improved workshops. Employing Mr Clements, a skilful me- chanist, a portion of the calculating machine, very beautifully constructed, was brought into working order, and its success so far answered the expecta- tions of its projector. But, notwithstanding several additional grants from government, the outlay on this most expensive kind of work soon exceeded them. The part actually constructed is now placed in the Museum of King's College, London ; it employs numbers of nineteen digits, and effects summations by means of three orders of differences. Though only constituting a small part of the intended engine, it involves the principles of the whole. The inventor proposed to connect with it a printing apparatus, so that the engine should not only tabulate the num- bers,- but also print them beyond almost the possi- bility of error. At this stage (1834) Mr Babbage contrived a ma- (379J chine of a far more comprehensive character, which The anaJy- he calls the Analytical Engine, extending the plan "."'*' ®°' so as to develop algebraic quantities, and to tabu-° late the numerical value of complicated functions when one or more of the variables which they con- tain are made to alter their values. Had this engine been constructed, it would necessarily have super- seded what had already been done. Government were not unnaturally startled by this new proposal, and as about the same time Mr Babbage's relations to CHiP. IV., § p.] MEOHANIOS— TREVITHICK — G. STEPHENSON. 83 Mr Clements were broken off, the difficulties of the affair became insurmountable, and the construction of either engine has for some years been in abeyance. The opinions of men of science are not unanimous as to the great practical importance of calculating tables by machinery, but the improvements of me- chanical contrivance which the joint skill of Mr Babbage and Mr Clements introduced into engi- neering workshops are unquestionably of great impor- tance to the arts. Though the details of Mr Bab- bage's plans have not been published, there can be no doubt that, whether economical or not as sub- stitutions of machinery for human labour, they were devised with remarkable skill and ingenuity, and even on this account merit preservation.^ (380.) Recently (1855) attention has been directed in M.Scheutz Loudon to a simple and effective Difference Engine engine. constructed and patented by M. Scheutz, confessedly on the principles of Mr Babbage, though without an acquaintance with his mechanical contrivances. The result is stated to be satisfactory. The engine deals with fifteen digits or figures, and with four orders of differences. Only eight figures are preserved in the result, the others being reserved to prevent errors arising from the accumulation of still lower digits omitted. The engine not only computes with facility and accuracy, but, by means of steel punches impress- ing lead, provides for the perpetuation of the num- bers in the form of stereotyped plates. The work- manship of the whole requires no particular nicety of execution, is not liable to derangement, and can by scarcely any contingency produce inaccurate results. Before closing this section, we may advert to im- (381.) provements in the theory of machines by those who Foreign have regarded it rather from the geometrical side^"^^"^"" than from that of routine practice. Our French of ma- neighbours have been distinguished in this respect, chines. Carnot and De Prony, MM. Hachette, Poncelet, and Morin, have been or are accomplished mechanists in this respect ; and in the French repertories we must look for some of the earliest good scientific descrip- tions of machinery, even when of English invention. , In England, besides Mr Babbage, Professor "Willis (382.) of Cambridge has shown a peculiar aptitude in this English S.Iltill01*S department, and has published a very valuable work on machinery, regarded in a strictly geometrical sense.^ To Mr Moseley we are likewise indebted for some va- luable contributions to the theory of engineering. §5. Trevithick.- -George Stephenson. — The Locomotive Steam-Engine.- of Railways. — M. de Pambour on Locomotives. -Rise and Progress (383.) The loco- ■motive en- gine and railway. (38i.) Early anti cipation of steam- carriages. Of all the inventions which have powerfully af- fected the interests of mankind, none have been more slowly perfected, or can be less certainly traced to a single individual as the inventor, than those of the Locomotive engine and the Railway. These two great and essentially connected portions of the greatest mechanical and commercial effort of any age or . country had their origin in obscurity. Each ap- peared several times to be rising into the import- ance it deserved, but failing the concurrence of the fortunate circumstances which are necessary to give permanence to invention, was once more for- gotten and was left for re-discovery at a happier epoch. With regard to Steam-Carriages, passing over still earlier speculations, we find that Dr John Robison, at the age of twenty-one, published a design for a steam-carriage in the Universal Magazine for No- vember 1757, and that he also directed Mr Watt's attention to the steam-engine in the same year, with a view to this very application. The cylinder of the proposed machine was an inverted one, and Watt ac- tually made a rude model on Robison's suggestion.^ From this time the steam-carriage seems never to have been long lost sight of by mechanical speculator?. It was included in a patent by one Moore, a linen draper, in 1769.* In the same year it is stated that Cugnot, a native of Lorraine, actually constructed a steam-carriage, which, like the nearly contemporary but unsuccessful efforts of his countrymen to effect steam navigation, fell speedily into oblivion, About 1773 Edgeworth of Edgeworthstown urged the con- struction of steam-carriages, and at a later period ex- pressed, in terms of unequivocal anticipation, the triumph arising from their connection with railways. " 1 have always thought," he wrote in 1813, "that steam would become the universal lord, and that we should in time scorn post-horses. An iron railroad would be a cheaper thing than a road on the com- mon construction." At Soho the movement of car- riages as well as of boats by steam never was or could be forgotten. In Watt's patent of 1784 the steam- Watt and carriage forms the seventh article, and in the same **'^^yg°'*' year^ Mr William Murdoch, a member of Boulton and Watt's establishment, made a model, acting by high-pressure steam, which drove a small waggon round the room. Hence it required no prophetic power in Darwin, the intimate friend of Watt, to ^ For historical details connected with Mr Babbage's engine, see Weld's History of the Royal Society, vol. ii. An account of the principles and action of the Difference Engine may be found in the Edinburgh Review for July 1834 ; and those of the Ana- lytical Engine in Taylor's Scientific Memoirs, vol. lii. ^ Principles of Mechanism. Camb., 1841, 3 Mechanical Inventions of James TFa«, ii. 294. * Mechanical Inventions of James Watt, i. 52. 5 Translation of Arago's Eloge of Watt, p. 120, note. 84 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. , write those often quoted lines in the Botanic Garden (canto i. line 290) : — " Soon shall thine arm, unconquered Steam, afar Drag the slow barge, or drive the rapid car." (385.) A somewhat longer pause now occurs. But in Trevitbick 1802 we find Richard Trevithick, a Cornish " cap- vian ■ their ^^^^ " °^ ^ mine, taking out a patent along with Vi- patent in vian for the high-pressure steam-engine, and apply- 1802. ing it specifically and practically to the movement of carriages or waggons along a railway at Merthyr Tydvil in South Wales. Mr Muirhead informs us that Trevithick saw Murdoch's model at Eedruth in Cornwall. But admitting this, it is plain that the idea was much older still, and also that many years elapsed without its ever being brought practically to bear until the year 1804, when Trevithick's loco- motive was actually used. (386.) Richard Trevithick appears to have been one of Account of the most ingenious men of his time ; but (from the revithic . ggj^jj).y notices which I have been able to collect') to have been also of an inconstant speculative disposi- tion, which prevented him from bringing any of his numerous inventions to perfection. Yet he had the good fortune, which so many inventors have missed, of meeting with partners able and willing to assist him in carrying out his designs. Amongst these was Andrew Vivian, with whom in 1802 he took out the patent already mentioned for the construction of high- pressure engines, and their application to the move- ment of carriages along rails or common roads. As Applies the first practical employer of high-pressure steam of '^ "P"^ 60 to 80 lb. pressure on the square inch, Trevithick to looomo- deserves especial notice. He borrowed the notion of tives on it, as well as the ingenious invention of the four-way 1804°^^° "^ cock, from an old scheme of Leupold's, but he over- came for the time the iirejudicc which had always existed even in the mind of Watt against its adop- tion. His earliest engine is stated to have been con- nected with a common stage coach which ran on the streets of London ; but his more successful and im- portant effort was made in dragging waggons along the Merthyr Tydvil railway in South Wales, which was successfully tried on the 21st February 1804, when the engine drew carriages containing ten tons of bar iron for a distance of nine miles at the rate of five miles an hour. This was unquestionably the first successful example of this modern species of locomotion. (387.) If y^e look more closely at the means by which it his engine ^^* accomplished, we find still more reason to com- mend the sagacity of the inventor, and to wonder at the interval of nearly thirty years which elapsed be- fore the general adoption of his plan. " A square iron case containing the boiler and cylinder was placed behind the large or hinder wheels of the carriage, and was attached to a frame supported from the axles of those wheels. The cylinder was in a horizontal po- sition, and the piston-rod was projected backwards and forwards in the line of the road towards the front of the carriage. Across the square frame, supported by the wheels of the carriage, an axle was extended reaching a little beyond the frame on each side ; this axle was cranked in the middle, in a line with the centre of the cylinder, and a connecting-rod passing from the end of the piston turned this axle round, and produced a continued rotatory motion of it when the piston was moved backwards and forwards in the cylinder; upon both ends of this axle cog-wheels were fixed, which worked into similar cog-wheels upon the axles of the wheels of the carriages, so that when a rotatory motion was produced in the cranked axle by the piston-rod it was communicated to the axle of the larger or hinder wheels of the carriages, and these wheels being fixed upon and turning round with the axle, gave a progessive motion to the car- riage. Upon one end of the axle was fixed a fly- wheel to secure a rotatory motion in the axle at the termination of each stroke." ^ We here find the cranked axle and the horizontal (388.) cylinder of modern locomotives, both of which were departed from by Trevithick himself, probably in consequence' of difiiculties of execution. When we add to this plain description, that the fly-wheel was furnished with a break, that the boiler had a safety- valve or a fusible plug beyond the reach of the engi- neer, and that the patent includes the production of " a more equable rotatory motion by caus- ing the piston-rods of two cylinders to work on the said axis by means of cranks at a quarter of a turn asunder," it is scarcely too much to say that nothing material was added to the design of the Locomotive until the invention of the tubular boiler in 1829. The Merthyr locomotive blew up, and the preju- (389.) dice against high-pressure steam revived. The in- Trevi- ventor, in the meantime, diverted his attention to .J^g "^_ other schemes, and continued his profession as apiodes. Cornish mining engineer. A singular circumstance opened for Trevithick a (390.) new sphere. A Spanish-American gentleman named Hia subse- Uville, who was engaged in working the silver mines 1"''°* "?" of Peru, came to England in 1811, with a view to ^igappoint- discover an engine fit for draining those mines whose ment. high elevation rendered condensing steam-engines working under atmospheric pressure comparatively inert. In London he met accidentally with a model of Trevithick's engine, and having carried it to the heights of Pasco in Peru, and being satisfied with its work, he did not rest until he had returned to Eng- land and transported nine high-pressure engines in 1814 to the scene of operations. In 1816 Trevi- thick himself followed, with coining engines and pu- rifying furnaces of his own contrivance. Had he * It is stated that the Society of Civil Engineers have in vain proposed a medal for a biography of Trevithick. ^ Wood on Railways. This description corresponds with Trevithick's specification and drawings. — Repertory of Arts, &c., Se- cond Series, vol. iv. Chap. IV., § 5.] MECHANICS. — GEORGE STEPHENSON. 85 been a prudent man his fortune was now made ; but it is stated that about 1827 he returned to this country impoverished and disappointed. I am un- acquainted with his further history. (391.) In ^ijg meantime the locomotive engine, which Trevithick had long abandoned to its fate, was be- coming known in the hands of a man perhaps of less genius but of greater sagacity and perseverance. (392.) George Stephenson, civil engineer, was born in phenfoif-^' ^'^^^ ^^^^ Newcastle, of respectable persons in the humblest rank of life. His father was either a com- mon pitman or otherwise employed aibout the collier- ies of the district, and young Stephenson, without any advantages of education, began to labour for his bread at an early age. His work appears to have been always connected with the machinery of the pits above ground, and not with their excavation. Thus he rose gradually to be an engine-man at the wages ?«! **r'^ °^ twelve shillings a week. This was at Killingworth ' near Newcastle, where he showed considerable me- chanical ingenuity, and gradually gained the confi- dence of his employers. Having married in 1802, he had a son born the following year, the present Mr Robert Stephenson, M.P., whom he brought up with the tenderest care, and whom he ever and justly regarded with a father's pride. In order to bestow upon him the advantage of that education of which he had himself felt the want, it is stated that he made money at extra hours by mending his neighbours' clocks and watches, and finally, in more prosperous days, sent his son to complete his education at the University of Edinburgh. George Stephenson never acquired much book-learning himself, but by natural sagacity and observation he attained to a sound knowledge of mechanical principles. We do not claim for him, however, the character of great inven- andcharac-tiveness. His skill rather lay in perceiving how far **'■• methods and contrivances already known might be pushed to an advantageous result. He possessed that shrewd decision which ingenious persons often want, enabling him to detect what is truly valuable in the numerous mechanical schemes which at any time are afloat, and to devise the means of realizing them. He also possessed that confidence in his own judgment which is necessary to carry out principles to their legitimate extent, but from which feebler or legs practical minds usually shrink. (393.) j^ot to interrupt the principal topic of this section, e con- J ^jjj j^ ^jjj mention that in 1815 he set about tnves a , , pip- • i i safety inventing a safety lamp for mines at a time when the lamp; recent heavy loss of life in his own neighbourhood had excited general attention ; insomuch that Sir H. Davy had been specially invited, by a meeting of per- sons interested, to propose a remedy. I shall in an- other place speak of the result ; but in the meantime I may state, that George Stephenson made some expe- riments of his own, which, leading him in the same track which Davy followed, that of admitting the foul air to the lamp through long narrow tubes, might in the end have led him to a construction analogous to that of the safety lamp. As matters stood, it is not surprising that his efforts, though highly me- ritorious, led him slowly and uncertainly towards the goal which Davy, having once sighted, arrived at with that rapid instinct in which he has never been surpassed. Stephenson was left behind, but was rewarded by a handsome gift offered by his local admirers, who, in doing so, naturally rather consi- dered the difficulties' overcome by their humble neighbour than the strictly comparative merit of the two inventions. But it is of the locomotive and of the railway that (394.) we have here to speak. The former, we have seen, had been brought to (395.) considerable perfection by Trevithick. An engine on studies the his plan had been constructefflRd used by Mr Blackett °^°^° .'"* of Wylam in Northumberland, near the place where Stephenson resided, and was the basis of his im- provements. Blackett's engine had two cylinders, an addition often ascribed to Stephenson, but which, as we have said, was included in Trevithick's patent. What he saw of the performance of this machine ap- pears to have convinced Stephenson, once for all, of the groundlessness of an opinion which then and for long after haunted the minds of railway engineers. This opinion was, that the adhesion between the wheels of a locomotive engine and the smooth iron surfaces of the rails must be insufficient to allow the impulsion of the train, at least with any degree of velocity, or up the smallest inclination. Trevithick dismisses had a scheme for increasing the adhesion, and this tlie fear of ideal improvement was the subject of repeated pa- insufficient tents, some of a singular nature, between 1802 andjjjgp^^j™ " 1824, one of which, Blenkinsop's, provided a cog- wheel in the engine working into a rack on the rail, which was actually in use down at least to 1830. It is rather a singular thing that men spurning theories, as was the fashion of the engineers of that day, and especially those of Smeaton's school, should have thought as little of an appeal to experiment on so simple a matter as did the followers of Aristotle in the seventeenth century, when Galileo offered to con- vince them that light and heavy bodies fall equally fast. Forgetting that direct friction is always large, and that it varies in proportion to the pressure, these practical men could not get over their first impres- sion, that iron must slide on iron long before a heavy train could be set in motion. It was characteristic of Stephenson's decision of character, that he dis- missed all doubts on the subject so soon as his obser- vations seemed distinct, and that he did not hesitate to carry out his belief to its consequences, and to maintain his confidence in the locomotive engine against all antagonists. I shall not stop to particularize Stephenson's first (396.) improvements on the locomotive, which were rather ^- Stephen in detail than in principle. He saw clearly all along °°° ^ '"" that if it was to work at high speeds he must in every menta. 86 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. Piss. VI. possible way diminish the vibrations and strains to which it was subject, and which would otherwise ra- pidly wear out the machinery. For this purpose he proposed to connect the engine with its carriage by means of steam acting on six pistons in lieu of springs. But perhaps his most material improvement con- sisted in the very simple one of throwing the waste The steam, higb-pressure steam as a blast into the chimney, Wast. which was found to increase enormously the force of the fire, and the evaporating power of the boiler. Engines having this improvement, and with two ver- tical cylinders, as constructed in 1818, are, or were lately (1854), still atwork on the Killingworth railway dragging coals at the rate of five or six miles an hour. (397.) One of Steplienson's clear practical opinions was Rejects the this, — that the locomotive and the railway are part steam-car- ^f ^^^^ mechanism, and must be adapted to one an- riage on o • n roads. other. He was not a iriend to steam-carnages on common roads, and the event proved his sagacity. (398.) If the idea of a locomotive belongs to no one man, Origin of still less does that of a railway, which being one of railways, ^.j^g most elementary of mechanical contrivances, may be traced, under some modifications, almost inde- finitely backwards, as a means of conveying heavy loads with facility. Hence it was at first confined chiefly to quarries and collieries, especially in under- ground passages or drifts. The gauge of these sub- terranean railways, or tramv/ays, was only about 18 inches. The material of the rails was first wood, then cast iron, finally wrought iron, as being less liable to wear and to accident. The wrought iron rail, though not absolutely new, was first generally intro- duced in 1820. About the same time, or rather sooner, the rails began to be made plain, that is, without any vertical guide or flange to prevent the wheels of the carriages from leaving the rail, and the flange was transferred to the wheels of the locomo- tive. Even this was not new, for it had been used by Jessop in 1789. The weight of the rails has been constantly on the increase. The original cast- iron rails weighed only 15 lb. a yard ; the malleable- iron rail in 1821 weighed about 28 lb., then 35, afterwards 64, and now rails of 80 lb. a yard are generally used. (399.) One of Stephenson's first cares was to make his Stephenson railways solid and level, and to prevent jerks at the th^'^'t th junction of the rails. The gauge he adopted, or the locomotive, interval between the rails (now generally used, except on the Great Western Railway and its branches), was 4 ft. 8-| inches; and was derived from the accidental width of the parent railways in Northumberland. Like Watt and all other innovators, his great diffi- culty was to get the machinery of his locomotives pro- perly made, and the gTeat railway movement of 1825 was anticipated by the establishment in 1820 of an engine factory at Newcastle, which, till after the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1831, remained the onlj/ one, and for long afterwards the best of its class. The cranked axle contrived by Trevithick, and abandoned because it could not be properly welded, was now restored ; the heavy loco- motive was placed on strong but easy steel springs, wrought iron was skilfully introduced into the wheels of the carriages, and the whole machinery was made to work with precision, and to combine a degree of resistance never before anticipated with comparative lightness. The factory was established in 1821, and the first passenger locomotive was started on the Dar- lington and Stockton Railway in 1825. I ought, perhaps, to apologize for these details, (400.) but they illustrate so well the exceedingly gradual progress of mechanical invention, that I have thought them worthy of mention here."^ The subsequent his- tory of the locomotive and the railway is more gene- rally known. From the date of 1825, both grew and flourished ; the railway first and most steadily ; the locomotive was introduced more cautiously, and met with much opposition ; its triumph was almost en- tirely due to the steadiness of George Stephenson. The year 1825, so fertile in speculation, produced (401.) a series of projects for railways to an extent not com- ^i^^ilway monly known, since few of them came into existence fP™V If 1 rrn tions of or were even commenced for many years later. Thei825. projected capital of these companies amounted to not less than L.30,000,000 or L.40,000,000. But the only considerable undertaking which was at that time seriously supported was the railway from Liverpool to Manchester, and on that battle-field were fought the great questions of the superiority of railways to common roads, — of high to low velocities of trans- port, — and of locomotives to fixed engines. On these three important points, George Stephenson (402.) was in advance both of the science and of the prac- ^apenority tice of his age; and, accordingly, backed chiefly by^^^^j^^^^ commercial men, who had entire confidence in hispoads. sagacity, he had to maintain the conflict almost single- handed against general and professional prejudice. With respect to the Railway, he had long decided in his own mind against the use of steam-carriages on common roads. This conclusion was scientifically based on his own experiments on the friction of wag- gons on railways made in conjunction with Mr Ni- cholas Wood, civil engineer at Newcastle, as far back as the years 1 8 1 5 and 1816. A simple dynamometer stephen- of Stephenson's invention was used, and by means of^™'^ ^^P^" it the two fundamental propositions were established, J'j^™^"^^?"^ that the friction is directly as the pressure, and that it of trains, is quite independentof velocity (at leastwhen the speed was moderate). It may be said that these proposi- tions were already known ; but, besides that probably Stephenson and Wood were equally unacquainted with the writings of Coulomb, they could not have 1 I have found many curious details of the early history of railways in a series of articles on the life of George Stephenson in the CivH Engineer Journal for 1848 and 1849. I am indebted to Mr Robert Stephenson, M.P., for many interesting parti- culars respecting his father's inventions. Chap. IV., § 5.] MECHANICS. — GEORGE STEPHENSON. 87 dispensed with verifying his results under circum- stances so peculiar as those of a railway and a train of carriages. The necessity of doing so was manifested by the opposition, and even ridicule, with which the idea of friction being in this case independent of ve- » locity was received, showing, as has been correctly observed, " how small was the amount of science at that time blended with engineering practice." The friction of even the indifferent railways of those days amounted to only 10 lb. per ton of load ; consequently an incline of only 1 foot in 100 would increase by one-half the resistance to the motion of a carriage on a railway. Hence Stephenson determined to con- struct railways having only the smallest inclinations, and to u,se fixed engines for higher slopes. With re- spect to common roads, he showed by powdering even a level railway with sand, that the most power- ful locomotives then in use speedily came to rest ; this, with the previous objection, overruled in his mind the possibility of advantage in that case. (403.) With low gradients and small resistances, together bilitv of" ^'*^ ^^® proved invariability of friction with speed, high velo- there necessarily came into Stephenson's mind the cities on practicability of using high velocities. Ataveryearly rai ways, period (1816) he spoke in one of his patents of con- veying goods " at nearly double the rate at which they were then usually carried along railways," in other words, at 10 or 12 miles an hour, and this he states " with no hesitation, speaking from experi- ments already made," referring, no doubt, to those on friction made along with Wood about this time. Yet after nine years of farther experience, his old coadjutor Wood deserted him on this grand point, and in the first edition of his book on Railways (1825, p. 290) he disclaims the "ridiculous expectation"' that locomotives will be seen to travel at " 12, 16, 18, or 20 miles an hour," and scorns " the promulga- tion of such nonsense." Even in 1829 he reported to Messrs Walker and Rastrick, who were referees on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, " that no lo- comotive engine should travel more than 8 miles an hour." If at this comparatively late period perhaps the most practised railway engineer in England held these opinions, and that with the full knowledge of his friend Stephenson's matured convictions (which it is difficult to believe were not pointed at in this para- graph), we may imagine the opposition which the plans of the latter were likely to meet with from in- terested or even indifferent persons. (404.) At last a company was formed, and funds pro- The Man- yjijed to construct the Liverpool and Manchester Liverpool Railway. It is unnecessary to state how successfully Railway. Stephenson conquered the engineering difficulties of the line, and refuted the predicted impossibility of crossing the Chat Moss. In every respect this rail- way became a model for those which succeeded, and in essentials very little has been added by 25 years' experience on lines of the same gauge. But now came the struggle as to how this beautiful road was to be worked ; — with horses, — by means of fixed engines, — or by locomotives. It was not without a struggle that Stephenson gained his point. Even in 1829 the prejudices of the engineering profession were still strong against the locomotive. And it is curious to read in the contemporary documents with what dis- trust they were regarded. The clumsy expedient of a series of stationary engines 1 J miles apart, dragging the trains by ropes, would probably have been adopted to the disgrace of the age, but for the energy of Ste- phenson and his commercial friends. A competition The loco- of locomotives was at last agreed to, which took ™o*'^«. place on October 6, 1829, on a level piece of rail- °"^"'^^f'" way at Rainhill near Liverpool. Though the makers 1829 at of engines had their energies hampered by various itainhiU, needless conditions (particularly as regards the weight of the engines, under the mistaken notion, that velo- city could only be combined with lightness), several excellent engines appeared; but the "Rocket" made at Stephenson's factory at Newcastle, not only gained the prize, but far exceeded in its performances the limits assigned in the programme. It weighed 4J tons, and dragged a gross load of 17 tons, at the rate of 15 miles an hour, but moved itself with a velocity of 35 miles an hour. The "Novelty" of Messrs Braithwaite and Ericson was also very suc- cessful. The prize was awarded to Stephenson, and this success was mainly due to the admirable inven- tion of the multi-tubular boiler, imagined by Mr Booth, and carried out by Stephenson. To distribute ih^ water of the boiler in tubes, and allow the heat of the furnace to act around them, was an idea as old as the time of Watt, but it did not succeed. To carry The mnlti- the-hot air of the furnace through tubes surrounded *"^"l'''" by water, was the more successful arrangement of Booth and Stephenson, to the right working of which the draught occasioned by the steam-blast in the chimney was essential. The idea, it is said, had oc- curred both in France and America, but it certainly remained practically inefficient, perhaps on account of the want of draught. This invention, by increasing almost without limit (405.) the evaporating power of the boiler, which is the ^®P^""_ key to the efficiency of a locomotive, completed for eess the time the skilful improvements on locomotives and railways, which, as has been seen, we owe mainly to Stephenson. The comparatively trifling- ameliora- tions which have occurred in either, and the stereo- typed character of even the minor arrangements, such as those of stations and of passenger carriages, show how much the sagacity of the engineer had antici- pated the accommodation of the public.^ (406.) I here close my account of Mr Stephenson and of g" g'^g°°°" ^ I do not overlook dt course the modifications introduced in the broad-gauge system of the Great Western Railway. Mr Brunei indeed tried to show how far he could deviate without positive injury from Stephenson's plans ; in some points, perhaus, he did so with advantage, yet, on the whole, the results do not shake Stephenson's position as the commanding engineer of his time. 88 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss, VI. the railway system. The locomotive engine will ever remain as an invention entirely distinct from those created by the genius of Watt. It is in reality in- dependent of his great principle of separate conden- sation. It has a power of adaptation and a perfection of performance more astonishing than any contrivance of our time, except perhaps the electric telegraph. In 1552, Jerome Cardan took twenty-three days to travel from London to Edinburgh; that the same should be done 300 years later in eleven hours, and every day, is a fact as striking as any which the pro- gress of science presents. Whilst to Trevithick and George Stephenson we are mainly indebted for these results, the theory of the steam-engine is still in ar- rear. To M. de Pambour we are indebted^ for by M. de Pam- far the best account of the elements of force contained °P^^ °° ^f"® in the locomotive, and of the resistances which they locomo- have to overcome ; but it is not to be doubted that tivea. much yet remains to be done in this direction. George Stephenson died 12th August 1848, at the (407.) age of sixty-eight, and generally respected for his ^J^P^^°son private character as well as for his talents. His son jg^g_ had the honour of completing the second great railway work in Britain, from London to Birmingham, and by the invention of the tubular bridge, described in a previous section, he has added the most important, as well as the most scientific auxiliary to the exten- sion of railways since 1830. § 6. Hydrodynamics, DtJBUAT, Venturi, Professor Stokes. — Friction and Resistance, of Fluids. MM. Weber, Mr Scott Russell. — Propagation of Waves. Influence on Canal Naviga- tion. MM. FouRNEYROif ancZ PONCELET. — Improved Hydraulic Machines ; Turbine. Reference to the subject of Capillary Attraction, Hydrodj' namics. (408.) There are few subjects less adapted for the kind Progresa of of discussion which I have adopted in this Disserta- tion than Hydrodynamics, whether in its abstract or practical form. Not only is it difficult to fix upon individuals who, in the more recent progress of the subject, have attached themselves to it in so especial a manner as to have impressed the science with the individual character of their own minds, but the pro- gress made in either branch has been of a remarkably fragmentary kind, usually bearing upon the solution of individual problems, and tending to the improvement of particular machines. It must be owned, too, that however important in practice may be the efficiency of a water-wheel or the discharge of a pipe, the so- lution of such problems does not present the attrac- tive interest which attaches to many less difficult ones in Natural Philosophy. As regards more general pro- blems of which a direct solution from first principles might appear possible, it has been found that these are as yet so limited as to give a character (which is generally admitted) of great barrenness to the theo- retical investigations. WhUe, then, I shall endeavour, in conformity with my general plan, to preserve something of the bio- graphical character in the history, suppressing details and many minor and even some important steps, this section will necessarily have somewhat of a frag- mentary character, and its deficiencies must be sup- plied by a reference to the numerous articles of the Encyclopsedia which treat more or less fully of these subjects and their history. (409.) 1, Friction and Resistance of Fluids. — The first name I shall mention is that of the Chevalier Du- who has the signal merit of having attri- (410.) Dubuat — Friction and resist- ance of buted due importance to, and of having considered fluids. — — — with much sagacity, the effects of the friction of fluids against their own particles, and against the sides of the solid bodies used to confine them. He had the full advantage of an acquaintance with the Abbe Bossut's excellent experiments and judicious writings, but he was, I believe, the first who suc- ceeded in ascribing to the diflferent forces which act on fluids in a state of uniform motion their effective share in determining their velocity. I refer particu- larly to the discharge of pipes and of rivers. Du- Theory of buat showed that when the motion of water in such''"^'*" circumstances becomes uniform, the accelerating force which acts is the measure of the total resistances to the fluid motion, whether arising from the inequali- ties of the bed or the viscosity of the fluid. These re- sistances are assumed to be proportional to the square of the velocity. Since they are exactly in proportion to the length of the pipe or channel, and since the moving pressure increases in the same proportion, the velocity is independent of the length of the pipe, whilst the inclination remains the same — a simple result not previously noticed. In the case of a pipe the head or superincumbent pressure may be divided into two parts ; one, requisite to force the water into the tube with the requisite velocity, which is independent of the distance to be travelled; the other, which balances the resistance due to the length of the pipe, which for a given diameter varies as the length, or if the slope be constant is independent of the length. The relation of the area of the stream to the peri- ^^^\^ meter or rubbing surface of the channel is then taken araulio into account. This ratio is called by some writers the depth. mean hydraulic depth. The manner in which Dubuat derives his formula (which I shall not here set down) from direct experiment, guided by a few general no- tions of theory, is a very good specimen of this kind 1 The Theory of the Steam-Engine (1839), and A Practical Treatise on Locomotive Engines (1840), by the Comte P. M. G. de Pambour. Chap. IV., § 6.] MECHANICS (OF FLUIDS.) — DUBUAT — VENTUKI — MR STOKES. 89 (412.) Dabuat's formulae improved^ (413.) Viscosity of fluids. — Venturi — Coulomb. (414.) Three cases of fluid re- sistance to moving solids. of induction, without any pretence -whatever of pro- ceeding upon the mathematical theory of fluids in motion. The same views were ably expounded and enlarged by Dr Robison in his excellent article on Rivers and Resistance in this Encyclopsedia, through which principally the theory of Dubuat became known in this country. Indeed, viewed apart from the tech- nical value of the enquiry, the research as to the na- tural economy of rivers is a wonderful and striking branch of terrestrial physics, and one which had long afforded a subject of anxious and perplexing enquiries to Italian engineers from the time of Leonardo da Vinci, though comparatively little studied elsewhere. The collected treatises of Italian authors form an important body of hydraulic information.' The rivers of the north of Italy, like those of Holland, conveying vast masses of water charged with mud under very feeble slopes to the sea, present a formidable difficulty which compels attention, — vast territories being in- creasingly subject to inundation, as the beds of the rivers are raised by deposition above the general level of the soil. Dubuat's formulas have been modified, and made to represent experiments better, bysubsequentwriters, particularly by De Prony, Langsdorf, Eytelwein, and Thomas Young ; and the discharge from mere orifices has been discussed by numerous authors who have given empirical co-efficients to represent the pheno- mena. But little has been added to a philosophical view of the real laws which govern the fluid motion in this case. Nevertheless Savart and Magnus have made some ingenious observations on the constituent parts of effluent streams. The viscosity or imperfect fluidity of water is the property most difficult to be taken into account in these and other hydraulic problems. It is that which causes the velocity of a stream to diminish from the surface to the bottom, and from the centre to the sides ; these proportions were also sought by Dubuat. Each layer of water in motion exerts a dragging or " tangential force" upon other layers, which from any cause are comparatively quiescent ; and the ex- periments of Venturi about the end of the last cen- tury, showing that a stream in motion draws towards it the particles of still water with which it may be in contact, with a force sufficient to overcome consider- able hydrostatic pressure, attracted much attention. About the same time Coulomb, with his usual ad- dress, made experiments on the friction of fluids by observing the rapidity with which cylinders oscillat- ing by means of torsion in different fluids had their original motion destroyed. Intimately connected with the friction, and conse- quent mutual action of fluids, is the resistance which they offer to the passage of solid bodies through them, and this favourite problem of mathematicians was treated by Dubuat, in his inductive way, in an able and practical manner. Three cases may be specified on account of their theoretical or practical import- ance: — 1st, In the case of a body oscillating like a pendulum, with small velocities, the body being im- mersed in a resisting medium ; 2dli/, The resistance to vessels floating on and propelled through water ; 3dfo/, The resistance of the air to projectiles whose velocity is very great. Under the first head Dubuat made those ingenious (415.) experiments long overlooked, but lately brought into Motion of notice, which I have mentioned in the section on the P^""^"'"™*' Pendulum in the chapter on Astronomy, Art. (246). The cause of the neglect of these striking and original observations has probably been correctly stated, by saying that in them the pendulum was made subser- vient to hydraulic experiments, and not the theory of fluids to the improved use of the pendulum ; and they were therefore overlooked by those whose studies were connected with the pendulum and its applications. The fact observed by Dubuat was, that a large mass of air (or of water in the corresponding case) is car- ried along with a pendulum in motion, and affects in a sensible manner the time of vibration, quite in- dependent of the diminution of gTavity due to the buoyancy of the pendulum. The moved mass of air was proved by hanging a film of worsted from an arm a foot long in advance of the moving sphere, when it was found to be but slightly driven by the inertia of the air through which the pendulum moved. Dubuat significantly calls the mass of moved air " the prow" of the moving body, and it is easy to antici- pate the sort of effect which such a graduated con- dition of the surrounding air from motion to absolute rest would produce. But the most surprising thing is, that mathema- (4i6.) ticians should have attempted to compute the effect. Professor or should have been in any degree successful in doing Stokes's eo- so; yet after the preliminary efforts of Poisson andg^g A Green, Professor Stokes has introduced for the first 7niiea! of time a correct definition of the " index of friction" of/™*'""- a fluid, and after great labour has succeeded in find- ing exact expressions for the motions of a solid sphere and cylinder. This investigation may be found in a very elaborate paper in the Cambridge Transactions,^ in which he solves the equations found by him in a previous paper, ^ in the cases of pendulums having the forms just mentioned. Another interesting re- sult of his investigation is the immense effect of fluid friction in retarding the fall of minute rain drops, which he states to be such as to explain satisfactorily the suspension of clouds. In the second part of the paper I have first cited Mr Stokes proceeds to com- pare his theory with the observations on the pen- ^ Raocolta di Autori che trattano del moto deW acque, 10 vols., 1822-26 ; and Nuova Raccolta, 7 vols., 1823-45. See also the admirable methodized catalogue of writers on Hydraulics in the second volume of Young's Lectures on Natural Philosophy, ^ Vol. ix. part ii. — On the effect of the internal friction of Fluids on the motion of Pendulums, ^ On the friction of Fluids in motion. Camb. Trans., vol, viii., part iii. w^ 90 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (417.) Kaval ar- chitecture. (418.) Kesisted molion of projectiles. (419.) Experi- ments on waves in "water. (420.) Observa- tions of MM. We- ber on the form of vraves. dulum mentioned in Art. (246), and the agreement appears satisfactory. "With reference to Coulomb's experiments on oscillating disks there remains some doubt whether the theory applies satisfactorily to viscid fluids such as oil. On the very difficult and still empirical subject of naval architecture as regards forms of least resist- ance, I shall not here speak; but one very interesting case of the resistance of fluids in canals will be noticed in the course of this section — Arts. (422), &c. The theory of military projectiles has perhaps re- ceived no improvement so considerable during the last 100 years as by the previous experiments of Robins, and the invention of the Ballistic Pendulum referred to in the preceding Dissertation ; though the experiments of Borda in France, and of Hutton in this country, have of course increased the technical precision of artillery. Poisson has considered, in a mathematical way, some of the simpler cases of pro- jectiles moving with a moderate velocity. II. Experiments on Waves. — MM. Webek — Mr Russell. — Whilst the theory of the dilated and com- pressed waves which constitute sonorous vibrations in elastic fluids was being successfully investigated by Lagrange and Laplace, the case of waves in water, due to a disturbance of hydrostatic pressure only, was attacked by the same mathematicians with far less success. It is generally allowed that the more recent and abstruse researches of Poisson and M. Cauchy, though very valuable as improvements in pure mathematics, have been also singularly barren of valuable results admitting of the very desirable confirmation of direct experiment. The greatest of all hydrodynamical problems, -that of the Tides, is, as has been seen in the second section of the chapter on Physical Astronomy, Art. (69) &c., so excessively complex as to be the last, instead of the first, which analysis might have, been expected to resolve. When, on the other hand, we see the light which has been thrown even upon it by experiments on a com- paratively small scale, we learn to value them in proportion to their rarity. The brothers Ernst Heinrich Weber and Wilhelm Weber, known for many ingenious experiments in physics, and particularly in magnetism, are the authors of a useful book on waves.^ They made experiments on the velocity of waves in glass troughs, by means of which they determined in several cases the velocity of the wave with different depths of fluid ; they also ascertained mechanically the form of the wave, which they found to be that of the curve of sines. But the most important of the Webers' experiments is pro- bably the determination of the motion of individual particles of the water, which they ascertained by watching from the exterior of the glass trough the curve described by minute floating particles as the wave passed over them. The usual form of the trajec- Trajectory tory is an ellipse having the greater axis horizontal, the °. ,* '""'' whole ellipse being described when the wave includes a ridge followed by a depression of the surface ; but if there be only an elevated wave propagated, then a semi-ellipse is described in the direction in which the wave moves, 'and the particle returns to rest in a new position ; if the wave be a hollow one the con- verse takes place. The limits of oscillation diminish with the depth of the fluid, particularly the vertical limits ; consequently at some depth the motion of the particles is nearly in a short straight line. The rapidity of the degradation of the individual motions , depends on the relation between the length of a wave compared to the depth of the fluid : where the wave is very short compared to the depth of fluid, the el- lipses near the surface become circles, and the mo- tion rapidly disappears beneath ; when the length of the wave is great compared to the depth of fluid, the motion of tlie particles is nearly the same from top to bottom. The conclusions of theory are on the whole confirmed by these experiments. The experiments of Mr John Scott Russell, so (421.) far as we shall notice them, refer to two closely con- ^ j," nected subjects : — the transmission of waves, and experi- the resistance of water to vessels propelled through ments on it as afiected by waves. They are principally to be ^*'"«8. found in the Edinburgh Transactions, vol. xiv., and the British Association Report for 1837. The velo- city of waves in troughs of diiferent depths and sec- tions was ascertained by allowing the wave to be re- flected at either end of the trough, which does not in any way affect the time of its propagation, and gives great facility for ac9urate observation, as the distance travelled over may thus become large, at the same time that all casual and interfering waves are gra- dually eliminated. The instant of the passage of the wave was ascertained by reflecting the light of a candle vertically upwards from its horizontal sum- mit. T|he length of the trough was 20 feet, but since the wave was made to traverse it as often as 60 times, a distance of 1200 feet was really ob- served. The waves were single or "solitary" waves, either "positive" produced by a gush of water from behind a sluice, or " negative" by with- drawing water suddenly. Mathematicians seem not agreed as to whether or not the " solitary" waves of Mr Russell are to be treated as a species apart.^ Unquestionably it has long been known that a par- tial wave either positive or negative may be propa- gated without any farther disturbance of the fluid. Theory also shows that the velocity of a w^ve long in proportion to the depth of the water is nearly as the square root of the depth ; but it does not clearly ap- 1 Wellenlehre auf experimente gegriindet, oder fiber die Wellen tropf barer Flussigkeiten mit anwendung auf die Schall und Licht- wellen. Iieipzig, 1825. " Compare Mr Airy in the article " Tides and Waves," Encycl. Metropolitana ; and Mr Earnshaw in Cambridge Trans., vol, viii. Prof. Stokes in British Assoc. Report for 1846, Chap. IV., § 6.] MECHANICS (OF FLUIDS). — MR EUSSELL — M. FOURNEYEON. 91 Compared with theory by Mr Kel- land and Mr Airy. (422.) Peculiar effect of wave tranS' mission on canal navi- gation. (423.) Practical results. pear whether the disturbed or undisturbed depth is to betaken., The analysis of Mr Airy seems to show that a depth somewhat greater than that due to the utmost effect of disturbance is to be preferred. Mr Russell also made experiments on the propagation of waves in channels of different forms of section. Pro- fessor Kelland has given a very simple expression for the velocity of the wave in this case,^ which on the whole agrees with experiment. Sometime about the year 1830, attention was drawn to a singular fact connected with the resist- ance of water in the case of canal navigation. It was first noticed I believe in Scotland, probably on the Forth and Clyde Canal. It amounted to this, that whereas at moderate or rather slow velocities, the resistance to a boat increases with the square of the velocity, — after a certain point, not differing very much from 7 miles an hour, the resistances not only cease to increase according to the same rapid law, but actually dimmish to some extent when the speed is greater. Different experiments were made by the canal proprietors with a view to meet in some degree the active competition by railways, then com- mencing. Mr Russell was employed by the directors of the Forth and Clyde Canal, and to his experiments we now refer. It appears from his tables that the resistances increased on the whole faster than the squares of the velocities up to 7^ miles an hour, when they suddenly diminished between 7^ and 8^ miles an hour by one-fifth part in one experiment, and by no less than one-third in another.^ It was not until about 12 miles an hour, that the resistance reached the same amount as at 7i- miles. The occurrence of this singular transition was at- tended with a phenomenon easily noticeable. In every ordinary case a boat in a canal drives a wave before it, which is in fact a heap of water resisting the boat by increasing the prpssure against its bows, which wave may be called a forced wave, having this peculiarity that it travels with the speed of the boat and never quits it ; whilst a free wave, by whatever cause excited, is propagated at a rate depending only on the dimensions of the canal, particularly its depth. Now the dimirtished resistance takes place when the boat is by the force of traction partly drawn out of the water, and lifted up upon the wave to which its own motion gives rise. It is said to ride upon the wave, and the head of water pressing against its bows is visibly diminished. The most advantageous rate of transport was found to be about one-third greater than that required merely to mount the wave, which last depends principally on the depth of the canal. Thus on three different canals, S^-, 5J, and 9 feet deep, the most advantageous velocities were 8, 11, and 15^ miles an hour. The actual velocities of the free wave were ascertained by Mr Russell in an in- genious and satisfactory manner. When the boat is dragged to most advantage, the draught of water is less at the stem and stern than in the centre. All these circumstances have been very ingeniously and satisfactorily explained by Mr Airy in his paper on Tides and Waves, articles (404-411). Many persons (amongst whom are Colonel Henry (424.) Beaufoy, Mr Scott Russell, and the American ship- ^o"°8 of builders) have bestowed much attention on the forms ^ '^'' of vessels for ensuring speed, especially by the avoid- ance of waves of various kinds generated by steam- vessels in motion. Every one who can compare the performance of such vessels during the last twenty years, and the still surface which waters navigated by steam vessels now present, as if they were merely cut open and closed again before and after the passage of the ship, instead of being tossed into dangerous bil- lows consuming uselessly the propelling force, will readily admit that, however imperfect the theory, prac- tical art has made real progress in this direction. III. Improved Hydraulic Machines — Turbine. — (425.) Before concluding this section, I will refer to the Improved most considerable improvement made of late years hydra"!"! in the application of hydraulic pressure to motive ^^^ Tur-~~ purposes, and I shall couple it with the names bine, of two French engineers, MM. Fourneyron and PoNCELET, the former the inventor of the Turbine (the machine referred to), at least in its improved practical form ; the latter an important contributor to the useful application of hydraulics, an accom- plished mathematician, and the author of several standard works connected with industi-ial mechanics. The defects of common vertical water-wheels, (426.) whether overshot or undershot, are so great and Defecfe of so notorious, that only their simplicity, and the <^°'°™™ . ' •' r J ' water- tact that m very many cases water-power costs wheels next to nothing, and may be squandered with im- Barker's punity, could justify their use. The advantage of ™'^^' using the simple pressure of a fluid as a moving power had been foreseen in that application of re-ac- tion caWedi Barker's JfiK; which, though well known in models, was seldom if ever applied in practice. Mathematicians were, however, aware that it offered important advantages. Of late years a patent has been taken out in Scotland for a modification of it, which is found, I believe, to work well. But the Turbine or horizontal water-wheel imagined by Burdin and Fourneyron, and brought to a high state of perfection by the latter about the year 1833, appears to exhaust all that is valuable in this mode of applying water. Referring to other parts of the Encyclopsedia (427.) for the details, I may here explain generally that Poumey- the Turbine consists of two parts, one a fixed cy- "^ ^ *"'" linder or drum of small height compared to its diameter; the other a portion of a cylinder ex- terior to the former, and moveable round it, so that 1 Velocitv = V ^ ^ ; where A is the area of section of the canal, 6,the breadth of the water at the surface, and g the accele- ' ■ rating effect of gravity. Edinburgh Trans, vol. xiv. '- J^din. Trans. ^ vol. xiv., p. 48. 92 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (428.) Principle of greatest advantage in water- wheels. (429.) Power of adaptation of the tur- bine. the inner surface of the moveable cylinder is all but in contact with the circumference of the fixed cylin- der. Further, water under a greater or less hydro- static pressure, and moving with the consequent velo- city, is introduced at the centre of the fixed cylinder, and conveyed to its circumference by channels of a peculiar form constructed by means of vertical parti- tions or guides of continuous curvature, from which the water is discharged against float boards within the external cylinder, which are also curved, but the curvature is turned the other way so that the parti- tions in the first cylinder are where they terminate nearly perpendicular to the internal surface of the moveable or second cylinder where they commence. These latter partitions or float-boards terminate ex- teriorly in a direction nearly tangential to the outer cylindric surface where the water emerges. The hydraulic principle of greatest possible advan- tage to which these Turbines are made as nearly as possible to approximate is this, that the water shall enter the moveable apparatus without shock, and shall quit it without velocity, being simply left behind by the wheel as it escapes from it. Since both these con- ditions cannot absolutely be fulfilled, the first part of the condition is left imperfect. Some secrecy is, I believe, still maintained as to the forms and dimen- sions of these machines ; but their actual efiicicncy has been most thoroughly tested by means of De Prony's Friction Dynamometer^ by Colonel Morin, a most competent authority. His experiments leave no doubt of the admirable qualities of these machines. In particular, the useful effect compared to the theo- retical effect represented by the fall of water expended rises higher than probably in any other hydraulic machine, being under favourable circumstances about eighty per cent. Now water-wheels moved princi- pally by the shock of the fall seldom, in the most advantageous conditions, realize thirty-five percent., often not seven per cent. This superiority of action of the Turbine is due entirely to the approximation which it gives to the theoretic condition above men- tioned of perfect efficiency. But what is not less striking in the performance of this machine, is the variety of circumstances under which it acts advantageously; however great may be the variation in the size and velocity of the wheel, the height of fall, and the power disposable. Turbines have been made of as small diameter as 2 feet with the enormous fall of 350 feet, making 2300 revolutions per minute. They work with nearly equal advantage (relatively to the power expended) whether the supply of water be small or great. They may be completely (430.) (431.) drowned or buried under water to a considerable depth without any sensible variation in their effi- ciency, thus preventing any inconvenience from floods. It is remarkable that, with these manifest advan- tages, the Turbine has been so sparingly introduced at least in this country. No doubt the first establish- ment of it is attended with considerable expense. M. PoNCELET, an active and' intelligent officer of Genie, and member of the Institut, is favourably M. Ponce- known by his hydraulic observations and inventions, fT^'^^ as well as by his skilful investigation of the effects breast- of machines, and his excellent works and memoirs wheels, on several subjects. He has investigated with much patience and geometrical nicety the form and dis- charges of spouting fluids, and was one of the first to improve materially the ordinary water-wheels, by introducing a kind of breast-wheel (which thirty-five years ago was scarcely known in France) in which the water is conveyed without shock into compart- ments on the descending side, from which again it was allowed to escape with all its acquired velocity spent, or nearly so. The eSiciency of these wheels is equal to aboi(t two-thirds of the power expended. Before the Turbine had been finally improved by M. Fourneyron, M. Poucelet had invented an engine on the same principle, in which the water enters at the circumference of the horizontal wheel, and is deli- vered at the centre. I am aware how imperfect this section remains as C432.) a history of Hydrodynamics. But I must again Capillary refer to special articles on the subject, the plan of***™"*'"" the Dissertation not admitting of farther detail. As j ?"°^ nothing material has been added to the doctrine of place. Capillary Attraction since the publications alluded to in Sir John Leslie's Dissertation (although M. Poisson has written a treatise on the subject), I will for the sake of compression not enlarge upon it. I do so vrith the less regret, because I cannot regard the excessive mathematical illustration which it has received as altogether justified by the certainty and due. appreciation of the physical principles involved, such as can alone give to applied mathematics their distinctive value. The theory of Laplace, so far as it was based on novel grounds, was anticipated by Dr Young, and gave rise to several controversial articles by that most eminent philosopher, of which all account will be found in Br Peacock^s Life of Young, pages 199-210, as well as a most excellent review of the subject of Capillary Attraction, which, indeed, by its candour and completeness, supersedes anything which I should have felt disposed to say on the subject. 1 Gaspard de Prony, born in 1765, was an eminent engineer, especially in the department of hydraulics, and the author of a \ol\iTa'mooB work entitled Noumlle Architecture Hydraulique ; but his originality was not great enough to authorize his being placed among the leaders of his age. His simple invention of the Frein Bynamometrique, or friction dynamometer, is the one by which perhaps he will be longest remembered. It consists of an iron collar with tightening screw, which may be clasped on a horizontal wooden arbor connected with uniformly revolving machinery. A lever, to which a weight may be applied, is attached so as to form part of th^ collar. The clasping screw being moderately tightened, the collar and lever are of course carried round by the machinery until a weight is applied sufficient to check the velocity, and to generate an amount of friction which is in fact the useful effect of the machine for that velocity, and which is determined by the momentum of the weight over- come in one second. De Prony was a most amiable man, and died in 1839, in the 84th year of his age. Chap. IV., § 7.] MECHANICS (ACOUSTICS). — CHLAI/NI — SAVART. 93 § 7. Progress of Acoustics. Chladni — SavART. I^place's Correction of the Theory of Sound, Vibrating Plates and Acoustic Figures:' Cagniard de la Tour's " Sirlne." (433.) The mathematical theory of the propagation -6f Mathema- sound, considered as a branch of analytical m^tha- of the OTo^'^^*'^' "^^^® ^^^ greater progress during the eighteenth pagation Century, in harmony with the general character of of sound, the science of that period, than the inductive doc- trines of acoustics. Newton here, as in other de- partments, overstepping the limits of knowledge of his day, left a legacy of toil to his immediate suc- cessors. Lagrange had the most distinguished good fortune in reducing the theory of aerial tremors under their most general conditions to the laws of mecha- nics by the calculus of partial differentials ; and La- place supplied the link which was wanting to recon- cile the result with the known mechanical properties of air. As the former of these matters belongs more properly to the period of the previous Dissertation, Laplace's and as the beautiful discovery of Laplace has been correction more especially touched upon by Sir John Leslie, theory ^* ^^^ ^^ sufficient here to recall the fact that the spring of air, or the effort by which it tends to re- expand under sudden compression or to contract to its former bulk when suddenly dilated, is increased by the heat extricated in the former case, as well as by its absorption in the latter. And as sonorous pulsations are held to consist of a series of com- pressed and rarified waves whose velocity is affected by the recoil of air, it appears certain that the velo- city must be increased by this circumstance, though it is difficult to determine experimentally the exact amount. (434.) The revival of experimental acoustics is due to Chladni Eknst Chladni a native of Saxony, but of Hungarian of experi- extraction, born in 1756. Little had been done in mental this department since the time of Sauveur, who as- acoustics. certained the nature of the harmonic vibrations of strings, and that of Daniel Bernouilli, who considered the analogous case of organ pipes. We are indebted to Chladni for two classes of original experiments — his measure of the velocity of sound in a variety of bodies by peculiar and ingenious methods ; and his observations on the vibrations of plates by means of the ingenious expedient of strewing them with sand and other powders. We shall say a few words under each of these heads : — (435.) I. Chladni observed the velocity of sound in air Velocity of p£ different densities, and in different gases, by using different ^ Aute of metal which was sounded by means of the media ; elastic fluid required, and the resulting note enabled him to determine by an easy calculation the speed of propagation of the tremor. This method (using an organ pipe) has been more lately resorted to by Dulong for the purpose of deducing the properties of different gases with respect to heat, by ascertain- ing from experiment the co-efficient in Laplace's correction for the velocity of sound. Chladni was also probably the first to notice the longitudinal os- cillations of strings and rods which always yield a note immensely sharper than the lateral vibrations. By means of the former he ascertained the velocity of sound in a variety of woods and metals, in some of which it is no less than seventeen times greater than in air. These observations are not only inte- resting in themselves, but as throwing light on the constitution of solid bodies. To Chaldni we like- wise owe a knowledge of the twisting vibrations of rods, which exhausts the modes of vibration of such bodies. To connect theoretically the periods of these different kinds of movement, has been a favourite problem with recent mathematicians, but has not even yet been quite successfully performed. The determination of the velocity of sound in (436.) water, an experiment by no means difBcult, was re- ^'^ ^^'ter. served for MM. Colladon and Sturm, who ob- served it on the Lake of Geneva, and found it to be 4708 English feet per second, a result closely con- forming to the theoretical amount deduced firom Oersted's observation on the compressibility of water. II. But Chladni' s experiments on the vibrations (437.) of plates are of still greater interest and originality. Chladni on Though it has been affirmed that Galileo strewed , . ® ^'J"^*" sand or light substances upon the sounding boards plates. of musical instruments,^ Chladni deserves the entire credit of rendering this an exact method of ascertain- ing the nodal lines or points of rest in bodies vi- brating in a stable or permanent manner. He first applied it to plates round, square, or of different figures, supported horizontally and caused to vibrate by applying a violin bow to their edges. Dust or fine sand strewed or sifted uniformly over such a plate, arranges itself in a variety of beautiful figures, being Acoustic tilted from the greater part of the surface, and heaped figures- up on those parts which are at rest in consequence of the vibratory motion of adjacent parts taking place simultaneously in opposite directions ; just as the nodal points of a string vibrating harmonically are without motion on the same account. The number and variety of figures thus producible in the same plate is very great, and corresponds, as Chladni clearly saw, to different simple harmonical vibrations of the elastic plate, being accompanied by their ap- propriate notes ; or by the superposition of several such modes of vibration, and of the corresponding sounds. The tract published by him in 1787 en- tituled, Entdeckungen vher die Theorie des Klanges, contains numerousfigures of these appearances, which, ^ This, however, is very doubtful. See Dove, Bepertorium, dii. 106. 94 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL (•438.) In bodies possessing unequal elasticity. (439.) Chaldni on meteoric bodies. (440.) Young — Bobison. (441.) Savart. Propaga- tion of sound in masses of air, &c. more recently, Savart found the means of presei^ving by transferring them to sheets of gummed paper. There are few experiments in physics of a mora, striking character, or which so plainly reveal minute and complex motions so small and so rapid as to he difficultly appreciated otherwise. Mr Faraday and Mr Wheatstone have pursued the same enquiry experimentally, and the latter has satisfactorily de- duced the figures of Chladni's square plates from the mechanical superposition of simple modes of vibra- tion which are symmetrical and isochronous. {Phil. Trans. 1833.) By so doing he has succeeded better than the mathematicians, whose results on this sub- ject have been very little practical. Chladni was the first to make experiments on the vibrations of bodies whose elasticity varies in dif- ferent directions. Thus he cut plates outof difierent kinds of wood, and found the nodal curves unsym- metrical in difierent directions depending on the course of the fibres. The experiments were naturally afterwards employed to illustrate the theory of ellip- soidal waves on the undulatory hypothesis of Optics. The experiments of Chladni procured for him the especial notice of Napoleon, by whose wish one of his works was translated into French. He died in 1827, and besides his acoustical discoveries, he will be remembered by the sagacity and boldness with which he maintained the popular opinion of the fall of- heavy meteors from the sky, contrary to the prevalent scepticism of philosophers. Chaldni's suc- cess in establishing this important fact in natural history is due, like his other physical inductions, to the constancy and simple-mindedness with which he attached himself to a strictly definite enquiry. We must not here enlarge upon the ingenious and important investigations of Dr Thomas Young con- nected with acoustics. Being chiefly connected with his admirable Theory of Light, they will be noticed in the chapter on Optics. The peculiarly practical and sagacious views of Dr Kobison connected with the Theory of Musical Instruments and Acoustics generally, must also be passed over. In Felix Savart we find a man like Chladni who was especially devoted to a single and circumscribed branch of science — acoustics. Hispublishedresearches are almost all detached notices in the Annales de Chimie, with a few memoirs in the publications of the Institute; and whilst they are very interesting, exact, and instructive, I doubt whether it would be possible to place the results in a connected and comprehen- sive view before the reader. They are therefore rather to be sought in the special articles of the Encyclo- psedia devoted to the subject. In general they may be stated to refer to the following topics : — (1.) To the manner of propagation "of sound through the air and through liquids, with an attempt to explore the manner in which sounds spread in apartments of different forms ; an enquiry as difficult as it is important ; (2.) To the generation and audibility of musical notes. Previous authors (for example, Chladni, Biot, and WoUaston) having differed mate- rially as to the range of audibility of repeated equi- distant impressions which affect the human ear as mnsical notes, Savart used a simple method, no doubt original to him, but anticipated I believe by Kobisofl, in which a card is held near or touching a revolving wheel, and the number of impulses (each double) given to the air by every tooth as it passes the card, is readily measured. He thus found that a note occasioned by 24,000 double vi- brations in a second is perfectly audible; and, at the other limit of the musical scale, from seven to eight equidistant beats constitutes a sound having a distinct pitch. According to Savart, two conse- cutive double impulses of whatever duration are suf- ficient to convey to the ear the sensation of pitch. But a more elegant and accurate instrument for the numeration of sonorous pulsations is the Sirene of M. Cagniard de la Tour, unquestionably one of the most exact and satisfactory additions lately made to our experimental apparatus. In it a current of air is repeatedly interrupted and renewed, giving rise to a series of impulses similar to those of the toothed wheel ; and this apparatus is ingeniously contrived, so as to maintain its own motion, and record its indications. It is by far the most accu- rate known method of ascertaining the pitch of a given note. It may also be worked with water. Eobi'son had also the merit of the primary idea of the Sirene, by making a stopcock revolve rapidly whilst applied to a tube emitting a blast of air. (3.) Savart extended the researches of Chladni by means of sand to many new cases, and with interesting results ; in particular he exhibited the effects of the unequal mechanical elasticity of crystals cut in dif- ferent directions. He has also examined with great care and ingenuity, the nature of the vibrations which occasion the accumulations of sand on the nodal lines of plates, and he comes to the conclusion that they are determined by simultaneous transverse and longitudinal movements (the latter of which are pa- rallel to the surface of the plate). In proof of this he shows that in long rods or hollow cylinders, the position of the nodes is intermediate and opposed upon the contrary sides of the rod or hollow cylinder. Savart made many experiments on the communica- tion of vibrations from one body to another ; showing that the molecular movements generally preserve their parallelism, so that a longitudinal vibration of one body may give rise to transversal movements in another ; and he applies this to the theory of musi- cal instruments. Savart was born at Mezi^res in the department of Ardennes, on the 30th June 1791 ; and died some- what prematurely on the 16th March 1840. He had some peculiarities of temper, amongst which was his unconquerable prejudice to everything Eng- lish. He did not even acknowledge the intimation On the pro- duction of musical notes. Sirene of M. Cagni- ard de la Tour. Savart on the vibra- tion of solids. (442.) _ Biographi- cal notice of Siivnrt Chap, v., §1.] OPTICS. — YOUNG. 