CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library DS 673 .F6U58 1901 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924021579739 56th congress document SENATE 2nd Session No. 190 MESSAGE FROM THE President of the United States 1901 A. D. Printed by THE MENACE, Aurora, Mo. Foreword This jis a book of facts — facts which no, one dare, dispute, for ITncle Sam is the author. The testimony recorded in these pages was taken under oath by of- ficials of the TTnited States government; it was sub- mitted to the President of the United States ; it was trans- mitted by him to Congress, and by Congress ordered printed. It is a revelation of rascality, depravity and ' duplicity — 'that acounts for its going quickly out of print; for those whom it reveals have much to con-" ceal, aiid the contents, of this (book a,v^ a most terrific arraignment of Eomanism. This book is reprinted to instruct the American people in the inoral condition of the Filipino people ' after centuries pf control and teaching by the Eoman Catholic church. Even as a tree is to be valued and Esteemed according to its fruits, so is anything and everything properly tested and worthy of honcTr or dis- honor according to what it produces. Centuries of Eomish teaching and absolute control produced the con- dition herein revealed. And the same power which de- graded the Filipino people has the effrontery to invade the United ^tates with the declared intention of making America Catholic, and with the persistent assertion that Protestant America is a failure. . Before we accept the Eomish sophistry of a better America to be made by priests according to the speci- fications of Eome-T-before we admit their hostile dec- larations against the "Godless public school"-— before ' we swallow the bait of the Vatican fisherman, let us see whaptEome has d|we isi the Philippine Islands; let lis see what her parochial schools have produced, and what her peculiar -dogmas and domination have done where they have been applied. The proof of the pudding is in the eating thereof, and here you have the pudding just as the Catholic cooks delivered it at the close of the Spanish- Amer- ican war. When you read this, if you wish America degraded to the level of the Philippines, you will ^now exactly how to bring it about, but if you wish to avoid, such a condition in this country, you can see the ne- cessity of rejecting Eomanism and the greater neces- sity of keeping papists out of office, out of the schools, and out of power. With confidence in the ability of the American- people to learn the lesson this book teaches, and a firm faith in their patriotism and desire to avert the great- est calamity that ever threatened the nation, this edi- tion of this most important document is submitted without a single word of the original text changed, but ■with a wide margin and with marginal notes that we trust may be helpful to the reader. The Senate Document and Romanism i^'TH CoNGEBSS. > SENATE ^ Document BBS. ) 1- i" 2d Session, f ^-n-i^^^ii-. | jj^ jgo, LANDS HELD TOB ECCLESIASTICAL OB EELIGIOUS USES IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, ETC. MESSAGE FROM THE President of the United States * TRANSMITTING, IN RESPONSE TO RESOLUTION OE THE SENATE OP JANUARY 26, 1901, A REPORT FROM THE SECRETARY OP WAR, WITH ACCOMPANYING PAPERS, RELATIVE TO THE LANDS HELD IN MORTMAIN OB OTHER- WISE POR ECCLESIASTICAL OR RELIGIOUS USES IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ; ALSO TRANSMITTING CERTIFIED COPIES OF THE ACTS OF THE PHILIP- PINE COMMISSION, NUMBERS 66 TO 68, INCLUSIVE. February 25, 1901. — Read, referred to the Committee on the Philippines, and ordered to be printed. To the Senate: In response to the resolution of the Senate of January 26, 1901, as follows: Besolved, That the President, so far as In his judgment may be not inconsistent with the public interest, be requested to communicate to the Senate all information in his power or in that of any of the Executive Departments In regard to the lands held in mortmain or otherwise for ecclesiastical or relig- ious uses in the Philippine Islands, -including the character of the title to such lands, the extent and value of the same, and the parts of the islands where they exist; and further, whether he has in behalf of the Government entered into any obligatdon other than what is set forth in the late treaty with Spain in regard to their disposition or the maintenance of any alleged titles thereto, or has announced or declared any policy to be pursued in dealing with such titles. Also to communicate to tiie Senate any map of the territory of the Philippine Islands or any part thereof in which these domains are laid down. I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of War dated February 19, 1901, with accompanying papers. I also transmit certified copies of the acts of the Philippine Commission, numbers 56 to 68, inclusive. WiLUAM MoE^INLEf . Executive Mansion, February 25, 1901. 1 The Senate Document and Romanism War Department, Washington, February 19, 19ftv. The President : I have the honor to report upon the subject matter of the following resolution of the Senate, dated January 26, 1901, for- warded to me by Indorsement, dated Executive Mansion, Jan- uary 28, 1901 : Besolted, That the President, so far as in his judgment may be not inconsistent with the public interest, be requested to communicate to the Senate all information in his power or in that of any of the Executive Departments in regard to the lands held In mortmain or otherwise for ecclesiastical or relig- ious uses in the Philippine Islands, including the character of the title to such lands, the extent and value of the same, and the parts of the islands where they exist; and further, whether he has in behalf of the Government, entered into any obligation other than what is set forth in the late treaty with Spain in regard to their disposition or the maintenance of any alleged tities, or has announced or declared any policy to be pursued in dealing with such titles. Also to communicate to the Senate any map of the territory of the Philippine Islands or any part thereof in which these domains are laid down. 1. The policy of the Executive to be pursued in dealing With titles held in mortmain or otherwise for ecclesiastical or religious uses in the Philippine Islands was declared in your instructions to the Philippine Commissioners, transmitted to them through me on the 7th of April, 1900, as follows : It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough Investigation into the titles to the It^ge tracts of land held or claimed by individuals or by religious orders ; into the justice of the claims and complaints made against such landholders by the people of the island, or any part of the people, and to seek by wise and peaceable meaeures a just settlement of the contro- versies and redress of wrongs which have caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the performance of this duty the commission is enjoined to see that no injustice is done ; to have regard for substantial rights and equity, disregarding techni- calities so far as substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules : That the provision of the treaty of Paris pledging the United States to the protection of all rights of property in the islands, and as well the principle of our own Government, which prohibits the taking of private property without due process of law, shall not be violated ; that the welfare of the people of the islands, which should be a paramount considera- 'tion, shall be attained consistently with this rule of property right; that if it becomes necessary for the public interest of the people of the islands to dispose of claims to property which the commission finds to be not lawfully acquired and held, disposi- tion shall be made thereof by due legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the same public interests require the extinguishment of property rights lawfully acquired and held, due compensation shall be made out of the public treasury therefor ; that no form of religion and no minister of religioa shall be forced upon any community or upon any citizen of the islands ; that upon the other hand no minister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in following his calling, and that the separation between state and church shall be real, entire, and absolute.' No one has in behalf of the Government of the United 2 The Senate T>ocument and Roma nism states entered Into any obligation, other than that set forth in the late treaty with Spain, in regard to the disposition or main- tenance of any alleged titles to snch lands, nor has any other policy to be pursued in dealing with sach titles been declared or announced. "* 2. In obedience to the above cited instructions, the Philip- pine Commission has entered upon an investigation of the titles referred to in the resolution, and in it's report, dated November SO, 1900, transmitted by you to Congress on the 25 th of Jan- uary, 1901, it has stated the results of its investigation up to that time as to the character of the title of such lands, the extent and value of the same, and the parts of the islands where they exist. The subdivision of the report entitled " The Friars," beginning on page 23 of the printed document, relates especially to this subject. The subdivisions entitled "Public Lands" and "Land Titles and Registration" also contain mat- ter relevant to the inquiries contained in the resolution. 3. It will appear, by reference to page 16 of the above-cited report, that the commission has investigated specifically the contested title to the lands and buildings of the College of San Jose at Manila. Since the date of the report ^he commission has announced its conclusion that the claim adverse to the al- leged right of the religious control of the said college has suf- ficient basis to require its submission to judicial decision. A copy of the written decision of the commission, stating the character of the title and the questions to be determined, and a copy of a rule or order adopted by the commission to confer jusisdiction of. the controversy on the supreme court of the islands and regulate the procedure therein, are transmitted here- with. 4. The parts of the commission's report above referred M were to a considerable extent based upon testimony taken by the commission and reduced to writing. A copy of such testi- mony is transmitted herewith. 6. The following reports, which already have been trans- mitted to Congress, also contain matter relevani; to the inquiry of the resolution : — (a) The report of the former Philippine Commission, Sen- ate Document No. 13S, Fifty-sixth Congress, first session, part 1, pages 130 to 141 inclusive, the chapter entitled " The Secular College and Religious Orders." Part 2 of the same document contains the evidence on that subject taken by that commis- sion. (b) The report of Maj. Gen. Elwell S. Otis as n^ilitary gov- ernor of the Philippines for the period ending May, 5, 1900, con- tained in part 4, volume 1, of the report of the War Department for 1900, published as House Document No. 2. (c) The report of Maj. Gen. Arthur MacArthur for the period ending Oct. 1, 1?00, contained in part 10, volume 1, of the War Department for 1900, published as House Document No. 2. 6. The domains referred to in the resolution are not laid down in any of the maps of the territory of the Philippine Islands, or any part thereof, in the possession or within the knowledge of the War Department. 3 The Senate Document and Romanism I beg to take this occasion to transmit certified copies of the acts of the Philippine Commission, numbered 66 to 68 Incln- rsive. These, together with the acts which you transmitted to the Senate with your message of January 26, 1901, complete the record of acts of the commission from its organization to and tnclnding the second day of January. Very respectfully, EuHU Root, Sec'y of War. Unitbd States Phiuppink Commission, Skcretart's Office, Mamiia, Dec. 29, 1900. I hereby certify that the annexed is a correct copy of an act passed by the United States Philippine Commission on the 12th day of December, 1900, taken from the original on file in this office. [seal.] a. W. Fbrgttsson, Sec'y. TESTIMONY TAIEN BY PHILIPPINE COMMIS- SION BELATIN G TO BEL I&IOUS ORDERS. INDEX IN RE FRIARS. 1. Dominicans — Santiago Paya. 2. Franciscans — Rev. Juan Villegas. 3. Augnstinlans— The Very Rev. Jose Lobo. 4. Recolletos — ^Very Rev. Francisco Araya. 6. Capuchino— Padre Alpbonso Maria de Morertla 6. Benedictino— Padre Juan Sabater. 7. Paullst— 8. Jesuits — Miguel Saderra Mata. 9. The archbishop of Manila. 10. The bishop of Jaro. 11. The bishop of Vigan. •/j 12. Don Felipe Calderon. '' 18. Jose Roderlguea Infante. • 14. Nozarlo Constantino of Blgna. / 16. Maximo Viola, of San Miguel de Maynmo. y 16. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera. / 17. Pedro Surano Laktaw. /18. Ambrosia Flores. / 19. Phelps Whltmarsh. / ,20. Ceferlno Jovan, alcalde of Bacolor. ■f 21. Gen. R. P. Hughes. 22. Col. William H. Beck. y 23. Florentino Torres, attorney-general. 24. Jose Ros. v/^6. Francisco Gonzales. • 26. Leading residents of the town of Aringay. - 27. Jose Templo. 28. Jorge Gardla del Fierro. 29. Col. Charles W. Hood. 80. Brig. -Gen. Jas. F. Smith. V 81. P. R. Mercado. /82. Jose C. Mijares. "33. Francisco Alvarez. 34. Raymundo Melliza Angulo. 35. Felipe 6. Calderon. 36. Wm. H. Taft. 87. Hermenegildo J. Torres. «8. 0. W. Minor. « The Senate Document and Romanism July 31, 1900. « DOMINICANS-INTERVIEW OF SANTI- AGO PAYA Q. Will you please state your full name, the order to which you belong, and the position yon hold in that order. A. Santiago Paya, provincial of the Dominicans. Q. How long have you been in the Philippines? A. I arrived in 1871, but eight years since then I have spent In Spain. Q. You have spent more than half your life here? A. Yes. Q. I would like to go a little into the history of the Domin> leans, if yon will be good enough. How long has that order been in the Philippines? A. The first men arrived in 1587. Some years prior to that. In 1581, the first bishop of Manila and a companion, who were Dominicans, arrived In Manila. Q. And the order has been continuously here since that time? '. A. Yes, sir. The order was founded in the beginning of the tenth century. The order was confirmed in 1261 by Pope ' Holoriues. The purposes of the order are incorporated, in bulls and other documents issued by papal authority, and they are printed in a set of nine volumes, which they term the Hulario of the order. It is a compilation of all documents relating to the order. Q. Is not the chief function of the order to do missionary work and enlarge the usefulness of the church? A. The saving of souls through preaching and teaching, etc. Q. And in carrying the limits of the church or its influence beyond where it was at the time of organization ? A. In carrying missions to the farthermost ends of the earth. Q. In other words, they undertake to carry the church into new countries rather than to remain where the secular priests were conducting the ordinary exercises of the church? A. Preaching in countries not only already Catholic, but also t,o the unfaithful. The Dominicans have missionaries in Tonkin, China, Formosa, and other places in the Orient. Q. Have any of your priests suffered in China? A. There are Dominicans in Foochow and Soochow, and . none have been molested that I am aware of. Q. I have been told the Jesuits have lost several priests? A. Yes, sir; they are farther north, Q. Has the order laymen as well as priests? A. They have, of course, regular ordained priests, and they also have lay priests, who take the same oath, but they are not ordained. Q. But they cannot administer all the sacraments? A- No, sir. Q. There are no Filipino members of the order? A. Ko, sir. Q. Are there any lay members who are Filipinos? A. No. There Is what is called a third order, composed of 5 The Se nate Document and Romanism ^private Individuals, married, who take no vows, but they never could become ordained. They have certain religious usages or practices, but they are not bound by any vows or ties. Q". They are only auxiliary members? 'A. They are entirely Independent, because they are not sub- ject to the rules superior and do not take any vows. Q Were you a parish priest in these islands before you be- came the head of the order? A. No ; I was a teacher in the university. - Q And now you are also the head of the University of Santo Tomas? A. I was the president of the university until I was made provincial of this order, but even now I have a superintend- ence over me. Q. What is his name? A. Faimundo Valacques, the head of the university. Q How many priests were there in your order in 1886, when the revolution began? A. Two hundred and four fathers and 29 lay brothers. Q. Can you give me a list of the towns and villages in the Philippines in which the priests of your order acted as parish priests? A. Every year we published a register giving the pUces and the number of souls, etc., in the islands where our order was engaged in saving souls. Q. Does that include the whole order or only in these islands? A. It includes the order in the Orient. Q. What civil or political functions did the priests of your order exercise under the Spanish Crown in the parishes to which they were assigned? A. They exercised no civil or political duties at all. The " only thing the parish priest did was to act as inspector of schools, which was not by law exactly, but the Spanish law recognized that, because' they devoted themselves to the public service. Q. Was not there a provision in the Spanish law of the government of the municipalities that the parish priests, with- out respect to the order to which they belonged, should Serve on civil committees of the municipalities? A. In 1893, by a charter act, they reorganized the laws re- lating to municipalities ; and according to the terms of that law of reorganization the provincials here were members of that council of administration, and in the provinces the provincial there also became a member of that council in the municipality. The parish priest became a member of the local board corre- sponding to the council of administration, but the parish priest paid very little attention to that, as it was a new element to him ; by reason of things which ensued they had no chance ; but prior to that time they exercised no civil duties at all. Q. Is it not a fact that the priest, and I am now referring t ) your order, although it applies to all orders of the islands, probably, was the most intelligent man, the man most ac- quainted with general affairs in the town, and whether ^very 6 The Senate Document and Romanism public thing that was done was first submitted to hUn, I meaa in the small county towns. A. Naturally the parish priests were all men of great influ- ence, moral influence, by reason of their hol^ office, and they were not only the parish high priests, but they were even some- times judges, because oftentimes the Filipino would prefer to submit their questions in litigation to the parish priests than to their oicD judges; and consequently the Spanish Government, recognizing this moral hold — this moral influence that the priest had over the people — took advantage of it so as , to get the people to pay their taxes and comply with law, but they never exercised any political or civil charges ; but the Govern- ment itself took advantage of these facts to get them to keep the men within the law. Q. Is it not a fact t>iat there were a great many parishes in these islands in which there were no Spanish soldiers at all? A. The greater part. In the immense majority there were neither soldiers nor civilians, and only the parish priests, and this in towns up to 20 000. Q. Did not the Spanish Government, then, come to rely on the priests as the best means they had to enforce^ law and order? A. Yes, sir. It was the principal element that they relied on, but through the moral element of the priest. Q. Is it not difficult in exercising power of that sort to make a distinction between the moral Influence and the actiftl influence exercised by reason of that position? ' . A. Of course the priest was backed up by the Government Bttturally, and the people recognized that. Q. I have understood that it is one of the principles of your order and of the Catholic Church generally that the civil authority, where it does not attempt to interfere with the rights of the church, is to be supported by the members of the order and the members of the church? A. All lawfully constituted authority has the support of the church. Q. And, of course, this is an order of the church, and is one of the aims of the church to carry that principle wherever they go? A. Tes, sir; to such an extent that even in China, where the authorities are pagans, the priests advise their flocks to obey the laws of the laud. That law is not so much a principle of the church as it is a divine or natural principle. We always have to respect the authority which is lawfully constituted. Q. I remember in the case of France, though the monar- chial party was favorable to the Papal power, nevertheless the Pope advised the Catholics of France to submit to the Republic and support that power. A. Yes, sir. Q. And, therefore, the members of your order in adminis- tering the offices they had to administer and in exercising the influence their position gave them, both civil and religions, were loyal to Spain during the two revolutions? A. Defending the fatherland as a duty towards one's ows conscience, there was not a single exception. 7 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. Did it not, therefore, come to pass that to those who were engaged in the revolution, and especially in that large part of the coantry where the Spanish soldiers did not go, that the parish priests represented to the people the Crown of Spain and loyalty to that Crown. A. The priest was oftentimes the only Spaniard in the town, but he only exercised moral suasion. The civil aathority was represented by what was known as the gobernadorcillo. Q. We are dealing with facts, with substance, and did not the priest represent the real authority in favor of law and order and perseverance of the rights of Spain; especially after the gobernadorcillo had turned his coat and gone over to the revo- lutionists? A. As a fact the gobernadorcillo did not do anything with* out consulting the parish priest. Q. Until he became a revolutionist? A. That has only been lately. Q. I am speaking now of 1896 and 1898. A. In '96 and '98, in many of the towns the people remained at least apparently favorable to Spain and were in communica- tion with their parish priest. The generality of people in the provinces are uneducated and very simple folk, and more sincere, but the Indian is a little false, rather deceitful, and has a little head. Q ■ How were the priests of your order supported during the time they acted as parish priests? A. They had a stipend from the Spanish government. Q. Can you state generally what that amounted to for each priest? A. It depended upon the class of the parish. Some re- ceived #600, others $600, others $700, and others $800. There were some, a veiy few, like that of Manila and Bindondo, who received $1200 per annum. Q. I do not know how far that amount would go in 1896, but I know it would not go very far now with present prices. A. Aside from that, he received another revenue in the form of fees which were paid for certain offices performed by him, which fees were fixed by the bishop with the approval of the government [presents a written statement on the subject]. Q. Let me look over that statement, if I may. I suppose there was a fee for marriage? A. For marriages, $3 62. One-eighth of that was for the church and the other for the parish priest and his support. For burials, $1.60 for children, for adults, $2.26. For christening, 124 cents, Including the cost of the candle. These were the or- dinary prices, but when a person wanted pomp and show, there was a special price. Even these fees were sometimes not charged In the case of poor people, either in whole or in part. Q. You have read from a list. I suppose that was a list formulated by a bishop in a particular diocese, but it represents the general charges throughout the Island? A. The list is over 100 years old. There Is very little differ- ence in all the dioceses. Spaniards paid the most, the mestizo paid a little higher than the Indian, and the Indian paid the least. The Senate Document ana Romanism Q. Were there any volnntary contribationa by the members of the congregation each Sunday? Did they take up a collec- tion? A. It was not the cnstom. Q. Who bnilt the churches in which the parish priests offi- ciated and the conyentos in which they lived? A. The parishioners always bnilt the churches. All the towns here were formed little by little, and when they had suffl- cient population they would erect a church. The parish priest had to act as the head carpenter, the head mason, and had to direct the brickwork, and at times had to go out and show them how to cut the lumber down. The conventos were also built in that way. Q. They call it convento here. In the United States a con- vent means a place where the nuns live — the sisters. A. Here and in the provinces they call the parish house the convent. " Q. Was the title to the churches and conventos put in the Crown of Spain? A. In some cases the churches and parsonages were erect- ed with funds furnished by the order itself, in case of mission churches. Q. Do yon know how many there were erected by your or- der? A, In that statement yon have it specifies mission churches and mission parsonages. They were built with the funds of the order. The other parsonages and churches were erected by general church funds, and oftentimes the parish priest would make a contribution. The congregation would assist mostly by manual labor, and the government at times would cause men who had to do government work on public buildings to assist in the work, thereby contributing its share as patron of the church instead of paying money. Q. Do you know how the title was secured to the land on which the churches were erected? Did not they ordinarily build on the open square of the town? A. Land here at first was of course free to everybody. Oftentimes the parish priest would buy the land, and in other cases the land belonged to the town. Q. How have the deeds been registered? A. Only a few years ago in the provinces did they begin to have any deeds. No records at all were kept until a few years ago. Q. How have they been made since the practice of making deeds? A. Of all those recorded in there as mission churches and parsonages, I do not know of a single instance where they have been recorded. They were erected, and they have been used for the proper purposes, and the parish priest has been living In the parsonages— nobody has disputed the title and nothing has ever arisen under it. Q. Of course, as a lawyer, I want to know where the title Is. Wherever the title, there is no doubt that the church and convent are to be devoted to the purposes for which they were built— the Catholic religion— but the duty of the government of 9 The Senate Document and Romanism , the U cited States, with respect to property to which it may nave acquired title by trahsfer, will be varied, as it finds ont where that title is. If it has title in itself it will be the duty of the government to transfer that title to someone for the church or the people of the church. A. As up to a very few years ago there were hardly any Spaniards in the provinces, this matter was done without any titles at all. There were no Spaniards, no lawyers, no notaries, and no records in the provinces. Q In the United States it has been the habit of the Catho- lic church to carry the title of land which belongs to the church in the name of the bishop of the diocese. A. Yes, sir ; as he is the representative. So far as the property belonging to the corporation, the order, I have a deed and it Is recorded. Q I have heard that the title of the cathedral and of the archbishop's residence is in the Crown of Spain. A. It belongs to the church of Manila. The fact is, the gov- ernment contributed sums of money toward the building of both by the obligation that it had assumed with the holy see and as the patron of the church ; but it never occurred to the Spanish government to claim any part of the land, as they recognized that it belonged to the Catholic church. ' Q There is no doubt that that is where it belongs. It is only a question where the legal title rests. A. I think it is in the name of the archbishop. Q. I have heard from Colonel Crowder that the title was in the Crown of Spain, but you can rest assured that the govern- ment of the United States will not take advantage of this to de- prive the Catholic church of any property to which it may be entitled. A. Heretofore everything was left to the good faith of the people, because no one ever doubted that they did not belong to the church. Q As to the properties which the order owned in the islands : First, what agricultural lands did your order own? A. The president is already apprised of the fact that the lands in Cavlte, Laguna, Bulacan, and Bataan no longer belong to us. Q I had not that in mind, and I would be glad to have yon state to me again. A. These lands belonged to us previously. Q Can you tell me how many haciendas you had in Cavite province? A. Two; a little sugar cane was cultivated, but mostly all rice. The names of those two were Naic and Santa Cruz. Bl- nan, Santa Rosa, and Calamba in Laguna. Lomboy, Parti, Orion in Bataan. Q. How many acres were there in the hacienda of Naic? A. The whole of them were about 50,000 hectares. Q Can you give me approximate figures as to each? A. (Presents to the president a tabular statement contain- ing this information.) On all of them generally rice is cultivat- ed ; in Laguna some sugar, and on some considerable timber. Q. (President examining statement.) Does this list repre- The Senate Documen t and Romanism sent all of the agrlcaltural lands which the order owned in the Islands except Orion ? A. Yes, sir; except a little sanctuary at San Juan del Monte. It has been stated around that we recently acqaired these. Some of them have been ours for over two centuries. Colonel Crowder has, by direction of General Otis, looked up the titles, and he has seen them all. Q. Have you title deeds to all of these? A. Tes, sir. This statement shows the pages from which they were taken, all properly drawn up and recorded. Q. How did you farm these properties before you sold them to the corporations? A. On each hacienda we had one or two lay brothers who were the administrators. Q. Did the parish priests have anything to do with them? A. Nothing whatever. Q Were they rented on shares? A. All farmed out ; we did not cultivate anything. Q. Were they farmed on shares or on a monthly rental? A. They were farmed put this way : It was left to the will of the tenants to either pay in money or in rice, as he pleased — that is, rice lands. For lauds cultivated with sugar-cane they always paid in money. Q. Did yon have any tobacco lands? A. No. Q. Any coffee? A. AliUle. Q. Tou did not own any cattle? A.- In Santa Cruz we had a lot of cattle, but the insurgents carried them off. Q. What did you do with the cattle? - Did they graze on your own land? A. In Calamba and Santa Cruz there was a great deal of uncultivated grazing land. Q. And you owned the herds? A. Yes, sir. Q. And the lay brothers saw to the grazing of them and then sold them in the markets? A. Yes, sir. Q. As to your tenants ; did you permit one family to re- main for several generations on tiie same piece of land ? A. Yes, sir; way back to great-grandparents. At times these tenants would sublet to others the right to cultivate the ground, and at a good price, too. Q. Did the tenants put in any improvements? A. No ; in every instance the corporation has made all the Improvements, such as drainage canals, dams, and irrigation works. Q. Those were all put in by the corporation, the tenants did not put them in at all? A. No. Q. How about rice lands? Does it grow better each year? A. Yes, sir ; it hardly needs any fertilizing at all after a few crops. Q. Would not sometimes one family which occupied rice u The Senate Document and Romanism lands, transfer its rights to another family, that is, sell oat his right of tenancy to another? A. That was prohibited, but they often did that, sometimes with the consent of the administrator and sometimes without. Q. Was the tenancy regarded with such privilege that the person going in paid to the person going out any sum of money? A. The tenants themselves considered that a great priv- ilege and charged sometimes as much as the property was worth. Q. So that they had among the tenants, without respect to the original order, what we call the tenant's right? A. Strictly speaking, the tenant had no right whatever. Contracts were made for three years, and after that they were tenants at will. Q Bat what I want to get at is the feeling and impression among the tenants themselves? They, I suppose, came to think that they might retain the lands as long as they chose in their family, and that that privilege of retention was a valuable priv- ilege, and so regarded among them, and they sold that privilege from one to another. A. There is no doubt that these tenants held the privilege which they had at a very high value, and they would get a num- ber of acres. One man would go to the administrator and say, I will rent twenty acres, and then he would sell that privilege of his, which was only for three years, at a high figure, and so long as he paid his annual rental he would not be disturbed. But there have been several cases in Calamba where the only persons they could look to for payment of the rent, the tenant, was ejected for non-payment. They understood that they had no legal right to It after the three years. Q They also knew that the custom of the order had been to give them this privilege continuously,' and they relied on that themselves. A. Yes ; that is true. So much was that the fact, that sometimes a father who had five hectares and five sons would will those five hectares, one to each son. Q. Now as to the sale of all this property. To whom did you sell this property? A. Mr. Andrews, with an obligation on his part to form an association, and then to sell as many shares of the stock as he could ; and the order agreed to take as part payment the shares remaining in the company, Q. Ton were paid in shares, so that you own a majority of the shares of the corporation now? A. Yes. Q. Is there any agricultural property owned by the order not included here, and which is in the name of someone else? A. We did not own anything except what is in there, aside from this little sanctuary at San Juau del Monte. Q. As to improved property the order owns in Manila or other cities for rental purposes? A. In Binondo we own a few houses. We did own a few here but they were destroyed by Are, and in the port of Cavite we also owned a few houses under rent. Q. Are they business houses or residences? A. Residences. 