95 of his election as a foreign member of the Royal Society of London. It is to be regretted that Savart never published a connected account of his obser- vations. He had caused to be collected at the College de France, where he was professor, an unequalled col- lection of acoustical apparatus, a great deal of which was contrived by himself, and where he delivered extensive courses of lectures on this subject alone. Several English philosophers, in particular Pro- (443.) fessor Willis, Mr Hopkins, and Mr Wheatstone, have 0*er_ written several important detached memoirs on par- experi- ticular practical points, for which we must refer to ments. special treatises.' The first and last of these gentle- men, together with some Germans, have approxi- mated in some degree to the formation (on empirical principles) of a speaking machine. CHAPTER y. OPTICS. 1. Thomas Young. — The Undulatory Theory of Light. — Its history from the time of Hooke and Huygens. — The Law of Interference. — Its application to Diffraction — to the Rainbow — and to other subjects. — The Theory of Polarization referred to another section. optics in the 18th century. (444.) The history of Optics in the eighteenth century is Small pro- One of the blankest pages of scientific story ; at least gress of if ^g allow Bradley's discovery of aberration to be (as it really is) rather an astronomical than an optical discovery. The most notable advance was unques- tionably the invention of the achromatic telescope as narrated in the Fifth Dissertation,^ founded on the proof of Newton's oversight in the matter of dis- persion. The construction of refracting telescopes made rapid advancement in the workshop of Dollond, whilst reflecting telescopes, in the hands first of Short, but far more conspicuously, of Sir William Herschel, were shown to be capable of making unimagined dis- coveries. The geometrical theory of optical instru- ments was also greatly improved ; but all this led to little increased knowledge concerning Light itself. If we except the valuable though imperfect treatises of Bouguer and Lambert on the subject of photo- metry, and a paper by Mr (now Lord) Brougham in ' the last years of the century, recalling attention to the inflexion of light, the history of Physical Optics (as that part of the science touching more imme- diately the nature and qualities of light is now usu- ally termed) is almost a blank from the publication of the Optics of Newton in 1704 to that of Young's papers almost one hundred years later. It is not therefore from overlooking Young's pre- decessors that we open our review of the recent pro- gress of optics with his discoveries. We here meet ' (445.) Thomas Young. with a man altogether beyond the common standard, one in whom natural endowment and sedulous cul- tivation rivalled each other in the production of a true philosopher ; nor do we hesitate to state our belief that since Newton, Thomas Young stands un- rivalled in the annals of British science. He was born at Milverton in Somersetshire on the (446.) 13th June 1773, and his biographers dwell with com- His early placency on the prodigies of his youth, uncertain as •education such attainments confessedly are in stamping the ments. greatness of the future character. At the age of fourteen he had learned (principally for amusement) seven languages besides his own, and besides had made a point of mastering every subject, whether in science or miscellaneous knowledge, which he had once determined upon prosecuting. Thus, whilst studying botany he resolved to learn how to make a microscope, but finding in Martin's Optics the nota- tion of fluxions, he became his own preceptor in that branch of analysis. " He acquired a great facility in writing Latin. He composed Greek verses which stood the test of the criticism of the first scholars of the day, and read a good deal of the higher mathe- matics. His amusements were the studies of botany and zoology, and to entomology, in particular, he at that time paid great attention. "^ Dr Young's edu- cation was almost completely private. Having been brought up according to the tenets of the Society of Friends, he had not thought of going to Cambridge ^ See also Herschel on St}und (Eneyc. Metrop.) ; and Whewell's Histortj of the Inductive Sciences, vol. ii. ^ It may be mentioned, however, that the credit usually ascribed to Dollond must be divided, at least, with Mr Hall, a pri- vate gentleman of Worcestershire, who not only imagined but constructed achromatic telescopes as early as 1733 (Gentleman^ Magazine, 1790, and Phil. Mag., vol. ii.) The improvement by Dr Blair of Edinburgh has been alluded to in Sir John Leslie's Dissertation. It consisted in enclosing fluids in the object glass, of such composition as to disperse the several rays of the spec- trum in the same 'proportion to one another (though not to the same absolute amount) aa the glass with which it was combined • thus rendering the achromatism more perfect. 3 Memoir of the Life of Thomas Young, M.D. 8vo, 1831. The present section of the Dissertation was written shortly be- fore the publication of the Life and Miscellaneous Works of Br Tkomas Youn^, for which the public is indebted to Dr Peacock Dean of Ely, the possession of which would have materially facilitated my task. Wherever Dr Peacock's information has 96 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. Residence at Edin- burgh ; (447.) at Gottin- gen and at Cam- bridge. (448.) Character of his in- vestiga- tions. (which would have been his natural destination), and entered the university of Edinburgh as a medical stu- dent at the age of twenty-one. He had already de- clined the overtures of such distinguished patrons as Windham and Burke, resolving to devote himself to the pursuit of science, for which a medical education seemed to him a fit entrance ; — his studies being made under the more immediate advice of his uncle, Dr Brocklesby. He attended Black's lectures in Edin- burgh ; whether he was known to Eobison I am not aware, though I should be inclined to infer that he was from the terms in which Kobison speaks of Young when criticising his strictures upon Smith's Harmonics. Eobison disagreed with him on this point, and also about the nature of light, yet he speaks of Young and of his paper on Sound with very rnarked respect. More than a year before his enrolment at Edinburgh (which took place in autumn 1794), he communicated to the Royal Society of London a paper on vision, of which we shall pre- sently give some further account ; and was elected a fellow of the Society when just of age. From Edinburgh he proceeded to Gottingen where he graduated ; acquiring the German language, and leaving a vivid impression of his astonishing versa- tility of talent and powers of memory. Early in 1797 he returned to England, and soon after en- tered himself at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, in order to comply with the requisitions of the London College of Physicians, and thus to obtain a license to practice. For the next few years his time was divided much between Cambridge and London. He was now twenty-three years of age, and his mental habits too much formed to bend to the rules of Cam- bridge study. When the master of his college intro- duced him to the fellows, he is reported to have said, " I have brought you a pupil qualified to read lec- tures to his tutors," and such, no doubt, was the fact. We hear little of his occupations at Cambridge, but we can hardly doubt that his private studies then ranged over the vast fields of erudition which he af- terwards proved that he had made so completely his own ; and we cannot doubt that he was then preparing the groundwork of his theory of optics, although his discovery of interference was certainly not made at Cambridge, and probably in London after his settle- ment there in 1800. ^ His first paper on sound and light is dated from Cambridge in July 1799. I have entered into these details because they throw light on the peculiarities of Young's cha- racter and attainments. He was to a great degree self-educated ; and his studies in consequence may be called desultory, though none would dare to call them superficial. Mathematicians may consider his acquaintance with their science as not technically complete, yet one of them admits that " he could make a small amount of mathematics go farther than any one else." Had he been a consummate analyst it is unlikely that we should have had in him the author of the undulatory theory, the difficulties of which in its earlier stages made it unpalatable to Laplace, Poisson, and the most considerable French mathematicians. Having thought out for himself every one of the multifarious subjects with which he grappled, his writings have a striking force and ori- ginality, and his reports of the labours of others are almost invariably drawn from a study of their original works. His earliest principle was, that what one man has done another may accomplish ; and one of the many respects in which he resembled his great predecessor Newton, was unbounded confidence in the powers of " patient thought." Not that he con- fined the desire to excel to purely intellectual matters. What he found it worth while to do at all, he thought it worth doing well. He chose to be first-rate in dancing and in equitation ; — his penmanship was (in his early days) as 'scrupulously elegant as his scho- larship. In 1801 Young was appointed Professor of Natu- (iiS.) ral Philosophy at the Eoyal Institution, where he was T*"J°^ ^ the colleague of Davy. Young had not the qualifi- Natural cations of a popular lecturer, and the most important Philosophy. result of his short connection of two years with the Royal Institution was the publication in 1807 of his Lectures on Natural Philosophy, in two large quarto volumes. It is a work peculiarly characteristic of the author ; and is rather adapted for reference by the scholar, than to be studied as an elementary trea- tise. Its condensation is such as to render it in many places obscure ; though when read by one conversant with the subject, its comprehensiveness and precision are surprising. It is a truly admi- rable monument of labour and genius combined. Embracing the arts as well as the whole of natural philosophy, it seems to include the mention of every- thing connected with his vast subject from the simplest tool of the artisan to the highest specu- lations of Newton and Lagrange ; and yet it is evi- dent, by the masterly manner in which he handles it, that the author had made all this mass of know- ledge completely his own. The catalogue of refer- ences with which it closes indicates an extent of bib- liographical research which would have done honour to any one who had made that an exclusive object of study. Even the plates are drawn with a studious care, betokening well his own mechanical talent. enabled me to improve the text I have not hesitated to use it. The facility of consultation afforded by the collection of Dr Young's widely scattered writings is a most important aid to all future students of science, and one which cannot fail to raise still higher the great reputation of their author. ' ^ See Sect. vii. of the article Polarization in this Encyclopaedia, where, in a bracketted interpolation by the translator, Dr Young, he speaks of this fundamental experiment being made " in the room and at the table on which he is now writing." This must have been in Welbeck Street, London, Chap. V., § 1.] OPTICS.— YOUNG. 97 Many of the figures, though of hackneyed subjects, are represented in a novel manner ; there seems not a line drawn at random. Such figures often illustrate hetter than pages of description, the clearness with which an author has conceived to himself the neces- sary results of his own principles. An example of this may be found in Plate XXX., fig. 442 of the first vol'ume, which, as Arago relates, served to de- monstrate to him, when he visited Dr Young in 1816, that he and Presnel had been anticipated on one point more than they believed.^ (450.) The absence of algebraic formulae from this work was as characteristic of Dr Young as their copious introduction into articles which he subsequently con- . tributed to the Quarterly Review. He had decided upon writing a book without symbols, and he wrote it, though it gave additional trouble both to himself and the reader. 451.) We shall now proceed to trace the progress of the undulatory theory of light, the greatest physico- mathematical discovery of our time, in the establish- ment of which Young acted the leading part. (452.) Undulations of Light — Hooke and Huygens. — The undu- rpjjg j^gg^ ^f accounting for the efiects and modi- theory of fications of luminous impressions by disturbances light— propagated through a very elastic medium was by no means new at the, commencement of the present century. We do not, indeed, attach much impor- tance to the so-called anticipations of Grimaldi and Hooke in the seventeenth century. The former, amongst his valuable experiments on the deflection of light and fringes of shadows, had used an expression as to illumination being diminished by the addition of light, which is true in fact, and is a correct deduction from the law of interference as we now understand it. Hooke, in his Micrograpkia, asserts light to consist in " quick, short, vibrating motion ;" but his expla- nation of refraction by it is altogether erroneous ; and his application of it to the doctrine of the colours of thin plates, though admitted by the candid Young to be an anticipation (unknown to him at the time) of his own, has in it no more than a germ of truth (like so many of Hooke' s ingenious hints, afterwards claimed by him as discoveries), which yet only ex- plains the fact on which it is founded by means of an additional and gratuitous assumption. The germ of truth in Hooke's writings is this, that the colours in question depend upon a mixture of the, light re- flected at the first surface of the thin plate with " a kind of fainter ray " propagated from the second sur- face backwards : the gratuitous assumption is, that " this compound or duplicated pulse does produce on the retina the sensation of a yellow ;" why it does so Hooke. is not explained. Thiswasiu 1664, before even New- ton was acquainted with the analysis of white light, Hooke's idea that yellow, or any other colour, was the result of the conflict of pulses simultaneously reaching the eye, was an assertion, admissible, per- haps, at that time, as expressing a fact ; but surely not a proof of interference producing reinforcement or annihilation of light, as taught by Young. I am not aware that Hooke ever even reiterated his opinions on this subject after Newton had' analysed the phe- nomena experimentally, and shown that the colours of thin plates result from the superposition of bright and dark rings of different prismatic hues, each with its appropriate diameter. It was then apparent that colour was only an indirect effect of interference. But whatever may be thought of the theories of (453.) Hooke, those of Huygens deserve a far more eminent Huygens place in fiistory. Having already been succinctly ad- j^jaiere. verted to in Professor Playfair's dissertation, we T*ill only observe that the TraitS de la Lumiere (1690) is an admirably composed and reasoned treatise on the phenomena of light on the undulatory hypothesis. The uniformity of its propagation through the celes- tial spaces, its rectilinear course in ordinary circum- stances, the laws of its reflection and refraction, are there explained with a degree of elegance and preci- sion which ought to have excited (we must think) general attention and assent, but for the ascendancy of Newton's authority, and the astonishing and beau- tiful nature of the experiments on which his theories were based ; whereas Huygens referred to few expe- riments except those of the simplest kind, and the phenomena of colour were (for good reasons) left chiefly out of view.'^ Such being the case, Huygens may fairly be considered as the author of the undu- latory theory, which he supported by such convincing proofs. The fundamental principle of the Huygenian (454.) doctrine was the same as that which Hooke ad-^^P^^"''- mitted, which was probably far older than his time, *'™ ?^ , 11 11 -IT . • ' Simple and namely, that a;il space, including the interior of double re- transparent bodies, contains an ether whose pulsa- fraction, tions communicate the sense of light to the eye, as waves in air convey to the ear impressions of sound. To this he added the assumption, that in refracting media, such as glass, the pulsations are retarded ; whereas in Newton's theory, as is well known, the propagation of light is assumed to be fastest in dense media. The " law of the sines " in refraction, is de- duced as a consequence ; and one of the prettiest ap- plications made of it is to the phenomena of atmo- spherical refraction. But the most important features of the whole investigation are these two — (1), the ^ The reference of Arago, in his original iloge of Young, is to p. 387 of the Lectures, obviously by mistalce. In the first volume of his (Arago's) collected works it is corrected into p. 787, which is as certainly correct. I have supposed fig. 442 to be more probably the one referred to than 445, to which Dr Peacock refers (Life of Young, p. 389).' ® Nevertheless the Huygenian Theory of Light was propounded as the subject of a thesis at St Andrews by David Gregory, whilst professor of mathematics there, within about a year of its publication (including also the Newtonian doctrine of gravity), — a pleasing proof of the activity which then reigned in that university. Principal Lee possesses the original programme. 98 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. principle that the impression of a wave of light on a screen is to be found by considering the simul- taneous effect of the wavelets propagated from all the points disturbed at any previous moment (which points form what is called the front of a wave). It is only when these partial impressions concur that they are strong enough to affect the sense of vision ; — (2), the representation of the phenomenon o^ double refraction by a wave of two sheets, or the simultaneous propagation of spherical and spheroidal waves in one and the same medium. Of the last of these doctrines I shall speak in the next section in connection with the discoveries of Malus. "With re- spect to the former I may here observe that it gives the only satisfactory explanation of the primary diffi- culty of the undulatory hypothesis^ — namely, that a beam of light admitted by a hole in a screen pursues a rectilinear course afterwards, instead of spreading sideways, as do waves in water, and waves of sound. Huygens shows, on elementary and convincing prin- ciples, that the lateral impressions of the wave are rapidly extinguished by the want of concurrence of the impulses which they communicate to the ether. This is necessarily true when the breadth of the aper- ture is such as to exceed vastly the length of a wave ; and such is always the case with light, but rarely in any other instance. It is, in short, only imme- diately in front of the aperture that the disturbances originating in every part of the front of the original wave embraced within the aperture, c6ncur in pro- ducing an accordant movement on the ether. (455.) This principle, more fully stated, by which every The prin- luminiferous disturbance of the ether is considered "ffuvoms ^^ ^^® resultant of all the pre-existing disturbances to which it is due, constitutes what is sometimes called the principle of Huygens, of which I shall have more to say hereafter. (456.) Neither at the time of its publication, nor for Newton's more than a century afterwards, was the value of the "lature" ^^^^^ reasonings understood. It would be beside of light. our present object to discuss Newton's opinions ; but it is too certain that he did not allow Huygens' argu- ments on the undulatory nature of light to have any weight with him. Not that he was averse (as is often supposed) to the presence of Ether as modify- ing the corpuscular theory of light; on the con- trary, in many of his minor writings he speaks of its existence as all but certain, and as a requisite adjunct to the corpuscular hypothesis to which he had been led by the facts of reflection and refrac- tion. ^ But he never adjusted the terms of a compro- mise, and must be held, we think, to have left behind him no substantive theory of light worthy of the name. The question never perhaps very seriously engaged his attention after the publication of Huy- gens' book -j^ and we know that about that time his intellectual energies received a shock which left him indisposed for the fatigue of constructing new theories, and still more disinclined to publish them. Euler, though he professed to defend an undula- (457.) tory theory of light, treated the subject in a point of Euler. view chiefly mathematical, and betrayed that uncon- cern about physical theories which characterized a mind steeped in geometric abstractions. He even retrograded ; for he did not maintain the Huygenian explanation of the cause of definite shadows. Young on the Undulatory Theory — Diffraction. (458.) — -One hundred and ten years after the publication of^°""So° the Traits de la Lumiere of Huygens, Dr Thomas ^ory theory Young re-opened the theory of light or "Physical Op — Diffrac- tics," as he termed it. His experiments and reasonings *'""• will be found in a series of papers in the Philoso- phical Transactions for 1800, 1801, 1802, and 1803.' These memoirs are of no great length, and deserve the most careful study. They are perhaps among the clearest and plainest of Young's writings, although blamed at the time for defects precisely the reverse. They are eminently marked by penetration, profound induction, and candour of argument. Starting from his studies in acoustics, the transition to optical questions is extremely gradual. Young was, cha- racteristically, a good musician in practice, as well as a profour(d one in theory, and his paper of 1799 is principally acoustical. . In it he attaches conse- quence to showing that the divergence of sound from the direction of its emission is slower and less com- plete than it is commonly believed to be, and he applies theanalogy to the existenceof ray.? of light and definite shadows. In one short section he sums up the chief points of optical doctrine which lead him to prefer the theory of Huygens to that of Newton. Amongst the facts better explained by waves than corpus- cles, we find reckoned Inflection and the Colours of thin plates. But all this is stated in a very general way, evidently rather as a conclusion towards which his mind had for some time been tending, than as the result of demonstrative proofs. In his paper of 1801 the undulatory doctrine is methodically expounded in a series of propositions, accompanied by proofs'. The accurate definition of shadows is shown to be possible and natural on that theory, as well as the usual phe- nomena of reflection, refraction, and total reflection. 1 Thus Newton writes in 167^5 :— " "Were I to assume an hypothesis, it should he this, if propounded more generally, so as not to determine what light is farther than that it is something or other capahle of exciting vibrations in the ether ; for thus it will become so general and comprehensive of other hypotheses as to leave little room for new ones to be invented." And again, — " Do not the most refrangible rays excite the shortest vibrations [of the retina], the least refrangible the largest ?" — Birch's Hint, of the Royal Society, quoted in Young's Lectures, ii. 615, 617. Sir D. Brewster {Life of Newton, 1855, vol. i. p. 148) considers that some passages in the later editions of Newton's Optics show that he had departed from any tlieory of undulations. 2 The Optics, though published in 1704, had been written principally in 1675 and 1687 (see Preface). 3 They may be more conveniently consulted as reprinted in the second volume of his Lectures on Natural Philosophy, and in his Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. Chap. V., § 1.] OPTICS.— YOUNG. 99 Optical parados. (459.) The Erio- meter. (460.) Fundamen- tal law of interfe- The partial reflection which always accompanies re- fraction is strongly and justly insisted on as an ob- vious consequence of the theory, while it requires a separate hypothesis on Newton's. But the chief weight is claimed for the evidence from the colours of heated surfaces, of thin plates, and of diffracted shadows, all of which the author explains by the mixture of two portions of light conveying to the same particle of ether at the same time either ac- cordant or opposing motions, thus redoubling or destroying the light. Of these the splendid iri- descent colours reflected by surfaces having fine equidistant lines drawn upon them, admit of the most elementary and striking explanation. The reflected image of a luminous point viewed in a mirror thus cut up by parallel lines, consists of one common reflection and numerous lateral images which are coloured, and in which the angles of inci- dence and reflection are not equal, thus contradicting one of the axioms of common optics. Young showed that the scattered waves of light recover the faculty of appearing when the surface of the plate is seen under such an angle that foreshortened intervals between the scratches amount severally to the length of one undulation or a multiple of it; for then the waves of light scattered by the reflecting surface will not come entire to the eye, but each will have a part systema- tically suppressed by the non-reflecting space of the groove, so that the remainders being nearly in one phase, concur in making a general impression. This experiment, therefore, literally presents us with the paradox that 6y suppressing half the light, the re- mainder is not suffered to be extinguished by it. The difierent colours appear reflected at different angles, because the obliquity must vary in order to be ac- commodated to their several wave-lengths, and each colour undergoes several repetitions corresponding to breadths representing the successive multiples of a wave-length. Precisely similar in their origin are the coloured rays scattered by fibrous substances when held be- tween the eye and a small point of light. If they be numerous and all of the same diameter, such fibres will suppress symmetrically portions of waves, and suffer the oblique effect to be perceptible. Dr Young most ingeniously applied this principle to construct an Eriometer or measurer of the fineness of fibres. The diffracted light of any order and colour from a distant flame will be seen at an angle with the prin- cipal or white image about four and a half times greater when viewed through the down of the beaver, than in the case of Southdown wool ; being the in- verse proportion of the diameters of the fibres which compose them. Fundamental Law of Interference. — But the cri- tical and characteristic experiment of interference in its simplest shape was published two years later, in the Bakerian Lecture for 1803.^ A small hole being made with a needle point in a piece of paper applied to a window- shutter, and a sunbeam being directed upon it by means of a mirror from with- out, a cone of light is thrown into a darkened room. A slip of card one-thirtieth of an inch wide being held in the sunbeam, its shadow was observed on the opposite wall or on a moveable screen. There were seen fringes of colour exterior to the shadow on each side, such as Newton had described, and on which Mr Brougham and others had made experi- ments. But besides these, the narrower and less conspicuous fringes seen in the interior of the shadow, and first described by Grimaldi, were found by Young to have this remarkable property, that they disap- peared the moment that the light passing either edge of the card was intercepted, whilst the exterior fringe was not at all affected by that circumstance excepting on the side where the light was stopped. Young at once perceived the significance of this ^61.) admirable fact. The existence of light within the ^'^''^'^ shadow at all, was evidently due to the bending of explained, the wave round the opaque edge ; but the alternation of light and dark spaces required the union of the two lights from opposite edges, which, immediately behind the centre of the obstacle, must have de- scribed exactly equal paths, and therefore united in the same phase ; but a little way either to the right or left of the centre the phases were discordant, and complete and effectual annihilation of the light re- sulted. In fact, when the experiment is performed under favourable circumstances, the result of the union of the light is perfect blackness in these places, but if half the light is stopped the dark spaces be- come luminous ! This splendid paradox may also be demonstrated (462.) without any bending round the edges of bodies, and Mixed consequentlv without any inflexion in Newton's sense l^gMs pro- ... 1. Q1IC6 QEirk of the word ; and this simplifies the conditions mate- ^ands. rially. In order to effect this, Fresnel (many years after) produced interference bands by allowing light emitted from a very small luminous point (an image • of the sun formed by a lens of short focus) to fall upon two mirrors touching at the edge, and inclined to one another at an angle very little less than 180°. By the- common principles of reflection there will be a space beyond the mirrors where the light reflected from the respective mirrors overlaps, and except in a single line within that space, the paths of the two rays meeting in any point will be different. When this difference amounts to a whole number of undu- lations, an exalted brightness results ; when the un- dulations arrive in opposite phases or the centres of one set of waves concur with the ends of the other, blackness results. The experiment may even be made with a single mirror which a ray of light just grazes, and after reflection mixes with the direct light 1 Miieell. Works, toI. i. p. 179. O 100 (463.) Length of the waves of coloured light. Number of vibrations in a second. (464.) Opposition to 5foung's MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. piss. VI. which had in the first instance passed clear of the took to crush at once the theory of Young and his mirror.' Here evidently we have the required con- reputation as a philosopher, and this (in singular dition of double illumination with difference of paths, contrast to its avowed principles), not by argument, The same effect is obtained without either Inflexion but by an appeal to the weight of prescriptive autho- or Reflection by refraction through an excessively rity in favour of the Newtonian hypothesis, conclud- flat prism. ing with an admonition to the Royal Society to cling It is an easy matter (comparatively) to assign the to its old standards and old celebrities, and to save lengths of a wave of light, from the intervals of the its Transactions from degenerating into volumes of interference lines, or still better from the elongations miscellanies. This attack, paltry as it was, seriously of the coloured images produced by striated surfaces, prejudiced the reception, or even the dispassionate the intervals of the strise being given, Newton's consideration of Young's views. His anxious vin- measures of the intervals between the lenses pro- dication put forth in a separate pamphlet was unread, ducing coloured rays, gave Dr Young the following and the doctrine of interference was first understood for the number of undulations contained in an inch and relished in France ten years later, producing each colour : Theory of the Rainbow. — It is a matter of interest ^ , _ , o-, nAn in several points of view that the phenomenon of the Extreme Red 37,640 . K. ^^ a j. ■■ e ix. Boundary Red and Orange 40,720 rambow, which gave the first suspicion of the vary- Orange and Yellow. 42,510 ing refrangibility of light, and which, when explamed Yellow and Gfreen 45,600 a,nd reduced to calculation by Newton, so convin- Green and Blue 49,320 . , j ^.t x j.i e x\. j j. • i xt. Blue and Indigo 52,910 cingly proved the truth of thedoctrme of the compo- Indigo and Violet 55,240 site nature of white light, was destined in the hands Extreme Violet 59,750 of Young and of his successors to yield one of the most Now the velocity of b'ght is known, that is, the rate refined evidences of the extensive application of the of propagation of a disturbance in ether ; but the doctrine of interference. The general fact of the ar- duration of an impulse, or rather the interval between rangement of colour in the primary and secondary two successive impulses striking the eye and pro- bows Newton accounted for. But the spurious or ducing the effect of colour, is the time that an impulse supernumerary bows occasionally seen within the takes to travel over the length of a wave. It is easy primary, and far more rarely beyond the secondary, to see how almost infinitely short this must be : 460 consisting of reddish and greenish bands, remained millions of millions of such impressions in a second unexplained. The brilliancy of any given portion of of time go to make up the sensation of redness, 735 the rainbow depends upon the deviation of the sun's millions of millions that of violet light. rays by two refractions and one reflection, approach- It might be supposed that Young's discovery and ing to a limit which it cannot overpass. But except at its application excited the notice and applause of all this precise limit an amount of scattered light will persons interested in optics. This was very far from reach the eye, which, though not reflected under the being the case. Though he brought it several times most favourable circumstances, yet is still sufficiently in succession and in different forms before the Royal intense to be visible. This light must be composed, as Society of London, there is no evidence, so far as I at Young showed, of two portions, entering the eye in present know, of his having then obtained a single ad- the same direction, but which have pursued different herent. Davy was no optician ; Wollaston was too paths within the drop, and which never coincide except cautious to commit himself, though probably giving at the extreme geometrical limit before mentioned, a tacit assent ; Cavendish was aged, and besides had When one of these paths differs from the other by the attended less to this subject than to most others ; Sir length of half a wave of the particular kind of light William Herschel had only lately taken up phy- considered, darkness will result, but a feebler maxi- sical optics, and that with reference to the qualities mum will be again attained when the interval rises of the spectTuin least connected with Young's obser- to a whole wave-length, or to two or more. Hence vations. At the Royal Institution Young vainly at- these consequences follow — -Jirst, that the bright part tempted, in the elaborate course of lectures which he of each colour is limited by its self-destruction to a there delivered for two years (1801-3) on natural narrow band, and thus the purity of prismatic colour philosophy and the arts, to arouse a popular inte- So striking in a well-formed rainbow is preserved ; rest in the unveiling of these mysteries. The ab- secondly, that each colour may attain (by interference) struseness of his discourses scared that mixed audi- a second and a third maximum, corresponding in fact ence, and his colleague Davy, in a letter, incidentally to the position of the spurious bows ; thirdly, that observes that Young would be satisfied if any one these phenomena of perfect definition of the primary would even offer criticisms on his opinions. Criticism and secondary bows, and of repeated maxima in the of a certain kind, however, he soon got in abundance, supernumerary bows, depend essentially on this condi- The Edinburgh Review, in its second number, under- tion, that the drops of falling rain shall approach to 1 This experiment is usually (arid justly) ascribed to an eminent and amiable British philosopher. But it had already been performed by Fresnel with a special object. See Ann. de Ohimie et de Physique, second series, xv. 382. (465.) Theory of the rain- bow incom- plete with- out the doctrine of interfe- rence. Spurious bows. Chap. V., § 1.] OPTICS. — YOUNG. 101 a general equality of size. For the effects of inter- ference depend on the precise diameter of the drop ; if these be very various the resulting positions of maxima and minima will be altogether confused. Dr Young pointed out that to accord with the phe- nomena the falling drops must be about -^ of an inch in diameter, (466.) I have merely indicated the nature of an argu- ,..*"?"^° mentof extreme interest and beauty. Itwould be diffi- menon of cult to Cite (except perhaps m the science of physical the rain- astronomy) a more complete specimen of gradual in- Ik)w as a ^uctive research. Here is a phenomenon — the rain- Theory. ^^^ — ^s familiar as it is beautiful. Even a partial in- sight into its cause confers a certain reputation upon one individual (De Dominis), its farther explication gave Newton one of his most popular triumphs. It is then found that the rainbow is not so simple a fact as was supposed, and that Newton's theory accounts for only its broader features. Then, as in the theory of gravity, a long period of uncertainty ensues ; but observations are continued. A perfect rainbow is found to be one of the rarest of natural phenomena, instead of the commonest. Not above two or three individuals have ever seen, or at least described one. Then comes Dr Young, with his theory of interfe- rence and diffraction. This theory not only accounts for the spurious bows, but for the precise appearance of the principal ones, which, but for it, would have been different from what Newton supposed. Finally, after being canvassed for more than two centuries, the theory of Young is carried out into its rigorous consequences by Mr Airy^ and Professor Stokes^ (who must first invent a new mathematical method for the purpose) and illustrated by the ingenious ex- periments of M. Babinet and Professor Miller ;' until at last we begin to believe that we understand this matter completely. _ (*67.) Exterior Fringes of Shadows. — I have men- fring"s'of *i<"^^^ oi'ly generally Young's application of his shadows ; theory to the coloured fringes observed by Grimaldi and Newton to surround the outline of bodies, as thrown in shadow by a luminous point upon a dis- tant screen. I have done so because Young's ex- planation was imperfect, not to say incorrect. But as it would be inconvenient to discuss the subject here, I shall briefly indicate its history and result. Dr Young expresses himself more obscurely in his paper of 1801 on this point than on any other, indicating three possible explanations. In 1803, however, he distinctly adopts the opinion that the periodical colours in question are due to the interference of direct light passing near the opaque edge with a por- tion of light very obliquely reflected from that edge ; and he enters into calculations to show that such a theory represents sufiiciently well Newton's measures. But it is unaccountable that Young should have been satisfied with the belief that the screens employed should in every case have reflected ah appreciable quantity of light (or indeed any light at all) in the required direction. It might be conceivable in the case of a cylindrical wire or a cylindrical hair ; but how could a film of gold-leaf or a slip of paper re- ceiving the light on its broad side furnish such a de- gree of oblique illumination 1 It is wonderful that Young's intuitive sense did not perceive that the por- tion of a luminiferous wave passing near an opaque edge, is deficient on one side of the interfering wave- lets which are necessary to make the boundary of the shadow definite, and to extinguish the laterally- spreading light. In short, he did not allow to Huy- gens' principle (see art. 455) the full breadth of its application — a discovery made some years later by Fresnel, who has the credit of first explaining these exterior fringes. That great philosopher (the worthy rival of Young (468.) in this career of discovery) found the means of com- ^"^\ e^pla- puting, on strict geometrical principles, the sum total them due of the disturbance produced at any point of a screen to Fresne). by the whole effective portion of a luminiferous wave partially stopped by an obstacle of a given form. The principle of the calculation is simple enough. The origin of the light being distant, the front of the wave is considered as flat when it breaks against the opaque body. Its front is then divided (in thought) into small elementary portions, each of which is con- sidered as the source of a disturbance propagated as from a new origin. The effect of each wavelet is cal- culated in terms of the co-ordinates of its origin, and of the point where its effect is to be considered. The sum of all these simultaneous effects is collected by integration, a process which unfortunately is only rigorously possible in a limited number of cases. Some of these cases were solved with great ingenuity by Fresnel, and compared with observation. The re- sult was extremely satisfactory. Yet it is curious to observe that Young's explanation, if it had had a sufiicient physical basis, leads to nearly similar re- sults. In the case of an indefinite opaque body with a straight edge, the illumination precisely at the boundary of the "geometrical" shadow is, on Fresnel's theory, one-fourth of what it would have been were the body removed. Within this line the light dies away gradually, having no maxima or minima. Without it, a series of dark and light bands occur, which rapidly blend into a uniform illumination. The same theory leads to results as to the position of the interior bands which are also somewhat different from the simpler calculation of Young, and still more conformable to experience. Amongst the most singular of these re- sults is this (which is perfectly confirmed by obser- vation), that the shadow of a small round opaque body (as a spot of tin foil) is illuminated by a speck of diffracted light at its centre precisely as bright as if the disk were removed ! How, aftCT 1 Camb. Trans., vol. vi. (1838.) ' Ibid., vol. Ix. (1850.) ' Ibid., vol. vu. (1842.) 102 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. this, can we talk of light as moving in straight lines only ] (469.) We must now advert to the peculiar and disadvan- Young's tageous manner in which Dr Young laid his farther farther re- researches before the world. The optical papers in the chiefly^^ Philosophical Transactions, ending with 1803, were anony- the last which he published connected with his theory mous. JQ that work, although he continued to be Foreign Se- cretary until his death twenty-five years afterwards, and although during all that time he never ceased to extend and perfect his views on the subject of his predi- lection. The explanation of this paradox is to be found principally in the strictness with which he interpreted the allegiance which he owed to the medical profes- sion. He had determined to be a practical physician ; his early principles of action prevented him from doing anything by halves ; and all experience affirmed, that to gain confidence as a physician in the metropolis he must cultivate sparingly, and as it were by stealth, the studies of abstract science and of philology in which he delighted. Unquestionably he was also disgusted by the absence of one single supporter amongst the members of the great society referred to, — ^by the in- jurious petulanceof the then popular critical journal, — and by the impossibility under which he laboured of communicating orally his knowledge to a general audience in an interesting and acceptable manner. The result of all this was the suppression of many of his opinions, and the publication of others in so con- cealed and uninviting a form that they remained for years nearly buried and unknown to men of science. He contributed a series of articles on sub- His articles jects connected with light to the Quarterly Review ; In the and we may well smile at the abstruse and really ob- ^arterly g^^j-g dissertations on detached points of science — ' often unmercifully loaded with algebra — thus inter- spersed with articles of popular criticism for the enter- tainment of the reading public. From some of these papers we may readily gather the soreness which he felt at the cold reception of his discoveries. Farther and still more important original speculatit)ns were contained in a series of anonymous papers (sixty- three in pumber) on a vast variety of subjects, both in science and philology, contributed to the Encyclo-poe- and Ency- dia Britannioa. It is not in a work such as this that elop(edia y^^ usually look for the /Irst publication of great and rm . jjj.jg^jjg^][ views : the articles being anonymous could only very gradually attract notice by their intrinsic merit ; and the obscurity of some of those vrritten by Young rendered this difficult enough. But it is most fortunate that he was induced thus to write : many of his most original thoughts must have been lost but for these concealed repositories. In the articles in the Quarterly Review, for example, we watch with interest the impression which contemporary discoveries made upon his mind. The spheroidal wave of extraordinary refraction is explained by unequal elasticity of the crystal in different directions ;' the discovery of polar- ization by reflection is received with characteristic can- dour, as giving a temporary blow to the undulatory theory ;2 whilst in a later paper the cause of chromatic polarization is convincingly deduced from the prin- ciple of interferences, and in the space of two lines the peculiar coloured laminaa occurring in Iceland spar, which had been noticed by several experi- menters, are accounted for. ^ From about 1815 the optical discoveries of Young (470.) were so intimately connected with those of his younger '^^^°'7°^ friend and rival Presnel, that it seems best to defer ughi de- our account of them until we consider (in § 3 of this ferred to chapter) the peculiar researches of Fresnel, which § 3- ultimately rendered the phenomena of polarization the most impregnable position of the partizans of the undulatory theory. The first great step was the con- ception of transversevibrations of ether, asconstitutmg polarization. This, as we shall see, was first pub- lished by Young. It is to be regretted that the tardy and imperfect publication of Fresnel's memoirs on the one hand, and the resolution of Young to adhere to an anonymous and indirect mode of announcing his discoveries, on the other, render the history of the subject sometimes obscure. The correspondence between them, first fully published by Dr Peacock, throws some light upon it; but several important letters have not been recovered. I had intended devoting a portion of this section to (471.) Dr Young's important and ingenious researches on the Physiology physiology of vision. But the length to which it has al- °^ '"*""' ' ready extended obliges me reluctantly to omit it. I also refer to the chapter on mechanics (Art. 344, &c.) for some notice of his masterly reasonings on the princi- ples of carpentry and the flexure of elastic substances. They are characterized by directness of purpose and a consummate command of ordinary mathematics, unaccompanied by any pretension to symbolical dis- play ;— it might be added too, by the obscure concise- ness of Dr Young' s habitual style. His researches (pre- ceding and anticipating those of Laplace) on capillary attraction have also been referred to (432), as well as his masterly investigation of the tides (80, 81). Itinterpre- does not belong to this treatise to speak of his disco- '^*^™ "*' very of the interpretation of hieroglyphics in certain pi,icg cases which gave the first real impulse to this obscure but interesting subject. The successes of ChampoUion, Rawlinson, and others, in similar undertakings, must logically be connected with the first great step of de- cyphering the polyglot stone of Rosetta. It may safely be affirmed that no philologer ever before made such a discovery in science as the law of interference, and that no natural philosopher ever made such a step in the interpretation of a lost tongue as the forma- tion (up to a certain point) of an Egyptian alphabet. We cannot close this imperfect sketch of one of (472.) the greatest ornaments of our age and nation, without 1 Quart. Rev,, vol. ii. ^ Ibid., vol. iii. 3 Ibid., vol. xi. Chap. V., § 2.] „OPTICS. — MALUS. 103 Young's adding, that in private life Dr Young was exemplary ; personal endued with warm aifections, philosophic moderation, ' and mgh moral and religious principles. His ofBce as secretary to the Board of Longitude (the only public promotion he received), was attended not only with immense labour in editing the Nautical Al- manac, but with vexatious contentions, which in his, as in so many other cases, tended to diminish his usefulness and even shorten his life. To the petty persecutions with which he was assailed, it was owing that the health which the unbroken study of fifty years had ijot impaired, at length gave way, and he and death, aied yet in the prime of intellect, the 10th May 1829, within a few months of his honoured asso- ciates and friends, Wollaston and Davy. He had been elected two years previously one of the eight foreign associates of the Academy of Sciences of Paris. Dr Young's philosophical character approached in (473.) many important particulars to that of Newton, With Philosophi much of the inventive fire of Davy, and of the rea- j^^, soning sagacity of Wollaston, he combined an amount of acquired learning, and a versatility in its applica- tion, far superior to both. We do not ascribe to him an intuitive insight so rapid and almost divine as that which distinguished the author of the Prinoipia above all other men, nor had Young the same strictly mathematical ability ; but like Newton, whatever he did was practical and sound ; nothing was done for show, nothing omitted through haste. " The power of patient thought" was the lever with which he moved the world. His self-confidence was great but unobtrusive. He attained, as he himself said, all the main objects to which he had looked forward in life, " such fame as he valued, and such acquirements as he might think to deserve it." § 2. Malus. — Discovery of the Polarization of Light by Reflection.^— Early History of Double Refraction and Polarization. (474.) Uafas — the polariza- tion of light. (475.) Early his- tory of double re- fraction — Huygena' law. Etienne Loxtis Malus was born at Paris on the 23d July 1775, and died on the 24th February 1812, after a too brief but brilliant career. His principal discovery, that of the polarization of light by reflec- tion, is so intimately connected, both historically and by the nature of the case, with double refraction, that 1. shall briefly sum up the scanty progress of that singular subject previous to his time. It was known to Bartholin of Copenhagen, about 1669, that Iceland or calcareous-spar has the pro- perty of dividing a ray of light, which falls upon it in almost any direction, into two ; one of which is refracted according to the usual law, but the other in an extraordinary manner, which was first analyzed by Huygens — a problem of great difficulty, in which Newton not only failed, but he also erred in con- tinuing to pronounce Huygens' solution false. The solution was this, that there is one direction in the crystal parallel to which both the rays (called the ordinary and the extraordinary^ move in a similar and uniform manner. In other directions their pro- pagation may be expressed by considering the ordi- nary ray within the crystal to be due to a spherical wave (the centre of which coincides with the point of incidence), whilst the extraordinary ray corre- sponds to a flattened spheroidal wave concentric with the former, and having its axis coincident with a diameter of the sphere, and parallel to the minera- logical axis of the crystal. Both rays, on the Huy- genian hypothesis, move slower than in air, but the extraordinary ray everywhere faster than the ordi- nary ray, excepting only in the axial direction. A perfectly plain though necessarily complex construc- tion was given by Huygens for the purpose of tracing both rays in the course of their refraction, founded on this idea. Newton's opposition to Huygens' law as a state- (476.) ment of fact left it for more than a century under ^° w'^^ . partial doubt. Haiiy is stated to have verified it, or ton ; at least to have shown that it approached nearer to the truth than Newton's ; but Dr Wollaston first re- established it in 1802 by conclusive experiments, which, however, he found it impossible to connect by a law until the previous generalization of Huygens had been pointed out to him, — most probably by Dr Young. It was several years later that Malus directed his (477-) attention to the subject, unaware of what had been ^^. ^^° ^^ accomplished by Wollaston. He had returned in 1801 from the unfortunate French expedition to Egypt, where he was engaged as an officer of en- gineers, and had ruined his health through fatigue and the insalubrity of the climate. He was an ac- complished mathematician, having acted as professor both at the Polytechnic School and that of Metz, and was of course a member of the Institute of Cairo. On his return to France, during the intervals of his military duties, he occupied himself in the composi- tion of an elaborate analytical treatise on optics, which had already occupied his attention in Egypt. This led him to the subject of double refraction, and he verified by numerous experiments the accuracy of Huygens' law. La Place wrote a paper on the mathe- matical law of the velocity of the extraordinary ray, in which he introduced the idea of a repulsive force emanating from the axis of the crystal ; but it may be truly affirmed that the notion of a spheroidal un- dulation so happily introduced by Huygens is the only one which really fits the case ; and by the very impossibility of expressing the facts intelligibly with- out it, gives an undisputed advantage to that theory. A prize having been proposed by the Academy of (478.) 104 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSIC^^ SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. Essay on double re- fraction. (479.) Huygena' discovery of polariza- tion by calc spar. (480.) Malus dis- covers po- larization by reflec- tion. Sciences for the theory of double refraction, Malus wrote a second paper, which was crowned, but which, however admirable as a specimen of mathematical address, added little to what was previously known. Malus had already, in the end of 1808, announced a property of light which, if not absolutely new, was entirely so with reference to the circumstances in which it was produced. The polarization of light was in reality discovered hy Huygens previous to 1 680. He had observed that the two rays into which common light is divided in passing through Iceland spar have a singular diversity of character, which Newton afterwards described as an opposite polarity. Huygens showed that if two rhombs of doubly re- fracting spar are laid symmetrically one upon the other, the " extraordinary" ray yielded by the first is extraordinarily refracted by the second, and the "ordi- nary" ray from the first is ordinarily refracted by the second. But when we revolve the upper rhomb as it lies upon the lower one through a right angle, a remarkable change appears. The extraordinary ray escaping from the first is now ordinarily re- fracted by the second, and vice versa, so that the qualities of the two rays difier but only so far as this, that either may be assimilated to the other by making it (or the crystal from which it derives its properties) revolve round ninety degrees. A definite notion of such a distinction may be formed by imagining a musical string vibrating at one time in a vertical, at another in a horizontal, plane. If we could possibly imagine light to consist of vibrations of this descrip- tion, the two rays of Iceland spar might be conceived the one to vibrate in a plane passing through the axis of the crystal, the other in a plane perpendicular to that. Suchlight might truly be said to have ac- quired the property of having sides. In the language of Newton, it is polarized. The discovery of Malus consisted in showing that light may acquire properties identical with those of either ray yielded by refraction through Iceland spar, by the very simple process of simple reflection at a par- ticular angle from any transparent body. Thus for a surface of water he found this angle to be 52° 45' with the perpendicular, and for glass 54° 35'. The reflected light in either case has exactly the property of the or- dinary ray transmitted by a crystal whose principal sec- tion (that is, a section passing through the axis of the crystal) is parallel to the plane of reflection. Con- sequently this light will be acted on by a doubly re- fracting crystal placed in its way precisely as if it had emerged from a similar crystal; and, on the other hand, if the two rays emerging from a crystal be incident on water or glass as above mentioned, the one will be copiously reflected from the surface, whilst the other will not be reflected at all, but pass entirely into the transparent substance. Farther, as might be expected, light thus polarized by reflection, when it falls on a second similar reflecting surface at the same angle as before, will be copiously reflected if the planes of reflection coincide, but will refuse to be reflected in an appreciable degree when the planes of, reflection are perpendicular. This phenomenon was detected by Malus by casually (481.) observing that a ray from the setting sun reflectedO'=f»sion from a distant window, and viewed through a piece" ^ " of Iceland spar, aiforded but a single image in two positions of the latter. The experiment attracted uni- "versal attention, and became the germ of a series of optical discoveries almost imprecedented for their beauty and variety ; yet most of the experiments may be made quite as well when light is polarized by the method of Huygens as by that of Malus. Neverthe- less the former had remained a sterile fact for 130 years. Upon such trifling circumstances does the progress of knowledge often depend. Malus survived his discovery only four years, and (482.) saw but the borders of that land of promise which he Law of the had pointed out to others. A few results he however ''°*"'™" obtained, which are worthy of notice. Thus he found that in every instance where light is polarized in any plane there is also produced a certain proportional amount of light polarized in the perpendicular plane. Arago afterwards proved the very important fact, that these two portions are universally equal. Huygens had shown in the experiment of the two rhombs, that when their positions are neither symmetrical nor perpendicular, each ray emerging from the first is duplicated by the second. When the principal sec- tions of the rhombs are inclined 45°, the duplicated rays are equally bright ; as they approach parallelism or perpendicularity, one pair of the rays brighten and the other pair is enfeebled. Malus ascertained the law of change of brightness, which is the same for rhombs of spar or for plates of glass whose planes of reflection vary whilst the angle of reflection re- mains constant. In either case the intensity of the light varies as the sqiiare of the cosine, of the angle formed by tlie principal sections of the crystals or the planes of reflection of the plates. This impor- tant law, the best established in photometry, has been applied by Arago to the measurement of light in many instances, but the details were unfortunately not made public before his decease. To Malus is also due the discovery of the polariza- (483.) tion of light by common refraction. When light is in- Ot'^^r^is- cident on glass or water, the refracted beam contains*^"^*"**' precisely as much polarizedlight as the reflected beam, but oppositely polarized. The metals were at first believed by Malus to polarize no appreciable quan- tity of light. He afterwards found that at great in- cidences the reflected light is partly polarized.' He likewise ascertained the fact of the "depolarization" (as it was termed) of light by many crystals, and also by organized substances, such as hair, horn, and whale- ^ See an interesting letter from Malus to Dr Young In Thomson's Anjuils, vol. iii. Chap. V., § 3.] OPTICS. — FRESNEL. 105 bone. He does not appear to have noticed the phe- nomena of colour accompanying such depolarization, though he arrived at it so nearly that Arago,in all pro- bability, anticipated him by presenting a memoir on the subject to the Institute just one week previous to Malus's announcement of what he had observed (19th August 1811). In less than six months later Malus was no more. (484.) The writings and discoveries of Malus present evi- dence of great talent, but of far less fertility of com- Character bination than those of Fresnel, presently to be no- °^ Mains, ticed. He maintained the Newtonian theory of light. His reputation amongst his intimates was extremely high, and it was generally believed, that had he sur- vived, his discoveries would have extended much far- ther. To him was applied Newton's saying on the death of Cotes, — " If Cotes had lived we should have learned something." 3. Fresnel. — The Undulatory Theoi-y of Light continued. — Diffraction. — Transverse Vibra- tions ; Young. — Polarization and Double Refraction explained. — Lighthouse Illumination. (485.) Atjgustin Fresnel was born at Broglie, in France, loth May 1788, of a feeble constitution, and he con- tinued throughout his too short life a prey to attacks of bad health. As a boy, his slow apprehension and uncertain memory gave no indication of the maturity of his judgment. He entered first the Polytechnic School, then that of Fonts et Chaussees. His fidelity to the Bourbon cause occasioned his being harshly treated by Napoleon, and he retired to Normandy in the beginning of 1815, to pursue the scientific studies which he had always loved, n-ff ^^"2 Diffraction. — The theory of light in particular at- of light, tracted his attention, and he had a steady belief that the Newtonian doctrine was erroneous, though in ignorance, as it appears, of the undulatory doctrines of Hooke, Huygens, and Young. The phenomena of diflfraction, or the coloured fringes which are seen in the interior of the shadows of opake bodies when illuminated by a minute source of light, attracted his attention as most proper for deciding the deli- cate question of the molecular or undulatory cha- Presnel's racter of light. The results of his experiments were detailed in a memoir confided in the first place to his friend Arago, and by him communicated to the Institute of France (October 1815). This remark- able paper contained much which Dr Young had al- ready discovered, and the explanations of the experi- ments which it described, both new and old, by the theory of undulations, were common to both. Dr Young having anticipated the publication by at least a dozen years, there could be no question of pri- ority ; but it is equally certain that Fresnel was un- aware of what Young had done until it was pointed out to him by Arago. His memoir, which was pub- lished in great part in the Annates de Chimie for 1816, contains much which is interesting. The mode of observing the difii:action bands directly by means of a lens, without the intervention of a screen, was equally new and important. The observation that the interior fringes of the shadow of a narrow body, such as a wire, disappear when the light is intercepted on either side of the wire, leading to the conclusion that the union of the light from both sides is neces- first me- moir. sary for their occurrence, was (as we have seen) one of Young's capital experiments. The explana- tion of Newton's rings, by the interference of the light reflected from two adjacent surfaces, though partly anticipated by Hooke, was equally important. Nu- merous measures of the distances of the exterior diflfraction bands from the geometrical shadow, as formed by homogeneous red light, are then given and compared with theory. Here Fresnel was on original ground. These accurate numerical comparisons, af- terwards pursued to a greater extent, constituted one of the most important bases of the new theory. In obtaining them he was materially aided by Arago, who, though considerably his senior, generously as- sisted him in every respect, and gave him the full ad- vantage of his station as a member of the Institute, and of his experience. Fresnel's first memoir on difiraction justly excited (487.) so much notice that the subject was proposed by the Second Academy of Sciences in 1817 for one of their prizes, p^o^gg The new essay which Fresnel then wrote was, as pro- upon bably had been anticipated, the successful one. In Young's this memoir he made an important step, by showing ^°''^' that the exterior fringes in diEraction shadows do not depend (as Young had supposed) upon the interfer- ence of the direct light with that reflected at a great obliquity from the edge of the difiracting body, but from the interference of the difierent elementary un- dulations which proceed from the disturbed surface forming the front of the grand wave. Decomposing the front of the wave into small portions after the manner of Huygens, he computed the disturbance produced by the integral efiect of the whole at a given point of the screen where the picture of the shadow fell and was submitted to examination, and he fouud that such integral efiects have a periodic character, presenting points of maximum and minimum distur- bance, or of greatest and least illumination as we re- cede from the geometrical shadow. These distances being measured in homogeneous red light were found to agTee with the results of an arduous computation, requiring, as will easily be seen, an intimate acquain- tance with the integral calculus and much skill in me* Im- 106 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. using it. Such Fresnel possessed, though he always refers with great modesty to his limited facility of em- ploying the higher mathematics. (488.) Transverse Vibrations — Young and Fresnel. — Transverse Considerable obscurity hangs over the first publi- vibratious cation of this important discovery. A clear and and Fref- impartial abstract of the facts will be found in nel. the second volume of Dr Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences, and some further documentary evidence, including interesting letters which passed between Young and Fresnel, have more recently been published in the Life and Works of the for- mer, edited by Dr Peacock. The difficulty of appor- tioning the credit between Young and Fresnel partly arises from the unfortunate system of imperfect pub- lication, or non-publication, adopted on professional grounds by the former, and partly from the grievous delays imposed upon the latter by the opposition with which his opinions and experiments were received at the French Academy of Sciences. This continued to the very close of Fresnel' s career. His greatest work was not published in the Memoirs of the Institute until six years after date ; another was mislaid for above twenty years, and even the hardy friendship of Arago sometimes almost recoiled before the storm of opposition which the novelties of his associate were sure to excite in the minds of the dominant mathe- matical section. It is quite impossible to say pre- cisely at what period Young first imagined that the differences of oppositely polarized rays of light might be explained by perpendicularity in the directions of vibration of the ethereal molecules, which he compared to the vibrations of a cord in which the elementary movements are at right angles to the direction of wave- propagation. It seems evident that Young was not possessed of this idea in 1 8 1 4, when he partly explained depolarization in a few pages of an article in the Quarterly Review. It is equally certain that he an- nounced it to Arago (with whom he became person- ally acquainted in 1816) in January, 1817; and that he then speaks of it as an idea which apparently had recently occurred to him, most probably since their interview.^ Arago and Fresnel had already, in 1816, made experiments demonstrating that rays oppositely polarized do not produce dark hands hy their inter- ference, a memorable discovery, requiring very great nicety for its satisfactory proof, which, however, was completely attained. It was this observa- tion which (naturally) gave Fresnel the first idea of transverse vibrations, and it is much more than probable that Young worked out a similar solution of the great problem, in consequence of the account of these experiments which he received from Arago in the summer of 1816.^ Be this as it may. Young and Fresnel unquestionably imagined the theory se- parately, but Young first announced it, Fresnel being discouraged by the doubts of Arago, and by his awe of the Institute. As clearly, the experiment of non-interference was the first which gave a colour to so bold an assumption, and in the details of its ap- plication to double refraction Fresnel had the undi- vided merit. What is not least worthy of notice in the affair, is that neither of the amiable rivals (Young ! and Fresnel) ever published a word in disparagement of the other, nor a single unfriendly reclamation of priority. The doctrine of transverse vibrations being allowed, (489.) its applications and severest tests were twofold, 1st, ^PP^"^ *" To the phenomena of ordinary reflection and refrac- „£ \\gTBt_ tion including the polarization produced by these ope- rations; and 2dly,to double refraction and the univer- sally concomitant polarization. In these bold specu- lations and laborious inductions, Fresnel was nearly alone. Young did not appear as a competitor ; even his friend Arago, though sympathizing with and proud of his success, was not associated with him. Laws of Reflection and Refraction. — With re- (490.) gard to the reflection and refraction of light, its in- ™^° tensity has to be defined, and also its condition as to and refrac- polarization. The fundamental laws of the direction tion— of the rays are not affected by this theory. Eigorous ^"^^^nel. mathematicians who then doubted the possibility of transverse vibrations having more than a transi- tory existence, if they existed at all, could not be ex- pected to supply the theory of their reflection and re- fraction at the bounding surfaces of different media. Fresnel, however, guided by probable mechanical analogies, with an intuitive insight worthy of Newton himself, gave a formula for the intensity of reflected transverse vibrations, both when the plane of vibration of the molecules is in the plane of reflection, and when it is perpendicular to it; and he conceived common light to act as if equally composed of both sets of vibrations. His formula embrace the non-reflection of polarized light at the critical angle, under the circumstances explained in the last section. It is a most remarkable fact that these inferences by Fresnel as to the numerical relations of the intensity of there- fleeted to the incident light through all angles of inci- dence, anticipated almost every trustworthy photo- metrical measure; and from their singular though indirect accordance with many phenomena, they have been generally accepted as an expression of a natural law of great complexity, even by those who were not favourable to the theoretical views on which they are based. The modifications of the state of polarization of ^*^^^ light which takes place by reflection, was equally 1 " I have also been reflecting on the possibility of giving an imperfect explanation of the affection of light which constitutes polarization, without departing from the genuine doctrine of undulation." He then refers to " a transverse vibration propagated in the direction of the radius, the motion of the particles being in a certain constant direction with respect to that radius ; and this," he adds, " is a, polarization.'" — Young's Miscell. Works, vol. i., p. 383. 2 Peacock's Life of Young, p. 390. Chap, v., § 3.] OPTICS. — FRESNEL. 107 Circular embraced in Fresnel's theory, and equally (though poiariza- unknowingly) confirmed by Sir D. Brewster's labo- ■ rious observations. But on one point Fresnel him- self obtained a signal triumph. Having deduced ex- pressions for the intensity of refracted light, on push- ing them to the limit where refraction out of a denser into a rarer medium becomes impracticable because the light undergoes total internal reflection, the for- mulae became affected by the multiplier ^^TT, and were unsusceptible of arithmetical evaluation. In endeavouring to attach a meaning to these expres- sions, it occurred to him that as the intensity of the totally reflected ray undergoes no change with the angle of incidence, the expression in question might in some way determine the alteration of the phase of the wave (the position and direction of motion of the molecules under consideration) which took place at the instant of reflection. Now, admitting this as likely, it appeared that the phase would vary not only with the angle of internal reflection, but with the plane of pblarization of the ray. It had previously been shown by Arago and by himself, that when two oppo- sitely polarized rays meet or interfere, though there is then no destruction of the light, there is usually a remarkable change in its character. There is one position of the interfering wave relative to the primary one in which the combination produces light polarized in a plane exactly intermediate between the planes of previous polarization. If either ray be now accelerated by half a wave-length on the other, the new plane of polarization becomes perpendicular to the former ; but if the shift of either of the primary rays amounts to only one quarter of a wave-length, the motion of the molecules takes place in a circle, and the undulation has a helical form. Now, Fresnel tested his hypothesis concerning totally reflected light by calculating the circumstances of incidence which should produce an effect equivalent to this ; and the result completely verified his bold conjecture. The apparatus employed is called FresneVs Rhomb, which transforms plane-polarized light into light equally reflexible in all azimuths, yet not common light, be- cause it possesses properties which common light does not (such as displaying the rings in crystals) ; this is termed circularly polarized light. (492.) Theory of Double Refraction. — The difficulty of Double re- accounting for double refraction did not consist in showing how a spheroidal wave might be pro- pagated. Young had already shown, in 1809, that it would result from supposing a lamellar arrange- ment of the crystalline molecules so that the ether was differently elastic in a direction parallel to the axis than in a plane or planes perpendicular to that line.