12 The Senate Docume nt and Romanism Q. You do not own any property on the EscoUa? A. The houses which surround the Banco Espanol Filipino; all those on that bank except the bank building belong to us. Q, Is not that very valuable property? A. Yes, sir. Q. And since'the Americans came it has risen in valne? A. We have gone up very little in rents. Q If you- had American tenants, you would? A. Some of them have leases for a nSmber of years. Q I do not press the question, but I would like to know what property you own for the habitation of the priests, the members of the order, and for religious worship. A. The church and convent of Santo Domingo is used by the members. Q. Do you own that handsome building in Venetian colors overlooking the wall? A. Ko ; that Is the Augustinlans'. We have the university just adjoining this building. Q. What is this building just opposite the ayuntamiento? A. A nunnery. The college of Latrou Is also occupied by the Dominicans. We have a sanctuary and parsonage in Cavite in half ruins which still belongs to- the order. Q. Have you In any other cities? A. In San Juan del Monte a sanctuary. I have already spoken of that several times. There was a fati;ier living there, but now it is occupied by American troops. In Fangasinan we have a church and convent, a college in Dagupan, in Linguyan a f ollege and house. All of those places last mentioned are oc- cupied by Americans, and they have not paid any rents so far. In Cagayan, at the capital, we have a large college and two honses,*which the Americans also occupy.. That is all. Q. I am coming to some questions that I do not insist on your answering, but I put them because the archbishop said to me that the former commission had not been fair in its treat- ment of the religious orders in that it did not give them an op- portunity to be heard through their heads, and for that reason I put these questions; but I leave entirely with you whether or not you shall answer them. A. I shall be glad to answer any question and furnish any information I can. Q. What supervision was exercised -by the order over its members engaged in parish work? A, The first answer to that is that the order presented the names of parish priests to the vice-patron — the captain- general. They were subject to transfer from one parish to an- other under the order, or they could be removed from parish work or sent back to Spain at the pleasure of the order. They could be shifted around. Q. Did yon have an inspector, or one of the order who went around among the parishes to see how work was being carried on? A The order has always had great watchfulness over the parishes. The provincials made visits around the parishes, and in every province there was a vicar provincial who represented 13 The Senate Document and Romanism the provincial here. Before this time I was a provincial and visited all of Luzon. Q, Were cases of immorality among members of the order broaght to the attention of the order and disciplined? A. There has been a great deal of talk about immorality among the parish priests. Of course, undoubtedly, there may have been some cases where a priest has failed to carry out his vows, but those cases were always brought to the attention of the provincial and investigated, and if in case the charges were found well grounded they were chastised, either by separation from their office or removal somewhere. The greater part of the cases have been exaggerations of some fault or made out of the whole cloth, because it seems that the people trump up charges against the priests so as to make them unpopular in the provinces. As a proof of the fact that these charges were not made by people who were imbued with great religious fer- vor or love of exemplary living, in nearly every case charges were brought by men, against exemplary priests, who were al- ways in the coterie of immoral priests, so to speak. Q. In the investigation, so far as I have been able to make It, I have reached the conclusion that the charges of immorality are not the real bases of the hostility to the priests, if that hos- tility exists among the people, and my conclusion as to that is based on the fact, as I understand it, that the present persons who are exercising the offices of parish priests, that against those persons charges of immorality might much more gener- ally be brought than against the former parish priests. A. Tes, sir. The Filipinos themselves say the same thing. Q. I have talked with Filipino priests and with Filipinos ; and I find it pretty generally conceded that the Filipino priests in the islands are not well educated, and that the standard of morality among them is not high. A. They neither have the character nor the capacity nor the idea of morals that exists in a European. Now, you can notice in the clergymen who are acting as parish priests, they do just what the local presidente wants them to do. Q. They are active politicians? A. Yes, sir. . Q. Is not the danger to the church here in the fact that the order of Intellect and education of the native priests is, to say the least, so moderate-that the people will revert to idolatry and fetichism under, the administration of ignorant Filipino priests? A. Yes, sir ; that is what is happening in the remote prov- inces, even where there are Christians. Q. What preparation was made to fit these priests in the matter of education before going to work In these distant par- ishes? A. After entering tie order they studied for eight or nine ■ years in the college in Spain prior to coming out here. Q. What preparation was made in the matter of languages? A. When a new man was sent out. to do parish -work, he was sent with an older priest who had already learned the lan- guage of the people, to learn the customs, language and habits. Q. How long did it take a bright man, such as you have In your order, to learn the language of the locality? The Senate Document and Romanism A. So as to treat with the natives on the outside, about six months ; to perfect one's self to preach in it, some time. ' Q. But in six months they learned enough to confess the parishioners? A. Yes, sir. One of the proofs of the morality of the cler- gymen and of the orders lies in the character of the Filipinos themselves. Everybody will admit that the Filipinos, as a whole, are moral and religions, and they have had no teacher other than the members of the order to teach them — not only in religious but secular matters ; and if they were an immoral set, how could they have brought these people to this state? Q. It has been quite gratifying to me to understand that there is a very general chastity among the women in these islands, but I have understood that while it is true that there is no general want of chastity among the women, there is among the people a feeling that a man and a woman may associate to- gether for a definite time, if the woman remain faithful to the man, and regard that as a kind of marriage without the sanc- tion of the sacrament ; and that the same feeling, in how many cases I do not know, has seemed to justify that kind of relation existing between a priest and a woman. I just throw out that as a suggestion, and ask for your opinion on it. A. I do not claim that there have not been priests who have not, but the large majority of them have preached, not only by words, but by action, morality and religion. I think that the living together in concubinage of a priest and a woman is very, very rare. That there may have been some weak priests who have fallen once — they might be less rare. Q. An army officer related this to me as happening in Hocos Norte : He says that he now lives in the house of a woman who is entirely respectable, who would never be described as un- chaste, who had two daughters, and who stated without hesita- tion and not as a badge of shame, that those dailghters were the daughters of a padre who formerly lived there, but who now had been obliged to go away. Now, while of course that rela- tion is deplorable, nevertheless it illustrates a very difierent state of society from that where there is promiscuous, illicit intercourse, and illustrates that in the mind of the natives there Is a very great difference between general unchastity and loyalty to one person. That is what I have gathered from persons with whom I have talked ; that is what is in my mind from the evi- dence I have already gathered. A. I do no! deny that there have not been such cases, but I do deny that there has been that promiscuous and general im- morality on the part of the priests with which they have been charged. Q While there is a very great difference between the Unit- ed States and the Philippine Iglands, I suppose that human na- ture is pot altogether different here from what it is at home, and therefore those who do not take religion very seriously, are very glad to seize individual instances of falling away by the priests, and are quite disposed from these few individual instances to make general charges against the whole class. A My only answer is the same as before, that there may 15 The Senate Document and Romanism have been a few isolated cases of Immorality, but nothing upon which general charges could be- based. Q. Was it possible under the Spanish regime for the par- iah priest to notify the captain-general of the presence in the community of a dangerous character and to have him deported? A. The initial steps were never taken by the parish priests. The government would in some instances ask for a report on some of the people in the town, and that the parish priest very often did not reply to him because the gobernadorcillo would say to the man upon whom suspicion has fallen that the parish priest was trying to get rid of him was sometimes true. When the parish priest was asked about the town they would send in such a report to the governor-general, but never without being requested. Q. And the governor-general would then deport him? A. More often it was a case for the parish priest to inter- cede to prevent deportation than to carry It out. The priest often realized the fact that charges against one of their parish- toners were based on the intrigue of the guardia civil and offi- cers of the municipality, and they interceded in his behalf of ten- er than to have him transported. The parish priest was the father of the locality, and although very pleasant relations usu- ally existed between the Spanish civil authorities and the Spanish priests, there were cases when the priests had to take issue in behalf of some parishioners. Q. How many priests of your order were assaulted by the revolutionists during 1896-1898? A. The only one we lost was the parish priest of Hermosa, in Bataan, who was assassinated. This is the only one. Q. Were any of them imprisoned? A. Everybody became a prisoner. Q. Did not Aguinaldo keep a lot of priests in prison for a long time who were subsequently released by the Americans? A. None of ours. One hundred and fifteen Dominicans were held prisoners for a year and a half in the provinces, from July, 1898, till December last, when they were released. Q. How were they released? A. Because the American troops advanced and they let them go. Q. They were held by the insurgents? A. Yes, sir. Q. Were any of them maltreated during that time? A. Yes, sir. Q. Were they whipped? A. Some of them were whipped and othets they filled full of water with a funnel in their mouths. Some of them had their ankles bound together and tied in a position for days. Bllla and Leyba, the two most cruel men who have been in the valley of the Cagayan, are both aids of Aguinaldo. Q Is the Bisl^op of Vigan a Dominican? A. Yes, sir ; and this man Billa is the man who broke two sticks on the arm of the bishop. Nine have died during their imprisonment, mostly from bad treatment. Q. Do you think that the priests of your order could return to their parishes and assume their sacerdotal functions? 16 The Senate Document and Romanism A, So far as the mass of the people in the northern part of the Islands is concerned, Nueva Ecija, Fangasinan, there would be no trouble whatever. The only thing to look out for would be the arrival of some Eatipunan and his working up the people. In Batanes eight have gone back and they were well received, and there are no American soldiers there. Q. Have any returned In the Island of Luzon? A. These same priests who went to Batanes were a few days in Aparri, and the people came down and asked them when they were going to return, that they wanted them to return. Q. Are any of the members of your order in Dagupan? A. No, sir. Q. But yon have churches there? A. Yes, sir; all the province of Fangasinan was adminis- tered by Dominicans. Q. To what do you attribute the feeling against the mem- bers of your order generally, if it exists? A. As a matter of fact, among the mass of people this ha- tred does not exist. It does exist among the Eatipunans and here and there among the better class, but the whole reason of theliatred of this class against the priests lies in the fact that they were the bulwarks of Spain's sovereignty in the islands, and these people recognizing their loyalty to their government say that in order to break down the sovereignty of Spain it was necessary to cast odium upon the religious orders and have them possibly expelled from the country. Q. Do you think any feeling exists against them because of the immorality of its members? A. No Indian has ever made a complaint of immorality on the part of a priest except in the case of revenge. When the provinci^ makes a visit they do not say a word. As soon as they have any little trouble with the parish priest then they will present a lot of testimony and report charges against the parish priests. Q. Is it not true that a good many of these tenants would be willing to have the land which they occupy for nothing, and do they not have the natural feeling which exists sometimes between tenants and landlords? A. That feeling not only exists against the religious cor- porations, but against every owner of property. We havepeti- tions from several of the pueblos in which the inhabitants ask us not to convey their property away, because they do not want to have anything to do with any other land proprietors but us. All they had to pay in the way of rental was about one-sixth or one fifth of the value. Hence, in the towns where our liacien- las were located, you would find better houses, better people and more wealth. Q. I suppose it is true here, as elsewhere, that it is easy to cultivate among the debtors unpopularity for the creditors. A. Oh, yes ; everywhere. Q. How are the members of your order at present sup- ported? A. We have the savings of several years, and also the ren- tal of houses, and a few other sources of income. 11 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. Did the insurgent government at Malolos pass a law con- fiscating your property? A. Law, strictly speaking, no. They did put an additional article onto their constitution by the terms of which they ap- propriated all our property, but we paid no attention to that because we recognized here only two sovereigns — formerly the Spaniards and now the Americans. Q. Have not agents of that so-called government actually collected rents for the property owned by the corporation? A. Yes, sir ; they have taken charge of the haciendas and have made the tenants pay rent. Q. And rather higher rent than you were accustomed to collect? A. Yes, sir ; the money they have made out of those lands has been a great element in carrying on the war for them. To take the haciendas away from them now will be a hard stroke against the revolution. Q. If the insurgents had been successful, do yon think you could have remained in the islands? A. We never even thought here that the revolutionists ever would be successful, and so took no steps. Q. But the controlling spirits in the revolution were very hostile toward you? A. Yes, sir ; and if they had secured their independence we would have had to leave, not because of the common people, but because of these leaders. The mass of the people like us, but they do not know how to move — how to do anything at all. Q. Suppose the United States government were to estab- lish a protectorate here, by which we should defend the islands against outside influence, but let the people take care of their internal affairs ; how much protection to property would exist here? A. We would have to leave. The people like us, but do not defend us, on account of their inaction. Q. Leaving out the question of the orders, how much pro- tection to general property would there be in these islands under such a government? A. If they had their independence it would be chaos. In four days they would be fighting each other— the different ele- ments. The first thing would be that the half-castes with a little Spanish blood would want to get the power in their own hands, but would be overcome by the natives. The true back- bone of the insurrection is the state of terror which the officers now in the field have forced on the people who have been en- listed by terror to take up arms against the Americans; and, although I do not desire to giv^ any advice to the American government, I think that the only way to settle the question is to bring a greater terror to bear upon them than now imposed by the insurgent government. Q. Is not one trouble among the people a doubt as to the policy the Americans are going to pursue to gain control of these islands? A. Partly that; but in a greater way the lies that are told in the provinces. Out there the idea prevails that Aguinaldo's forces are going to succeed. They tell of battles in which one 18 The Senate Document and Romanism huudicu Ajiericaus are killed, and the people believe that. Here in Manila the half -educated people of the capital believe that the government will give them their independence. If, last December, when the American troops made the advance toward the north, they had gone farther and more energetically, the thing would have been solved by this time, because the people in the towns, who were downtrodden and terrorized by the in- surgent oflScers, want somebody to come and lift this burden from ofi them ; but the Americans went a little ways north, and then went off to the coast towns. Q. How many members of ^our order have left the Islands since 1898? A. Sixty-seven; forty-five to Spain and twenty-two to China. Q. None have gone to South America? A. No. Q. I put a question suggested by a remark made by the archbishop that in 1898 somebody went to Eome and professed to represent the American Government, and proposed to buy all the property belongiog to' the religious orders here, and that Cardinal Bam'poUa telegraphed to the islands to have an inven- tory made of the property which it was thus proposed to bay. Can you give me a copy of that inventory? A. When the last commission was here they asked for it and it was given them, the same which was sent to BampoUa, but I will send you a copy of it. Q. Wh^it da you consider the value, generally speaking, of the agricultural lands of the Dominican Order? A. It is very difScult to arrive at. They must have in- creased or diminished, in value. Q. What did you consider the value in 1896, before the rev- olution? A. It is hard to give any estimate ; you might say before, four and five millions in agricultural lands alone. Q. Yon have sold already to a corporation, but of course yon control that corporation because you hold a majority of the stock ; therefore you could for this corporation sell this prop- erty to the Government. A. All we have now, of course, is shares of stock. Q. Yes ; but that majority stock gives you the right to con- trol the corporation ; would yon be willing to sell that to the Government? A. We have the obligation which we have complied with to sell to Andrews ; the sale was made to Andrews, and he after- wards got up the company. Q. But with the understanding that he was to get up th,e company ? A. That was one of the clauses in the contract — that he would form an association and that we would take a part of the stock. "^ Q. Of course you know that the Government could take the property if it chooses; that is, for school purposes; that is, as they say in the Spanish law, " expropriate," as we say in America, "condemn" it, paying its value. But it Is a great deal better if we conclude that we need it to settle the matter 19 The Senate Document and Romanism ont of ttie courts, for court proceedlngB iiivoivo ciiyouscs, and it leaves a better feeling to settle the matter by contract, and I would like to know If you are in a situation to arrive at an agreement if we want the property? A. Besides the understanding we have with Andrews we would have to consult the Holy See. Q. The Holy See has the good sense to trust to the discre- tion of the able head of the order who is here. It has been suggested— a Senator of the United States suggested it to me that one of the means of avoiding the trouble which seemed to exist here was to purchase the property of the religious or- ders, and that if that evidence of their ownership was removed and the lands made Government property by the payment of money, a large part of the feeling against the orders would be removed. I only ask it with a view to bringing before the commission the exact state of the case so that we may judge of that suggestion. A. The real reason why we conveyed our property to an- other party was to have nothing further to do with the admin- istration of these agricultural lands and to remove that com- plaint which was made against us that the friars owned all the lands and were making all the money. Q. I have no doubt that that was the purpose, but I do doubt if it will remove the entire difficulty if it became known that the friars owned the majority of the stock. I think it will be more effectually removed if the Government owned the prop- erty and sold it out in small parcels. A. The public see that we no longer have any ostensible ownership, do not administer it, and have no interference in its management. Besides that, whenever money was paid for the hacienda we would invest somewhere. Q. Tes, but don't yon think you could get more returns than from these haciendas? A. We could not invest it here. Q. Suppose you withdraw from parish work altogether. I suppose you could find a lot of missionary work to do in these islands and elsewhere? A. Yes, sir ; we would have plenty of mission work. Q; Archbishop Chapelle has told me that many of the order were anxious to leave, and that they remained largely at his suggestion. A. Yes, sir ; he has advised them to remain here. Q. There are two funds in the city, the obras pias, and an- other obras pias called the miter fund. Has your order an in- terest in these funds? Do you draw an income in those funds which you administer in charitable work? A. We receive the donation or alms which are paid by par- , ties for these obras pias, such as for saying mass. Q. Now, that money is paid in and forms a fund which is invested by the head of the order? A. These obras pias are composed in this way : Spaniards who have died and left in their will instructions for so many masses to be said and the money. That money is partly placed in bank and they get interest on It. The money is paid out to 20 The Senate Do cument and Romanism the different religious corporations to carry out the instructions in the will of these people. For instance, a man says he wants one hundred masses a year for the repose of his soul. They are paid for that out of this fund. Q. And that fund is managed by a corporation? A. There is a board of directors. Q. It i3 really a corporation? A. It is managed by a board composed of the archbishop and a member from each of the other orders. Q. And from accumulations it is now a very large fund? A. I do not know how much, but I think quite large. Q. Two or three million? A. No, sir ; I do not believe that the income from it is over thirty thousand a year for the entire amount. Q. Did not the obras pias build this building now occupied by the provost-marshal-general? A. No, sir ; it was constructed out of the miter fund. Q. Is not the miter fund the same kind of fund? A. It is composed of" donations, bat is managed by the archbishop in person. Q. But the income is distributed among the different orders for the'same purposes? A. Yes, sir ; they are about the same thing, except that the sacred miter is administered by the archbishop himself. Q. There is one more question : What is the income of the property of your order, both agricultural and otherwise ; that is, in 1896? A. The income from the haciendas Is shown in the pamph- let which I have given you. The rental of houses does not ex- ceed thirty thousand a year. Q. That included this property in Binondo? A. Yes, sir; that -is the principal source of income; the others do not amount to much. Q. How long have you owned that property? A. The houses were built by us one hundred and fifty years ago. Q. But the rental from that has increased since 1896? A. I think it has gone up very little. The purpose is to have them go up because everything ^as become so dear. I have been informed by a banker that a good deal of money has been lent by some of the religious orders on hemp. They have not speculated in it, but they have lent the money and taken the hemp as security. Q. Have you engaged in that? A. No ; we have not. (With expression of thanks.) 21 The Senate Document and Romanism REPORT OF INTERVIEW HAD BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMISSION WITH REV. JUAN VILLEGAS, HEAD OF THE FRANCISCAN CORPORATION IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. The President. — I suppose you understand that the ques- tions which I sent to the archbishop, and which were doubtless shown to you, are questions which you are entirely at liberty to answer or not. I prepared them with a view to covering the subject-matter which has been discussed. publicly, and to give yon, as representing the Franciscan Order, an opportunity to state your views concerning that matter. Father Villegas. — I thank you for this meeting and for the opportunity given to us to reply. The President. — When was your order founded? Father Villegas. — It was founded by the Pope, viva voce, in 1210, and by papal bull in 1223. The President.— When was your order established in the Philippines? Father Villegas.— June 24, 1677. The President. — I suppose that its functions and powers under the papal authority are to be found in a number of papal bulls. Father Villegas. — Yes,* sir. The President. — Generally the object of the order is of a missionary character? Father Villegas — Yes, sir ; and to civilize the individual. The President. — And they are charged with the duty of enlarging the usefulness of the church in.foreign parts. Father Villegas.— Yes; and to preserve and keep in the faith those who have been converted. We have missions all over the world. The President. — Have you lay members as well as priestp? Father Villegas.— Yes, sir; but only a few, relatively; they are mostly used for service in the houses of the members of the order. The President.— How many priests did you have In the or- der in the Philippine Islands in ISDei" (The reverend father stated that a pamphlet, or book, had been prepared, giving this and much other data concerning the Franciscan order, but no^ having been home since morning, he did not have it with him. A messenger was sent for the pam- • phlet; pending his return, the conversation proceeded as fol- lows: — ) :» The President.— What political or civil functions did the priests exercise under the Spanish Crown in the parishes to which they were assigned? Father Villegas.— None; that is, except in so far as duties were intrusted to them, or required of them, by the govern- ment, for the reason that the parish priest was the party in whom they had the most confidence. The President.-I understand that. It is that actual au- 22 The Senate Document and Romanism thority which they exercised under the government that I would like to have explained. Father Villegas. — The following may be mentioned as among the principal duties or powers exercised by the parish priest: He was inspector of primary schools; president of the health board and board of charities ; president of the board of nrban taxation (this was established lately) ; inspector of taxa- tion ; previously he was the actual president, but lately honor- ary president, of the board of public works. He certified to the correctness of the cedulas — seeing that they conformed to the entries in the parish books. They did not have civil registration here, and so they had to depend upon the books of the parish priest. These books were sent in for the purpose of this cednla taxation, but were not received by the authorities unless viseed by.the priest. He was president of the board of statistics, because he was the only person who had any education. He was asked to do this work so that better results could be obtained. It was against the will of the parish priest to do this, but he could only do as he wap told. II they refused, they were told that they were unpatriotic and not Spaniards. If they had declined, they would have been removed from their charge. He was president of the census taking of the town. Under the Spanish law every man had to be furnished with a certificate of character. If a man was imprisoned and he was from another town, they would^send to that other town for his antecedents, and the court would examine whether they were good or bad. They would not be received, however, unless the parish priest had his visfi on them. The priest also certified as to the civil status of persons. Every year they drew lots for those who were to serve in the army, every fifth man drawn being taken. The parish priest would certify as to that man's condition. The President. — That develops a new fact that I have not known before. They raised the army here, then, by iriipress- ment; it was not optional? Father Villegas.— All by ballot. Every year they would go to what they call the sacramental books and get the names of all those who were twenty years of age. This list being certi- fied to by the parish priest, the names were placed in an urn and then drawn out. Every fifth man was taken. The President. — Was the service disliked by those selected, or did they regard it as an opportunity? Father Villegas.— They disliked it. Many of them would take to the woods, and the civil guard would have to go after them and bring them back. They would be put in jail and guarded until they could be taken to the capital city. There were many cases of desertion. The President.— They never served anywhere except in the Father Villegas.— Only in the islands? The President.— Were they in the habit of having the regi- ments enlisted in one part of the islands serve in another part? Father Villegas.— All the men were brought to ManUa and the regiments formed were very much mixed. The Senate Document and Romanism (It developed that Eeverend Villegas spoke with authority in this matter, as he had been curafe for twenty years in the northern parts, and had been twenty five years in the country, and always in the provinces.) The President.— Were you always in one part of the islands? father Villegas —Yes ; I was where Tagalog was spoken. Those who spoke Tagalog had to resile where Tagalog was spo- ken. They sent the priests to the diflerent parts as young men to learn the language, and having learned a particular language, he was left to labor among those who spoke it, all his life. The President.— How long did it take a young priest to earn enough Tagalog to confess a parishioner? Father Villegas.— In four or five months they could fre- quently understand each other perfectly; in from eight months to a year they could preach in the' native tongue. They learned rapidly, as they had no opportunity to speak or hear any other language. [Proceeding with the enumeration of duties of the priest :] By law he had to be present when there were elections for municipal offices. Very often the parish priest did not want to go, but the people would come to him and say: " Come, for there will be disturbances, and you will settle many difficul- ties." He was censor of the municipal budgets before they were sent to the provincial governor. A great many of the duties X am now enumerating were given to the priests by the municipal law of Maura. ' He was also counselor for the municipal counsel when that body met. They would notify him that they were going to hold a meeting and invite him to be present. The priests were supervisors of the election of the police force. This also had to be submitted to the provincial gov- ernor. He was examiner of the sdiolars attending the first and second grades in the public schools. He was censor of the plays, comedies and dramas in the language of the country, deciding whether they were against the public peace or the public morals. These plays were pre- sented at the various fiestas of the people. He was president of the prison board, and inspector (in turn) of the food provided for the prisoners. He was a member of the provincial board. Besides the parish priest there were two curates who served on this board. Before the provincial board came all matters relating to public works and other cognate matters. AH estimates for public buildings in the municipalities were submitted to this board. He was also a member of the board for partitioning crown lands. After the land was surveyed and divided, and a person wanted to sell his land, he wouM present his certificate and the board would pass upon the question whether or not he was the owner. This would be vlseed by the board f v purpoees < t taxation. When a privato Individual wanted to buy governmert land, ho would apply to the prop?r officer, psy his money, and the beard would determine whether the transfer was according to law. 24 The Senate Document and Romanism In some cases the parisa priests in the capitals ot the provinces would act as auditors. In some of these places there would be only the administrator, and then the curate would come in and act as auditor. Besides the above there were other small things which de- volved upon the priest It might be said that there were times, however, when nothing of moment was done in the towns. The President.— "Was this before the Maura law? Father Villegas.— Yes ; very often they interfered in these matters for the benefit of the town itself. Of course the only thing intrusted to them was the spiritual welfare of the people, bat they had to do this other work because asked to do so by the government. The President.— They were the best educated men in the town and men of force ; indeed, the only class who knew how to conduct matters. Father Villegas.— The parish priest did not learn business while studying theology, but after he entered upon his charge it wa.8 forced upon him. The President. — I am told that one.of the rules of the Cath- olic church is that the existing civil authority is to be supported, and that it is a rule of your order as well. Father "Villegas.— Yes ; it is a rule of our church, laid down by the pope and by Jesus Christ. The President. — Were all the members of your order loyal to Spain while it was sovereign of the islands? Father Villegas. — Yes, sir. The President.— "Were there any but Spaniards members of the order in these islands? Father Villegas. — They were all Spaniards but one, a mes- tizo, who was born in the islands but was raised and educated in Spain. The President. — The fact is, is it not, that the members of the Franciscan order were relied upon by the Spanish govern- ment to maintain its authority in the parishes where the mem- bers officiated, and that there were many parishes where there were no soldiers, the priests being the only ones who represent- ed the sovereignty of Spain? Father Villegas. — Yesj for two hundred and sixty years there were no Spanish soldiers here at all. The Preeident. — Did it not result by reason of this, that when the revolution came on those in favor of the revolution were hostile to the members of your order because they did rep- resent the Spanish government? Father Villegas. — That is not the case so far as the Francis- cans are concerned, for, when the insurrection broke out, the natives got them out of the way so there would be no trouble. Even the money they had in their houses was sent to them to Manila by the insurgents. The President. — "Were any of the order imprisoned? Father Villegas.— In the first insurrection nothing happened to them. In the second (1898) some were imprisoned. The President.— How many were imprisoned and for how long? Father Villegas.— Seventy-eight were Imprisoned; gome 25 The Senate Document and Romanism three i^onths gome fifteen, and some have just come in today. All are now released. The President.— Will you kindly refer to your statement (broughtby the messenger), and tell me the number of mem- bers of your ordei^ who were here in 1896? Father VlUegas.— In 1897 there were 240 members. The President.— Does that include lay members? Ffither Villegas.— Yes, sir. The President.— How many lay members were there as com- pared with the priests? ? Father Villegas.— There were but eleven lay members. The President.- How were the priests of your order sup- ported during the time they acted as parish priests? Father Villegas. — ^Those in Manila connected with the So- ciety of St. Frances were supported by what was left of the alms given to the'parlsh priests in the provinces. The President.— Did the government pay any salaries to the priests? Father Villegas.— In the provinces they were paid salaries -whatever the governor v?ould apportion them. If there was anything left over from this it was sent to Manila to support the community of St. Frances. The President.- What did those salaries amount to? Father Villegas. — From five hundred to twelve hundred ■ dollars, according to the size of the town. The President.- Then I suppose there were certain fees charged for the administration of the sacrament? Father Villegas —There was no charge for the sacrament, but where it was administered in connection with marriage there was a fee for the trouble of performing the marriage cer- emony. These fees were for the church, for the choir, for the sexton, etc. The President. — Did not the priest use any of this for him- self? Father Villegas. — Yes, sir ; he had a certain proportion. The President'.— Were the fees to be charged fixed by the bishop? Father Villegas.— By the bishop, and approved by the cap- tain-general. The President. — Who built the churches in which the mem- bers of your order officiated? Father Villegas.— They were built with the revenues of the parish, by donations from the people and the priest. The gov- ernor, also, apportioned certain funds for church building. The President. — And there were voluntary donations by the parishioners? Father Villegas.— Yes, by the parishioners and by the priests themselves. Some of the parish priests have themselves remained without a cent because they spent all their salary in building the church. The President. — Were the churches built on a public square —usually on the plaza in the middle of the town? Father Villegas. — The governor would designate the spot where the church was to be built. The President. — And that was on government property? 26 The Senate Document and Romanism Father VlUegas. — If it was anything but government prop- erty it was paid for out of the funds of the church. The President. — When you purchased land in this way in whom was the title placed? Father Villegas. — It was placed in the name of the parish priest; bat as parish priest, asd not in his individual right. The President. — Will you kindly state what agricultural lands or haciendas your order owns- in the islands? Father Villegas. — We do not own any. The President. — Have you never owned haciendas? Father Villegas. — No, sir ; we are not allowed to own them. It is for this reason that all the members of the order who live in Manila are supported by what is left over from what is given the parish priests. The President. — You did not own anyproperty before 1895? Father Villegas. — Only the houses in which we live. We do not own any suburban property at all. We have here in Ma- nila, near Sam Paloc, a convent or parsonage, a half convent at Santa Ana, aiid two infirmaries, one at Santa Cruz and one at Nueva Caceras. The President. — Do you own any property in the city of' Manila, or in any other parts of the islands, used for rental purposes? Father Villegas. — We do not. We are not allowed to hold land. The President. — You own no property, therefore, except houses which are used by you to live in and churches used for devotional purposes? Father Villegas.— That is all. The President.— Is there farming land in connection with them? Father Villegas. —Nothing but kitchen gardens. In the province of Albaya we had a college for secondary instruction, but that has been burned. The President. —When a priest was assigned to work in a certain parish, was there any rotation? Did he go to another town after he had served In one for a number of years? Father Villegas. —There was no rotation. Some of the priests remained in the same place until they died. Some have lived in the same town for thirty or forty years ; elsewhere, as long as the people wanted them. The President.— Was there a supervision exercised over the priests engaged in parish work? Father Villegas.— A supervision was exercised over them. The provincial visited every one of them once a year. The President. —Were cases of immorality ever brought to the attention of the order and disciplined? Father Villegas.- That was the very purpose of these yearly visits on the part of the provincial. Besides this, he had rep- resentatives in the province who kept a close supervision over these people. If found delinquent they would be punished, and even expelled from the order. The President. —Were there any cases of immorality; and if so, how many, speaking generally? 27 The Senate Document and Romanism Father ViUegas.— There have been cases, but they were rare. I cannot tell how many. The President. —I do not ask the question to condemn you. A priest, living in this wild country, far removed from his home and people, is liable to fall. They are human. Father ViUegas.— That is understood. ThePresident.