^ Huygens had shown something similar in accounting for terrestrial atmospheric refraction. The difficulty was, to account for two waves travel- fraction ex- plained. ling at the same tinie through the same portion of matter with unequal velocities. The moment that the idea of molecular movement transverse to the line of propagation was admitted, it was easy to see that no contradiction was involved in the idea. Two waves might simultaneously travel in the same direc- tion, and through the same medium, provided the molecular displacements were in different planes. So happy a solution could hardly fail to strike such minds as those of Young and Fresnel with the impress of conviction. A closer analysis confirmed the proba- bility. Iceland spar (or rather the ether imprisoned within it) is conceived of as a medium of uniform elas- ticity in all planes perpendicular to the axis, but of a different and greater elasticityin any direction parallel to the axis. It is shown to result from this, that in the direction of the axis alone is the motion of light independent of the plane of the vibrations of which it is composed, and consequently no separation of rays occurs. When a ray moves parallel to what may hj an analogy be called the equatoreal plane of the crystal, its undulation will, generally speaking, be resolved into two whose vibrations are parallel and perpendicular to that plane, and which travel with different velocities though in the same direction. If the ray take any other direction through the crystal, both the direction and velocity of the divided rays differ. The form of the extraordinary wave is exactly the spheroid of Huygens. But what are we to conclude concerning those crys- (493.) tals (of the discovery of which we shall speak in § 5)'^'^^'"'y "^ presenting two axes of double refraction ? Fresnel at*''^^!*!' once assumed that the elasticities must in that case axes, vary in three rectangular directions, and he proceeded to calculate the manner of propagation of a wave through a medium thus constituted. I had proposed to attempt some explanation of the steps of his most ingenious and profound argument, but I find it incom- patible with the space at my disposal, and at any rate hardly to be apprehended without the use of symbols or figures. For these reasons I shall merely state the results. When the medium presents un- equal elasticities in three rectangular directions, the surface of the wave consists of two sheets each tra- velling with its peculiar velocity. But neither of these being spherical, the result cannot be expressed by the ordinary law of refraction. In two directions within the crystal, the wave surfaces coincide, or the two rays coalesce. These directions are evidentlv the optic axes, and the wave surface in their neigh- bourhood has very interesting geometrical and physical properties which have been elucidated by British philosophers, as wUl be noticed in another section. The true optical axes cannot exceed two, and when two of the three elasticities become equal, they merge into one. This is the ' Voung's reasoning {Qaarttrly Review 1809, and Worhi, vol. i. p. 228) is based on an experiment by Chladni on the differing velocity with which sound is propagated in wood, depending on the direction of the fibres. 108 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (494.) confirmed by experi- ment. (495.) Reception of Fresnel's theory ; in Prance, in Eng- land. case in Iceland spar and similar crystals. At the same time tKe wave surface degenerates into the united sphere and spheroid. The equation to the wave surface was deduced by Fresnel in an in- direct and somewhat tentative manner. It was demonstrated by Ampere directly, but inelegantly. M. Cauchy, Mr Archibald Smith, and Professors Sir W. R. Hamilton and MaccuUagh gave more complete and elegant solutions. Fresnel submitted his theory (as usual) to experi- ment. He found that in topaz, which is a biaxial crystal, neither ray follows the law of common re- fraction. The plane of polarization (which is always perpendicular in the two rays) follows very nearly indeed, by theory, the law which M. Biot had as- signed by experiment. Fresnel thus stated the ground of his conviction of the truth of his theory, and it would be difficult to express more appropri- ately the characteristics of a just hypothesis : — " The theory which we have adopted, and the simple construction which we have deduced from it, present this remarkable character, that all the unknown quantities are at once determined by the solution of the problem ; — the velocity of the ordinary and ex- traordinary rays, and their respective planes of polar- ization. Physicists who have studied with attention the laws of nature, will admit that this simplicity and these intimate relations between different parts of the same phenomenon present a great probability in favour of the theory by which they are established." The memoir on double refraction was received with much incredulity and partial applause. It was not to be supposed that a theory in opposition to that imagined by Newton, and received with almost general assent for more than a century and a half, would not meet with many opponents ; but in the case of double refraction and polarization it was also essentially coupled with the idea of transverse vibra- tions, whose exact mechanism was admitted on all hands to be extremely obscure. Laplace, now more than seventy years of age, opposed the new opinion to the last. His reason for doing so was eminently characteristic of the great geometer — " it was one to which analysis could not be applied without much difficulty;" to which Fresnel replied, " that it was still harder to believe that the laws of nature were arrested by such obstacles." Poisson, as might have been expected, was equally opposed to the undula- tory doctrine, for he was still less of a physicist than Laplace. His standing argument against it was its inability to explain dispersion. M. Biot, also a keen supporter of Laplace, was still more strongly com- promised to the theory of emission. The inertia of such authorities at the Institute retarded of course the growth of Fresnel's reputation at home, notwith- standing the great weight of his friend Arago's opi- nion. It was in fact in England that the merits of Fresnel were first most generally and liberally ac- knowledged; as, singularly enough, Young had re- ceived almost the first expression of sympathy in his optical discoveries from France. In 1825 Fresnel received the distinguished honour of being elected a foreign member of the Boyal Society of London, only two years subsequent to his election into the Insti- tute, and whilst his greatest paper was as yet known only by an abstract. In 1827 he received the Eum- ford medal from the same body. This recognition of his merits was due, as we learn on the authority of Dr Young (who was then Foreign Secretary of the Royal Society) to the influence of Sir John Herschel, at that time and afterwards a zealous supporter of the undulatory theory of light, and by whom it be- came first generally known in England through the medium of his admirable Essay on Light. Dr Young, though present, was silent ; " from being," as he himself tells us, " too much interested in the subject " on account of his personal share in the matter. In announcing this distinction officially to Fresnel (then in the last stage of consumption). Young characteristically observed, " I too should claim some right to participate in the compliment which is tacitly paid to myself in common with you by this adjudication ; but considering that more than a quarter of a century is past since my prin- cipal experiments were made, I can only feel it a sort of anticipation of posthumous fame which I have never particularly coveted."^ I have stated in the opening of the section that (496.) Fresnel, who was attached to the Bourbon cause, had I'resnei'a retired to Normandy near the close of Napoleon's jfgj,j"j,°jg career. On the re-establishment of the monarchy in iHumina- 1815 he was recalled from his retreat and appointed t'O"- to an office in the departments connected with his pro- fession as an engineer ; but in 1817 he was brought to Paris with the express view of giving him more facility in his researches. In 1819 he was placed on the Commission for the Management of the Lighthouses of France (of which he afterwards be- came Secretary), and he entered with ardour on the application of his favourite science of optics to the duties of his profession and the benefit of man- kind. The use of lenses in place of reflectors for prevent- (*97.) ing the indefinite dispersion of the light employed, and the efiectual concentration of it in the direction where it will be most useful, was not altogether new. The construction of immense lenses of glass of no great thickness, formed by grinding out a series of concentric refracting surfaces having a common focus, had also been proposed by Buftbn, and the idea of constructing these rings or Sahdlons separately and then uniting them had been suggested by Condorcet in his Moge of Buffbn, as well as at a later period 2 Peacock's Life of Young, p. 401. Chap. V., § 4.] OPTICS. — ARAGO. 109 by Sir D. Brewster. These proposals were all alike unknown to Fresnel, who had the grand merit, in a case of this kind, first, of carrying his happy idea into effectual execution, and secondly, of giving it a wonderful extension by the invention of a multitude of other forms of refracting and totally reflecting apparatus, till then unimagined as well as unexe- cuted. ^ In 1823 the lighthouse of Corduan, at the mouth of the Garonne, was furnished with the new lenticular system, which was very skilfully executed by Soleil of Paris. The illumination was provided by means of a beautiful and powerful lamp with se- veral concentric wicks, the joint invention of Fresnel and Arago, which gave twenty-five times the light of the best Argand then in u^e. The system was found to work so well that it was speedily extended in France, then to Holland, and in the third place to Scotland, principally through the energy of the late Robert Stevenson and the present Mr Alan Steven- son, his son, to the latter of whom we owe the best and most compendious treatise on the subject of lighthouses,^ as well as the noblest exemplification of it in the Skerryvore Lighthouse, erected by him in 1843. The same small work contains the details of Fresnel's admirably ingenious applications of the principle of refraction to the distribution of light under almost every circumstance, which were not, however, published by their inventor. (498.) In 1824, consequent upon his exertions as exa- His prema- j^^^^j. a,t the Polytechnic School, Fresnel had the ■ first seizure of the malady which brought him to the grave at the premature age of 39, on the 14th July 1827. Eight days previously to his death he had received at the hands of Arago the Rumford medal before referred to, which his distinguished friend Malus had obtained under like melancholy circum- stances 16 years before. From what has been stated it will appear that C*^^-) Fresnel eminently possessed the qualities requisite ^^ p^^^^^ for original investigation. So finely balanced a com- bination of mathematical skill and attainment with profound inductive sagacity has rarely been wit- nessed. Had Young not happened to precede him there can be no question but that he would have made the undulatory theory entirely his own. Fresnel was superior to Young in the talent for devising and executing critical experiments, in which indeed he showed a degree of skill equally rare and admirable. It is hoped that his surviving brother, M. Leonor Fres- nel, who is well qualified for the task, will collect his scattered papers and edit them, with a suitable bio- graphy. The Sloge of Fresnel, written bythe man most competent to render him justice — Arago — remained more than twenty years among the unedited papers of that philosopher, and has only appeared since his death in 1853. The cause of this suppression was one of those partly political and partly personal dis- putes which seem almost inseparable from the pro- ceedings of the Institute. The Sloge was announced to be read just two days before the Revolution of 1830 burst forth ; Arago could not persuade him- self at such a moment to discuss the merits of the Theory of Double Refraction without committing himself also on the politics of the day. Disputes arose, friendships cooled, and the unlucky work was re- turned to the author's desk. Hence no biography of Fresnel appears in the publications of the Institute, but his reputation will be treasured in France and elsewhere, when the more conspicuous laurels of many of his compeers are withered and half-forgotten. § 4. Arago. ^ — Short Account of Ms Scientific Career — He discovers the Colours of Polarized Light — Laws and Theory of Depolarization ; M. Biot ; Young ; Fresnel. — Non-interference of oppositely Polarized Rays — Rotatory Action of Quartz. — M. Foucault's Experiment on the Velocity of Light. (500.) Arago : — (501.) his early Ufe; Dominique Feanjois Jean Akago, one of the most generally known of the philosophers of the half cen- tury just elapsed, though the author of a large num- ber of miscellaneous writings which since his death have been edited in a collected form, has not left an amount of positive contribution to any one of the sciences at all in proportion to the reputation for ability which he very justly enjoyed. He was born at Estagel near Perpignan, on the 26th February 178P, and the ardent temperament of a native of the south was one of his chief character- istics. From a fragment of his early history which he left behind him, it appears that he educated him- self almost without assistance, and that when he was admitted to the Polytechnic School in 1803 (con- sequently at the age of 17), he was intimately acquainted with the chief writings of Lagrange, had studied the MSoanique CMeste, and had conse- quently in his possession far more mathematical knowledge than would have been required of him on leaving that celebrated institution. From the Poly- technic School he passed into the position of Secre- 1 One of Fresnel's lenses was used in 1821 for the geodetic operations connecting France and England, and the light was ob- served at a distance of fifteen marine leagues one hour after sunset. 2 Eudimentary Treatise on J/ighthouses, by Alan Stevenson. Weale, 1850. See also the Account of the Skerryvore Lighthouie, with numerous plates, in 4to, 1848. 2 I may perhaps be thought to give Arago too prominent a place in the history of Optics. If so, it has arisen in part from 110 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. tary to the Paris Observatory. He pursued with M. Biot experiments on the refraction of the gases, and in 1806 the two young philosophers were despatched to the south of France and to Spain to continue the triangulation interrupted by the death of Mechain.^ Geodetical The next three years were spent by Arago in a series obserya- pf voluntary and involuntary journeys, perils by land ^"""^ ' and sea, from robbers, and from the Spanish govern- ment and populace, such as have been rarely equalled, — perhaps neverin the pursuit of science. The decla- ration of war against France rendered his stay either in Valentia or in the Balearic Isles impossible, and he was conveyed in disguise from Majorca to Algiers, whence he twice essayed to reach Marseilles, but was once driven back to Africa by a storm, once made prisoner by a Spanish corsair. After great suffering, he at length reached France in July 1809, carrying with him the precious record of his geodeti- cal operations. From this time his promotion was assured, and his life became tranquil and inactive, al- though the deep attachment which he formed with Baron Humboldt immediately on his return to France would probably have induced him to accompany that enterprising traveller to Central Asia, had that jour- ney ever been accomplished. At the early age of 23 Arago attained the position of Member of the Insti- tute, and was again attached to the Paris Observa- tory, of which at a later period he became director. He took a very active share in the proceedings of the Academy of Sciences, and became one of its secre- taries in 1830. (502.) From the period of his election to the Institute, Arago'8 Arago's career was destitute of stirring incidents, but career "^°* was, from first to last, devoted chiefly to science. It is ' certain, however, that he was deficient in that power of continuous application, to which alone great dis- coveries are commonly due. Full of ingenious, origi- nal, and even profound conceptions, he shunned the labour of realizing them. His appointment to the charge of the Observatory of Paris was perhaps unfor- tunate. Well versed in the theory of astronomy, the minute drudgery of observation and the control of numerous assistants, was altogether uncongenial to him. It was a duty imperfectly fulfilled, to say the least, for 40 years : and it is needless to add how much the consciousness of habitual neglect of a duty deadens the faculty of useful application to anything else. /g03 ■) If the science of astronomy then owes little to Arago, beyond the part which he took in geodetical observation, what are we to consider his chief claims His optical to a place in this history ? I have no hesitation in la*>oui'8 of saying that they are to be found m connection with j^^j" ^g^J^™^ the discoveries and labours of his attached friends, Malus and Fresnel, and therefore we group them to- gether in this chapter. Arago not only himself made some important optical discoveries in 1811 and the following years, but he was instrumental, as we have seen, in a very important degree, in calling forth the genius of Fresnel, and in obtaining a public recogni- tion of the labours of Young ; a service not the less worthy of note because of its eminently disinterested character. The undulatory theory of light, one of the greatest triumphs, if not the greatest, of our age, stands where it does in no slight degree through the instrumentality of Arago. One of his most considerable discoveries was that (504.) of the colours which crystallized bodies develop in Colours of white light polarized before incidence on the crystal, ^J^^^^^^^ and afterwards transmitted through a rhomb of calc- polarized spar. These colours, by their order, the singular man- light, ner of their occurrence and disappearance, and in cer- tain cases by their extraordinary and beautiful forms, offered a problem at once the most attractive, the most definitely marked, and the most seemingly in- explicable which had been met with in optics for much more than a century. They exemplified a new mode of analyzing light, evidently connected with the mole- cular forces concerned in crystallization; and for their display it was necessary that light should be in that peculiar and yet mysterious state called polarized. The substances he employed were principally sele- (505.) nite, rock-crystal, and mica. When plates of the^l'^'o™™* first and last of these minerals, formed by their natu- j^ation. ral cleavage, are placed in a beam of polarized light, and the light transmitted by them is then analyzed, by being passed through a doubly-refracting prism or thrown on a screen after reflection at the critical angle from glass, splendid colours are the result. These coloursvarywith the thickness of the plate, with its in- clination to theincidentlight, and, whatis most remark- able, they vary in intensity by merely turning the plate ofselenite round in its own plane. When only this last motion is made, there are two positions of the plate where no colour results, the light passing through un- changed; and these positions are at right angles to one another. At all intermediate angles colours appear, the light is said to be depolarized, and this depolarization is most complete when the plate is moved 45" from the difficulties inseparable from the biographical system which I have adopted. My intention was to have thrown together the labours of Malus, Fresnel, and Arago into one section. But having written the different portions separately, there seemed so much precision and facility of explanation to be derived from treating of them, consecutively, that I sacrificed, in some degree, the biographical principle to that of systematic classification ; placing under the name of Malus what referred to the empirical laws of double refraction; under thai, of Fremel the doctrine of transverse vibration (though mainly due to Young); and under Arago the discoveries of Young, Fresnel, Biot, and others, relative to the great subject of chromatic polarization, to which ho gave the first impulse. The establishment of the undulatory theory, principally due to Young, Fresnel, and Arago, I have con- sidered as deserving of a more detailed and systematic treatment than almost any other of the numerous discoveries of which I have to speak in this Dissertation. I may add, that the biography of Arago not appearing in its alphabetical place in the En- cyclopaedia, M. Arago being still alive at the date of the publication of that part of the work, it has been incumbent upon me to enter into more details than I should otherwise have done. I See Chapter III., Art. (166) of this Dissertation. Chap. V., § 4.] OPTICS. — AEAGO. Ill (506.) Observa- tion of Malus, Arago, Sir D. Brew- ster, and M. Biot, attributed to inter- ference by Young. Case of rays oppo- sitely po- larized — Arago and Fresnel. (507.) Depolari- zation ex- plained on the undu- latory theory. the positions in which the light passed through un- changed. The theory of this simple yet admirable experi- ment is one of the happiest examples of Fresnel's mechanical explanation of double refraction. But it was not attained by a single step, nor effected by a single hand. Malus had observed the fact of depolarization, and the existence of perpendicular neutral axes in the crystalline plate. Arago added to this the knowledge of the phenomena of colour, which Sir David Brewster also observed indepen- dently somewhat later. He also invented a par- ticular theory to explain them by what he termed moveable 'polarization. But it was not a success- ful effort. M. Biot assiduously studied the empi- rical laws of these periodic colours, and traced their dependence on the thickness of the interposed plate, according to a law similar to that of Newton's rings. Young made an important step farther. He attributed the colour to the interference of the ordi- nary and extraordinary rays into which the incident light was divided on entering the crystalline plate ; and he showed by accurate calculation that the retar- dation of the slower-moving of the two rays during their passage through the plate, did in fact produce the difference of phase necessary for developing the tints observed by their reunion on leaving the plate, according to the usual laws of interference ; and he showed that this theory coincided with M. Biot's rules.^ But even this was not enough to explain the facts. It was not clear why the colours due to doubly- refracting plates should not be seen without reaching the eye through an analyzer, or calc-spar prism. To Arago and Fresnel jointly we owe the important reply to this difficulty, which in fact forced upon the latter the idea of transversal vibrations. Their joint experiments (mentioned in the last section, art. 488), had shown that oppositely polarized rays cannot in- terfere unless they have, first, a common origin and a common plane of polarization ; and, secondly, unless they be reduced to a common plane of polarization (that is, analyzed) before falling on the eye or the screen : so that the theory of the colours of crystal- lized plates is, briefly, as follows : — Polarized light is represented by transverse vibra- tions of ether, the particles moving all in one plane. The crystallized plate has, we will suppose (in order to take the simplest case) one axis of double refrac- tion, and the direction of that axis is in the plane of the lamina. When the vibrations of the light falling on the crystallized plate are either wholly parallel or wholly perpendicular to this axis, the light is trans- mitted without alteration, either as an extraordinary or as an ordinary ray, and it is then reflected or not by the analyser, as would have been the case had it not been transmitted at all through the crystal of selenite. But if the axis of the crystal be inclined, suppose 45°, to the plane of vibration of the incident polarized ray, the vibration is mechanically resolved into two, which are oppositely polarized. After tra- versing the thickness of the crystallized plate with the different velocities due to the motion of the ordi- nary and extraordinary rays, they are reunited at emergence, hut in altered relative phases, so that by their union they form a beam no longer polarized (unless by an exception) in the same plane as at first, nor indeed plane-polarized at all, but most likely per- forming elliptical or circular vibrations, which, again, falling on the analyzer, are reflected or transmitted, or partly both, in a manner quite different fi-om what would have happened to the light unchanged by crys- talline transmission. White light becomes coloured because the state of polarization of the emergent ray depends on the differ- ence of length of path for the two rays which under- went crystalline separation within the plate, and also on the length of a wave of light (for this determines the phase of polarization at emergence). But the wave of light varies in length for each colour, consequently every colour has its maximum under different circum- stances, and if the incident light be white, the light falling after reflection on a screen will present mixed tints similar to those of Newton's rings. This extraordinary property of a crystallized plate (which, in common light, appears equally transparent and homogeneous in every direction), of modifying light, or dyeing it with the most gorgeous colours, when the plate is merely turned in its own plane, is one of the nicest tests of the polarization of the light, and has been used to detect the analogous polariza- tion of radiant heat, and the concomitant phenome- non of double refraction, which, except in the case of the heat accompanying the solar rays, has not yet been independently recognized.^ Arago applied his discovery to the construc- tion of a polariscope, for estimating the feeblest amount of polarization ; and he used this instru- ment for some very interesting experiments on the polarization of the light of the sky (which is sun- light polarized by reflection from the atmosphere), and on that of different incandescent and reflecting surfaces. He also found that the moon and the tails of comets send light to the eye which is slightly polarized, thus betraying its borrowed origin. But that of the sun, being absolutely neutral, is only comparable (according to Arago) to the light arising from incandescent vapours, thus distinguishing the sun from a solid or liquid globe. We cannot do more than allude to Arago's other optical papers and experiments. He was, probably, the only Frenchman of his time who was well ac- quainted with Young's discoveries. The explana- (508.) Cause of the colour. (509.) Similar pheno- menon in radiant heat. (510.) Arago's po- lariscope. (511,) Experi- ments on Newton"s rings and ^ Quarterly Review, vol. xi. ; if'scell. Works, vol. i,, p. 266. 2 See Researches on Heat by the present writer. Edinburgh Transactions, vols, xiii, and xiv. 112 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. on the ro- tion by the doctrine of interference of the colours tatory ac- of Newton's rings received an important confir- ''uartz mation from an experiment of Arago's, which proved them to arise from the mixture of the pencils of light reflected at the two neighbouring sur- faces. He pressed a lens of glass against a plate of metal, in which case the central spot is white or black when light polarized perpendicularly to the plane of incidence is reflected at an angle greater or less than the polarizing angle for glass ; and the rings vanish altogether at the polarizing angle ; — results ■which have been found conformable to the undulatory theory.^ He also discovered the peculiarity of the rays transmitted along the axis of a crystal of quartz. These depolarize light, or produce colours similar to those of crystallized plates, varying according to a well-marked law with the thickness of the plate. The most singular fact is, that by turning round the analyzing plate, no position of neutrality is found, but a series of colours similar to those of Newton's scale succeed one another. Arago showed that this effect is due to a rotatory motion of the plane of polar- ization within the crystal. The rotation is greater for the violet than the red ray ; this was shown by M. Biot, who also discovered that in some specimens the rotation takes place from right to left, in others from left to right — a peculiarity connected with cer- tain crystallographic modifications, as was first shown by Sir John Herschel. ('512.') MM. Seebeck and Biot discovered an analogous Rotation of property in oil of turpentine, and in various saccharine the plane fluids^ an observation which, in many cases, allows the tion°in"^^' Substitution of an instantaneous optical, for an operose fluids. chemical test. Fresnel has shown that the phenomena of quartz may be represented on the supposition that the rays traversing the axis consist of two rays circu- larly polarized in opposite directions, and travelling with different velocities ; and Mr Airy succeeded in calculating, by the aid of this fundamental hypothesis,^ a number of most beautiful and complicated pheno- mena, such, for example, as those which occur when plates of right and left handed quartz are superposed. MaccuUagh has shown how the ge- neration of elliptical or circular vibrations may be deduced from the general equations of motion, but he has not invented a mechanical theory to explain them. This is a point of the very highest interest, inasmuch as Dr Faraday has succeeded, for the first time, in inducing artificially in a substance the power of rotating the plane of polarization by the presen- tation of it to the poles of a most powerful magnet.^ (513 ) Arago's experiments on the non-interference of Retarda- vays of light oppositely polarized, being undertaken tionoflightjji conjunction with Fresnel, have been already re- ferred to, arts. 488 and 506 ; but to Arago alone is in denss due the ingenious idea of interposing a thin slip of ™ediB mica or blown glass in the path of one of the inter- ^'"Jg,,, ^ fering pencils, and observing the displacement of the interference-bands, which is always towards the side of the interposed slip, showing that the movement" of the wave has been slower within the denser me- dium. Arago continued to attach great importance to the (514.) obtaining of a still more direct proof of this fact, which Experi- he considered as a crucial one between the rival hypo- ™^"* *° ^^^ theses of Newton and Huygens. In his last years he ty^j^^^po". had the satisfaction of witnessing the accomplishment cault. of it, with the result he anticipated, and by a method which he had himself indicated. In 1838, he had al- ready indicated the application of Mr Wheatstone's beautiful invention of the revolving mirror,* as a means of measuring intervals of timeincredibly short, in order to compare the velocity of light in air, and in a corre- sponding length ofwater. He even caused an apparatus to be partly prepared, but we have seen that Arago's forte was rather in suggesting than in completing re- searches. After his increasing failure of sight ren- dered it physically impossible that he should ever realize his own idea, it was skilfully adopted by M. Foucault (the author of the admirable experiment with the pendulum, demonstrating the earth's mo- tion'), who, by an ingenious combination of fixed and revolving mirrors, succeeded in 1 850 in demonstrating the retardation of light in a tube of water only 6^ feet long, and with a velocity of rotation of the move- able mirror not exceeding 200 turns in a second (a ra- pidity four times less than had already been obtained by Mr Wheatstone). The rotation was produced by means of the Sirene of M. Cagniard de la Tour, acting by steam. The velocity was thus raised to 1000 revolutions. It was afterwards, however, carried by MM. Fizeau and Breguet to 2000 revolutions. It will be understood, from the account of the method, as applied to the measurement of the velocity of elec- tricity, in another chapter, that the retardation is shown by the displacement of the image of a minute object seen through the water, relatively to the image of the same object seen in air. If light moves faster in water (as Newton imagined), the displacement of the water-image will be (let us say) to the right ; but if slower (as Huygens and Young believed), it will be to the left. The calculated displacement, with 800 revolutions in a second, was "004 inch on the first supposition, and '003 in the opposite direction in the second, quantities easily visible with a high magnifying power. The result, as has been stated, confirmed Arago's original experiment of 1815 on the displacement of the interference fringes. 1 Sir W. Herschel first formed Newton's rings between glass and metal. Arago's experiment was reproduced (unknowingly) by Mr Airy in 1831, who first explained it fully in the undulatory sense. Comb. Trans., vol. iii. ^ With this addition, that rays inclined to the axis are elliptically polarized, and that with a greater ellipticity as the inclina- tion increases. ^ See )ihe chapter on Electricity, § 5. * See Electricity, § 6. ^ See the chapter on Astronomy, Art. (258). Chap. V., § 5.] OPTICS. — SIR DAVID BREWSTER. 113 (515.) To complete our biographical notice, we will here decfro- J"®* allude to M. Arago's principal researches un- magnetic connected with optics. One was on the magneti- observa- zation of iron filings, and the formation of a tempo- tions. rary magnet, by means of a helical conductor of elec- tricity ;' the other was the important observation of the seeming magnetism of copper, and other non-mag- netic metals, when put in rapid rotation near a per- manent magnet. Neither of these happy experiments , was carried out by their author. The former was left in the hands of Ampere, Sturgeon, and Henry ; the latter was only rightly understood and valued when it was engrafted by Mr Faraday on his splendid series of researches on Magneto-Electric Induction." (516.) Arago is fairly entitled to be regarded as having Essays proved the long-suspected connection between the olcy. aurora borealis and the freely suspended magnet ; and this in the face of urgent contestation.^ His contri- butions to Meteorology (founded rather upon the ob- servations of others than upon his own) were of con- siderable importance, and several of -his popular pa- pers, appended to the smaller Almanac (^Annuaire) of the Board of Longitude, contain a great deal of well-digested and curious information. (517.) -A-S Secretary of the Academy of Sciences in the Mathematical Department (in which office he sue- Arago as ceeded Fourier, in 1830), the duty devolved on him ^^"^''^^2^ °' of writing the biographies of eminent deceased mem- ^g^y ^f bers of the Academy. He bestowed extraordinary Sciences, pains on these compositions, and strove to render them popular without sacrificing their scientific cha- racter. In this difficult attempt he was not always successful. Abrupt transitions, piquant anecdotes, paradoxical arguments, and political allusions, appear, at least to the English reader, to be unacademical adjuncts to the history of contemporary discovery. The special pleader is too often visible, and even the occasional sacrifices of the strong spirit of nation- ality by which he was commonly actuated, to some chivalrous adjustment of the rights of discovery, do not always carry conviction to the mind of the reader. The Eloge of Watt, probably the most po- pular, appears to us far from being the best of these biographies. Those of Sir W. Herschel and of Dr Young are ably executed, and display much research and candour. After having been for three years almost with- (518.) drawn from science by lingering disease, and nearly His death, complete blindness, Arago expired at the Observatory of Paris, on the 2d October 1853, aged 67.* § 5. Sir David Brewster — Progress of Experimental Optics — Laws of Polarization — Double Refraction produced hy Heat and Compression — Discovery of Biaxal Crystals — Laws of Me- tallic Reflection — Absorption of Light ; and Lines of the Solar Spectrum ; Fraunhofer. — Seebeck ; M. BiOT. (519.) ^6 have pleasure in ranking amongst the fore- Sir David most promoters of the science of optics in its sur- Brewster. prising revival in the earlier part of this century, a philosopher who still lives amongst us and pur- sues with ardour the investigations of his youth. (520.) Si"^ David Brewster was born at Jedburgh, in His early Scotland, on the 11th December 1781. Ho was studies. educated for the Scottish Church, and having en- tered the University of Edinburgh at a very early age, pursued his studies under Robison, Playfair, and Stewart, and formed the friendship of those eminent men. Amongst fellow- students of no common distinction who at that time frequented the college lectures, and of whom not a few were destined to signalize themselves in literature, science, and the career of politics, he formed the particular acquaint- ance of Mr, now Lord Brougham, and through him was led to study the inflection of light, and to repeat Newton's experiments. This was in 1799 ; nor did he afterwards lose sight of a science which he was so signally to improve. The distraction of other occupations, the calls of his profession, and his indifferent health prevented, however, any very constant application to optics : and the part of the subject he then principally studied was rather connected with the use and theory of instruments than with physical optics in the sense in which we have explained it. This is evident from his first separate publication in 1813, " on new Philosophical Instru- ments," which, though containing many ingenious and valuable suggestions, fell short of the importance of his subsequent publications. Sir David Brewster's genius was first called forth (521.) by the announcement of Malus's great discovery Directs his in 1808 of the polarization of light by reflection. *"'°*!°i" *" But for the unfortunate political relations of France optics. and England at the time, which prevented, to a degree which now appears almost incredible, the transmission of even the most interesting scientific facts from one country to the other, our country- men would have borne a larger share in the dis- coveries which immediately followed ; and it would- have been an easier task to apportion with his- torical accuracy what was due to each. As the French philosophers remained long in ignorance of the discoveries -of Davy, and were anticipated in every important step in voltaic science, so Mains and Arago pursued and published researches and bril- 1 See Electricity, § 4. " Electricity, § 5. 3 No doubt the fact had been already distinctly noticed by Hjorter and Celsius at Upsala in 17il. See Hansteen, Mag. netismus der Erde. ' ^ _ . * The article Polarization of Light ia this Encydopcedia, the production of Arago, contains an excellent review of many of the topics of this Section. 114 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE, [Diss. VI. (522.) Treatise on new philo- sophical instru- ments. (523.) His re- searches on optical sub- jects. ' (524.) Enumera- of the most important. (525.) Tiaw of po- larization by reflec- tion. liant discoveries whicli, literally for years, remained unknown in England to those most interested and solicitous to learn them. Thus Sir D. Brewster learned first in February 1814 that Malus had in March 1811 published the discovery of the polar- ization of light hy refraction, which he also had made ; whilst Arago's experiments on coloured polarization were likewise unknown to him through the same want of international communication. The work on Philosophical Instruments, men- tioned above, contains, besides what its name more particularly imports, numerous observations on re- fractive and dispersive powers, including the disco- very of substances more refractive than diamond, and less so than water. It also describes the pro- perty of some agates to transmit light polarized in only one plane. The imperfect polarization of light by metals and by a serene sky had been anticipated by Malus and A.rago. From this time (1813) Sir David Brewster became a regular contributor to the London Philosophical Transactions, which, as well as those of Edinburgh, contain a series of elaborate experimental investi- gations due to him, which have hardly been sur- passed. It is difficult to overrate the importance of these researches, whether for the intrinsic interest of the phenomena they reveal, or for the significance of the empirical laws by which their author, vyith a rare sagacity, succeeded in classifying facts, and afforded a sure basis for farther generalization. The number and variety of these researches is so ex- ceedingly great, and in many cases so impossible to explain without entering into minute detail, that I shall, in accordance with the plan of this essay, merely indicate some of the most generally impor- tant by arranging them in groups. Such are — I. The laws of polarization by reflection and re- fraction, and other quantitative laws of phenomena. II. The discovery of the polarizing structure in- duced by heat and pressure. III. The discovery of crystals with two axes of double refraction, and many of the laws of their phe- nomena, including the connection of optical structure and crystalline forms. IV. The laws of metallic reflection. V. Experiments on the absorption of light. I. Malus had failed to discover a connection be- tween the angle at which light is completely po- larized by reflection, and the other known optical properties of bodies.' In 1814, Sir D. Brewster discovered the beautiful and simple law, " that the index of refraction is equal to the tangent of the angle of polarization." He had suspected it much sooner, but he had been baffled by the irregular re- sults obtained by reflection from glass, whose sur- face he found to undergo an almost imperceptible chemical change. He further observed that it is only in bodies of low refractive power that the po- larization is sensibly complete, a result of great im- portance, which has been too much overlooked until the recent and valuable paper of Jamin on the same subject. He deduced as a corollary, that at the maximum polarizing angle the incident and refracted rays are at right angles to one another, and also Malus's experimental result that the rays reflected from the first and second surfaces of plates are simultaneously polarized. He further discovered the fact that light may be completely polarized (as to sense) by a sufficient number of reflections at any angle, and drew the conclusion that the whole light undergoes some change at each reflection, in opposi- tion to the view of Malus, who maintained that, except at the polarizing angle, a portion of the light is polarized, and the rest is unchanged. Sir David Brewster independently observed the po- (526.) larization of light transmitted obliquely throughglass, Imperfect and he calculated the number of plates necessary to ygn"^*" polarize it with sensible completeness. All these researches he resumed some years after (PAiZ. Trans. 1830), endeavouring to give a photometric estimate of the efiects of reflection and refraction under all circumstances. The results as regards partially po- larized light may still be considered as subject to doubt. His skill in obtaining a mathematical repre- sentation of the phenomena was again displayed in a number of laws connecting the experimental results. ^ II. Malus had observed that a vast number of (527.) sul;)stances depolarized light more or less completely ; Polarizing and Arago found feeble traces of chromatic polar- ?'''1J'''"''^^ ization in some specimens of glass. But the more alasa ; definite characters of the beautiful phenomena of glass not perfectly annealed (which proved to be of unexpected importance) were noticed, independently, by Sir D. Brewster and Dr Seebeck of Nurnberg. The latter had priority in publication,* but the former correctly ref^red them to their immediate cause — the constraint produced by rapid cooling. Sir D. Brewster noticed that the unannealed glass which forms what are called Prince Rupert's Drops, had a remarkable power of depolarization; and he also observed subsequently that the plates of glass be- tween which he was in the habit of squeezing heated wax and resins, for the purpose of optical examina- tion, transiently communicated tints to polarized light. These observations, duly developed, proved on the one hand that glass (and generally refracting 1 Thus he found that the eflfect of refraction on the plane of polarization of the incident light may be expressed by this simple formula, — cotan a'= cotan a cos (i — i'), where a and o/are the azimuths of the planes of polarization of the incident and refracted rays measured from the plane of reflection, and i and i' the angles of incidence and refraction. This result, ad- mirably verified by experiment, is also conformable to Fresnel's theory. " In Schweigger's Journal for 1813, vol. vii. I have not been able to find in this paper (which contains the first account of the beautiful symmetric coloured figures displayed in cubes and cylinders of glass) the smallest trace of the true cause af the phenomenon, viz., the sudden or partial cooling of the glass. Chap. V., § 5.] OPTICS. — SIR DAVID BREWSTER. 115 (528.) and in bodies sah jected to pressure. (529.) Discovery of biaxal crystals. solids not usually possessed of any polarizing action) acquired such properties by being suddenly and un- equally cooled; and on the other, that such sub- stances undergoing partial changes of temperature, possess the same property. These phenomena are exceedingly beautiful, and easily displayed. It is sufficient to place a rectangular piece of glass, some- what thick, with one of its longer edges in contact with a hot iron, and placing it between a polarizing and analyzing plate, to incline the heated edge 45° to the plane of polarization. Bands of light and shade are seen to traverse the glass parallel to the same edge, and simultaneously appear also on the side farthest from the heated metal. They pass gra- dually into rich coloured tints diffused with geometric regularity. In the case of cubes or cylinders of glass, suddenly, and therefore unequally cooled, the pheno- mena are permanent, and the colours splendid, being arranged in patterns which may be made to resemble those of natural crystals. Sir David Brewster at first ascribed these effects to the direct effect of the heat in the glass upon light, and compared its simultaneous influence over a whole plate to a polar influence. Another curious discovery, also due to him, leads to the simpler con- clusion, that in every case the development of a polarizing structure is due to the varying tension (transient or permanent) into which the particles of the glass are thrown by local expansion or by irre- gular cooling. This discovery was, that similar effects may be produced in jellies and soft transparent substances by the effect of pressure, and that even glass itself, when strained in any way by mechanical force, shows depolarizing bands ; and crystals may have their peculiar optical phenomena altered by pressure. Fresnel, not satisfied with inferring that the chromatic display is due to a doubly-refracting structure communicated to the glass, contrived, by an ingenious arrangement of prisms, actually to exhibit the separation of the images under the action of powerful pressure. III. Possibly the most remarkable of Sir David Brewster's discoveries, — at all events, that which probably cost him most labour to develope, — was that there are crystals possessing two axes of double re- fraction, and showing many remarkable phenomena, which indicate a connection between optical structure and crystalline form. No one before him suspected the existence of a doubly-refracting structure differ- ing from that so ably investigated by Huygens and Malus in Iceland spar. In 1813 Sir David Brew- ster had discovered coloured rings in topaz when viewed by polarized light. Though intimately con- nected with M. Arago's observation of colours in crystallized plates, these interesting phenomena had a still more extraordinary and geometrical character. When a plate of topaz, split by natural cleavage, was presented between the polarizing and analyzing plate (or rhomb of calc-spar), and at the same time inclined in a certain manner, the colours were no longer in broad sheets, but, if viewed closely, they arranged themselves in oval rings of great beauty, presenting orders of mixed colour analogous to those described by Newton when formed between convex glasses, and they were traversed by dark or white brushes as the analyzing plate was held in the dark or bright position. A second such system was observed inclined at an (apparent) angle of 65° in the same plate. Dr WoUaston afterwards (1814) discovered a phe- (530.) nomenon equally beautiful in calcareous spar, of P''^""™.""* which Sir D. Brewster had already perceived traces °]^^°^^g^^ in some other crystals. Concentric with the posi- by uniaxal tion of the axis of double refraction (or optic axis), crystals. in a crystal of that mineral cut with two parallel faces perpendicular thereto, a series of perfectly sym- metric and exquisitely coloured rings are seen in po- larized light, having a white or black cross travers- ing them, according to the position of the analyzing plate. This magnificent phenomenon, which (except- ing, of course, the rings of biaxal crystals mentioned above) has perhaps no parallel in optical science, is seen in the most perfect manner possible in an appa- ratus constructed solely of Iceland spar, cemented by Canada balsam. A Nicol's single- image prism -"^ is used to polarize, another to analyze the light, and between them is a plate of calcareous spar properly cut. It is a truly astonishing paradox to see the union of three perfectly transparent and colourless crystals display by their union such an exquisite combination of form and colour. The pole or centre of the rings in calc-spar coinciding with the axis of double refraction, of necessity suggested the idea that topaz, which shows two systems of rings arranged round two poles, must possess two axes of double refraction ; in other words, that there must exist within the crystal two directions (not mere lines), parallel to which a transmitted ray emerges without subdivision into two pencils. This probable conjecture was verified by careful (53i.) observation, not only in topaz, but also in a vast Double sys- variety of other crystals which were found by Sir*®™' °S *°" David Brewster much more commonly to possess two ^' °' ^^' than one system of rings. Amongst the earliest ex- amples which he observed were nitre, mica, acetate of lead, and Rochelle salt. Of these the first is exceed- ingly remarkable for the small inclination of the axes (about 5°) which permits both systems of rings to be readily observed at once. It was not, however, for some years (1817) that he reduced these most ^ The invention of a most ingenious person, the late Mr William Nicol of Edinburgh. One of the doubly-refracted rays is throvfn completely out of the field by undergoing total reflection at the surface of a film of Canada balsam in contact vrith the spar, whilst the other less refrangible ray proceeds quite isolated, and with scarcely any loss of brilliancy, universal application in this branch of Optics. It is of almost 116 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. curious phenomena to anything like a law. It was evident almost from the first, that the axes in ques- tion (which he termed axes of no polarization) are only the resuHtants of remoter fundamental actions of the crystalline constitution. For example, these axes vary in position according to the colour of the light used to display them ; their position within the crystal varies (as was shown by Mitscherlich) with the temperature of the body, nor is it obviously related to any of the geometrical lines of crystalliza- Law of the tion. Sir David Brewster succeeded in finding the tints. jg^^ of ^jjg tjjjtg expressed upon the surface of a sphere of which the directions of the two axes form diameters. M. Biot expressed the law more ele- gantly by saying, that the tint developed by a biaxal crystal in any ray, is proportional to the product of the sines of the angles which the ray in question makes with the two optic axes. The tints are con- sequently arranged round the two poles of the axes, in a series of curves resembling the figure 8, having each this property, that the pr'oduct of the sines of the angular distances of each point of one curve from the two poles is equal to a constant quantity. Such curves are called lemniscates, and are beautifully seen in nitre, especially when viewed by homoge- neous light. (532.) A series of researches of the most elaborate Eelation of description led Sir David Brewster to this addi- optical cha- ^ional and admirable discovery, viz., that the optical TElCtGrS to • •/ ' ' X ^ crystalline characters of single refraction, double refraction forms. with one axis, and double refraction with two axes, have reference invariably to the primitive crystalline form of the mineral, and that the complexity of the optical character is as invariably related in degree to the complexity of the crystalline figure. Cubical and regularly octahedral crystals (as rock salt and fluor spar) being possessed of perfect symmetryin three prin- cipal directions, possess also Simple refraction. Crys- tals with one predominant line or axis of symmetry — as rhombohedrons, octahedrons with square bases, right prisms with square or hexagonal bases— have a single axis of double refraction. Such, for instance, are Iceland spar, zircon, ice, heryl. Finally, all crystals unsymmetrical in the three principal directions, in- cluding prisms and octahedrons whose bases are not square, and those which are oblique, have two axes of double refraction. The rarity and minute- ness of many crystals, the difficulty of cutting them, and when cut, of detecting their optic axes, evi- dently made the research one of extreme labour, yet highly remunerative, not only through the discovery of the general principle, but by tlie vast amount of beautiful and varied optic displays witnessed in the course of it. Sir David Brewster was nearly, if not quite, alone in this research, and after a short resis- tance on the part of some mineralogists, his principle of discrimination of primitive forms of crystallization by optical characters has been perfectly established. (633.) ^^- '^^® action of metals on the light which they reflect is very peculiar. Malus, who at first believed Laws of that they were incapable of polarizing it in any "^e-™^*^'};" gree, afterwards changed his opinion, and inge- niously suggested that whilst transparent bodies reflect, at the polarizing angle, light polarized only in one plane, metals reflect rays oppositely polarized and then mixed. Sir David Brewster has the merit of having, after several unsuccessful attempts, de- duced the leading empirical laws of metallic polari- zation, having been partly guided (as he states in his paper in the Philosophical Transactions for 1830) by Fresnel's remarkable experiments on circular polarization produced by total reflection in glass (see Art. 491). Having found qualities somewhat analogous in light reflected one or several times from metallic plates at various angles depending on the nature of the substance, he gave to the light so re- flected the name of elliptically polarized light. It was afterwards satisfactorily proved by Mr Airy that the light so named by Sir D.. Brewster is in fact identical in its qualities with the elliptically polar- ized light of Fresnel. The subject of metallic polarization is rather too (534.) abstruse to be explained in a popular way ; and the**^'*'}-"' phenomena produced with depolarizing plates of dif-^° ""*" ferent metals are not so well known as, according to their discoverer, they deserve to be. My limits only permit me at present to state that the care and accu- racy of Sir D. Brewster's results are unquestionable; that they have formed almost the sole data upon which M. Cauchy and other mathematicians have based their theories of metallic reflection ; and that, by generalizing the more limited views entertained by Fresnel as to the constitution of media and the nature of reflected light, they have been mainly instrumental in fixing the later views of optical writers as to the precise phenomena of polarization as produced, not only by metals, but by other substances. To these views I shall briefly advert in the next section. The laws of the reflection of light at crystallized (535.) surfaces have also been studied by Sir D. Brewster. In this case-observation is still in advance of theory. V. Of Sir David Brewster's experiments on the ^ggg.) absorption of light we must speak much more Absorption briefly. White light is coloured or analyzed by°*^^'SM. refraction (as in a prism) ; by simple interference, as in Newton's rings ; by double refraction combined with polarization. But it is also decomposed in a way which, primarily at least, seems diflferent from all these, — by passing through coloured, or ratner, colouring media, whether solids, liquids, or gases, as red glass, ink, chlorine. This, the most familiar mode of coloration, is the most difficult to account for, and has been (on account of its obscurity) less studied than the others. In some instances, the complementary colour (that which, added to the transmitted tint, makes up white light) is entirely absorbed or lost ; in other cases it is reflected at or near the first surface of the medium. Sometimes Chap, v., § 5.] OPTICS.— SIR D. BREWSTER— FRAUNHOPER. 117 the transmitted light is made tip of different portions of the spectrum curiously blended, whilst rays intermediate in the order of refrangibility are wholly stifled. Many crystals have the curious property of dichroism, that is, of transmitting light of different colours in different directions. All these facts have, been very carefully studied by Sir David Brewster. (537.) But the most remarkable phenomenon to be noticed aotmn of ui^^"^ this head is the wonderful action of nitrous acid nitroaa gas upon light.' When abeam, either of sunlight, or acid gas the light of a lamp, is passed through a bottle contain- 00 light, jjjg ^ small quantity of fuming nitrous acid, the light emerges of a tawny orange colout, which may be deepened indefinitely by heating the acid. If this light be then analyzed by a common prism, a wonderful spectacle is seen. The spectrum appears traversed by countless bands or dark spaces, whilst the blue and violet colours are nearly absorbed. The effect of the gas, then, is this, — to stifle or absorb countless minute portions of light seemingly selected at ran- dom from every part of every colour in the whole spectrum. Some of these deficient rays are broad and palpable, but most of them are so fine as to be visible only vrith the telescope. To understand the full import of this discovery, it is necessary to describe first the lines of Fraunhofer. (538.) Joseph Fraunhofer, born in Bavaria, of humble Fraunhofer parents, in 1787, raised himself by his unassisted — limes gg-Qj.^g ^Q ijg ^}je £].gt practical optician of the day. trum. He had also the merit of devoting his leisure and the fine apparatus at his command to the observa- tion and discovery of many optical phenomena, par- ticularly those diffractive colours produced by fine gratings, which are known under the name of Fraun- hofer' s spectra.^ His principal discovery, however, was (in 1814) that of countless deficient or dark lines in the solar spectrum, resembling those which, as we have mentioned, were afterwards observed by Sir D. Brewster, to be produced in any kind of light by the action of nitrous gas. The deficient rays of solar light had, indeed, been observed still earlier (in 1802) by Dr WoUaSton, but he counted only a very few of the more conspicuous ones ; he described them merely incidentally, and (unusually with him) seems not to have perceived the great value of the dis- covery both in a theoretical and practical pointof view. (539.) Fraunhofer's beautiful map of the spectrum, tra- Their num- ygj-gg,} ijy lines of every grade of darkness, and clus- portance. tered with every conceivable variety of distribution, was published in the Munich Transactions. He counted 590 lines, but Sir D. Brewster states that he has carried the number to 2000. Like the stars, they are probably countless. These lines characterize solar light. The light of the fixed stars and that of the electric spark have their peculiar deficiencies diffe- rent from those of our sun. These were disco- vered by Fraunhofer, as well as their occurrence in certain coloured flames. The order and number of the lines is, in each case, independent of the kind of prism used ; but the angular distribution of the deficient rays varies with the material. Thus an oil of cassia prism expands most in pro- portion the less refrangible end of the spectrum ; while water and sulphuric acid act with dispropor- tionate dispersive energy on blue and violet light. This property of substances had been already studied by Sir D. Brewster with his usual diligence ; but the importance of Fraunhofer's discovery was this, that the lines (the larger of which he distinguished by letters of the alphabet) furnish landmarks which de- fine special rays of light invariably recognisable under all circumstances, which the vague description of their tints is quite incompetent to do. This enabled, on the one hand, the practical optician to discover the kinds of glass most fit for achromatic combina- tion ; and, on the other, it afforded precise numerical measures of the quality of dispersiveness in bodies which have been partly already, and will yet much more become, tests of some of the more obscure and diflicultportionsof the theory of light, — those, namely, which are connected with dispersion and absorption. Fraunhofer was, after Dollond, the most eminent and scientific manufacturer of achromatic telescopes, of which he vastly increased the aperture. He died at Munich in 1826. Returning to Sir David Brewster's discovery of the artificial production of analogous lines or deficient rays in light from any source, its importance is easily perceived : — ^for, in the first place, it so far accounts for the strange phenomenon of the deficient rays of the sun's light, by showing that it may be caused by a gas resembling nitrous acid gas in its proper- ties existing in the solar atmosphere ; and, farther, if so astonishing a result of absorption is ever to be explained by theory, the first step is to be able to produce the phenomenon at pleasure, and to examine the qualities of the bodies producing it. The phe- nomena of coloured flames which possess standard deficient rays, present perhaps a closer analogy to the sidereal spectra. Sir David Brewster has far- ther found that the absorptive action of the earth's atmosphere (detected by the varying character of the spectrum for different angular altitudes of the sun) in- creases the number and also the breadth of these lines. Intimately connected with, and nearly of the same date as these experiments, was an observation of Sir D. Brewster's, which has received less general assent tha-n any other of the numerous and important ones (540.) Action of nitrous gas and of the earth's at- mosphere on the spectrum. (541.) Sir David Brewster's analysis of the spec- trum. ^ Edinburgh Transactions, vol. xii. (1833). ^ The peculiarity of these spectra is this, that they consist of pure colours, whilst almost all interference-colours are, like those of Newton's rings, mixed and impure. One result is very remarkable. Fraunhofer obtained his spectra of such brilliancy as to be able to measure the position oif the dark lines (an evidence of their exceeding purity), thus obtaining a standwrd spectrum in which the material of the prism has no influence whatever in varying the ratio of the dispersion of the various colours. 118 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. which we owe to his genius. It is an analysis of the coloured light of the (so-called) homogeneous rays of the pure spectrum hy the specific action of absorbing substances. Sir D. Brewster believes that he has separated the homogeneous orange of Newton into red and yellow, the green into yellow and blue ; and that, in fact, each of the three primary colours exists at every point of the spectrum. But as grave doubts have been thrown on the results, especially by the recent careful experiments of Helmholz, I shall not further insist upon them here. ^ Still less can I take notice of a multitude of microscopic researches on a variety of objects in the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdom, and on the physiology of vision, with which Sir D. Brewster has filled a multitude of memoirs, each bearing testimony to the zeal and aeuteness by which his researches are directed. (542.) Sir David Brewster received, in 1816, jointly with His othei Seebeck, one of the g^eat prizes of the Institute ; he scientific a,lso received, in succession, all the medals in the gift of the Eoyal Societies of London and Edinburgh, and he is an honorary member of the principal academies of Europe. In particular, he is one of the eight asso- ciate-members of the French Academy of Sciences. To meteorology he has been a valuable contributor, having discussed in an able paper the law of the distribution of temperature over the globe, and pointed out the near coincidence of two regions or centres of greatest cold in the northern hemi- ephere, with the magnetic poles. His papers are so numerous, and their variety is so great, as to render an enumeration, even of those containing what may reasonably be termed discoveries, impossible within our limits. Few persons have made with their own eyes so vast a number of independent observations ; few have ever observed better, or re- corded their observations more faithfully. He has discovered (as we have partly seen) a multitude of laws of phenomena of the greatest importance in the construction of a theory, but he has not been forward in proposing such a theory. Neither the moveable polarization of Biot, nor the transverse undulations of Young and Fresnel, received his cordial assent. Generally speaking, he has been favourable to a cor- puscular theory of light, without, however, attempting to render the Newtonian view mechanically consistent with the astonishing variety of complex phenomena which he aided in discovering, and which would evi- dently require it (to say the least) to he completely remodelled. His scientific glory is different in kind from that of Young and Fresnel ; but the discoverer of the law of polarization, of biaxal crystals, of op- tical mineralogy, and of double refraction by com- pression, will always occupy a foremost rank in the intellectual history of the age. (543.) Before closing this section I shall add a few words respecting the discoveries of MM. Seebeck and Biot, which have a very close relation to those of Sir David Brewster. Thomas Seebeck was born in 1770. We have (544.) seen that he was one of the discoverers cf the depola- Seebeck. rizing structure of heated and compressed glass (527). In 1816 he observed, independently of M. Biot, the property of oil of turpentine and other fluids to rotate the plane of polarization of light transmitted through them, thus acting similarly to a crystal of quartz on a ray passiijg along its axis (512). Previously to these discoveries he had repeated Sir William Herschel's experiment on the position of maximum heat in the spectrum, and found it to vary with the material of the prism. When the science of electro-magnetism was created by Oersted in 1819, his attention became chiefly directed to that class of phenomena, and in 1823 he was fortunate enough to discover thermo- electricity. He also wrote many papers on allied subjects. He was a skilful observer, but deficient in the power of physical analysis. He died in 1831. M. Biot, at the time I write, the oldest member ("54.5.) (I believe) of the Academy of Sciences, and one of Jjl- ^'o'— the veterans of European science,^ was bom at Paris „„g ^g. in 1774, and has lived to the age of 80, a life of searches, almost unintermitted intellectual labour. It is im- possible not to be touched by the evidence of such unconquerable love of knowledge. He was, if I mistake not, one of the original pupils of the Poly- technic School ; and his talents being first developed in an almost purely mathematical direction, he at- tracted the notipe of Laplace, who introduced him to the Institute, and by whom he was always befriended. In 1802 he published a work on curves and surfaces of the second degree, and was the first after Lambert who thought of applying mathematics to the theory of conducted heat. From this time his attention was almost exclusively directed to the applied sciences, and the number and variety of his experiments and writings almost baffles enumeration. Descriptive and practical astronomy, the theories of sound, of light, of the voltaic pile, of terrestrial magnetism, of electro- magnetism, of heat, radiant and combined, have been the subjects of his studies and writings. We find him in the earlier part of his career associated with Gay Lussac in his first aeronautic expedition, and with Arago in the geodetical and astronomical operations of the great arc of the meridian. He afterwards carried the penduluni to the Island of Unst, the northmost land in Shetland ; and he made original experiments on the propagation of heat and of sound. He wrote a voluminous treatise on descriptive and practical astronomy, one still more elaborate on general physics, and a vast number of miscellaneous papers in the Journal des Savans and the Biographie Universelle. His original memoirs in the Trans- actions of the Academy are usually very long and elaborate, his calculations and empirical formulaa .See Sir D. Brewster's statement and defence of his opinions in hia Life of Newton, vol. i., p. 117, &c. Chap. V., § 6.] OPTICS. — M. BIOT— MR AIRY. 119 laboriously accurate. One of his papers fills an entire volume of the Academy's Memoirs. Even the astronomical hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, and the chronology of Chinese eclipses, have drawn from his pen learned treatises ; and he has expounded the labours and discoveries of his countrymen and others with almost as much care and effort as if they had been proper to himself. But his subject by predi- lection was optics, and here he made his most con- siderable discovery, and that which he has followed out with most minute industry, namely, the rotatory action of fluids, in which he had Seebeck for a co-dis- coverer. (See Art. 512.) He studied the colours of crystallized plates with exemplary patience, and as we have seen in the preceding section, by his accu- rate observations on the law of the tints, prepared the way for the theory of transverse vibrations ; but his own doctrine of moveable polarization, which he imagined to explain them, made no impression on the progress of science. He was the first who di- vided doubly-refracting crystals into positive (as quartz), and negative (as calcareous spar). In the former the extraordinary wave is a prolate spheroid, and inclosed within the ordinary spherical wave ; in the latter the spheroid is oblate, and exterior to the sphere. He also discovered (very approximately) the law regulating the plane of polarization of the rays in biaxal crystals. M. Biot has for about half a century been an active professor and member of the Institute. His researches, always marked by precision, are perhaps deficient in bold conjecture and happy generalization. They are conducted with a mathematical stiflFness which allows little play to the fancy, and in hypothetical reason- ing he rarely indulges. His style is formal yet diffuse, and consequently somewhat repulsive to the student. His works are consequently not easily read, and have contributed less to the progress of knowledge than the scrupulous care often evinced in their compilation might seem to warrant. Yet the name of Biot will be ever associated with devotion to science, and especially with the progress of optics in our own day. (546.) § 6. Mr Airy, Sir William R. Hamilton, and Professors Lloyd and Maccullagh. — Confirma- tion of Fresnel's Theory — Investigation of the Wave Surface completed ; Conical Refraction. — M. Caitchy. Mechanical Theory of Elastic Media, and of Ordinary and Metallic Reflection; M. Jamin. — Theory of Dispersion ; Professor F^well. (547.) It would not be possible, in one short section, to Progress of ^q justice to the various improvements and additions J *"" ^g^'which the undulatory theory of light — the joint crea- ory since tion of Huygens, Young, and Fresnel — has received IVesnel. since the nearly simultaneous decease of the two last- named philosophers. But while a vast amount of labour and of mathematical and experimental skill has been thus expended, of which it would be in vain to attempt within our limits to give an account, we may pause upon two or three of the more conspicuous re- sults of these researches, which, in conformity with the plan of this dissertation, may give a tolerable idea of their general tendency. (548.) Looking at the history generally, we find one cu- Peculiari- rious peculiarity in the progress of this remarkable h'T/"' ° theory. Its origin in the seventeenth century was unattended with sympathy or success. It received little support, and was well nigh forgotten for more than an hundred years: it was then resumed (we might almost say re-invented) in England, but it remained unpopular and almost unknown until re-echoed from a foreign land ; while in France itself the vie\ys of Fresnel were (with one or two exceptions) as little appreciated as those of Young had been in England. From this period England became the place of its chief development; and with the exception of one eminent philosopher, M. Cauchy, its supporters and extenders, whether by analysis or experiment, have belonged to Great Britain,' a few of the most conspi- cuous of whom are named at the head of this section. The attention of the British public was forcibly (549.) called to the theory of Young and Fresnel, by an S'"" J- ^^^'■ able treatise on Light, contributed by Sir John Mr^A^" Herschel in 1827 to the Encyclopcedia MetropoUtana. The excellent method, lucid explanations, and intel- ligent zeal which marked this essay compelled the no- tice of men of science, too long deterred from the study of the fragmentary and abstruse writings of Young, It was followed four years later by a most able and precise mathematical exposition of the theory, and its application to optical problems, by Mr Airy (now As- tronomer Royal), who was then Plumian Professor at Cambridge, and who introduced this part of optics as a branch of study in that university. Whilst the excellent tract on the undulatory theory (published in 1831 in his Mathematical Tracts) opened up the subject in a most accessible form to British mathe- maticians, his original papers in the Cambridge Transactions confirmed the doctrines of Fresnel by a number of new and admirably contrived experiments, some in connection with interference, some with po- larization, and all were confronted with the rigorous results of the mathematical theory. The f)aper on Quartz, and that on the Rainbow, have been already referred to (art. 466, 512). The writings of Mr Airy and of Sir John Herschel have continued to be the 1 M. Moigno (a Frenchman), writing in 1847, laments that Prance was then perhaps the only country in which the experiment of " conical refraction" (the triumph of Fresnel's theory to be presently mentioned) had never been repeated. 