— It has been said that one of the grounds for the reported hostility to the religious orders generally has been the fact that there was immorality among the priests. What have you to say to that? Father ViUegas. — They who accuse should prove. I do not believe that is the real cause for the hostility. The President. — I do not believe it, either. Father ViUegas. — I have been a parish priest for a long time, and I can truly say that, as a matter of fact, the Indians have no complaint to make on this ground. It is only when they get angry that they make these accusations. One of the proofs of this is the general chastity of the FiUpino women. They are what they have seen and what they have been tanght. The President. — I have been very much gratified to hear that the women of the Philippines generally are chaste In their way. I believe it is owing greatlv to the teachings of the church. But the Filipino women seem to have a little different idea of chastity from that which prevails in other countries. For instance, they do not always insist on the existence of the sacrament of marriage before living with a man. Father ViUegas. — I do not beUeve there has been much of that. When they do go to live with men in that way they know it is against the teachings of the church. The President. — Has the example set by the FUipiho priests in this respect been particularly good? Is not the Filipino priesthood a distinctly inferior set inteUectually, both in matter of learning and in matter of morality? Father ViUegas.— You are to judge of that. The com- manders of the garrisons in the different towns can inform you. If the day should ever come when the regular clergy should re- turn to their parishes, then the commanders of the American forces can see and appreciate the difference between the present priests and the former ones. The towns already remember. The President. — It has been suggested to me, and It is a very strong argument, that the charges of immorality brought against the friars is not the real cause of hostiUty against them, because an argument much stronger than that could be brought against the FiUpino priests, yet they do not seem to share that hostility. If the people are so sensitive upon that subject, they have much stronger reason for it now. Father ViUegas. —The whole thing is a question of' color. The Americans as well as Spaniards are getting it because of our color and features. The President. —Was it possible under the Spanish regime to secure the deportation of any member of his parish by repre- senting to the governor that the party was a dangerous member of society ? Father ViUegas. — No, sir. '*ie President. — Was this never done? 28 The Senate Document and Romanism Father Villegas. — In onr body it was never done. Some- times they would ask for a report from the priest as to the standing of a party. Of his own motion a parish priest would never sanction a thing of that kind. The greatest trouble expe- rienced by the parish priests with the civil authorities has been the protection of the members of their corporation from being unjustly used by the arbitrary exercise of authority on the part of the governing body. The President.. — Will you be kind enough to state, gene- rally, the parts of the islands in which the members of your order have ( fficiated? Father "Villegas.— The whole of the island of Samar was ours, and about half of Leyte. In the Cammarines there is nothing but Franciscan friars and the regular clergy ; most of Luzon in the south, twenty-one towns in the province of Laguna. We have none in northern Luzon, except one town in Cayaghan, near the coast. The President. — Do you think that priests of your order, assigned to parishes in the islands, could assume their sacerdo- tal functions now without danger of personal violence? Father Villegas. — There would be no fear or trouble what- ever if only the town people were concerned — if there were no orders sent from Manila. The President. — Political orders? Father Villegas. — Yes; the people who do not like us. Our own parishioners are coming here every day to visit us? The President. — Do you communicate with your old par- ishioners? Father Villegas. — Yes, sir. The President. — Does not the feeling seem to be mostly against those who own property? Father Villegas. — There was something of that. Some fellow who was a little brighter than the others would say: "That hacienda belongs 'to the father; we will kick him out and I will take half." Now that the revolution has lasted quite a time, and there has been no division of the property, they have begun to think nothing has been gained. The President. — Was not the property belonging to your order respected longer than that of most of the orders? For instance, the college that was burned. Father Villegas. — The burning of that place was the act of an individual — of a secular clergyman; a Filipino, who is now a general In the rebel army. The President. —What is his name? Father Villegas.,— General Natera, a Spanish mestizi. The President. — Up to that time, although there were in- surgents about, they did not disturb other property? Father Villegas. — No ; and they set Are to the college on the approach of the Americans, so there would be nothing there when the Americans arrived. The President. — How many of your order have remained in the Philippine islands? Father Villegas. — After the capitulation of Manila a great many left; some had left before that time. Only 82 are now in the islands. The Senate Document and Romanism The President. — Where did the otners j,^.? Father Villegas. — Tney all returned to Spain, and from there they were sent to South America, to Cuba, and two were sent to China. These latter were up the river beyond Shanghai, and are now cut off. The President.— Is your order largely represented in China? Father Villegas.— There are quite a number. The President.— Did the insurgent government at Malolos pass any law against your order, or against your property ? Father Villegas -— The only thing it did was to concede lib- erty to the priests who were imprisoned, but the law was not carried into effect at once. The President. —Did not the parliament at Malolos pass a law confiscating the property of the religious orders? Did this apply to your order or properties? Father Villegas. — Not having any property, it did not affect us. The question of funds and property has never troubled us. The President. — There Is one other question I want to ask. Has your order any interest in the Obras Pias? Father Villegas. — No Interest. The President. — None of the revenues are distributed to you? Father Villegas. — All that we have is such as is given to us in the way of alms, as is given to the poor. The President. — Have you a representative on the board of the Obras Pias? Father Villegas. — The third order, which is not composed of anointed priests, has a representative on the board, but they do not belong to our order. The President. — Is the third order a Franciscan order? ' Father Villegas. — While related to the Franciscans, they do not belong to the order. The President. — Does this third order own any property? Father Villegas .— Yes, sir. The President. —Do they own haciendas? Father Villegas. — They own property as private indi- viduals. The President. —But they have a representative on the board of the Obras Pias? Father Villegas. — Yes, sir. ThePresJdent. — Out of the income received by the Obi-as Pias they receive a part of the money? Father Villegas — ^Yes; they receive something from the Obras Pias. The President.— Does the third order give you anything? Father Villegas. -They give us a small donation. They also give to maidens who have no dowry to get married, who belong to the order, and to young men to go to school, etc. For instance, I am a private individual and die : in my will I leave $100 to be distributed at the rate of #2 a year to the poor. The money Is placed in the bank, and out of the proceeds $2 is paid every year. The money is apportioned out, and we get a certain portion. The corportion Itself is entirely foreign to it. The President — I am very much obliged to you for coming 30 The Senate Document and Romanism to see me, and for the Interesting facta which you have comma- nicated. I am sorry to have taken so much of yonr time. Father Vlllegas. —It hag been a pleasure to us to meet you and to tell you what we knew. We are entirely at your service, and will be glad at any time to furnish you whatever informa- tion is within our power. THE ORDER OF AUGUSTINIANS-THE VERY REVEREND JOSE LOBO. Q. I am very much obliged to you and the father for coming. A. There is no reason for it whatever ; we are glad to give you any information we have. Q. How old is your order? A. We are the first ones that came here with the conqueror, Legaspi. Q. Not in the A. From the fourth century, named after the great Au- gnstin. Q. When did the order come to the Philippines? A. In 1565— that is, to the island of Cebu — we came to Manila in 1571, the foundation of the city. Q. Are its powers and functions contained in one instru- ment, or in a number of papal bulls? A. After the approval of the order by the Pope, there was a constitution made for the order, and that constitution we have now, but it is a very large book and is written in Latin. Q. And it has been amended from time to time? A. Corrections are made in the constitution. Q. Now, I presume the constitution authorized you to do missionary work and enlarge the usefulness of the church? Yes, sir: we are organized for missionary work. Manila is the principal point, and from here we have organized various departments. (Gives the president a book of the order in the Orient.) Q. Has the order lay members as well as priests? A. Yes, sir; quite a few — about 21 ; that Is, there were 21 at one time. Now there are about 8 or 10. Q. How many priests had the order in the islands in 18967 A. Three hundred and eighteen priests, including lay mem- bers, those studying to become priests, provincial priests, and those in Manila. Q. I shall also find in this book which you have kindly given me a list of the cities and towns in which the Augustin- ians had parish priests. A. Yes, sir. In Ilocos Norte and Sur, Union, Pampanga, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac. 9 in Manila, 7 or 8 in Batangas, one-half the island of Cebu, Iloilo, Antingna, Capiz and the dis- trict of Conception. Q. What civil or political functions did the priests of your order exercise under the Spanish Crown in the parishes over which they presided? I do not mean what was written in the law, but the actual functions which they discharged? The Senate Document and Romanism A. The provincial, whoever hj might be; was the adviser' of the administration. Whenever he desired to leave the town he asked permission of the captain-general or governor of the province. The priests Intervened or todk part in the election of local presidentes ; in the levy of soldiers ; they also formed schedules that indicated the names of all the individuals who were subject to taxation ; they took part in the inspection of schools; in public works. They exercised these functions by order of the governor, of the archipelago or by order of the Government of Spain. » Q One of the rules of the church, as I have heard it ex- pounded, and doubtless of your order, is that the existing con- stitnted authority shall always be respected? A. The law of the gospel is that everyone shall pay due respect to the organized government and to all laws that are in existence. Q. And the members of your order were loyal to Spain dur- ing the revolution? A. Yes, sir; every one of them. Q. I omitted to ask whether you have any natives in your order? A. No; all Spaniards. We had in the past century a few natives in the order, but they did not prove very efficient, and we let them go. Q. Was it not a fact that in a greater part of these islands there were no Spanish soldiers and no Spanish police to main- tain the sovereignty of Spain? A. There were very few Spanish soldiers here, the priests in each province being a sort of a colonel, and at the time I came there were 7,000 or 8.000 native militia. Q. So that in a great majority of towns where the parish priests of your order officiated, those priests were really the only representatives of Spanish sovereignty? A. The priest was the only Spaniard in a great many of the towns. I myself have exercised priestly functions in four or five cities where I have been the only man with a white face. Q. Did not this fact arouse against the members of your order the enmity of those engaged in the revolutions of 1896 fliiicl 1898? A. Yes sir; that is a fact. Rizal, Bloomeniil, Gregorio' del Pilar (now dead) began a movement against the friars knowing very well that if they removed the pedestal or founda- tion of sovereignty of Spain in these islands that at that mo- ment the whole structure would topple over, and in their secfet order they began a movement against the friars, creating a bad feeling agamst them. Q. How were the priests of your order acting as parish priests, supported? * I'anau A. As there was unity between the church and the stato W^tV'T^ to the parish priests certain compensat'onaS beyqnd this the church had fixed tariffs -for instance, from singing; the people In some cases making them presents, and between these sources of revenue they maintained themselves. by th'l-Gov^^rentr '"'^ '^'^' " ''''''' ^^ ^'^'^ *° '^^ ^^^-t« 32 The Senate Documen t and Romanism A. They were organized into three classes; the first re- ceived $1,200 per annum, the second, $800, and the third, $600, and then you must deduct from that 10 per cent, money that was returned to the Government. Q. That is, the Government paid out a salary and then took part of it back? A. This 10 per cent tax was imposed on all salaries, not only the priests but the military department, to fight any revo- lution. It was a temporary aflair. Q. You received fees for christening, for burials, and for marriages? How were the amounts fixed? A. The priest himself charged nothing for the rite of bap- tism, except that he received the tribute of one-eighth of a dol- lar, and this money went to the funds of the church. It did not become the personal property of the priest. For marriages he received $2.25, but out of this he had to turn into the. funds of the church the eighth portion of two dollars, being the sum of 35 cents ; and the other 25 cents he also had to turn in, there- fore he had remaining the sum of $1.75. For the burial of a child the fee was 75 cents ; for the burial of an adult, $1.50. These were the tariffs that were imposed as a rule, but if the person to be married, or If the relatives of the person to be buried desired greater services, more music, more ringing of bells, then we levied a special fee. Q. Who built the churches and the conventos in which the priests of your order officiated as parish priests? A. These edifices were constructed from the funds of the church Q. That is, funds of the particular parish? A. Each parish had its own particular funds, and from these funds they were constructed. In times gone by tributes were levied called "diesmos," and from these funds edifices were constructed. It happens that in all countries acquired by Spain, in Mexico, in South America, this " diesinos " tax has been imposed for the purpose of erecting edifices ; but Pope suppressed the levy of this tax, and recently a tax called " san- torum " has been levied. I cannot be certain that the Pope sup- pressed this, but I know that he gave the kings authority to impose the " santorum." These funds were placed at the dis- posal of the parish priests. The bishop exercised general au- thority, but there were certain funds each parish had. Q. Now the " Santorum," or what was before that the " diesmos," was a contribution levied on the people of the par- ish to build the churches. Was that a voluntary contribution, or was it a regular tax? A. All Catholic residents of the parish were required to pay It. Q. And they were all Catholics? A. Yes, sir ; it was a special fee imposed on all Catholics of the parish. Q. Now, coming to the twelfth question, what agricultural properties did the Augustinian order own in the islands? A. At the present time it owns two small haciendas, one in Aneat and the other in Gaudalupe. Bat this one in Gaudalupe ^ 33 The Senate Document and Romanism is a very small affair, and can hardly be ca'.led a hacienda. The one In Angat is also very small. Q. How much property had you before the revolution of 189G ? A. In 1893 we sold the greater portion of our property. Q. To whom were they sold? A. To a Spanish corporation. I think there was an Eng- lishman in the corporation. Q. And you took as part payment stock in the new corpora- tion? A. Yes, sir ; we have more than half the stock. Q. Now, if you will go back before 1893, I would like to know what agricultural lands you owned? A. A great many and very good ones. Here in Manila we had three or four good ones. Taking all the acreage we had, cultivated and uncultivated, probably 60,000 hectares through- out the archipelago. Q. Can you distribute that acreage? A. The large one was in Cagayen, 20,000 hectares, called "St. Augustin Colony." This hacienda is in the province of Isabela, but it is generally called Cagayen. Tobacco alone was raised, but coffee and sugar could be raised. Only a small por- tion was cultivated. In Cavite : San Francisco de Malabon, 13,000 hectares, cul- tivated in rice and sugar. In Manila : Malinta, 12,233 hectares ; Mandaloa, 4,033 hec- tares, and Monte Lupa, 2,656 hectares, cultivated chiefly rice. In Cebu : Talisay, 6,645 hectares, sugar and rice ; a great deal of sugar. We had a plant and machinery. There were two parcels of land, but they were under one name ; simply one administration of the entire property. In Bnlacan : Two small haciendas under rice cultivation. Angat, 600 hectares ; Qningna, 987 ; and Guinto, 900 hectares. Those I have mentioned do not belong to us now, except the ones at Angat and Gaudalnpe, of which I first spoke. Q. Are there any others you have sold except those oien- tioned here? A. Tes, sir; one called Pasay, 480 hectares, was sold years ago to Warner, Barnes & Co. Q. And you have no interest in that? A. No, sir; it was an absolute sale. This includes all the property we now own or have owned. Q. How were these properties farmed when you owned them; how did you get income from them? A. We cultivated the lands, and on properties that were dry we built ditches and canals, and irrigated all the property. For instance, at Malabon we spent $4000 in the building of ditches and dams. Q. Now did you rent that property after improving it, or did you farm it yourselves? A. We rented out the estates to diffbrent tenants, but gea- erally these rentals did i ot amount to more than one-half what ordinary individuals paid for other properties. Q. Did the same tenant continue to use these parcels, and did it go down in the family from one generation to another? 34 The Senate Document and Romanism A. Yes, sir ; the property went from father to son, and they retained possession for many years, and there were great efforts made to secure these properties. Q. And suppose a family that had such a privilege desired to sell it, were they able to do so? A. They could not without the permission of the adminis- trator, because we would expose onrselyes to the possibility of some one coming in who would damage the property. Q. Yon retained the control to say who should be tenants, but was not the privilege of being a tenant on certain pieces of land regarded as valuable, so that that privilege was sold by one to another, provided the consent for the transfer was obtained from the administrator? A. They always retained possession of these properties after once securing them, because they received more benefits from this property than from occupying other property. Q.. I fear you have not made my question clear to the fath- er. (Repeats question.) A. Of that I can give you no particular information because I have not been on the haciendas, but I will say that without the consent of the administrator he could not sell, but if he se- cured the consent of the administrator he certainly could. Q. Who collected the rents? Was it the parish priests in the immediate neighborhood, or did you have persons espe- cially delegated for that particular purpose? A. In Angat there is a native of the town that collects the rents ; in San Francisco de Malabon it was a lay member ; in Malinta a lay member ; in Mandaloa a lay member ; in Qulngua and Gninto the same parish priest received and collected the rents because they were small places and the natives were very good in paying their rents. Q. How long had the order held these various estates before they sold them? A. The oldest records are those that were made in the six- teenth century. We have some of the eighteenth. In the year 1877 the corporation acquired possession of the hacienda at San Francisco de Malabon by purchase from the Count of Avelache and various other owners, and another portion of this same es- tate was acquired from Mons. Cazal by exchange of property. Q. Those were purchases and not benefits? A. Yes, sir; we have bought aU of our property. Very few pieces of property have ever been given to the corporation. Q. Now this estate in. Cagayen. Have yon held that for a long time? A. I wish to except the estate in Cagayen, for this property was ceded to us by the government of Spain on the 25th of April, 1£80, as will appear from royal order of that day. We spent an immense sum of money on this estate, and have had but slight returns for it. We have cleared up the lands; and it has been placed in a state of cultivation. Q. Now Cagayen was ceded in 1880; San Francisco de Mal- abon in 1877. Now how about these estates in Manila? A. These four in Manila are very old; Malinta in 1746, and a portion in 1833. 35 The Se nate Document and Romanism Q. Were these purchases? A. Yes, sir ; all purchases. Q. Mandaloa? A. One half of the property was acquired by an exchange of property from the Dominican fathers We exchanged an hacienda with them for this property in the year 1692 ; another portion of it was- acquired by purchase in 1664, and still another portion was acquired by purchase In 1676, and another small piece was secured in 1699. Q. Monte Lupa? A. Purchased in the year 1666 by the corporation. Q. Cebu? A. Purchased in the year 1734. Q. Quingua? A. Purchased at public auction in 1834. Q. Angat? A. The date does not appear in the record, but it appears that part of it was secured by purchase and part by exchange. I believe it was in the century past, but I am not sure. Q. Guinto? A. Possession acquired in 1764 by purchase. Q. How much is the estate at Guadalupe? A. It contains 86 hectares, part acquired by purchase and part through pious donations. Q. What property, whether improved or not, did you own in the city of Manila for rental purposes? A. We own the convent of the sixteenth century. It is the most solid structure in the Philippines— the church and con- vent. The one with the bridge across the street. The build- ings on both sides are ours. We have thirty members of the order living in this house, and just as soon as I am able to de- crease the numljer under my care, I want to sell this house. I am very anxious to sell it. The first house is ours, but just ad- joining is the house of the Jesuits. The bridge communi- cates — Q. I understand you to say that you own no improved prop- erty of any sort in Manila for rental purposes? A. No. Q. Do you own any vacant lots in the city? A. The lot in San Marcilino only. It contains 29,616 square meters, bought by the corporation in 1883. It was bought for the purpose of erecting an orphanage asylum. Q Do you own any improved property in other cities in the islands? A. In Cebu we own some lots, but the rents are very small. We have a magniflcent structure in Iloilo that cost $160,000, but at the beginning of the present trouble it was taken pos- session of, and now it is used as a barracks. Q. Was that contemplated for a habitation for monks? A. It was built for the purpose of teaching, to be a sort of college, and when it was finished the war with America came on, and this structure being out of town was not burned, and it is now occupied by American troops. They are no more. Q. As to the custom of the order in retaining the same The Senate Document and Romanism priest at the same parish, was there rotation, or was a priest allowed to remain in the same parish until he died or was su- perannuated? A. No, sir ; young men started cut by taking small parish- es, and as they grew older better parishes are given, and when they get so old that they are unable to perform their duties, they retire to Manila. They have better parishes as they get older. Q. How much education is required before the members go out to take a parish? I do not mean theological education, bat what knowledge of the language of the country are they re- quired to have? A. Their theological education is received in the course ol nine or ten years, but their linguistic education they receive bj going to the parish with a priest who knows the language of that parish, and learn the language from him, and at the end of five or six months the old priest sends in a document stating that this young man knows the language and is qualified to be the priest of the parish. Q. How long, ordinarily, did it take an average priest to learn the Tagalog or Visayan dialect? A. About eight months, on an average, for preaching and taking confessipns. Q. Was there an inspector In your order who went about among the parishes each year to superintend and supervise the work of the parish priest? A. In each province there was a provincial vicar aside from the general vicar here in Manila Who had charge of all the work in the district. Q. Was his knowledge such that if a priest had been guilty of immorality he would know it ; I mean openly living as man and wife? A. Anything like that as you state, notoriously, of course he would find it out, but anything secretly of course would take time to find out. Q. I do not mean to press these questions, if you do not desire to answer them, but in talking with the archbishop he said it was not just or fair not to call upon the orders to give them an opportunity to say on these general subjects, if they desire it, what was the truth, and it is with that in mind that I ask the question? A. There is no need of making a secret of anything. Q. Have cases of immorality in parish priests been disci- . plined by the order? A. Whenever we have been able to prove that he was liv- ing with a woman in the way you have indicated he has been chastised, but there have been cases where we were unable to prove it. Q. Was it possible for parish priests under the Spanish regime to secure the deportation or imprisonment of a man on th& ground that he was a menace to the sovereignty of Spain or a dangerous man in the community? A. The revolutionists believing that the priests had a great many valuables, some of them tortured them to see if by this 3T The Senate Document and Romanism means they wonld not reveal their whereabouts. As a rule they received many gifts and things to eat from the Indians, and afterwards they were well treated. At the beginning they were badly treated. Q. I think you have answered the question as to the cause of hostility against the priests, but I may ask again whether you attribute it to the political position that the priests necessa- rily occupied in the parishes representing the Spanish crown. A. The Government of Spain in the Philippines can be compared to a round table having but one leg, and that leg in the center of the table, the friar here being the leg and the sole support of the main body of the table. The heads of the Eatipunan organization, realizing that to tumble the whole structure it was necessary first to destroy the foundation, be- gan this disturbance by criminating the friars, telling lies about them, and for this reason the hostility arose toward the friars ; but the Eatipunan heads were the only ones that really had any hostility toward the friars, as is proven by the fact that the people in the parish are anxious for their return. Q. How many members of your order are now in 'the islands, and where are they living? A. One hundred and forty, and they live in these two houses we have talked of. In Hongkong we have six or seven studying English, and in Macao we have twenty-six or twenty- seven. Originally we were three hundred and eighteen, as I have stated. Q. Considering those killed and those remaining in the islands, how many have left here, have gone back to Spain, to South America, or elsewhere? A. Since the year 1898 there have left, to Spain ninety- eight, to Macao twenty-six, to the Chinese missions in the province of Hunan three, to the Republic of Colombia ten, to Brazil eight, Peru five, Hongkong six. The total of those who have left the islands is one hundred and fifty-six. There may be an error or so, but this is approximately correct. Q. They are at present supported, I suppose, in Manila here by the funds of the order? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did the insurgent government at Malolos pass a law confiscating the property of your order? A. Yes, indeed ; they passed many laws confiscating every- thing we had. Q. Did they attempt to collect rents from those haciendas that are held by the corporations to whom yon transferred your property? A. I cannot state as to that, but I suppose that they did. Q. At least that was the case with respect to the Domini- can estates; so I am informed by Mr. Andrews, to whom they were sold? A. Yes, sir; I suppose that is true, but with reference to our own property I can not state positively. Q. Can you tell me the value of your agricultural property ^the 60,000 hectares -before it was sold— just a general esti- mate? 38 The Senate Document and Romanism A. The haciendas possessed by the Angustlnian fathers were the best in the Philippines. I cannot tell you exactly- some millions— possibly ten or twelve millions. If sold at a time when we had peace and property were good, they woald be worth a great deal more. Q. Can you give me the income from those haciendas? A. The total rental we secured in the year 1891' amounted to $150,000. 01 course these properties were never rented at the figure we could have obtained, as we charged considerably less than others. Q. Do yon think that the corporations that own the prop- erty now would be willing to sell to the Government? A. Yes, sir ; they do not desire to administer the properly. They are willing to sell in my opinion to the one offering the most. Q. Does your order insist on doing parish work, or would you be willing to do missionary work alone? A. Whatever the pope or apostolic delegate says. Q. I have understood, I think, from the apostolic delegate that the members of the order would prefer to go elsewhere, but that be had detained them? A. Whatever is commanded, whatever Is ordered. Q. Now about the " obras pias." How large a share of the obras pias did your order obtaia? Does it vary or is it fixed? A. I am the president of the board myself, and we only handle $90,000, a very small amount, and we, as an order, secure nothing from this fund. Q. But I suppose when there are sacraments to be per- formed by reason of requirements in wills of deceased— masses to be said — that they assign that work to the different orders and a certain amount is paid to the order for performing that service? A. Well, suppose that a person dies and leaves $1,200 so that masses should, be said. This money goes to the province where the sacraments are performed. For instance, in a cer- tain province so much money is left, then so many masses are said. Q. Have you a large amount of money lent out here on hemp and such things? A. No. Q. The miter, I believe, is administered by the archbishop? A. Yes, sir. Q. And he assigns the work to be done under the provis- ions of that fund? A. We have charge of the pios fund and works that are erected, edifices constructed, by the miter fund — we have charge of those works. That is the board of which I am presi- dent. The President. — Expression of thanks. The Provincial. — We are always glad to give you any infor- mation that we have, and yon may rest assured that the infor- mation we give you— those that wear the cassock— will be the truth, and you will find out at the termination of your examina- tion that what information we have given you has been more reliable than what you have procured from the meztizos. 39 The Senate Document and Romanism August 2, 1900. RECOLETOS-PROVIXCIAL VERY REV. FRANCISCO ARAYA. When was your order first organized? The order was founded in the year 1602. When did it first come to the Philippines? " In 1606, four years after its foundation, and it has been here continuously since then. I presume that its functions and powers in the church are defined by a charter or constitution by the Pope? In the year 1602 the constitution under which the organiza- tion was founded was approved by Pope Clementine the Eighth. And that constitution with amendments established it as a ' religious order within the Catholic Church for the purpose of enlarging the work and doing missionary work? Yes, sir ; under the constitution approved by the Pope the order is a religious one, having in view the civilization of peo- ple who require or need it and the Christianizing of all indi- viduals. And your work lies chiefiy along missionary lines? Yes, sir. Have you branches of your order in other parts of the world besides the Philippines? We have a college in Spain to educate the young men, ena- bling them to join our order. We have also a college in the United States, and they are sent here as a general rule. We have the head of our order in Kome, but of course above him is the Pope. We are doing missionary work in Panama, Kepublic of Colpmbia, Brazil, and in some other South American coun- tries. Has the order lay members as well as priests? We have about nine lay members here. How many priests had the order In the islands in 1896, before the revolution began? In 1895 we had 344, and of this number 26 were lay members. And this book, to which reference has been made, I pre- sume, contains a statement of the towns and villages in which your members officiated as parish priests? Yes, sir ; and I present it to you vrtth pleasure. What civil and political functions did the priests of your order exercise in their parishes under the Government of Spain? The priests of their own will exercised no political func- tions, but at the request of the authorities they exercised many functions. For instance, they might obtain the number in a settlement who should pay taxes ; they also might formulate a census ; they also might send a report to the governor as to the number of legal actions that had taken place in the courts of first instance there. Did they ever exercise judicial functions at all? No,, sir; they exercised no judicial functions, but when the 40 Tbe Senate Document and Romanism - authorities wanted to know about any criminal acts they would send to the " little governor " and then go to the priest for con- flrmation. Did they have any duty in connection with enlisting men for the army? No, sir ; those who formed the army here would appear to do so by chance. They had cards and drew lots to see who would form the army, and the priest supervised that drawing. What part did they have in the administration of the schools? They were local inspectors that visited the schools and found out after careful investigation as to whether or not the teachers were performing their duties properly and whether or not the children were attending, Were they called in as advisors in matters of public works? Speaking of government works, there have been few per- formed in the Islands. Outside public roads there have been none, and in that reports were asked of the parish priests as to whether the work was performed according to specifications. In how many towns in which your order ofiSciated as parish priests were there soldiers or other people representing the Crown of Spain, beside the priest? Soldiers they had none ; recently they had a sort of civil guard. That guardia civil was a bad thing? Tes, sir ; they abused their privilege. The institution is a good one, but they abused their authority. Was it not a fact that for a great many years in these Isl- ands the parish priests represented Spain, the government, in all that there was of law and order in the parishes? f Absolutely. Up to the year 1879-1880, when they sent this guardia civil — seven or eight men in each town — they had no one to represent the Spanish government outside the priest. At the capital of the different provinces they had a few soldiers, but outside that none. So that any hostDity to the crown of Spain among the people was against the priest as representing the government of Spain? Absolutely. There has been no resentment and no ill feel- ing or hostility against the priests whatever up to the time of the revolution, and that feeling has germinated right here in Manila and has been spread through sources here in Manila. But the revolutionists, those active in getting it up and those who sympathized with them in their attacks on Spain, did cultivate a hostility against the priests because they represented the power of Spain. There was really no feeling in the provinces against the priests, and as I have said before, this feeling was spread by the heads of the revolution, by those who had political aspira- tions, and something to gain by a revolution. A great many of them came from Manila. They formed or were a part of the Spanish government — that Is, clerks, some of them in the courts — and they went to the small towns, and knowing a little more than the simple country people, they spread rumors 41 -V Th e Senate Document and Romanism against the priests, and the priests made efforts to protect the people and this brought up hostile feeling. How were the priests of your order supported when they acted as parish priests? They were supported by the stipend paid by the government and also by the tariffs and by the charges imposed upon burials, marriages, and baptisms. This stipend varied, as I have understood, from $500 to $1200, according to the size of the parish? Yes, sir ; and 10 per cent, is deducted. As to the charges, who fixed the amount of those charges? The bishop determined the rates or charges, and those rates had to be approved by the governor-general here. The tariff for marriage was $2, one-eighth of which was for the church fund ; burial for adults $3.50, out of which the priest received $1.50, and the rest was paid out to others taking part in the ceremony. For christening 124 cents, -Jeaving the priest nothing, because the candle cost six cents and the paper on which he had to record the fact that the child had been bap- tized cost five cents. These were fixed rates, but there were other charges depending entirely on the amount of work in- volved and the extent of ceremony. Who built the churches in which your priests officiated? The government was charged to erect edifices for public worship ; but the government being so poor, was negligent, and it compelled us to build the churches out of church funds. There was a church erected in Manila that was built from the proceeds of an hacienda, and the churches on the outside were built by funds belonging to the church and by the aid of day laborers who gave their labor. Some of these funds were taken from the "anctomm" fund. The church in the parish was built either by contributions or by the labor of the parishioners of that parish, Isn't that true generally? The parishioners generally gave the funds to build the churches, because the government was poor and gave nothing. Sometimes, of course, where the parish was poor, then the bishop donated certain funds. When you speak of the churches you include the conventos also? Yes, sir ; that is, the house for the priest. The people, realizing and appreciating the fact that the church was a bene- fit to them and would improve the moral condition of the people, donated their services free of charge. For Instance, in a church where I officiated, the people went six miles to bring the lum- ber out of which to construct it. What agricultural lands or haciendas does your order own in the islands? We had one in Mindoro called San Jose, 23,666 hectares. This hacienda is about to be sold. We also have on this hacien- da a herd of cattle. The insurgents have taken a great many- just how many we do not know. Is this only a grazing estate, or did you produce rice or tobacco? The Senate Documen t and Romanism A small part was under rice cultivation. At present time none is cultivated. Are you to sell it to a corporation? A representative of the order has made an agreement to sell to an American in Madrid, Mr. Christy. Is that Mr. Christy to form a corporation ? He is the representative of a corporation. And in that new corporation I suppose the order is to ob- tain some shares of the stock ? The sale has not yet been concluded, of course, but an absolute sale is contemplated. How many and what haciendas did the order own before 1896 ? The hacienda in Inmus was sold to a corporation in 1894, in the province of Cavite, 11,000 hectares. It was sold to a Spanish corporation organized to develop agriculture in the Philippines. Now, in that corporation I suppose that the order owned a majority of the stock ? This Spanish corporation in turn sold this hacienda to an English corporation called British Manila Corporation Com- pany, Limited. Was not a Mr. McGregor the representative of this com- pany ? Yes, sir ; Mr. McGregor is the representative of the Eng- lish company, and he has come here to see the estate, and I be- lieve some documents have been sent to the Washington Gov- ernment and in turn forwarded here to General Otis ; but of that I do not know. Now, in that English corporation the order owns how much stock? Yes, sir ; it owns stock. In other words, this establishment of a corporation was for the purpose of interesting other people in the property and at the same time of enabling the order to obtain a regular in- come and be relieved from the burden of collecting the rents and managing the property ? -• The sale has been made absolute. Yes, but of course if you own a majority of the stock you obtain control of the corporation ? ' The sale to the English corporation was absolute. Yes, but does not the order have some stock in that corpo- ration ? I can not say definitely what proportion of stock we own, but we own a certain proportion. Was that property improved ? A large proportion of it was under cultivation with im- provements, many ditches, many dams. A large house that we had has been, burned, but at the present time there are shacks in which Americans are living. Is that the house in which the priests were killed ? Yes, sir. When did you acquire possession of this estate ? In 1686. 43 The Senate Document and Romanism Had this property been owned by the Jesuits before this? No ; the Jesuits had nothing to do with it whatever. The property belonged to Dona Maria. She had inherited the es- tate herself. And she gave it to the order? The property was mortgaged for $9000, and that indebted- ness was assumed, and besides, the sum of $12,500 was paid. A gentleman by the name of De Camos represented the corpora- tion and paid the sum of $21,600, the church assuming that. Did you own any other property which you have sold in the same way? A piece of property— the name being San Nicholas— was donated to the church at one time, but under a decree of the general government a public auction was held, and the order bought it in full for $27,500 in the year 1812. Have you spent money In improving that property? In dams and canals that have been built for carrying water we have spent more than a million dollars. There are 45 dams. The hou^was a magnificent one. There were also three ware- houses, w'e had also constructed underground ditches. The greater portion in rice cultivation ; a little sugar. Had you any other hacienda except that of Imns which you have sold? The hacienda of Monte Lupa possession, acquired in the year 1695 for $12,300. This is a small hacienda, probably 600 or 800 hectares ; I do not think it will reach 1000, but a greater portion was not cultivated. This was sold in 1897. Was It sold to the same Spanish company ? No ; it was sold to a Spaniard in Manila. Where did you get the estate of San Jose? There are two parcels that constituted this hacienda, one was obtained by royal order 619, of May 15, 1807, and the other portion, consisting of 1664 hectares, was acquired by purchase on the 15th of July, 1894, the sum paid being $43,250. The hacienda de Talajala, in the district of Morong, in the lake re- gion. The property originally belonged to a French subject, and was heavily encumbered with debts, and he, not being able to meet his obligations, the chief creditor, the chartered bank, became possessed of it on Aug. 12, 1896. The order also being a creditor, purchased from the bank in 1897 the hacienda for the sum of $50,000. This was sold March 16, 1900, to Don Juan Ma. Foizat, an agreement of sale having been made some time before for $66,000 ; but we lost in the transaction, because we had spent many thousands in developing the property. How many acres were there? The records do not ajiow the number of acres that it con- tained, but I believe it had somewhere in the neighborhood of 4000 or SOOO. I can say there were three thousand under culti- vation. Were there any others? No others. Is it true that this order did not receive any of the property of the Jesuits, which was confiscated when they were expelled from the islands? 41 The Senate Document and Romanism Absolutely none. Now what property have you in lands and In improved prop- erty in the cities held for rental purposes? The order owned quite a number of properties, but those from which rental is received are those in Cavite, the property in Cebu being a convent. But didn't you own some vacant property in Manila? None. And no rental property? None. The properties in Cavite are rented. How much did you own in Cavite? There are seven pieces of property from which we secure rent, the total rent amounting to $350 a month. We have an agent who has charge of this property, and he gives us $860 a month. If he makes anything I am not aware of it. You have deeds for all this property? At the time of the blockade of Manila the insurrectos de- stroyed all the records and the titles, and at the present time we are investigating the records and getting therefrom titles to the property from the old original documents. This property you have had for a long time? For at least two hundred years. And are they still held by the order, or have they been con- veyed to the Spanish company that took the Imus hacienda? They belong to the order. Now, is there any agricultural property that is held in the name of someone else that really belongs to the order? Nothing. In the town of Bakolod, in Negros, we purchased a lot for the purpose of erecting a college, but up to the present time it is vacant. To change the subject : I would ask if the priests of your order were in the habit of remaining in the parish to which they were assigned for a great number of years? They were under the direct control of the superior, and if he considered it advisable to order them away to some other parish he would do so. Was there an officer of the order who travelled about to the various parishes and made himself familiar with the conduct' of the parish by the priest assigned to it? Dependirg upon the size of the province, there were one, two, or three officers who went around and inspected, and made a report to the head vicar of the province about once in three years. Of course, some of the provinces were quite large, and it took quite a while to inspect all the provinces. Some dis- tricts it took four months to make an inspection. Now I am going to ask a question or two on a subject that neither of us cares to go into, and I do not press the questions. Ton do not have to answer them if you do not choose to, but I think you wish to answer them as I wish to ask them. Are cases of Immorality by members of your order assigned to par- ish work brought to the attention of the head of the order and disciplined? There has been a great deal of talk about this matter — I want you to speak as fully as you will. 45 "• The Senate Document ana Romanism But I can say to you truthfully that the caBes have been very rare, and this has been due to the conditions existing' where a parish priest lives, due to the fact that they were iso- ated. I can attribute it to that fact. I want to give you an opportunity to answer the charges made generally as to the fact whether a great many members of the order have been immoral, and what you know about it. Take, for instance, in Bomblon, in Mindoro, in Faragua; these islands are widely separated and without communication, without social intercourse whatever, and naturally enough the priests there were dissatisfied and disgusted, and cases have been where they have lived an immoral life. These cases, though, have been very exceptional and rare, and the moment that the superior became cognizant of the fact, they were brought here to Manila; and after an investigation, if found guilty, were chastised and reprimanded. The moment that communication or intercourse in these islands became more fre- quent that moment the cases became fewer, and now they are very rare Indeed. But that is not the basis of the calumnies that are hurled against these priests, because he was appreciat- ed more by the people who lived in the neighborhood if he lived in this manner. No complaint has ever been made of a priest who lived an immoral life. Instead of that the people have sympathized with him to a greater extent than before, for the reason that if the curate or priest lived a dissolute life they, in turn, secured more liberty, and they could do as they l^ed. The Eatipunans found no objection to his method of liv- ing, because they could then do what they liked without inter- ference from the priest, and for this reason there is more sym- pathy existing between the people and curate if he leads an im- moral life than otherwise. ^ The basis or bottom of all this talk and lies and calumny is the fact that in all these little towns a head or chieftain of the organization known as the " Eatipunan Society" is to be found, and he generally goes to the curate and makes effort to secure favors, and when the curate denies him the favor — generally to borrow money, for they are nearly always broke — from that moment commences all th6 talk and disturbance. Cases have been recorded where this head or chieftain has formulated a petition, and had this petition signed by a great many of the residents of the town and forwarded to the vicar, making charges therein of immorality on the part of the curate, and when the vicar demanded the presence of the curate in Manila, the people changed their minds and requested him to stay. That is the manner of the Indian— to-day he is of one mind, to-morrow of another. I make this point for the reason that I do not want you to pay too much importance to what the Indian tells you. P Are you generally familiar with the character of the native priests who have moved in and taken the places of the friars? They are very bad men, very bad. In most cases the least number of wives one is satisfied with is three, and they are at the head of the revolution in these towns where they are. Would not that seem to refute the charge that the cause of the hostility against the friar is immorality— that is, that im- 46 The Senate Document and Romanism morality does not seem to arouse the hostility of the native against his own native priests? That is not the basis of their hostility. That is clearly ev- ident when, as I have indicated to you before, they appreciate s man who is immoral, when he lives in these vile conditions. Was It possible under the Spanish government for a parish priest to secure the deportation of any man in his parish by recommending to the governor-general that he was a bad man and ought to be removed? No, sir; but the curate, being an instrument of the gover- nor, filed reports with the governor as to the coiiduct and life of those who lived in his parish. The governor-general, being the head of the Spanish government in the islands, sent to the curates for reports to various persons, and the curates in turn filed reports with him. And the governor-general in turn acted on these reports? The reports had to be made and were compulsory from the fact that the governor-general requested of the vicar a report, and he in turn the bishop, and the bishop the curate, and'wheth- er or not he wanted to make the report it was practically com- pulsory. Do you think the priests of your order could go back to the parishes where they were before and assume their eacerdoial functions without fear of personal violence, assuming that the American army will, in a reasonably short time, end the insur- rection? Yes, sir; that would be a very easy matter, indeed, for the reason that the people living in these towns are anxious for the return of the priests, from the fact that the native priests, who are there now, are very much despised and hated by the people. How do you know this? The bishop of Jaro, who is now here with us, has letters that are simply horrible, indicating the actions of these native priests, and showing the desire of the people to have the Span- ish priests return to them. The native priegts now, of course, having no head, do as they like. It i^ a good deal like an army without a head. How many priests of your order were assaulted during the revolution of 1896 and, 1898. Twenty-five of our priests were assassinated. There are three causes that may explain this large number : The first be- ing that in Cavite the revolution began, and the priests who were in the interior had no time to make their escape. Those who lived close to the sea made their escape, and the very priest who had charge of the parish in which Aguinaldo lived was de- livered of the insurrectos by Aguinaldo himself, he furnishing the means of escape, a boat being placed, at the disposal of this priest by Aguinaldo himself; and Bonifacio, who was the insti- gator of these crimes, was in turn killed by Aguinaldo for hav- ing killed these priests. Fourteen killed in the province of Cavite; In Bataan, 2; Zimbales, 7; Tarlac 1; Cebu, 1. How many were imprisoned? The great number of deaths among the priests can ~ be ex- plained away al^o by another reason. The fact that the priests 47 The Senate Documeni and Romanism wnen they saw that there was no remedy, joined the army, and necessarily ran the same risks as the soldiers. There were 91 prisoners. That is, joined the army of Spain? ' Yes, sir ; the precise nnmber has never been determined. Were any of the prisoners maltreated? Out of 40 that were Imprisoned in Negros three of them were maltreated and assaulted. The rest of them were made to work in the prison ; those that had been in prison in Negros were given their liberty at the expiration of three months ; the rest of the priests who have been in prison have received their liberty whenever the various towns in which they have been im- prisonedjiave been taken by the Americans. Did you have any priests to join the insurgents? Thank God, not a one. The Augustinians had three renegade priests. Do you know whether they are the only ones in the islands? We have one who Is in a town that Is now in the hands of the Insurgents, but he takes no sides whatever, and performs his regular duties. Is the bishop of Jaro a member of your order? Yes, sir; the bishop of Yigan a Dominican; the archbish- op a Dominican ; bishop Of Cebu a Franciscan ; bishop of the Camarines an Augngtinlan ; the adminisirator of the Camarlnes is an Augustlnlan ; and the bishop is sick in Spain. How many members of your order have left the islands since the revolution began? In the year 1896 we had 348 members, 26 of which were lay- men. Since 1898 173 have left for Spain, 21 to America and 8 to Macao. Then there were 25 killed? • Yes, sir ; there are 94 here at the present time, and the diflerence between this nnmber and 343 have died. Did the insurgent government pass a law confiscating year property? I cannot answer that question positively, but it was gener- ally stated, I believe, and published In the newspapers, thatla'Ws effecting not only our property right but the property right of all the religious corporations, were passed. i Have not agents of the insurgent government been collect- ing rents from the tenants of your former estates? We have heard that, and we know positively that with ref- erence to the property at Imus, some of the heads of the revo- lution have been charging not only what we charged, but a great deal more. This I cannot say as positively true, but we have heard It. Is it true that your order Is desirous of leaving the islands, but that jou have deferred your departure at the suggestion of Archbishop Chapelle? We have been anxious to leave, but the Pope at Rome has given his order and there is no recourse except to obey. You would be entirely willing to do missionary work instead of parish work, I presume? The functions are the same, and it would make no difference The Senate Document and Romanism to 118. Of course the missionaries have work of lesser impor- tance to perform than those in charge of parishes, but it would make no difference to us. I suppose you have a representative on the board that ad- ministers the funds under the " Obrias pias"? We have what Is called a " vocal," somebody to represent the order. He, In conjunction with the others, disposes of this fund ; but they are limited to certain kinds of work— charitable institutions and religious edifices and things of that kind. What relation is there between the Becolectos aad the Au- gustinians? Were the Recolectos originally a branch of the Augnstlnians? Yes, sir ; they are called the bare-footed Augustinians. What Is the meaning of the word " Recolectos"? It is taken from the verb " to recover," "to regain," "to bring in," "to do missionary work." , Then the Becolectos sprung out of the Augustinians? The Recolectos are a branch of the Augustinians, and they sprung from them from the fact and for the reason that the Augustinians led a gay life. I am not saying that they were bad men, but their spirit^s were very high, and for that reason the Recolectos sprang from them — not because they were bad men and we good men, but because their spirits were high and flery. Our original ancestors or fathers were Augustinians. We follow the same rules that they follow, but they have their own head and we have our ovrn, but they in turn are subject to the orders of the Pope at Rome. In the papers you have there (pointing) have you the trac- ing of your titles? If yon have no objection, I would be glad to keep that as a memorandum. It has been freely charged, apparently by men who have very little knowledge on the sub- ject, that you have no title to the land which yon have hereto- fore enjoyed the usufruct of. I want to report on that issue, and it will assist me to have the data contained in that paper. With pleasure. We appreciate your kindness in this respect, indicating to us your desire to do us justice. Expressions of thanks. Adjourned August 4, 1900. OAPUOHmO -PADRE ALPHONSO MARIA. DE MORERTIN. How old is your order? Since the fifteenth century. Properly speaking the order dates from the thirteenth century. We are the same as the Franciscans. The 29th of November, 1209, the formation of the body was approved. Are yon organised for missionary work like the other or- ders? Yes, sir. Has the order lay members as well as priests? Yes, sir. They are the same as the fathers with the single exception that they are not ordained. In every other particular they are the same, living the same and wearing the same hablt- 49 The Senate Document and Romanism How many lay members and priests were there in the islands before the revolution of 1896? Very few, because our field of labor was not In the Philip- pines, but in the Carolines ; but we had a house here for the purpose of assisting in any missionary labors. Can you give me a general idea of 'the number? Ten, up to 1896. How many are there now? Six. Did they do any parish work? No i we only arrived here in 1886. There has been no hostile feeling against your order at all, has there? It has not reached my ears. Ton own no property, I presume, except the house in which you live? The house where we live only. I have a quasi property title to a small piece of land just beyond Malate, which was given to me by word of mouth by some friends, but no legal documents were drawn up, and consequently it has not been recorded and the property still remains in the hands of the don- ors ; but when I desire it the title will be conveyed to me. It is only a little garden with a very small house, and at the out- break of the trouble with the Filipinos they destroyed the little house. I have not heard any charges of any immorality brought against any member of your order, and therefore I will not not touch on that subject. Yes, sir; many thanks. I might ask you if you can tell me the reason why there is a difference of feeling against your order as against the larger orders which have been here for a long time. There may be many reasons, but I will endeavor to reply as to my opinion. The first reason would be that the few take up a very little space, whereas the many would cover a great deal more. But I do not believe there really exists the hatred and hostility that the Filipino would make believe exists against the religious orders as a whole. Don't you think that such as does exist, arises largely from the political power which the old orders exercised by reason of the fact that their members were parish priests and represented throughout the country, very largely, the government of Spain In a civil way? I do not believe so, because the political functions exercised Ttj them were very slight. But is not it a fact that in most of the towns of the islands where they officiated there was no representative of ihe govern- ment of Spain except the parish priests? That might very well have been the case, but still there was a civil authority there even though he might have been only a native. The two authorities, civil and ecclesiastical, were never combined. Was it not a fact that the captain-general relied greatly on the padres, and kept putting on additional duties of variouB kindb of a civil character upon the padres? 60 The Senate Document and Romanism On the contrary, he was always reducing them. The padres took part In what might be termed " mixed matters," such as school matters. He was inspector of schools, and he was one of the members of the board of election. He was an inspector to preserve order more than anything else. It must be remem- bered, also, that he performed these duties because the govern- ment ordered him to, and not because he interfered, seeking the authority. It might be termed unofficial action ; for instance, about 1897, after the other revolution broke out, I received a private and secret letter as superintendent of the order from the gov- ernor-general, which letter was also sent to all parish priests throughout the archipelago, in which it is said that whenever the parish priests believed that it would be proper 1io remove some local officer of the government they should apprise the governor-general of the fact with the reasons therefor, but on the other hand the same kind of a letter was sent to the gov- ernor of the different pueblos telling him if there was any reason for having the parish priests removed they should also inform him of the fact. Expression of thanks. Adjourned, August 4, 1900. BEXEDICTINOS-P ADRE JUAN SABATER How long has ycur order been here ? From 1895. How many were there in the order in these islands ? Eight padres and six lay brothers. Afterwards up to 17 priests came and 11 lay members. Are they here now ? Now 8 priests and 6 lay brothers. Do you own /iny property here ? Only the house in which we live, and the chapel. I have always had more or less of an interest in the Bene- dictine order because when I first went on the bench in a State court at Cincinnati, I had to consider the question of the owner- ship of the trade mark for the Benedictine liqueur. The person that was forging the trade- mark claimed that the person who asserted the right to it had no right to it in that he said that the liqueur was made from a receipt made by the Benedictine order. But they proved that the liqueur was made not by the Benedictine priests now, but according to a receipt which the Benedictine order had followed in making their liqueurs some eighty years before ? At the time of the French Revolution, when the Bene- dictinos had to leave their place, they sold their receipt, and that is the one now being followed. For that reason you still find on the trade-mark the arms of the abbey, which of course could not be counterfeited. I supported that. Very often they endeavor to counterfeit it. I know that the French manufacturers of that liqueur send agents all around Europe to find out if it is being counterfeited. 61 The Se nate Document and Romanism 1 wish your order was getting some of the money being made out of it. The fact is, our order does not care for it at all. We have another receipt, which we do not care to exploit. In Spain we have been told that the other receipt would be a gold mine, but we only manufacture a little for our own use, and do not put It on the market. It is as good as the best grade of Benedictine; but if we manufactured it and put it on the market the people will say we are not following religions vocationa, but are mer- chants. But you might have a royalty on the trademark withont selling the liqueur. We have a saying In America that would apply to this, especially where the fathers would use the money to the best purposes, that " Money does not smell." For instance, take the place of the monks that manufacture the Grand Chartreuse. They live very modestly and do not need any money, and they pay out of the proceeds of that liqueur 1,000 000 francs a year to the Holy Father, and all the roads and other improvements around the place where they live are paid for by them, and all the money is given to godly work and public improvements. And also what the French govern- ment receives by way of taxation. That is why they have not been flred out of the country. Once the prefect of that district went to Chartreuse, and the fathers had heard that they were going to be expelled, and they found the prior of the monastery studying very intently the map of England, and the prefect asked, " What are you doing ? " He said, " We are studying a place to move to ; " and he said, " No, you must not go." He did not want to kill the goose that lay the golden egg : Expression of thanks. Adjourned. August 4, 19ro. ST. VINCENTE OF PAULIST. I think you have very members in the islands ? Very few, 38 in the entire archipelago. How old is jour order ? From 1625 How locg have you been in the Philippines ? Since 1862. Your functions are of a missionary nature ? Missionary and seminary work. Have you a school here ? We have one theological seminary elsewhere, and other seminaries. Where are they located ? In Nueva Caceres, Cebu, and Jaro. These are seminaries of secondary education ? Yes, sir. They take young boys and carry them clear throug^i as t^c^ graduate ? Yes, sir; in the third I mentioned that is the course. Have any of the members of your order acted a.- ■;»' , ■ i ? The Senate Document and Romanism No ; not tip to the present time ; but now we have some parish priests sioce February of last year. But you had none before the revolution ? None. That will shorten a great deal the question I wish to ask. How many did yon say there were acting as parish priests now ? Two only, in the same parish. iJoes the order own any agricultural property in the islands? • We own nothing in the islands except the house in which we live, and a garden. You own the house in which you have the seminary ? No ; only the house on San Marcelino and a little garden. The rest belongs to the prelates of the church. If these circumstances were the same in respect to all the orders, I would not be bothering any of the others. Isn't it true that there is no feeling of hostility against your order among the people of any kind? So far as we know there is absolutely none. And there would be no difficulty about the members of your order going anywhere about the islands? No ; so far as I know. Were any of them imprisoned or assaulted during the re tion? None. I was there for a year and a half whe cans came, and I was not molested ; and those do ceres have been there two years and have not and Cebn the same way. I would like to ask if you can tell the r [This copy no hostility against your order and X was mntUated {. feeling against the larger orders (. in tlie original.] Now I do not pass that question the information? The reason is because on the one hand, and on the other hand because we have not come in contact with the Masons, who are the real element against the order. Is not the real reason this —that yon have not attempted to exercise political power and have not, in the sense the other people have, represented the government and the sovereignty of Spain in many civil functions? That undoubtedly had great influence, because we have not exercised any political functions whatever. That is the princi- pal reason. I wish we had fifteen hundred of your order. We are very few. Have you not a branch of your order in the United States? Quite a number in the United States — New York, PhUa- delphia, New Orleans. Can not you induce them to come out here? I think it is difficult. We have not enough people over there. The learning of the language of the natives is difficult. Every province has its own distinct language. But in six months they could learn so as to converse. 63 Th e Senate Document and Romanism For working purposes six months would be sufficient, but not for preaching. But Id one year you could preach? Yes, sir. I have never heard it said that any of your members were ever charged with immorality in the islands. Is that tme? Never. How Is your order supported? By exercise of the ministry by the seminaries themselves. The students pay tuition. In what parts of the islands are you located now? Nueva Caceres, Cebu, Jaro, and Manila. Are there as many of the order in the islands now as there were in 1896? Eleven have left for Spain. Ten left last year and 1 this year, and now we have 38. We had 49. Expression of thanks. Adjourned. JESUITS.- MKIUEL SADERRA MA.TA, FOR SU- PERIOR OF THE JESUITS WHO 18 ILL. Q. When did your order come to the Philippines? A. They came here at tvro different periods; 1581 first, and jremained to 1767, and in 1869 we returned again. . Q How many priests did you have in the islands in 1896 before the revolution began? [Presents the president with a book containing this information, 167 including the lay broth- ers ; in Manila 24 priests, 13 scholastics, and 26 laymen, and in Mindanao 62 priests and 43 laymen. Thrse scholastics are not students themselves, but are teachers.] Q. How many were lay members? A. Sixty -eight. Q. What are the duties of the lay brothers? A. Among the Jesuits a priest is always a lay brother who manages the household. Q. Of course it is included in that book, but I would liks to know generally In what towns and villages the members of your order acted as parish priests? A. Only in Mindanao and the adjacent islands, but they are not, properly speaking, parish priests ; they are missionaries. Q. Was there imposed upon your order when they came back to the islands a condition that they should act only as mis- sionaries and should own no property? A. That condition was imposed upon themselves by them- selves. Q, Was there a condition imposed by the government as to the ownership of property? A. They say that there is a condition that we should not claim anything in the way of property. Q. Did the priests of your order that acted as missionaries receive a stipend from the government? A. Tes, sir. 61 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. Did that vary from $500 to f 1,200? A. I believe from $500 to $800, -which was the highest. Q. Who built the missionary churches in which the mem- bers of your order officiated? A. The missionaries themselves generally. Q. Who built the* missionary churches in which the mem- bers of your order offlciated7 A. The missionaries themselves generally. Q You mean out of funds that they collected in the church? A. It was done both by church funds and by the work which is performed by those deputized by the government to do it in its position as vice-patron. We also ourselves per- formed work because we placed brothers who acted as archi- tects and as master carpenters and master masons, and from funds of the missionaries themselves and alms. Q. Is not it a fact that the Jesuit order requires a longer and more thorough education than any of the other orders of the chnrch? A. As to its being better I do not know, but as to more time being employed in the education, yes. Q. It is at least nine years? A. It is sixteen years. Q. Before they officiate as priests? A. Before ordination sixteen years. Q. Does your order own any agricultural property in the islands? A. Here is an inventory of the [handing]. None of them are what you would call agricultural lands. They are mostly In cities and necessary adjuncts to buildings. Q. Do you own any property in Benguet? A. Yes, sir. Q. Is that down in this list? A. No ; as we have not got it, it is not down there. The Benguet property would be like the sanatorium in . We own no property which produces anything. All our property Is for the purposes of the order and not for the collection of in- come. We had a place in Mindanao so that when students left the college they were furnished with a small piece of land. Q. Is it not true that practically no charges of immorality have been brought against the members of your order in these slands? A. It is true that none have been made. I recall that the secretary to Augustine, the governor- general, said to me that against me there was no anonymous letter. Q. Have you any reason to doubt that if the members of your order returned to their parishes they would be received without violence by the people to whom they should be assigned? A. We have eleven in Mindanao now, and they are working unmolested, and where they have no Jesuit priests we are re- ceiving letters continuously asking to have them sent there. We have letters from General Bates and General Kobbe stating that the people there have been asking for them. The governors of the towns there have sent letters stating that they wanted them to be there. 65 The Senate Document ana Romanism Q. How many of your order remain in the islands nowT A. Ninety-three. Q. Where have the others gone? A. They returned into Spain, but from there they have been ordered to different places. Q. Why did they go away? A. Because there was nothing for them to do here. The head of this mission is in Spain, and when there is nothing to do here they are recalled by the head of the mission in Spain. Q. Ton mean nothing to do on account of the state of war? A. Yes, sir; because conditions were so upset. 63 of the remaining 93 are in the municipal athenaeum, 4 of them are provisionally administering parishes in the province of Cavlte, 10 in the noriral echool and observatory, 2 in the Ermita parish, 2 absent in the United States, and the remaining 11 are In the missions of Mindanao. The parish here in Ermita was imposed on us by the archbishop. We did not have this parish before. Q. I want to ask you one question more, and then I am done. What makes the difference in the feeling of the people, or the reputed feeling of the people, between your order and the four larger orders here? A. I have given that before In this way : In the first place, we have no haciendas ; and another reason is that nothing has been said against our habits up to the present time ; and fur- ther, the fact of our teaching. Q. Is not another reason that they did not mingle in pol- itics and were not used by the governor- general for political purposes? A. I will answer that question by stating what an Indian said to me yesterday : " You people always went into these ques- tions when it was for the benefit of the people at large and not for the individual." [The government evidently omits a page here, for the ex- amination goes from the Jesuits to the Paullsts.] Father Doyle.