120 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (550.) Sir Wm. K. Hamil fraction in "biaxal crystals, main sources of information on this subject, and on phy- sical optics generally, not only in this country but on the Continent. It is remarkable that in Prance, which possesses so many admirable scientific books, there should not exist a single good treatise on optics. Had not Mr Airy's attention been necessarily with- drawn from optics to astronomy, it is very evident that the theory of light would have received from him many farther important additions. Whilst an impulse was thus given to the mathe- matical theory of light in the University of Cam- ton"and Drhridge, a similar progress was being made in the Lloyd. sister University of Dublin, where three of her most eminent professors, Sir William Egwast Hamilton and Professors Lloyd and Maccullagh devoted themselves energetically to its improvement and veri- fication. (551.) Tothe two former of thesewe owe the prediction and Conical re- ocular demonstration of the most singular and critical of all the results of Fresnel's theory. Sir William Hamilton, a geometer of the first order, having un- dertaken the more complete discussion of the wave surface of Fresnel (see Section Third of this Chapter), to the equation of which he gave a more elegant form than heretofore,' ascertained the exact nature of that surface, and consequently the exact direction of refracted rays in the neighbourhood of the " optic axes." It had been shown by Fresnel that, in the case of crystals with two axes, a plane section in a certain direction cuts the two sheets of the wave surface in a circle and in an ellipse, which necessarily intersect each other in four places. (See the annexed figure.) In the lines joining these four points with the centre of the figure the velocity of the two rays is equal. Now the cusps or sharp inflections of the wave surface in these particular directions, occur not only in the particular plane of section which we have considered, but in any section of the wave surface passing through these lines of equal ray- velocity. In the figure, there- fore, of the compound sheet there is not a. furrow, as Fresnel had supposed, but a fit or dimple, with arched sides something like the flower of a convol- vulus, and the surfaces meet at the bottom of the pit at a definite angle. Let the circle and ellipse, in the annexed figure, represent the section of the wave surface we have described ; then P is the line of uniform propagation, and P is the bottom of the Quater- nions. conoidal pit M P N. Now suppose a slender ray of light to move through the crystal in the line P, and to- emerge into air at a surface of the crystal cut perpendicular or nearly so to the direction of single ray- velocity P. If we confine our attention at first to the plane of the figure only, that ray having intersecting tangents both proper to the wave surface, would give rise, on Huygens' construction (art. 475), to two emergent rays inclined at an angle. But since this is the case, not only in the plane of the figure, but (as has been stated) in any plane passing through the ray in question, the emergent light must form a conical luminous sheet, the angle of the cone being determined by the refractive properties of the crystal. This beautiful and unexpected result was verified with great skill and address by Dr Lloyd in the case of Arragonite, which is a biaxal crystal, and he found the position, dimensions, and conditions of polariza- tion of the emerging cone of light to be exactly such as theory assigns. When all the necessary correc- tions are attended to, the angle of the cone of light is about 3°. There is another case of conical (or it might be called cylindrical) refraction, which occurs nearly in the same portion of a crystal, which was predicted and discovered in like manner, but which we will not stop to particularize.^ The observations of Dr Lloyd have been extended by M. Haidinger to the case of Diopside, a crystal also having two optic axes. Every one capable of appreciating such evidence, (552.) will feel the irresistible impression which so curious Other an anticipation, so accurately fulfilled, gives us of the ^'."'"^ "^ positive truth of a theory admitting of such v^eri-j„;]j(,„' ^^^ fications. The names of Sir W. Hamilton and Dr Dr Lloyd. Lloyd will be handed down to posterity in connec- tion with this admirable discovery. But they have also other claims to our respect, to which we can here only refer in the most general terms. The for- mer has generalized the most complicated cases of common geometrical optics by a peculiar analysis de- veloped in his essays on " Systems of Rays" (Irish Acad&my Transactions, vols, xv.-xvii.)^ To Dr Lloyd - + i2j,2 = 0. 1 The equation is- ^2:fpq72_„2 ■ a^^ + y^ + ^S^ZV^ ' ^2 + y2 + ^^_c ^ It was shown by Sir W. Hamilton that the tangent plane M N touches the wave surface, not in two points merely, hut in a circle of contact ; consequently, the perpendicular to this tangent plane, OM, is the direction of one of the optic axes (or the velo- city is the same for both portions of the compound wave). Hence a ray incident externally so as to be refracted along this perpen- dicular, will at entrance spread into a hollow, cone interior to the crystal, and on emergence at a parallel face each portion of the ray recovers a direction parallel to its primitive direction, and a luminous hollow cylinder is the result. See Dr Lloyd, in the Irish Academy Transactions, vol. xvii., and Sir W. R. Hamilton's third supplement to his " Systems of Rays" in the same vol. ^ Sir W. R. Hamilton is also a discoverer in pure analysis and its connection with geometry. Following up the ideas of Mr Warren on the geometrical significance of the symbol V — 1> as indicative of direction, Sir W. Hamilton has developed the theory of a new class of imaginary quantities, which he terms qnatcrnions, by means of wliich he contrives to express simultaneously the direction in space and magnitude of a line or form ; and this calculus he has applied to the solutions of problems of geometry and physical astronomy. The quaternion appears to express something even beyond this ; and this redundancy has been consi- dered as a diificulty by some mathematicians. The superfluous number is considered by 81* W. Hamilton as representing time in mechanical problems. Chap. V., § 6.] OPTICS. — MACCULLAGH — M. CADCHY, 121 we are indebted for several interesting experimental papers on optics, for an able and impartial review of the progress of the science,' and for an excellent elementary treatise on the Wave Theory, which forms by far the best popular introduction to the subject. (553.) Closely associated in his pursuits, as in personal Maocul- friendship, with Sir W. R. Hamilton and Dr Lloyd, *S • was James Maccullagh, a native of Tyrone, born in 1809, and who died prematurely and unhappily Oc- tober 24, 1847.' His first paper was communicated to the Royal Irish Academy at the age of 21. It was one of the earliest original contributions of this country to the development of the theory of Fresnel. The construction of the wave surface in biaxal crys- tals was simplified and improved ; and in 1835 a second paper appeared, in which geometrical construc- tions of great elegance were employed for the farther investigation of the subject. Mr Maccullagh next at- tacked the theory of the undulations of ether in quartz crystals, to which he gave a mathematical expression (see art. 512). In 1838 he published a paper on the laws of crystalline reflection, in which he adopted certain hypotheses, such as that the vibrations of the ethereal particles, in the case of polarized light, are parallel to the plane of polarization (contrary to Fres- nel's opinion),and,thatthedensity of ether is the same in all media. In a subsequent memoir on the dyna- mical theory of reflection and refraction, he arrived at similar results with fewer physical assumptions, and by a more purely mathematical treatment of the subject. Subsequent researches, presently to be men- tioned, have diminished the value of these theoretical investigations. (554.) Numerous mathematicians of eminence at home Meohamcal ^^^ abroad entered upon the same arduous enquiry, vibratory To attempt to deduce from the hypothetical constitu- motion. tion of a very rare highly-elastic medium, together with the known dynamic laws, the various complicated facts of optics, was a problem whose difficulty was only equalled by its indefinite character. For how little do we know of the molecular constitution of such fluids as air and water ? How much less then of a fluid (if we may so term it) almost infinitely rarer, and incapable of being inclosed, measured, or weighed 1 The bare possibility of transversal undulations was long contested by very able mathematicians ; and con- ceding it, the mutual influence of such an ether and the particles of gross matter (as shown by reflection and refraction) must, it would seem, for ever remain problematical. Yet, however gratuitous or even er- roneous our reasonings about such ultimate questions may be, there is no doubt a real benefit in obtaining from them at least a mathematical congruity with ob- served facts. The progress of science shows that there is a practical usefulness in this step. On the other hand, we must not be discouraged to find that there are so many handles to the matter, that even the most profound thinkers may conceive that they have reached the proposed end by different and incongruous routes. Besides the mathematicians whom I have mentioned, many others were in the field ; for the result of tremors propagated through elastic media of different kinds is an enquiry of ex- cessive generality, and forms a part of many branches of science besides optics. MM. Cauchy, Navier, Poisson, Coriolis, Green, Kelland, and Neumann are amongst those who attacked the problem. For a series of years memoirs rose fast and thick on this favourite battle-field ; and even a skilful mathematician might find it no small penance to discuss the merits of the various hypotheses and the solidity of the respecftve deductions which were proposed. It must be owned that a great part of this '^*st ^^^^-^ mathematical toil has been without immediate result ;„„ ^^ ^ in optics. It is by comparing the conclusions ar- tics. rived at by authorities of seemingly equal weight, that we learn the difference between a stable physical in- duction and a clever mathematical hypothesis. Mac- cullagh, for instance, maintains the vibrations of ether to be parallel to the plane of polarization ; Fresnel and M. Cauchy' that they are perpendicular. The first mathematician considered that the vibrations are wholly transversal, the last believes that the normal vibrations have also their share in affecting the phenomena, whilst Poisson denies that transversal vibrations can bo propagated to a sensible distance. Maccullagh finds that, to accoimt for metallic reflec- tion, the indices of refraction of mercury and silver are 15-0 and 35-0, whilst Cauchy makes them but 1'77 and 0"34. One theorist assumes that the density of ether is the same in all bodies, another that it is greatest in a vacuum, and others pre- cisely the reverse ; one that vibration is not accpm- panied by change of density, another that it is ;* and so on in almost endless variety. A matured opinion can only be formed after the results of the various assumptions, and their congruity with facts, have been more thoroughly worked out. Already two of Maccullagh's essential postulates have lost much of their plausibility ; that respecting the di- rection of the vibrations in polarized ligJat has been probably decided by Professor Stokes in favour of Fresnel's opposite view, by an admirably devised ex- periment on the effect of diffraction on polarized ^ British Association Reports for 1834. ^ It is unnecessary to suppress thie fact that Mr Maccullagli died by his own hand, under the pressure of a fit of despondency, brought on (it is believed) by over-work ; a fate happily extremely rare amongst students of exact science. I say it is needless to suppress the fact, because it infers no blame. Mr Maccullagh was an amiable, pious, and exemplary man. Irresponsible in- sanity was, of course, the cause. * This is M. Cauchy's last view ; for some years he adopted the opposite one, which he then surrendered with great frankness. * If, however, the vibrations were wholly transversal, it seems to be admitted that they would not affect the densitj' of the medium. 122 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VT. rays ^; the existence of normal vibrations seems to be proved by the ingenious experiments of M. Jamin, showing that at no angle is light perfectly polarized by reflection. The more we see of these diversities arising in the progress of science, the less are we disposed to found on merely mathematical conclu- sions from an assumed constitution of elastic bodies ; the more, on the other hand, do we admire the ad- mirable sagacity of Fresnel — the real Newton of modern optics — ^few of even the least of whose sug- gestive anticipations have fallen to the ground. (556.) M. AuGUSTiN Louis Cauchy has been long known M. Cauohy j^g ^jjg pf ^jjg ablest and most prolific mathematical mathemati- Titers of this century. Besides numerous and im- cal labours, pprtant memoirs, on nearly every branch of pure and applied mathematics, published in the Journal de I'Ecole Polytechnique, and the Memoirs of the In- stitute, he has published, in a separate form. Exer- cises des Mathematiques in two series of volumes ; and for many years scarcely a weekly meeting of the Academy of Sciences occurred without a mathemar tical memoir of this prolific author being laid on the table, and subsequently printed in the Comptes Ren- dus. The integral calculus and other parts of ana- lysis form the subjects of a large part of these writings ; but the theory of hydrodynamics in the earlier, and of optics in the later part of his career, are largely re- presented. So diflTuse and desultory a mode of publi- cation has been little favourable to those who wish to make themselves acquainted with what has been ac- complished by M. Cauchy. The scientific world is in- debted to Abbe Moigno in France, M. Kadicke " in Germany, and Professor Powell* in England, for ana- lyzing in part his optical labours. As the present brief notice is evidently inadequate to include even the most superficial view of the whole, I shall say a few words upon two of his theoretical researches on light, which have attracted most general attention. The first is upon the theory of Reflection and Re- fraction, framed so as to include the phenomena of metallic reflection ; the second is upon the Dispersion of Light. (557.) I shall first mention some seemingly exceptional facts to the ordinary laws of polarization by reflec- Theory of tion. As early as 1814 [Philosophical Transactions, '^^^^f^f" 18 14, p. 230), Sir David Brewster had remarked that ^^^^^ ;„. such highly refractive substances as Realgar, Diamond, eluding the and Chromate of Lead, do not polarize, at any angle, ^^^^ the whole of the reflected light. Mr Airy afterwards ""^ " °' showed that light reflected from diamond near the maximum polarizing angle, possesses qualities re- sembling those of light reflected from metals. The same view was more generally stated by Mr Dale ; " and last of all, M. Jamin showed that all transparent M. Jamin. substances polarize clliptically the light which they reflect, — the difference of " phase " of the two compo- nent vibrations increasing from 180° at a perpen- dicular incidence, to 360° at an incidence of 90° ; and that the laws of reflection at transparent surfaces, as also in the case of metals, depend upon two con- stants — the index of refraction and the coefficient of ellipticity. And he has determined in numerous cases the values of these constants. Thus Fresnel's theory of reflection requires un- (■'558.) doubted modification. It only holds true for sub- Pj^sn^l'" . no • • 1 1 A £* ±\^ , theory mo- stances whose mdex of refraction is nearly l-4b, that ^igg^ i,y of the glass which he examined. The complication Green and is held t,o arise from the existence of vibrations ^y **• (called normal) in the direction of transmissioii of the ^^^ ^' luminiferous wave, such as those which produce the effects of Sound in air, and which produce certain , efi^ects on Light at the bounding surfaces of two media. In the theory of Fresnel, as also in those of Maccullagh and Neumann, this influence is neglected. To Green and to M. Cauchy belongs the merit of lay- ing down a more comprehensive theory. Mr Green's theory, published in 1837" (not long before his death), is so far incomplete that it involves only one constant. M.Cauchy's investigations, published two years later,^ embrace the phenomena of metallic reflection by the introduction of the two constants mentioned above, / thus completing the theory of reflection and refrac- tion both for transparent and metallic surfaces. The fact of the unequal refrangibility (dispersion) (^^^-^ , of light has ever been felt to be one of the most ^j^^pj^j"^ real as well as prominent difficulties in admitting ' Repertoire d'Optique Moderne. 1847-50. * The Vndulatory Theory aa applied to the Sispereion of Light. 1841. Green's account of his method. ^ Cambridge Transactions, vol. ix. ' Handbueh der Optik. Band i., 1839. ' See Moigno Rep. d'Optique, p. 1385. ^ Cambridge Transactions, vol. vii. The following extract from this able paper shows the independence of physical assump- tions which characterizes these ultra-mathematical optical theories : — " . . . We are so perfectly ignorant of the mode of action of the elements of the luminiferous ether on each other, that it would seem a safe method to take some general physical [?] principle as the basis of our reasoning. . . . The principle selected as the basis of the reasoning contained in the follow- ing paper is this : In whatever way the elements of any material system act upon each other, if all the internal forces exerted be multiplied by the elements of their respective directions, the total sum for any assigned portion of the mass will always be the exact differential of some function. But this function being known, we can immediately apply the general method given in the Mecanique Analytique, and which appears to be more especially applicable to problems that relate to the motions of systems of an immense number of particles mutually acting on each other. One of the advantages of this method, of great importance, is, that we are necessarily led by the mure process of the calculation, and, with little care on our part, to all the equations and conditions which are requisite and sufficient for the complete solution of any problem to which it may be applied." A consideration of the candid admissions of the preceding paragraphs (especially the last sentence) will lead the reader to see how short a way a theory of so general a kind — the chief characteristic of which consists in eluding every troublesome physical enquiry —can go towards explaining the relations of Light to Matter; yet it may be of use by indicating the kind of solutiona which more restricted hypothesis may be expected to give of the laws of phenomena. ^ Comptes Rcndus de VAcad. des Sciences. Chap. V., § ?.] OPTICS. — M. CAUCHY — RITTEK. 123 (560.) Depends on the fi- nite dis- tances of the vihrat- ing par- ticles. the undulatory theory. That theory, in its simple form, enables us indeed to explain clearly enough the refraction of light owing to a change of velocity in the wave as it passes from one medium to an- other ; but it assigns no reason why that change of velocity should be different for light of various co- lours, in other words, of different wave-lengths. The corpuscular theory, on the other hand, furnishes at least a plausible explanation, by assuming a variable attraction between refracting media and the mole- cules composing the different rays. When, however, undulationists were pressed on the subject, it was easy to see the direction in which at least a plausible explanation might be sought. In the usual form of equation for vibrations in air, given by Lagrange, the integration is effected by as- suming the intervals between the particles evanescent compared with the length of a wave. This is per- fectly true in the case of sound, and all sounds ap- pear in consequence to travel uniformly. But should it fail in the case of light, that is, should the inter- vals of the ethereal particles bear some sensible ratio to that very small quantity, the length of a wave, what would be the result ? M. Cauchy has made out, by a very complex analysis, that in this case the longer waves will travel most rapidly, and conse- quently be least refracted. Several other writers, especially Professor Kelland, obtained similar re- sults ; and Mr Airy, by very simple, though only approximate, considerations, showed the dependence of refraction on the length of a wave. ^ M. Cauchy's memoir appeared in 1835 at Prague, in a bulky and abstruse form : the mathematical investigations are very long and complex, the numerical verifications scarcely less so.^ The indices of refraction, observed by Fraunhofer, for different lines of the spectrum, in different kinds of glass, together with the correspond- ing wave-lengths for these rays, formed the principal data for comparison. But others have since been obtained by Rudberg and Professor Powell, and care- fully compared with M. Cauchy's theory by the lat- ter, and the coincidence appears satisfactory.^ But in estimating the value of this coincidence, it is to be observed that of 7 indices of refraction observed for each substance, 3 must be used to ascertain the constants in the formula, and only 4 remain to be calculated. One difficulty, however, remains. If the rays of (561.) light travel through space with variable velocities, the ^o":"'^- • i>i 11 -I f 1 ■ persion of images of the stars would present tails or colour in- Hght in consistent with observation.' M. Cauchy eludes this free space, difficulty by the following hypothesis respecting ethe- real media : — The existence of transversal vibrations (according to him) requires that the law of force be- tween particle and particle of ether must not be inter- mediate between the inverse 2d and inverse 4th power of their distance. In the former case the force is an attractive, in the second a repulsive one. In the first, the velocity of propagation depends on the length of a wave, in the second it is independent of it. [The first case, too, alone will be consistent with perma- nent longitudinal vibrations.] Consequently if we , suppose that in free space the particles of ether are arranged in close order, and exert a repulsive force on each other, no dispersion results ; but in refract- ing media, supposing the distance of the molecules increased, and the mutual action attractive, then dis- persion occurs.* § 7. HjTTER.-^Chemical Rays of the Spectrum. — Niepce ; Daguerre ; Mr Talbot. Art of Helio- graphy or Photography — Daguerreotype — Calotype. — Professor Stokes. Chemical Rays ren- dered visible — Fluorescence, (562.) Chemical action of light. A very curious chapter of the history of Light re- mains to be written, respecting the chemical ener- gies which itis capable of exerting, or which at least are found in those parts ofthe solar ray swhifch are dispersed by a prism. These are in part luminous and partly invisible under ordinary circumstances, the latter pos- sessing these chemical qualities in a still higher degree than the others. Though not perhaps very closely associated with the optical discussions of the previous sections, it seems impossible to separate this part of the subject from the rest, since the rays called Che- mical may, as we have reason to think, be reflected, refracted, polarized, absorbed, and made to interfere like visible light ; and farther, because to the extreme limit of their sensible action they may, by certain treatment, be made visible to the eye. The art of photography, though belonging quite as much to che- mistry as optics, being a means of inquiry into the qualities of the solar radiations invaluable to the natural philosopher, cannot by any means be excluded from a sketch, however general, of the progress of physical science. J. W. RiTTER, Professor of Chemistry at Jena, (563.) and well-known for his numerous contributions fitter, to the earlier progress of voltaic electricity, has the merit of having first clearly pointed out in 1801 the separate existence of chemical rays in the spec- trum which extend beyond the most refrangible or ^ In all these cases the expression for refrangibUity depends on the ratio of the sine of an arc to the arc itself; which are again includes the ratio of Ar, the distance of the molecules to A, the length of a wave. When Ax becomes very small, the first ratio becomes unity. * A portion of these researches had, however, been printed in Paris (privately, I believe) in 1830. ^ Powell on the Undulatory Theory. 1841. * Moigno, Eepertoire d'Optique, p. 128. 124 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL violet rays (when the sun's light is decomposed by a prism), in the same manner as the invisible rays of heat were found by Sir Wm. Herschel to extend be- yond the visible red. Scheele had indeed previously noticed that the power of the sun's light to decom- pose and blacken salts of silver increased rapidly from the red towards the violet ray ; and there is little doubt that Herschel's discovery suggested that of Hitter, of the independent or non-luminous rays of the spectrum. (564-) Eitter attributed to these rays a deoxidizing qua- ravsof the ^^^- ^"^ WoUaston, who also made experiments on spectrum, the Subject, and discovered the specific action of the diiferent rays on gum-guiacum, prudently suggested the more comprehensive term of chemical rays. Va- rious other denominations have been proposed, which need not be here dwelt upon ; all that can be said is, that deoxidation does not represent the solar action completely. Whether it be really an independent principle in the sun's rays which causes these effects, or merely light and its modifications, is, as in the corresponding case of heat, yet undecided. But it is remarkable that, as shown by M. E. Becquerel, the discontinuity of the luminous spectrum produc- ing " Fraunhofer's Lines" exists equally for the che- mical rays. (565.) Soon after Hitter's first experiments, Dr Young They in- proved the Interference of the obscure chemical and may be ^^y^ {P^^l- Trans., 1803), a conclusion successively polarized, claimed since by diflferent physicists. Berard in 1812 showed that these rays are polarized by reflection. Seebeck observed that the difierent rays impressed different colours upon salts of silver : and M. Edmond Becquerel long afterwards showed that the red and yellow rays, though incapable of commencing chemical action, in some instances have the power of continu- ing it when once excited by the more refrangible rays. (566.) In 1835 Mrs Somerville made some interesting Mrs So- ^ experiments on the permeability of different bodies " ° to the chemical rays, similar to those of Melloni on the heating rays (see chap. VI., § 8), and she found great and seemingly capricious variations in this re- spect.' The account of them was addressed to Arago, and published in the proceedings of the French Aca- demy. She found that green glass, coloured by cop- per, intercepted entirely the chemical rays, yet this was not due so much to its colour as to its other qualities (which are also peculiar as regards radiant heat), for nierville's experi- ments. the emerald transmits the same rays. Red glass stops most of the chemical rays, whilst the garnet transmits them. Though white glass has generally been considered very transparent for these rays, Mr Stokes has shown that it entirely stops those of the very highest refrangibility, which are readily trans- mitted by quartz. Sir John Herschel and Mr Hunt have made manyinteresting experiments with coloured media on the particular parts of the chemical spec- trum absorbed, but a great deal remains to be done, especially as regards the nature of the substances employed. But the great impulse given to this subject was (567.) derived from the invention or discovery of the beau- ^^^^^^ tiful art of Photography. phy. In 1802 Mr Thomas Wedgewood and Sir Hum- (568.) phrey Davy succeeded in forming pictures of objects " ^°g^" laid on paper prepared with nitrate of silver, and in Daw. taking profiles (silhouettes') by means of shadows. They proposed to obtain similar effects by means of the camera obscura, but their paper was not suffi- ciently sensitive. The effectual bar to their proceed- ings was, however, this : that they could discover no means of fixing the shadows which they had ob- tained, or preventing the whole surface of the paper from being gradually blackened by exposure to light. In 1814 J. NiCEPHORE NiEPCE, a retired proprie- (569.) tor at Chalons sur Saone,'' entered into a similar en- Nieephore quiry, but by methods quite different. He employed ^ '^^"''' the solar effect upon resinous bodies, and some at least of his pictures were executed on plates of pewter or of rolled silver. They were mostly copies of engravings, and the light parts corresponded to the lights of the originals. He, however, at length suc- ceeded in fixing impressions of views in the camera obscura, though in an imperfect manner, and after very long exposure. The pictures thus obtained had this in common with more perfect processes, that the lu- minous impression was first brought into view by a chemical process subsequent to exposure in the camera. In 1 825 Nicephore Niepce became associated with Daguerre, who had previously been engaged in '^^S"^''''®' the same research ; they agreed to communicate the results of their several experiments. The result, as is well known, was the invention of the Daguerreo- type, not improperly called after Daguerre, who seems really to have worked it out almost entirely for himself, after the death of Niepce in 1833; whilst so patient and determined was Daguerre in Mrs Mary ^ The maiden name of this accomplished lady was Mary Somerville ; she was born, I believe, at Jedburgh, and married first Mr Somerville Greig, afterwards her relative Dr Somerville. She is known in British science not only as the able commentator of Laplace's Meca- — magne- nique Celeste, but as the author of some ingenious and apparently convincing experiments on the magnetizing power of the violet tic action ray. Some anomaly, however, remains to be explained on this subject, as the result cannot always be obtained. Several years of light [?]. before Dr Faraday made his discovery of what he terms the "magnetization of light" (see chapter vii., § 5), the writer of these pages supposed that the reaction of light and magnetism, observed by Moriohini and Mrs Somerville, might be due to a la- tent and casual polarization of the light which was not present in all the experiments ; and, in particular, he suspected that circu- larly polarized light might have a magnetic influence ; but his experiments to this effect, in May 1836, were not successful, though he thinks them worth repeating. 2 Probably one of the MM. Niepce who, in the early part of the century, are said to have propelled a boat on the Sa6ne by a peculiar kind of air-engine, called pyreolophore, Delambre, Rapport Hiatorique, 1810, p. 242. Chap. V., § 7.] OPTICS (PHOTOGRAPHY).— DAGUERRE— MR TALBOT. 125 keeping his secret until brought to perfectidn, that he did not even show his results until early in 1839, when the numerous specimens he had to exhibit ri- valled in delicacy anything that the art has since produced .1 Th ^d**^ The daguerreotype is depicted in the camera on a guerreo- V^^^^ of silver, coated with an evanescent film of type. iodide, by exposure for a short time to the vapour of iodine. After the light has acted, and the plate has been withdrawn from the camera, no trace of a pic- ture is visible until it has been exposed to the vapour of mercury, which, by its peculiar action on the places where light has acted, produces a correct picture of the object (or positive image, as it is called, light an- swering to light) . It is then fxed, as it is called, by a bath of dissolved hypo-sulphite of soda, which has the property of removing the iodide of silver wherever the light has not acted. This singular and elaborate process has since been but slightly modified by vari- ous plans for rendering the iodide more exquisitely sensitive. To M. Niepce belongs the credit (1) of having fixed an impression of light, (2) of using metal plates, (3) of forming a picture by means of a camera obscura ; to Daguerre, on the -other hand, the novel -and ingenious use of vapours instead of washes, and the whole succession of operations in the daguerreotype. When the French government acquired for the public (the French public, however, only) a right of property in the invention, they marked their sense of the share of merit of the in- ventors, by awarding to Daguerre 6000, to M. I. Niepce 4000 francs per annum. (571.) Mr "W. H. Fox Talbot, a Wiltshire gentleman Mr Pox of great ingenuity and perseverance, and well ac- the calo-^ quainted with mathematics and physics, applied him- type. self in 1834 to the problem of fixing shadows, in entire ignorance of what Wedgewood and Davy had attempted. He used paper washed with the nitrate of silver, and soon succeeded in obtaining impressions of lace and leaves of plants, but yrithout Jixing the shadows. This great step he, however, made a year or two later : a wash of iodide of potassium, or of common brine, was found to effect it. The announcement of his success and of his methods was called forth early in 1839'' by the first reports of Daguerre's discovery. His method then consisted in dipping writing paper alternately in nitrate of silver and common salt, drying between the operations, and afterwards fixing the image. An unnatural or negative picture was thus obtained, the lights of na- ture being darkened on the paper, and vice versa ; but the truth was restored by pressing the drawing thus obtained against a second prepared sheet of paper, and exposing it to light, when the natural lights and shades were of course obtained. This derived impression is called & positive. This process has evidently several advantages over Daguerre's ; — such as, that paper is used instead of metal plates ; and that from a single impression (negative from nature) copies may be at leisure indefinitely multi- plied. Pictures were thus obtained by Mr Talbot with the camera obscura. Mr Talbot's chief improvement on his first me- (572.) thod he called the Calotype (1841), and consisted in Progress, washing the paper successively with nitrate of silver, iodide of potassium,^ and gallo-nitrate of silver. It is then exposed in the camera, hut no impression appears until again washed with the gallo-nitrate of silver. It is then fixed with bromide of potassium, or with hypo-sulphite of soda, as in Daguerre's process. By a subsequent invention, Mr Talbot has obtained (573.) what he justly calls an instantaneous process} An Instanta- image was formed in a camera of a revolving wheel, "f?."' ^^°' to which was afiixed a printed bill ; the room being darkened, and the wheel made to revolve with the speed of 200 revolutions in a second, and being then illuminated by an electric spark, a legible impression of the printing was obtained. We doubt if, in the whole history of physics, a more astonishing result is recorded. Thus Mr Fox Talbot, by his rare energy, brought his inventions almost to perfection. Nume- rous competitors, of course, appeared on the field, and obtained many interesting results. The only one of much importance to the art of photography is the substitution of a film of iodized collodion on a glass plate, for the prepared paper in the first or negative process. The daguerreotype and calotype processes, though (574.) seemingly so different, have much in common : — (1) Analogy a sensitive surface has to be prepared (iodide of silver" * ® '^^ ... , , ,„, . f '^ \ ■ 1 processes. IS the basis m both) ; (2) it is exposed in the camera ; (3) the picture (still invisible) is developed ; (4) it is jiased. In the calotype the printing process for ob- taining positives must be added to these. The chemical theory is very far behind the art of (575.) photography. The most important steps of these Cl^^^ioal curious and complicated processes have been at- ^"■'y^'"- tained by a kind of divination after a multitude of failures. The salts of silver are of a highly de- composable nature, the iodides and bromides pecu- ^ The present writer had the henefit of seeing Daguerre's marvellous productions, and making his acquaintance at Paris, through the courtesy of M. Arago, while the secret was still preserved, and the public interest was excited to the highest pitch. About the same time he saw M. Isidore Niepce, son of the first photographer, and the specimens in his hands, as well as those in the possession of Mr Bauer of Kew, with whom they had been left by M. Nioephore Niepce, when he visited England in 1827 and exhibited them at the Royal Society. One of the latter was engraved on a plate resembling pewter. ' Communicated to the Royal Society of London, 31st January, and printed in the Philoophical Magazine for March. 3 Mr Talbot says (Phil. Mag., March 1839, p. 203) that Sir H. Davy had recommended iodide of silver as a sensitive substance ; but in his earlier experiments he had found it the contrary. But now, like Daguerre, be requires no immediate visible action of light, but devehpes it by a subsequent reaction. * The process is described in Hunt's Researched on Light, 2d edit., p. 140. 126 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (576.) Importance of the pho- tographic art. (577.) Chemical rays ren- dered vi- sible. (578.) Professor ytokes. (579.) Shows that the refran- gibility of light may becbanged. liarly so. The action of light appears to be to reduce the metallic silver, at least partially, an operation which is completed in the daguerreotype process ap- parently by the affinity of the mercurial vapour for iodine and for oxygen.^ If anything were wanting to show the impossibility of separating the scientific arts from the history of science itself, it would be the case before us. The art of photography is far in advance of the theory, yet it constitutes in itself the greater part of what we know in a highly interesting branch of Natural Philosophy — the chemical agency of the spectrum. The surfaces of Talbot and Daguerre are the philo- sophical tools by which farther discoveries can alone be made. So intimately connected with the discovery of the Chemical Rays of the spectrum, is that of revealing their existence (at least the existence of rays of the spectrum equally refrangible with those possessing chemical properties) to the sense of sight, that we may conveniently include in this section a very brief no- tice of Professor Stokes' remarkable experiments. Mr GrEORGE Gabriel Stokes, a fellow of Pembroke College, Cambridge, and senior wrangler in 1841, at present holds the distinguished position of Luca- sian Professor of Mathematics. It is almost need- less, therefore, to state that his mathematical talents are generally acknowledged, and that he has dis- played them by a ready application to many difficult problems in optics and mechanics which had not pre- viously been accomplished. I may refer, however, to the integration of complex differential equations oc- curring in the theory of the flexure of solids (see art. 364), and in that of the rainbow (466), and in his elaborate investigation of certain cases of the friction of fluids (416). But it is more to our present pur- pose to observe that he combines this profound and technical command of analysis with singular skill in the experimental department of optics ; — not merely in investigations closely connected with the wave theory, and expressible by mathematical formulee,^ but in those which depend on the judicious question- ing of nature by critical experiments not necessarily quantitative ; — such, in short, as Newton discusses in his Optics ; and indeed since Newton himself occu- pied the Lucasian chair, there have been perhaps few philosophers who have shown so remarkable an aptitude for both kinds of research. In 1852 Professor Stokes announced that the re- frangibility of light, which has hitherto been consi- dered its most inherent and invariable quality, may in some circumstances be altered. The fundamental experiment is this : — A beam of solar light is caused to form a pure and highly dispersed spectrum by Fluorea- passing through two or three prisms in succession, ''^°''^- associated with a lens. The spectrum is made to fall on a glass vessel containing a solution of sul- phate of quinine (a colourless fluid). Whilst the red, orange, and indeed the greater part of the luminous spectrum, pass through as if the fluid had been merely water, from about the middle of the violet " the path of the rays is marked within the fluid by a sky- blue light, which emanates in all directions from the fluid, as if it (the medium) had been self-luminous." This appearance extends far beyond the visible violet, the presence of the invisible rays (called chemical) becoming disclosed by the reaction of the quinine ; and the dark bands, both of the visible and the (usually) invisible spectrum, are marked by obscure planes traversing the mass of difiiise light. When the light thus emanating from the interior of the quinine is examined by a prism, it is found to con- sist of rays of various colours and refrangibiUties corresponding to those of the ordinary spectrum ; from which Mr Stokes concludes that, since only vio- let rays and the invisible rays beyond them could have furnished or excited this emanation, the rays of light themselves have been transformed into others, with a lower degree of refrangibility, and possessing the cor- responding optical properties. In conformity with this explanation,. Professor Stokes has considered and accounted for a number of curious phenomena de- scribed by Sir David Brewster and by Sir John Her- schel ; called by the former " internal dispersion," by the latter " epipolic dispersion," all of which, so far as they involve anything peculiar, may be reduced to the general principle that certain bodies by their action on light have the power of lowering the refran- gibility of the rays incident upon them, whether be- longing to the visible or invisible spectrum — that is, of emitting rays of a lower, while under the excite- ment of rays of a higher refrangibility. Hence the phenomenon has been termed the " degradation" of light. Mr Stokes has also called it " fluores- cence " a word involving no hypothesis, being derived , from the characteristic action of a certain kind of fluor-spar described by Sir David Brewster. Many substances, solid and fluid, are found to pos- (580.) sess these qualities.^ Amongst others, and in the ^"^''^*^^'^®' highest degree, glass coloured yellow by oxide of^^?g ^^^"^ uranium, called in commerce canary glass, and solu- perty. tions of horse-chestnut bark. By using sources of light richer than sunlight in (581.) the highly refrangible rays ; by also using quartz for ^™*'^''- . the prisms instead of glass (which has the power mgnt^^j^th' of absorbing these to a considerable extent) — Pro- electric light. 1 I may refer to a short but clear paper on the theory and practice of photography by the Rev. W. T. Kingsley, in the Journal of the Photographic Society, vol. i., August 1853. Mr Kingsley is one of the most scientific and practical improvers of the art. 2 This he has also done in a beautiful paper on the effect of polarization in modifying the phenomena of diffraction. Camb. Trans., vol. ix. 3 The gieater part of these had been detected by Sir D. Brewster, with his usual acuteness and perseverance, in the course of his researches on " internal dispersion." The colouring matter of green leaves is one of the most remarkable. Chap. VI., § 1.] HEAT. — BLACK. 127 fessor Stokes has obtained a result truly astonishing. In the case of the light derived from a voltaic arc, produced by the battery of the Royal Institution with metallic poles, the visible spectrum formed upon uranium-glass extended no less than six or eight times the length of the ordinary spectrum. If, by way of contrast, a porcelain tablet be used as a screen, the spectrum terminates at the usual point.' C581.) [I have already (art. 471) expressed my regret Mr Wheat- ^jj^^ ^jjg ijmitg of this Essay prevent me from devot- sion— the " ™S ^ section to the physiological part of Optics ; Stereo- but I cannot close the chapter without at least scope. naming Mr Wheatstone's beautiful invention of the Stereoscope, as by far the most interesting contribu- tion recently made to the theory of, vision, regarded in a point of view not strictly anatomical. Although Mr Wheatstone's paper was published in the Philo- sophical Transactions for 1838, and the Stereoscope became at that time known to men of science, it by no means attracted, for a good many years, the at- tention which it deserves. It is only since it received a convenient alteration of form (due, I believe, to Sir David Brewster), by the substitution of lenses for mirrors, that it has become the popular instrument which we now see it, but it is not more suggestive than it always was of the wonderful adaptations of the sense of sight.] CHAPTER VI. HEAT, INCLUDING SOME TOPICS OF CHEMICAL PHILOSOPHY. § 1. Black. — Latent and Specific Heat. — Irvine. — Hutton. — Doctrines of Heat applied to some Natural Phenomena. (582.) Down to the close of the 18th century, the science dered in ^^ Heat was studied and advanced mainly by che- the 18th mists, and it was in all respects treated as a branch century as of Chemistry ; a position of which we still find traces of chemie- ^^ ^^^ introduction of the doctrines of heat (even of try. radiant heat) into most of our approved treatises on Chemistry. This circumstance brings us, in this chapter, into close contact with the most illustrious chemical names of the second half of the last century and of the first years of the present. Such were Black, Cavendish, Lavoisier, and Dalton. Of the last and two first it may be doubted whether they were not as prominent discoverers in Physics as in Chemistry. Davy occupies a similar position. It was not, in- deed, until the 19th century had made some pro- gress that Chemistry assumed a strongly distinctive position of its own, and began to attain that large development and complex character of detail which render it a science now hardly accessible to those who do not devote to it their almost undivided at- tention. In the days df Black and Cavendish it was otherwise ; and in the first section of the present chapter I shall attempt to give an outline of the characters of the very remarkable men who then advanced simultaneously the doctrines of Physics and Chemistry ; referring, of course, chiefly to the former, but not entirely to the exclusion of the lat- ter portion of their researches, particularly with respect to the atomic and gaseous theories of Dal- ton, which have a strongly physical aspect. I have elsewhere noticed the barrenness of the greater part of the 18th century in contributions to the experi- mental sciences ; the temptation is therefore the greater to dwell a little even on the personal history of men so celebrated and influential as Black, Caven- dish, and Dalton. Joseph Black was bom at or near Bordeaux in (583.) France, in 1728. His biography, little eventful and f^^J^"^ * almost exclusively academic, has been recorded in as a che- some detail by his companions and friends Adam mist. Ferguson and John Robison (the former of whom was a relation), in the preface to the posthumous publication of his Lectures on Chemistry. It is suffi- cient for me to state that he entered the University of Glasgow as a student in 1746. Being destined for the medical profession, he removed in 1750 or 1751 to Edinburgh, where he benefited especially by the lectures of CuUen, a most eminent physician, and the author of a beautiful experiment on the cold produced during evaporation. Before Black gradu- ated (in 1754) he had entered upon a course of chemi- cal expei-iments connected with the causticity of many earthy bodies, which ended in his first (and perhaps most famous) discovery of the existence ot fixed air or carbonic acid gas as an essential constituent of marble and other solids, together with a train of important consequences. Fewinaugural dissertations have been so interesting to science as that on Magnesia, printed at Edinburgh in 1754, which contained these results. But on this purely chemical question we will not enlarge. ^ On Mr Stokes's experiments, see Phil. Trans., 1852-53; and Proceedings of the Boyal Institution. 128 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (584.) His disco- veries of latent and specific heat. Latent heat ab- sorbed in melting Itsamoant. (585.) Conse- quences. The discoveries of Black with which we are chiefly concerned are those of latent and specific heat. The former, at least, is Black's sole and exclusive property. When we look back to the state of the science of heat in the\ first half of the 18th century, we are surprised at the exceeding slowness of its pro- gress. The thermometer had been improved by the use of the freezing and boiling temperatures of water for its fixed points, and the adoption of mercury in its construction by Fahrenheit ; the correspondence of its scale with true increments of heat had been tested, though imperfectly, by Brooke Taylor ; and Dr Martine of St Andrews had published an ingen- ious work (the best of its period) on the expansion of different liquids, and on some kindred subjects; but in general no great step was made until Black, in 1757, or previously,'^ concluded that during the melting of snow or ice, a great quantity of heat enters into the body without afiecting the thermometer in an appre- ciable degree. The heat therefore spends itself or is absorbed in effecting liquefaction. Black called it latent (as opposed to sensible) heat. He was led to this discovery by the very simple observation of the extreme slowness with which ice is melted by the application of an amount of heat which would have raised the temperature of water to an enormous ex- tent ; the thermometer plunged in the thawing ice remaining stationary until it is entirely reduced to water. When that occurs, heating immediately com- mences according to the usual laws. One of Black's original experiments clearly illustrates his mode of procedure. He suspended equal weights of ice at 32°, and of water as near as might be at the same temperature, in two thin glass vessels 18 inches apart, in a spacious room having a temperature of 47°. The vessel containing water rose 7" in tem- perature in half an hour, but the equal weight of ice had not wholly melted, nor had its temperature even slightly increased until 21 half hours had elapsed. Whence Black concluded (approximately) that as much heat is requisite merely to thaw ice as would raise an equal weight of water through 7 x 21 or 147°; a result almost corrrect, although the experi- ment in this form is manifestly not unexceptionable. The converse process of freezing shows how prolonged must be the application of cold to discharge water at 32° of its latent heat, or heat of liquefaction, and to convert it into ice. Nothing is more admirable in these results than the light they throw tipon certain natural processes. Were instant liquefaction the result of the smallest application of heat to snow at 32°, we should many times a year be the victims of uncontrollable floods ; and did water instantly become ice on its tempera- ture reaching the freezing point, our lakes and rivers would be rapidly consolidated to the very bottom on occasion of every frost, and animal life would be im- possible. The analogy of the gradual formation of steam in (586.) boiling, to the gradual liquefaction of ice, was so Latent evident as to lead Black to conclude, without any '^*** °^ special experiment, that a great deal of heat' becomes latent during the conversion of liquids into vapour. It appears to have been in 1762 that he attempted to determine roughly the amount, by a method simi- lar to that just described for the heat of liquefaction. He compared the time required under the action of a uniform source of heat to raise the temperature of a certain quantity of water from 50° to the boiling point, with that required to boil it away ; and in- ferring that heat was continually combining with the water at the same rate, he estimated the latent heat, or heat of vapour, to be as great as would have raised the temperature of the water had that been possible by 810°. This was in October 1762;* about two years later his pupil, Irvine, made experiments under Experi- his direction with a still and refrigeratory, by which ments of he estimated the heat given out by steam during its Irvine and reconversion into water. Mr Watt prosecuted the "***• same inquiry soon after.^ How happily Mr Watt applied the doctrine of latent heat thus brought ex- perimentally under his notice, to the improvement of the steam-engine, has been already recorded. One thing strikes us very much on a review of ,537 \ these discoveries of Black ; it is the great interval Theae laws which separates the clear perception of a fact from singularly the explanation of it ; or, in other words, from the ?^^ clear expression of the more general fact which em- Black braces it, although when once given, the explanation may seem to be almost expressed in the very enun- ciation of the fact. Nearly a century before Black, the lynx-eyed Hooke had noticed that water during the process of congelation remained unaltered in tem- perature, and that the same takes place when it boils, and this observation had been numberless times veri- fied in ascertaining the fixemdia Britannica has been quoted as the produetion of Robison, of which there does not appear to exist any proof, whilst the probability, as shown in the text, lies all the other way, I learn upon the best authority that the proprietors of this Uncyclopcedia have no clue to the authorship of that article, and that it is not included in the lists of Robison's known contributions. The part relating to the present question was expunged in the Fourth Edition, and a reference made to the article Chemistry where Cavendish received the credit of the discovery. Chap. VI., § 2.] HEAT.^— CAVENDISH. 133 (600.) Papers on the earth's attraction, and theory of electri- city. (601.) Singular personal character- istics of Ca. vendish. truth. But it is needless to dwell upon these obser- vations, however original, because they were volun- tarily suppressed by the author, and have only re- cently been brought to light from his manuscripts. "^ What he did publish in connection with this subject was a paper on the construction and graduation of meteorological instruments, especially thermometers, and others on the temperature at which mercury freezes, and on freezing mixtures. The former of these papers was, as might be expected, far in ad- vance of its age in the degree of exactness which was shown to be attainable in the construction of ther- mometers, and scarcely even now can it be considered as obsolete. The papers on freezing mercury finally corrected the exaggerated notion at first entertained of the extreme cold at which that metal becomes solid, and also contain valuable views on the sub- ject of congelation, and fixed the latent heat of water at 150°. He calls this, " generation of heat" during liquefaction, objecting to Black's term as relating " to an hypothesis, depending on the supposition that the heat of bodies is owing to their containing more or less of a substance, called the matter of heat ; and as I think Sir Isaac Newton's opinion that heat con- sists in the internal motion of the particles of bodies much the most probable, I chose to use the expres- sion, heat is generated,"^ Two of Cavendish's most important researches re- fer to the attraction and density of the earth, and to the mathematical theory of electricity. The former (which, in principle, was derived from the Be v. John Michel!) has been already analyzed in the chapter on Astro- nomy (art. 156). The latter will be more conve- niently referred to in our chapter on Electricity. Cavendish's publications extended over the greater part of his active life, but those on chemistry and electricity, on which his fame principally depends, do not extend beyond the year 1775 ; the date of his paper on the density of the earth is 1798. He died 24th February 1810, at the age of 79- He appears to have.exercised scarcely less influence by his general devotion to science, than by his specific discoveries, great and original as they were. In 1782, when Playfair met him incidentally in London, he de- scribed him as being generally looked up to as one possessed of talents confessedly superior, and as the only member of the Boyal Society who then united the knowledge of mathematics, chemistry, and ex- perimental philosophy. The absolute devotion of his life to inquiries the most abstractly scientific, whilst he showed an entire indifference to the luxuries which his wealth might have commanded, and the social station to which his birth entitled him, could not fail to inspire respect for his character, as well as to obtain the homage of mankind for pursuits so dignified and so generally disregarded. Many (602.) curious anecdotes are related of the annoyance which the inevitable accumulation of his unspent income occasioned. He no doubt would have distributed more liberally what he so little valued, but for the amount of time and inquiry which such a course must have compelled him to withdraw from his beloved pursuits. Some instances of his generosity are on record, and others, no doubt, will never come to light. M. Biot's epigrammatic description of him will probably long remain applicable, — " II etait le plus riche de tous les savans, et probablement aussi le plus savant de tous les riches." This isolation of interest was doubtless due, quite as much to a constitutionally morbid temperament, as to a real misanthropy. He avoided even the most casual intercourse with his fellow men, excepting only when it was likely to bear the immediate fruit of scientific information. He almost never visited his relatives, and his heir paid him a visit of a few minufes once a year ; but he frequented regularly the social meetings of the Boyal Society Club, and the evening reunions of Sir Joseph Banks. But he came, not to participate, but to increase his stores ; if he spoke, it seemed to be by inadvertence, and he was silenced by a question, or even by a look. " A sense of iso- lation from his brethren made him shrink from their society, and avoid their presence ; but he did so as one conscious of an infirmity, not boasting of an ex- cellence. He was like a deaf-mute sitting apart from a circle, whose looks and gestures show that they are uttering and listening to music and eloquence in pro- ducing or welcoming which he can be no sharer. . . . He was one of the unthanked benefactors of his race who was patiently teaching and serving mankind, whilst they were shrinking from his coldness, or mocking his peculiarities. . . . Such was he in life, a wonderful piece of intellectual clock-work, and as he lived by rule he died by it, predicting his death as if it had been the eclipse of some great luminary, . . . and counting the very moment when the shadow of the unseen world should enshroud him in its darkness."^ I shall only add, that Cavendish was elected one of the eight Associates of the French Institute in 1803. This is a distinction perhaps the highest, of a formal kind, to which a scientific man can aspire, and was given at a time when, as an Englishman, he must have felt it to be peculiarly honourable. The philosophical character of Cavendish resembled in many respects that of Newton; and with but a slight His"philo- modification of its secondary ingredients, he might sophical have been, perhaps, another Newton in experimental character, physics. His singular ineommunicativeness, and the absence of a laudable ambition to perpetuate his name by the establishment of great theories, are perhaps the main reasons why his reputation, except in che- mistry, did not stand yet higher than we find it. (603.) (604.) 1 By the Kev. W. Vernon Harcourt in British Association Report for 1839. Compare Wilson's Id/e of Cavendish, p. 446. 2 Phil. Trans. 1783. ^ Wilson's Life of Cavendish. 134 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (605.) Lavoisier. (606.) His contri' butions to heat and cliemistry. A man indifferent to external relations pursues even his studies at a disadvantage ; and the patient la- bours of so long a life devoted to a single object, vrould perhaps have told to greater effect had he published the results more frequently, and had he communicated more freely with those qualified to in- terchange their views with his. His excellent mathe- matical education, and his unusual skill in experi- ment, combined with a habit independent of either, but not less valuable, of patiently drawing inferences, might have placed him in the first rank as a discoverer in Heat, in Electricity, or in Optics,^ each of which sciences was so soon to take a surprising step in ad- vance. In several of his important researches, he was more or less anticipated ; a circumstance which his cold nature would perhaps scarcely have allowed him to make an effort to prevent. Black preceded him in most of his excellent experiments on heat; .Slpinus in his theory of Electricity ; Watt was at least close on his traces in suspecting that water consists of oxygen and hydrogen ; and the admirable experi- ment on gravitation had been devised by his friend Michell, and was not improbably recalled to his re- collection, by the happy use of the torsion balance by Coulomb. It is given but "to a few to achieve great discoveries, nor is the longest life always the most productive. Cavendish had his share, and some of the most considerable of these were even made later in life than is usual amongst experimentalists.^ It is no mean eulogy of him to say, that the purity and ardour of his pursuit of truth were never exceeded, and that had he been more ambitious of praise, he might have stood as pre-emiuent in mathematical physics as he did in chemistry. Antoine Laukbnt Lavoisiek stands in intimate connection with Cavendish, as well by the nature of his pursuits generally, as by the brilliancy and im- portance of his chemical discoveries, which were nearly contemporaneous with those of Cavendish. He was born in 1745, and suffered by the guillotine on the 8th May 1794, without even the shadow of a misdemeanour. He was attached to the sciences of Heat and Chemistry, which he prosecuted with admirable success. He happily availed himself of the discoveries of Black, Priestley, and Cavendish, as well as his own, to establish the important chemical theory which has immortalized him. It is to be re- gretted that he was not always just in citing the English vmters from whom he so freely borrowed. Such looseness was, however, common at that period, and (unfortunately) has continued to be so in France even to our own time. Lavoisier's more important papers may be classed under two heads ; those referring more immediately to the subject of Heat as a branch of physics ; and those of a more strictly chemical character, princi- pally in support of the " Oxygen-Theory," and con- sequently also intiiAately connected with the doctrine of heat considered in reference to its most ordinary source. Combustion. He published in 1772 a paper on the Latent Heat (607.) of Water, and some years afterwards one on the Latent Papers on Heat of Steam, which, in general, merely reproduce ^^^^^^*- the views of Black. In the memoirs of the Aca-gpgg;flg demy of Sciences for 1780 (published 1784), we heat, find an important paper on Heat written in conjunc- tion with Laplace, in which the calorimeter is de- scribed, though not under that appellation, together with its applications and their results. The prin- ciple of the calorimeter is too well known to require to be detailed here; but the authors of the joint memoir refer, with commendable precision, to the pre- vious labours of Wilcke of Sweden, who first employed the melting of snow to measure the quantities of heat given off by bodies in cooling. To Laplace and La- voisier, is, however, due an important addition which could alone impart any value to the results, — that of the external chamber of ice which prevents fusion taking place by the contact of the external air and by radiation. The French philosophers were not so successful in eliminating the other source of inac- curacy specified by Wilcke, which arises from the difficulty of drawing off the whole of the melted water. Sir John Herschel has of late years proposed what seems to be an important improvement on the calorimeter, by filling the interstices of the snow or ice with water, and estimating the quantity of the former melted by the contraction of volume" of the compound mass. I am not aware that it has been as yet practised. I have stated in Art. (88) one ground on which the idea of the calorimeter (so far as not anticipated by Wilcke), may be probably ascribed to Laplace. Another is to be found in the fact that, in the opening of the description of the method in the paper which we are considering, Laplace writes of himself in the first person. Of the memorable revolution which Lavoisier in- (608.) troduced into chemistry, more immediately in con- Chemical nection with the subject of combustion, I cannot be ^v^°. expected to speak here at length. It is well known tion and that the early chemists entertained more correct oxidation, views as to the calcination of metals than those pre- valent during the greater part of the eighteenth cen- tury under the influence of Stahl's theory of Phlo- giston ; and that Lavoisier, in the first instance, only led chemists back into the right road by insisting that the increase of weight observed when metals are calcined in air, must be due to some ponderable sub- stance associated with the metal and derived from the air, and not to the escape of an imaginary spirituous substance, endued with positive levity, and termed Phlogiston. But it required the progress which had already been made in pneuinatic chemistry by Black and Priestley, and especially the discovery of oxygen ^ This last subject seems to have been comparatively indifferent to him. 2 His discovery of tho composition of water was made when he was about fifty years of age. Chap. VI., § 3.] HEAT. — LAVOISIER— DALTON. 185 by the latter (a fact sparingly alluded to by Lavoi- sier), to give to the true theory a stable foundation. That metals' calcine, and that flames burn by the aid of the vivifying principle of the atmosphere abstracted from it, and which adds its weight to the compounds produced, was the primarystep made by Lavoisier ; to which, by cautious, yet rapid inductions, he added the knowledge of oxygen as the usual (he believed the sole) acidifying principle, and demonstrated the true nature of carbonic acid. To these various phe- nomena thus happily reconciled, he added the theory of respiration, confirming it by the eifects observed in air which has undergone that process. These, and many other consequences of the " oxygen theory," were developed in a numerous series of admirable memoirs. The reception of it was anything but in- stantaneous ; and the hesitation and delay which oc- curred, enable us, as Dr Whewell has well remarked, to estimate the force of mind which was required to promulgate the theory, — as the subsequent course of discovery, and its infinite applications in practice, best attest its importance. Lavoisier was still occupied in extending the (609.) conclusions of his chemical doctrines, when he was ^^^ °''' overtaken by the unprovoked sentence to a violent death, death. Like Archimedes, he begged a short respite for the completion of experiments in Which he was immediately engaged, but he was silenced by the brutal reply that " the Eepublic had no need of philoso- phers." He left a name equal to any in the science of his time,' and adorned by the memory of public and private virtues. § 3. Dalton. — Theoinf of Gases and Vapours. — Law of Expansion hy Heat. — Atomic Theory of Chemistry. — GuT-LusSAC. (610.) Dalton — his early circum- stances ; contrasted with those of Caven- dish and Black. John Dalton, the chief author of the theory of che- mical equivalents or the Atomic Theory (as he preferred to call it), and of many important researches on the constitution of elastic fluids, was born at Eaglesfield, near Cockermouth in Cumberland, on the 5th of September 1766.^ His parentage was humble, and his family belonged to the sect of Quakers, whose tenets he, to the close of his life, professed. Had we wished to invent a striking antithesis in the per- sonal histories of the cultivators of science, or to illustrate merely the various soils on which rich crops of discovery may be reared, we could scarcely have imagined more striking contrasts than in the social positions and advantages of Black, Cavendish, and Dalton — three of the nameswhich we have selected in illustration of the history of physics of their age. Cavendish we have seen connected with one of the noblest families in England, and wealthy almost be- yond the dreams of the covetous ; spending his life in or near London, and enjoying every facility of di- rect communication with the first scientific celebrities at home and abroad ; — Black, almost the heau ideal of an Academic, not wealthy indeed, but surrounded by all the opportunities of study, of information, and of social intercourse which he desired; passionless almost to a fault ; admired by his pupils and friends ; enjoying, in short, all the advantages which educa- tion and a literary position can afibrd for the prose- cution of a favourite study ; — Dalton, on the other hand, poor and hardly winning a well-earned sub- sistence by private tuition, from the time he was himself a child until near the close of his long ca- reer, — with few friends, a scanty education, and a scantier library, — attaining, through his unaided and long almost unheeded efforts, and by means of an apparatus constructed entirely by himself, a position in the world of science unquestionably not second to that of either of his more highly-favoured contem- poraries. At the age of thirteen he had commenced the ardu- (611.) ous office of an instructor; and from 1781 to 1792 pursued the same occupation in a humble sphere- at Kendal, where he fortunately became acquainted with Mr Gough, a blind gentleman of some fortune, who devoted his time to the prosecution of science in nearly all its branches, and particularly of mathe- matical subjects, of which he has left an enduring record in many ingenious papers, published chiefly in the Manchester Transactions and in Nicholson's Journal. He patronized young Dalton, giving him free access to his library and apparatus, and receiv- ing from him in return the benefit of his assistance in prosecuting his experiments. Dalton always recog- nised (as he had unquestionably good reason to do) the merits of his patron, and the importance of the advantages which he had derived from his advice and example. Indeed, without some such fortunate concurrence of circumstances (and something simi- lar may be noted in the history of nearly all self- educated men), it could hardly have been hoped that Dalton would have been so well grounded in the ma- thematical principles of at least some branches of Natural Philosophy as he probably was. For, though his discoveries bear mainly on the science of chemis- try in the wide sense in which it was then under- stood, yet geometrical precision is after all their fun- damental characteristic ; and whether in treating of the constitution of a gas, or of the scale of a thermo- meter, or of the composition of a salt, it is evident that numbers and ratios were the ideas predominating in 1 Life of Dalton, hy Dr Henry, in the publications of the Cavendish Society. before the appearance of this biography. The present section was originally vfritten 136 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI his mind. In ttis lie resembled Cavendish ; but he did not resemble him, and in one sense may be said to have surpassed him, in the boldness, we might call it audacity, with which on a frequently too slender foundation of facts Dalton established, to his own satisfaction, by reasoning almost as much ct priori as that of the mathematician, comprehensive physical theorems expressing the laws of phenomena. (612.) The more important of these refer to the consti- Dalton's tution of gases and vapours, together with their rela- writings. tioQg tQ iieat, and to the combinations of bodies by chemical aflSnity. We shall endeavour to give some account of these researches separately. They are to be found detailed in the Memoirs of the lAterary and Philosophical Society of Manchester (particularly the fifth volume), and in Dalton's New System of Che- mical Philosophy, of which three successive parts ap- peared in 1808, 1810, and 1827, of which the first is the most original and important. (613.) I. We shall first speak of his researches connected Researches ^^.jj gases and vapours. It had been noticed by and va-^ Priestley and others that when gases exercising ap- pours. parently no chemical action upon one another, are mixed in a confined space, they become, after the lapse of a longer or shorter time, completely inter- mingled, and that without any regard to even great differences in their density, the particles of the lighter gas diffusing themselves contrary to gravity through those of the denser, and causing them in their turn to ascend. The uniform composition of our atmo- sphere, in all circumstances and at all heights, is a striking example of this property. In explanation of it, Dalton had in 1801 arrived at the conclusion, " that the particles of one gas are not elastic or re- pulsive in regard to the particles of another gas, but only to the particles of their own kind." The fun- damental experiment on which this singular con- clusion was based was the following: — ^That the quantity of vapour of water (which, when purely elastic, may be considered as a gas) which can exist uncondensed in a given space, depends solely upon the temperature, and is independent of the presence of air and of its own density. Thus water, or any other evaporable liquid, being introduced into a space con- taining air, or any other gas, of any density, but subject to a constant external pressure, the space in question becomes damp by the evaporation of the liquid ; now the amount of the latter converted into vapour depends, according to Dalton, upon the single circumstance that the vapour yielded by it must have the precise elasticity due to its temperature. Its elastic force being added to that of the dry air, the whole will expand until equilibrium is restored with the constant pressure without, and this will oc- cur as soon as the elasticity of the dry air alone (proper to its increased volume), added to the elasticity of the vapour alone (depending solely on its tempera- ture), are together equal to the pressure which they have to support. In short, to use the precise enun- ciation of Dalton himself, " in all cases the vapour rises to a certain force, according to temperature, and the air adjusts the equilibrium by expanding or contracting as may be required."^ The importance of this law (easily verified in the (614.) particular case) is readily perceived. Not only did Theory of it affect the results of almost every experiment in^ys^"™'" pneumatic chemistry, but it rendered a new theory of '^' hygrometry indispensable. The older theory of Hal- ley, Leroy, and Franklin was, that the direct affinity between air and water drew up a portion of the lat« ter into the former with the aid of heat, whilst De Saussure (JEssai sur VHygromStrie, 1783) believed that the conversion of water into vapour took place first and independently by the action of heat, and that it was then drawn up into the atmosphere by the at- traction of the gases which compose it. Dalton's experiments show that the air and the vapour mix without the slightest mutual interference or reac- tion. He founded thereupon an excellent prac- tical method of determining the amount of vapour in the atmosphere. He first formed a table of the elasticities of watery vapour or steam for all tem- peratures between 32° and 212°; and so simple and accurate were his methods, at least for the lower de- grees of the thermometer, that his numbers are still received as amongst the best we have. He operated merely with a carefully constructed barometer, into the vacuum of which he introduced a few drops of water, and raising the temperature by means of a tube embracing it, and which could be filled with water at pleasure, he observed carefully the depres- sion of the mercurial column. The elasticities thus determined commenced with 0'2 inches of mercury at 32° up to 30 inches at 212°. These numbers, con- sequently, represent the utmost elasticities of vapour which can exist either in air or without air at the cor- responding temperature. If we attempt to add more vapour, or to lower the temperature, in either case moisture will be deposited. Hence to find the quan- Dew-point tity of vapour in the atmosphere when not absolutely ^g^^"' damp, it is sufficient to ascertain the temperature at which it becomes so. This Dalton did by filling a ^ The exact expression of the effect is this, v=S- where p represents the pressure expressed in inches of mercury upon a given volume (equal to unity) of dry air ; / the force of the vapour in vacuo at the temperature of experiment, also in inches of mercury ; and « the volume which the mixture of air and vapour occupies under the given pressure p after saturation. It is evident that/) — / being the pressure due to the elasticity of the dry air apart fromthe vapour, when we affirm that the volume (1) becomes ■£— , we in effect affirm that Mariotte's (or Boyle's) law connecting volume and pressure holds true for air which is mixed with P-f vapour, just as though vapour were absent or its space void. Chap. VI., § 3.] HEAT (ATOMIC CHEMISTRY).— DALTON. 137 thin glass with cold spring water, or by adding, if necessary, the solid nitrate of ammonia, until the temperature fell so far that dew began to be deposited on the surface. This excellent method constitutes in fact the dew-point hygrometer. It has received various forms from Mr Daniell and others, but the ■ original one is probably the best. (615.) These important laws and deductions being fully mixed" Understood, the theory of the mixed dry gases follows gasea. as a simple corollary. For it merely asserts of them what has been admitted in the case of steam, that they may diffuse themselves, and exert their elastic forces quite independently of one another; so that, for example, in our atmosphere the total pressure is made up of the partial elasticities of the oxygen, nitrogen, and carbonic acid which compose it, each acting to the same amount as if it alone had existed in the space which it occupies. In his essay of 1801,' Dal- ton stated his view of these facts thus : — " The par- ticles of one elastic fluid may possess no repulsion or attractive power, pr be perfectly inelastic with regard to the particles of another." (616.) Discoveries so practical could not fail to excite Dalton's immediate attention, especially at a time when the mechanical researches of chemists were earnestly directed towards the subject. *^'® gases. "The facts and experiments," Dal ton tells us in his Chemical Philosophy, "were highly valued ; some of the latter were repeated and found correct, and none of the results controverted ; but the theory was almost universally misunderstood." Its opponents were BerthoUet, Thomson, Henry, and others, and the replies of the author are contained in the work just cited. But he appears to have felt the force of the objection, " Can it be conceived that an elastic substance exists which adds its volume to that of another, and which, nevertheless, does not act on it by its expansive force V — for in his chemical phi- losophy he abandons the comparison of gaseous par- ticles to similar magnetic poles which repel each other, but are inert towards non-magnetic matter, and allowing that heat is the primary cause of repulsion in all gases, ascribes their diffusion contrary to gravity to the dissimilar size of their spherical molecules. " The particles of one kind being from their size un- able to apply properly to the other, no equilibrium can ever take place amongst the heterogeneous mole- cules. The intestine motion," he adds, " must there- fore continue till the particles arrive at the opposite surface of the vessel against any point of which they can rest with stability, and the equlibrium at length is acquired, when each gas is uniformly diffused through the other." It may be seriously doubted whether this theory of the facts will bear examina- tion, at least no attempt has been made to demon- strate it on mechanical principles. The subject has been allowed to remain during more than forty years of unequalled activity in such speculations without ma- terial light being thrown upon the proximate causes of these wonderfully general and simple truths. Yet it can hardly be doubted that the mechanical theory of the gases and vapours is capable of a great exten- sion, and even of being illustrated by simple experi- ments. But the attention of chemists has been with- drawn from the physical bearings of their science by the prodigious increase in the number of compounds which they have had to analyze and classify. The most important sequel to Dalton's discoveries has probably been that of Professor Graham, whose ex- Mr Gra- periments prove that gases when separated by a ham's law- porous partition permeate it in both directions, until °.^^' "' they have mixed in proportions which are inversely as the square root of their density. This law clearly shows the purely mechanical causes by which the diffusion is effected. A discovery of Dalton, which has scarcely been (617.) considered second in importance to those we ha,ve J^alton on mentioned, is that the rate of expansion of all gases gjon gf the by heat is the same. Thus thermometers of air, hydro- gases by gen, and carbonic acid would all mark the same degree ^^^*'- when plunged in the same medium ; whilst the mer- curial thermometer shows a more rapid expansion, at higher temperatures, if the air thermometer be taken as the standard. This important fact was soon after but independently announced by Gay-Lussac of Paris. Dalton's publication dates from 1801. In his Chemical Philosophy, he gives his view of the difficult subject of a true thermometric scale ; which he does not suppose to be correctly represented by the simple expansion of any known substance ; but that the gases expand with true increments of heat in a very slow geometrical progression, whilst li- quids expand as the squares of the true temperatures from their freezing points. These and other laws equally arbitrary have not received support from later and more precise experiments ; and in the se- cond volume of his work (1827) he freely acknow- ledges the correction of his hypothesis by the more recent French experiments. II. I now proceed to the other part of Dalton's (618.) labours on which his reputation is principally based ; atomic namely, the clear assertion and experimental esta- Theory, blishment of the Atomic Theory or doctrine of chemi- cal equivalents. I introduce it here on account of its important bearing on all physical questions in which the constitution of matter and the forces act- ing at minute distances are involved. Early opinions on the constitution of matter and (619.i chemical combination. — Two opinions have prevailed Early opl- from the very earliest times respecting the constitu- °'°°^ °° . tion of body : — that which supposes its entire homo- tution of geneousness, and that which allows that it consists matter. of material parts or atoms separated by void spaces ; these parts or atoms being indivisible. This last is the doctrine of Democritus and Epicurus, and in modem times of Bacon, Newton, and Dalton.^ The former opinion has been held by Leibnitz, and many 1 The reader will find ample details on the opinions of the older philosophers in Daubeny's Introduction to the Atomic Theory, 138 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. writers of the recent German school. Abstracting as far as possible from the more purely metaphysical difficulties (such as those which the consideration of Leibnitz's law of continuity introduces), we may perhaps be justified in stating that, whilst ihe objec- tions urged against the existence of atoms fall upon our inability to conceive and describe the properties of these individual ultimate parts in a consistent mannerj — the objections to the other notion meet us at an earlier stage, and seem to defy any clear con- ception of the nature or possible existence of com- pound bodies, or of bodies in two states of consis- tence. Admitting atoms — ^whilst acknowledging our inabilityto describe them individually — we can clearly enough conceive the phenomena of condensation, ra- refaction, evaporation, &c., and also of the combina- tion of elements in compounds possessing distinct properties ; but excluding them, or allowing that matter is penetrable by matter throughout, is it pos- sible to conceive clearly of such a compound, — as for example, of the perfect diffusion of two gases in the same space, yet each gas retaining its individuality so completely as to admit of easy and complete se- Boscovich. paration from the other ? The theory of Boscovich, which has been sufficiently touched upon by Sir John Leslie in the previous Dissertation, was intended, no doubt, to reconcile, the two opposing theories, and it cannot be doubted that it is in many respects an in- genious solution. Yet it is essentially (as Professor Robison maintains) a corpuscular or atomic doctrine, and it farther appears to be difficultly reconcilable to the doctrine of inertia ; for how can a finite number of unextended physical points, though they may be the centres of intense forces, constitute a finite aggregate mass ? Nevertheless this speculation has been on the whole favourably received, and in our own time seems to have been adopted by so eminently practical a philosopher as Dr Faraday. (620.) About Dalton's idea of atoms, however, there can Dalton's ^g no doubt. They are, according to his view, pon- thelubiect ^^rable, indivisible masses, having length, breadth, and thickness, consequently form. He had distinct conceptions of their relative weights, distances, and specific heats. He was particularly fond of depicting them in diagrams, to which he often refers for a clearer exposition of his views than he chose to give in words. A mechanical mixture of gases like the atmosphere is for him a uniform diffusion of the atoms of each gas throughout the space occupied by the whole, and without reference to t}ie position of the atoms of any of the others. But a chemical compound consists of molecules or complex atoms, each composed of two or more ultimate particles of the constituents firmly united by a chemical force, and these complex molecules act towards one another exactly as simple ones might do. The general notion of chemical forces or afinities (as they were perhaps first called by Geoff- rey, a French chemist) appears to have been appre- hended in two different senses corresponding to the atomic or non-atomic theory of body. For the former proceeds on the assumption of direct attractions or repulsions (push-and-pull forces, as they have been called) uniting some and tending to separate others, thus assimilating completely chemical with mechani- cal forces. The other school adopts the word affinity as expressing a mode of action of matter upon matter totally distinct from that of force producing motion in its particles, to which it is difficult to give an in- telligible form, much more to prove that the assump- tion is warranted by the facts.^ In this state of matters the choice between an opinion perhaps erro- neous, and one which assumes no definite shape, can hardly, to the practical philosopher, remain long doubtful ; when new facts shall have enabled him to express intelligibly a new hypothesis, it will be time enough to adopt it. Dalton's Atomic Theory. — I shall first briefly state (621.) the general facts or laws to which Dalton gave an uni- i^^g™ gji^. versal application, and then briefly refer to the un- mical com- doubted anticipation of part of them by earlier chemists, bination. For the sake of distinctness ihe facts of the atomic theory may be thus enumerated : — 1. That when two bodies unite, not merely by mechanical mixture but through a chemical affinity of the elements, — two or more in- gredients forming a wholewith new properties, — these ingredients are invariably found to exist in constant proportions. For instance, the carbonate of lime in- variably consists of 44 parts by weight of carbonic acid and 56 of lime, the slightest addition of either element remaining uncombined, or only mechanically mixed with the chemical product. 2. In many instances, however, more than one chemical combi- nation can be formed between two or more elements, and in the simplest cases, where the elements are two in number and one remains constant in quantity whilst the other increases in amount, a fresh che- mical union of the particles does not occur until one of the ingredients reaches precisely double the amount and in Whewell's Philos. of Inductive Sciences, vol. i. Newton's conjecture is expressed in these words : — " All things considered, it seems probable that God, in the beginning, formed matter in solid, massy, hard, impenetrable, moveable particles, of such sizes, figures, and with such other properties, and in such proportion to space, as most conduced to the end for which he formed them. And that these primitive particles being solids, are incomparably harder than any bodies compounded of them; even so very hard as never to wear or break to pieces; no ordinary power being able to divide what God himself made one in the first creation." Horsley's Newton, vol. iv., i!60, quoted by Daubeny. 1 A profound and subtle thinker of our own time (Mr Leslie EUis, of Trinity College, Cambridge) has made a definite suggestion as to a possible form of chemical forces, viz., that they may not be such as are directly exerted between a particle A and a particle B, but only by their presence enable A to act on B, or bear the same relation to force (common force) as force in mechanics does to the motion which it causes. Thus, the science of mechanics would include — 1st, Kinematics, or pure motion depending on equations of the first order ; 2d, Dynamics, depending on equations of the second order ; 3d, Chemical, Vital, &c., forces, depend- ing on equations of higher orders. Camb. Tram., viii., 604, &c, Chap. VI., § 3.] HEAT (ATOMIC CHEMISTRY). — DALTOIf. 139 wHcli had chemically combined -withthe other ; and if it happen that fresh compounds are formed pos- sessing new qualities, then the varying ingredient reaches 3, 4, or 5 times the amount which it had in the first combination ; or more generally the propor- tions by weight of the combining elements may be exactly represented by whole numbers. 3. " If two bodies combine in certain proportions with a third, they combine in the very same proportions with each other." This is called the law of reciprocal pro- portion. Thus, suppose that one ounce of a body A, saturates or forms a chemical combination with two ounces of B, 5 of C, and 11 of D ; then if B, C, and D are capable of combining, it will be in the exact pro- portions of the numbers 2, 5, and 11. Hence a single number being determined for each body, determines all its possible combinations with other known bo- dies. 4. It may perhaps be added as an indepen- dent fact, that when complex bodies combine with other bodies, no matter whether simple or compound, the combining number of the complex body is the sum of the numbers representing the constituents. Thus the combining number of lime is 28 ; but lime consists of calcium 20 and oxygen 8. So also the combining number of water is 9 ; but water consists of hydrogen 1 and oxygen 8 : and the combining number of hydrate of lime is 37, the sum of the 28 parts of lime and 9 of water of which it is composed. (622.) The discovery of these laws has been termed by Partial an- gir John Herschel the most impqrtant, after the laws of aoml°of °^ mechanics, which the study of nature has yet dis- these laws, closed. No slight or transient reputation is due to him who first clearly apprehended and taught them. Nor must we be surprised to find several claimants to a share of the honour. It is the invariable history of all great generalizations, that, they have been partly anticipated ; and it may serve to moderate the self- esteem of even the greatest discoverers, that however high may be their individual merits, they are in some sense the mere exponents of the aggregate know- ledge of their contemporaries. The laws of motion were partially anticipated before the time of Galileo, and could not have remained much longer undefined ; and even the unparalleled discoveries of Newton must, in all probability, have ere long been made piecemeal by the united energy of his contemporaries and immediate successors. The steam-engine was not the sole creation of Watt, nor was Davy the first to apply the voltaic battery to chemistry. In like manner, Dalton's laws of chemical combination were published at a happy moment, which gave them speedy acceptance with the active chemists of his day; whilst those who had seen with sufiicient clear- ness portions of these laws twenty. or thirty years before, addressed a scientific public by no means pre- pared to appreciate their value, or to feel a conviction of their generality. Had Wenzel,^ Higgins,* and Wenzel, Eichter^ individually apprehended the great impor- ^'SP^^' tance of the definite and multiple combining pro- ^^j, portions which they announced, — ^had they felt the theory of them to constitute the very foundations of chemistry, — they would not have rested until they had verified it in numerous details, and applied it to the various purposes of speculation and practice, as Dalton did. But whether from want of energy, or from ill fortune, their ideas sunk into entire oblivion ; and the ingenuity and social position of BerthoUet were giving a currency to opinions respecting chemi- cal forces which tended to undo even the far more elementary notions of the constancy of elective aflS- nities, at the time when Dalton's researches were unostentatiously brought before the world. His first insight into the theory of chemical combinations dates from the year 1803. It was expounded by him both in conversation and by lectures in 1804, at which date Dr Thomas Thomson recorded the results of a conversation held with him at Manches- ter, which, three years later (evidently with Dalton's approbation), he published in his work on Chemistry, Finally, Dalton himself, in 1808, announced the prin- ciples of his theory at no greater length than five pages " on Chemical Synthesis" in his Chemical Philosophy. Now, it is to be observed, that Dalton's views were (623.) all along expressed in the language of a strictly Ato- Importance ■ iX. n A 1 1, • 11 of tlie Ato- mic theory. Compounds are only chemically com- ^j^ ijjjgQj._ plete, when one or several atoms of an element com- to the pro- bine with one, two, or more atoms of another. Any gress of superfluity of either element remains uncombined, or " ^""'^'T' mechanically mixed. All the other parts of the laws of combination readily lead to the same idea, and, in fact, find in it their simplest expression. There is no wonder, then, that Dalton firpily believed in the physical existence of his atoms, and that the new properties of compounds are due to the peculiar mo- dification of the most elementary parts into which bodies can be divided without a loss of those proper- ties, that is, without decomposition. He figured these elementary molecules by uniting the symbols of their constituents, and by so doing, may be said to have laid the foundation of those algebraic sys- tems of technical notation, which speak to the eye only in another way from Dalton's diagrams, and which have been of such eminent service to the chemist. Nor must we think too lightly^ of a hypo- thesis which served so materially to aid in realizing . ^ Lehre von der Verwandschaft der Korper, 1777. He shows that in a double decomposition the new compounds are chemi- cally perfect. ^ A Comparative View of the PMogistio and Antiphlogistic Theories, 1789, hy Mr William Higgins, points out the multiple com- bining proportions of sulphur and oxygen, and of nitrogen and oxygen, but only incidentally. Dr Bryan Higgins, a relative of Mr W. H., had published, in 1786, a work said to contain the idea of definite atomic combinations. 3 Anfangsgriinde der Stochyometrie, 1792. He gave a series of jumbers representing the combining proportions of different elements. 140 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. a discovery of such magnitude. Dalton's earlier re- searches were far more physical than chemical ; and it is evident that the eifort of representing to his mind, geometrically and atomically, the condition of mixed gases and vapours, led him to form clear ideas on the definiteness of chemical combinations. The delay in publishing his views, no doubt de- pended on his desire to present them to the public in the form of a somewhat wide induction, although it is certain that his own opinion was fully formed from a knowledge of only one or two cases of multi- ple proportions, and especially the combinations of hydrogen and carbon. It cannot be fairly urged as conclusive against the theory of atoms, that cases .■«cur difficult to reconcile with the author's formal statement of it. There is no great theory — not even that of gravitation itself — which has not met with similar apparent contradictions. (624.) ijijie reception of the views of Dalton was some- tira in^^' ''^^^* gradual, yet might be called rapid, considering England, the obscurity of the author, and his provincial resi- dence. The energy of Dr Thomson of Glasgow con- tributed more than any other circumstance to com- pel the attention of chemists. He personally brought it under the notice of WoUaston and Davy ; and the former, who, by his habits of precise thought and ac- curate experiment, as well as from his extensive che- mical knowledge, would of all others have been the most likely to see its importance and probability, was doubly predisposed in its favour by having been himself for some time in possession of facts illus- trating the numerical laws of combination similar to those which Dalton possessed. Wollaston published these in the Philosophical Transactions for 1808, in which he expressly states, that Dalton had antici- pated him in the results of his enquiry into multiple combinations of elements. Davy, as might have been expected, was less prepared to accept a doctrine having the form of a mathematical law ; he did so, however, after a short resistance. In his Chemical Philosophy he ascribes most if not all the merit of it to Higgins, and is supposed to have looked coldly upon Dalton's growing fame; but it is gratifying to add, that in almost his last appearance in public as president of the Royal Society, when presenting Dal- ton with the first royal medal, he should have ex- pressed himself in terms of cordial praise. (625.) ju Prance the new doctrine soon spread, notwith- ^v-Lus-*^* standing its violent contradiction to the theories of sac's law of Berthollet. Gay-Lussac was amongst its earliest volumes, and most enlightened advocates; and he had the good fortune to add, in 1809, a new law to the principles of chemical combination, which is, that the gases, in uniting chemically, combine in equal or multiple volumes, and when any condensation occurs after they have united, it amounts to an exact frac- tion (^ or ■^) of their joint bulk. This was the only addition made for a very long period to Dalton's laws, even if we consider the theory of Isomorphism and of Substitutions to take the same rank ; and as it evidently includes the idea that the atomic weights of the gases have a simple numerical relation to their densities, it confirms Dalton's views of the great sim- plicity and uniformity of constitution of those bodies. In Sweden the doctrine of definite proportions found one of its earliest advocates in Berzelius, and his analyses contributed perhaps more than those of any other chemist to its perfect establishment. It is not to be concluded, however, that the atomic (626.) or theoretical part of Dalton's laws obtained the same " Chemical currency with the conditions of chemical combina- lenj^'*" tion which they serve to define. Wollaston and Prout were perhaps the most favourably disposed to the doctrine of atoms, though the former invented the term " chemical equivalents" to escape from the theoretic inference, and the latter believed that Dal- ton's law was only a portion of a more complicated one regulating chemical combinations. Wollaston even sought evidence in favour of ultimate atoms, from considerations of a purely mechanical kind, such as the existence of a limit to the atmosphere (Phil. Trans. 1822). We may however admit, with those who have taken an opposite view, that the finite extent of the atmosphere is consistent with a continuous mathematical law suitably assumed, and without reference to atoms at all ; if, indeed, we can imagine a medium varying enormously in density, yet possessing perfect continuity of body. But we will not enlarge farther on these almost metaphysi- cal considerations. During the period from his settlement in Man- (627.) Chester in 1793, to the publication of his Chemical^'^^^^ Philosophy/ in 1808, Dalton was occupied in tuition, history first in the Mosley Street Institution, where he lee- continued. tured on mathematics and natural philosophy for six years, and afterwards, privately, in a very humble and unpretending manner. His speculations and ex- periments gradually became more and more strictly chemical ; and, aware that his atomic theory was to be the great foundation of his fame, he spared no pains in illustrating it by numerous analyses. Con- temporary chemists have testified to the ingenuity and fidelity of these. Yet, isolated as he was, and unacquainted perhaps with those niceties of manipu- lation which are suggested by the experience of pro- fessional chemists, and rapidly communicated in great cities, his numerical conclusions were often inexact. Probably he felt some discouragement from this, at well as from the indifferent reception of the later parts of his Chemical Philosophy, in which he had to admit the inaccuracy of his theoretical scales of heat and expansion. At all events, his publications became more scanty and less original, though he was still near the meridian of life. The reality of his discoveries had been somewhat coldly acknowledged, and he felt little temptation to adventure himself in a more bust- ling arena, for which his habits and circumstances seemed to unfit him. Nevertheless, he had been, as Chap, VI., § 3.] HEA,T (ATOMIC CHEMISTRY). — DALTON — GAY-LUSSAC. 141 (628.) His charac- ter early as 1816, elected a corresponding member of the Institute of France — WoUaston being then probably the only other English name on the list.^ Dalton found- his way to Paris in 1822, and was agreeably surprised by the distinction with which he was re- ceived by the most eminent members of the Academy of Sciences. Perhaps this first 'personal recognition of his exalted station, as a man of science, had some- thing to do with the tardy adjudication to him four years later of one of the medals of the Royal Society of London. In 1830 he was elected one of the eight associates of the Academy of Sciences in the room of Sir Humphry Davy. In 1833, at the age of sixty-seven, he received a pension from government, up to which time he had maintained himself in the way already mentioned, with the utmost simplicity and contentment. Even in his lifetime it was impossible for his eulogists to forbear from some reference to this essential part of his really philosophic character. " Mr Dalton has been labouring," says Sir Humphry Davy, " for more than a quarter of a century with the most dis- interested views. With the greatest modesty and simplicity of cljaracter, he has remained in the ob- scurity of the country, neither asking for approba- tion, nor offering himself as an object of applause." "There is little doubt," says Dr Thomson, "that Mr Dalton, had he so chosen it, might, in point of pecuniary circumstances, have exhibited a much more brilliant figure. But he has displayed a much more noble mind by the career which he has chosen ; equally regardless of riches as the most celebrated sages of antiquity, and as much respected and be- loved by his friends, even in the rich commercial town of Manchester, as if he were one of the greatest and most influential men in the country." All who had the good fortune to know him personally — to see him, as the writer of these pages has done, in his modest school-room, and surrounded by his unpre- tending apparatus — will own that these eulogies are and death, not overdrawn. His latter days were spent in cheer- fulness and comfort ; he expired on 27th July 1844, having nearly completed his seventy-eighth year. (629.) The philosophical character of Dalton may be Dalton's briefly summed up. He had immense vigour of con- caUharac- ception, and an ardent love of truth. He was tho- roughly devoted to the pursuit of science during his long career, and he evidently sought and expected no higher reward than the insight which he obtained into the laws of nature. His mind, like his frame, was of a strongly masculine character, and happily exempt from nervous sensibility and other like in- firmities of genius. Whilst he held his own opinions with tenacity, and criticised freely those of his op- ponents, there is not a trace of acrimony in any cal charaC' ter. of his writings ; and he always spoke in terms of high respect both of those who pursued science in a similar direction with himself, and (what was more difiicult) likewise of those who, having the good for- tune to hold more conspicuous positions, showed him the smallest degree of kindness, which he always gratefully acknowledged. He was unlike Black and Cavendish, in the rapidity with which he seized on a few isolated facts, and made them the basis of an inference of great generality ; this, indeed, was his leading characteristic; and he differed from them equally in the boldness with which he claimed from the public a general acceptance of his conclusions. Some of his inferences were unguarded enough, and have not been confirmed ; and the reception of what were correct was naturally delayed by the evident facility with which his theories were shaped in his own mind. Most of his papers appeared in rapid succession ; only the Atomic Theory was brought with some evident hesitation before the world. In all this we see the results of a vigorous imagination, united with great perseverance, in working out an idea. The imaginative element would have been more under control had his education been of a less irregular kind. We see the effect of an opposite turn in his eminent predecessors just named. They would have done more, had they trusted more. Dal- ton's discoveries may be said to have terminated at the age of forty. Though he laboured for thirty years after, the conceptive faculty seems to have spent itself in its earlier efforts. Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac, an eminent French chemist and physicist, contemporary with Dalton, Gay-Las- has been mentioned in the course of the present sec- sac— che. tion, as having discovered independently the equal "JJ' 5;^;^'^ dilatation of the gases, and also a law of their com- binations in connection with their volumes, which was peculiar to himself. Besides these researches, science owes many useful observations in physics to his energy and talent, which, in the origin of his career, promised more of originality than his ma- turer life perfectly fulfilled. He was born in the old province of Limousin in 1778, and became the pupil of BerthoUet in chemical researches, and was one of the earliest and most active members of the Societe d'Arceuil. In physics, he was the collaborator of MM. Biot, Humboldt, and Laplace. With the first Remark- of these philosophers he made his earliest experi- able bal- ment in aerostation, which he repeated alone on the 1°"° *s'=«°'- 16th September 1804, when he attained the amaz- ing height of 701 6 metres (23,019 English feet), an elevation previously unattained, and which in the course of the succeeding half century has only twice been touched, or exceeded by a small quantity.^ Con- (630.) * So stated by Dalton himself {Life by Dr Henry, p. 163) ; but I suspect some misapprehension. Considering the importance attached to these nominations, it is to be regretted that it is at all times difficult to ascertain who are, or have been, associates and correspondents of the Academy of Sciences. " Once by MM. Bixio and Barral in 1860, and once by Mr John Welsh in 1852. Since this passage was written I find it stated, that, on the 10th September 1838, Mr Green and Mr Rush reached a height of 27,148 feet. See The Times of \5th Sept. 1838. 142 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. sidering the novelty of the experiment in 1804 (only twenty-one years after Montgolfier's first successful experiment), this fact speaks strongly for his courage and zeal. These ascents were also the first undertaken with strictly scientific aims, and the observations made were highly interesting in connection with the decre- ment of temperature in the atmosphere, with the uni- formity of composition of air at all heights, and with the question of whether the magnetic force of the earth diminishes at such elevations. This last en- quiry was not conclusively answered. (631.) "VVith M. de Humboldt he made observations on terrestrial magnetism in Italy, and on other subjects. Miscella- By desire of Laplace he studied the facts of capillary neons ex- attraction. In more immediate connection with the P^""'^"'^ subject of the present chapter, he made some valu- Lussac." able experiments on hygrometry, on the mechanical properties of vapour of difierent kinds, and on the specific heat of the gases. His fame, however, mainly rests on the two investigations to which we previously referred, and on the results of his balloon journey. His later years were devoted to practical enquiries connected with chemistry, and to his official duties at the Mint. He died at Paris on the 9th May 1850. His death. 4. EuMFORD. — Economical applications of Heat. — Point of Maadmum Density of Water; Hope. — Friction as a source of Heat. Theory that Heat is convertible into Mechanical Energy ; Mr Joule. (632.) Thomson, Count of Rnmford. (633.) His early history andstudies. (634.) Enquiries into the economical applica- tions of heat. The name of Thomson, Count of Rumford, de- serves a passing notice in the history of the physi- cal sciences, if not for the absolute importance of his discoveries, at least as an instance of a class of benefactors to manki:tid at once in a physical and in- tellectual point of view. He was altogether in ad- vance of his age in the application of correct theory to the improvement of the social condition of the lowest classes ; and many of his experiments, and, indeed, discoveries, seem now at once so simple and so familiar, that we are apt to forget how entirely original they were sixty years since. Sir Benjamin Thomson, an American by birth, a British knight, and a Bavarian or rather Austrian count, was born in the United States in 1753, and passed his earher years almost entirely at military stations during the American war, being engaged on the British side. After the establishment of in- dependence, he quitted his country for ever ; came first to England, where he was well received, and proposing to enter the Austrian service, he proceeded as far as Munich, where, having become known to the elector of Bavaria, he was induced to settle ; and having received diiferent civil and military ap- pointments, he devoted himself for a series of years to the improvement of the social condition of that capital. He introduced great improvements into the management of the army; the mechanical and chemi- cal departments of the artillery had a peculiar charm for him ; they were conducted on strictly scientific principles, and, in return, were made to contribute important results to science. His experiments on the heat of friction, deduced from the boring of cannon, are amongst the best we possess ; and they led him to results of considerable theoretical importance to which I shall presently refer. But his most serviceable efibrtson behalf of man- kind were in the treatment of the mendicant classes with which Munich then swarmed. Salutary views of the importance of industry, order, morality, and public economy, were most happily united to a happy versatility of talent in physical research, to unwearied patience and great liberality, in efiecting one of the greatest social reforms on record. The strict statistics of a great house of industry were ascertained with reference to the most seemingly in- significant details, and, in particular, all the appli- cations of Heat to the physical wants of mankind were s>tudied with equal assiduity and success. The warmth of clothing was traced to the amount of still air entangled amongst its fibres, — the dissipation of heat, whether from a thermometer or a kitchen boiler, was classified under radiation, conduction, and con- vection, the last and often most important of which (signifying the influence of currents in liquids and gases in conveying heat by the changing density of their parts) had hardly before been recognised, or at least made the subject of formal experiment, — the effective heat due to the combustion of difierent kinds of fuel, tested by a calorimeter of his own invention, — the economy of light based on an investigation of the properties of flame ; — these were but a few of the trains of enquiry, of which his Mendicity House was the primary object. Charity and science went Practical hand in hand ; and when we award to "Wa.tt the benefits re- highest honours for an invention which enabled him ^''™°S- to create mechanical force at an economy of two- thirds of the coal previously consumed, shall we deny Eumford a civic crown for having so improved the methods of heating apartments and of cooking food, as to produce a saving in the precious element of heat, varying from one-half to seven-eighths of the fuel previously consumed ?^ When we consider the enormous price of wood in nearly every part of the Continent, the destruction of forests which has oc- curred, and the consequent injury to the climate, as ^ In the hospital of Verona he reduced the consumption of wood to one-6'i would not rest until he had cooked his dinner with his neighbour's smoke Some one wittily said of Rumford, that he Chap. VI., § 4.] HEAT. — KUMFORD — HOPE. 143 (635.) Different experi- ments. (636.) well as to the material wealth of many districts, we are disposed to give Eumford a higher place than has generally been accorded to him. Had his excellent principles been universally carried out, some millions sterling would have been saved to every large state in Europe. Fontenelle characteristically says of a certain savant, who made experiments on nutrition, with a view to carry fasting to the utmost practicable extent, that his researches had the double aim of a place in heaven and in the academy. Cuvier, who tells the anecdote in his Eloge of Rumford, adds, that the latter had a truer claim to the questionable compliment. That science is surely not despicable by which a pound of wool, of fuel, or of food, can be made to go one-half farther than before in warming the naked and in feeding the hungry. All Rumford's experiments were made with admir- able precision, and recorded with elaborate fidelity, and in the plainest language. Everything with him was reduced to weight and measure, and no paing were spared to attain the best results. His experi- ments on heat, and the properties of bodies in con- nection with it, are the most important. He first applied steam generally in warming fluids and to the culinary art. He maintained the paradox of the non-conducting power of liquids, which, though prac- tically true, appears not to be rigorously so. He contrived many ingenious instruments ; but his ther- moscope, identical with Leslie's differential thermo- meter, was probably of later invention, if not in some measure borrowed from it. In like manner his proofs of the maximum density point of water were unquestionably suggested by Dr Hope's beautiful ex- periment, although this derives its meaning fi'om the laws of convection, which Rumford first established. That water expands in bulk below the temperature Dr Hope on of 39° or 40° Fahr. until it freezes, is a fact which the maxi- mum den- sity point of water. had been asserted since the middle of the seventeenth century. But for 150 years its great improbability, and the unquestionable uncertainty introduced into the resxdt by the irregular expansion of the contain- ing vessel or glass of the thermometer, enabled scep- tics in every generation to withhold their assent. Per- haps the last who doubted was the illustrious Dalton. He allowed himself however to be convinced by Dr Hope's experiment, in which the temperature of the denser and rarer water is measured by two thermo- meters placed at the bottom and top of a cylindrical jar, and nothing interferes with the natural tendency of a fluid to arrange its particles according to their specific gravity, the lighter resting on the heavier ones. It is to be regretted that Hope did not pro- secute original enquiry, for which the conception of this experiment, and the mode in which he conducted it,i show that he had excellent qualifications. Hope was first the colleague, then the successor of Black in the chair of chemistry in Edinburgh ; and in his time probably the most popular teacher in Europe of that science. He died on the 13th June 1844, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. Rumford's name will be ever connected with the (637.) progress of science in England by two circumstances ; R""»f<"'d first, by the foundation of a perpetual medal and Rgyai in. prize, in the gift of the Council of the Royal Society stltution. of London, for the reward of discoveries connected with Heat and Light ; and secondly, by the estab- lishment, in 1800, of the Royal Institution in Lon- don, destined, primarily, for the promotion of original discovery, and, secondarily, for the diffusion of a taste for science amongst the educated classes. The plan was conceived with the sagacity which characterized Rumford,' and its success has been greater than could have been anticipated. Davy was there brought into notice by Rumford himself, and furnished with the means of prosecuting his admirable experiments. He and Mr Faraday have given to that institution its just celebrity with little intermission for half a century. Rumford spent his later years in Paris, where he (638.) died in 1814. The estimation in which he was then Rumford's held may be judged of from the fact, that he was '^^'* ^^^^^ one of the eight foreign associates of the Academy of Sciences. He was very capable of having done more for science : the versatility of his talents, the accidents of his early life, and the strong hold which principles of philanthropy and public utility always exerted over him, account for the absence of more sustained and erudite researches. But in those very particulars he deserves to be cited as a practical phi- losopher, as to many things in advance of his age, and a benefactor both to science and to mankind.^ In the history of pure science Rumford will be chiefly remembered by his espousing the (not new) theory that heat consists in a motion of some kind amongst the particles of matter, in opposition to the opinions then so prevalent amongst chemists, which almost tended to regard it as an element capable of forming combinations. Rumford's view was mainly based on the facts of friction, which he showed to be irreconcilable with the notion of a change in the spe- cific heat of the abraded matter, and to be seemingly inexhaustible so long as the force producing friction is continued. His conclusion was, that the heat then generated cannot be a substance, but an affec- tion of body of the nature of vibratory motion. The amount of heat evolved in boring cannon is very (639.) His opi- nions on the nature of heat im- portant. Derived from expe- riments on friction. ^ Edinburgh Transactions, vol. v. 2 Kumford married (for the second time) Lavoisier's widow ; his daughter (by his first marriage) became Madame Cuvier. Hence Cuvier's Eloge of Rumford contains the most authentic particulars of his life. Madame Rumford survived until a few years since, residing at Paris, where she formed a link between the savans of the age of Lavoisier, and those of the middle of the nineteenth century. 144 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE, [Diss. VI. great, an operation with which, as we have seen, he was professionally connected. In one experiment, a steel-borer pressed with a force of 10,000 lbs. against gun metal, and revolving 32 times in a minute, gene- rated in 2 J hours the heat necessary to boil 18J lbs. of water. It is probable that Eumford carried his views so far as to infer a necessary and constant relation between the quantity of heat generated and mechanical action expended ; and if we take an esti- mate of horse-power more conformable to reality than the nominal horse-power of Watt (33,000 lbs, raised 1 foot in the minute, which is too great), we shall find a tolerable approximation between his re- sults and those now generally admitted. Davy fa- voured Eumford' s theory, but the mechanical ques- tion remained for 40 years almost unconsidered. (640.) At length, about 1845, Mr Joule of Manchester en- ^"^J®*^' ^^' deavoured to establish a rigorous connection between Mr Joule. ^^ mechanical effort expended and the heat gene- Mechanical rated by friction ; and he appears to have satisfac- effect of toriiy established {Phil. Trans., 1850) that in the case of water agitated by beaters, the work expended by the fall of 772 pounds through 1 foot is capable of raising the temperature of a pound of water by 1° of Fahrenheit. ^ Mr Joule's experiments and inferences, however, go much farther than this, namely, that in all circumstances where heat is generated, it is at the expense of a precisely similar equivalent of me- chanical effect ; and conversely, that mechanical effect is never used up, without a corresponding evolution of heat, and that this is the case whatever be the fluids or other substances employed. Thus in the steam-engine the possible eflBciency of the engine is only limited by the mechanical effort due to the heat given out by the condensed steam. So the heat given out by compressed air represents the force expended in compression; and even the heat produced by voltaic or magnetic electricity is that which corresponds to the work it might do. A step farther leads to the equivalence of heating effects by chemical combina- tion to the amount of energy which, differently di- rected, might have been realized in the shape of work ; and though a larger induction is still required to justify all the conclusions which the zealous pro- mulgators of this comparatively new "mechanical theory of heat" have advanced, it cannot be doubted that there is a basis of important truth in the matter which well deserves farther enquiry. § 5. Sir John Leslie. — Establishment of certain Laws of Radiant Heat. — Pictefc— Prevost. heat. (641.) The fact that heat is radiant, or passes through Sir John space in the manner of light, apparently disengaged proffrassof ^^°^ ^^7 material vehicle, became known at an early the science period. Porta in the sixteenth century, and the Flo- of radiant rentine academicians in the seventeenth, had reflected heat by mirrors. Marriotte and Newton respectively assigned some of the laws which characterize it. Lambert, in the middle of the last century, made some real advances, but it was not until the very close of that period that heat in the radiant form was carefully and systematically studied. The group of philosophers simultaneously engaged on it consisted of Leslie, Kumford, Herschel, Pictet, and Prevost. The two last named were earliest in point of date ; but as we owe to Leslie by far the ablest series of experiments, and which for many years,' and even to the present time, have formed part of the body of science, we shall connect his name principally with this section. Sir John Leslie, born in 1766, completed his studies at a very early age in the University of St Andrews. From boyhoid he was remarked for a decided and independent turn of character ; and as his favourite studies were mathematical, he for some time pursued them to the exclusion of the classics. Ultimately, however, he attained also to a respect- able knowledge of these, and by his strong natural (642.) His early Btudies ; talents, and his love of reading, he acquired an im- mense stock of information on all sorts of subjects. This he displayed not only in his conversation, but also in his writings on technical and purely scienti- fic matters, in which he frequently introduced with- out much apology illustrations from his miscella- neous reading, and even metaphysical disquisitions. As is frequently the case in persons addicted to (643.) natural philosophy, his first original researches were »id essays connected with mathematics. Playfair, who was""." j .,, ,. . TTT , matiCB and eighteen years his senior, encouraged and directed electricity, him ; Ivory, who was almost his contemporary, and also his fellow-student at St Andrews, was per- haps no less influential in confirming his geometrical tastes. The former communicated Leslie's first ori- ginal paper to the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 1788. It was on Indeterminate Equations, and was printed in their Transactions, Down to this period we have no record of his being engaged in original experiments ; but it is probable that such was the case, for in 1790, and the following years, we have evidence not only of his having speculated on subjects of natural philosophy, but also that he had made experiments intended to confirm or refute prevailing theories. A paper on Electrical Theories was read to the Royal Society of Edinburgh, which, finding them reluctant to print, he withdrew, and he only 1 To Rumford, I believe, is due the attempt (in conformity with this view) to ascertain the heat developed by the friction of fluids, for instance in churning (which, I think, was one experiment proposed by him), but I have not been able to find a reference to it amongst his scattered writings. Chap. VI., § 5.] HEAT. — SIR JOHN LESLIE — PICTET. 145 published it more than thirty years after, when cer- tainly it was not calculated to advance science in a perceptible degree. An essay on Heat and Climate, read at the meetings of the Royal Society of London in 1793, had not a more favourable reception ; and though published twenty-six years later in Thomson's Annals, it was refused a place in the Philosophical Transactions. The author, no doubt, attributed these rejections to the boldness with which he criticised opinions currently received, and to the novelty of the views which were shadowed forth ; but something is, no doubt, to be allowed for the real immaturity of these works, the involved and even inflated style in which they were written, and the questionable evi- dence for some of the conclusions. In these, and in some subsequent scattered papers in Nicholson's Journal, we observe, with all the faults, yet many of the merits of those researches which afterwards made him justly famous. We find acute observation, in- genious, if not close reasoning, considerable inven- tiveness in imagining experiments and in constructing apparatus, and a general tendency to express physi- cal laws in a mathematical form. It must be con- fessed, that these merits were united to a good deal of dogmatism, and a somewhat supercilious judgment of persons eminent in science whose years and at- tainments should have commanded respect. This, however, is a fault which many ardent students not very conversant with the world have had abundant occasions to regret at leisure. Whether or not he believed Sir William Herschel to have had some share in the refusal of his paper by the Royal So- ciety I do not know, but it is difficult, on other grounds, to understand the bitterness with which he expressed himself as to that eminent person, in con- nection with his experiments on heat. (644.) One of the circumstances which most contributed Travels. ^^ encourage Mr Leslie's taste for experiment, was , his engagement for above two years as tutor and companion in the family of the ingenious Mr Wedg- wood. Another was the opportunities which he found or made for himself of foreign travel. With or without companions he visited, in the early period of his career, America, and most of the northern countries of Europe, particularly Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, and Norway. He also medi- tated a journey to Egypt and the East, a project reluctantly abandoned, and to which he reverted even in the last years of his life ; but it was never carried into effect. Nothing, perhaps, fosters so surely, a taste for science as such extended tours ; and the acquaintance made under the mo&t agreeable cir- cumstances with foreign philosophCTs, and the fami- liarity gained with their language and experiments, contributes to it in no small degree. (645.) We have now come to the period of Mr Leslie's Publishes ijfg -when his character and position became esta- o« ^a«? Wished, the first by the publication of his Experi- mental Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation of I ings. Heat, in 1804; the latter by his appointment to the chair of mathematics in the University of Edinburgh in 1805. I shall first say a few words on his cha- racter as a mathematician. Mathematics were, as has been stated, his earliest (646.) pursuit, and he cultivated them with great industry Mathemati- and success. His adviser, Playfair, was attached ?^„7" ' to the methods of the foreign mathematicians ; and Leslie no doubt acquired from him, as well as from his continental friends, a taste for the notation of Leibnitz, then hardly employed in this country, but which he uses in his work on Heat, and elsewhere. Nevertheless, his real preference appears to have been decidedly geometric. He almost always pre- fers demonstrations, whether in mathematics or na- tural philosophy, in the manner of Huygens and Newton. He could hardly be called a discoverer in mathematics ; but his work on Geometrical Analysis and the Higher Curves shows much taste and know- ledge, and is justly commended by Chasles and other foreign writers. His attempt to replace Euclid's Ele- ments by a new work on Elementary Geometry was not more successful than such attempts have usually been. Unquestionably, the bent of Leslie's mind was (6*7-) to physical research, in which he showed a peculiar impOTtance talent ; and his selection of Heat was, as we have of the sub- hinted, well - timed ; since there appeared a con- jeo* of ra- vergence of attention to the subject, such as usually '*°' ^^'' heralds some eminent discovery. The doctrines of heat in combination, of which we have already spoken, had engaged the attention of Black, Cavendish, and Lavoisier; the subject of meteorology, in which Leslie took the greatest interest, was becoming a science in the hands of De Saussure and Deluc ; whilst Pictet repeated (without being aware of the anticipation) the curious observation of Porta on the apparent con- centration of cold by a concave mirror. As this ex- periment really opened anew the subject of radiant heat, we shall dwell for a moment on Pictet's labours and their results. Geneva was at this time nearly in the zenith of its (648.) reputation as a nursery of the sciences. The most p'^"'* °^ eminent and independent of its citizens were proud of being also amongst its instructors, and the office of professor was then, as it still is, considered one of the most honourable in the state. About 1790 De Saussure, the most eminent physical geographer of his time, was in the vigour of his intellect, and amongst his friends and coadjutors Maro-Atjguste Pictet held a conspicuous place. The latter was professor in the Academy, and being a person of popular man- ners and great information, was known and esteemed by the learned throughout Europe. He was the author of numberless papers in a scientific jour- nal which he edited ; but his work on fire — Essai sur le Feu — published in 1791, was his principal pub- lication. It contains some good observations on latent and specific heat ; and on the power of difierent kinds Geneva, 146 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL (649.) Prevost — moveable equili- brium of heat. (650.) Leslie's Essay on Heat—Vii- ferential thermome- ter. of surfaces to reflect and absorb it. He noticed the different heights at which a blackened and a bright thermometer stand even when exposed to common daylight ; but so far as I have observed, he did not distinguish the effect of colour in absorbing heat when that heat is accompanied by light or the reverse; and, indeed, this portion of his work stops short on the threshold of most interesting enquiries. He showed that radiant heat travels with great velocity, and ob- served the heating and cooling of thermometers in exhausted receivers. His work also contains obser- vations on hygrometry, on some points of meteoro- logy, and on the heat of friction. Indeed, its chief fault is embracing so many topics in so short a com- pass, thus preventing him from thoroughly examin- ing any one of them. To Pictet is due the establish- ment of meteorological observations at the convent of the Great St Bernard, which are amongst the most interesting which have ever been made, and which are still continued. He died in 1825, at the age of seventy-three. The interesting experiment of the reflection of cold led PiEERE Prevost, one of Pictet's colleagues, to devise the theory of " the Moveable Equilibrium of Heat. " His idea is, that heat is a substance associated with bodies, of a highly elastic nature, and continu- ally given ofiF from them in proportion to their tem- perature, which may represent the tension of the imaginary elastic fluid. When the temperature of a body is stationary, it is (according to this view) be- cause it receive^ by radiation from surrounding bodies exactly as nluch' heat as it parts with in the same way. The general structure of this theory was sus- tained by the experiments of Leslie, and by some later ones on the law of cooling by Dulong and Petit, which, indeed, realize it in a remarkable manner. Prevost first published his ideas in 1791, in the Journal de Physique, and afterwards in a special work. Prevost was a man of an active and vigorous, rather than profound intellect. He was a foreign member of the Royal Society, and died in 1839, at the advanced age of eighty-eight. We now come to speak of Leslie's important Essay on Heat which received from the Royal Society the distinction of the Rumford medals, and which pro- cured for him a European reputation. It is a work difficult to analyze, from the very fact, that its con- struction is fragmentary, and its arrangement desul- tory and obscure. Our limits will only allow us to mention the methods of research and their chief re- sults. As a thermoscopic instrument, he used a modification of the common air thermometer (which last had been employed by Pictet), which, havii^g two balls at a certain distance, connected by a bent tube containing a coloured liquid, showed the difference of temperature of the balls; and being hermetically closed, was free from the disturbing variation of at- mospheric pressure. This he called the differential thermometer. A similar instrument had been de- scribed by Sturmius in the seventeenth century. Whether Leslie had any previous knowledge of this does not appear ; but, as Dr Young very correctly observes in one of his anonymous critical articles,— " The principle of the differential thermometer is too simple to be called an invention, and it is only by its ingenious application that Professor Leslie has made it an object of attention." He usually em- ployed as a source of heat a canister of block tin, filled with boiling water, and having sides with dif- ferent surfaces. The radiating or emissive efiect ofEmissive these surfaces was measured by the rise of the ther-^^°^^^^ mometer exposed to their successive influence in thegm.fa5gg_ focus of a metallic reflector. The result showed a great variety of effect, varying from 100 when the surface was blackened, to 12 when it was of polished metal. The absorptive power of surfaces to non- luminous heat is also in exact proportion to their emissive power — a property which seems essential for preserving the equilibrium of like temperatures. Another and not less important law clearly esta- (651.) blished by Leslie was this, that the radiation of ^eat^^^^"^.^^ from a plane surface takes place with unequal force ^f radiant in different directions.^ When the specific heatingheat. power or density of the calorific rays is estimated in a direction perpendicular to the surface from which it emanates, it is found to be a maximum. At any other angle with the surface, it varies as the sine of the angle. This law (which Fourier showed later to be necessary for the equilibrium of temperature) obtains also in the case of light. Hence the appa- rent specific brightness or warmth of a surface is the same under whatever angle it is viewed with re- ference to the plane of the surface, which, when placed obliquely, contributes rays from a larger ex- tent of surface, owing to the foreshortening, but being weaker in the same proportion from every point, the aggregate efiect is the same. Some interesting ex- periments were made on the number of coats of isinglass necessary to efifect a complete transformation of the metallic into the gelatinous surface, which was found to be considerable ; and, in like manner, the reflective character of metals was only very gradu- ally destroyed by varnishing. This observation, rightly interpreted, showed that some solids are per- meated by radiant heat, a conclusion which Mr Leslie utterly rejected. Another fundamental experiment less decisively (652.) proved was, that the law of radiation varies inversely ^j^gj^^g^jB as the square of the distance. Perhaps the most square of convincing, as well as the simplest proof of this has the die- been given more recently by Melloni. If a delicate *'""''• thermometer or other apparatus for measuring radi- ant heat be confined in a case, so as only to admit rays coming within a definite angular space — and if This result had already been anticipated by Lambert ; Pyrometrie, p. 197. Chap, VI., § 5.] HEAT. — SIR JOHN LESLIE. 147 the instrument be placed in front of an indefinite plane (such as a wall) hotter than itself — the rise of temperature will be precisely the same, whatever be the distance at which it is presented to the heated surface. (653.) The influence of colour on the heating of bodies Influence ^a,s considered by Leslie in an original manner. It on radiant ^^^ found to be effectual only when the radiations are heat. luminous. A thermometer painted black or white (provided the texture of the surface be the same) parts with its heat, and also absorbs the heat de- rived from such a source as boiling water, in an al- most equal degree. The effect depends chiefly on the degree of polish or condensation of the surface. But with luminous sources of heat the case is widely dif- ferent. This subject had been carefully considered previously to the date of Leslie's work by Sir W. Herschel, who had studied the absorbing power of different colours on the sun's rays. Black and white form the two extremes, and Leslie availed himself of this principle to construct his photometer, which cer- tainly (whatever may be its defects) is an elegant mo- dification of the differential thermometer. It is an instrument having one ball of black, the other of pellucid glass, and united by a tube of the form of the letter U, containing sulphuric acid tinged red as an indicator. As the texture of the surfaces of both balls is the same, dark heat is equally absorbed by both, and the indicating liquid remains stationary. But in the sun's rays, or even in common daylight, the dark ball becomes most heated ; and it is not unreasonable to conclude, that when the source of heat remains the same, its variations of intensity are correctly shown. Leslie, however, erred in consider- ing that it was applicable to measuring light differing in origin and quality on a comparative scale ; and this error he unfortunately persevered in, after un- questionable experiments had Shown its fallacy. (654.) The Essay on Heat contains an elaborate and Thelawsof jjjggjjjjjyg research into the law of cooling of bodies, der Tarioas including the effects of mass, surface, contact of air, circam- currents of air, and likewise of inclosure of the cool- stances, jjjg body in successive envelopes or thin cases ; and the author ingeniously compared the results of actual experiment with formula based on principles more or less theoretical. But a fundamental error unfor- tunately runs through all this research, and shows in a striking manner the fatal influence of theo- retical preconception steadily maintained through a Leslie's course of experimental enquiry. He starts with the peculiar notion, that the presence of air is essential to the Ihe^r™ propagation of Heat,.generally called "radiant." In gation o^T fact, for radiation he usually substitutes the word heat. « pulsation," and ascribes the effect of surface in mo- difying the cooling of bodies to its faculty of trans- mitting pulsations or tremors, more or less readily, to the vehicle of the air. He was indeed compelled to admit that air had a double agency ; one " abduc- tive," as it draws off heat by contact and by what is generally called " convection," that is by currents which the communication of heat itself produces ; the other, " pulsatory," which corresponds to what is usually termed radiation, but which Leslie persisted in believing to be due to tremors propagated in air, after the manner of sound, and with the same velocity. In the concluding chapter of the work before us he considers the cooling effect of different gases, and of air of different degrees of rarefaction ; and this last ex- periment might, one would have thought, have satis- fied him of the fallacy of his opinion ; since, taking his own numbers, when air is rarefied 1024 times, the " pulsatory energy" is only diminished one-third part. In fact, it appears as if his work broke off abruptly, when the course of observation became irreconcilable with the opinions advanced in the early part of it. After this analysis of Leslie's greatest contribution (656.) to science, I cannot afford space to dwell upon his His minor minor inventions. I pass over them, however, with YllezmB~ the less regret because they have been fully dwelt experi- upon in his " Dissertation," of which the present is a ment. continuation, and in his articles on Cold and Meteo- rology in the Eiicycloptedia. The most original and important of these was his very beautiful process of producing ice in quantity by the cold of evaporation, in the receiver of an air-pump ; rendered effectual by his ingenious use of absorbent surfaces for "with- drawing the vapour. This experiment was completed in 1811, and attracted much attention. It was con- nected with his researches on hygrometry, to which he also adapted his differential thermometer. But in the development of this diflScult theory, he was less successful, nor indeed could he well be so, whilst he adhered to the old opinions respecting the affinity of air for moisture. Having filled the Mathematical Chair from 1805 to (656.) 1819, Leslie was in the latter year translated to that Close of his of Natural Philosophy, vacant by the death of Play- fair. He had a good collection of apparatus, and de- vised many ingenious experiments. In 1820, he was elected corresponding member of the Institute of France, and died on the 3d November 1832, at the' age of 66, having received the honour of knighthood, on the recommendation of Lord Brougham, but a few months before. In closing this brief sketch of Sir John Leslie's (657.) career, we cannot fail to observe the combination of His philo- unusual powers with unusual drawbacks to their ^°P * complete and vigorous exertion. Whilst he had the in some chief merits, he had also the most serious defects, of points de- the self-formed student. He was ardent and ambi- ^^^^tive tious in the pursuit of knowledge. He must have been for many years a hard, if not a methodical stu- dent ; he united good mathematical knowledge with a real love of experiment ; he was gifted with a strong memory, and confident in the exercise of all his powers. Why, with so many advantages he did not achieve more, nor put forth even what he did to 148 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. greater advantage, was mainly because he yielded to the guidance of an imagination which often carried him into fanciful speculation, yet which was strangely united with dogmatism in maintaining what he had once maintained, and a disposition to accuse others of misinterpreting nature, whenever they arrived at con- clusions inconsistent with his own. (658.) Ii such sciences as those which he chiefly culti- vated, — sciences eminently progressive, imperfect, and dependent on experimental proof, — a just appre- ciation of the labours of others is one of the most essential parts of the philosophic character, whilst an absence of it infallibly condemns the dogmatic theorist to be gradually left behind, even in the paths which he had at first trod with the greatest distinc- tion. With few exceptions, Sir J. Leslie carried his scientific views of 1804 with him to the grave. The possibility of the passing of heat, except solar and highly luminous heat, through any solid body, such as glass, though proved by Haycock, De la Roche, and Powell, — the existence of dark heating rays in the sunbeam, less refrangible than the red, demonstrated by Herschel, and afterwards confirmed by many others, — the doctrine of gases and vapours as laid down by Dalton, — ^the maximum density point of water shown so .ably by Hope and Rumford, — the existence of climates in the arctic regions of which the mean annual temperature does not exceed 0° of Fahrenheit, proved by Party and his successors, — all these, and many other demonstrated truths in his own peculiar walk of science, were, we fear, practi- cally ignored by him throughout life. (659.) But we willingly leave the ungrateful task of indi- Merit of Ms eating defects. Let us recollect rather with pleasure t^/'re™™' how much we owe to his beautiful discoveries. It is searchfeB. perhaps not an insignificant test of their originality, that though they were generally adopted (at least to the extent which his own experiments justified), Les- lie's observations were but rarely repeated, and that only in the way of general confirmation and iUustra^ tion. I mean that for a great many years the path which he had opened, and the methods which he de- scribed, were not seized upon by others, as leading to a sure course of discovery. Until the time of Dulong, his experiments on cooling were perhaps never care- fully resumed, and a very great number of his sub- jects of enquiry were only taken up thirty years after their publication, as we shall see in a future section. The observations of Herschel on the Refrangibility (660.) of Solar Heat, I shall include in the notice of the experiments of Berard and De la Roche, to which -we shall presently turn. § 6. Fourier. — Mathematical Theory of the Conduction of Heat. Temperature of the Earth and of Space. Lambert; Poisson.