— That is a hard question, for I myself can- not at the time understand this popular feeling of the people. Q. Where a popular feeling is made up of a good many elements, and judging from what the priests say, the Spanish government used those people as the representatives of their power, and when they wanted anything done they left it to the priests, and consequently when the feeling against Spain grew bitter, the feeling against the friars grew bitter. Of course that is only one element, and then how far the feeling actually exists is another question. Father Doyle — In many towns there were no garrisons and no white man but the priest. The government was sometimes almost obliged to do that. The difference may be that we are not parish workers but missionaries. Our principal work was missionary work. Q I think if they had had two friars to every parish as yon had, things might have been different? A. As to the political functions exercised by our order, the Spanish government, it is true, did confer some trusts and de- mand some ftinctions of a civil order from the parish priests 56 The Senate Document and Romanism and missionaries, such as the inspection of schools and partici pation in certain provincial or local boards of charity, proceeds of corporation, etc. We come within this latter part more than the other, and in the new towns and in new Christian settle- ments, represented the mace of authority from the government of Spain to those selected by the government of Spain to have It. That was all the missionaries ever had to da. Expression of thanks. Adjourned. ARCHBISHOP OF MANILA. Tour grace, how long have you been in the Philippines? Twenty- six years, with an interval of eighteen months when I made a trip to Europe. Have you ever had a parish in the islands? No ; formerly I was professor in Manila. How long have yon been archbishop? Since 1889. Were you a bishop before that time? No. As I understand it, the archbishop is (1) the bishop of the see of Manila, and (2) the metropolitan of the other bishoprics in the archipelago? He has a certain intervention, rather limited in fact, in all of the other bishoprics. I presume that the see of Manila is the largest in the archi- pelago in point of population, and probably also in point of the number of parishes? Yes, in both. Does it include more than the province of Manila? Many other provinces : Bnlacan, Fampanga, part of Tarlac, all of Zambales, Cavite, Laguna, Batangas and Bataan, and the island of Mindorol The other part of the province of Tarlac was a part of the see of Nueva Segovia. It is the custom, I think, and always has been, for the ehurch to give to the bishoprics and the archbishoprics the name of the largest city? They are named after the civil capital. Do you speak Tagalog? Very little. The Tagalog language cannot be known with any degree of perfection unless you live in the provinces. Not going out of Manila, one does not learn it readily. It has no literature? A very imperfect literature; some romances — idyls that they sing in the towns. Have you observed the character of the Tagalogs and the other races in the islands? Naturally ; because one living in the Philippines would no- tice the differences which exist between the different races. I have asked this because I And that through the priests, and the bishops of the church especially, I can get more accu- rate information as to the character of the inhabitants than through almost anyone else. 57 Th e Senate Document and Romanism Naturally ; as they come In closer contact with the people uiey win appreciate the differences. They are what might be termed more essentially differences in trait and character than "zoological "differences. The same differences that exist be- tween the white and the black races are not observed among these people. They are a bright race in learning— at least as children? Yes, sir ; they lend themselves to education. They learn languages with very little difficulty ? They never learn a language profoundly or philosophically; but for social purposes and conversation thty are very apt — very quick to learn. To show my meaning in this particular— that they are qvick to learn mere ccmversational matter and no deeper subject— there is a case of a young native who was brought np in one of the schools here, and who was absolutely protected and surrounded by all safeguards to prevent him from speaking his own language. This child needed three years to become cognizant of what was meant by any written signs which needed thought to appreciate what the eye was reading ; and that term of three years may be put down as the average lime necessary for a native to grasp knowingly a foreign lan- guage ; but the power to speak it superficially they can acquire very rapidly. It is trne, nevertheless, that were they edacated outside their own country, where their surroundings would be entirely different from those at home, they would learn more rapidly, for despite all the efforts to keep them from contact With those who speak their own language, whenever they get together they will always speak in their own tongue. I suppose when they talk they mix in a good deal of Spanish? Yes, sir. So that the Tagalog Is full of Spanish expressions? Yes, sir ; very naturally, for all these languages here are very poor, especially in terms expressing abstract ideas — which they could not express at all in their own language except by paraphrasing, so that they were forced to take to Spanish — such as " God," "religion," the word " republican," that would need a great many words to express it In their own language. " Rev- olution," " insnrrecto," also are Spanish. They stick to the latter word with a great deal of force. Are they rather a light-hearted race, easily affected by pleasure, dancing, music, and such things? They are. They differ greatly from the European race in that innate feeling which moves Europeans. They are more impelled by extraneous influences than by innate influence or impulse. They are easily moved, then? I have never seen, of course, aU tribes, but I have seen nearly all of the Malayan race, and I do not know of any race existing which is more responsive to its surroundings. There being no proper individuality, if they live in good surroundings they will be good, and if they live in bad surroundings they will be bad. They have very little^tenacity or moral stamina? There is an absolute want of character. They cannot grasp 58 The Senate Document and Romanism u idea and by their own mental efiort determine whether Vl )& Droper or improper. They have not the logical faculty developed at all? They have jnst sufficient of the logical faculty to be ra- tional beings. I have observed in a number of them who have been edu- cated, a desirtt to-rnsh into abstract principles, as if that was the atmosphere they loved, without much capacity to reason on the subject? They have not sufficient mental capacity to digest any ab- stract question. But they like to live in that atmosphere? The idealists. A noticeable feature of the native people, and also of the mixed races, is that they lack the capacity to ap- ply knowledge or scientific research or thought to objects which surround them. In other words, prudence and discretion are abEolutely unknown to them. This is in all the races and in all the paths of life. Fbr instance, a lawyer comes from his law school with brilliant attainments, profound acquisition of knowl- edge, but when he is about to take a case he cannot apply those principles to the facts in the case. They lack practicability? Yes, sir. And their life is a series of fleeting impressions, with ac- tionfl founded on them? Exactly. Another noticeable feature of the race is that ver ' soon after they leave an educated atmosphere, they lose all they have learned. I take the liberty of making one suggestion which I think should be borne in mind by all government offi- cials—their proneness to suggestions from others. That, per- haps, is their most remarkable and all-absorbing character. If a man appears whom they consider a great man among the people — some person who occupies a topmost position — they idolize him ; think him something divine. They never stop to reason, but follow him blindly, as if he was of divine origin. Are they variable in the sense that a single misst^ will change it all? It is the only way for the idol to suffer a fall. What the Spaniards did in America, and which was considered a most barbarous thing, was to burn all the idols of the Indians, so that they could no longer follow them, and that Is what will have to be done here — ^burn their idols. Metaphorically speaking? Oh, naturally. They are an artistic race, are they not? They could hardly be called an artistic race except in a very limited degree. They cannot devise anything themselves, but in imitation they are very good. They enjoy music very much, do they not? They have a marvelous faculty for retaining music, and they are very responsive to music, but originality in the crea- tion of music they have none. For instance, an Indian will hear a melody on the luneta and he will retain it to such an ex- tent that he will write it out afterwards— hours afterwards. 69 The Senate Document and Romanism ^ They have sufficient knowledge of music to read It? Many of them. They have a prodigious memory, but a ma- jority play by ear. This prodigious memory Is noticeable In other things as well as music. They need It in their language, don't they? I have had students — sacerdotal students, who could take a book and learn it from beginning to end, and .repeat it like a parrot, and not know one word of what it meant. In that they are marvelous. Many who make np these orchestras here — they must read music as well as play by ear? There are many conductors of orchestras that have been in the Spanish regimental bands, and a great many of the men themselves can read music, but there is a large number who play by ear. Do they have a fondness for a particular kind of music, or does all music please them? They love all music, but they are particularly entranced by this light music. Do you think their taste for classical music could be im- proved by hearing it? Yes, sir. They will never interpret it with the soul and feeling of a person of the white race, but they will interpret it mechanically, all of it, without leaving anything out. I have observed that the painters, these day laborers, really have considerable faculty with the brush on the walls. The pinnacle the master has reached, they have reached, but always imitative. They never can go beyond their teacher. Do they make good copies from the old masters? I have never seen what might be called a copy of superior worth, but I have eeea some that might be termed fair. I have some rather good ones in my house. ^ I have understood that they have considerable faculty in mechanical engineering, in running engines and such things. They have very skillful hands for any work of that kind. Are they pretty good surveyors and railroad engineers— of that sort which requires much originality? Entering upon avocations which require much mathemati- cal knowledge, they are not so good. The science of mathe- matics is one th^ey cannot grasp. That requires too much of the logical faculty? Yes, sir. That is beyond them. In merely elementary arithmetic they are fairly good, but when you get to higher mathematics, where the reasoning faculties are brought into play, they cannot nope with them. I think their "taste for music must have been developed by the Spanish language. What your grace is now saying to me sounds like melody. No ; that is innate with them. This development of their Innate musical sense is largely attributable to the religious exer- cises. At the beginning, when the missionaries first came here they conducted their services with a great deal of singing to attract the natives. Most of the musicians who have shown any aptitude in their art, have been graduates of the Cathedral The Senate Document and Romanism CVjiiege, Abbie music was taught, and up to a few ye&is ago that was the only institation where music was taught at all. Is music taught in other places now throughout the archi pelago? There has always been a musical school here called the School of Singing, which is an annex to the cathedral. This is sacred music? I*-' is sacred music after Instruction in the elementary prin- elples. Are the people much affected by religious emotions? ' Oh, yes, sir. Do they take to it and then lose it rapidly? As they have no social life except in their religious ohserv* ances, the daily and extraordinary religious functions have be- come a necessity to them. They are very much affected by the imagery and grandeur of the Catholic ceremony, are they not? Tes, sir ; to such an extent that I believe it would be use- less to endeavor to implant here any religion which did not have that optical grandeur and splendor which our church has. As a proof of this, in a town where it is customary to have a reli- gious procession and take out a saint with candles, etc., if there Is a failure to do that, there is a general saddened feeling exis^ ant throughout the people of the town. They miss something. So great was the attraction of these outside religious functions In the time of the Spaniards in Manila, when they had these great religious processions, it would attract these spirits from the mountains, and they would come down to town in great numbers, and that was the time for the authorities to get hold of them and tax them, and then hie them back to the woods. So much is their musical taste an innate faculty; and so respon- sive are they to it, that the way the original missionary fathers Bucceeded in getting religious thoughts inculcated into the people was by translating the Bible into their language, and putting it into the form of song, and the entire sacred Testa- ment was thus made plain to them, and they sang it enthusiasti- cally from Genesis to Revelation. That plan was brought from Mexico. They are a curious race because they present such incon- sistencies. At least so it seems to me. In manner they are quite imperturbable, and in suffering and that sort of thing. On the outside they are imperturbable, but it is affected. It is not what it seems. That is one great error into which those who observe them are likely to fall— to be led by that imper- turbability to imagine that they are valiant, that they have stamina when they have not. In domestic ways they are iffectionate to their children, I have observed. Even in that particular they are very peculiar. Their affec- tion for their children is more that of the animal than human. It is very expressive, the same as an animal ; but even then, to show that it partakes more of the animal than the human, they sometimes become ferocious and go to extremes that only ani- mals Tirould go to in the treatment of their offspring. 61 The Senate Document and Romanism hs between themselves and toward animals, too, they seem to bi without compassion. Tber'e is absolutely no sincetity in their friendship, and they hare no pity. During the revolution I have observed that they have rarely violated the laws of war toward the Americans, but In terror- izing their own people they have been guil .y of the most out- rageous brutality? Yes, even to the extent of burying them alive, cutting off their arms, their legs, and cutting out their tongues. How many parishes are there in your diocese? There are 219 priests. There are three kinds of parishes- parishes, mission parishes, and active missions ; but some of them are very large parishes by reason of the want of priests. Can you tell me, generally, how these parishes are officiated —"by what orders and by what classes of priests, I mean, be- fore 1896? Augnstinians, 75; Eecoletos. 59; Franciscans, 47; Domi- nicans, 14, and secular clergymen, 24. Were the secular clergy natives? All. Outside of the regular orders the rest of clergy were all natives? Here [handing statement to president] is a state- ment which shows the number of parish priests and mission- aries in the archipelago, another giving the number of priests In each djocese, and lastly the number of souls in each diocese, which I have brought for you. Was it not a factj by reason of the absence of other Span- lards in most of the parishes, that the Spanish government came to rely on the Spanish priest as the strongest support of government thrpughout the islands? Yes; as the only element in. which the government could place any confidence and who had any intelligence. And, as a consequence, the government was in the habit of imposing civil functions, either by law or by custom, upon most of the parish priests? We have interrogated a number of gentlemen who preceded your grace, and I suppose you concur in their evidence that they were inspectors of schools, that they took the census, and that they were, in a sense, police agents, upon whom the government called for information concerning the character of the people in their parishes? That is all very true, except that these parish priest? gave no reports as to the private life of the individual, because that would be contrary to the tenets of the church. I want to ask one question, if it is not going beyond the bounds — that is, if these people were sincere in their con- fessions? I think so. They were affected by their religious emotions. Those who draw near to the confessional are all 'sincere, but all do not draw near. It is a great thing to get some things Into the character of the people that are genuine and true, for upon that you can gradually build up to what is worth something. That Is very true. The Senate Document and Romanis m The parish priests also were really the adviseris of 6vei|h body in the vUlage, offlcial and otherwise? That is true. And being loyal to Spain and representing the governmenk of Spain in so many capacities, was it not natural that those Who began the insurrection against Spain should have a hos- tility toward these representatives? It is very natural. All the more so since this feeling of tnmity was not so much that of the great mass of the people as ithose who constituted this revolting element against the sover- tignty of Spain. I want to ask your grace about the relative proportion among the people of this active revolting element to which yeference has been made. Ton would have to run over the entire archipelago in your mind to arrive at that figure. In the beginning it was only the Tagalogs ; now it has spread, and yet it is only a mlnnte pro- portion, because this element of disturbance is only composed of those people who call themselves educated, and even from those people you have to subtract a certain proportion. That is what I want to find out. Of course your grace can not say exactly, but I would like to get your idea of the pro- - portion of the so-called educated Tagalogs to the mass. '" Judging from the data, collected by ecclesiastics, which Is the only data on which any reliance can be placed up to the present time, the Filipino population, leaving out of course those who are in a semi-savage state in the forest, is about 7,- 000 000. The so-called educated element does not amount to . 6,000. That excludes, o£ course, those who ki^ow only how to read and'write, and includes only those who have had a college education — those who have taken a secondary course and who are in the professions. The masses who are in the insurrec- tionary ranks' you would not have to pay any attention to ; they are either led by fear or by ignorance. I want t6 tell you a conversation I had with a young edu- cated Filipino, who was going to the United States to continue his studies. I said to him that I was glad he was going, be. cause I wanted him to go to a country where he should Under- stand what real individual liberty was; that there he would find out that it was possible for a minority to live under the rule of the majority; that his idea or the idea of the Filipino as to liberty was the right of the majority to rule and imprison or cut the throats of the minority, and he responded to me, with considerable impatience, that that was the feeling, possibly, among the masses, but that among the governing and educated element there was a very different feeling, ^nd that between the educated Filipino and the masses there was an immensity of space that we could not appreciate. What can be said is that the masses of the people still re tain a little bit of common sense ; whereas, those who boast of being the high and mighty have lost it entirely. It is a pity. ' but it 19 true. They are nothing but overgrown children, who by mimicking civilization believe that they have reached the height of civilization. 63 Th e Senate Document and Romanism Are not the mass of the people, as are most rural comroani- ties, simple, and have that kind of honesty which comes with Bimplicilj? Within the conditions of their race they have that native honesty and simplicity. In times gone by, prior to the revo- lution of 1896, the mass of the people had a simplicity that was really enchanting. One could travel around without a guard into the provinces and go through an immense lot of people, and they would always receive him with open arms. They were very hospitable and the first house you come to you could take and use as your own. They are generally a very hospitable race, are they not? Yes, sir. They get that from the Spaniards? By no means. Of course, the Christian civilization the Spaniards have brought them has developed this, but in all the Malayan races you will find a certain innate kindliness and hospitality. They certainly have derived from the Spaniards the courtesy of manners and politeness ? Of course, they may have learned some of that. Have they not more skill in instrumental music than in vocal music? Their voices are hardly trained? A, great deal more, for I have never known in adults of single case where a voice might be called a superior voicr ; but among the young children, when their voices are «vhat might be called soprano, there have been some that would attract at- tention anywhere. Then they make fine choir boys? Tes, sir. They have no chests. ' They are a very pusil- lanious race. There have been cases where a man died of fright. It could not be otherwise, for look at what they have to live on — a little bit of rice and a small piece of fish— and the spirit has to be in relation with the physical organism. They are very temperate, are they not? Y;.s, sir. They do not eat much and &o not drink much. On some feast days they may fill themselves without meas- ure, but that is about once a year. They eat for a whole month. The strain of a Filipino lunch I have undergone myseU, with the great number of courses they have. • Whenever they eat at somebody's else expense they always eat well, and when they give a banquet or anything of that kind it Is to an exaggerated degree, but after the banquet is over all they eat in the house is a little bit of fish and a little bit of rice. This fact makes them very subject to being carried oflf by epidemics? Tes 3 and their method of living in nonhygienic surround<- ings. They are cleanly in their person, are they not? Otherwise the smell of their bodies would be unendurable. Those who are extremely careless about their personal condition are the Chinese. All of this goes to prove that the climatic con- ditions of Manila are remarkably good, because the hygienic 64 The Senate Document and Romanism conditions have been anything but good and would rather invite epidemiea, and yet they have escaped them. I agree with you in that. 1 think it is one of the most re- markable archipelagos in the world. Yes, sir: you have a diversity of cHmate here, and while you do not get the frigid climate you have all the temperate zone temperatures. The percentage of illness in the Army is lower than it would be in the southern portion of the United States? Yes, sir; and that, too, when the conditions in the field are anything but the best. Now, about the stipend paid the 'parish priests by the Gov- ernment of Spain — that varied from $500 to $1,200. The highest salary paid was $1,200, which was paid to from ten to twelve parishes in the entire archipelago. ' The others were $900, $800, $600, and $500. How were the churches built in your see? The same as in all the rest of the archipelago. Usually at the initiative of the parish priests, who usually utilized an amount which was appropriated by the government of Spain for a church-building fund, which was fivn, six, and eight hun- dred dollars, according to the category of the parish. In fact, in the majority of cases, by the aid of J.he parishioners them- selves, because it was always the greatest ambition of the in- habitants of a barrio to become first a rounicipality by them- selves and next a parish, and very often for the purpose of get- ting a. government for themselves they would advance funds for a church — help to build a church. A parish usually had one church in the moir papt of the town? Each town contained one parish church. The civil unit was also, the ecclesiastical unit. The parish and the pueblo were identical. , And the pueblo was like our township Let the United States. and the province was made up of pueblos, each ivith a numbei of barrios? ^ Yes, sir; and at times these barrios surrouttded the pueblo. Now, in the barrios, could not they haife churches as well as in towns? No. Only a species of chapels — just for the purpose ol having once a year a function in honor of the titular saint of that barrio, and also for the use of those who by reason of their distance from the central church could not go there to perform their religious devotions. 1 believe the ordinary canonical rule was that a, person was not obliged to attend church by going more than 4 or 5 miles? That was not an obligation. It was only a recommenda^ tion. About 4 leagues. That was only » recommendation, so that enough churches might be built to prevent anybodyfrom going more than 4 leagues. In whose name is the land on which the churches stand? In the name of the superior authority of the diocese, who was the bishop. But, as a matter of fact, there were no writ- ten deeds, because the church, the seminary, and the parsonagr were considered as public buildings, so that even after the reg- 65 The Senate Document and Romanism istration was instituted they were not recorded, and this grows out of the provision of the Spanish law, which is based on the provision of the canonical law, that everything that is devoted to worship is outside of commerce and trade. Now the house in which you live — is the title to that regis- tered? I do not know of any registration of it. History recounts, so far as I have been able to investigate, that in the seventeenth 'century the plot on which the former residence stood (for it had been changed in time) a Mexican secular priest built the house out of his own funds, and in his will left it to his successor. The reason this Mexican bishop had to build it out of. his own pocket was that there were not sufficient government funds, as it was an obhgation of the Spanish government to build churches, provide seminaries, and oonventos, and build a palace for the bishop, all of which grows out of a compact between the Pope and the government of Spain that th^ should endow churches and priests to carry on religious teachings. Now the cathedral is held in the same way? This cathedral has been destroyed four times by fire and earthquakes, but it was not built by public funds originally, but by several archbishops. The government has, however, invest- ed about $200 in one or two reconstructions of it. And the land on which it stands — that is what ordinarily makes the titles to the building? That was government land. All of these islands were called royal lands. My questions are directed toward a straightening .out of the titles, because where there is separation of church and state you have got to have separate titles. Yes, sir; now it has got to assume another form. What my question leads up to is the proper form of action to be taken by the government of the islands, represeating the government of the United States, to give to the church and to the Catholics of the parish the legal title to the property used for worship, and to the parsonages and seminaries, because we are not here to rob the Catholic church. The government may. make mistakes, but it will never do an injustice. I have been so certain of this that I did not, like others, take any precaution to assure the title to my property, for I felt certain the government would protect me in the matter. I understand that by the canonical law the person in whose name the property belonging to the church should stand is the bishop — ^that is, he is the person representing the church in the diocese, and that it is the duty of each bishop to make a will securing the property to his successor? That is correct. We have had communication from various people in the provinces who say, "we built this church," and, yet it stands on state property, and we should like to have the title cleared up in some way. Now, would this kind of conveyance express the real title: "To the archbishop or the bishop of the diocese, for the use of the Catholic residents of the particular pueblo"? Yes; that is the proper way to proceed. 66 The Senate Document and Romanism Of course the only questions that are likely to arise will be (like the Jan Jose case) with respect to such other properties, I am told, to which complete religious character is not assured; but with respect to all property used for worship or mere nee essary adjuncts to worship— the seminary, the parsonage— there will not be the slightest trouble about our giving to the churc^ that property and giving the church a legal title. I do not mean to intimate that the other property may not be of the same char- acter, but of this there can be no doubt. Yes ; this is very clear, and the rest will go on clearing up, too. Now what I want your grace to explain to me is the " obras plas " and the ' ' obras mitre. " Those funds whose administration is directly and exclu- sively in the hands of the bishop are called "obras plas of the mitre," but those generally known as " obras pias" are intrust- ed to the administration of another party, or of another entity under the jurisdiction of the bishop. Sometimes it is controlled by a single person and sometimes by a board; ordinarily it is a board. That is the only difference between what is known as the "mitre" fund and the " obras pias" fund. Now what goes to make up the " obras pias "? In the year 1850 several " obras pias," which were intended for separate objects and which are administered by different people, were brought together and centralized, and put under one direction. The funds which constitute what is knoira here as the "general obras pias" are four: Santo Domingo, San Francisco,. Isabel, and the Becolletos. These four funds were managed by four different people, and when the funds were all joined together these four formed a board for the management of them all. The joining or bringing together of these four funds was by order of the Spanish government, whose idea was to found this Spanish- Filipino Bank, and which, as a matter of fact, was founded by the union of these four funds. The gov- ernment was very anxious to establish a bank, and they be- tliought themselves that the easiest way (recognizing their right of Intervention in ecclesiastical matter by pontifical authority) was to unite the four funds. Under the by laws these four funds are to be managed so as to produce the greatest benefit for the objects for which they are intended, They are usually employed in advancing money upon mortgages to land property titles. The archbishop presides over the annual meeting of this board, but they have to render account to him at all times. The income of the fund is used to pay expenses of the masses, to build charitable Institutions, and to discharge other pious works, as I understand it? Yes, sir. All of these funds were originated by Spaniards. There are no natives interested whatever in it. Aside from the religious and pious eijds to which the income of these funds are devoted they also pay yearly portions of the income to the de- scendants of the original makers of those funds according to the will of the man who founded the fond. They do not, however, turn over any of the income to the general treasury of the religious orders except for services ren- dered in giving mass and that sort of thing. 6T The Se nate Document and Romanism The only amounts which are paid over to the treasury of ^he different orders are such as the founders of the fund them- gelves ordered should be paid over at certain times, and those ace handed directly over to the different orders for different pur- poses, according to the behests of the founders of the fund, under the supervision of the archbishop. There are some of these funds destined every year to the convent of Santa Clara, and some to missionary work in China. The regular orders here are no more beneficiaries than any other beneficiary of a will would be. As I understand it, the fund of the " obras pias " is princi- pally occupied in supporting the larger part of the capital of the Filipino Bank. Is it still there? There have been large accretions to the original fund, and I do not know now what proportion of the capital it represents, but in the beginning It was the capital of the bank. I do not remember the figures very well, but I have an idea that when the several funds were paid over at first for establishing the bank, they amounted to f 600,000. Would your grace be willing to give me a general estimate as to the amount the "obras pias" has now reached and its annual income? I cannot tell you offhand, but I can get It for yon and fur- nish it to you in writing. There is a great deal of misinformation on the general sub- ject of ecclesiastical ownership of property here, and I want to clear it up if I can. I understand that very well, and f nlly recognize myself the aptness and proneness of the people in this society to attribute wrong doings and evil impulses to everybody. I have always proceeded on the plan to give out everything, and will be glad to have the opportunity. As to the "mitre fund," is that like the other, except that your grace administers it as archbishop, and it wag provided in the fund that you should administer it? It is administered by the secretary of the archbishop. This " mitre fund," or what goes to make the "mitre fund" now, was originally known as a fund, administered by differ! ent for different purposes. It was publicly administered, and a certain archbishop ordered it to be united and made Into one fund and put under the direct supervision of the archbishop. What was the source of the fund? It is a pious legacy, given for mass only. And that is under the direct control of the secretary for the archbishop? Yes, sir. It has now grown to be a large fund ? The only way in which it has grown is by the enhancefl value of the property from which the legacy flows. But I suppose the contributions of those who died and left these legacies continued and increased? There are also losses by typ oons, fires and earthquakes. Have you any agricultural property in either of these funds? In the general " obras pias," not in the " mitre." Yes but it is all recorded. ' •# 68 The Senate Document and Ro manism Would you object to giving me a statement of that? I shall be glad to A man who can tell you more abbut It than I is the chief justice of the supreme court. Up to his ap- pointment he was the administrator. Then 1 will ask him to give me a statement, if you do not object. ' The data I will furnish myself, because it iS all in the sec- retary's office, but if you want any interpretation, I would sug- gest that you ask Judge Arellano. I have found in my judicial experience that there is a great difference between rumors and facts. I want to get the facts. Tou will find that difference to be greater in the Philippines than anywhere else, because Manila is a city of lies. Will you be good enough in this statement, which you say you will prepare for me, to give me a general statement of the income of the two funds before 1896? I do not want to go into details, but in round numbers. What was the system with respect to the assignment of priests in the parishes? Were they ordinarily kept in the same parish during their life, or were they rotated? There was a different method of designating men for the different parishes^ but no one ever stayed in one parish for a lifetime. They were under the jurisdiction of the superior. What has heretofore been called the ? The and also the provincials. The provincials exercised an authority then, under the arch- bishop with respect to the rotation of the priests? Yes, sir. The provincial of the order would recommend to the arch- bishop a change, and then it would be made with his concur- rence? Exactly. So that the immediate discipline of the parish priests was under the provincial of the order, and thatwas under the super- vision of the archbishop? Yes, sir. Were any charges of immorality ever made during your in- cumbency against the priests in your see? Yes; accusations — many. And they were, of course, investigated? All investigated ; but with results in only seven or eight cases. Do you think it possible that immorality might have existed among others, and the provincials of the order not know it? A few cases might have existed, but, generally speaking, it would have been very difficult. But the great difficulty here; as the American authorities will soon discover, is to get at the truth of the charges. It has often happened whe& I have been investigating certain rumors regarding the priests, to find the natives likely to say " yes " to-day and "no" to-morrpw. In certain cases I have had papers from Indians bearing th«ir sig- natures, making their accusations against parish priests, and when asked if they signed that paper they would say " Yes," and then I would ask if it was so, and they would say " No," 69 The Senate Document and Romanism that tbey signea ic becaase someone asked them to do so. Another serious obstruction to the aciministration of justice In these cases is that even when actual guilt exists, they will) in making the charges, surround them with so many lies and im- material accusations that to sift out the truth is almost an im- possibility, and they really render the charges useless by this false and infamous calumny. Do you think that the immorality, such as existed, was the cause of any hostility on the part of the parishioners against the priests? Absolutely none at all, because they have lio moral sense. The principle in this lies in that they do not ever complain against a priest, no matter whether he has this or that ugly vice. The only time they complain is when they have a little revenge to reap. Do they complain against the native priests? Sometimes, very seldom, where there is a clash of interests. Otherwise they never accuse them. On the whole, the native priests are much less rigid in their morality than the Spanish priests, are they not? A great deal less. As in the physical sense he is weaker, so also is he in the moral. It must also be recognized as a fact that a native priest at the head of the parish has much less pres- tige than a white priest. Now as to the chastity of the Philippine women ; they are not generally and promiscuously unchaste, are they? No, they are not. It is true of all people that there is more chastity in women than in men, hut here it is especially notice- able. I have observed that they are quite modest according to their lights. Now while they are not promiscuously unchaste, , I have heard it said that there is a good deal of disregard for the necessity of the ceremony of marriage before they begin to live together as man and wife. But in turn the Indian woman living in concubinage is al- ways restless. She wants to have her marriage solemnized in order to legitimatize the children. And she is usually faithful to the man with whom she is living? Generally, yes; and generally the man is not.. The woman is better than the man here in every way. In intelligence, in virtue, and in labor ; and a great deal more economical. She is very much given to trade and trafficking. If any rights or priv- ileges are to be granted to the natives, do not give them to the men but to the women. Then you think it would be much better to give the women the right to vote than the men? Oh, much mol-e. Why, even in the fields it ia the women who do the work. The men go to the cockfights and gamble. And the men have no hesitancy about living on the earnines of the women? The woman is the one who supports the man here; so every law of justice demands that even in political life they should have the privilege over the men. You have to conform to nature. I must render just tribute to the American army here 70 The Senate Document and Romanism I have noticed all along the copslderatlon they have had for the women. It is worthy of comment. If they had been Spaniards, or Italians, or Frenchmen, they would have committed more breaches in the line of morality than the American soldier has. Thronghoat the provinces the rumor had run that the American soldier was a beast in every way— a savage. As to the looting of the churches— how much was done by the volunteers? I have understood that they have been very severely punished for what they did. The dislike of the native women to the American is due a great deal to the despoliation of the churches, for, as ia other countries, she is more religions naturally than the man, and a great deal of that was done. What has created the greatest outcry against the American troops was the treatment of the sacred images in the churches— tearing off arms and throwing them outside like a puppet. That has ceased since the volunteers went away? Yes There were very many good men among those for- mer volunteers; but, naturally, the bad element controlled. As to possibility of the parish priests obtaining the depor- tation of men whom they thought ought to be banished from the community by application to the governor-general — will you kindly give me your view on that? Those are very rare cases. There have been a few. Upon the petition of a parish priest any deportation ensuing is a very rare case. As to the deporattion of men by the civil authorities upon their own investigation, assisted in a way by the parish priests, but not upon his initiative, there were several ; but the civil authorities generally made the accusation against the man, and the governor general would ask the parish priest to report upon the facts in the case, and he rendered that report, and it was understood to be entirely confidential, and It might be for or against the man, and afterwards, when deportation ensued, very often the local civil authority would give it out that the parish priest made the accusation, and naturally it brought upon him the dread of the community. That has been done in all sections of the island, but principally among the Tagalogs. Now, I want to talk with your grace a little on the school question? That is very important. We are charged with the duty of establishing a public Bcbool sys: em here, and the only way we can make it a good system at all is to levy substantial taxes. I think that the time when that will be a proper proceeding will be delayed considerably. It is true that the best use that can be made of the proceeds of taxation Is in education. Ton have laid down the principle that the best thing to do at the beginiing is to establish a good public school system, and I will lay down the principle that you will have to do it independently of the Indian. To give the administration of the schools to him is to throw the money in the flre. Q. We expect to retain sufficient control over the system to prevent that if we can, but what we need most is the co-oper- ation of the church. A It has always been the desire of the church tQ instruct 71 The Senate Document ana Romanism the children in order to make a good foundation for religious training, and you want to awaken the intelligence of the child sufficient to enable him to grasp the civil side of life. Q. You know the restrictions placed upon the disbursement of money in America raised by taxation in that it must be non- sectarian. But this is a Catholic country, and it will be a better country as it is a better Catholic country, and we wish to give as full opportunity as we can, subject to the restrictions I have mentioned, for the instruction of the school children, either be- fore or after the regular instruction, by the priest or teacher whom the church will Select, in morality and religion, and we wish to give the same opportunity to other churches. Now, such a system has worked in some parts of America. 'In a great many parts of America no religious instruction is permitted in the schools at all, but we are in a different country, and so long as we keep within the line of not ourselves paying people for instruction in a particular religion, we want to give full oppor- tunity to the operation of the church in moral and religious in- struction to the children, and we have said to our superintendent of instruction that while it is not possible, of course, to dis- criminate in favor of Catholic teachers in selecting those whom we hope to bring out here, we are very anxious in any legitimate way to make that number a just and fair proportion. A. That is a very good idea. Q. We are very anxious, in every way that we can legiti- mately, to secure the powerful co-operation of the Catholic church in educational and other measures. A. The government may rely upon that naturally, for if only for our own pride we would endeavor to cultivate religious principles. Q. How many priests in your see were assaulted or im- prisoned during the revolutions of 1896 and 1898? A. Nearly all of them outside of Manila. Q. How long were they kept in prison? A. Almost up to the time this rescue took place, when the Americans advanced up to the north and down to the Camarines. Were any of them killed? At the beginning, . in Zambales, they killed three. After- wards the leaders of the insurrectory movement in the field treated them very well— so much so that they gave them every- thing they had. So much so that the Spanish officers and soldiers came to got the crumbs of hospitality, which goes to prove that the people do not hate the priests as much as the Katipunans would make one believe. To what do you attribute this hostility against the friars- such as existed? Because the parish priest was always the terror to evil doers, and the few who had ideas of independence and could explam them did not want any European witnesses of what they were trying to do with the mass of the people. The missionary, be he a friar or secular priest, was always an agent of order and morality, and that is what they disUked. Those who Uked to live by fishing ,n troubled waters did not want any missionary around them. Another reason for the hatred of the friars is that all of these Katipunans, who want independence, want 72 The Senate Document and Romanism nothing but native priests, because they can manage them and make them their instruments, and they know that they could not manage the white priests, and therefore they are trying to make the people hate the white priests. It has been charged that some of the feeling against the friars was due to the reported action of the friars against Rizal. Will you be, good enough to tell me — to give me an account of the proceedings against Rizal from the standpoint of the Spanish government and of a Spaniard who was here? I will be very glad to do so, because it is one of the greatest calumnies that has been cast upon the church. The case of Rizal is one in which the church had no interference whatever, beginning with the archbishop down to the lowest friar. They have all made the effort to hang that accusation upon the friars. Rizal was in Europe and he came over to the Philippines and oiganized what he called the "Philippine League," and the gov- ernment sought to see in that an element of uprising among the people, and they bethought themselves of sending him to Dapit, oft the coast of Mindanao. He then asked permission of General Blanco to go to Cuba as a volunteer surgeon. That permission was granted, and he came up from the island of Dapit to Manila, but they did not let him come on shore, but held him here until the Spanish mail steamer arrived, and then went to Barcelona. While he was on hia way to Barcelona the uprising of 1896 occurred. The military authorities, by order of General Blanco, instituted an inquiry before a military tribunal, which was en- tirely military, and it appeared that Rizal was complicated in this insurrectory movement. When they discovered from the result of this investigation that he was implicated in it, the civil governor telegraphed to have him apprehended at Barce- lona on his arrival and returned to Manila. The inquiry was continued at this time, not only against him, but others who were also alleged to be implicated with him, and the result of the military tribunal was the sentence of death. In the whole of that trial there was no written or verbal testimony by any- one connected with the priests. It was a military tribunalf hearing a case without the slightest intervention of the reUgious orders; but, following the usual custom of attributing every- thing that was arduous, that was bad, that was wrong, to the religious element, they cast this slander upon them, which has no foundation in fact whatever; and, besides, I myself took personal pains in behalf of some others who were charged about that (but not with him) with complicity in this insurrectory movement, and I succeeded in saving their lives, but not one ever said anything about that, and they are walking around Manila daily. It has always been the custom to attribute every killing by judicial decree for political offenses in the islands to the friars without any ground whatever. Do you know Aguinaldo? Yes sir. In Cavite, when he was presidente, he honored toe a great deal with music. What kind of a man is he? He is poor. I can not say whether he is cultured or un- cultured. He has odly had three years' course in secondary in- struction, without any benefit to himself. 73 The Senate Document and Romanism Does he speak Spanish? I do not know whether he has learned any since he has been in the field, bnt before he conld not follow a conversation in Spanish. Bat hasn't he more force of character than the men he has gathered abont him? Not at all. Circumstances have favored him. No especial personal merit at all. His only claim was dne to the fact that he was the first to rise against the Spanish Government and kill a few men of the gnardia civil in Cavite, which, with their proneness to exaggerating everything, they construed into a great victory, and he was carried on the flood tides of popularity. He has no personal valor whatever. August 7, 1900. THE BISHOP. OF JARO. Q. How large is your diocese? A. All the island of Panay, of Negros, the district of Bomblon, and Zamboanga and Jolo. Q. Yon have a beautiful part of the archipelago, I am told? A. Tes, sir. Q. How many parish priests were there in your diocese 06. fore the revolution? A. Abont two hundred, inclnding the missions. Q. Can you state generally how these priests were divided with relation to the religions orders? » A. As follows: Twenty-six parishes were presided over by native priests. Three parishes, which were next adjoining the see, and two neighboring islands and all of what is known as the district of Eclan, which is more than one-half the province ot Capiz. All the rest of the island of Fanay, which is composed of three provinces, Iloilo, Capiz, and Antique, were with the Augustinian fathers. The Becoleios were in the district of Bomblon, Palawan, and the island of Bolava. The Jesuits were in Mindinao and Jolo. I will spnd you to-mor.' ow the number of each order in the districts mentioned. The bishopric did not have to be presided over by the members of any order. My predecessor was a Becoleto, but the one prior td him was not. Jaro is the most recent bishopric. Q It was created out of the diocese of Cebu? A.' Yes, sir. Q What civil or political functions did the priests in your diocese actually perform? I do not mean what the law re-" quired them to perform, but what was thrust on them by the Spanish government, and what did they actually do? A. By reason of the fact that there were hardly any edu- cated men at all in the provinces, the priests were called upon to perform almost every cfflce, administrative and executive, of a civil character, but he usually occupied the position of pre- siding ofScer of provincial boards. For instance, when I arrived here in 1876 and was designated to go to the Visayas to learn the language, in a province of 300 000 there were only four Spaniards, and consequently they had to rely on the parish 74 The Senate Document and Romanism priests to make a connection between the go-vernment and the people. Q. How long did It take you to learn the Visayan language? A. 'Fourteen months. Q. Ton learned It sufficiently well in that time to preach in It? A. Yes, sir; in four months yon could learn enough to transact business. Q. Is it more difficult than the Tagalog? A. They are all about the same. Q. What do you think of the characteristics of the Visay- ans as compared with the Tagalogs? A. More pacific and quiet. They are more humble and sub- missive. One of the proofs of that is that all of the Tagalogs that go from here immediately impose on the people and get the best out of them. It may be that the Tagalogs have a more worldly knowledge than the Visayans. It must also be borne in mind that the Tagalogs in this part of the islands have had ipore rubbing up against the foreign element. When I went there and up to a very recent time, there were no foreigners in that se considered necessary. A. Up to a very few years ago there was ao such thing an the recording of title deeds, and consequently no deeds were given. Most was held by right of prescription, for there being' no recorder's office, it was passed from one to another by word of mouth. Q. Now in the United States (for I do not know how it Is in other countries), the title of the church Is usually in the name of the bishop or the archbishop. Is that followed in these islands? A. That is the custom here also. Q. And the bishop, when he dies, maKts a will In which he conveys his property to his successor? A. The same here. According to canonical law the bishop is the representative of the church. Q. We want to do justice here, aud we want to have the property to go to the person to whom it belongs, even thoNigh the records may not be straight. Now, don't you think it would be in accordance with canonical law, and in accordance with the equity and justice of the case, should the title of the churches and conventos now in the government of the United Stated by transmission from the government of Spain, be trans- ferred by the authorized representative of the United States to the bishop of the diocese for the use of the Catholic inhabitants of the parish? I assume there are many places where there is no title, and there are probably cases where the churches and former times was the population, and everv year a list of the population was made up ostensibly by the gobernadorcilio, but the only sta- tistics there were in these pueblos were the parish registers kept by the friars, and the friars compelled the gobernadorcillos, therefore, to come to them and let them vis^ the lists that were sent in to the provincial governor, and naturally increased them so as to increase salary. Q. So to swell the taxes they robbed the cradle and the grave? A. They augmented .the cradle but diminished the grave. The friars had a system of blackmail by which ^hey held the rod over all the citizens of a pueblo, about whose habits and closet skeletons they learned through mkking little girls of from five to six and seven years of age, who could bare^ speak, and who were naturally and must have been sinless, come to the confessional and relate to them everything that they knew of the private life in their own homes and in places that they might visit. Q. Did they take an active part in the improvements or whatever was done in the town? A. It may be said that they had full direction and charge of all the public works in their different jurisdictions, except such as were of a nature demanding the supervision of a corps of engineers under the board of public works at Manila, who were always Spaniards, naturally, to direct the public works in the pueblos ; they always had to live in the convent with the friars so as to get into their good graces, for if they did not, the friars would report them as being derelict in their duty or with • misappropriating funds. Q. What can you say about the fees collected by the priests for marriages, etc. A. I cannot state positively what the, fees charged are, but I can say that they are very heavy, and always increasing, be- cause I have to pay the birth, marriage, and burial fees of all of my tenants and servants, and they are charged on an ever- increasing scale. The slighest improvement made to a church or convent is used as a pretext for enormously increasing these fees. The fees are very burdensome to the landed proprietor, for the Filipino, unfortunately, when he gets an idea, acts on it without caring for the consequences, and if he feels like getting married, even though he is very poor, he will get" married and have children, for all of which his landlord has to pay. Q. What do you know about the morality or immorality of the friars? A. Too much. I have nothing to add to what Senor Calde- ron says, save to cite some more names. Q. Have you known a good many young women and young 111 The Senate Documejtt and Romanism men who were the reputed daughters and sons of friars? A. I have known a great many, and now have living on my own estate six children of a friar. Q. Were all the friars licentious? A. I believe that they all are. Q. Do you think that was the ground of hostility against the friars? A. No, sir; Csesarism was. Everything was dependent upon them, and I may say that even the process of eating was under their supervision. Naturally their immorality had a slight influence in the case, but it became so common that it passed unnoticed. Q. Does- the hostility exist against all the orders? A. Only against the four : The Augustinians in my prov- ince, the BecoUetos, the Dominicans — it existed against the Do- minicans in Fangasinan, for I have heard people living there speak of it when I visited them — and the Franciscans. Q. Why did it exist against the four and not against the Jesuits, FauliSit Fathers and Benedictines? A. fiecause the latter not having any parishes, the people did not know whether they were the same or not ; although we know historically that the Jesuits are the worst, but we have never had any palpable evidence. Q. You have never heard charges of immorality against the Jesuits? A. No. Q. Was this feeling in Fampanga- against the friars con- fined to the leading men in each town, to four or five, or did it permeate the lower classes? A. In former times only the upper class would express their opinions with respect to the friars, but since the friars have left their curacieSi the pent-up feeling of all classes 6f society is expressed, and the murders of priests and the attack-s upon priests which have recently occurred, are due entirely to the lower classes of society, and not even connived at or instigated . by the upper classes. Q. Charges have been made against the friars that they caused deportations of Filipinos. Do you know of such in- stances? A. Yes, sir. In my own province it was seen that the large majority of the friars, and more especially the now de- ceased friar Antonio Brabo, had great influence in the, deporta- tion of many influential citizens, as also in the incarceration of several of them in order to subsequently have them released so as to show their power with the authorities. I, myself, at the instigation of friars, have been the victim of their machinations, for they wanted me sent to Manila to be criminally prosecuted ; but thanks to the governor and to my father-in-law, who was a European, I escaped. Q. It is charged, also, that they were guilty of physical cruelty to their own members and others. What do you know about it? A. They were cruel, not only in their treatment of their servants by beating them, but they also took great delight in being eyewitnesses to tortures and beatings of men in prisons 112 jf/^g Senate Document and Romanism and jails by the civil authorities. They were always, when wit- nessing these acts, accompanied by some of the higher Spanish civil authorities, and these acts were usually carried out *t the instigation of the friars. One of the proofs that my own prov- ince behaved better than all the others— because it was under the governorship of Senor Canovas, who was a just man— is that it was the last to rise up in arms against Spain. Q. What have yon to say to the morality of the natlv* priests as compared to that of the friars? A. They are about en an even footing. All these priests now cffloiating have the same vices, and when you take Into account that they were purposely kept from following their nat- ural bent to obtain an education by the friars, in order to show the Pope that there was a natural want of capacity in the Fili- pino, it can be seen why they became easy tools of the Spanish priests and great mimics of them in their loose life. This de- sign to keep native priests from gaining a good education began in 1872. Q. Bid all of the friars change for the worse about that time? A. I am informed that they were bad before that time. Q, What do you think would be the result should the friars attempt to return to their parishes? A, I believe that the Carbonari methods would be applied to them. Q. And now about this school question, do you agree with Senor Calderon? A. Yes, sir. As the people are eminently Catholic In feel- ing, they would be pleased to have religious Instruction, pro- vided it were not compulsory, or they thought it were not com- pulsory. Q. You think possibly the arrangement by which the in- struction should be permitted by the priest or ministers of any religion, for half an hour before or half an hour after school, might, if the people understood it, work? A. My impression is that when you speak of ministers of any religion, the people would not look well upon Instruction being given in public schools. Q. I suppose you understand that all that is done and all that is proposed to be done in this matter is to say that the min- ister of any religion can come to teach the children who desire to be taught by that particular minister, and as there are likely to be few ministers in this island except the Catholic, it would probably work out that no one would go but the Catholics. A. Might it not be that owing to the dearth of churches and having a ready made congregation, the ministers of the different churches would flght to see who would get there first? Q. It would depend upon the wishes of the parents; in other words, if they were all Catholics that is the only instruc- tion that would be given there. A. I believe it would. Q. Will it not much change the relation of the priest to the people from what it was under Spanish times, when it comes to be understood that the churches must be supported by voluntarv contribution and that the government offers no more protection 113 The Senate Document and Romanism to the priest than to any other member of the commnnlty, and that the pries' occupies no political function whatever ? A. I believe it would solve the whole problem. Q. I understood you to say that the orders own nothing in Fampanga 7 A, None. Q. The agrarian question mentioned by Mr. Calderonis really a local question, affecting Cavite, Batangas, Bulacan, and Laguna ? A. Yes, sir ; and in the province of Manila. ■Q. It really plays very little part in Pampanga ? A. It may be said that Pampanga has always been happy, and even in the matter of curates we have had fairly good men as a rule. Q. From your general knowledge, do you think the pur- chase of the land would help out the agrarian question ? A. Yes; that would solve the problem;, but the United States ought not to pay more for the lands than the price that private individuals here have had to pay, and the friars got them at a lower figure, $1 for a square meter of first-clas^ rich lands with irrigation. Q. I suppose people in the islands— honest men— could be had to appraise these lands at what they are really worth ? A. They ought to be appraised at what they were worth formerly and not what they are worth to day. Q. Are they worth more to day 7 A. A great deal more. Under the right of eminent domain, they ought to be compelled to sell their lands at a fair pi;ice above what they paid for them, but not what they are worth now. Q. They have sold their lands, in a way, haven't they ? A. I can not state of my own knowledge, but it is a very current public rumor that some of them have made a flctitioas sale so as to get them In the name of another. Expressions of thanks. INTERVIEW WITH SENOR NOZARIO CONSTANTINO OF BIGAN, PROVINCE OF BULACAN, NOW RESIDING IN MANILA. October 19, 1900. Q. How long have you lived in the Philippines ? A. I was born here, and I am now flfty-eight, never having left the islands. Q Where were you born ? A. In Bigan, but when I became a lawyer I came down to live in Manila. Q. Have you been in the habit of going back to Bulacan * A. Constantly. All my interests and lands are there. 114 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. How much personal opportunity had jou before 1896 to know the relations, and the social, religious, and political atti- tude of the friars toward the people and the people toward the friars ? A I have had many opportunities. What the friars acting as parish priests have done for many years prior to 1896 is to commit flagrant abuses both in their private and public life. Q. Have you known many friars personally ? A. I have known a great many. Q. Do you know what class of society they were generally drawn from in Spain ? A. I do not know. Some of Iheni show they have received a fair education, but many others show that they only canie over here under the cloak of religion to gain a living. Q. Do you know of any agricultural, business, or residence property owned by any order of the friars from which they derive revenue ? A. I know that they own city property and also suburban property. They have a multitude of country estates. In Bula- can they have at least three or four, perhaps five, haciendas. Q. Can you tell the difiiarent orders owning estates in Bulacan 7 A. In the province of Bulacan is the hacienda of Pandi, Lolomboy, belonging to the Dominicans ; MaHnta, Danepdl, and Trece, to the Augustinians. Those are the shod Augustinians, as distinguished from those who go barefooted. The name of the Recolletor is "unshod Augustinians." Q. What political functions did the friars discharge be- fore 1896 in the villages in which they were parish priests ? A. The political functions that they exercised were those of ruling the entire country, every authority and everybody having to be subservient to their caprice. Q Do you know what were the relations between the heads of the Spanish government and the heads of the church here ? A. Generally speaking the governor general had to keep on the good side of the head of the church here, for he" knew full well that if he should do anything which'was displeasing to the archbishop that he would last a very short time in the Philippines. Q. What were the fees actually collected for the marriages and births and burials ? Were they oppressive or otherwise ? A. That depended entirely upon the caprice of the parish friar and the ability to pay of the person needing his services. Many times the latter would have to pay four times the official schedule. Q. What was the morality of the friars ? A. There was no morality whatever, and the story of the immorality would take too long to recount, Great immorality and corruption. ([ desire to say here that, speaking thus frankly about the habits of the priests, the witnesses would fear that they might be persecuted by the priest if it should ever get out what they were saying here.) Judge Taft. I don't expect to publish it. I expect to use it to make a report to the commission. Q. Have you known of the children of friars being about in Bulacan 7 115 The Se nate Document and Romanism A. Yes, sir. About the year 1840 and the year '50 every friar curate in the province of Balacan bad bis concubine. Dr. Joaquin Oonzales was the son of a curate of Baiiuag, and he has three sisters here and another brother, all children of the same friar. We do not look upon this as a discredit to a man. The multitude of friars who came here from 1876 to 1896 and 1898 were all of the same kind, and to name the number of children that they have would take up an immense lot of space. There was a case, for instance, of the governor of the province of Bulacan (and I know whereof I speak, for I have practiced law there for many years) who was named Canova, and he was a man who was very strict in the performance of bis official duty — an honest and an upright man. He endeavored to put a stop to the deportations of the friars, and they combined and called upon him in a body and asked him in a threatening man- ner if he desired to remain as governor of that province. He told them to go to hell; and they said. Now, if you don't want to stay here you better ask to be transferred to another pro- vince, because if you don't leave voluntarily you will not re- main here three months longer. A very short time after that he had to leave. Q. Did not the people become so accustomed to the re- lations which the friars had with the women that it really paid very little part in their hostility to the friars, assuming thai the hostility did exist 7 A. That contributed somewhat to the hostility of the people, tfiid they carried things in this regard with a very high hand, for if they should desire the wife or daughter of a man, and the husband opposed such advances, they would endeavor to have the man deported by bringing up false charges of being a filibuster or a Mason, and after succeeding in getting rid of the husband, they would, by foul or fair means, accomplish their purposes, and I will cite a case that actually happened to us. It was the case of a first cousin of mine, Dona Sopance, who married a girl from Baiiuag and went to live in Agonoy, and there the local friar curate who was pursuing his wife got him the position as registrar of the church in order to have him occupied in order that he might continue his advances with the wife. He was fortunate in this undertaking and succeeded in getting the wife away from the husband, and afterwards had the husband deported to Puerto Frincesa, near Jolo, where he was shot as an insurgent, and the friar continued to live with the widow and she bore him children. The friar's name is Jose Martin, an Augustinian friar. Q. Is he still in the islands 7 A. He was an old man, and he has gone over to Spain. This was in the year 1891, 1892, or perhaps 1893. Q. I want to ask you whether the hostility against the friars is confined to the educated and the better element among the people 7 A, It permeates all classes of society, and principally the lower, for they can do nothing. The upper class, by reason of their education, can stand them off better than the lower classes 116 The Senate Document and Romanism and this is the reason that the friars don't want the public to become educated. Q. Do the friars still retain any influence over the women of the lower orders ? A. Over some very fanatical women, yes. Q. But you think that feeling is not general among them? A. The hatred is general. The commission may And the proof of this by sending a trustworthy man to every pueblo in the archipelago to ask of the inhabitants if they want a friar curate, and all of them will answer no. Q. Does the feeling exist against all the orders ? A. Tes, against all the orders ; but of course principally against all the orders who have acted as curates. Of course, it is true there can be no great hatred of those Who have re- mained in their cloisters and have not htid an opportunity to commit the acts. Q. I have understood feeling against the Jesuits, Faulists, and Benedictines did not exist generally ? A. Up to this time I know nothing of them, because they have not occupied any of the curacies, but I have understood that where the Jesuits have occupied there have been some of them prone to commit abuses. Q. Do you know of other cases of deportations by the friars ? A. Many, a very great many deportations, but I can not trace absolutely to the friars all these deportations, for they are very skillful in throwing the stones' and hiding the hand; but there has been a large number of deportations that were due to no other known cause but the friars,, for no other ani- mosity, except on the part of the friars, existed against the parties deported. Q. What would you say as to the statement that the people desired the return of the friars, but that the only real opposition to it was among the native clergy ? A. Nothing of the kind. The clergy contributed in no way whatever to the feeling against the friars. The people are un- alterably oppose^ to the return of these men to their parishes. The clergy are rather on the fence waiting to. see what ihe gov- ernment is going to do, but as a fact they have no part what- ever in the animosity against the friars. Q. What do you think would be the result were the church to send here some American priests, secular priests, who under- stood the conduct of the church under the system of separation of church and state and who understood what it is to live in a free country ? A. The only thing that might be said to that is that no matter where the honest and upright priests come from, whether American or the Philippines or anywhere else, so long as he did not commit abuses such as the friars committed, and eo long as he was not a member of a monastic order, the people m The Senate Document and Romanisn would continue to be Catholics and would not inquire into tl nationality of their priests. Q. What about the morality of the native priests as con pared with the friars ? A. There is no comparison at all. Even when the nativ priest, following in the footsteps of his teacher, commii abuses and immoralities, he does it less openly or shameless: than the friar. One of the great reasons for the objections 1 the friar is that the spirit of union and solidarity which hole their religions communities together prevents punishment froi being visited upon the unworthy. If I were to go to the pn vincial of an order and lodge charges of heinous oSens( against the curate of my pueblo he would say, " I will fix that and eternity would pass before it was fixed ; and in some casi where outrageous conduct has been charged against the curat and public opinion was unanimous in crying for condign pu; ishment against the culprit, the provincial has arranged tl matter by taking the culprit away from that town and sendii him to a better one. This is public and notorious. In th very case that I spoke of, of Friar Jose Martin with my flr cousin, the latter went to Archbishop Nozaleda with lette which had passed between the friar and his wife. The lette were written in cipher understood only by the woman and tl friar, and with locks of his hair and his photograph, which hi been sent to his wife. My cousin wanted him to discipli this man and to prevent him from encroaching upon his houE hold. Archbishop Nozaleda said that the case was within i. jurisdiction of the vicar of the province, residing at Balina and that was the end of the case. Nothing was ever done 1 the archbishop or the vicar, except, as I have said before, tl husband was deported to Puerto Frincessa. I desire to si that this has rever been published. It is a skeleton in a close Q, What would be the result if the friars should attempt ' go back to their parishes ? A. I can not tell for a certainty, but I believe that it won be fatal. Q. Don't you think that the people in the islands are since Catholics ? A. Tes,8ir; sincerely Catholic; and if to-day there are few other religions gaining an entrance to the islands the f ai lies wholly at the door of the friars. Q. Do the people want education ? A. I should say so ; yes, sir. They are very anxious have it. Q. Would they like education in English ? A. If it were possible, in all languages. The proof > this fact is seen in the tremendous attendance at the nig schools which have recently been opened to give instruction English. A large number of persons who would like to attei are unable to do so, because they have to work hard to gain livelihood for their parents, who are unable to work. Q. Do they have to work nights ? A. Yes; some of them; like manv of the small wate carriers and shoemakers. 