- (661.) It is stated by Arago, that when the Academy of Theory of Sciences, above a century ago, proposed as a prize sub- ttenofheatJ'^''*' " La Nature et la Propagation du Feu ;" adding, —Lam- " la question ne donne presque aucun prise 3, la geo- bert. metric," — a majority of the candidates treated of the methods of preventing the burning down of houses ! It is true, however, that on that occasion, Euler sent a memoir which, though crowned, was unworthy of his genius. Lambert in his " Pyrometrie," in 1779/ had the rare merit of laying the foundations of the science of conduction. He solved correctly this ques- tion : — " If a thin conducting bar of indefinite length be kept with one extremity heated to a constant degree above the surrounding space, required the tempera- ture of any point in the axis of the bar'?" The solu- tion is, that the temperatures, or rather excesses of temperature, diminish in a geometric ratio, at dis- tances reckoned in arithmetical progression, from the origin of the heat.^ In this solution it is assumed, (1.) That the flow of heat along the bar, is at any point proportional to the rapidity with which the tempera- ture at that part of the bar is lessening as we recede from the source ; in other words, that the flow of heat from the hot part to the cold part, is more rapid in proportion as the difference of temperature of two sections of the bar at a given short interval is greater. (2.) That the bar parts with its heat to the surround- ing space, exactly in proportion to its excess of tem- perature at every part. This beginning, which perhaps like many of Lam- (662.) bert's other writings was not very generally known, Biot. had no sequel until 1804, when M. Biot attempted to find the differential equation of the general movement of heat on the same principles. But the form which he obtained, including a mathematical solecism, be- trayed some error in stating the conditions. Three years later Fourier had more success. But, conform- ably to the plan of this discourse, I shall premise some facts regarding his early career, which was far from commonplace. Joseph Fotjeibe was born in 1768, at Auxerre in (663.) France. He was of humble parentage, and being Fourier— . early left an orphan, was educated by the Benedic- Jj^ ^^"^^ tine monks who, singularly enough, conducted with '" success in that town a military school. It seemed his fate to become either a priest or a soldier ; yet he was neither, though ere long familiar with camps. He became first a pupil of the old normal school of * Pyrometrie, oder, von Maasse des Feuers und der Wdrme. Berlin, 4to, 1779. This work was posthumous, and contains many riginal observations on Thermometry, Conduction, Solar Radiation, and Climate, ' Pyrometrie, p. 184. Ghap. VI., § 6.] HEAT — FOUEIER. 149 The Egyp- tian Insti- tute. (664.) Fourier first states correctly the analy- tical form of the pro- blem of conduction' Tardy pub- lication — rivalry in the 'Insti- tute. Paris, when Lagrange, Laplace, and BerthoUet were amongst the professors. He had already presented to the Academy, at the age of 21, a paj er*n the nu- merical solution of equations, a subject of predilec- tion with him, and to which we shall presently return. After leaving the Normal School, he was named one of the original professors of the Polytechnic School, a station of which he was justly proud, but from which he was withdrawn by the requisition to join, along with Monge and other savans, the Expedition to Egypt under Napoleon. It was the singular fancy of that extraordinary man, to create an Egyptian Institute, of a constitution similar to that of France. Fourier was perpetual secretary. But it proved little better than a waste of talent. The arts of Egypt were not regenerated, and France was despoiled of some of her ablest philosophers. Fourier had quite as much to do with battles and treaties as with equations and experiments. Yet he often referred afterwards with partial recollection to those stirring times, and re- counted, with the ardour of a somewhat garrulous temper, the valiant feats of arms which he had wit- nessed. Fourier edited the account of the Expedition to Egypt, and wrote the historical preface, the com- position of which ultimately procured for him a seat in the AcadSmie Frangaisc. On his return to Europe, he was appointed Prefect of the Isere in 1802, and Grenoble became his home for some years. Whilst he devoted a just share of his attention to his public duties, he found time to produce his greatest work. The Analytical Theory of Heat. His first paper on this subject dates from 1807. It was communicated to the Aca- demy of Sciences, but not printed. The subject was however proposed for a prize, to be decided in 1812, when Fourier's essay was crowned, but, strange to say, not published. The cause, it is to be feared, lay in the jealousy of the greatest mathematicians of the age. Laplace, Lagrange, and Legendre, the committee of the Academy, whilst applauding the work, and ad- mitting the accuracy of the equations of the move- ment of heat thus for the first time discovered, insi- nuated doubts as to the methods of obtaining them, and likewise as to the correctness of the integrations, which were of a bold and highly original kind. These disparaging hints were not supported by any precise allegations ; and we can scarcely blame Fou- rier for feeling indignant at the tyranny of the mathe- matical section, and little disposed to regard with favour the few and comparatively insignificant efibrts of several of its members subsequently to ratify and extend the discoveries which he had unquestionably made. The manuscript, after lying for twelve years in the archives of the Institute, where it was consulted by difFerentpersons, was finally printed, u)ord/or word, as it stood in 1812.^ Fourier's long absence from Paris in a remote provincial town, rendered this in- dignity possible at first ; and afterwards, it was his misfortune to be unable to hold a political station without offence, amidst the violent intestine conflicts with which Prance was afilicted. He alternately dis- pleased his old master Napoleon and the Bourbons, and the consequence was, that after the Restoration he found himself dispossessed of every employment, master of not one thousand pounds, and refused by the government even a seat at the Institute. This indigence, so honourable to himself, and this neglect, so disgraceful to others, tended, no doubt, to increase an irritability, such as intense mental exertion often produces, and which the injustice of his scientific countrymen had already aggravated. Finally, how- ever, be received a modest post connected with the civil administration of the department of the Seine ; he was also elected a member of the physical section of the Academy of Sciences, and he finally became perpetual secretary of that body. Fourier's papers on Heat show a remarkable com- (665-) bination of mathematical skill with a strict and pre- ^f^,]^,' 1 ' 1 '3 • X 1 • 1 *'*^ preci- cise attention to physical considerations. In thishegion — ex- excels almost every writer of his time, and especially periments. his colleague and younger rival, Poisson. His expe- rimental skill is not to be so highly praised, although he illustrated several of his solutions by actual trials, which he submitted to calculation, and showed to agree with theory. Their degree of precision, how- ever, hardly allows them to be considered as tests of theory. Fourier assumes the correctness of Newton's law, /gae.) as well for communication of heat from point to point Assnmp- of a solid, as for the external radiation by which ittionsof the parts with its heat into the surrounding space. In ij, w™"' the former case, the flow of heat is proportional to the rapidity of the depression of temperature, in the direction in which the motion of the heat is considered; in the latter, it varies as the excess of temperature of the surface of the hot body above the surrounding space, affected, of course, by a constant depending on the radiating power of the surface. These, as I have said, were also the Postulates of Lambert's solution. Fourier's researches, fortunately perhaps, preceded for the most part Dulong and Petit's enquiry into the true law of cooling. I say fortunately, since other- wise Fourier might have been discouraged from at- tempting the solution of problems which are highly important even in an approximate form. With regard to the law of radiation, Fourier had (667.) the merit of showing, for the first time, the necessity of ^*jv ^^}*^ Leslie's experimental law of the intensity of emanated of emana- heat being proportional to the sine of the angle which tion. the direction of emanation makes with the surface. This he considered both mathematically and physi- cally. Mathematically, he showed that were this law not true, a body might be maintained for an indefinite time within an envelope of constant temperature, and ^ See Fourier's note at the commencement of his paper, in Memoirs of the Institute for 1819 (printed 1824). 150 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. yet never acquire that temperature, even approxi- mately ; and physically, considering that radiation proceeds not from a mathematical surface, but from a material physical stratum of an imaginable thick- ness, but which rapidly absorbs the emanations pro- ceeding from the inferior particles, he proved that the attenuation due to oblique emanation will fol- low Leslie's law, independent of the precise rate of absorption in traversing the physical surface. (668.) Fourier takes extraordinary pains to define and Definition justify every step of his demonstrations. He has the ing power gi'eat merit of having first given a clear definition of conducting power, or conductivity proper, which is this : — " The number of units of heat (measured by the weight of ice which it can melt) passing in unit of time across a square unit of surface of an infinitely extended plate bounded by two parallel surfaces at unit of distance which are respectively maintained at the freezing and boiling temperatures (unit of dif- ference of temperature)."'- In like manner, the " ex- and of terior conductivity" expresses the number of units " exterior of heat parted with by unit of surface to the air and conducti- surrounding space, when the difference of their tem- perature amounts to unity. (669.) Account of the Theorie Analytique de la Chaleur. y°""f "^"j — ^The problems considered by Fourier in his Theorie alpiqm de -Analytique, refer principally to the propagation of laChaUur. heat in homogeneous conducting solids of definite forms, and in some cases maintained in certain parts at fixed temperatures. (670.) The number of examples fully worked out is very orloWms^'"^^^' ^^^ ^^^^ °^*y ^® referred to the following solved by classes : — (1.) When some part of a solid has an inde- him. finite source of heat applied to it, the remaining sur- face being exposed to the air, or having determinate temperatures maintained at certain parts. In this case, the state of the solid in regard to heat is per- manent, or independent of time ; and the problem is to assign the temperature of each part, -and the flow of heat through that part in a given direction. (2.) To assign the temperature of every point of a solid pri- mitively heated, either uniformly or after any assigned law, and at any given moment. (3.) To solve the last question only in the case where the cooling at the surface has been going on for an exceedingly long time. (671.) Of the first class of problems, the slender bar heated condition^ by a constant source of heat at one end, and exposed of heat in a to the cooling influence of radiation and of the air, slender which had been treated of by Lambert, is the simplest ''"''• and most important. The temperature of any thin slice perpendicular to the axis of the bar, is the result on the one hand of the heat which it acquires from the hotter slice nearest to it on the side of the source of heat ; and on the other, of the heat with which it parts to the slice next beyond and also to the air in contact with the exterior surface of the slice and by radiation from the same surface. The solution of this problem is that of a simple difierential equation of the second order, and the result is the diminishing geometrical progression of temperature already mentioned. This has been approximately con- firmed by some careful experiments of M. Biot, which indeed are nearly the best which we yet possess on the subject. But instead of drawing from them, as he does, an argument for the accuracy of the Newtonian law of cooling, the diminution of temperature along the bar is far more rapid at first, and less afterwards than that law indicates. In fact, the apparent agree- ment of the formula is owing to the use, in a case to which it does not correctly apply, of that often mis- applied rule of the doctrine of chances — the method of least squares. The solution of another case of stationary temper- (672.) ature, — an indefinite solid bounded by three infinite 1° an infi- planes (two of which, B, G, are parallel, and the third, "'** *" ' ' A, perpendicular to both) having determinate tem- peratures, — requires the introduction of a species of analysis, in which Fourier acquired great dexterity, but which is of so subtle a kind as to have created doubts in the minds of the committee of the Institute to which the Memoir was referred, and to have been a sourpe of some controversy and much discussion since. Fourier contrives to express, by an infinite trigonometrical series, the law of temperature in such a solid, which shall not only satisfy the differential equation of the equilibrium of heat, but also the conditions of temperature at the bounding planes, B and C, which being zero by the problem, the value of the temperature which, up to that point was finite, suddenly comes to nothing, and has no value beyond. This problem leads to a long digression on the pos- sibility of expressing by trigonometrical series, quan- tities which, vary according to any conceivable law and of determining the co-efficients of the successive powers of the sines and cosines employed. The theorem to which Fourier is led, in which any function of « is expressed by a series of definite integrals, in- cluding sin X and cos x, is known by his name. The problem, however, which Fourier most elabo- (673.) rately treated, belongs to the 2d and 3d class, — Movement namely, the cooling of a sphere primitively heated °^^®*' " * ^ Let P be the flux of heat measured as above, K the constant of interior conductivity, z an ordinate measured across the thickness of the plate, and v he temperature of the stratum of which z is the ordinate ; then P= — K — ; in the permanent state the temperature varies uniformly /ron the conductivity of iron, executed on a principle which I believe to be new, but which I have not yet been able to publish. Mr Airy and Professor Kelland are each in possession of the outline of my method ; and the result noted in the text was briefly announced by me in the Reports of the British Aitooiation for 1852. If my health permits, I shall resume and publish these experiments. I may here add, that I pointed out in 1833, from some experiments which I made at that time (Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, vol. i. p. 6), that the metals range in the same order as conductors of Heat and of Electricity ; and this law appears to be confirmed by more recent obser- vations. Chap. VI., § 7.] HEAT. — DULONG AND PETIT. 155 of air was absent, tlie influence of the latter became less and less perceptible. (696.) The principal apparatus of Dulong consisted of a Their ap- balloon of thin copper about a foot in diameter, coated para s. internally with lamp black, and placed in connection with an air-pump, so that any portion of atmospheric air could be extracted up to about f f ^ of the whole, and any other gas could be introduced into it. The temperature of the balloon could be nicely regulated by introducing it entirely into a water trough. Into the centre of the balloon, thermometers of different sizes, or having different kinds of surface, could be intro- duced. The temperature of the balloon having been first regulated, the thermometer under experiment (being itself the radiating and cooling body) was heated nearly to the boiling point of mercury, and inserted in the balloon so as to occupy the centre of it. The exhaustion and other arrangements being made, the observations on the rate of cooling of the thermometer commenced when its temperature was as high as 250° or 300° centigrade, equivalent to 482° and 572° Fahrenheit. (696.) With respect to simple radiation, or when the cooline^not**'^®''* °^ ^''^ ^^ *^^ balloon is estimated as nothing, simply as the inaccuracy of the Newtonian law was soon ap- the excess parent. Whilst the excess of temperature of the of heat. cooling body above the envelope or balloon remained constant, and the absolute temperature of both was made to vary, the velocity of cooling, instead of being constant, increased rapidly with the tempera- ture. Thus the excess of temperature being in every case 200° centigrade, and the temperature of the balloon being ... 0°, 20°, 40°, 60°, 80°, the rate of cooling was 7-4, 8-6, 10-0, 11-6, 13-4. The whole of an elaborate series of observations was beautifully and satisfactorily represented by a for- mula admitting of this simple physical interpre- tation, viz., that the cooling of the thermometer is the difference between the heat which it parts with to the envelope and the heat which it receives from the envelope; and that the heat thus parted with, either by the thermometer or the envelope, varies in a geo- metric ratio with its temperature.^ (697.) The effect of contact of a gas in cooling the ther- Effect of mometer is more complex. It is independent of the air on the *«**^''^ ofthe surface, as Leslie had already supposed. rate of The cooling power of a gas is proportional to a cer^ cooling. fi-fin power of its elasticity, which varies for each ; it takes place more rapidly in hydrogen than in any other known gas, which was likewise discovered by Leslie. It also comes out rigorously, that the ratio of the radiating power ofUifferent surfaces is the same at all temperatures. This ratio for glass and silver is 5-707 : 1. Assuming this last principle, and also that the cooling due to the contact of air is indepen- dent of the surface, the law of cooling in vacuo may be deduced from the observed cooling of two thermo- meters suspended in air, and having glass and sil- vered surfaces respectively. Dulong and Petit found that, when they analyzed their experiments in this way, they obtained values for the radiation in vacuo almost absolutely coinciding with what direct experi- ment had already given. No more perfect criterion could be desired of the soundness of every link of the chain of experiment and induction. We shall not analyze Dulong's other memoirs. (698.) They regarded matters in the science of Heat requir- ^"?®'' ™^' ing the same skill m devismg appai'atus and in mam- Dulong on pulation, the same caution in eluding errors, and the the laws same just principles of calculation as in the investi- °^ ^^^*" gations already specified. They did not, however, lead to the discovery of laws so striking and so ge- neral. They included the very delicate and diificult subject of the laws of the thermal expansion of bodies, particularly that of air and of mercury, which were applied to the theory of the thermometer, the very basis of all exact knowledge in the doctrine of heat. Another referred to the specific heat of the Specific gases, an enquiry of the very greatest difficulty, in ''**' °^ which we still find physicists disagreed. Dulong bethought himself of using Laplace's celebrated cor- rection for the velocity of sound due to the heat de- veloped during the compression of an elastic medium (art. 433), and proposed to deduce the heat thus developed, by a comparison of the observed and theo- retical (Newtonian) velocity of sound, and thence to obtain the specific heat. The theoretical velocity is easily obtained from the density of a gas under a given pressure : the observed velocity was ingeni- ously found by sounding one and the same organ pipe with the different gases in succession, and ascer- taining the pitch by the aid of Cagniard de Latour's Sirene. (441.) One of Dulong's latest, most elaborate, and most (699.) useful labours, was ascertaining the elasticity of high- ?°.?* ®i*°" pressure steam in terms of its temperature. These steam. experiments were carried as far as 24 atmospheres of pressure. In the course of them the law of Ma- riotte and Boyle was verified up to the same limit. The condensatiop of air was found to be exactly pro- portional to the pressure. We shall return to the subject of these later experiments of Dulong in men- tioning the still more recent ones of M. Eegnault. Dulong was unfortunately lost to the world at the (700.) comparatively early age of 54. His was the peculiar Character merit of a well-balanced scientific mind. He felt° °°^' F= »(«« + "-«"); 1 Thus symbolically expressed : — where V is the " velocity of cooling," or depression of the thermometer in centigrade degrees in one minute, supposing it to con- tinue constant for so long; i is the temperature of the envelope ; t + P, that of the thermometer ; a is a constant independent of the size and surface of the cooling body, and which is ^ 1'0077 ; m is a constant depending on the dimensions and surface of the body. X 156 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (701.) (702.) Observa- tions of Sir "W. Her- echel on the heat of the solar Epectrum. (703.) Other ex- periments. the necessity of introducing into physics a degree of precision then almost unthought of. Coulomb had done something of the kind in other branches ; but in Heat it was really new. It was speedily succeeded by a rapid advance of precision in almost every kind of delicate experimental research. Nowhere can the student of physics find a better model than in the celebrated memoir on the Law of Cooling, which, we may add, received, as a matter of course, from the Academy of Sciences, the prize in competition for which it had been composed.^ It is only justice to the countrymen of Dulong to say that they retain the superiority in the deduction of numerical laws from observation, which Coulomb and he conspicu- ously exemplified. The industry of the Germans and of the English have indeed been great ; but in this particular enquiry they have not equalled in address the members of the French Academy. In order to complete our sketch of the more im- portant steps connecting the discoveries of Leslie with those of Melloni, we will now, going back a little in point of date, trace the origin of correct experiments on the immediate transmission and refraction of heat by solid substances. Sir William Hersehel having found it requisite in the course of his arduous observations on the sun to devisemeans for preventing the intense heat of its rays from reaching the eye, was naturally led to observe the effectof different coloured glasses, and even of coloured liquids in this respect. He also placed thermometers in different parts of the spectrum formed by a prism, in order to discover which of the rays it W^as most important to exclude. The singular result at which he arrived was this, that the intensity of heat accom- panying the light of the sun not only increases from the violet to the red end of the spectrum (as was already known), but is more intense quite beyond the red, and gradually diminishes in force for a long way farther. This result was keenly contested by Les- lie, butwas confirmed by Englefield and Davy. Berard admitted the existence of invisible heating rays from the sun, but yet found the maximum effect within the red. Seebeck, by numerous experiments, proved that the position of the maximum depended on the natui-e of the prism, being found even in the yellow ray when a prism of water is employed, whilst with flint glass it always occurs in the space beyond the red. The rationale of this curious result was first discovered by Melloni, whose labours will be detailed in another section ; and it was shown to depend on the different degree of absorption exercised on the heat of the several rays of the spectrum by the differing material of the prisms. Hersehel made a very great number of experiments on the transmission both of solar and fire-heat through different kinds of glass and other bodies. But they were rough trials, giving a sort of practical test of this quality, rather than admitting of accurate esti- mations of the quantities of transmitted heat. It was impossible, for instance, to infer from them the degree in which the warmth induced in the glass or other medium by the heat which it absorbed, tended to raise the indications of the thermometer beyond ; although such an efTect was manifest from the re- sults of the experiments themselves. Hence it was open to an objector to deny the direct transmission of radiant heat through such bodies as glass, except in the cases of the sun and of brilliant combustion, when it cannot be doubted. Prevost had proved to his own satisfaction the (704.) immediate transmission of heat derived from bodies Important even when below the temperature of visible redness, ^^*j"' , by using thin screens of glass, and renewing them De la frequently before they could have absorbed muchEocheon heat. Maycpck obtained a similar result; but to*?*""*"^" De la Koche is due nod only the establishment oiTSLdiant this fact beyond any reasonable doubt, but also the heat discovery of certain laws of its operation which are through inexplicable on any other supposition but that of ^ *^^' immediate transmission. One of these laws, for in- stance, was this, that when a series of thin glasses are interposed between a source of heat and a ther- mometer, each successive glass transmits a larger pro- portion than the previous ones of the heat which falls upon it. De la Koche rightly accounted for this sig- nificant fact by assuming that heat is not homoge- neous, and that the heat which has once passed through glass has lost the rays which glass most easily intercepts. He farther found that the sus- ceptibility of heat to pass through glass increases rapidly with the temperature of its source. The experiments of De la Roche date from 1812. The next step was made by Professor Powell of (705.) Oxford (1825). He showed that the quality/ of the Professor heat transmitted by glass is not the same as that P"''^"- of the incident heat. This he proved by ascertaining the proportion of heat absorbed by a black relatively to a luhite surface. This proportion was invariably increased by the interposition of glass. Mr Powell concludes that heat consists of two kinds intimately mixed. That of which the absorption depends on the colour of the surface on which it falls, is usually luminous, and is most easily transmitted by glass. That kind of heat which is equally absorbed by black and white surfaces is totally devoid of light, and is sometimes considered as pure radiant heat. It will be sufficient here to refer to an interesting (706.) Bssai/ on Dew, published by Dr "Wells in 1815, in Wells' which he applies Leslie's experiments on the radiating ^^°^^ ° 1 As the original paper of Dulong and Petit, in the Memoirs of the Institute, or the Annales de Chimie, is not always acces- sible, I may mention tliat it is translated almost or quite in extenso in Thomson's Annals of Philosophy, vol. ziii., and in Mr Lunn's excellent treatise on Heat in the Mncydopmdia Metropolitana, Chap. VI., § 8.] HEAT. — MELLONI. 157 power of different surfaces to account for tlie appa- below the " dew-point," by tHeir unrequited radiation rently capricious formation of dew in diiferent situ- of heat towards a clear sky. A slight wind, by con- ations, — establishing that it is moisture deposited tinually restoring the equilibrium of temperature to from the lowest stratum of air upon surfaces cooled the surface, prevents the deposition. § 8. Melloni. — Recent History of Radiant Heat — Transmission and Refraction of Heat ; Pro- perties of Heat analogous to Colour. — Experiments in Great Britain on the Polarization and Double Refraction of Heat. (707.) Eecent ob- servations on radiant heat. (708.) Melloni — the asso- ciate of No- bUi. (709.) The ther- mo-multi- plier, an instrument of research. (710.) The length to which this chapter has already ex- tended, must be my apology for bringing concisely to a conclusion what remains to be stated regarding the progress of the subject of radiant heat. With the ex- ception of the excellent researches of De la Roche on the immediate transmission of radiant heat through glass (mentioned in the preceding Section), but which that ingenious philosopher did not live to extend and complete, little of importance was done between the researches of Leslie and those of Melloni, of which we are now to speak. Macedonio Melloni, a native of Parma in Italy, became associated as an experimenter, probably about the year 1828 or 1829, with Nobili, a skilful and ingenious physicist of Eeggio (Modena). Nobili was well known by his experiments on galvanic Elec- tricity and on Electro-Magnetism. He was also the great improver of Schweigger's Multiplier, rendering it an instrument of precision ; and to him we owe the happy and ingenious application of Thermo-Electri- city to the measurement of minute effects of heat. The Thermo-Mitltiplier, a thermometer of extreme delicacy, though improved by Melloni, was (as has just been stated) the invention of Nobili. It consists of two portions, a sentient part and an indicating part. The first is composed of a number of short thin bars of antimony and bismuth, arranged like a square faggot, pairs of bars being soldered together in consecutive order at the opposite ends of the faggot, so as to form a single bent metallic conductor. If the junctions exposed at one end of the faggot are subjected to heat, and those at the other end kept cool, the effect will be a thermo-electric current of considerable in- tensity generated by the pile. This current is con- veyed by means of two wires from the opposite ends of the system, which are connected with a delicate galvanometer which forms the indicating part of the apparatus. In practice, one end of the pile, armed with a conical reflector for concentrating the rays of beat, is exposed to a calorific source whose radiant effect is to be measured, whilst the other end is care- fully screened from external influences. The devia- tions of the galvanometer needle indicate the heating effect as on the scale of a thermometer. The pre- cautions required in the construction and use of the instrument, and in the interpretation of its results, are too numerous to be mentioned here. Nobili, in conjunction with Melloni, applied the thermo-multiplier (amongst other experiments) to the proof of the instantaneous transmission of heat through glass and other solid and liquid bodies. From 1831, this enquiry was conducted nearly (711.) exclusively by Melloni, who about that time settled Melloni first in Geneva and then in Paris, having been com- the™ on-' pelled, on political grounds, to quit Italy. His first derful and most important original memoir was presented trans- to the Academy of Sciences early in 1833, and was P^^^^^^^ °^ received with marked coldness, if not incredulity, by f^p ^eat. that body. A few months later, the writer of these pages had an opportunity of seeing Melloni's ex- periments in P-aris, and he made known their im- portance at the immediately succeeding meeting of the British Association at Cambridge. The Royal Society of London in no long time awarded their Rumford medal to Melloni, after which mark of foreign approbation, he first obtained a hearing from the Institute of France. The most consider- able result at which he had then arrived was this : that rock-salt possesses a power unapproached by any other substance of transmitting heat of any temperature and from whatever source, with ex- tremely little loss ; and as a natural consequence of this, that heat wholly devoid of luminosity, such as that from boiling water, or even the heat of lie hand, may be refracted by prisms and lenses of rock-salt exactly in the same manner as light is refracted by glass. The reality of these effects (which had excited the persevering scepticism of the Parisian savans) was demonstrated by a great number of most inge- nious experiments, in which every possible source of error and confusion was avoided or allowed for. Melloni even believed that the loss observed in passing heat of any temperature, high or low, through polished screens of rock-salt, was precisely the same ; and, moreover, that it occurred entirely at the two surfaces by partial reflection, so that the solid me- dium was absolutely transparent for every kind of heat. It is certain that the loss is in every case small; but this almost paradoxical conclusion has not been completely confirmed by those who have repeated his experiments. The important and un- expected discovery of the nearly complete trans- parency of rock-salt for heat, enables us to construct pomplex thermotic apparatus for refracting and con- centrating it, analogous to those of glass which are used in optics. The next point clearly made out by Melloni, was the specific action of different bodies in sifting the (712.) (713.) 158 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. The specific rays of heat they transmit, stopping altogether certain aouon of j^injs ^y. qualities of heat and transmitting others, substances Substances, in general, transmit most readily the heat on the rays radiated by surfaces having a high temperature; this of heat.— jjj^^ already been shown to be true in the case of glass of heat ""^ ^7 ^^ ^^ Roche. That experimenter had also demon- strated Cas we have seen in Art. 704) that successive plates of glass intercept a constantly decreasing per- centage of the heat incident upon them. This may he explained by supposing radiant heat to be, like the light of the sun or of a flame, heterogeneous, containing rays of different qualities, some of which are easily transmitted and others are wholly stopped by glass. And if we pursue the analogy with re- spect to other substances, we may imagine (for the sake of illustration) heat to be coloured, and that diiferent media, though equally transparent and co- lourless as regards light — such as glass, rock-crystal, and ice — exercise a specific action on the rays of heat, each transmitting certain portions of the heat and stopping others. Rock-salt alone (according to Mel- loni)is absolutely cotourZesswithrespect to heat, trans- mitting all its varieties with uniform facility. Thus equally thick and equally clear plates of salt, glass, and alum, transmit, out of 100 rays of heat from diiferent sources the following proportions : — . Rock-salt .. Heat from a bright flamo. 92 Heat from incandes- cent Pla- tinum. 92 Heat from a snrface at 700° Fahi;. 92 Heat at 212° 92 Plate-glass 39 24 6 Alum 9 2 (714.) Let, however, heat which has been sifted by a plate Refrangi- ofalum fall ou another similar plate, then instead of Heat. ^ P^"^ cent., 90 per cent, will be transmitted. On the other hand, if we unite two plates of opposite trans- missive qualities, as alum and green glass, the com- bination is almost absolutely opake, just as a combi- nation of two coloured glasses giving different pure tints (say red and green) would be opake for light. The working out of this beautiful enquii-y is entirely due to Melloni ; and he has published a separate work on the " Coloration of Heat."^ He also rendered it probable that the rays most easily absorbed by glass and bodies generally are the least refrangible ; and this has been made certain by direct experiments by the author of this Dissertation, who, by a peculiar me- thod, founded on the Total Reflection of heat within a prism of rock-salt, has obtained the following In- dices of Refraction : — Heat from a lamp, mean refractive index 1-531 Do. passed through glass 1'547 Do. do. alum 1'558 Mean luminous ray 1562 Explana- Melloni ingeniously apphed the facts previously tion of mentioned to explain the variable position of the point of hottest part of the spectrum, as observed by Sir maximum heat in the '. spectrum. i ^^ Tliermochroie, ou la Coloration Oalorijique. Naples, 1850. William Herschel and others. It depends on the nature of the prism employed. In a prism of rock- salt, the hottest part of the spectrum is as far beyond the extreme visible red, as the interval between that red and the yellow ray in an opposite direction. Through the intervention of Arago and of Baron (^^^O Humboldt, Melloni ultimately obtained permission to jjelioni return to Italy and to reside at Naples, where he spent his latter years. He ceased, however, to prosecute his researches on radiant heat with the same energy, undercircumstances of ease and comparative affluence, that he had done in the period of distress and obscu- rity. Nevertheless, several original papers were writ- ten by him at this period, as well as the condensed account of his earlier researches on the Coloration of Heat, of which only the first volume appeared. Mel- loni died of cholera at Portici, in August 1854, aged.53. The analogy of Radiant Heat to light, strikingly (717.) established by Melloni, with respect to the diversified f"^? ^'" refrangibility and other qualities of the various radi- polarize ra- ations emitted by one or different sources, suggests diant heat an enquiry as to the intimate nature of these two i'eJ'T'i- agencies. No answer is likely to be so conclusive as an appeal to the test of Polarization, which, in the case of light, has been so remarkably explained by the theory of the transverse undulations of a me- dium. Some years before any of Melloni's papers appeared, — indeed, before he had entered on the in- vestigation just noticed, — the writer of the present Dissertation had attempted, by means of common thermometers, to test the polarizability of heat. The trial was not a new one ; but, except in the case of the heat of the solar rays, the results seemed to be inconclusive, or were even wholly negative. Berard had, indeed, not long after the discovery by Malus of luminous polarization by reflection, repeated (in 18 12) that experiment with sun-heat, and also with the heat emanating from terrestrial sources ; and as he believed with success.^ I have ventured to call his experiments inconclusive, because others besides my- self vainly endeavoured to repeat them. Professor Powell failed with ordinary thermometers, and at a later period Nobili announced a decidedly negative result, obtained with the thermo-multiplier. Simple radiant heat, he affirmed, is not polarizable by re- flection.* I have just referred to my own early experiments (718.) on the subject (which were likewise inconclusive), ^^P^"- in order to explain that it was natural, on hear- ^^^ppg-^n* ing of the application of the thermo-multiplier writer, to measure radiant heat, that I should wish to repeat them with the new instrument. This I did in 1834. I first succeeded in proving the polarization of heat by tourmaline (which Mel- ^ La Thermochrose, ou la Coloration Oalorijique. 2 Memoires d^Arceuil, vol. iii., p. 5. ' Bibliothegue Universelle, Sept, 1834. Chap. VI., § 9.] HEAT. — M. REGNAULT. 159 Depolari- zatioD of beat. loni had announced did not take place) ;^ next, by transmission through a bundle of very thin mica plates, inclined to the transmitted ray ; and after- wards by reflection from the multiplied surfaces of a pile of thin mica plates placed at the polarizing angle. ^ I next succeeded in showing that polarized heat is subject to the same modifications which doubly re- fracting crystallized bodies impress upon light, by suffering a beam of heat (even when quite obscure), after being polarized by transmission, to pass through a depolarizing plate of mica, the heat traversing a second mica bundle before it was received on the pile. As the plate of mica used for depolarization was made to rotate in its own plane, the amount of heat shown by the galvanometer was found to fluc- tuate just as the amount of light received by the eye under similar circumstances would have done. This experiment which, with the others just mentipned, was soon repeated and confirmed by other observers, still remains the only one proving the double refrac- tion of heat unaccompanied by light ; and though somewhat indirect, it will hardly be regarded by competent judges as otherwise than conclusive. Ice- land spar and other doubly-refracting substances, absorb invisible heat too rapidly to be used for effect- ing directly the separation of the rays, which requires a very considerable thickness of the crystal. I also succeeded in repeating Fresnel's experiment of pro- Circular, ducing circular polarization by two internal reflec- pol*"^*- tions. The substance used was of course rock-salt.* (719.) M. Reg- nault. (720.) Skill of French ex perinien- ters. (721.) Co-ef- ficients of expansion of gases. § 9. M. Regnault. — Numerical Laws of Expansion by Heat ; Rudberg. — Vaporization; Dulong. — Latent Heat ; Hygrometry. The limits of this Essay will not permit me to do thrown upon the accuracy of Gay-Lussac's coefficient Coefficient more than allude in very general terms to the merito- of the expansion of the gases (0-375 of the vo-°^ *"?*"' rious services of M. Henri- Victor Regnattlt in the lume at 32° for the expansion between 32° and 212°g^°s°and science of heat. In the seventh section of this chapter Fahrenheit) by Rudberg a Swedish philosojiher, who mercury ; I have mentioned his name in connection with that determined a new coefficient (0-3645). M. Reg- ^^^'^^^''g of Dulong, whose researches he has prosecuted, and nault finds for air of the ordinary density a cb- ~ °"^' whose position in the College de France he now fills, efficient nearly the same as that of Rudberg, but The attention of M. Regnault has been devoted differing slightly for the same fluid under differing chiefly to heat in its combinations with matter — to pressures, and also for the various gases.* The ex- dilatation and vaporization. I have already said, in pansibility of all of these fluids appears to tend to speaking of Dulong, that, in point of numerical pre- the same limiting value when they are sufficiently cision in the results of experimental physics, the attenuated. As a preliminary to these experiments, French are unrivalled. The ta,lent which they have the expansion of mercury was ascertained by its hy- shown in the construction of apparatus, skill in its use, drostatic equilibrium at different temperatures, as and patience in deducing results with due attention to had already been done by Dulong, and with almost every numerical correction, have not been equalled coincident results. The dilatation of mercui-y was either in England or Germany, much less elsewhere, used to ascertain that of the glass vessels employed. We must, however, note that doubts were first The irregularity of the dilatation of glass is one of (722. 1 Annales de Chimie, torn. Iv. (1833). * I was led to polarize heat by transmission through mica films from having observed the extraordinary permeability of those films to radiant heat, and from the facility of adapting them to tubes applied to the pile. The idea of using bundles of mica for reflecting heat did not occur to me until some time after. But 1 cannot here omit mentioning a circumstance of vrhich I only became aware some years after the publication of my reseai'ches. In arranging my correspondence, I found some letters from Sir David Brewster, with whom I had communicated as to the best means of polarizing heat, during my earliest and unsuccessful attempts with common thermometers. In one of these letters he recommends, among other methods, the reflection of radiant heat from mica bundles. This suggestion was not put in practice; for, owing to change of residence and other circumstances, my attention was diverted to other subjects, and only recalled, after a lapse of some years (as stated in the text), to the polari- zation of heat, by the invention of the Thermomultiplier. Nor was Sir D. Brewster's suggestion recollected by me until I ac- cidentally met with it (after, another long interval), in the manner which I have just stated. I am glad to have an opportunity of acknowledging the friendly assistance and encouragement in all matters of science which at an early age I received from him when I was an obscure, though ardent student, and when he was my only scientific adviser. 3 1 have not thought it proper to go into farther details concerning ray own experiments on radiant heat. Those who desire more information will find it in Professor Powell's Second Report on Radiant Heat, in the Brit. Assoc. Reports for 1840. But I may here state, that M. Melloni's first experiments on polarization were made with mica piles, furnished to him by myself in 1835. * M. Regnault's experiments were published in 1841. Professor Magnus of Berlin was at the same time engaged on similar experiments, and with nearly coincident results. The following table contains the summary of all these experiments : — Dalton's coefficient 0-391 Gay-Iiussac's coefiicient , 0-375 Iludberg's coefficient 0-3645 M. Regnault's coefficient (from the expansion observed under a constant pressure) 0367 M. Regnault's coefficient (from the elasticity obsei-ved under a constant volume) 03665 M. Magnus' coefficient (from the elasticity observed under a constant volume) 0-3665 Dalton's experiments were made between 55° and 212°, and after allowing for the expansion of glass, he obtains for the relative volumes of air at those temperatures 1000 and 1325, giving jj, of the volume at 55° for 1° Fahr.j or ^J^ of the volume at 32°, which agrees with the co-efficient given above. See Manchester Memoirs, vol. v., p. 598-9. 160 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI, Irregular dilatation of ?lasE. (723.). Dulong and M. Regnault on the elas ticity of steam. (724.) M. Reg- nault on latent heat (725.) the great difficulties not only of these enquiries, but generally, in constructing comparable thermometers. It varies so much with the composition of the glass as to leave a serious amount of uncertainty in the measure of temperatures above that of boiling water. M. Regnault has had the perseverance himself to graduate the thermometers which he uses. These enquiries were in some measure introductory to the determination of the elasticities of steam at different temperatures, which had been already ascer- ' tained with so much care by Dulong (nominally in conjunction with Arago and other academicians), as to leave little need for their repetition, except on the ground of the uncertainty of the indications at high temperatures of the thermometers which they used. All M. Regnault's results are most carefully expressed in terms of temperatures measured on an air thermo- meter corrected for the expansion of glass. They agree well with those previously ascertained by Dulong. In connection with this subject, the important law of the latent heat of steam at different temperatures has been correctly ascertained for the first time by M. Regnault. Watt maintained that the sum of the sensible and latent heats of steam is constant at aU temperatures : Southern and others, on the con- trary, believed that the latent heat has a constant value, whatever be the temperature of vaporization. M. Regnault shows that the true law is intermediate. The latent heat diminishes as the sensible heat of steam increases, but in a slower proportion. Our author also followed the steps of his prede- cessor Dulong in verifying the law of Mariotte and Law of Boyle on the compressibility of the gases. He found ■^'"''°**^ it to be indeed very approximately true, yet not ab- °'" °^ *' solutely so for any gas. For atmospheric air and for most other gases the compression increases rather faster than the strict proportionality to the pressures would assign. In hydrogen gas the contrary is the case. This result, together with that on the dilatation of different gases, shows (if fully confirmed hereafter) that mere simplicity or uniformity of result is not by any means a sure ground of induction as to a law of nature. That simplicity often appears to be predi- cable only of some abstract condition of matter which we may assign or imagine, but which we rarely if ever find realized amongst the bodies around us. The preceding investigations, the result of an (726.) amount of minute and assiduous labour almost fear- ful to contemplate, are to be found collected in the 21st volume of the Memoirs of the French Academy of Sciences, which they entirely occupy. M. Regnault has elsewhere published analogous (727.) researches on the Specific Heat of a great variety of *^- ^^S" ' substances, and on the theory and practice of Hygro- gp^^jg " metry, both of which are highly interesting and im- Heat and portant, but which I have not here space to analyze. Hygrome- He is also favourably known as the author of an ^^' excellent treatise on chemistry, and in fact sits in the Institute as a member of the Chemical Section. He now directs the manufactory of porcelain at Sevres ; and being still in the prime of life, much may yet be hoped from his devotion to science. CHAPTER VI I. (728.) Galvani. ELECTRICITY— MAGNETISM— ELECTRO-MAGNETISM. § 1. — Galvani. — Discovery of Galvanism ; Proper Animal Electricity. — The subject revived by Nobili. — MM; Matteucci and Du Bois Eeymond. (729.) His posi- tion as a discoverer difficult to estimate. There are few discoverers in science whose posi- tion it is more diflBcult to assign with accuracy than Galvani. Attaining at first, by a curious observa- tion patiently reflected on and carefully repeated in detail, to the rank of the founder of a new science, he was so far outstripped in its applications, that his merit was soon in a measure overlooked, and his un- questionable discoveries ascribed to capricious acci- dent. We find that a concurrence of circumstances con- tributed to this result. Galvani was advanced in years, and, it would appear, somewhat exhausted in constitution, when he made his famous observation on muscular contractions. He was an anatomist, far more than either a chemist or physicist; — no blame, surely, is to be attributed to him on that account ! His discovery was chiefly interesting in his eyes, as illustrating the laws of sensation and the source of nervous irritability. It was calculated to throw great light on these most abstruse enquiries. Groping to find the thread which should reveal to him that labyrinth, is it surprising that he devoted himself exclusively to those effects which gave him a real promise of success ? — a promise held out still by the same facts — still the envied goal of physiologists — yet how little realized by the unremitting labours of two subsequent generations ! Again, the almost irresistible temptation of con- (730.) verting successful philosophers into heroes, at the Contrast of expense of their contemporaries, added to a less par- and™olta. donable wish to relieve the tedium of scientific dis- cussion, by the introduction of a lively, though ques- tionable anecdote, has induced the eulogists of Volta to exalt his unqestionable claims by the deprecia- tion of those of his less widely known and less for- tunate countryman, Galvani. Their contrasts in cha-- Chap. VII., § 1.] ELECTRICITY. — GALVANI. 161 racter and circumstances were sufiRciently marked. Galvani was a professional anatomist and physiolo- gist ; Volta a physicist. Galvani was little known, and had probably travelled little beyond the province in which he resided ; Volta was personally and ad- vantageously known in Paris and London. Galvani, soon after his discovery, fell into undeserved political disgrace, which undermined his health ; Volta lived to an advanced age, his experiments and discoveries rewarded by every honour which not only academic authority could bestow, but which the almost uni- versal sway of Napoleon could render to his genius. Galvani died prematurely, and whilst his best obser- vations were contested ; Volta survived to nearly the latest term of human life, having witnessed the fruits of his great invention in the splendid disco- veries of Davy and Oersted. (731.) The biographical particulars of Galvani's life may be passed over in a few words. The history of his discoveries has been recently materially enlarged and corrected, by the researches of the Academy of Bo- logna to which he belonged, and especially by those of Professor Gherardi ; it forms, together with his collected writings, a ponderous quarto volume.'- The diifuseness of the commentary, and that of Galvani's writings also, is a defect in this compilation, which tends to weaken the unquestionable force of the evi- dence in his favour. (732.) LuiGi Galvani was bom in 1737, and was Galvani's promoted in 1762 to the chair of anatomy at Bo- m'^jjtfon'^' logna, his native place, the seat of a most cele- the Ner- brated university. He studied and taught his science vous Sys- yf[ii^ great success, and published several memoirs. *"" Probably he would have become still more widely known, but that he was anticipated in some of his observations (particularly on the organ of hearing) by the celebrated Scarpa ; in consequence of which, Galvani, with his customary modesty, suppressed what had already become known through that able anatomist. As early at least as 1780 (as we learn from the researches of Gherardi, and the MSS. of Galvani himself), he made experiments on muscu- lar contractions taking place by electric influence from the electrical machine, the electrophorus, and the Leyden phial.^ The experiments were made on frogs in particular. This was ten years antece- dent to the commonly alleged casual discovery of galvanism. The experiments were continued in 1781 and 1782, when he drew up a paper (not pubhshed) tern, " On the Nervous Force and its relation to Electri- city."^ In 1786 he pursued the enquiry, with the aid of his nephew Camillo Galvani ; and the effect of thunder-storms in occasioning muscular contrac- tions in the frog (which he had previously noticed), was farther studied. He then designated the pre- pared frog as "the most delicate electrometer yet and on _ discovered."* But this year was also the one otf^^"'^"'"-*'^ 1 • 7 T 11, 1 .in connec- his real discovery, namely, that muscular contrac- yon y^jth tions are sometimes occasioned by causes remoteit. from any then known to be connected with electricity. Camillo Galvani, pursuing his uncle's experiments on Atmospheric Electricity, had prepared some frogs, by dividing them about the middle, and detaching a portion of the lumbar nerves from the integuments, leaving them in contact with a portion of the verte- bral column which was then suspended by an iron hook. These prepared frogs were lying horizontally on the top of an iron rail of a balcony on the third floor of Galvani's house, where he was in the habit of observing the effects of atmospheric electricity. The nephew noticed that when the hook or the vertebrse were pressed on the rail by the finger or otherwise, muscular contractions ensued, which he pointed out to his uncle, who lost no time in repeating the observa- tion, which seems to have been made early in Sep- tember 1786.® His experiments in this and the fol- lowing month are detailed, with the exact dates still preserved, with this remarkable title in Galvani's hand-writing, ■ — Esperimenti circa V Eletricitd, dei Metalli; and the results are formally drawn up in a Latin Dissertation of 62 pages, bearing date 30th October 1786, forming the substance of the most important section of his Commentary on the Electric Forces, &c., published five years later, but differing from it in some important particulars.* Thus it appears distinctly, that one metal alone ■ — iron — was used in producing the convulsion;^ whilst in the printed Commentary, the hooks are said to be of brass or of copper. The explanation is, that Galvani having become aware of the superior efficacy of unlike metals in contact, described the ex- periment, not as it was first made, but as it might be made with greater certainty. Yet, singularly enough, this Dissertation is entitled, — De animali Electrici- tate; showing, that in the short space of a few weeks, he had abandoned his earlier notion of themetals being the source of the electricity, and ascribed the effects to the proper electricity of the nerves and muscles. 1 Opere edite ed ine.dite del professore Luigi Galvani, raccolte e puiblicate per cura deW Accademia delle Scienze delV InstituU di Bologna. Bologna, 1841. The copy which I use belongs to the Royal Society of Edinburgh. 2 Mapporto, &c., p. 11 (in the work above cited). ^ lb- p- 18. * lb. p. 30. The expression is remarkable, because Volta is often regarded as the first who considered the frog in the aspect of a mere electroscope. ^ Eapporto pp. 33, 36. lb. p. 35, 36. It were to be desired that this MS. were published in full. ' The passage from the MS. is conclusive, — " Ranas itaque consueto more paratas uncino ferreo earum spinali medulla perfo- rata atque appensa Septembris initio [1786] die vesperascente supra parapetto horizontaliter coUocavimus. XSncinus ferream laminam (namely, the top of the iron parapet or rail) tangebat ; en motus in rana spontanei, varii, haud infrequentes ! Si digito uncinulum adversus ferream superficiem premeretur, CLuiesoentes excitabautur et toties ferme quoties hujusmodi pressio adbi- beretur." — Eapporto, p. 36. 162 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (733.) Of these two very opposite aspects of this remark- able experiment, it might have been reasonably enough anticipated, that one should be wholly erroneous. This, however, is not the case. Galvani was justified in both his inferences, although he unquestionably believed that only one could be true. As a physio- logical anatomist, he not unnaturally adhered finally to the opinion of vital or animal electricity being the cause of the phenomenon which he had observed. Vol- ta, on the other hand, already an experienced natural philosopher, though for a short time an entire con- vert to Galvani' s published opinions, maintained the contact of metals, unlike either in kind or in their mechanical condition, to be the source of the nervous commotion ; and whilst he was enabled to support his opinion by very striking experiments, its popularity was not unjustly perhaps exalted to the highest pitch by the happy application which he made of it, to the construction of that wonderful instrument, the vol- taic battery, which effectually withdrew attention for a time from the comparatively feeble and obscure effects of the electric power residing in the animal tissues. (734.) TJie historian of science, well aware how far the in- eiectrUrftv"^ trinsic importance of discoveries is from depending of the frog, upon the mere magnitude of their effects, and how often the philosopher, dazzled by the splendour of a new truth, overlooks some minute concomitant phe- nomenon which hereafter may rival or eclipse its splendour, — readily recognises the perseverance with which Galvani maintained his theory of animal elec- tricity as a part of the true philosophical character, and therefore as enhancing his reputation. The metallic arc which, by connecting the muscular part of the limb with the root of the lumbar nerve, occa- sioned the convulsion, was to be regarded, on his theory, as merely establishing equilibrium between those parts to which the vital principle had commu- nicated an electric tension similar to that which sub- sists on the opposite surfaces of a charged plafe or Leyden jar. Galvani gradually disembarassed his ex- periments from the suspicious presence of metals alto- gether. Taking the prepared hind-limb of a frog, with the connected nerve entering the spine, he found that when the latter was suffered simply to touch the bare surface of any muscular part, and without the Confirmed intervention of metal or any other conductor, a spasm A^ von°" °^ *^^ ^™'' immediately occurred. "■ This important Humboldt, experiment was repeated and varied in 1795, by the celebrated Baron Alexander von Humboldt, who pub- lished a paper on the subject in GrerCs Journal, fully confirming Galvani's conclusions. Volta, on the other hand, admitting the facts, strove to explain them on the supposition, that they were due, like other electric currents, merely to the heterogeneous nature of two solid bodies, the muscle and the nerve brought into opposition, and moistened by a conducting liquid.' Experiments instituted after a lapse of 30 years, with the aid of new instruments, and vastly increased know- ledge of electric manifestations, have conclusively de- monstrated the accuracy in this respect of Galvani's reasoning in preference to Volta's. The publication of the results already noticed did (735.) not take place till 1791 in his celebrated paper in the <^"'*'J"al Bolognese Transactions. The statement popularly q^"^^^^*,^'' made by almost every writer (and which may be views, traced to Alibert, one of the earliest historians of the subject, but whose authority seems to be of little weight), is that the discovery of Galvanism was made in 1790, in Madame Galvaiji's kitchen, where a frog soup was being prepared for that lady's repast, she being at the time in delicate health. The absurdity of the invention is evident from the history which we have given, founded on unquestionable documents. The memoir of 1791 was the resumi of elaborate ex- periments continued with (apparently) little inter- ruption for eleven years ; and the most interesting results had been digested in a Latin tract five years before. All this shows at once great patience and intelligence on the part of Galvani, who, perceiving the difficulty and also the probable importance of the subject (in a physiological view) — oscillating per- haps in some measure between the two very opposite opinions regarding the source of muscular excitement which we have seen that he almost simultaneously held, — postponed for so long a time the publication of a discovery which he must have been sure would con- fer upon him a great reputation. By the time of his publication his views had become fixed in favour of animal electricity ; and he defended it in several suc- ceeding memoirs. The unjust deposition of Galvani from his chair on (736.) political grounds affected seriously his health and Ui^ death, energies. Perhaps his latest experiments were on the Electricity of the Torpedo. He died 4th December 1798, aged only 61 — happy perhaps in not having witnessed the discovery of the Pile, which, by its as- tonishing results, was to throw into the shade Gal- vani's more intricate and difficult studies. To appreciate justly Galvani's place in scientific (737.) history, we must recollect three circumstances which His distin- have often been overlooked, — i''iVst,thathis discoveries g"'*®* were the result of patient, ingenious, and protracted research, not of a casual observation exciting ignorant surprise. Secondly, That however deficient was Gal- vani's theory of animal electricity to explain all, or even the most conspicuous facts vdtnessed by him, it was a real discovery which has been confirmed by the latest and most scrupulous researches, and of a physiological importance which can hardly be over- rated. Thirdly, Galvani's Commentary was received at the time with enthusiasm, not only from the im- portance of the facts vyhich it contained, but from the . 1 The earliest notice of this result is found iD one of Galvani's autograph MSS., which appears certainly to date from 1786, Raxiporlo, p. 48, § 18. Chap. VII., § 2.] ELECTRICITY.— GALVANI—NOBILI — VOLTA. 163 ability shown by tlie author in discussing them. There was no part of Europe in which Galvani's ob- servations were not held to bear out his theory ; and the warmest eulogy of them is to be found in the writings of Volta himself, who soon advocated a dif- ferent explanation. Volta calls animal electricity "a great and luminous discovery which forms an epoch in the annals of physical and medjcal science," and as " proved to demonstration {ad evidenza) by many ex- periments well contrived and accurately executed." ^ Had there been as little novelty as has sometimes been alleged in Galvani's observations, they would not have been heard of at once, and repeated in every civilized country, nor have given birth to a new and splendid science. Nothing then in progress, either in the hands of Volta or of any one else, gave the slightest clue to the invention of the Pile, which, but for Galvani, might have been yet undiscovered. (738.) Revival of Experiments on Animal Electricity. — Revival The grand discovery of Oersted, which gave a fresh im- of experi- p^jgg ^q gg many branches of science, revived likewise animal ^^^ subject of the proper electricity of the animal tis- eleotricity sues, which had been well-nigh forgotten since the — -Nobili. death of its discoverer Galvani. Twenty-nine years later, in 1827,Nobili of Florence demonstrated the ex- istence of what has been termed " The current of the frog." We have seen that a momentary spasm is produced when a circuit is completed, including the muscle and nerve of the recently dead animal. But by the aid of that admirable instrument the Galvan- ometer, Nobili succeeded in showing that a continu- ous current of positive electricity constantly passes from the feet to the head of the frog. This he de- tected by placing the feet of the animal in connec- tion with one end of the galvanometer wire, and its spine with the other (the whole being properly insu- lated), when the needle of the instrument was per- manently deflected to the amount of 5° or more — indicating the passage of a stream of electricity in the direction already mentioned, which continued for se- veral hours after death. Strange to say, Nobili mis- apprehended the nature of the phenomenon, ascrib- ing it to Thermo-Electricity, though he ought to have been undeceived by the singular intensity of the animal current, which, feeble as it is, can force its way along thousands of feet, or even some miles of fine wire.^ These experiments were renewed in 1837 by M. (739.) Matteucci of Pisa, who has the merit of reviving the *^*^- ?***" original and correct opinion of Galvani as to the vital p^ g^j^ source of this electricity. To his researches, and the Keymond. still later ones of Dr Du Bois Reymond of Berlin, we owe the knowledge of most of the facts as yet ascer- tained in this most difficult and obscure branch of enquiry, where the sources of error are so numerous as only to be eluded by consummate skill on the part of the experimenter. It appears to be established that the vital electricity exists both in the muscles and in the nerves of many, probably of all animals when living or recently dead ; that therefore the frog current of Nobili is only a single case of the general muscular current, and that the latter arises from the electro-motive action of even the minutest fibres of which a muscle is composed — the general law being (according to Dr Du Bois Reymond) that positive elec- tricity moves from the transverse section to the longi- tudinal section of a muscle or a nerve, or any portion of either. Finally, the last-named writer has shown, to the satisfaction of many eminent men who have witnessed his experiments, that powerful muscular contraction, whether induced by stimuli or the result of volition, tends to diminish the force of the natural muscular current. This he demonstrated first on the frog poisoned by strychnine, but afterwards on the muscles of his own arm, in which by voluntary con- traction he could diminish at will the force of the natural current, which in the state of rest is directed from the shoulder to the hand. (740.) Volta. § 2. Volta. — Progress of Discovery in Common and Atmospheric Electricity — The Electro-motive Theory — Voltaic Pile — Chemical Analogies and Decomposition — Fabbroni ; Nicholson and Carlisle. Volta was the first among philosophers whose career lay solely in the study of electricity. Franklin and .fflpinus, Beccaria and Wilke, Cavendish and Coulomb, gave it only a share of their attention ; but Volta *as from boyhood exclusively an electrician. Such devotion deserved success, and he achieved it. He was already famous, and an honorary fellow of the Royal Society, long before his principal discovery of the Pile. A review of his career may therefore be conveniently divided into two parts — what con- cerns ordinary and atmospheric Electricity ; and the new doctrine of Galvanism and the Electro-motive force. I. Alessandro Volta was born at Como, of a noble tt.^^*^',-' family,in 1745. His first paper on Electricity was ad- experi- ^ dressed to Beccaria at the age of eighteen. But it was ments — not till 1775 » that he published a description of the liisElectro- Electrophorus, an ingenious instrument in which a cond^' conducting body becomes electrified an indefinite num- ber of times in succession by being brought near to an 1 Opere del Volta, ii., p. 13, 14. ^ The galvanometer of Du Bois Keymond contains 317 English miles of wire, in 24,160 coils. * See the letter to Priestley in the First volume of Volta's Works. T 164 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL excited cake of pitch and resin. This charge is re- ceived by induction merely ; and as it expends none of the electricity connected with the pitch, the suc- cessive charges are precisely equal, a circumstance which enabled Volta very simply to give a nume- rical value to the amounts of electricity used in his experiments, as they were given by one, two, or more contacts with the electrophorus. The Con- denser, an ingenious and useful instrument for ac- cumulating small charges of electricity until they attain a measurable amount, or cause divergence in the electrometer, was described by Volta in 1782 in the Transactions of the Royal Society, its construction having occurred to him in following out the idea of the electrophorus. This instrument was ultimately of essential service in establishing his theory of Elec- tro-motion. The theory of both the electrophorus and condenser had been indicated by .Slpinus some time before Volta constructed them ; but he did not apply theta in the practical way which Volta did to the improvement of his science. Volta being, be- sides, unquestionably ignorant of ^pinus's labours, has been generally and justly regarded as the real inventor. Though both of these instruments depend on the principle of induced electricity, Volta never appears to have possessed correct views on that sub- ject, but throughout his writings speaks of electrical atmospheres, and uses other phrases of the old school of electricians, showing a certain vagueness in his conception which a study of the writings of his able contemporaries, .Spinus and Coulomb, would have dissipated. (742.) But Volta's tact was unconnected with any tinge Volta 8 of mathematical reasoning: his experimental ability, Electrome- his caution, and his persevering devotion to one sub- ter. ject, enabled him, however, to advance science in a different way. Even the simple Straw Electrometer which he generally used, was tested by him with such skill and care as to lead to correct results in the measurement of small quantities of electricity. M.Biot has indeed criticised his preference for so rude an instrument, which depends, mathematically con- sidered, upon repulsions of a very complicated cha- racter ; but as Volta carefully tested its comparabi- lity up to 30" of divergence, and found it proportional to the force, there is no doubt that he was justi- fied in relying on its use; and Arago, in opposition to his colleague, maintains that Volta's essay on the Straw Electrometer is one of the best examples of experimental research which can be put into the stu- dent's hands. This instrument is described in the first of a series of letters to Lichtenberg collected in the first volume of his works ; the subject of these letters being the Electricity of the Atmosphere. (743.) The important experiments of Dalibard and Frank- Atmosphe- jjn^ repeated with fatal consequences by Kichmann, citv* ^^ ^^' ^^^ demonstrated the perfect resemblance or rather identity of lightning and electricity. Lemonnier dis- covered the fact of electricity being manifested when no thunderstorm threatened, and even when the sky was cloudless, and that it was subject to diurnal va- riations of intensity. Beccaria farther ascertained that with a clear atmosphere the electricity of the air is always , positive. De Saussure, Deluc, and Volta continued the interesting enquiry. The first, availing himself of the known action of points to draw off electricity, connected his electrometer with a pointed rod two or three feet in length. Volta substituted for this the flame of a lamp pro- ducing a heated current of air, which has a won- derful power of drawing off electricity; and he sug- gested the employment of large fires during thunder- storms in preference to metallic conductors. Volta hesitates not to ascribe to the worshippers of Jupiter Tonans the secret intention to draw off the electricity of heaven by the action of the flames on the altar.