118 The Senate Document and Romanism We Intend to give as mach opportunity as we can to those ■ night schools and to enlarge them. We have application for another novr, and we are going to establish it. We are con- -fronted in starting an extended system of education all through the islands with this difficulty : Under the American system of government there is a complete separation of church and state : the church conducts its afiairs, and the people pursue religious worship as they please. On the other hand, the church has no influence with the state, and the state is not permited to furnish religious instruction to the youth of the country. We encoun- ter a feeling here, manifested through the Jesuits, and, per- haps, people generally, that they are opposed to a system of ed- ucation without instruction in the Catholic religion. In order to meet that objection, it has been suggested that we should have public schools in which no religion is taught by the public school teacher, but we should give authority to have religions instruction of these people, with the consent of their parents, half an hour before the school hour and half an hour after- wards, but not make it obligatory. I would like to know your opinion as to how that would work, and would satisfy the feel- ing among the Catholics that they must unite religious instruc- tion with education? It is not even necessary to have any re- ligious instruction at all in the public schools, because all the people of the Philippines are deeply religious from a Catholic standpoint ; this is deep-rooted in their hearts, and they drink It In with their inother's'milk, and they know no instruction in i^ school. They can get all the instruction they need in matters religions from their own parents or their own homes. Q. Then you think it better not to attempt that other? A. Entirely, for the peeple of the country are naturally re- ligious. To show how deep rooted this religion is, it has be- come a fanaticism. Q. How would it work out in this way : Suppose we estab- lish good public schools, pay teachers well, and have a good system, not like the old, and suppose the church were to say, or the church authorities were to say, "Tou cannot send your children to these schools because there is no religion taught in them," where would the people stand in an Instruction like that? A. The Filipino people would flock to where they could get- instruction, irrespective of what the priests should wish. Q. Would it not affect the standing of the priests very much and the influence of the priests, whoever they are, if it becomes known to the people, as it must become known, that the only way the priests can be paid is by the voluntary contri- butions of the people, and that the priests will exercise no polit- ical fuctions whatever, and if, as now, under General Order No. 40, and as it probj^bly will be under any other law, they are de- nied the right to hold o^ce? After three or four years will not that very much change the view of the people as to the impor- ,tance of who the priests are in the town? A. No, sir ; I believe that the priests could still continue to live through the voluntary contributions of the people. Un- . doubtedly the influence they may have wielded in a political way would naturally disappear, but they would have consider- 119 The Senate Document and Rom anism able r,!ligions Influence, because when the Filipino is given lib- erty of action and freedom of conscienci , and is at liberty to choose any religion, as the Catholic is 6he one he knows or cares to know, he would remain a Catholic; and if the priest would say: "I am bereft of the support of any government, and I have to live upon voluntary contributions," the majority of the people would gladly provide them w'_th money and make good donations to them. Q. You have not gotten what I want. Let us assume that the friar went back. If he were deprived of his political func- tions and dependent upon people for contributions on which to live, would not his position be very much changed from what it was before? Not that I mean that a friar is going back, but let us assume it. In other words, would it not draw his fangs? A. rou have to proceed from the hypothesis that the great mass of the people here are ignorant, and if a friar goes back and goes to work on that ignorance, he is possessed of the dex- terity and cleverness to make it redound to his credit and to get money, and you must rememper that ignorance is all -pervad- ing here. In a pueblo there may be 20 men who are educated, and the friars working upon that ignorance would get up slow- ly but certainly a feud between the educated and the igno- rant. Q- What would be the effect if the government were 'to make a contract with the friars, or by condemnation were to buy the property of the friars and sell it out to the tenants in small divisions and use the money for a school fund? A. A very favorable result would ensue from that, and there would be general contentment. Expressions of thanks. INTERVIEW WITH MAXIMO VIOLA, OF SAN MIGUEL DE MAYUMO. OCTOBBK 20, 1900. Q. Were you born in the Philippines? A. Yes. Q. In what part of the Islands have you lived? A. Except the time I spent in Europe to finish my educa- tion (a little over four years) I have lived nearly the whole time in the province of Bulacan. Q. About what is your age? A. I am 43 years old. Q. What is your profession? A. I am a physician. Q. Yon studied in France? A. Principally in Spain, although I have been in France, Germany and Austria. Q. What years were you In Vienna? A. In the year 1887. Q. Have you practiced your profession In Bulacan? A. I have practiced my profession constantly from the lat- ter part of 1887 until 1894 in Bulacan, when through persecu- tions of the friars I was driven to Manila, where I remained 120 The Senate Document and Romanism practicing until 1899, then returning to Bulacan, where I son- tinued the practice. ' Q. How far is San Miguel de Mayumo from here? A. There are two ways of getting there : One is by going by train from Manila to Calumpit and from there by steamer to Candaba, and from Candaba to San Miguel in banca; the other way is to go from Manila to Calumpit by train, to Bulacan in carromata, about eight hours for the whole trip, or four hours the last part. I came in August, and on account of the condi- tions caused by rains I was five days in banca. Q. How much opportunity did you have to know the doings and lives of the friars in the Philippines before 1896? A. I was the physician of some friars. I have also had re- lations with all the friars who have been in my town and also In neighboring towns. Q. I suppose your practice is generally through the prov- ince. A. Yes, sir ; and even extends to adjoining provinces and in Nueva Ecija also. Q. They say the knowledge of a physician of the inner life of the people is more intimate than that of any other profes- sion? A, Naturally. Hence I shall only make references to l^eir public life, for their private and secret life is professional in its nature. Q. Do you know from what class of society the friars were drawn in Spain? A. In Spain I knew several friars who were sons of poor families with a large number of children, and who, in order to get a profession and livelihood, would go to the theological seminaries attached to the convents. In these seminaries they begin with the rudiments of an education until they are gradu-. ated, but they never see anybody except fellow friars, and have no touch ^th the world, and the only thing they know in the way of treatment is the treatment of the superior to the in- ferior. When they come over they become despots, and they understand no other relation. Q. Have you any particular information about the agricul- tural property owned by the friars? A. Yes, sir. For instance, the hacienda of Tampoji in the pueblo of Quingua and also another hacienda in Santa Maria de Fandi, both these belonging t9 the Augustinians and Domini- cans. Q. Are they large? A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you any idea how large? A. The first named hacienda is a sugar plantation and is of considerable extent. The other hacienda is made up of rice land and is also of considerable size. Q. What political functions did the friars actually exercise in your parish? A. They exercised all functions. They were the lieuten- ants of the civil guard, the captain of the puebJo, the governor of the province. To show this, the friar would always watch the elections, and if any provincial governor or any municipal 121 . The Senate Document and Romanism authority were electtd by the people whom ie did not desire to hold oflOice, he would, for subordinate cfBcers, appeal to the pro- vincial governor, and for these governors to the governor -gen- eral, and state that if these officers who had been elected were permitted to assume their offices that the public order would b( endangered, because they were Masons, or any other specioui argument would be advanced so as to make the superior author Ities set at naught the will of the people, and appoint, whoevei might be thought suitable or friendly to the friar; but oftei this was not necessary, as the friar would so wield the election! as to get only those to vote who were his blind followers. H( performed the duties of lieutenant of the civil guard by de manding of every person who came to him to be either marrlec or to have a child baptized, or for burial, their cedula, whicl he would retain until such a time as the fees were paid, anc then he would report the person whose cedula he had retained to the lieutenant of the civil guard as being vrithont a cedula and he would be jailed until such time as he should get anothei cedula. Q. What was the morality of the parish priests? A. There was no morality. If I was to rehearse the whoU history it would be Interminable; but I shall confine myself tc concrete cases, beginning with the vows of chastity, whicl everyone knows they have to take. Upon this point it wen better to consult the children of friars in every town when there are at least four or five or more, who have cost their moth ers many bitter tears for having brought them into the world, not only because of the dishonor, but also because of the nn merous deportations brought about by the friars to get rid ol them. The vow of poverty is also loudly commented on by the fact that in every town, however poor it may be, the convent is the finest building, whereas in Europe or elsewhere the school- house is the finest building. With regard to other little caprices of the friars, I might say that whenever a wealthj resident of the town is in his death-throes, the Filipino coad. jutor of the friar is never permitted to go to his bedside and confess him, the Spanish friar always goes, and there he paints to the penitent the torments of hell and the consequences of an evil life, thus adding to the terrors of the deathbed. He also states his soul may be saved by donating either real or personal property to the church.. There are hundreds of donations of this kind which still exist. For instance, in the town of Bigaa, the altar in the church is of silver, a donation from the Con- stantine family; and in San Miguel the silver altar is a donation from the family of Don Cef anno de Leon, the grandfather hav- ing donated money sufficient to pay for, it on his deathbed ; and If the patient dies the family is compelled to have a most ex- pensive funeral, with all the incidental expenses which go to the church, or be threatened with deportation or imprisonment • and If the dead person is a pauper, and has naturally nothing to pay with, or if he is a servant or a tenant, the master or em- ployer has to pay or he will be deported, as happened to .my brother- m-law, Moises Santiago, who was a pharmacist, and was deported in the month of November, 1896, because he did not pay the funeral expenses of the son of the female servant 122 The Senate Document and Romanism in hi3 house. The father ol this child was a laborer, and had funds sufficient to defray the burial expenses, and the friar was so informed by my brother-in-law, and they said they had noth- ing to do with that, and that he was his master ard would have to pay or suffer the consequences, which he did. I myself came very near being depoi ted under the following circumstances: A woman heavy with child died in the fifth month of gestation. The friar curate demanded that I should perform the Caesarian operation upon the corpse, in order to baptize the foetus. I de- clined to perform the operation, because I had a wound in my finger and feared blood poisoning. He told me it was my duty to myself and to my conscience to perform the operation, in or- der that he might baptize the foetus ; and I told him my con- science did not so impel me, and I declined to doit, and he said, "Take care." Those two words were sufficient to send me hurriedly to Manila, where I remained from 189S, the year in which this occurred, to 1899. If the dying person Is a pauper, with no one to pay fees, the Spanish friar does not go to con- fess him, but sends the Filipino, and when he dies without burial fees his corpse Is often allowed to rot, and there have been many cases where the sacristans of the church have been ordered by the friar to hang the corpse publicly, so that the relatives may be thus compelled to seek the fees somewhere sufficient to bury the corpse. Q. What proportion of the friars do you think violated their vows of celibacy? A. I do not know Of a single one of all those I have known in the province of Bulacan who has not violated his vow of cel- ibacy. The yery large majority of the mestizos in the interior are sons of friars. Q. Does a hostility exist among the people against the friars? A. A great deal. If you were to ask the Inhabitants of the Philippines, one by one, that question, they would all say the same— that they hated the friars ; because there is scarcely a person living here who has not, in one way or another, suffered at their hands. Q. What is the chief ground of that hostility? A. The despotism and the immorality. Q. Had other cases than the immorality not existed, do you think the Immorality was sufficient? A. Yes; that would be a sufficient cause, for the simple rea- son that the immorality brings as a natural consequence in its train despotism, intimidation, and force to carry out their de- sires and designs; for all may be reduced to this, that the Fil- ipino who did not bow his head in acquiescence had it cut off from his shoulders. Q. In other words, this was only a manifestation of the power they exercised over the people. That was one end toward which they used their power? A. Immorality was the chief end. Q. What have you to say of the morality of the native priests? • A. They blindly obeyed whatever the friar says ; they nave neither individual will nor thought. 123 The^i Senate Document and Romanism Q. Are they also loose in their relations with women? A. Many of them, also. From my own personal experience I think all the priests and friars are on the same level. I have never seen one that was pure. I don't deny there may be ex- ceptions, but I have not seen them. The large majority have violated their vows of celibacy and chastity. For this reason I believe that Protestantism will have a very good field here, for one reason alone, and that is that the Protestant ministers marry, and that will eradicate all fear of attacks upon the Fili- pino families on their part. Q. What education and preparation for the discbarge of their duties have the native priests? A. They are sufficiently well educated to discharge their sacred offices, but heretofore they have been overshadowed by the friars and prevented from exercising their own discretion in the management of the parishes. Q. What do you think about the possibility of establishing a system of public education without any religious instruction in it? A. That would be satisfactory to the people, because the Catholic religion is very deep rooted here, and the parents would always bring the children up in that religion, no matter wheth- er it was taught in the schools or elsewhere. The fact is, that until they ^arrive at years of discretion, and allow their own consciences to control them, the Catholic religion will always prevail in these islands. Q. What do you think would be the effect of the buying of the haciendas of the religious orders by the government, and selling them out in small parcels to the present tenants? A. That would give very good results, and if the proceeds of these funds were applied to a fund , for public schools, it would be a matter for which the Filipino people, all of them, would be very grateful. Expressions of thai^ks. INTERVIEW WITH DR. T. H. PARO DE TAVERO. OCTOBBR 23, 1900. Q. How long have you lived in the Philippine Islards ? A. I was born in the Philippine Islands and left here six- teen years of age. Q. And when did you return ? A, I was absent twenty years, returning .here in the year 1894. Q. You are by profession a physician, and you were par- suing your studies as such abroad ? A. Yes, sir. I was pursuing my medical studies in Paris, but while I was in Paris, I did not lose any of the happenings of my cotmtry, for I have' always followed them with a very close eye. I have followed them politically, socially, and his- torically. Q. Have you had a good deal of opportunity personally to know the friars ? 124 The Senate Documenr and Romanism A. Tes ; because I was a student of the University of Santo Thomas, and naturally was in close contact. Q. Yonr home is in Manila ? A. Yes. Q. Yon were born in Manila ? A. Yes. Q. Do you know, either from knowledge derived from here or abroad, from what class of society the friars were drawn ? A. They were drawn from the lowest class. There are some from the middle class, but they are rare exceptions. Q. Are they well educated ? A. No ; they are very ordinary people, and are mostly edu- cated here in Manila. In the college we could tell the recently- arrived friar by his bucolic manners — a rough kind of admixture of egotism and mysticism. > Q. Have you any definite information about the property of the friars 7 A- No ; I know generally that they have a great deal of property here, and that recently an association or syndicate was formed for the purpose of purchasing the property of the Domi- nicans, and a pamphlet was published giving a list of those properties, and from that I have come to know what they were, so far as the Dominicans are concerned. The other orders I know have large holdings of real estate outside of Manila and in the provinces and also in the city. Q. Do you know from personal experience what political functions and powers were exercised by the friars in the parishes ? A. Of course, I do not know by actual observation in the outside parishes, for I have never lived there, but by conver- sation and treating with persons from the outlying provinces and parishes I have gained a considerable knowledge. Besides, it was no secret that the friars had a great influence in all matters of a political or administrative nature. . Q. Do you know what influence the heads of the church had with the heads of the civil government in Manila? A. Very great were the influences, for the archbishops and bishops, by reason of their ecclesiastical hierarchy, formed a part of what was known here in Manila as the board of authori- ties. This board was composed of the captain-general, the attorney general, the military governor, the commander of the naval forces, the secretary of the general government, the president of the audiencia, the director-general of the civil administration, the treasurer, and the archbishop and bishops, and in recent times there were added the civil governor of the province of Manila and the provincials of the differen'; monastic orders. The above constituted the board of authorities. Q What functions did they have ? A. The duties of this board were principally to investigate matters of urgent moment, and in times of crises to advise the governor general. The archbishop and bishops also formed a part rf the conrcil of administration, a body analogous to the council of state of Spain and of France. Q. Were the ecclesiastics prone to assert influence, or did they confine their attention to religious affairs ? 125 The Senate Documen t and Romanism A. They did not confine their infiuence to their ecclesiasti- cal functions, and to understand this it will be necessary to form an idea of the political makeup of Spain. In America, the different religions have nothing to do with the state. In Spain, the religion and the state are one and the same thing. To give a better idea it would be well to bring to mind the old pontifical state, where the Pope was the head of the church and state, and that was Spain. The King of Spain in order to avoid any difBculties with Borne had caused himself to be given the right of royal patronage, whereby the King of Spain became a sort of authority in the church. If there are, some states which separate church and state to avoid complications with Rome, Spain joined the church and state for the very same purpose. Q. How much political power did the friars exercise in the country parishes ? A. It flows from this explanation, that the Spaniard could never separate himself from the influence which the church had ' upon him, and the result of that was that the friars wielded all the influence political and ecclesiastical in the parishes. I do not refer now to the moral influence of the friar, because the friar curate had to put his vis6 or O. K. on every administrative document that was issued, such as census documents, etc., and personal recommendations of every individual within his juris- diction who desired to take a public ofl3ce. His opinion was sought upon every conceivable subject. I say this so as to avoid going into too many details. This placing his O. K. on all these documents was not in response to any instructions or duties, but just because it suited his sacerdotal pleasure. I be- lieve that is the political influence which it is sought to get at in the question. ' Q. Was it generally understood that the friars as a body exercised much political infiuence in the central government ? A. I should say so. For from the time of their arrival here they were the only ones who treated with the Indians. They were the only interpreters between them and the government. Moreover, it may be said that there was no continuous adminis- trative policy as regards this colony. At one time the head of the colony would be here and govern in one way, and he would be superseded by another who would govern in another way— in other words, there was no set policy. On the other hand, in these monastic corporations the men died, but the principles and the government went on forever, and therefore they, per- force, governed the country, because they followed Iraditional lines without change. Q. The individuals In the church hierarchy remained a great deal longer than the individuals in the civil government ? A. For the simple reason that they have always vaunted the fact that they expelled anyone in the civil government that they pleased. Q. Have yon much personal knowledge of the morality or immorality of the friars ? A. I ought to draw a distinction, for in the American sense of the word " immorality" it embraces several departures from the right path, while in the Filipino sense it simply meant sexual departures from morality. Larceny, robbery, etc., were an- 126 The Senate Document and Romamsm oDtjer kind of immorality. The friars had great notoriety as Immoral men in the Filipino sense. It was so common that hardly any notice was taken of it.' Some ot the younger friars said it was merely human weakness, but nevertheless, with that peculiar Spanish spirit, they prided themselves upon these facts. Q. It is not true that they were all immoral ? A. Oh, byno fneans. Q. There were some who were very well educated and re- fined and who obeyed their vows, were there not ? A. Tes ; and many, especially among the Dominicans, were of that kind. Q. Did the common people not accept this thing as a matter of fact, and not regard it as a reason in one way or the other for influencing their feeling against the friars ? A. Of course. Q. What was the real ground for the feeling of the people against«he friars ? A. I have before said that friars were the sovereigns of the country. They did everything, so that as th^ country was dis- satisfied with the conditions that prevailed, with the injustice, persecutions, and abuses of every kind, they hated the friar be- cause they saw in the friar the responsible head of aff stirs. At the beginning the friar was the protector of the Indians, and the Indians were governed by the friars and accepted unques- tionably every cne of his acts, but afterwards when they began to suffer the consequences of every kind of abuse on the part of the friars, they began to think where all these hardships and grievances came from, and they discovered that they came from the friars, and there was a regular torrent of hatred against them. Q. As representative of the opinion against the Spanish ? A. As representatives and the source. The fact is, if the Philippines had been a country governed with justice, the friars would have er joyed the glory of it, but as it has been miserably exploited, they must bear the responsibility. This is very his- torical. In Malolos, for instance, the municipal authorities were expelled because they were not favorable to the friars and were not religious, and I have here a letter of the governor- general in which he makes that charge, and I will add that the man who sent this leiter, Ramon Blanco, was a free-thinker and a liberal man. Q. Do you think that the friars were responsible, or other- wise, for the deportation of a good many people ? A. Oh, yes. It is entirely beyond doubt from the Calamba case, the Binondo feast at this very time of the year in 1887, and the expulsion of the municipal authorities at Malolos. Q. What do you think of the native priests as compared with the friars ? A. They are as ignorant as immoral, and have all the same defects and vices as the friars, as they were educated by the friars. Q. Have they less education ? A. Perhaps a little less. Q. What do you think would be the result generally if the friars attempted to go back to their parishes? 12T The Senate Document and Romanism A. I have heard many persons say that they would assassi- nate any friars who retarned. Q. I have heard it said by people whose opportunities for observation on one side of the question would be fairly good, that this opposition to the friars is due to the native priests and to a few men in each .village, and that It does not permeate the mass of the people. To the Eatipunans ' A. I would like to ask those persons who have expressed this opinion, how many men they think belonged to the Kati- punans. In the Tagalog provinces alone there were over 200, 000, and it must be remembered that these members of Eati- punan society not only had resolved to attack the friars, bui also to go into a revolution in which they exposed their lives, and there were many other enemies of the friars in th e pueblos who were not bold enough to enter into the Eatipunan society ; so I do not believe the number of the enemies of the friars is so sms^ll. ' Q. You think, then, it does go through the masses of tha people ? A. I believe so. There are exceptions, notably in the provinces of Fangaslnan and Ilocos, where the friars kept the people in absolute ignorance, and they respected them like priests whose actions they never dared to discuss, and I believe it is to those provinces that the friars desire to make an effort to return. Q. We are not permitted to pay anybody to teach religion as a part of the public school system. Now we can either es- tablish public schools In which no religion is taught at all, pt we can permit the Catholic priest or anyone selected by him to come there for a half an hour or an hour, as he may see fit, once every day or once every week to give religious instruction to the children of parents who desire it, either before or after school hours. What do you think of these two systems, and which would be the better ? A. The latter is the better. To allow them to come. To permit any minister to come. Q. That is what 1 intend, but naturally it will be the Catho- lic minister in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. A. It must be borne in mind that the people of these islands have been used to having everything explained to them through proclamations, public documents, and circulars, and the thing that ought to be done in this instance is to thoroughly explain the matter beforehand, letting them know that the government is not to give religious instruction, but that the people are at perfect liberty to listen to religious instruction from the priests that they themselves may select to give it. Q. What do you think would be the effect of the govern- ment's condemning the agricultural property of the friars and selling it out in small parcels, using the proceeds for a school fund? A. I believe it would be excellent. The Filipinos as a wnole believe it is so excellent a thing that they don't believe it can hardly happen. I am now referring to the ignorant people. Expressions of thanks. 128 'ihe Senate Documen. and Romanism PEDRO SURANO LAKTAW. OCTOBBK, 22, 1900. Q. When were you born ? A. I was born in October, 1853, and am 47 years of age. Q. Yon are a young man. A. Worn-out with fatigues and efforts to overcome people who have tried to down me ; but I have forgiven them all. It was not their fault, it was thei fault of the times. Q. Will you state your profession ? A. I am a teacher. My degree as a teacher of elementary schools I gqt in Manila ; the degree of superior teacher I re- received in Salamanca, Spain, and degree as instructor of normal schools I got in Madrid. Q. Are you teaching now ? A. I am now engaged in getting up a new commercial corporation with Don Pedro Paterno. In order tp gain a liveli- hood during the late Spanish regime, I secured a position as teacher of one of the schools in Manila after a competitive ex- amination. During the governor-generalship of Despujol I was charged with being In politics, and the school I had in Binondo was taken from me, but Governor-General Roman Blanco, upon my proving that I was innocent,. gave me a school in Quiapo, which I also lost later on in the time of the insurrection under his administration, and I was sent to jail for a year under similar charges. At the end of this time I proved my inno- cence and I was released, but I was never given any other school. Q. Tou were bom in these islands and have lived here, with the exception of the four years ? A. I was born in the capital pueblo of Bulacan, showing that I am a pure Tagalog. Q. How long did you live in Bulacan? A. All my life except the time I spent in Europe and edu- cating myself in Manila, and nine months that I taught school In Pampanga. Since I lost my lastteachership in Manila I have remained here, but every year I have made a trip to my home. Q. Do you think you know enough about the friars to tes- tify as to them? A. I think I am in a position to know more about them than any other Filipino, because through my position as a teacher I was brought in constant contact with them. I have prepared a written statement of all the principal points in my contact with the friars during my life here, which I will leave with the commission if they desire it. Q. We will ask the questions first, and then see whether they cover what we desire. A. This statement is really a set of answers to the ques- tions, and the three accompanying documents are historical sketches referring to the same subject. I thought it better to put down my answers in writing, so that the humble opinion I have to express might not be distorted. Q. I will have your manuscript translated, but will first get 129 The Senate Document and Romanism it in form by the usaal questions and answers — that is, briefly. '^ A. The first statement contains my own personal answers; the second document, which I presented to Don Esteros, the sub-secietary of the colonies of Spain, is a collection of his- torical data, first, proving that the Philippines never belonged to Spain in any way; and second, that the friars would never obey the civil authorities, and that ecclesiastically they were all breaking their vows. It is filled with citations in support of my assertions from histories written by the friars themselves. I have drunk from no other source. The last document is a refutation based upon the work of a Jesuit, reviewing the as- sertion of an Augustinian friar that the Filipinos were all bad and that that the friars were always their friends. These doc- uments all prove that from the time of the very first governor- general in the Philippines down to the last, that the friars were always the same. Q. Do you know definitely what property the friars own here? If you do not know except generally, I will not trouble you to answer, for I have other means of getting that answer. A. I have mentioned some in my manuscript. I cannot an- swer except generally. Q. What political functions did the friars actually exercise in the pueblos? A. All, without exception. Even those which the governor- general was not able to exercise. One of the most terrible arms that the friars wielded in the provinces was the secret in- vestigation and report upon the private life and conduct of a person. For instance, if someone had made accusations against a resident of a pueblo and laid them before the governor-gen- eral, he would have private instructions sent to the curate of the town to investigate and report upon the private life of that resident, stating that he had been charged with conspiring against the Spanish sovereignty. This resident was having his private life investigated without any notice to him whatever, and in a secret way, and the report was always sent secretly to the governor-general ; and he might be the intimate friend of the governor of the province or of the gobei3iadorcillo of the town or of the commander of the civil guard in his town. He ^ould render reports favorable to him, but notwithstanding this the governor-general would receive the secret report of the friar and act upon it. For instance, there have been many cases In pueblos where a large number of the inhabitants have attend- ed a feast in honor of the birthday of the governor of the prov- ince and have partaken of his hospitality, being intimate friends of his, and three or four days later nearly all of them have been arrested and imprisoned, charged with being conspirators against the life.of the governor and against the continuance of the Spanish sovereignty, through secret information received from the friar curate. This is the secret of their great political influence in the country, for from the governor-general down to the lowest subordinate of the Spsinish government, they feared the influence of the friar at home, which was very great, owing either to social position there or to power of money here, and I myself have seen several officers of high rank in the army and officials of prominence under the government sent back 130 The Senate Document and Romanism long before their times of service had expired, at the instigation of the friars. For instance, the governor-general, Despujol, Who was an upright, honest and just man, and who only re- mained here fifteen months because he showed his friendship for the Filipino ; and I desire to add that no man has treated me more harshly than Despujol, on the ground that I was a Mason and he was a very ardent Catholic; but notwithstanding his ardent Catholicism he only stayed here fifteen months. Q. What do you know as to the morality of, the friars? A. I have already related in my statement a few cases, and I would prefer to answer the question by saying that the details of the immorality of the friars are so . base and so indecent that instead of smirching the friars I would smirch myself by relating them. When I was a boy of seven years of age, on the opposite side of the street from my house two ladies lived. They were Filipinos, and I noticed two little children there, and I would ask my mother and the servants why it was that they were prettier than we or anybody in the town, and I was told that the friar would know ; and I learned he had as his mistresses two Bisters living under one roof, and that these children were the children of either one or both of them ; and this was done pub- licly, for leaving out the question of his avowed celibacy and chastity, he had broken another vow which would not permit anyone to marry a deceased wife's sister, and here this man was living with two sisters at the same time, Q. Do you think all the friars were like that? Were there not some who obeyed their vows and were virtuous and lived pioua lives? A. I have already referred to that in my statement, for I desire to be just under all circumstances. Before replying fur- ther to this question, I shouiu like to complete the answer to the last. In the quarters of the town farthest removed from the centre, the family life is purer. There may be. a few cases of concubinage, but there are comparatively very few, while in the centre of the towns the cases of this kind are very numer- ous, as are also robbery and other crunes. In a word, it can be truthfully said that the morality of the Filipino people becomes looser and looser as it nears the neighborhood of the convent. In answer to the second question, I may say that there are exceptions, but they are unfortunately very few. I recall one instance of the friar curate of Apalit, in Fampanga, who was named Gamarra, and who was an upright and thoroughly reli- gious man. He would marry all those who were living in con- cubinage free ; he would bury the poor free, and perform many charitable and Christian acts, and would stand between the authorities and the unjustly accused. The fact is that while he was the curate there was not a single deportation. He vis- ited the sick, he comforted all those who came to him in trouble; he was, in a word, a pure Christian minister of God, but as he was the one shining light amid the darkness of those who sang in chorus the airs of Immorality, he was through their machina- tions brought to Manila and placed in charge of a convent ; but this was done so as not to injure hia feelings in any way or make him believe that there was anything behind the removal. 131 The Se nate Document and Romanism Q. There were other instancefc? A, In that same pueblo of Apalit, which has been very for- tunate in this regard, there was another friar curate of the same character, but unfortunately I cannot recall his name at this mo- ment. There was also another in the pueblo of Faombong, province of Bulacan, whose name I also have forgotten for the moment, but the fact is that they remained, unfortunately, in their pueblos but a very short time. The good friar never re- mains long in his field of work. Q. Do you "know much about the native clergy? A. Quite a good deal. Q. Did each friar have with him a native assistant? A. Not all of them. In the large towns they did. In the smaller towns they had none, and in some ot the very smallest' towns they had neither friars nor secular clergy. There are a very few native priests now. At one time there were quite a number, but since the garroting of the .three native priests in 1872, because they requested that native priests be placed over the curacies, there has been no incentive for natives to enter the priesthood, because they do not wish to be treated as ser- vants and domineered over at a very small salary. I remember a very wise Filipino who was made a bishop, but unfortunately he became blind before assuming' the episcopal chair. His name was Mariam Gracia. There have been a number of highly- educated native priests in days gone by. This man whom I mentioned by name had been a very deep student and was a very pious man. He could even, after becoming blind, come ° out of his house^unattended, enter his carriage, get out and go to the altar, say mass, and return home again. He had a ser- vant in his house who was studying Latin, and so wonderful was the memory of this man that when the servant would say that he wanted to look in the dictionary for a word, he would tell him it was on a certain page and on such a line, but since 1872 the incentive to become a priest has entirely disappeared. This man was the last Filipino bishop. Before him there had been many. Q. Are not the present clergy inferior, in that they have not sufficient education atad that their morals are not unlike those of the friars with whom they associated? A. I have also answered those questions. In the desire to be just, I have stated in my answer that the present Filipino priest, saving a very few exceptions, has all the defects of the friar and none of his good points. Q. I want to ask whether the deep-seated hostility to the friars which many seem to entertain extends to the masses of the people? A. While we who claim to be somewhat educated dislike the friar, and would be unwilling to have him suffer what he has make us suffer, the masses, who are unthinking to a certain extent and who are but the beasts of burden and have there- fore suffered in a certain way more than the others, are the most uncompromising and the most vengeful against the friars. Q. Do you think it would be-safe for the friars to go back to their parishes? 