^ Arago has ingeniously suggested that a statistical enquiry as to the frequency of thunderstorms in the neighbourhood of extensive iron-smelting furnaces might test the value of this safeguard. The straw electrometer which Volta connected with his appara- tus was capable (by a gradation of instruments of greater or less delicacy) of measuring numerically the force of charges from 1000 to 2000 units. That the chief source of atmospheric electricity is (744.) evaporation appears first to have occurred to Volta, Due to eva- poration. and to have been first demonstrated by experiments made either with him or by his suggestion, at Paris in 1780, by Lavoisier and Laplace. The history is given by Volta himself in a paper in the Philosophical Transactions ioT 1782. When water is thrown upon an insulated heated body so that evaporation takes place, or when hot coals are thrown into an insulated vessel of water, the hot body is usually found to be electrified negatively. Volta has very candidly stated the inversions of effect which occasionally occur, and which still throw some doubt upon the precise signi- ficance of this very important experiment. Later experimenters have thought that absolutely pure water developes no electricity: this, however, will not affect the validity of the explanation of the origin of atmospheric electricity. To prevent misappre- hension it may be observed that the astonishing de- velopement of electricity from high-pressure steam escaping through a small aperture, as lately observed by Mr Armstrong, appears, from the experiments of Dr Faraday, to depend on an entirely different cause. Of Volta's electrical theory of Hail we cannot now stop to speak. Volta, who understood chemistry and who always (745.) took a peculiar interest in the inflammable gases, p°^*.*^ contrived the Eudiometer which is often erroneously meter called Cavendish's, having been frequently used by that philosopher. The amount of oxygen in the air ^ Opere, vol. i., part 2., p. 205. Volta's contrivance dates from the beginning of 1787. Bennett imagined it independently. Chap. VII., § 2.] ELECTRICITY— VOLTA. 165 (746.) Practical character of Volta's inventions, (747.) History of the Pile —Volta's early pa- pers on galvanism. His letters to Cavallo. is tested by mixing the latter in known proportions with hydrogen in a close vessel through which an electric spark can be passed. Detonation takes place, and the quantity of gas which has vanished (by conversion into water) measures the amountof ogygen which has combined with hydrogen in the experi- ment. It was for a long period employed as by far the best means of testing the purity of air. All the preceding labours of Volta (and I do not in- tend to touch on any minor ones) have evidently an intensely practical character. His aim throughout was to improve the instrumental means of detecting and measuring electricity, and to detect and measure it as it occurred in practice, rather than to form theo- ries of its nature.'- Even the discovery of galvanism, which vividly excited his interest, only partially di- verted him from his scientific destiny. Volta will indeed be always remembered as the author of the plausible theory of electro-motion, and as having corrected the too exclusive doctrine of Galvani con- cerning the sources of electric excitement ; but his real claim to immortality is the invention of the PUe. To this part of the history we therefore proceed. II. When Galvani announce^ his discoveries in the Bolognese Transactions in 1791,^ Volta was Professor of Physics at Pavia, having been appointed to that post in 1774. As has been mentioned in a former section, the announcement of these researches excited the immediate attention of electricians and anatomists in every part of Europe. Of course Italy was not exempted from the general impulse. In that country physiological observations have always been prosecuted with interest and success ; and indeed it has never been deficient in persons of ability, whether in physical or in purely mathematical enquiries, since the very dawn of letters, at which time Italy made so distinguished a figure in literary progress. Volta, Aldini, Valli, and Spallanzani were all, at the time of which I now speak, actively engaged in the pursuit of science; and Galvani' s opinion that the commotion of the frog by the connection of the muscle and nerve through a " qonducting arc " of metal was due solely to animal electricity, was gene- rally adopted, and by none more cordially than by Volta in a letter and memoirs published in Brug- natelli's Journal early in 1 79 2 . These were speedily followed by two letters to Cavallo, dated October of the same year, and communicated to the Royal So- ciety of London, in acknowledgement, as the author states, of the honour recently done him of electing him an Honorary Fellow. The title of this com- munication deserves notice, — " Account of some Discoveries made by Mr Galvani of Bologna, with Experiments and Observations on them ;" * and also the first sentence (the letters are in French), — "Le sujet des decouvertes, et des recherches, dont je vais vous entretenir, Monsieur, est I'elec- tricitS animale." In the course of the paper, how- ever, he distinctly states that whilst he agrees with Galvani in considering that the convulsions of the frog, obtained vidth homogeneous conductors, are d|ie to a proper animal electricity (§§ 12, 16), the more powerful effects occasioned by the contact of unlike metals are caused by " common electricity " developed at the junction, and having the nature, not of a discharge, but of a continued stream. He re- peats and modifies Galvani's experiments on animals, cold and warm-blooded, and makes interesting ob- servations on the excitement of the nerves of taste and sight by the contact of unlike metals. The con- clusion of his paper is in opposition to its earlier portion. He expresses a grave doubt whether there be any vital electricity in the matter. The induction of Volta was imperfect in this, that (748.) he did not prove that the effects which he attributed Volta re- with great probability to the contact of metals pro- (fopley duced any other recognised electric effect than the phy- Medal, siological ones. Galvani had gone very nearly as far. He had even hesitated between the terms animal electricity and electricity of metals ; he had considered the frog as a very sensitive electrometer, exactly as Volta did ; and the manner of so using and applying it is ascribed by the latter in this memoir to Galvani, who having thus invented the instrument which for years served alone to indicate the presence of the new species of electricity — and having also described accurately the influence of the heterogeneous metals in aiding the results — ^left to Volta only the credit of the assertion that in some instances the effect was due to the metals themselves, in others to the natural electricity of the animal frame. Under these cir- cumstances, I think that the award of the Copley Medal by the Royal Society to Volta, rather than to Galvani, was a questionable decision : the great va- lue of Volta's paper, at the time, was undoubtedly that it directed the attention of English experimen- ters to Galvani's discoveries, then quite recent and probably imperfectly known. * Many publications followed. I shall only notice (749.) that by Dr Fowler of Edinburgh (afterwards of Salis- Robison's bury), which is remarkable as containing a letter by ^."''"P^" Professor John Robison (335), who first thought of Voita's increasing the effect of heterogeneous contact by using pile. " a number of pieces of zinc made of the size of a shil- ling, and making them up into a rouleau with as many shillings." We have here unquestionably the first idea of the pile, which moreover was actually constructed. This was in May 1793. It was only applied, however, to excite the nerves of the senses. In various scattered memoirs, from 1793 to 1796, (750.) 1 His arguments as to the primary law of electric attractions and repulsions, are wholly inexact. His electrometer was unfitted for such enquiries. " Vol. vii. His paper was reprinted separately at Modena In 1792. ^ Philosophical Transactiont, 1793. * See the grounds of the award stated by Sir Joseph Banks. Weld, Hist. R. Society, ii., 202. 166 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. Volta'B theory of electro- motion. Invention of the pile. Repulsion due to con' tact of metals. we iind Volta gradually insisting more on the purely mechanical nature of the electrical excitement. The last-named year produced an important letter to Gren of Halle,^ which contains the real germ of the invention of the pile, though it has been little taken notice of. We there find conducting bodies divided into two classes, primary and secondary ; the fir* including metals, metallic ores, and charcoal ; the se- cond liquids, solutions, animal tissues, &c. The first class he also called motors. Using the prepared frog always as an indicator, he tried the effect of combining three or more elements of the two kinds. He found that a double combination of three ele- ments, when arranged so that their order was re- versed, neutralized each other, or produced no spasm ; on the contrary, when the two combinations conspired in direction, the convulsions were in- creased (§ § xii., XV., xix.). This appears to define the date of Volta's discovery of the principle of the pile — ^that, namely, of superadding minute effects — to be August 1796. Theformof the arrangement resembled that afterwards adopted in the Couronne des Tasses. The second letter to Gren, dated the same month of August 1796, contains the important discovery (the most important abstractly of any due to Volta), that the electricity set in motion by the contact of unlike metals may, by means of the condenser (due also to him), be made evident by the usual effect of repul- sion on the common electrometer : — thus when zinc and silver are used, the former is positive, the latter negative, and so of other metals. Volta used for this experiment Nicholson's ingenious modification of his own condenser, called a Revolving Doubler. It must be owned that the experiment, in its simplest form, is difficult of repetition, and that Nicholson's instrument sometimes gives delusive results. But Volta's great address in practical electricity, and his fairness in stating his results, leave no doubt of the reality of his discovery, which evidently for the first time eliminated the physiological element of Gal- vani's experiments, leaving the recognised mechanical effects of electricity due to the contact of unlike metals ; and, therefore, deserved the highest honour which could be bestowed. Pfaff had already con- structed a table of the electro-motive power of metals by their actions on the frog, in which zinc stood at one end, carbon at the other. But one of the most curious parts of the paper by Volta is the evidence of a strong suspicion which had crossed his mind, and been for a time entertained, that in his experiments with combinations of three elements — two metallic, and one humid — the electricity was developed sepa- rately at the contacts of the latter with the two for- mer, and that the resulting current was merely the difference of the two in favour of the stronger. Truly in this whole history we may see how often first sug- gestions have a peculiar and intuitive worth, which reflection and controversy often only obscure ! This is, of course, the case rather in the research of causes than of the means of rendering discovery practical. Whilst Volta was thus maintaining the opinion (751). that the electricity excited by the contact of metals ^ab^roni was entirely mechanical, and due to contact merely ;^]jg°^g^j_ — and whilst Galvani, his. relative Aldini, and others, cal origin maintained strenuously the vital theory, in which they of galvan- were substantially confirmed by no less authorities " " than WeUs and Baron von Humboldt — a third school appeared, at first little popular, represented by Fab- BRONi, a Tuscan chemist and natural philosopher of no small merit. His papers published, I believe, in 1799, though written several years previously, and some as far back as 1792, of which a full abstract is given in Nicolson's Journal,^ show great acuteness. He attributed the effects of the contact of metals to a chemical action developed at the place of contact. He referred to Sulzer's experiment of the taste of heterogeneous metals applied to the tongue — and to manyinstancesof the rapid oxidation of heterogeneous metals in contact, when exposed to heat and mois- ture. Amongst others, by a remarkable anticipation of one of the most curious applications of the elec- tro-chemical theory, he notices the oxidation of the copper sheathing of ships. Without " excluding all electrical influence from the prodigious effects of gal- vanism," he infers that there are chemical forces " exerted with the swiftness of lightning," to which the physiological effects, and perhaps some others ascribed to electricity, are probably due. Thus, he says, " the experiment of Sulzer is nothing more than a combustion or chemical operation, as is proved not only by its result but by its duration ; for elec- tricity acts always instantaneously, whereas the ef- fect of chemical affinities continues so long as the re-agents are not saturated." The weak point of Volta's theory of electro-motion is here cleverly hit. That effects indefinitely prolonged, capable of pro- ducing mechanical, chemical, and vital changes, without any mutual action between the touching bodies, save mere pressure, appears indeed a paradox startling even to a first inventor, but which, when maintained by successive generations of able men, may rank as a delusion more memorable than the phlogistic theory of the older chemists. Fabbroni did not himself pursue his ingenious speculations, but his papers, though now almost forgotten, acted powerfully on the minds of his contemporaries, as we shall see in the next se'ction. He died at the age of 70, in 1822, having spent most of his life in pa- triotic and useful labours in his native country.* We have seen that already in 1796 Volta had ar- (752.) rived at a knowledge of the principle that the electric .**.' '^ effect of the metals might be increased by combining ^is pile, two sets of triple elements similarly disposed, which, and its ef- unknown to him, Robison had already done (749). ^^"='^- * Volta, Opere, vol. ii., part 2. " In quarto, vol. iv. (1800). ^ ggg jm account of him in the third volume of Cuvier's Elcges. Chap. VII., § 2] ELECTRICITY — VOLTA — NICHOLSON AND CARLISLE. 167 But three years seem to have elapsed before he was led to the invention of the pile, although it is in truth nothing more than the same arrangement frequently repeated. In March 1800 he wrote from Como a letter to Sir Joseph Banks, which was printed in the Philosophical Transactions for the same year, and in which he describes the Pile and the Couronne des Tas- ses. The former consisted of 20 or more copper or sil- ver coins interlaid with as many disks of tin or zinc, and others of paper or leather, soaked in water or brine. Thesameorderofsequenceof the three elements was carefully preserved throughout ; and the whole formed a vertical pile or rouleau. Several such piles could be used together. The effects were — 1. The ready excitement of the common electrometer by the aid of the condenser ; 2. The production of smart shocks through the hands and arms, similar to those pro- duced by the torpedo ; 3. The production of vivid sensations of taste, of sound in the ears, and of flashes of light. There was nothing new in these effects (it may be seen) except that their intensity was much exalted, and the verification of the metallic theory was thereby rendered more easy. Volta attributes the action to the effect of " simple contact" of the me- tals, allowing to the fluid element no other share than that of conducting sufiiciently, but not too rapidly, the impulse thus excited. Having an eye probably to Fabbroni's opinions, he insists on the superior effects obtained with saline and alcaline fluids, and with hot in preference to cold fluids, being explicable solely by their increased conducting power. He justly de- scribes the effects of the pile as similar to those of an immense electric battery with a very feeble charge ; only the action is continuous, instead of intermittent. (753.) But the invention had scarcely become known in London when the importance of the pile, as an in- strument of discovery, was keenly appreciated in consequence of one capital discovery. (754.) Nicholson, a good electrician and chemist, and ^'d^o^^"" Carlisle (afterwards Sir Anthony), a medical man, lisle obtain were the first in England to construct one of Volta' s chemical piles. It consisted first of 17, afterwards of 36, half- effects crowns, with as many disks of zinc and of paste- pU™ * * board, soaked in salt water. Experimenting upon the electrical effects of the pile, they used a drop of water " to make sure the contacts" upon the upper plate. Carlisle first observed a disengagement of gas round the wire which the water moistened. Nicholson suspected it to be hydrogen, and pro- posed to break the circuit by enclosing water in a tube between the two wires. This was accordingly done on the 2d May 1800, within a month of the arrival in England of the first four pages of Volta's letter to Sir J. Banks, which preceded the remainder by a considerable space of time. The brass wire in the water tube, which was connected with the posi- tive end of the pile, became tarnished and black. whilst minute bubbles of gas were evolved from the other, to the amount of tV^'i "f * cubic inch in 2^ hours. Being mixed with an equal quantity of com- mon air, and a lighted waxed thread being applied, it exploded. It was, therefore, concluded to be hv- drogen derived from the decomposition of the water, whose oxygen had combined with the brass of the positive wire.^ Nicholson, it appears, was well ac- quainted with Fabbroni's writings on the relation of galvanism to chemical action ; and in the very paper where he describes Volta's pile and his own discovery, he expresses his astonishment that Volta should have taken no notice of Fabbroni's results, or of the rapid oxidation of zinc in contact with other metals which appears in the pile, and which had been no- ticed by Fabbroni in every case where two metals differing in oxidability are placed in water, and in contact with each other. The experiment was repeated at Vienna, and then by Volta himself, who called attention to an experiment by three Dutch chemists. Pacts, Van Troostwyk, and Dieman, who had decomposed water by common electricity in 1789. Volta, himself, however, did not enter with zeal (755.) upon this new career ; he even left to others the ^°l*^ "■«• task of improving the form and increasing the energy *"yrff,ng^' of his battery, which was first done by the useful from jya- arrangement of Cruickshank. He was now ap- poleon, and proaching his 60th year, and seems to have beeuj™"!*^^ , not indisposed to pass an old age of ease, and to re- pranoe ceive in tranquillity the marks of distinction which were showered upon him. In 1801 Napoleon called him to Paris, attended the meeting of the Institute where Volta explained his theory of the pile, caused to be voted to him on the spot a gold medal, and sent him home with a valuable present in money. He was then made a Senator, finally a Count : he was also made an Associate of the Institute in 1802. No scientific discovery ever excited the enthusiasm of Napoleon to the same degree as that of the Pile. He even extemporized a theory of life from its phenomena, comparing the vertebral column in man to the pile, the bladder being the posi- tive and the liver the negative pole. An eminent medical chemist, Dr Prout, has seriously main- tained a somewhat similar hypothesis. The fa- vours lavished on Volta excited, perhaps, some jea- lousy amongst the French philosophers ; for it is remarkable how little was added in France to the progress of the revived science of electricity. The French ruler, however, had himself in some measure to blame for this ; for the rigid exclusion of foreign, and especially of English publications, for a number - of years, was felt to be highly injurious, and was in vain remonstrated against by Berthollet and others. Volta survived his great invention above a quar- f^gg •, ter of a century. He died 5,th March 1827, aged 82. His death. 1 Nicholson's Journal (series in quarto), iv., 182. 168 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (757.) His scien- tific clia> Tacter. His scientific character is easily summed up. He was patient, intelligent, and devoted to science from youth to age. He had, in an eminent degree, that patience and tenacity of purpose and of interest which Newton described as the chief attributes of his own genius. He had the candour which is more especially tp be desired in the experimentalist ; and he wrote without pretension, and generally clearly, though not without that diffuseness which is often associated with the use of the Italian language even in matters of science. On the other hand, his intellect may be rather described as opening itself to jonviction, than as forcing its way by a native power of penetration to great results. His taste and his talent lay far more in experimental than in abstract reasoning. His explanations of the effects which he observed were often involved and obscure ; yet he had a very happy talent of combination, which led him to effect what others only talked about. His instru- mental inventions, including the pile, were his hap- piest efforts. His theories, on the other hand, were surrounded, even in his own mind, with a certain obscurity. Even the contact theory, with its manifold paradoxes, was perhaps only vigorously carried out by him under the excitement of an active contro- versy. The invention of the pile may, in very many respects, be placed on a par with that of the steam- engine. The results of the former were indeed more interesting, immediately, to pure science; the latter to the arts of life and the needs of civilization. Yet, after half a century, this distinction can hardly be drawn with severity. The rapid pace of steam is insufficient for our demands. The electric wire con- veys to its destination, ere the locomotive has time to start on its journey, tidings of joy and sorrow — life and death — of victories won, and kingdoms lost. § 3. Sir Humphry Davy. Progress of Voltaic Electricity — Electro-Chemistry ; Berzelius. — Davy's Invention of the Safety -Lamp. — ^Wollaston; his Electrical and other Observations. Contrast of his Character with that of Davy. Volta con' tinued. (758.) The pile of Volta was, in one sense, rather a History of means of discovery than a discovery itself. Volta the pile of jjg^^ neither a just theory of the source of power which he invented, nor was he successful in applying it to any important research. The discovery of its chemical efficiency by Nicholson and Carlisle, stimu- lated, as we have seen, for a short time his interest and curiosity ; but he never seriously attached him- self to this line of discovery. His subsequent papers are chiefly controversial, in support of the Contact theory. The generation, as well as the expendi- ture of chemical forces by the pile, consequently re- mained, as far as he was concerned, in complete obscurity. The invention of the pile having been communi- cated to the world through the Royal Society, natu- rally gave an impulse to English electricians and che- mists. The first discoverers of its chemical energy did not however themselves prosecute their experi- ments to a great extent, but Cruickshanks decom- posed salts and revived the metals by the voltaic current, whilst he improved the form of the appa- ratus in an important manner. Colonel Haldane ascertained the significant fact that the action of the pile cannot be continued in an atmosphere deprived of its oxygen. Hisinger and Berzelius, carrying out Cruickshanks' experiments, showed that, generally in the decomposition of compounds, the alcaline and metallic elements appear to be attracted towards the negative wire of the battery, and the acids to the po- sitive one. In the mean time, Davy and WoUaston appeared on the arena, and the former especially filled so important a part in the history of science for the next twenty years, that we can hardly give his name too great a prominence in a review of the character- istics of the period. The constitution of Davy's miad (759.) Cruick- shanks, WoUa'Ston, Davy. was also more than usually interesting, and his career ' of discovery, short, brilliant, and decisive, is at once one of the most instructive and remarkable of those which we have to consider. The contrast be- tween him and his contemporary, WoUaston, was one of those curious antitheses of really great minds which occasionally occur in such close connection, and with such prominent relief, as to compel rather than invite a comparison between them. It is an instructive lesson to observe, how natures, the most unlike, cultivated in a school the most opposite, may yet, when both directed by a common impulse to similar objects, promote the development of truth, and the cause of scientific discovery. Sir Humphry Davy was bom at Penzance on the g; g ii- 17th December 1778. His was an ardent boyhood, phry Davy Educated in a manner somewhat irregular, and with — Ms early only the ordinary advantages of a remote country town, history and his talents appeared in the earnestness with which he ablegenius.' cultivated at once the most various branches of know- ledge and speculation. He was fond of metaphysics ; he was fond of experiment ; he was an ardent student of nature ; and he possessed at an early age poetic powers, which, had they been cultivated, would, in the opinion of competent judges^ have made him as emi- nent in literature as he became in science. All these tastes endured throughout life. Business could not stifle them, — even the approach of death was un- able to extinguish them. The reveries of his boy- hood on the sea- worn cliffs of Mount's Bay, may yet be traced in many of the pages dictated during the last year of his life amidst the ruins of the Coli- seum. But the physical sciences — those more em- phatically called at that time chemical — speedily attracted and absorbed his most earnest attention. The philosophy of the imponderables— of Light, Heat, Chap. VII., § 3.] ELECTRICITY.— DAVY. 169 and Electricity — was tte subject of Ms earliest, and also that of his happiest essays. He was a very able chemist in the strictest sense of the word, although his ardour and his rapidity of generalizing might seem to unfit him, in some measure, for a pursuit which requires such intense watchfulness with regard to mi- nutiae, such patient weighings of fractions of a grain, such frequent though easy calculations. To Caven- dish and Dalton, his great contemporaries — to whom We may now add Wollaston — these things were a pleasure in themselves ; to Davy they must ever have been irksome indispen sables to the discovery of truth. But, in fact, Davy's discoveries were almost indepen- dent of such quantitative details : Numerical rela- tions, and harmony of proportion, did not affect his mind with pleasure, which possibly was one reason of his deficient appreciation of works of art, the more remarkable from his poetic temperament. Dalton's doctrine of atomic combinations was (as we have seen) slowly and doubtfully received by him whilst Wollaston perceived its truth instantaneously. A keener relish for such relations might most natu- rally have led Davy to an anticipation of Mr Fara- day's notable discovery of the definite character of electrical decomposition, and the coincidence of the Electro-chemical proportions for different bodies with their atomic weights. Hi^^ar t '^^^ ^^^^^ papers of Davy refer chiefly to Heat, papers, and Light, and Electricity. He was, in fact, a physicist experi- more than a chemist. Whilst yet a surgeon's ap- ments on prentice at Penzance, he satisfied himself of the im- oxidT' materiality of heat, which he illustrated by some in- genious experiments, in which, concurring unawares with the conclusions of his future patron Rumford, he laid one foundation of his promotion. Removed to a sphere of really scientific activity at Clifton, under Dr Beddoes,' he executed those striking re- searches in pneumatic chemistry and the physiologi- cal eflfects of breathing various gases which gave him his first reputation ; researches so arduous an,d full of risk as to require a chemist in the vigour of life, and urged by an unextinguishable thirst for dis- covery, to undertake them. Even his brilliant dis- covery of the effects of inhaling nitrous oxide brought no competitor into the field ; and the use of anses- thetics, which might naturally have followed — the greatest discovery (if we except, perhaps, that of vaccination) for the relief of suffering humanity made in any age— was delayed for another generation. But so it was in all his triumphs. He never seemed to drain the cup of discovery. He quaffed only its freshest part. He felt the impulse of an unhmited command of resources. He carried on rapidly, and seemingly without order, several investigations at once. As in conversation he is described as seem- ing to know what one was going to say before utter- ing it, — he had the art of divining things complex and obscure. Seizing on results, he left to others the not-inconsiderable merit, as well as labour, of pur- suing the details. Keenly alive as he was to the value of fame, and the applause which his talents soon obtained for him, he left enough of both for his friends ; his contemporaries, as well as his successors, were enabled to weave a chaplet from the laurels which he had not stooped to gather. These remarks apply quite as strongly to his dis- (762.) coveries in the laws and facts of electro-chemical de- Removed composition — those on which his fame most securely s,oyal In- rests. Promoted in 1801 to a situation in the Labo- etitution — ratory of the Royal Institution in London, he attached experi- himself to the study of galvanism in the interval of "gjjJJ'" the other and more purely chemical pursuits which electricity, the duties of his situation required. He had already, at Clifton, made experiments with the pile of Volta, and taken part in the discussion of its theory and effects, then (as we have seen) so actively carried on in Britain. In his papers of that period we find not only excellent experiments, but happy and just rea- soning. The chemical theory of the pile — namely, that the electrical effects observed by Galvani and Volta are due solely or chiefly to the chemical ac- tion of the fluid element on the metals — was more strongly embraced by him then than afterwards. In November 1800 he concluded that "the pile of Volta acts only when the conducting substance be- tween the plates is capable of oxidating the zinc ; and that in proportion as a greater quantity of oxy- gen enters into combination with the zinc in a given time, so in proportion is the power of the pile to de- compose water and to give the shock greater." He concludes that " the chemical changes connected with" oxidation " are somehow the cause of the elec- trical effect it produces."'^ His views on this sub- ject underwent some modification afterwards. In his Elements of Chemical PAiZosopAj/, published twelve years later, we find the following statement of his opinions on the subject: — " Electrical effects are exhi- bited by the same bodies acting as masses, which produce chemical phenomena when acting by their particles ; it is, therefore, not improbable that the primary cause of both may be the same." A little further on he adds : — " They," speaking of electrical and chemical energies, " are conceived to be dis- tinct phenomena, but produced by the same power acting in the one case on masses, in the other on par- ticles."3 1 Davy hit off his principal's character in a single sentence, — " Beddoes had talents which would have exalted him to the pin- nacle of philosophical eminence, if they had been applied with discretion." 2 Works, ii., 162. 3 Works iv. 119. In his Bakerian lecture (1806), he had said, " In the present state of our knowledge, it would he useless to attempt to speculate on the remote cause of the electrical energy, or the reason why different bodies, after being brought into contact, should be found differently electrified ; its relation to chemical affinity is, however, sufficiently evident. May it not be identical with it, and an essential property of matter V— Works, vol. v., p. 39. 170 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (763.) Electro- chemical theory — Berzelius, Hisinger — Davy's first Bake- rian lec- ture. . (764.) Davy's sa- gacious I'ndactione I'especting polar forces. Electro-chemical Theory — Decomposition of the Alcalies. — In 1804 Berzelius had published, in con- junction with Hisinger, a paper on Electro-chemical Decompositions, in which he insisted on the general fact, that alcalies, earths, and combustible bodies seem to be attracted to the negative pole, and oxygen and acids to the positive. He also showed that the sub- division of bodies thus obtained was only a relative not an absolute one ; for the same body may act as a base to a second, and as an acid to a third. But we must observe that results almost similar were contained in the early papers of Davy, and that Berzelius did not carry out his own principle so far as to lead to any striking discovery between 1803 (when his experiments were made) and 1806 (the date of Davy's first Bakerian lecture), during which time the science of Galvanism or Voltaism made little real progress. The numerous experi- menters engaged with it were baffled by the anoma- lous chemical results obtained, and by the appearance of decompositions under circumstances wholly unex- pected, such as appeared to threaten the existence of some of the best established chemical truths. The chemical theory of the pile, at first so plausible, pre- sented new difficulties, and Berzelius having for a while defended it, returned to the simple contact theory of Volta. It was then that Davy seriously addressed himself to the subject, resolved to trace to their source every chemical anomaly ; and this he effected in a masterly manner in his Bakerian lec- ture read before the Royal Society in 1806. In it he traces the unaccountable results of his predecessors to impurities in the materials used by them, or to those of the vessels in which the decompositions were made ; and he brings into a far distincter light than his pre- decessors had done, the power of the galvanic circuit to suspend or reverse the action of even powerful chemical affinity ; " different bodies naturally pos- sessed of chemical affinities appearing incapable of combining or of remaining in combination when placed in a state of electricity different from their natural order." We here see the fundamental doctrine of the electro-chemical theory, that all bodies possess a place in the great scale of natural electrical rela- tions to one another ; that chemical reactions are intimately connected with this electric state, and are suspended or reversed by its alteration. In the interpretation of those striking experi- ments, in which he caused acids to pass to the posi- tive pole of the battery through the midst of alcaline solutions, and the converse, we find so close an ap- proach to the theory of polar decomposition as enfor- ced by the discoveries and reasoning of Mr Faraday, that it seems impossible to deny to Davy the merit of having first perceived these curious relations. " It is very natural," he says, " to suppose that the repellant and attractive energies are communicated from one particle to another particle of the same kind so as to establish a conducting chain in the fluid, and that the locomotion takes place in consequence;" and presently adds, " there may possibly be a succes- sioji of decompositions and recompositions through- out the fluid" (p. 29).'- He likewise shows (p. 21) that the decomposing power does not reside in the wire or pole, but may be extended indefinitively through a fluid medium capable of conducting elec- tricity. Mr Faraday's experiments, which led him to discard the term pole, lead to the same conclusion, and are of the same character, A few pages further on in this same Bakerian lecture, Davy observes (p. 42), that " allowing that combination depends on a balance of the natural electrical energies of bodies, it is easy to conceive that a measure may be found of the artificial energies as to intensity and quantity capable of destroying this equilibrium ; and such a measure woiild enable us to make a scale of electrical powers corresponding to degrees of affinity." Here we see the acute presentiment of the beautiful disco- very of the definiteness of electrical decompositions; as in the concluding portion of the same remarkable paper we find a clear anticipation of natural elec- trical currents to be discovered in mineral, and espe- cially metalliferous deposits, since established by Mr R. W. Fox, and of the agency of feeble electric energies, long continued, in effecting geological chan- ges, and in producing insoluble combinations of earths and metals, so ingeniously confirmed by the beautiful and direct experiments of Becquerel. The sequel to this remarkable paper, read to the Royal Society in November 1 807, contained the splen- did application of the principle and methods which it described, to the decomposition of the alcalies and to the discovery of their singular bases, — substances po- sessing the lustre and malleability of metals, yet so light as to float upon water, and having the extraordi- nary property of becoming inflamed in contact with ice. Potassium was discovered in the Laboratory of the Royal Institution on the 6th October 1807, and. sodium a few days later. The battery used con- tained 250 pairs of plates of 6 and 4 inches square. ,Such success was fitted to charm a disposition like that of Davy, and more than reward him for all his toils. To have discovered two new bodies, and opened an entirely new field of wide chemical re- search, would itself have been enough. But the extraordinary properties of the new bases were such as seemed to correspond to the lively imagination of the Chemist who produced them, and to transport him to an Aladdin's palace more brilliant than even his fertile imagination had ever conceived. Yet it is pleasing to remember that these popular discoveries ■ followed, at the interval of a year, the patient and able resparches which led him to them, and which had already been rewarded, at a period of the bitter- (765.) Second Ba- kerian lec- ture — de- composi- tion of the alcalies. Receives a prize from the Insti- tute of France. 1 Of the Bakerian Lecture, in his collected Works. Chap. VII., § 3.] ELECTEICITY. — DAVY. 171 (766.) Distin- gaisbed testimonies to Ms scientific character. , (767.) Cliemioal researches on chlo- rine and iodine. (768.) Davy's ex- tensive po- pularity, and its results. est international hostilities, by the scientific piize of 3000 francs, founded by the Emperor Napoleon.^ The genius displayed in these, Davy's most cele- brated researches, is evident on a careful perusal of his papers; but still more from a consideration of the state of science of the time, and of the willing tribute to his merits paid by the ablest of his contempo- raries. Few persons of the present day will venture to controvert the assertion of his acute contem- porary, Dr Thomas Young (than whom no man was ever a less indiscriminate eulogist), that Davy's researches were " more splendidly successful than any which have ever before illustrated the physical sciences, in any of their departments ;" and that the contents of the Bakerian Lectures, in particular, " are as much superior to those of Newton's Optics, as the Principia are superior to these or any other human work." ^ A not less impartial tribute to his superla- tive genius has been yielded by M. Dumas, who, if I mistake not, has described Davy as being the ablest and most successful chemist who ever lived. A si- milar homage is paid to him by the sagacious Cuvier. It is not within our scope to consider minutely Davy's purely chemical discoveries and experiments, though they were numerous and important, indepen- dently of those made with the aid of electricity. His proofs of the elementary nature of chlorine and iodine were amongst the most considerable in their results. But as a mere analyst, Davy had neither the leisure nor the taste for continuous plodding labour, and he therefore naturally made mistakes in chemical details. His Elements of Chemical Philosophy re- mained, in consequence, a fragment of an exten- sive work. His contemporary, Berzelius, following his steps in electro-chemical discovery, attained far greater address, and became an author of high and merited reputation, whilst his school surpassed all others in Europe in producing accomplished analysts .^ The years immediately following the publication of his Bakerian Lectures were passed by Davy in the u envied possession, of the highest fame, and in the tranquil furtherance of his first and greatest disco- veries. His lectures at the Koyal Institution con- tinued to be one of the most -fashionable resorts in London, and he was freely admitted in return into the most aristocratic society ; he had but to express a wish, and a voltaic battery of no less than 2000 pairs, containing 128,000 square inches of surface, was con- structed for his use, by means of a liberal subscrip- tion. His health, when seriously compromised by the severity, of his labours, was a matter of public concern, and its variations were announced by frequent bulletins. The copyright of his lectures on agricul- ture was sold for a price unexampled perhaps before or since for such a work. In 1812 he was knighted by the Prince Regent, and soon after he married a lady of fortune and accomplishments. His duties at the Royal Institution became thenceforth honorary. He had in a space of ten years attained the pinnacle of scientific reputation, and he was for the time truly happy : — unenvious of others— deeply attached to his relatives — generous of his resources — unwearied in his philosophic labours. A certain change (it must with regret be owned) came over his state of mind, tarnished his serenity, and gradually though imperceptibly weakened his scientific zeal. It was to be ascribed solely, we believe, to the severe ordeal of exuberant but heartless popularity which he un- derwent- in London. The flatteries of fashionable life acting on a young, ardent, and most susceptible mind, mingling first with the graver applause of his philosophic compeers, and at length, by their reitera- tion and seductions quite overpowering it, by degrees attached Davy to the fashionable world, and loosened his ties to that laboratory which had once been to him the sole and fit scene of his triumphs. Had he been blest with a family, his course would probably have been evener and happier. Let us not severely criti- cise, where we still find so much to admire and to imi- tate. But we record the fact, for the consolation of those who, beginning the pursuit of science, as Davy did, in a humble sphere, and with pure ardour, may fancy that they are worthy of pity, if they do not at- tain with him the honours of wealth and title, and the homage, grateful to talent, of rank, wit, and beauty. A research, second perhaps only to his electro- (769.) chemical discoveries, remains to be noticed, as the Third pe- chief fruit of the third period of his life, on which we [j°g ° '^ now enter ; the first being his early career before settling in London ; the second, that passed in the Royal Institution. Researches on Flame — The Safety-Lamp, — The (770.) subject was, the laws of combustion, and the happy Researches invention of the safety-lamp. Though intimately jj^ safety^ connected with the doctrine of simple heat, it may, lamp, most properly, from its chemical character, and from its connection with Davy's history, be considered briefly here. The lamentable loss of life occurring in coal mines from explosions of fire-damp or inflam- mable air disengaged from the workings, had for many years attracted the attention and sympathy of the public, and had likewise been carefully considered by scientific men. The explosive gas was known to be the light carburetted hydrogen. Two plans alone seemed to present themselves for diminishing the danger : — the one to remove, or chemically to de- compose the fire-damp altogether ; the other, to pro- vide a miner's lamp which, by its construction, should Berzelius. 1 Such was the national feeling at this time in England, that worthy people were found who considered Davy as almost a traitor, when he accepted the French prize. See Southey's lAfe, 2 Quarterly Review, No. 15. 3 Jons Jacoh Berzelius, the greatest analytical chemist of his day, was born in East Gothland, in the same year with Davy, and died in 1848, when he had almost completed bis 69th year. He contributed, in a signal manner, to the establishment of Dalton's principle of definite chemical equivalents ; but he made no single discovery of commanding importance. Z 172 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss, VI. be incapable of causing explosion. The former of these modes of protection, it was soon seen, could only be palliative ; the only efficient form which it took, was that of a more effectual ventilation ; but the ter- rific rapidity with which a mine may be suddenly in- vaded by fire-damp, from channels opened by a single blow of the pickaxe, must prevent it from ever act- ing as a cure. The latter plan had as yet yielded nothing more effectual than the steel mill long used by miners, which produced an uncertain and inter- mitting light, by the rotation of a steel wheel against a flint, the scintillations of which were incapable of inflaming the fire-damp. The insufficiency of the light prevented it from being used, except in circum- stances of known danger. The celebrated Baron Humboldt, Dr Clanny, and several others, had in- vented safety-lamps on different principles ; but they were all clumsy and more or less ineffectual.^ (771.) At last, in the summer of 1815, the Eev. Dr aef'ven- ^^^^ (afterwards Bishop of Bristol), then chair- tion of the ^^^ of ^ committee appointed by a benevolent as- safety sociation at Bishop Wearmouth for the prevention of lamp. colliery accidents, applied to Davy, who was then on a sporting tour in Scotland, requesting his advice and assistance. Sir Humphry answered the call with promptitude. On his southward journey, in the latter part of August, he visited the collieries, ascer- tained the circumstances of the danger which he had to meet, and was provided by Mr Buddie with speci- mens of the inflammable air for examination. Within a fortnight after his return to London, he had ascer- tained new and important qualities of the substance, and had already four schemes on hand for the pre- vention of accident. Before the end of October, he had arrived at the following principles of operation in connection with a safety-lamp. " First, A certain mixture of azote and carbonic acid prevents the ex- plosion of the fire-damp, and this mixture is neces- sarily formed in the safe-lantern ; secondly, The fire- damp will not explode in tubes or feeders of a certain small diameter. The ingress to, and egress of air from my lantern," he adds, " is through such tubes or feed- ers ; and, therefore, when an explosion is artificially made in the safe-lantern, it does not communicate to the external air." The effect of narrow tubes in inter- cepting the passage of flame, is due to the cooling effect of their metallic sides upon the combustible gases of which flame is composed ;^ and one of his first and most important observations was the fortunate pecu- liarity that fire-damp, even when mixed with the amount of air most favourable to combustion (1 part of gas to 7 or 8 of air), requires an unusually high temperature to induce combination. Olefiant gas, carbonic oxide, and sulphuretted hydrogen, are all in- flamed by iron at a red heat, or ignited charcoal, but carburetted hydrogen does not take fire tmder a per- fect white heat. The earliest safety-lamp consisted of a lantern with horn or glass sides, in which a current of air to supply the flame was admitted below by numerous tubes of small diameter, or by narrow in- terstices between concentric tubes of some length ; or, finally, by rows of parallel partitions of metal, form- ing rectangular canals extremely narrow in propor- tion to their length. A similar system of escape apertures was applied at the top of the lantern. With characteristic ingenuity, Davy did not stop here. He continued to reduce at once the apertures and length of his metallic guards, until it occurred to him that wire gauze might, with equal effect, and far more convenience, act upon the temperature of flame, so as to reduce it below the point of ignition, and thus effectually stop its communication. The ex- periment was successful, and by the 9 th November 1815, or within about ten weeks after his first experi- ments, an account of the safety-lamp defended by wire gauze was presented to the Boyal Society. About two months later he produced a lamp entirely enveloped in metallic tissue. There are none of Davy's researches which will stand a closer scrutiny than those which ter- minated thus successfully. No fortuitous obser- vation led him to conceive a happy idea and to apply it to practice. A great boon to humanity and the arts was required at his hands ; and without a moment's delay, he proceeded to seek for it under the guidance of a strictly experimental and induc- tive philosophy. Without, perhaps, a single false turn, and scarcely a superfluous experiment, he pro- ceeded straight to his goal, guided by the prompt- ings of a happy genius aided by no common industry. The chemical, the mechanical, and the purely physi- cal parts of the problem were aU in turn dealt with, and with equal sagacity. It may safely be affirmed that he who was destitute of any one of these quali- fications must have failed in attaining the object so ardently desired, unless by the aid of some rare good fortune. We have it on Davy's own authority, that none of his discoveries gave him so much pleasure as this one. His whole character possessed in it much of a sympathizing and generous humanity; his ideas of the dignity of science were from the first (as his researches in Dr Beddoes' laboratory showed) intimately connected with the aim of advancing the welfare, and of diminishing the misfortunes of man- kind : the rapidity and singular success of his inves- tigation in the case of the safety- lamp, kept his ardent soul all alive, and afforded him the triumph of a Eu- reka at its completion. To these sources of inward gratification was added the unstinted meed of praise bestowed on him by his contemporaries. Playfair, (772.) The safety lamp per- fected. (773.) Considered as a model for similar investiga- tions. ^ I have spoken in Art. 393 of the independent and ingenious efforts of George Stephenson tonnwds the invention of a safety- lamp contemporaneously with those of Davy. ^ This fact had been ascerta,ined some years previously, by Mr Tennant and Dr Wollaston, but it remained unpublished, and was Jiot applied by them to the prevention of colliery explosions. Chap. VII., § 3.] ELECTEICITY. — DAVY. 173 (774.) Rewards. (775.) Davy mo- difies La- voisier's theory of combus- tion. (776.) Davy's protectors for ships. " the true and amiaWe philosopher," as Davy long before described him, thus proclaimed his victory in the Edinburgh, Review : — After describing the course of a discovery " which is in no degree the effect of ac- cident," he adds, "this is exactly such a case as we should choose to place before Bacon were he to re- visit the earth, in order to give him, in a small com- pass, an idea of the advancement which philosophy has made since the time when he had pointed out to her the route which she ought to pursue. The re- sult is as wonderful as it is important. An invisible and impalpable barrier made effectual against a force the most violent and irresistible in its operations ; and a power that in its tremendous effects seemed to emulate the lightning and the earthquake, con- fined within a narrow space, and shut up in a net of the most slender texture — are facts which must excite a degree of wonder and astonishment, from which neither ignorance nor wisdom can defend the be- holder." For this truly patriotic labour, the only national testimony which Davy received was the inadequate one of a baronetcy, which was conferred on him by the Prince Regent in 1818; but his real triumph and great reward were in the enthusiastic apprecia- tion of his entire success by those on whom he had disinterestedly conferred so great a benefit. A tes- timonial, in the form of a service of plate, of great value, was presented to him by the coal-owners of the north of England. Davy's researches on flame were intimately connected with his electrical and chemical discove- ries. He remodelled Lavoisier's theory of combus- tion, and put an end to the distinction between com- bustibles and supporters of combustion. Chemical combination, effected with great energy, and accom- panied by a high temperature, is essential to com- bustion, and either element of the combination is equally entitled to the denomination of combustible. Guided by the electro-chemical theory, Davy appears to have thought that the heat of flame has an elec- trical origin. But I must hasten to close this section. Among the labours of his latter years, there was none which interested Davy more, or which reasonably promised more useful results, than his plan for protecting the copper sheathing of ships from the corrosive action of sea water, by affixing plates of zinc or iron, which shouldrenderthe copper slightly electro-negative, and thus indispose it for combining with acid principles. It is a somewhat singular fact that Fabbroni, about 30 years before, had instanced the corrosion of copper sheathing near the contact of heterogeneous metals, as an instance of the chemical origin of galvanism.^ Davy's experiments were conducted with his usual skill and success, and the remedy only failed of general adoption on account, it may be said, of being too effectual, other and opposite injurious effects having been found to arise. Davy was elected President of the Eoyal Society in 1820, in the room of Sir Joseph Banks, who had held the office for 42 years. It was a distinguished compliment, for the election was all but unanimous. He continued to communicate papers for several years subsequently ; but his energy, his temper, and, finally, his health began to give way — showing that the ardent labours of his youth and prime had in- jured his constitution. Attacked with paralysis in 1827, he spent his last years chiefly abroad, and died at Geneva (where he was buried), on the 29th May 1829. The character of Davy was a rare and admir- able combination. The ardour of his researches, and the deep devotion of his whole being to scientific in- vestigation, have been already proved. They had the effect of completely annihilating every baser passion. He valued property only in so far as he could apply it usefully ; and his disinterestedness with respect to the fortunes which several of his practical discoveries might have honourably earned, was one of the most striking parts of his chara,cter. His fancy was dis- cursive to a degree rarely met with in men of science. He continued to write poetry nearly all his life, and the tone of it was that of grave speculation, always reverting to the destiny of man and the beneficence of the Creator. His lectures were composed with care ; and their effect, even as pieces of oratory, was striking. Coleridge frequented them " to increase his stock of metaphors;" — ^yet they were always to the point, and never degenerated into rhetorical dis- play. For a man of such extraordinary liveliness of fancy and impetuosity of action, his mistakes were astonishingly few. After his very first experience, his publications were made with great care and judg- ment. His estimates of his contemporaries appear generally to have been fair and liberal, though it would be incorrect to affirm that he was universally popular among them. The combination of isolated and intense occupation in his laboratory, with ex- citement in the mixed society of an admiring London public, was a trial which few, if any, could have escaped better than he did ; and so far as we can judge of a man from his expressed opinion of his own successes, whether recorded in his works or in his intimate correspondence, Davy must be accounted to have acquitted himself gracefully and well. He always spoke of the Pile of Volta as the first source of his own success. " Nothing tends so much to the advancement of knowledge as the application of a new instrument," he says ; and then adds, " The native intellectual powers of men in different times are not so much the causes of the different success of their labours, as the peculiar nature of the means and artificial resources in their possession ;" a proposition (777.) Davy as President of the Eoyal So- ciety — his death. (778.) Philosophi- cal charac- ter. 1 There appears, however, to have been something erroneous in the details of Fabbroni's observations, or at least in the account of them given in NichoUon'i Journal. 174 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. ■wLich he applies to Lis own discoveries. But we may truly say with one of his biographers, that to him " the Voltaic apparatus was the golden branch by which he subdued the spirits that had opposed the advance of previous philosophers ; but what would its possession have availed him had not his genius,' like the ancient sybil, pointed out its use and appli- cation?" (779.) The last, and not least, extraordinary characteris- Numerous ^jg ^f Davy to which I shall now advert, was the inventions. ^i^S^^J practical turn of a mind which seemed formed in a speculative mould. Four at least of his chief researches were of this kind — his experiments on breathing the gases ; his lectures on agricultural chemistry ; his invention of the safety-lamp ; and his protectors for ships. No man, whose path so clearly lay in original discovery, ever left so many valuable legacies to art and to his country. (780.) The name of Davy gave to England a distinguished Davy's as- pre-eminence in science during the first 25 years of Young^and ^^^ century. But two others, less noticed at the time, WoUaston. were also among her worthiest sons. These were Young and Wollaston. They were all three nearly contemporaries ; all lived on good terms with one an- other, and united in promoting natural knowledge in their several spheres. Young was Davy's early, though less successful colleague at the Eoyal Institu-^ tion ; and Wollaston was joint-secretary with him to the Eoyal Society. All three were originally educated for the medical profession, and they all abandoned it for the pursuit of science. Not the least singular coincidence was in the periods of their deaths, which all occurred within the spape of six months. (781.) Our notice of Young, the first optical philosopher ^^'^'*^ of his age, belongs to another chapter. Wollaston, laston— hiB*^°"S'^ an original observer in nearly every branch contribu- of exact Science, considered himself as a chemist ; tioDs to and his observations on Electricity were amongst his ec nci y, ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ contributions to science. After the impulse given to discovery by the invention of the Pile, and the proof of the decomposition of water, Wollaston' undertook to compare critically the efiects of galvanic and frictional electricity — a task of some nicety, and of very great importance at a time when it could hardly be considered as certain that these agents were bot specifically difierent. By methods peculiarly his own, he produced decomposi- tion, accompanied with separation of the elements at the respective poles by means of common electricity. He at the same time gave his powerful support to the purely chemical theory of the Pile. (782.) His most important inventions were rather in- andthe struments which, in the hands of others, were to other SCI- produce important discoveries, than discoveries in themselves. One was the invention of the Reflect- ing Goniometer for measuring the angles of crys- tals, now so essential to mineralogy ; another, the art of rendering platinum malleable, which has con- ferred inexpressible benefits on chemistry, and on the arts connected with it. The principle of the reflec- tion of a ray of light for measuring angular spaces, though it existed already in the single instance of the sextant, has been, since it was applied to the gonio- meter, a;dapted to a multitude of most ingenious and valuable contrivances. Wollaston was an excellent optician, and of some (783.) of his observations I have already spoken (476), (538). The strong points of his character were precision .(784.) and rare acuteness in observation, patience and cau- '' " * Til. IT. PI. . racter con- tion m deduction, and habitual devotion ot his time trasted ' and energies to scientific pursuits. His foibles were with that an excess of caution, and a certain microscopic turn °^ Davy, of mind which, though it sometimes rewarded him with valuable discoveries, consumed his time in oc- cupations of mechanical ingenuity, and prevented him from grappling with almost any of the great theories of his day. An exception, yet one which illustrates his character, may be found in the fact that he had all but anticipated Dalton in his disco- very of the multiple combinations of salts, whilst, with his characteristic sense of justice, he disclaimed any participation in the merit (624). While Davy was de- lighting crowded audiences with his eloquence, his discoveries, and their wonderful results, Wollaston was pursuing his solitary experiments on a scale so small that scarcely three persons could witness them at once. While Davy was firing his potassium with ice, and making mimic volcanos heave by the oxida- tion , of his new metals, Wollaston was extract- ing, by minute analyses, from the refractory and unoxidable ores of platinum, substances previously undetected, which, neither by their quantity nor their characters, could ever interest any but a man of science. While Davy was charging his prodi- gious battery of 2000 pairs, — the largest which has ever been constructed (a homage to his ge- nius, provided by his numerous admirers), — Wol- laston was proving, after his fashion, how similar eifects could be produced by the very same agency on a small scale ; and with no greater apparatus than a shred of zinc, a few drops of acid, and an old thimble, he would gratify his friends by exhibiting the mimic glow of an almost microscopic wire of platinum. Davy seemed born to believe ; Wollaston to doubt. Davy was a poet ; Wollaston, a mathematician, or, at least, capable of becoming a great one. Davy announced his discoveries in fiery haste, and pre- sented all their consequences and corollaries as a free gift to mankind ; Wollaston (estimating more truly the rarity of the inventive faculty) hoarded every ob- servation, turned it over and over, polished it, ren- dered it exact beyond the reach of criticism, and then deliberately laid it before the world. He had the coldness and the accuracy of Cavendish, but he wanted the spur of his genius, and the wide grasp Chap. VII., § 4.] ELECTRICITY. — W0LLA8T0N — OERSTED — AMPERE. 175 of his apprehension. Among other legitimate re- sults of discovery, WoUaston was not unwilling to claim for his own the material profits which such researches sometimes, though rarely, yield ; whilst Davy, as we have seen, spurned every possible attri- bution of an interested motive. Davy never made a shilling in his life, save as an author or a lecturer (except as paid assistant to Dr Beddoes) ; WoUaston realized a fortune by his art of working platinum. Davy was admired by thousands both at home and abroad ; WoUaston was little known except to a small circle who could appreciate the resources of a mind rarely opened in confidence to any one, and of which the world was only partially informed. WoUaston was born in 1766, and died in December (785.) 1828. The composure of his end rivalled that of ^'^ '^^**''- Black and Cavendish. His disorder was one of the brain. When he had lost the power of speech, his attendants remarked aloud that he appeared imcon- scious. Making a sign for a pencil and paper, he wrote down a column of figures, added them up cor- rectly, and expired. § 4. Oersted. — Ampere. — Discovery of Electro-Magnetism — Electro-Dynamic Theory — Discovery of Thermo-Electricity ; Seebeck. The Galvanometer of Schweigger and Nobili. (786.) Oersted rendered famous by a single discoTery. (787.) (788.) His early studies. (789.) His first "writings on electricity. Hans Christian Oersted was born in Langeland, one of the Danish isles, on the '14th August 1777. Of him it might almost be said that " on awaking one morning he found himself famous." The single discovery of the mutual action of magnets and elec- tric conductors gave him a celebrity which a life-long devotion to science has oftener than the contrary failed to secure. Yet in this, and perhaps every similar case, it will be found that brilliant, and, as the world, or jealous rivals esteem it, fortunate success, was not the result of an isolated effort, but was connected with a long career of patient though comparatively obscure la- bour. At the age of 20, Oersted, whilst yet a student at the University of Copenhagen, became an author. His first publication was a prize essay on an aesthe- tical subject. Being intended for the medical pro- fession, he soon after wrote some chemical papers, and, in 1801, his first " On Galvanic Electricity." But his turn of mind at this time, as well as later, was of a strongly metaphysical cast, and of course tinctured with the peculiarities of the German school as regards the study of physics, of which the title of his thesis on graduation may be given as an instance : — It was On the Architectonicks of Natural Metaphysics. His studies in voltaic elec- tricity were made chiefly under Ritter, an obscure and mystical writer, though the author of some cu- rious experiments on what were called Secondary Piles ; and he at length obtained, in 1806, a pro- fessorship in his own university ; but his associates appear to have been rather literary than scientific persons, such as Steffens, Oehlenschlager, Niebuhr, and Fichte ; he also engaged in controversies of a theological tendency, which, to the end of his life, appear to have had a great attraction for him. In 1812 Oersted visited Berlin, and published there a work on Chemical and Electrical forces, tend- ing to prove their identity, which was translated into French by Marcel de Serres. The author afterwards looked back to the period of the publication of this treatise as the dawn of his electro-magnetic discovery. So far as I know of its contents (for I have never seen a copy), it does not contain anything beyond indefinite anticipations of the real identity of electri- city and magnetism. In this, indeed, there was no- thing new. Compass-needles had been seen to be reversed by lightning ; electric shocks had been passed through steel without any certain effect ; and Van Swinden had published a work in three volumes expressly on the subject, containing the results of a mass of ingenious failures. Nor, perhaps, can we give Oersted credit, at that early period, for a more distinct apprehension of the relation so anxiously sought for, than was possessed by several of his con- temporaries. His belief is said to have been grounded on the notion, that "if galvanism be only a hidden form of electricity, then magnetism can only be elec- tricity in a still more hidden form" — a syllogism which, if it satisfied Oersted's nietaphysical friends, would hardly be accepted as demonstrative in the laboratory ; and, after all, it suggests no one form of relation rather than another. Professor Forchhammer, the friend and pupil (790.) of Oersted, states that, in 1818 and 1819, it was ^^^ "^^^^o"" well known in Copenhagen that he was engaged gfg^^j.°. in a special study of the connection of magnetism magnetism, and electricity. Yet we must ascribe it to a happy impulse — the result, no doubt, of much anxious thought — that, at a private lecture to a few advanced students in the winter of 1819—20, he made the ob- servation, that a wire uniting the ends of a voltaic battery in a state of activity, affected a magnet in its vicinity. It was in the fact of the circuit being closed, that the main difference consisted between this and previous attempts, in which galvanic pairs or bat- teries not connected by conductors were expected to show magnetical relatiohs, though, in such a case, the electricity was evidently stagnant. Some mystery hangs over Oersted's apprehension (791.) of his own experiment. It seems difiicult to believe Details re- that he clearly saw its significance. Unlike Davy, ^pecting it. when he first saw the fiery drops of potassium flow under the action of his battery, and recorded his triumph in a few glowing words in his laboratory jour- 176 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VL nal, Oersted took no immediate measures either to complete or to publish his discovery. Some months appear to have elapsed whilst waiting for the conve- nience of a larger battery before he repeated the ex- periment with the aid of Professor Esmark and other friends. The battery then employed contained 20 twelve-inch elements, charged with water and ^\fth of mixed nitric and sulphuric acids. The conducting wire was heated red hot, which must have rather dimi- nished the effect than otherwise. The nature of the wire was found to be unimportant. If positive electri- city passed from north to south through a conducting wire placed horizontally in the magnetic meridian, then a compass needle suspended over it had its north end deviated to the west ; if under it, to the east ; if the needle was placed on the east side of the conduc- tor, its north end was raised ; if on the west side, it was depressed. Oersted further found that needles of non-magnetic substances, such as brass and gum- lac, were not affected, and that the electrical efficiency depended on the quantity, not the intensity, of the current. These experiments seem to have been made in July 1820 ; and Oersted and his friends being now fully alive to the novelty and importance of the dis- covery,he circulated extensively copies of a Latin tract, dated the 21st July, in which the effects of the "electric conflict," as he terms the presumed combination of the opposite electricities in the " conjunctive wire" upon a magnet, were described.^ In this tract we find the following expressions : — " The electric conflict acts in a revolving manner." " It resembles a helix." " The electric conflict is not confined to the conduct- ing wire, but it has aroimd it a sphere of activity of considerable extent." (792.) The effect of this pamphlet, consisting of a few Speedily pages only, was instantaneous and wonderful. The bv Am^^ author probably counted on the opportunity of devel- pere, oping his discovery at leisure, but it was seized on Arago, and with Such avidity, and pursued with such signal suc- ''y' cess, particularly in France, that he probably gave up the race of invention iu despair. Ampere had already communicated experiments to the Institute on the 18th and 26th September. Arago and Davy sepa- rately, and but little later, discovered the magnetiz- ing power which the voltaic conductor exerted on iron filings, and the latter tried in vain the magnetizing power of common or machine electricity, which, how- ' ever, was soon after shown by Arago, who enclosed steel wires in helices of copper wire, through which the discharges were passed. When soft iron was placed in such a helix, it was found to become a tem- porary magnet of great power whilst the voltaic current continued. Thus magnets' of enormously greater power than any previously known were con- structed ; one of the first large ones was made by Pro- fessor Henry of the United States. (793.) ^ut the progress of electro- magnetismas a science was far more indebted to Ampere, a professor at Paris, than to any other philosopher. I shall, therefore, introduce here some account of his dis- coveries before closing what I have to say of Oer- sted. Andee Marie Ampbee was born in 1775 at Lyon. (794.) He was an able mathematician, and wrote several Electro- memoirs on Chances, and on the Integration of Par- ?/°^'°"'|. tial Differential Equations. But with this he com- Ampere, bined a taste for, and a practical acquaintance with, the experimental sciences. He was a very good che- mist, and showed himself particularly attentive to Davy on his first visit to Paris. He was also much attached to metaphysical speculation. His skill in devising apparatus and in performing experiments was eminently shown in his electro-magnetic researches ; whilst he judiciously rendered his mathematical knowledge subservient to them. In this respect he had greatly the advantage of Oersted, who appears to have been little acquainted with mathematics, and, perhaps, in common with his metaphysical friends of the German school, misapprehended their utility in physical discoveries. Three different hypotheses Various were speedily broached to represent mechanically options the singular kind of force mutually exerted between "'^ ™® a conductor and a magnet. The first and most ob- of the elec- vious was, that this action was not a pusk-a/id-pull tro-mag- force, but a force producing rotation without direct °®'"' *°™®' attraction and repulsion, or of the nature of a couple exerted between any part of an electric current, and a small magnet or magnetic element. The second opinion was, that an electric current may be esteemed equivalent to a magnetizing force at right angles to it. The third, that a magnet is composed of ele- ments which act as if a closed electric circuit ex- isted independently within each of them ; that is, each magnetic molecule may be replaced by a small conducting wire bent upon itself, in which some un- failing source of electricity, like a galvanic pair, keeps up, in the same direction, a constant current. This last hypothesis, arbitrary and improbable as (795.) it may sound, was that defended by Ampere. Whilst Theory or few will be disposed to regard it as a true and com- ^do^ted b" plete physical picture of the condition of magnetized Ampere, bodies, it seems impossible not to award to it the same sort of credit which we do to Newton's " fits of easy reflection and transmission" of light, when we find that it not only serves to represent the more obvious phenomena, but has suggested experiments absolutely new, and which turned out in accordance with the anticipation ; and that, finally, by the sagacity and industry of its author it was made to include, by merely mathematical deductions, and without any complication of the hypothesis, certain experiments of a very singular kind, which at first seemed inex- plicable by it. I proceed to develope a little farther this consideration. ' The exact title was, Experimenta circa effectum Conflictus Uleetrici in Acum Magneticum. Chap. VII., § 4.] ELECTRICITY. — OERSTED — AMPERE. 177 (796.) The theory of Ampere rejects all but push-and- actioifof ^^^^ forces, such as are commonly recognized in me- electric chanical physics. These forces are mutual, and he- conductors, long to electric currents. A permanent magnet is a congeries of minute parallel and circular currents, all acting in the same direction, which is at right angles to the magnetic axis or line of force. Grant- ing this for a moment, Oersted's experiment shows that the current in the conductor acts on the currents in the magnet ; and as a magnet places itself trans- versely to a conductor, the currents in the magnet tend to place themselves parallel to that in the con- ductor. Do we then find such properties in move- able electric conductors alone 1 Have they any mutual action 1 Does that mutual action tend to produce parallelism ? And if so, may it be farther analysed into direct attractions or repulsions of the several parts of the electric currents upon one another ? All these questions were answered by Ampere afirmatively after due appeal to experiment. Two copper wires connected with voltaic circuits, and suspended with the requisite degree of freedom, approach when the currents have a similar direction, but are repelled when the direction is opposite in the two. When two moveable conductors are placed at right angles, or indeed at any angle, they tend to parallelism. All the usual phenomena of a magnet may be imitated by a long helix of copper wire through which electricity is made by some artifice continually to circulate. The position of the poles is the same as in a real magnet, and the name of pole is determined by the direction (right or left handed) in which the helix is wound. Such an in- strument, not containing one particle of iron, is at- tracted and repelled by a steel magnet, — obeys the directive influence of the earth, — gives transverse motion to an electric conductor near it, — in short, does whatever magnetized iron does. (797.) Thus, in the mutual action of electric currents emen- ^fQj. tj^g phenomena of static electricity are wholly the inrerse unlike) we recognize the great discovery of Ampere, square of A new Science was formed, which he called electro- the dia- dynamics, which he proceeded to develope with great skill and success. MM. Biot and Savary found that the electro-magnetic force exerted by an indefinite straight conductor and needle, varies inversely as the simple distance from the conductor; but looking to the elementary actions of each portion of the cur- rent, it will be found that this corresponds to the usual physical law of the inverse square of the dis- tance between the magnetic and the electric ele- ment. (798.) Whilst Ampere was pursuing his inquiries into ^^ ^^H^n *^® properties of electric currents, others were vary- la Rive— ^ iiig> ^ ^ great variety of ways, Oersted's fundamental Electro- experiment. A great number of beautiful mechani- magnetie gg,! arrangements were invented, particularly by the elder De la Rive and by Mr Faraday. The latter, however, had the sole merit of effecting a most singu- rotations. lar kind of motion, that in which a magnet float- ing in mercury is made to revolve continuously around a central conducting wire, and in like man- ner a conductor may be made to revolve round a fixed magnet ; nay, stranger still, a magnet acting at once as conductor and magnet, revolves with great velocity on its own axis when an elec- tric stream is made to traverse one half of its length. These astonishing experiments, which, in an earlier age, might have founded a new sect of astronomers and replaced the theory of Vortices, offered also considerable difiiculties in the applica- tion of Ampere's theory. They were, however, ulti- Accounted mately removed by Ampere himself, who analysed ^^^^.^ with great skill the mechanical conditions of each case, and interpreting them into the language of his theory, showed how continuous rotations might be produced, according to the laws which he had esta- blished, by electric currents alone suitably arranged ; and he efiected by most ingenious experimental combi- nations purely electro-dynamic rotations. Some other experiments, in which magnets seemed to produce a different efiect from electro-dynamic cylinders, pre- sented a more serious obstacle, which, however, was removed by a rigorous demonstration of the eflTects which must ensue, if we. regard the elementary mole- cules of a magnet as very small, and consequently the entire magnet as a collection of indefinitely small and correspondingly numerous electro-dynamic cylinders. By means of four critical experiments, Ampere de- termined completely the elementary laws of the mutual action of currents, including that previously established by Biot and Savary in the case of a mag- net and a conductor. This investigation was one of great intricacy, and was carried out with remarkable skill. Ampere had the field almost to himself, Savary making some contributions ; and, what is remarkable, little or nothing has been added either to the theory, or to the deductions from it, since his death. The progress of the science of electro-magnetism has been so astonishingly rapid since the year 1820, that one set of phenomena after another has for the time attracted almost exclusive notice. The disco- very of diamagnetism will probably lead to a recon- sideration of Ampere's theory as applicable to all matter in a more general form. This rapid succession of interesting topics has pre- (799.) vented attention from being perhaps sufficiently di- Great rected to the importance of Ampere's labours. He™^"'°^ is at least as well entitled as any other philosopher ^^^ who has yet appeared, to be called " the Newton of Electricity." Ampere was of an amiable, though rather eccentric (800.) character. His absence of mind was proverbial, and "ieath. his style is somewhat cumbrous and obscure. But he was devoted to science, the promotion of which was ever his first consideration, and he evidently himself possessed great clearness in his conceptions. He died on the 17th May 1836. 178 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. LDiss. VI. (801.) Seebeck. Discovery of thermo- electricity. (802.) Invention of the galvan- ometer — Schweig- ger and Kobili. (803.) Oersted's history continued. Whilst Ampere, Arago, Davy, the two De la Eives, and Mr Faraday, were throwing light on the causes, and developing the consequences of Oersted's experiment, Seebeck of Berlin discovered in 1822 a new source of electric excitement, which has since become indirectly of very great im- portance. This was Thermo-Electricity. He found that when heterogeneous metals are united, either by soldering or pressure, and the junction heated, a current of electricity is established. The order of metals which produces the most energetic combina- tions, is wholly unlike the arrangement of the vol- taic series, and has no apparent reference to any other known property of those substances. Bismuth and antimony stand at the opposite extremities of the scale, and a pair formed of them is consequently the most powerful which can be made. When heat- ed at the junction, positive electricity passes from bismuth to antimony. In 1823, Oersted, then on a visit to Paris, united with Fourier in making experiments on this subject, and was probably the first who constructed thermo-electrical piles. Un.. questionably, the most important application of these was to the construction of an instrument for measur- ing the effects of radiant heat, by Nobili and Melloni, of which an account has already been given, Art. (709). An application of electro-magnetism of extreme importance, was the Multiplier or Galvanometer, contrived by Schweigger of Halle. In it the idea was first realized of measuring the power of an electric current by its effect in deviating a mag- netic needle. Schweigger perceived that he could multiply the action of one and the same current, by causing it to traverse successive parallel coils of the conducting wire carried round the needle. Its sensibi- lity was still farther, and almost indefinitely increased byNobili's invention of rendering the needle a«iatic, or diminishing its natural directive power in anyrequired degree. This he did by connecting it firmly with a second needle parallel to the first, of nearly equal strength, with its poles placed in an inverted posi- tion relatively to the other, and moving freely in a plane altogether exterior to the coil, so that whilst the directive effect of the earth's polarity is almost neutralized, the electro-magnetic effect of the coil tends to produce a similar deviation in both needles. This is one of the most precious philosophical instru- ments ever invented. It has been employed for thirty years in almost every electrical research or application. One of its best forms for many pur- poses (though hitherto little used) is the Torsion Galvanometer of Ritchie. . Oersted, of course, interested himself in this new application of his own great discovery. Indeed, hav- ing the good fortune to survive that discovery for more than thirty years, with a full enjoyment of his intellectual vigour, he had the gratifica- tion of contemplating a body of science entirely new as its results, and a variety of useful ap- plications scarcely less astonishing, which might, in one sense, be called his own creation. The dis- coveries of Ampere, Seebeck, and Mr Faraday, were all based upon his; and during those thirty years, this elegant and interesting branch of experimental phy- sics underwent an' almost uninterrupted extension, such as hardly any other affords an example of. The Electric Telegraph is one of its most direct and practi- cal results ; nor should we omit that Oersted himself proposed, as far back as 1818, the application of elec- tricity to blasting rocks by the very same process in which it has of late years been so usefully applied^ namely, that of heating a fine wire to incandescence. Though Oersted was the author of numerous (804.) papers connected with science down nearly toHisexperi- the close of his life, they do not contain any impor- ments on tant discovery, and with reference to electro-mag* pressim of netism, he appears to have contented himself princi* water, pally with repeating and expounding the observations of his contemporaries. But some of his experiments on. other subjects deserve mention, especially those on the compressibility of water. This fact, which the Flo- rentine Academicians had vainly sought to establish in the 17th century, had been clearly demonstrated by Canton in the middle of the 18th, but Oersted first devised a compendious and effective apparatus for producing and measuring it more effectually. His result, that the compression amounts to46-millionths of the bulk, for a pressure equal to one atmosphere^ agrees almost precisely with Canton's. In 1845, he considered that he had established that the heat de- veloped by the same amount of compression is •0203 of a centigrade degree. He also made some experi- ments on the Law of the Compressibility of Air and upon other subjects. The desideratum of a clear expression of the mani- (805.) fest alliance between Electricity and Magnetism had Oersted re- been so long and so universally felt, that the discovery ppj^e of placed its author in the first rank of scientific men. the Insti- There was not even, so far as I am aware, a sus- *^*® "^ picion that he had been, however remotely or dimly, anticipated. The prize of the French Institute which had been awarded to Davy for his galvanic discoveries, was bestowed upon Oersted, and so far as I am inform- ed, has not been since adjudicated. He was elected first Correspondent, and finally Associate of the Academy of Sciences. He was personally known to many of the philosophers of Europe, having made repeated journeys in France, Germany, and England. His His scien- agreeable manners and general information rendered tificcharac- him popular. Sir H. Davy, who visited him at Co- '*''• penhagen, describes him as " a man of simple man- ners, of no pretensions; and not of extensive re- sources." Niebuhr, however, who viewed his cha- racter in a different light, says, " I scarcely know another natural philosopher with so much intellect, ■ and freedom from prejudice and esprit de corps." His writings were indeed too discursive. Professor Forch- Chap. VII., § 5.] ELECTRICITY. — OERSTED— DR FARADAY. 179 hammer has enumerated above 200 of his publica- tions or articles, on a vast variety of subjects ; but of all these, only a single tract of a few pages will perhaps be ultimately remembered. As I before remarked, his mind, though capable of continued application, appears to have wanted the sort of con- centration which prolonged physical researches re- quire, and the school of philosophy in which he was considered by his own countrymen as a proficient, has never been fruitful in researches based on Induc- tion. In November 1850, the fiftieth anniversary of his (806.) connection with the University of Copenhagen was ^'^ ^^^'"^ celebrated by a jubilee. Though in his 74th year, his activity was unimpaired, and he continued his lectures and other employments until within a few days of his death, which occurred on the 9th of March 1851, closing a life full of years and honour. § 5. Dr Faraday. — Progress of the Theory of Electro- Chemical Decomposition — Volta-Electric Induction — Magneto-Electricity — Diamagnetism — Optical Changes induced by Magnetism. — Professor Fliicker^Magneoptic Action. (807.) Eminent discoveries of Dr Fara- day. (808.) His early history, and connection witli Davy and the Royal In- stitution. ■) Variety of his publi- cations — his Re- searches on Electrieitv. Immeasurably the larger part of what we know with regard to the nature and laws of electricity and of its connection with Magnetism, so far as it has been developed since the discovery of Oersted, is due to the genius and perseverance of one man — Michael Faraday. This eminent philosopher was born, I believe, in 1791. He was originally " a bookseller's apprentice, — ^very fond of experiment and very averse to trade." In 1812 he sent to Sir H. Davy, then at the height of his reputation, a copy of a set of notes taken at his lectures, desiring his assistance "to escape from trade, and enter into the service of science." To the credit of the popular and distinguished chemist, he gave Mr Faraday a courteous answer, and appointed him as chemical assistant in the Laboratory of the Royal In- stitution in March 1813. Leaving England to travel in the autumn of the same year, Davy engaged Mr Faraday to accompany him as secretary and scien- tific assistant; they returned in April 1815, and from that time to the present Mr Faraday has been constantly engaged in the scientific business of the Royal Institution, which is as completely associated with his, numerous and splendid dis- coveries as Cambridge is with those of Newton, and Slough with those of the elder Herschel. By a rare, perhaps unexampled good fortune, that esta- blishment, founded principally for the promotion of original research and the promulgation of dis- coveries, has been indebted during the first fifty years of its existence to the talents of two men only, for a succession of new scientific truths which might have done credit to a whole academy; indeed, if to the names of Davy and Mr Faraday we add that of Young, who here first promulgated the doc- trines of the Interference of Light, there is scarcely an academy in Europe which has within the same period added so extensively to our choicest stock of original science. Partly in consequence of his official duty of bring- ing forward and explaining the most important cotem- porary discoveries, partly also in consequence of his own matchless talent of elucidating, by original illus- trations, if not by new facts, whatever he undertakes to expound, the variety of subjects on which Dr Fara- day has made essential additions to our knowledge is so great that it is difficult to comprehend them under one section. In conformity, however, with our plan of suppressing minor facts, and insisting on the most important, I shall confine myself to a summary statement of his main discoveries connected with Electricity and Electro-Magnetism as contained in a continuous series of " Researches," published in the Philosophical Transactions between 1831 and the present time ; which, when collected (as they have been in a distinct form), now fill three closely printed octavo volumes. It would be difficult to name in the history of any progressive experimental subject so large an amount of research prosecuted for so long a time in so methodical a manner and with such remarkable uniformity in plan, and with such unvarying success. I shall only farther premise that Dr Faraday's (810.) earliest essays were naturally of a chemical charac- Electro- ter. In 1820 he assisted Davy, in prosecuting Oer- ^^|°.^*j° sted's researches on the relations of Electricity and Magnetism, and the following year he himself suc- ceeded in producing, for the first time, the continuous rotation of a magnet round an electric conductor, and the converse rotation of the conductor round the magnet (798). These experiments were the germ of others which continued to interest philosophers as well as the curious public for a long time after. But it was in 1831 (when the author had attained his 40th year) that the genius of Dr Faraday was displayed in a commanding manner by the appearance of his First and Second series of the Researches on Electri- city, which have not perhaps been surpassed by even the most brilliant of their successors. The subject was the Induction of Electric Currents from other Currents and from Magnets. But we shall find it most con- venient to take an order different from that of the discovery, and to present the main results of Dr Faraday's electrical labours under the following jjeads of heads :- — his chief I. The law of definite Electro-chemical Decompo- electrical sition, and the theory of the pile connected therewith. neticTf dis- II. The Induction of Electric Currents from other coveries. A 180 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI, (811.) Electro- chemical deoomposl tion, and theory of the pile. Definite character of decom- position — electrical equiva- lents. (812.) Inferences as to the identity of electrical and chemi- cal forces. Currents and from Magnets, or the discovery of Magneto-Electricity. III. The influence of the Magnet on all bodies, and the consequent division of substances into two classes. Magnetics and Diamagnetics. IV. Optical changes induced by Magnetism. I. With regard to electro-chemical decomposition and the theory of the pile, the great extent and intri- cacy of the subject require us to restrict our analysis to a few of the leading conclusions. The most im- portant of these may be summed up in the following propositions : — 1st, The amount of a decomposable substance (or electrolyte^ analysed into its elements by a current of electricity depends solely on the amount of electricity passing through it, and is in- dependent of the form of apparatus employed, the dimensions of the poles (or electrodes), the strength of the solution, or any other circumstance. It is thence inferred, with respect, for instance, to water, that the amount of it decomposed in a given time is an exact measure of the quantity of electricity set in motion in that time. 2d, When a substance is thus decomposed, it is a necessary, or at least a highly probable, consequence of Dalton's laws, that the elements separated are in atomic proportions to one another. But Mr Faraday also found that when several decompositions are effected at the same time by interposing different electrolytes in intervals of the same circuit, the whole of the series of elements separated bear the atomic relations to one another. Thus, to take a single case ; an electric current de- composes in the same time 0*497 grain of water and 3-2 grains of protochloride of tin. Now, these are exactly the proportions of the atomic weights of those bodies. From this and numerous other cases Mr Faraday infers, that universally the amount of electrical action required to dissolve a combination is in a constant proportion to the force of chemical affi- nity by which its elements are united. The corollary seems therefore highly probable that it is one and the same force which is exerted in eithei; case. But the conclusion as to their identity becomes almost irre- sistible when we add to these propositions the follow- ing: 3dly, That the oxidation of one atom of zinc by the acid of the battery generates precisely so much electricity as would resolve one atom of water into its elements. Thus, 8'45 grains of zinc dissolved occasioned the analysis of 2"35 grains of water ; but these numbers are in the ratio of 32-5 to 9 ; the equivalents or atomic weights of zinc and water. From these strictly experimental laws, Dr Fara- day considers that he is entitled to draw these im- portant inferences : First, that the source of voltaic electricity in the pile is chemical action solely; Secondly, that " the forces termed chemical affinity and electricity are one and the same.'"- Itis needless to add that these conclusions, involving the very essence of the science of voltaic electricity, are supported by Mr Faraday by a great variety of collateral proofs ; and, on the whole, I cannot see that they admit of any reasonable doubt. The contact theory of Volta still, however, holds its ground in Germany, where the number of influential writers on electricity is con- siderable ; and so persevei-ingly is it maintained, that it is dijEcult to perceive how it is ever to be dis- lodged. But on this wide and not very profitable controversy we cannot here enter. There are a great many other considerations (813.) connected with the action of the voltaic battery ^'^ ^ara- which are independent of these primary ones, and ^ucy™ which are scarcely less important. Dr Faraday and Con- has entered into a most elaborate experimental diction, argument to show that induction always precedes both conduction and decomposition, and that de- composable bodies or electrolytes must be all more or less perfect conductors. His views may be thus concisely summed up in his own words : — " The first effect" of the electrifying influence, whether of fric- tional electricity or of voltaic electricity, upon bodies, is " the production of a polarized state of their par- ticles which constitutes induction ; and this arises from its action upon the particles in immediate con- tact with" the excited body, " which again act upon those contiguous to them, and thus forces are trans- ferred to a distance. If the induction remain un- diminished, perfect insulation is the consequence ; if the contiguous particles" thus polarized " have the power to communicate their forces, then con- duction occurs, conduction being a distinct act of discharge between neighbouring particles." " In the inductive condition assumed by water" when about to be decomposed, " the discharge between particle and particle is not, as before, a mere interchange of their powers and forces, but an actual separation of them, the oxygen travelling in one direction and carrying with it its ainount of force acquired during polarization, and the hydrogen doing the same thing in the other direction, until they each meet the next approaching particle, which is in the same electrical state with that they have left, and by association of their forces with it produce discharge. This action may be regarded as a carrying one performed by the constituent particles of the dielectric."^ Again, " the current is an indivisible thing ; an axis of power, in eveiy part of which both electric forces are present in equal amount."* These views respecting the molecular progress of (814.) conduction and decomposition, though perhaps never so categorically stated as by Dr Faraday, have been, I imagine, substantially held by a majority of those who have considered the subject since the time of Davy, who first gave them a partial expression. And when Davy and others speak of the electric forces in decomposition as if they emanated from the 1 Retearches, Art. 918. lb., Arts. 1338, 1347. ' lb., Art. 1642. Chap. VII., § 5.] ELECTRICITY. — DR FAEADAY. 181 (815.) Uniform nature of electricity from what- ever source, rsie.) Induction of electric currents — magneto- electricity, poles of the battery and became enfeebled with dis- tance from them, they used a -language not quite rigorous indeed, yet expressing the actual pheno- mena with that general accuracy which we can alone expect in the first stages of so new and difficult an inquiry. " The sum of chemical decomposition is constant for any section of a decomposing conductor" is Dr Faraday's expression.^ So is the sum of illumi- nations arising from light radiating from a point, when taken across any section of its path, yet the influence is said to vary inversely as the square of its distance from the origin. The part of Dr Fara- day's conclusions, however, most open to excep- tion, is what refers to electric action at a distance, which he conceives to depend solely upon induction acting on intervening particles, which induction may take place along curved lines. It is indeed true that he has shown, by a beautiful experiment, that the in- terposition of different substances between an excited electric and a body capable of being electrified by in- duction, occasions different degrees of excitement in the latter, even when the interposed bodies are glass, sulphur, and other "non-conductors;" and this he justly refers to a peculiar power or property of bodies Called "specific inductive capacity." But this is rather different from the general proposition above referred to. In conclusion of this part of the subject, I must add that Mr Faraday has, with great pains and suc- cess, demonstrated the fundamentally identical nature of electricity from whatever source derived, and how- ' ever differing in its usual manifestations ; — such as electricity of the pile, of the common machine, or that induced by magnetic, thermal, and animal electricity. These have all common properties, producingthe shock, the spark, and magnetic, chemical, and heating effects ; and, except two, also producing sensible attraction and repulsion. But the disproportion of the effects of electricity, varying so much in intensity when re- ferred to unit of quantity, is astonishing and para- doxical. The electricity which so silently and speedily decomposes a single grain of water would, when its intensity is sufficiently exalted, produce, according to Mr Faraday, " a very powerful flash of lightning," or 800,000 times the contents of a well charged Ley- den battery. Again, zinc and platinum wirfes half an inch long and one-eighteenth inch diameter, dipped into slightly acidulated water, produce in three se- conds as much electricity as a man can easily bear in the form of a shock. II. Induction of electric currents from other cur- rents and from magnets. — This splendid research, which dates from 1831, constitutes the discovery of magneto-electricity. The discovery by Ampere of the attraction and repulsion of conductors conveying electric currents rapidly followed (as we have seen in Art. 796) Oer- sted's discovery of the power of electricity to affect the magnet, and the corollary from it of the mag- netizing agency of electricity. This being achieved, very striking analogies led to the expectations — 1. That a wire conveying a current ought to excite by induction a current in another wire near it ; and, 2. That a magnet ought, under some circumstances at least, to be capable of exciting electric action. But attempts in these directions had repeatedly and sig- nally failed, and for a reason which Mr Faraday first rendered apparent. Having made a compound helix of two copper (817-) vnres wound parallel to one another, but not touch- ^""■f-^^^'^' ing, and rolled one within the other upon a cylin- tion. der, he found that when he transmitted a continu- ous voltaic current through one wire, a momen- tary current (tested by a galvanometer) took place in the independent helix opposed in direction tp that of the primary current ; but it ceased to exist in- stantaneously, although the primary current conti- nued to act ; and it was only on the cessation of that current that a new momentary induced current appeared, but in the contrary direction to the previ- ous one. The same effect occurred when a wire conducting a current was mechanically brought into the presence of another wire ; the approximation of the two induced an oppositely directed current, their separation a similar one. Whilst the wires were immovable no induced current took place. This he termed Volta- Electric Induction. Mr Faraday next took a ring of soft iron, disposing two copper-wire coils round opposite portions of the ring. In passing a current through one coil, and thus magnetizing the ring, a current was induced in the other copper coil, but, as in the former case, only for an instant. When the primary current stopped, and tlie magnet was unmade, an opposite current shot through the secondary coil. The transition to the next experiment was natu- ral, but highly important. The primary coil was Magneto- suppressed ; and the piece of soft iron embraced by «lB'='>^io»ty" the secondary coil was now magnetized by the in- ductive action of a powerful bar magnet, with which contact was alternately made and broken. At the instant of making contact a momentary current of electricity was produced in the remain- ing coil, and on breaking it a reversed current, also of instantaneous duration. No current ex- isted whilst the magnet continued to be applied. The direction of the current at making contact was opposite to that which would have produced the magnetism present in the iron core ; on break- ing contact the current was similar to that which would have magnetized the iron. The electricity momentarily induced in the coil was tested by its action on the galvanometer, by its power to mag- netize steel, to convulse a frog, and finally by the (818.) (819.) ^ Researches, Art. 504. 182 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. (820.) (821.) Arago's rotation- magnet- ism ex- plained. (822.) (823.) Dr Fara- day's dis- covery of diamag- netism. Classifica- tion of magnetic and dia- magnetic bodies. production of a spark. This, then, was the disco- very of magneto-electricity. The mere motion of a permanent magnet was now substituted for the induction of magnetism in soft iron. By pushing one end of a bar-magnet into the coil, electricity was developed so long as the motion continued; on withdrawing it an opposite current took place. Even the feeble magnetism of the earth induced a sensible electric current in a wire moved transversely to the direction of the dipping- needle. By making a copper plate revolve in the neigh- bourhood of a powerful magnet, a continuous cur- rent of electricity may be detected passing from the centre to the circumference of the plate, and may be collected by proper means. Here, then, is a mag- neto-electric machine. This current perpetually pre- sent in a conducting plate revolving beneath a mag- net, cannot fail (by the common laws of electro- magnetism) to react on that magnet. Dr Faraday showed in the most satisfactory manner that its action is exactly what is required to explain M. Arago's experiment of " transient magnetism by rotation" — namely, to cause the magnet (if free) to follow the direction of motion of the plate (515). On the whole, this research of Dr Faraday may be cited as one of the most original and admirably conducted which the annals of science present, and as such may be usefully recommended to the student, III. The influence of the magnet on all bodies, and their consequent division into two classes ; Magnetics andDiamagnetics. — By many, perhaps most persons, this will be regarded as the greatest of Dr Faraday's discoveries. It dates from 1846. By using electro- magnets of very great power, and suspending bodies of a somewhat elongated form between the poles, he has proved that every substance, solid, liquid, or gaseous which he has put to the test, is either drawn into a line joining the poles of the magnet, as soft iron would be, returning to that line if displaced, or else it settles in a position at right angles to this, or across the line of poles. The former he calls para- magnetic or simply magnetic bodies, and their posi- tion axial ; the latter diamagnetic bodies, and their position equatoreal. Bodies may be arranged in a list commencing with those most paramagnetic, dimi- nishing to neutrality, then feebly diamagnetic, and finally the strongest diamagnetics. The following is such a list of a few solid and liquid bodies thus classified : — I 'Iron. Nickel. Cobalt. P 11 fl' Crown glass. Platinum. Osmium. Zero Vacuum. Diamagnetics . Arsenic. Ether. Alcohol. Gold. Water. Mercury. Flint glass. Tin. " Heavy glass." Antimony. Phosphorus. . Bismuth. The equatoreal pointing of diamagnetic bodies evi- dently presupposes that they are longer in one di- mension than in the others. A small bar of sili- cated borate of lead, or " heavy glass," about two inches long, and from a quarter to half an inch broad and deep, suspended in a stirrup of paper by six or eight lengths of cocoon silk, was the appa- ratus first employed by Dr Faraday. When a sphere or a cube is used, of course it cannot point. The diamagnetic action is shown in that case by the little body being rebelled indifferently from either pole of the magnet, in the same manner as soft iron is indifferently attracted by either. This repulsive tendency includes the phenomenon of equatoreal pointing, and its law is thus comprehensively ex- pressed : " The diamagnetic tendency is to move the body from stronger to weaker places of magnetic force." The behaviour of diamagnetics in the presence of a magnet may be thus further illustrated. It is what would occur if a body absolutely inert were suspended in a fluid pressing upon it, that fluid being at the same time more or less magnetic, that is, more or less attracted by either pole of the mag- net. The result would evidently be, that the body would seem to be repelled, and would set equato- really for the same reason that a piece of wood plunged in water rises to the surface as if repelled by gravity. Thus Dr Faraday suspended feebly paramagnetic bodies in ferruginous solutions more magnetic than themselves, when they acted as dia- magnetic bodies would do. It is impossible for the most part to guess before- hand to which class a substance will belong. China- ink, porcelain, silkworm gut, shell-lac, and charcoal, rank amongst paramagnetic substances ; whilst sul- phur, resin, wood, leather, and most animal sub- stances, are diamagnetic. Thus, if a living man could be delicately enough suspended between the poles of a huge magnet, he would settle equato- really. philosophers are not yet entirely agreed as to the precise nature of the Diamagnetic relatively to the Magnetic actions, of bodies. Besides Dr Faraday, MM, "Weber andEdmond Becquerel abroad, and Pro- fessors Tyndall and William Thomson in this coun- try, have examined the subject both practically and theoretically in great detail. The more probable opinion seems to be, that bismuth and its analogues (824.) Fundamen- tal experi- ment and definition of diamag- netism. (825.) Farther illustra- tions. (826.) (827.) Discussion on the nature of diamagnet- Chap. VII., § 5.] ELECTRICITY. — DR FARADAY — M. PLUCKER. 183 (828.) Obscure anticipa- by Brug- mans and Lebaillif. (829.) Father Bancalari discovers the dia- magnetism of flames. (830.) Dr Para- day on the magnetism of oxygen. (831.) Professor PlUcker on magne- optic force, acquire a true polar condition under tlie action of magnets, tut opposed to that which iron and para- magnetics do in Jike circumstances. Like almost every other great discovery, some feeble traces of this may be found amongst the vo- luminous records of almost forgotten experiments. Brugmans observed, in 1778, the repulsion of bis- muth by a magnet, which was rediscovered by Le- baillif in 1827 ; and something like the equatoreal pointing of sheU-lac and wood was noticed in the same year by Becquerel, and may also be traced in the writings of Coulomb. The present writer recol- lects very distinctly to have had pointed out to him by M. Becquerel, at Paris, about 1835, the pointing of minute chips of wood placed near a common steel magnet. But these incidental facts having been suf- fered to remain in complete obscurity for so many years, without even an attempt to connect and ex- plain them, can scarcely be said even to touch the originality of Dr Faraday's discovery. The year after the announcement of diamagnet- ism, Father Bancalari of Genoa discovered the powerful diamagnetic quality of flame. It is easily shown by placing the flame of a wax taper between two blunt conical terminations of a powerful electro- magnet. The flame spreads equatoreally, becoming fish-tailed. Dr Faraday, zealously taking up the in- quiry, proved that this depends upon hot air being diamagnetic relatively to the surrounding cold air, but that atmospheric air is always absolutelt/ para- magnetic. Analyzing the efiect still farther,- he found that the oxygen of the air is a very powerful paramagnetic, whilst nitrogen is relatively diamag- netic, but in all probability is a neutral substance, one at the real zero of this singular scale. By a most ingenious application of the torsion balance, he was enabled to compare the relative actions of magnet- ism on the gases with admirable skiU and precision. (^Philosophical Transactions, 1851.) These experiments demonstrate a paramagnetic (or iron - like) attraction in oxygen really aston- ishing. A small mass of oxygen appears to be attracted at the distance of an inch from the axial line of the electro-magnet by a force equal to its own weight ! Since heat diminishes this qua- lity, the acute perception of Dr Faraday rapidly en- tertained the idea that the apparent magnetism of the earth might partly at least reside in the atmo- sphere, and that the changes of terrestrial magnetic intensity and direction might be explained by the action of the sun expanding the atmosphere. The 26th series of his researches is devoted to an elabo- rate exposition of this theory, which, however inge- nious, is still involved in great difficulty. Professor Pliicker — Attraction and Repulsion of Optic Axis of Crystals.— Soon after Dr Faraday's dis- covery of diamagnetism, Professor Pliicker, of Bonn, annoimced the important fact, that the optic axis of Iceland spar is repelled by the magnet. A sphere friiJo cystallic •■■"^^ force. (833.) of that substance suspended by a thread, and having its axis horizontal, being placed between the poles, notwithstanding the perfect symmetry of external figure, the axis ranges itself in the equatoreal position. In some other crystals the axis is directed in the line of poles. The law of the phenomena is not yet completely made out ; but so strong is the latter qua- lity in crystals of kyanite, that a piece of that sub- stance properly suspended wUl actually show a direc- tive power under the influence of the earth's mag- netism. Probably closely allied to this fact is a similar (832.) directive tendency observed in well crystallized spe- Magne- cimens of bismuth, antimony, and arsenic, M. Pliicker calls the magne-crystallic, as the for- mer may be termed the magne-optic force ; and it is often so intense as to oppose and even reverse the directive tendency which the body would have had between the poles in its massive or uncrystal- lized state. It wiU be easily conceived that the interest crea^ ted by these admirable discoveries, revealing not only new and general properties of matter, but also rela- tions between very difierent branches of science, soon became general, and raised the reputation of Dr Faraday to the very highest rank as an experimental philosopher. If we compare his two greatest works, that on magneto-electricity, and this on diamag- netism, we find in the former perhaps a more perfect specimen of inductive sequences ; in the latter, facts more independently novel and unlooked-for, and an unrivalled skill in the application and invention of experimental methods. Passing over many less important matters, there (834.) yet remains one interesting discovery to be men- Dr Fara- tioned, which in point of time preceded the last, ^^^. °° namely— _ changes IV. Optical Changes induced by Magnetism. — induced by In his 19th Series of iJe«earcAe*, published in 1845, ™*g"«t'™- Dr Faraday announced " The Magnetization of Light and the Illumination of the Magnetic Lines of Force," — a title which, though intended to express exactly the author's idea of his discovery, perhaps excited undue anticipations in the public mind. For here we have no direct, or even apparently direct, action of the magnetic force on a luminous ray, but only that a peculiar state is induced by magnetism in some transparent bodies which produces an action on light which they did not possess before, and which, indeed, difiered in some respects from any similar action previously recognised. Dr Faraday's leading experiment is the following : (835.) — A piece of "heavy glass," or siliceous borate of ^°'**"'" °*^ lead, was placed lengthwise between the poles of apoiariza- powerful electro-magnet. A ray of plane-polarized of a ray of light was transmitted through the glass parallel to '•S'"'- the line of the magnetic poles ; when the magnetic energy was fully applied, the plane of polarization of "the light was found to have twisted round, similarly 184 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. the action j^^^ there be a medium on wMch the magnetism im- ■ ^ Some molecular change, no (apparently) to what occurs when, polarized light passes through quartz or oil of turpentine. It is found that a great number of solids and liquids are subject to the magnetic influence in the same man- ner as in the case of " heavy glass," though to a smaller amount. (836.) Now, in reasoning on this experiment, it is to be Resembles observed that no rotation of the ray takes place un- the action of quartz, but with a presses its energy. difference, doubt, results, such as that which pressure gives to glass, rendering it doubly refracting and depolariz- ing, or, to take a stiU closer analogy, when heat ap- plied to it conveys similar properties. Yet no one imagines that these experiments show a direct reac- tion of heat, still less of mechanical compression, upon light. Yet, with all abatements, Dr Faraday's dis- covery is novel and singular ; the more so, that this constrained state differs from that naturally pos- sessed by quartz and certain liquids. The state mag- netically induced in a body causes the rotation of the ray to be reversed when it moves in the contrary direction ; that is, its rotation is right-handed when the ray moves from the north to the south pole, but left-handed when it moves from S. to N. But in bodies in the natural state the rotation takes place towards the same hand whatever be the path of the body. Mr Airy has shown that this peculiarity ad- mits of being mathematically expressed in a manner somewhat analogous to that imagined by Professor MacCuUagh in the case of quartz (512) ; but it is not pretended that these formulae convey informa- tion as to the physical conditions on which these singular phenomena depend. Amongst Dr Faraday's contributions to science (837.) not connected with electricity, the most remarkable ^^ ^fra,- perhaps is the condensation of many gases into the g^J ^"^"®' liquid form by cold and pressure, of which he is the tain gases. undoubted discoverer. This fact is highly interest- ing both in a scientific and practical point of view. In the latter it was early applied by the late ingenious Sir M. I. Brunei as a new moving power (375), and it may not improbably yet be resorted to for that purpose. The subsequent discovery of a mode of solidifying carbonic acid by M. Thilorier is not only interesting in itself, but affords a method of produc- ing more intense cold for experimental purposes than any other previously known. Dr Faraday still continues his laborious and fruit- (838.) ful inquiries. Whilst he has attained almost every ^'^ ■^'^® titular honour which the world of science has to "'^'^ * "'°' bestow (including that of associate of the French Academy of Sciences), he has preserved a modesty of character and a simplicity of life which enhance the respect in which he is held by all who are ad- mitted to his nearer acquaintance. No one has more successfully escaped the contentions which literary rivalry so often produces ; and by his extraordinary skill in expounding the most difficult researches, whether made by himself or by others, he has main- tained (as I have already said) the early reputation of the Royal Institution, and has immensely enlarged the circle of those who are able to admire and appre- ciate his successes. § 6. Ohm — Daniell — Mr "Wheatstone — M. Jacobi. — Laws of Electrical Conduction; — Constant Battery; — Applications of Electricity to Telegraphs — Clocks — Motive Engines — the Electrotype. , 9-) We have traced in the last section the progress of ^f^th*^*^'*'^ electrical and of electro-magnetic discovery since the science of days of Davy and Oersted, as well exemplified in electricity, the pre-eminent researches of Dr Faraday. In con- Its nume- foj-mity with the plan of this Dissertation (13), vators. " (14) > i have, on account of their immense interest and importance, analyzed them more fully than could possibly have been done were I to render similar justice to all who have distinguished them- selves in the same career. Thus, France has pro- duced in M. Becquerel one of her most inge- nious and indefatigable experimentalists, fuU of de- votion to science, and giving lip conscientiously the whole of a long life to the cultivation of this parti- cular department. His discovery of the efficacy of long-continued and very feeble voltaic actions to produce crystallized earthy and metallic com- pounds not obtainable by chemical means is highly important. Switzerland is proud of her two De la Rives,'' and Italy of not a few disciples of Volta. In Germany the number of electricians is greater than in any other country; and as they have taken the lead in obtaining correct measures of the electric forces, and in determining (in many cases) the numerical laws which regulate the efficiency of batteries and conduc- tors, and have applied these to many important practical purposes, I shall devote a section to some account of these, as well as to the beautiful experi- ments of our countryman Mr Wheatstone. Ohm's Law of Electrical Conduction. — Geobg (840.) Simon Ohm was bom in Bavaria in 1787, and was O'""'^ successively professor at Cologne, Niirnberg, and ^^^ "^'J^" j conduction ^ I may here record that before the year 1835, I suspected that there might be some immediate action between circularly polar- ized light and a magnetized body, and made experiments in consequence in May 1836, which, however, led to no result. I rather think, however, that these experiments deserve careful repetition under more varied circumstances. ^ MM. Becquerel and A. De la Uive have both published elaborate works on Electricity, to which the reader is referred for details on this inexhaustible subject. Chap. VII., § 6.] ELECTRICITY. — OHM — DANIELL. 185 Munich. He died on the 7th July 1854. His theory of electrical conduction was not highly appre- ciated in Germany until it had received, in 1841, an eminent mark of approval from the Royal Society of London, by the award of their Copley medal. His principal work on the Galvanic Circuit {Die galvan- ische Kette mathematisch bearbeitet ; Berlin; 1827) has had a somewhat peculiar fate. Accepted by only a few persons as a great discovery, it met with com- paratively little attention, at least until recently ; yet notwithstanding the long anticipation by Ohm of his results, it has been his misfortune to have theii: ori- ginality contested. (841.) It seems not difficult to account for the diversity Its merits of estimation in which this work has been held. The fects ^' primary fault is the author's own. He deduces the strength of a voltaic current in any given circuit, and the electroscopic excitement of each part of the cir- cuit, by means of reasoning seemingly a priori, from certain assumed axioms submitted to mathematical reasoning. The axioms are very simple ; the theory founded on them is intended to correspond to Fourier's theory of heat, of which, indeed, in point of form, it is a mere and literal copy ; but as every circumstance which introduces real complication is soon left on one side, the leading propositions are almost self- evident results of the axioms. In short, the pa- rade of mathematics is uncalled for, and the whole structure of the theory seems so slight and ques- tionable that one is surprised that it should ever "have been regarded as more than a clever expres- sion of some approximately true experimental laws. It appears, indeed, that this is the simple fact ; — that the axioms were obtained from the results which they seem to predict, and that Ohm was an experimentalist before he became an author. In this guise we understand how to treat the so-called " Laws of Ohm." They are truly important empi- rical laws, calculated to guide the practical man in applying and measuring galvanic forces, to enable the theorist to form clearer notions of the diiferent (often confusing) effects of these forces, and to reduce their varying energy to calculation ; but we must be allowed to doubt whether Ohm has thrown any new light on the real first axioms of electrical excitement or transmission. (842.) The most important of these laws refer to the The prin- numerical measure of the voltaic stream circulating of^TOiidutf- ill *^6 conductor of a closed circuit. Such a closed tion. circuit may be imagined to consist of — (1.) an exciter or battery ; (2.) a conductor homogeneous or other- vrise, but necessarily continuous, uniting the ends of the battery. The exciting force is derived (we will assume) from the chemical or thermo-electric action present in the battery. The electric equilibrium being disturbed, is restored more or less speedily through the medium of the conductor which connects the poles. If the conductor be good, the electricity passes rapidly through it, and does not accumulate in the battery ; if the reverse, it accumulates until it ac- quires power to overcome the resistance, and then it passes through in a stream less abundant, but of a higher intensity. If the construction of the battery does not permit that degree of intensity to be reach- ed, the electricity stagnates in the battery, the con- ductor cannot perform its office, no efiect results. The Illustra- whole maybe compared to a spout of water discharged *''"'• into a trough, from the bottom of which extends a long narrow horizontal pipe. The water is the elec- tricity, the trough is the battery, the pipe is the con- ductor. If the pipe be very long and narrow, no water at all will pass through it until the water in the trough has attained a certain height, or has a head of pressure sufficient to overcome the resistance in the pipe. If the trough be filled to the brim without the resistance being overcome, the trough is as good as plugged, no motion takes place, the stream regurgitates. The longer the pipe the feebler the stream that passes; shorten the pipe indefinitely, and the efflux depends only on the construction of the trough. Indeed, the illustration might be pushed considerably farther. The depth of the cistern re- presents the electro-motive force of the voltaic com- bination ; its area the size of the plates. By in- creasing the latter, we do not give the means of overcoming more resistance; but when the resist- ance is small, we affi)rd a larger supply without lowering the level — i. e., the intensity. Ohm regards the current as proportional to the elec- (843.) tro-motive force directly, and to the resistances in- Resist- versely ; and the latter are divided into (a) the re- estimated, sistance of the battery itself to the passage of the cur- rent ; (6) the resistance of the conductor. Now the latter varies as the length of the wire completing the circuit: We may therefore double its amount by doubling the length of wire joining the poles ; and if we observe the strength of the current passing before and after this has been done, we have a mea- sure of a -I- 6 in the first experiment, and oi a + 2b in the second ; and b being assumed to be known, a, or the comparative resistance within the battery, becomes known also. The resistance of a standard copper wire a foot (844.) long may be taken as the unit of resistance. Mr Standard Wheatstone finds it convenient to assume a copper "^^J'^^ ^*' wire a foot of which weighs 100 grains. M. Jacobi prefers a metre of copper wire one millimetre in dia^ meter. The resistance is as the length, and inversely as the sectional area. To measure the current two methods have chiefly (§45.) been used, and the results agree closely. One is Force of the tangent compass. A voltaic current is allowed *^ current to pass through a thick wire arranged in a vertical circle. At the centre of the circle is placed a very short magnetic needle. When a current passes the needle is deflected ; and it is easy to show that the deflecting forces are as the tangent of the angle of deflection. A double or treble force in the circuit compass. 18S MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. produces a deflection of the needle whose tangent is double or treble the first. (846.) The other method is by Dr Faraday's Voltameter. Voitame- The amount of water decomposed is directly as the '°'^' quantity of the current. The unit in this case is one cubic centimetre of gas produced from water in a minute. (847.) These two measures agree. After being once com- pared, we may in all cases deduce the decomposing force of a current from its effect iipon a tangent com- pass. (848.) Mr Wheatstone has facilitated the measurement Eheostat of voltaic effects by the invention of the rheostat, a Whe t- simple contrivance for introducing any desired length stone and of wire into a circuit, and thus estimating resistances Jacobi. both of conductors and of batteries, and also the electro-motive forces of different batteries. The re- sults appear to be extremely satisfactory. (Phil. Trans., 184:S.) The conducting power of different metals drawn into wire will be inversely as the lengths required to be introduced into the circuit to reduce the strength of the current in a given pro- portion. The principle of the rheostat was inde-* pendently applied to similar inquiries by M. Jacobi of St Petersburg, in 1840. (849.) The laws of Ohm farther proceed to expound the Farther effect of the size and number of the elementary cells from Ohm's combined in a voltaic battery. The size of the plates theory. increases the quantity of electricity which escapes through a short conductor, but has little effect upon a long current. On the other hand, the multiplica- tion of elements produces no increase in the voltaic stream when the connecting wire is short and when it is also a good conductor, for the chief resistance in the circuit is in that case the battery itself, which resistance increases with the number of elements, just as the force which overcomes it increases. If, on the other hand, the chief resistance be extraneous to the battery, the addition of more elements increases the power without much increasing the resistance. All this scarcely requires mathematical proof. It is very evident, and very just, and it is borne out by experiment, f 850 ) Ohm's theory farther gives the partial effects of a current branching into varioue unequally good con- ductors, and into other details, particularly as to the electric tension in different parts of a circuit. It is, however, to be observed, that the whole is based on the assumption that the dissipation of electricity from the surface of the conductor is insensible. (8.51.) It is only justice here to add, that the theory of Fechner's Ohm owes much, if not most, of its value to the ex- experi- periments of Fechner in Germany ; and that its re- ception in France and England is mainly due to the ingenious and (in many cases) independent experi- ments of M. PouiUet and Mr Wheatstone. Daniell's Constant Battery. — ^This seems the pro- (852.) per place to mention an invention which has exer- ^°^° ^'^' cised a remarkable influence on the progress of prac- nieli— the tical electricity — I mean the Constant Battery. I constant believe that the merit of this application is entirely battery. due to the late Professor Daniell,i although the Ger- man writers (who manifest throughout a singular sensibility with regard to their national claims to electrical improvements) seem to claim it for their countrymen. Every battery previously constructed diminished rapidly in energy from the instant of being charged. This was chiefly due to two causes ; first, to the acid becoming gradually charged with oxide of zinc ; and, secondly, to the appearance of " nascent" hydrogen arising" from the decomposition of water at the copper surface where it prevented effectual con- duction of the electricity. These sources of di- minished effect were prevented in the following way : — Instead of a single cell containing one fluid moistening both the copper and the zinc, a double cell was formed by means of a partition of bladder or porous earthenware. The partition next the zinc was filled with dilute sulphiiric acid ; the partition next the copper with a solution of sulphate of cop- per, also acidulated. When galvanic action proceeds, both fluids are decomposed ; but whilst that in the zinc cell becomes charged with oxide of zinc, it is at the same time continually acidulated by the electro-chemical transfer of acid from the decom- position of sulphate of copper in the copper cell ; and the copper set free from the same combination in the form of oxide is metallically reduced by com- bining with the "nascent" hydrogen (the oxygen derived from the water decomposed having combined with the zinc), and the metallic copper is deposited in an ever fresh film on the surface of the copper plate. This beautiful invention was described in 1836. Many other batteries on the same principle have been since contrived and described ; several are more powerful, but none perhaps are so constant in their action. Application of Electricity to the Arts — MM. (853.) Wheatstostb and Jacobi. — I have selected Messrs Applica- Charles Wheatstone and M. H. Jacobi as the repre-*j°"j.°f .. sentatives of a numerous class of ingenious men who to the arts. have shown great felicity of invention in applying in- genious mechanism to render electric agency available in the arts. We here again find the reciprocal influ- ence of art upon science, to which I have elsewhere ^ John Frederic Daniell, Professor of Chemistry in King's College, London, was horn in 1790. He was the author of a work on Chemical Philosophy, of Meteorological Usaays, and of numerous papers in the Philosophical Transactions, many of which were connected with Voltaic Action. His work on Meteorology contributed materially to the progress of that science, as did the in- vention of his Hygrometer (notwithstanding certain defects in that instrument) to the theory and practice of Hygrometry. For his Constant Battery Mr Daniell received the Copley medal of the Royal Society, His death took place from apoplexy while attending a council meeting of the Koyal Society on the 13th March 1845. Chap. VII., § 6.] ELECTRICITY.— MM. WHEATSTONE AND JACOBI. isr (854.) (855.) Mr Wheat- stone on the velo- city of eleC' trie con- duction. adverted (32, &c.) The Requirements of practice are magnificent experiments, such as no indivi- dual and no scientific Society would thinks of exe- cuting for the illustration of theory. It is not in the least my purpose to transfer to these two gentle- men an exclusive merit which they need not be un- willing to share with other energetic and able com- petitors in the hard-run race of scientific applications. They occupy, however, perhaps the most marked and distinguished place, and the field is so wide and in- cludes so many minute details, that it requires all our resolution to fix our eyes steadily on the most considerable acquisitions — ^the nobler sheaves of so prolific a harvest. I shall connect, then, with the name of Mr Wheatstone, (1), the apparatus for determining the velocity of electrical conduction, (2), the electric tele- graph and clock, — with that of M. Jacobi, (3), elec- trodynamic machines, and (4), the electrotype. I. The apparatus used by Mr Wheatstone in 1834 for measuring the velocity of the passage of the elec- trical impulse through a good insulated conductor . such as a copper wire, deserves particular notice from its great ingenuity, and from its general appli- cation to the measurement of short intervals of time. Let a copper conducting wire of half a mile long be so convoluted that the middle and the two ends of the wire may be brought near together, the whole being perfectly insulated. Let the wire be slightly in- terrupted at these three places, and the whole put into connection at pleasure with an electric machine or battery. When contact is made, three sparks will take place. Let the two end sparks be called A and C and the middle one B. As the three sparks take place close to each other, they can easily be seen at once reflected in a small plane mirror. Let now this small mirror be put in very rapid rotation round a hori- zontal axis so placed that the sparks (if they occur in the suitable part of the revolution) may be reflected together to the eye. Imagine the rotation to become immensely rapid: — ^in Mr Wheatstone's apparatus the velocity reached 800 times in a second ; conse- quently the mirror described 1° in eooxaw ^^ P^'^ of a second; i. e., in ■n^s^iss ^^ ^ second. But for 1° of rotation of a mirror the reflected image will describe an arc of 2°. Supposing then that all the sparks occur at the same absolute instant of time, they wiU be seen in one line (supposing the points of the inter- rupted circuit in a line), but if either spark occur later than the others by only tsssI^tts °f * second, the mirror will have revolved so much in the interval as to displace the image of that spark relatively to the others by the very palpable angular amount of 2°. In the copper wire half a mile long, the end sparks occurred simultaneously, whilst the middle spark occurred later by about one millionth of a second ; giving a velocity of transmission (according to Mr W.) of 288,000 miles a second, or somewhat greater than that of light.^ The velocity in an iron telegraph-wire, ascertained lately in America with much greater accuracy, and by a different method, is only 1 6,000 English miles a second ; but doubts have been thrown upon the correct interpretation of these experiments. Those of M. Fizeau on the telegraphic lines of France give results more conformable to Mr Wheatstone's, namely, about 70,000 English miles per second for iron, and 120,000 for copper wire. The duration of a spark drawn immediately from the battery is insensible, but in Mr Wheatstone's experiment it lasted ^-^^^sj, of a second when trans- mitted by a copper wire half a mile long. II. Electric Telegraph and Clocks. — The idea of (856.) using the transmission of electricity to communicate f'®"*"". signals is so obvious as hardly to deserve the name _itg e^iy of an invention, the prodigious velocity of common history, electricity in wires having been established by Watson before the middle of the last century. The earliest proposal of the kind appears in the Soots Magazine for February 1753, where a correspondent from Ren- frew, who signs himself C. M., proposes several kinds of, telegraphs acting by the attractive power of electri- city, conveyed by a series of parallel wires correspond- ing in number to the letters of the alphabet, and in- sulated by supports of glass or jeweller's cement at every twenty yards. Words are to be spelt by the electricity attracting letters, or by striking bells cor- responding to letters. One Lesage, in 1782, and even long before, proposed to convey twenty-four insulated wires in a subterranean tube, and to indicate the letters of the alphabet by means of the attraction of light bodies. In 1811 Sommering suggested a similar ap- plication of voltaic electricity, chemical decomposition being the effect observed. Oersted first, and then Am- pere (1820) suggested the use of magnetic deflections for the same purpose, which is nothing else than the needle telegraph in general use in England ; but they contented themselves with the suggestion merely. MM. Gauss and Weber communicated signals at GiJttingen in 1833 or 1834 to a considerable dis- tance, and gave them the signification of letters. This was the first accomplishment of telegraphic com- munication by means of electricity, and it realized the fancy of Strada, quoted by Addison, of sym- pathetic magnets. It was, however, a mere appen- dage to a magnetic observatory, and its application and diffusion on a great scale seems to have required a distinct effort ; for several years elapsed before we hear more of the telegrapli. The year 1837 is the date of the realized electric (857.) telegraph. We find three distinct claimants, of whose Telegraphs independent merits there is no reason whatever to^^j.^^' doubt, though how much of the merit of all must besteinh'eil, considered due to MM. Gauss and Weber, who first and Wheat. made the experiment, though they did not offer it'*""*- I The numerical value is of course only a very rude estimation. 2b J 188 MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. [Diss. VI. for general adoption in a convenient form, is a matter which we need not here decide. The three indepen- dent inventors (I name them alphahetically) are Mr Morse of the United States, M. Steinheil of Munich, and Mr Wheatstone of London. The telegraph of the two last resembles in principle Oersted's and Gauss's ; that of the first is entirely original, and con- sists in making a ribbon of paper move by clockwork, whilst interrupted marks are impressed upon it by a pen or stamp of some kind brought in contact with the ribbon by the attraction of a temporary magnet, which is excited by the circulation of the telegraphic current of electricity. In the telegraphs of MM. Wheatstone and Steinheil the needle moves only to the right or left ; and by the combination of a certain number of right and left motions, either with one or with two independent needles acted on at once by distinct currents, the alphabet is easily, though some- what tediously constructed. Such, however, is the dexterity which practice gives, that forty or even ■more of such complex signals are transmitted and registered per minute.^ (858.) It has already been said that we claim the exclu- sive invention of the electric telegraph for no one in- dividual. But of the several inventors none pro- bably has shown such perseverance and skill in over- coming diiEculties as Mr Wheatstone.^ His telegraph accordingly was in general use in England before M. Steinheil was able to obtain a similar success in Germany. The telegraphs of Mr Morse are naturally preferred in America, and they have this inestimable advantage, that they preserve a permanent record of the despatches which they convey. (859.) There is one circumstance connected with the elee- The earth- ^.pjg telegraph deserving of particular notice — I mean the apparently infinite conducting power of the earth when made to act as the vehicle of the return current. Setting aU theory aside, it is an unquestionable fact, that if a telegraphic communication be made, sup- pose from London to Brighton, by means of a wire going thither, passing through a galvanometer, and then returning, the force of the current shown by the galvanometer at Brighton will he almost ex- actly doubled, if, instead of the return wire, we establish a good communication between the end of the conducting wire and the mass of the earth at Brighton. The whole resistance of the return wire is at once dispensed with ! This fact was more than suspected by the ingenious M. Steinheil in 1838 ; but, from some cause or other, it obtained little publicity ; nor does the author appear to have ex- erted himself to remove the reasonable prejudices circuit. with which so singular a paradox was naturally re- ceived. A most ingenious artist, Mr Bain, estab- lished for himself the principle, and proclaimed its application ' somewhat later; and in 1843, perhaps- the first entirely convincing experiments were made by M, Matteucci at Pisa. From this time the double wire required to move the needle telegraph was reduced to a single one. The explanation of this curious fact appears to be, — ^not that the electricity is conducted back by the earth to its origin at the battery, — ^but that the molecular disturbance po- larly communicated along the conducting vrire to its farther end being effectually relieved by perfect com- munication with a vast reservoir of neutral electri- city like the earth, conduction proceeds in an unin- terrupted manner, and to an unlimited extent. Of submarine telegraphs, it is sufficient to state (860.) that the isolation is obtained by inserting the con- Submarine ducting wires in a mass of gutta percha, and that ^ "^'^^ ' the first on a considerable scale was sunk between Dover and Cape Gris Nez, on the French coast, in August 1851. The applications of electricity to the measurement (861.) of time are so numerous, that I can only refer ge- nerally to the principal contrivances. 1. The simple electric clock of Mr Bain derives its (862.) maintaining power from two large plates of copper ^'^'1'"° and zinc (or more simply zinc and charcoal) sunk in the earth, which affords for a very long time a con- tinuous supply of voltaic electricity. The current is conveyed into the bob of the pendulum, where it traverses a long coil of wire ; and as the pendulum oscillates, the current (by a simple shifting contriv- ance) is reversed at each vibration. A stationary bar-magnet is placed so that when the pendulum moves, the voltaic coil of the bob embraces the mag- net, and the direction of the current is such as by the electro-magnetic reaction to strengthen and main- tain the vibratory movement, which is by this means perpetuated. 2. Sympathetic clocks By means similar to those (863.) just explained, one standard clock anyhow regulated Sympathe- may, by means of magneto-electric currents, convey *'° "'<"='''• absolutely isochronous movements to any number of afiiliated clocks at any distance. Probably the first application of the kind was made by M. Steinheil. 3. American electric-registration clocks. — .Mr (864.) Locke proposed to register the instant of an event American occurring in the following way : A ribbon of ^gg'i^jj,^ paper being put in imiform motion, as in Morse's tion clocks, telegraph, a dot is imprinted on it every second by ^ Occiisionally 18 or 20 worda per minute have been telegraphed. ^ I ought to mention that the practical introduction of the electric telegraph in England is in no small degree due to the energy of Mr Fothergill Cooke, joint patentee with Mr Wheatstone for the invention. The question of the respective shares of these gentlemen in the merit of telegraphic communication was submitted, in 1841, to the arbitration of Sir Marc Brunei and the late Mr Daniell, the result of which appears to leave the preponderance of merit in some respects ambiguous j neverthe- less, in a history of Science, Mr Wheatstone is clearly entitled to the pre-eminent place. Several pamphlets have also been sub- sequently published by the parties. It is significant that Mr Cooke admits having borrowed his idea from becoming acquainted, at Heidelberg, in March 1836, with Gauss's experiments. Chap. VII., § 7.] ELECTRICITY. — M. JACOBI — CAVENDISH. 189 means of a simple connection with an astronomical clock. A separate marking apparatus under the con- trol of the experimenter enables him to interpolate a dot or mark corresponding to the instant of any event happening — such, for instance, as the transit of a star. This method has the great advantage of leaving the observer at entire liberty to watch the object without having to attend to the beats of the clock, whilst it renders mistakes next to impossible. It has been successfully applied to the determination of longitudes, and more recently to all kinds of astro- nomical observations, by Mr Bond in America, and by Mr Airy at Greenwich (231). (865.) 4; Chronoscopes, or instruments for the measure- Chrono- uJg^^. ^f excessively short intervals of time, such as the flight of military projectiles, and even the trans- mission of sensation and motion along nervous fibres.- — Such instruments have been constructed on a great variety of principles. Those of M. Pouillet, Mr Wheatstone, and Mr Siemens, deserve especial mention. (866.) III. Of electro-magnetism used as a moving Electro- power, we need say little. No one can witness the magnetism astonishing experiment of the sudden creation of as a prime . ° ^ „ . mover. magnetic power sufhcient to sustam one or two tons by the voltaic dissolution of a few grains of zinc, without having the idea suggested of a continuous moving force; This enormous power is, however, exerted through a space so excessively minute, that its dynamical effect is always small ; and, though it is, of course, possible to produce an engine by a sufficiently gigantic arrangement, the success has hitherto not been encouraging. (867.) The rotations of Mr Faraday and Dr Eitchie were electro-dynamic machines on a small scale. They M. Jacobi's were (probably) first mechanically applied by M. dal ™a