132 The Senate Document and R omanism A. I do not believe that they caa ever return safely to their parishes, and I will say further that I fear that some uprising against the friars may be misinterpreted by the American gov- ernment as an uprising against it, which would be disastrous. The same thing happened in the revolution against Spain, which was directed wholly against the friars, who, however, made the government believe that it was against it; and this was so un- true that in the treaty of Biacana Bato all that the Filipinos asked was the expulsion of the friars. They did not ask for Independence, and were willing to remain under the sovereignty of Spain if the friars were expelled ; but seeing that the gov- ernment did not carry out its promises, and determined to get rid of the friars, they rose up in arms against it. As a son of the people, I hive heard it stated that one of the most promi- nent reasons why the Filipinos under arms do not desire to lay them down, and why a large number of those who are not in ftrms are standing aloof, is that the fear, or perhaps it were bet- ter said for a suspicion, that the American government is be- friending the friar, not openly but covertly, and I have regret- ted very much that this idea has become so general throughout the islands. What has grieved me more, perhaps, than any other one thing is, the trip of Monsignor Chapelle a day or two ago to Dagupan, taking with him at his side a Dominican friar, and also two other friars, who, it is reported, are to take the place of the secular priest Garces, now the curate of Dag- upan. ' The people of the Philippine Islands are Catholics, and their efforts now are directed against the classes or orders of, that religion. They have not yet determined upon going a step fur- ther and taking the religion of their fathers, but if the friars remain here and aie supported by the government, I have no doubt that the large majority of the people of the 'islands will then fight even their religion. The friar can return to his par- ish without any fear of being attacked or meddled with by the thinking classes of the Filipinos, because they recognize the fact that under. American institutions he will have to rely upon voluntary contributions for his support, and that before the government he will have no more standing and no more claim for protection than the minister of any other religion or any other citizen ; but the unthinking classes, the masses of the people, who know nothing of these things, will merely look upon the fact of his return as retrograde action, and a revival of the times of absolutism, when the friars were in the ascen- dancy, and although, following out his natural bent, he may bequietfor a time, whatfisgreatly to be feared is that some day a tremendous explosion will occur, brought on by this very return of the friars to their parishes. Q. What do you think would be the result, should we estab- lish a system of education without any religions instruction, and the hierarchy and the church through the priests should de- nounce that system and order their parishioners not to send their children to the schools which we establish? What do you think would be the result? A. I shall answer that question in two ways. Up to the present the country stUJ remains Cathojjc, save that it does not m The Senate Document and Roma^t^^ want the friar, and being accustomed to hear at all times, in classes and out of classes, at home and away from home, moral and Christian precepts and teachings, the people have become absolutely accustomed to it. They are further accustomed to pray at every moment before beginning recitations in every book, and the Filipino children or their fathers would like to have it continued, but they don't want the friar to have any part in it. For this reason, and because the Filipino people are very conservative, we will see in all their homes the efflgies of saints, either printed or painted, and statues of saints, and the rosary being said at all hours, and let not libertas or the friar lay the flattering unction to his soul that the large attendance at the procession was due to him, as he claims, but only to that great conservatism and Catholicism which still exist in these islands. However, a short time before the coming of the Americans to these islands, there was a group of Filipinos, relatively small, who were freethinkers and very much opposed to Catholicism. Their numbers may be growing, but not very appreciably up to the present time. My idea, is that when the fathers of children request it, instruction in religion from a Caihollc standpoint should be given their children in the public schools, and that when they are silent on this matter they should receive no reli- gions instruction whatever. One of the reasons which has con- tributed to the separation and the keeping separate of the Amer- icans and the Filipinos is a proclamation, issued just prior to the arrival of the Americans, by Archbishop Kozaleda, in which be informed the faithful that the enemies of our religion, the American heretics, were about to appear among us. ' This was printed in the Ecclesiastical Bulletin of the archbishopric. Let me insert here, before I forget it, that when we Filipinos refer to the friars we do not mean all the monastic 'bodies, but only four of them — the Augustinians, the Dominicans, the Francis- cans, and the Recolectos. The Jesuits are not disliked at all by the Filipinos, because it may be said that they brought the first instruction and education to the Filipinos, and, by the way, 'the first ones who introduced jackets of this kind, which are called Americana, and educated the youth of the country, having grad- uated the best scholars among the people here, including Bizal and many others. Q. What would be the result of that controversy that I suggested? A. Even now in the public schools under the American sys- tem, a large number of parents do not send their children be- cause religion is not taught there ; and by reason of these facts I have stated above, they would have a certain suspicion of- the intentions of the American government about education^ Q. If provision were made for religious instruction to be given by anybody appointed by the church for half an hour be- fore and half an hour after school hours, would that satisfy the ' people? A. It would not be necessary to devote half an hour every day to that, but following the custom under the Spanish rule, to devote half an hour every Saturday to ecclesiastics. I think that would suffice. However, I believe that if the peoples* 134 The Senate Document ana Romanism large were informed first of what free instraction under Amer- ican institutions is, and that no religious instruction is to be paid for by the government in any way, that good results would flow from it ; but this must be made very clear beforehand to the people.. Q. What do you think would be the effect of buying all the lands of the friars, to be sold to the tenants now on the lands, and to have the procee4s used as a school fund ? A. I think very good results would come of this if the pre- caution were taken before purchasing to find out what belonged to the friars, because the great thing now is to find out what they do own. Expressions of thanks. INTERVIEW WITH AMBROSIA FLORES. October 24, 1900. Q. How long have yoil been in the islands ? A. A.U of my life, for I have never left the islands. Q. In what provinces have you lived ? A. In Manila, Vigan, Lepanto, Cavite, Cebu, Zamboanga, Jolo, Faraqna, Bulacan, Fampanga, Tarlac, Fangasinan, Nueva Ecija. Q. You were a general in the insurgent army ? A. Yes i I was. Q. How long were you in tiat capacity ? A. I was a genera! from May,' 1898. Q. I meant how long were you In the army ? A. I was a general in 1898, and I afterwards discharged a civil oflBce— civil governor, environs of Manila. Q. What were you doing before the revolution of 1896 ? A. I was a retired ofiScer in the Spanish army. Q. Were you in the provinces you have named before or after 1896 ? A. In some before and some afterwards. After 1896 I was In the provinces of Cavite, Bulacan, Fampanga, Fangasinan, and Nueva Ecija. Q. Had you an opportunity before 1896 to know the friars and their relations to the people 7 A. Although by natural inclination and conviction I always desired to eschew close contact with the friars, I have, through the discharge of military and civil duties, been brought into rather close contact jvith them. Q. Do you know what actual authority of a political charac- ter they exercised before 1896 in their parishes ? j^. The political functions they discharged officially in their parishes were intervention and counsel in the local elections, reporting on the capacity and conduct of those elected, and, I might add in this regard, that this report was looked upon by the superior authorities in Manila with far more confidence than upon the unanimous vote of the people ; confidential reports re- garding the private life of the faithful in their parishes, which were made upon the Investigations by the friars without the knowledge or intervention of civil authorities ; the O K-ing of all documents demanded or issued by the civil authorities, with 13S The Senate Document and Romanism the single exceplaon of notarial documents; extra oflScially they meddled in everything— they meddled in everything, without iny responsibility whatever to anyone. Q. Is there a feeling of hostility or otherwise among the people against the friars ? A. A great feeling of hostility. Q. Does that affect educated people only or the mass of the people ? A. The feeling of animosity is common to all classes of society. During the Spanish rule among the lower classes it was not so noticeable, because they could not express their feelings, but now it is very noticeable and is common to all classes. Q. I have heard from a person high in authority in the church that the feeling against the friars is chiefly due to the inciting by the native priests, and that the body of the people desired their return. What is your opinion as to this ? A. No, sir ; that is not the fact, because there are many native priests who have incurred the ill-feeling of the people by reason of favoring the friars. This may be caused by a fear on the part of these native priests of the return of the friars, but the fact is very patent that there is a great deal of feeling against them for espousing or apparently espousing the cause of the friars. Q. Does the feeling against the friars differ in different localities ? A. There is a difference undoubtedly, but it is due to the fact that in some provinces there is fanaticism carried to such an extent, like in Pangasinan, for instance, where the Domini- cans have been able to keep the people under the influence of blind superstition and where they believe that the priest is a veritable god and absolutely impeccable ; but in the great ma- jority of the province the feeling of hatred against the friars permeates all classes. Q. Do you know whether there are in these islands a great many descendants of the friars ? A. Yes, sir. Q. Is that generally understood 7 A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know the persons and know who their fathers were ? A. I know several sons of friars, but at this moment re- member one. I can furnish a long list of them, but now I think of but one. Q. Do you think the immorality was general or not — whether or not with a great many exceptions ? A. Yes, there were exceptions, but they were very rare. Q. What was the ground of the hostility against the friars? A. The reasons for this hostility were many. In the first place, the haughty, overbearing, despotic manner of the friars. Then the question of the haciendas, because the conditions of their tenantry were very terrible. Then there was the fact of the fear which beset every man, even those who through fear were nearest to the friars, that if his eyes should light upon his wife or his daughter in an envious way that if he did not give 136 The Senate Document and Romanism them up he was lost. Another reason was that they were inimical to educating the people. Then again because of the parish fees, because they were very excessive, always com pelling the rich to have the greatest amount of ceremony in their weddings, baptisms, and interments— whether they wanted it or not— and cost them thereby a good deal, and if they did not accede to the payment they would say they were Masons or filibusters. Q. Was the chief reason for the feeling of the people against the friars such as you have stated ; that is, that they represented to the people the oppressive power of the Spanish people ? A. Yes, sir; exactly. Q. Do you think that if there were no other reason their great immorality would have made them unpopular ? A. That would be sufficient for this reason: That the means which they used to carry out their purposes with respect to women were the most grievous and oppressive. If they had merely desire 1 a woman and courted her, nothing would have been said, but if the woman declined to allow their advances they used every efiort in their power to compel her and her relatives to succumb. Q. How do the native priests compare in point of morality With the friars ? A. The present native priests are naturally contaminated by the friars, but although many of them have their amorous relations with women, they do it in a quieter way. They don't use any force to carry out their ends. Q How is it as to their education and capacity ? I am speaking to the native priests. A. Their education is quite deficient, and it is due princi- pally to the fact that there ha tre been no theological seminaries here. When the Paulist Fathers endeavored to give them in- struction in theology, and seemed to be getting good results, the ecclesiastical authorities attacked the Paulist Fathers, show- ing they had a deliberate intention to prevent the natives from securing education sufficient for sacerdotal functions. Q. Do. the people desire to be educated ? A. Very much so, and they have also shown a great desire to instruct themselves and educate themselves. Q. Are they all Catholics ? A. All except those that live in the forests, like the Igor- rotes, are Catholics. Q. And much attached to the church ? A. Yes ; very much attached. Q. Do they regard religious teaching as a necessary part of a public school system ? A. To tell the truth about the matter, the people have never had a chance to express themselves upon that subject ; but it is my own private opinion that the people would be pleased if some opportunity for religious instruction were afforded them in the schools. Q. Under the United States Government it would be im- possible for us to devote public funds to the teaching of any particular religion ; but we might (and that system prevails In 137 The Senate Document and Romanism some of the States in the United States) give to the priests an opportunity to instruct the children in religion, but after the regular school hours, should the parents of the children desire it. Do you think that would satisfy the people ? A. Yes, that would satisfy them ; but I think an hour or an half an hour for religious instruction every day is too much. I think that one day a week would satisfy them. I have thought a great deal upon this matter, "and I have come to the con- clusion that it would be wise to devote the morning of Thurs- day, which is the holiday here, to religious instruction. Q. Of course, you understand that the government could not pay the priests, or any teacher appointed by them, to give this religious Instruction. That would be the work of the Catholic church, if it chose to employ a person for that purpose. A. I so understand, and I believe the Catholic church should take that matter in hand. Q. Tou understand that we are not here to make them any- thing but Catholics. We want them to have the religion that they desire to have. » A. We already understand that. As a matter of fact, dur- ing the late regime religion was taught here —rather, I should say, was not taught, because all that the pupils were taught was to pray and to commit to memory the catechism of Father Astete, and nothing more. There was no opening of the mind to truths, and what the people desire would be a dedication of certain hours in the week to religious instruction and religious training upon a scientific basis, so that those who had the capacity could understand it. Q. You have mentioned the fact that the ownership of the haciendas is one ground for the popular feeling against the friars. Was not that confined largely to the provinces of Manila, Cavite, Laguna de Bay, and Bulacan, perhaps Batangas also? A. That is true, but as there are Innumerable cases of this hatred throughout all the islands ; it is a general feeling, alid in these provinces where the haciendas are situated it is from that fact more accentuated. Q. Yes, but I want to know if in those provinces I have named the feeling did not partake of an agrarian spirit also ? A. Yes, sir. Q. What would the effect be if the government should be able to buy these lands and the haciendas of the friars and sell them out in small parcels to the tenants on the lands and devote the proceeds to establishing a school fund ? A. It would be very well received by the people; but if I may be permitted to make a remark upon the subject of buying lands, I believe that in many cases the friars can not prove any title whatever to the lands in question, thereby rendering it un- necessary to purchase them. Q. Of course, if they have no title, then the people who really own them might contest that title with them. As to the statute of limitation, tn the American legis- lation, as well as Spanish, the plea of prescription can be made to prevail after the holding of property for many years ad- versely; but the point that suggests itself in this connection is 138 The Senate Document and Romanism that they have not held that laDd peacefully ; that If there has been no contention against their title or against their holding the land It is because of the conditions that they created which prevented them from asserting their title. (Expressions of thanks.) INTERVIEW WITH H. PHELPS WHlT- MARSH. November 3, 1900. Q. Will you please state your name ? A. H. Phelps Whitmarsh. Q. And where you were born ? A. In Canada^Medoc, Canada. Q. Are you a citizen of the United States ? A. Yes ; my father is an American. Q. Your profession is what ? A. Writer and journalist, Q. What periodicals or journals have you correspopded for? A. Mainly the Century, Atlantic Monthly, and Outlook. Q. How long have yon been in the Philippines ? A. I have been in the Philippines about thirteen months. Q. During the thirteen months of your stay have you visited a great many different towns ? A. Yes, a great many. I have b^en all through the part of the archipelago occtpied by the American troops and a good deal of that not occupied. Q. Have you come into contact with the inhabitants ? A. I have lived practically with them. Q. Have you a kcowledge of Spanish sufficient to converse with them ? A. Yes ; I can talk with them. I learned that in Cuba. Q. And your living with them and going among them was to observe their habits, views, and opinions. A. Yes ; for that and nothing else. Q. I want to ask you to direct your attention to their views of ecclesiastical matters. At the time you were with them, who was conducting the religious functions, if any, in the majority of cases ? A. In Luzon, generally, the religious functions were con- ducted by the Filipino priests, but I think I can not say in the majority of cases, for in the Visayas, Mindanao, and Jolo there were no priests. Q. Did you talk with the people of their sentiments toward the parish priests under the Spanish regime ? A. I did. Q. What did you find their feeling to be with respect to them? A. I think with one exception, which siands out because it Is an exception, the people always declare themselves to be not In favor of having the friars back. Q. Did they state the reasons ? A. They told me lots of stories about the friars. 130 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. Were they the common people ? A. Yes ; the very commonest people. All are very bitter except one town of northern Luzon. They are very bitter, and I have always asked them as to this matter. Q. What grounds did they give for their hostility ? A. Mainly that the priesi held them under, oppressed them, robbed them, and that they used their women and daughters just as they pleased. Q. Did they specify the methods of oppression 7 A. I can not remember distinct instances just now. Q. Did you hear of instances of deportation through the agency of the priest ? A. Yes ; I have heard that nobody was allowed in certain sections to go away from the town without the permit of the friars, and that the friar often sent him away, and they were under the thumb of the friar. Q. How did the friar rob them? A. He robbed them in the vicinity of the railroads by fore- ing the people to sell their rice to him at the prices which the friar made, and not allowing the people to send their own prod- ucfto the market. Q. Was there anything said about the fees which were charged for religions functions? A. Yes; I heard a great many complaints about that. They were usually made according to a man's station. The txxic charged what he pleased, and if he said a certain sum was nec- essary, that sum had to be paid or he would not conduct the burials, etc. Q. What did you hear as to the morality of the priests? A. Nothing that was good, with few exceptions. Q. Were you referred to instances where the illegitimate sons of the friars were known? A. Yes ; there was scarcely a town that I did not either see or hear of the children of friars. Q. Did you hear anything as to the morality of the native priests? A. Yes. Q. What as to that? A As a rule that they were not much better in regard to morality. s-"" fu Q. Could you not infer, therefore, that, had those acts of the friars which were subject to criticism been confined to im- morality, it probably would not have produced such a feelins? A. No ; I don't think it was wholly morality. Q. The people were used to that? A. The people did not object to it. I have had th^ nnn,»i« show me their white children and be proud of them ^^ Q. Be more specific as to the number of towns' you think you have visited m northern Luzon and in the Visayas The number of provinces. ■»»j'aB. ine A. For instance, in Luzon I have been In Ilocos Sur, Bon-' toe Lepanto, Benguet, La Union, Pangasinan, Tarlac, Z^bales Bauan, Pampanga, Bulacan, Cavite. Batangas, Tayabas and 140 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. Were you in the Camarlnes? A. Tes ; in South Camarines, Albay, Lagunfi, and Batangas, Q. Now the islands in which you have been? A. Marindnque, Masbate, Panay, Cebu, Romblon, and the whole Sulu Archipelago. In every principal one, not in all the little ones. Q. Have yon been in Mindanao? A. The fourteen ports of Mindanao. Q. Samar and Leyte? A. No. Q. As to Mindanao, I understand that only Jesuits are there? Did you discover any distinction between the feeling toward the Jesuits and the other four orders, Dominicans, etc.? A. The Visayans, I am sure, don't feel so bitter toward the friars as the people north. I came into one town where the Jesuits had just been returned. The town was in charge of a young captain who did not take much interest in things, and the friars in the two weeks were running it to their own satis- faction. I talked with the presidente about schools. I found schools, school-teachers, benches in the schools, but no money for the teachers, and the priests had advised the teachers not to teach until they were paid. The presidente quoted the friar about every two minutes during our conversation. Q. Did you discover a difference in the feeling toward the friars in the provinces where the friars own large haciendas? A. No; it is justasbitter in Pangasinan, where they own nothing, and the people own small parcels of land. Q. But is the occasion for it a little different? Does it par- take of an agrarian feeling in Cavite and Bulacan? A. In Cavite and Bulacan that may have something to do with it. Q, I ask the question to aid us in reaching a conclusion as to whether the purchase of the friar lands and the sale of them in small plats to the tenants ' would help matters generally — whether it would rid them of that which they regard as oppres- sion now. Did you give much attention to that? A. Yes ; I don't think it would make much difference. I don't think they consider that question. Q. You think the basis of their feeling is another ground? A. Yes ; on other grounds. Q. Did yoli talk with them about public schools? A. Yes; I talked everywhere about schools, and all are anx- ious for them. Q. Do you think it would be possible to reconcile them to public schools without any religion being taught? A. Yes; I think it would be hard to reconcile them to any- thing else. Q. You know the Faribault plan, attributed to Archbishop Ireland, in which half an hour i^ given to any denomination that may wish to send religious teachers to talk to and instmct them with the consent of the parents. How do you think that would work? A. I think it would work badly, because if you allow any priest of any denomination to go into the school it would be looked upon by the people as something the government had 1« The Senate Document and Romanism forced upon them ; and if the priests were allowed to go back under any conditions, they would be able to influence the people and the pupils very largely, and I think it would hinder rather than help the civilization of these people. Q. You think these people are not so subject to the control o/ the ministers of the Catholic religion that they might be pre- vented from availing themselves of educational opportunities if they were offered without any religious teaching. Could not the priests, if they chose to exert such an influence, prevent their going to the public schools? A. If the friars were allowed to go back they undoubtedly would. Q. But when Catholic priests go who were not friars, but who were anxious to support the Catholic religion and to con- form to the views of their church, which looks with suspicion and hostility on nonsectarian influence, how would that be? A. They could use a great deal of influence. Q. Suppose we could get the favor or the church, or avoid Its hostility, were we to give half an hour for religions instruc- tion, you stiU think it would be better to decline? A. I think it would be better not to allow them. I am nei- ther one thing nor the other, personally, and am unprejudiced. Q. It is only a question of policy? A. I am thinking simply of the idea of elevating this people Expressions of thanks. MEMORANDUM OF CONFERENCE WITH CEFERINO JOVAN, ALCALDE OF BA- COLOR, PROVINCE OF PAMPANGA. October 19, 1900. After referring to the conditions prevailing in the province of Fampanga, and especially in the pueblo of Bacolor, from a political standpoint, several questions were addressed to the alcalde regarding the friar question in that portion of the island of Luzon. In reply to these questions, Senor Jovan stated that he had known a large number of friars living in concubinage with wo- men, and a number of children the fruit of such illicit relations. That the animosity against the friars extended throughout every strata of society down to the very lowest, and was not confined by any means to the educated and higher classes of society. That, so far as his own pueblo was concerned, a re- turn of the friars to their parishes would not result in their occupying the .influential positions they held under the Spanish regime, for the people were beginning to learn what the sepa- ration of church and state meant, and that he, as the head of the pueblo, would, receive no orders from the friar should he endeavor to assert the authority he held under Spanish rule, and if he were to come with credentials from the archbishop, or even the Pope, he would set them at naught, if they (the eccle- siastical functionaries mentioned) tried to intermeddle in mat- ters in which they had no concern. That he himself was an 142 The Senate Document and Romantsm ardent Catholic, and followed to the best of his ability the teachings of Jesus Christ, whom he recognized as the head of the church and from whom he received his inspirations. That if the friars endeavored to intermeddle in matters temporal, he would tell his people that under the American Constitution and laws no protection was vouchsafed to any religion or sect other than the protection guaranteed every citizen ; that the friars must live from voluntary contributions entirely, and that the faithful were free to attend church or not, as their own con- science might dictate. That the province of Fampanga had been one of the favored portions of the island, in that the friars owned no property there, and consequently did not subject their tenants to the grievous burdens laid upon them elsewhere. INTERVIEW OF BRIG. GEN. HUGHES, U. S. v., COMMANDING HEADQUARTERS AT ILOILO. ISLAND OF PANAY. NOYBMBKR 6, 1900. Q. You are a citizen of the United States and general offi- cer in the regular army? A. A. colonel in the regular army and a general officer in the Volunteers. Q. How long have you been in the islands? A. I have been in the islands about twenty-seven months. Q. Ton served as provost-marshal-general of Manila, did you not? A. Of Manila, yes, for nine months, when it was first oc- cupied, from Sept. 1, 1898, until June 1, 1899. Q. Where was your service after that? A. I commanded in Iloilo, originally as a district, now as a department, and have been there since — for about eight months. Q. And that carries you over other Islands than Fanay? A. It Includes now Leyte, Bohol, Cebu, Negros, and Fanay. Q. Tou have made it your busineas to make yourself famil- iar with the conditions prevailing, have you not? A. Yes ; I have to know the conditions. Q. Have you had occasion to Investigate the attitude of the people towards the friars? A. I have made It my business to do it, looking to what course might be the most prudent if I were called upon for any advice Iti the matter ; and in traveling over the dlfierent islands I have questioned a great many people as to the situation and the feeling on that subject, more especially in the islands that have been brought more nearly under subjection, looking to a settlement. Then it has come to me in other ways, where the presidentes get into trouble with the priests; that has come up in discussion, and I have reached a very decided opinion on the subject. Q. Suppose it was said to you, general, that the feeling with respect to the friars was confined to the three or four lead- ng men in each town who, for political reasons, were preju- diced against the friars, and who, through the instrumentality of the Eatipunan society or some other society, prevented the 143 The Senate Document and Romanism friars from being received back, merely by a conspiracy, and that the mass of the people were anxious tp have the friars re= turned. Would you say that was correct? ' A. I should say it was absolutely erroneous. Q. What do you think is the attitude of the common people toward the return of the friars to their parishes? A. So far as I know, they are very strongly opposed to it. Q. And you would not confine the statement of that feeling , to the men whom I have designated as the three or four leading men in each town? A. I know it is not so. Q. Were yon able to arrive at a conclusion satisfactory to yourself as to the cause of the feeling against the friars? A. I have been able to arrive at a conclusion as to some of the causes. Two of them seem to be cardinal points, as I un- derstand the people in the Visayas : One is that they were very apt to corrupt the families of their parishioners; the other was that they were a very money-making lot. Q. What political power do you understand from talking with the people that the friars exercise, if any? I mean actual power. A. I don't think that they had any, except as they could bring it to bear through, their parishioners — but that among these people was very great. Q. Were the friars loyal to Spain, or otherwise? A. I think they were loyal to themselves. Q. And Spain was their instrument? A, That is it — Spain was the instrument. They worked for themselves. "^^ Q. Ton have said that they corrupted the families. You refer to their immorality? A. Yes. Q. How much evidence have you had as to the immorality of the friars? A. You always have to make wide margins in these things, but it was a very general complaint that they corrupted the daughters of families. It was very general. I think, so far as I know, there are two friars down there. I have found but two ; there may be others. I have been through the depart' ments thoroughly. Those I' made inquiries about especially. One is at Talesay, in Negros, a man whose life has been pure, and when they drove the others out he simply said he would not go, and he is there now, treated with the same respect and as free as ever. The other is in Cnlasi. He has married a na- tive woman and has led an upright life, and is treated and hon- ored as any man would be. Q. He violated his vows of celibacy? A. Yes ; but otherwise he has led a pure life. Q. He maintained himself faithful to the woman he mar- ried? A. Yes; and he has a family. Q. Who are performing the religious functions through the Visayas now? A. Native priests, as a rule. There has lately come a btsh- , op to lioilo ; a Spaniard. 141 The Senate Document and Romanism Q. Bishop of Jaro? A. Yes. Q. And the bishop of Cebu returned? He is a popular man, is he not? A. Yes ; but the bishop of Jaro was not received with any warm reception when he returned. Q. What do you think yrould be the result If the friars at- tempted to go back to their parishes? A. Knowing the temper of the people, if they were to go back I should forbid their going back to any town not occupied by American troops, for being responsible for their lives, I would not allow it. Q. Does your jurisdiction reach down to the place where the Jesuits have had missions? A. They have had missions in former days in Sainar, Leyte, and Cebu, but I think they have all gone to Mindanao. I never have found any of their missions in our department, but I think there are several in Mindanao, for nine of the Jesuits came up to see me at Manila when they were driven out of Negroa. I received them all. The Jesuits have received a good deal of respect from the people. Q. Do you know much about the character of the native priests— first, as to their morality? A. Well, I have had to remove one or two because the con- gregation said they would not stand it, and to preserve peace I had them moved away. i Q. What was the occasion of their indignation? A. In some cases women and in others drunkenness. Q. On the whole do you think their tone is any better than that of the friars? A. To be plain, judge, there is no morality in them, not a particle. They gamble in their convents ; they send for mem- bers of their congregations to gamble with them. There is no morality. Q. They are generally strong insurgents, are they not? A. They are the soul of the insurgents. Q. Is there a motive — or what do you think of that — on their part to support the insurgents because they fear other priests will come in should the insurrection fail? A. I think It is one of self-interest purely. They have al- ways had an income, and they know that under our system of government we are not going to provide for that, and I think it is purely self-interest. Q. To go back again ; I omitted to get through the causes of hostility to the friars. I want to ask about their money- making tendency above referred to. How do you mean they made themselves obnoxious I A. I have never gone into the details of it. The people have merely spoken of the desire of the priests to get rich, but I have never gone into the details of it. It is one of the charges made against them. ' Q. How far has the bishop of Jaro In his return to his dio- cese received the subordination and respect of the people— of the priests and parishioners? A. In Hollo, where he resides, there is quite a sprinkling The Senate Document and Romanism of Spaniards and Spanish mestizos, etc., who were rather glad to see him, I think. After his return they petitioned us to vacate the convent.in order that he might come, but outside of that class of people I don't think he received a welcome from any- body. The active bishop, the native priest, did not even call on him. He had ta send for him. The ordinary people would not take ofl their hats to him when he landed. There was no re- spect of the natives shown at all. Q. That was a contrast to the reception of the bishop of Cebu, was it mt ? A. Entirely. The bishop of Cebu was welcomed by the whole town. Q. Do you know the bishop ? A. I never met the one at Cebu. ' Q. They regard him with reverence ? A. Yes. He has done good work. The one In Hollo can not have any influence at all. I think any action of his would be resisted simply because it came from him, if for no other cause. Q. Have you been putting into operation schools in your 'department ? A. We have schools I think probably In 99 per cent of the towns that we occupied. In Hoilo we had quite a struggle to get a school. They had burned the town and we had no school- houses and BO place to put them. I had a census , of the town taken as to the school children of school age. I found that there were about 600 in taking this census. I had it taken by officers ; so as to And out the facts. They inquired if the people would send their children voluntarily. They were usually asked if English would be taught, and when told it would be they stated they would go. We had to build a schoolhouse, and when that was finished we opened the school, I think on the 1st of September or the 1st of August. Of the 600 that were of school age, without making it compulsory at all, they have now 438 In the school. Q. Have you encountered any trouble in your schools be cause you did not give religious Instruction ? A. Not at all. Q. Any complaints among the priests 7 A. We did not hear any, and the people have not shown any disposition to keep their children away on that account, not a particle. It is purely voluntary. I wanted to try to find out how many of the 600 would go and we have 438. I asked as to the shortage, and they said some were large enough to have to work. Q. Has the result been similar in Cebu ? A. The school results in Cebu have not been satisfactory, mainly due to the fact, I think— I discussed it with the town council to find out what the matter was — and the main obstacle to the better condition of schools there is due to the fact that we can not get English teachers. I have tried and can not get them. Q. Have you talked with Atkinson ? A. I have not met him. I tried at Cebu and Hollo. I wrote people, and finally wrote a letter asking that I be allowed to 146 The Senate Docufhent and Romanism send two hundred youngsters home to America and edncate them and let them come back and go to teaching. Q. But, on.the whole, you think that in the country we should encounter little difficulty in making popular English schools with no religion being taught ? A. No difficulty at all. All we have to do is to open the schools and the children will go. To make a Visayan an Eng- lishman is difficult. We will have to have English teachers. I had a good man at Iloilo, but he got a commission the other day and I had to hunt another. One-half of my troubles come from lack of being able to communicate to those people. Expressions of thanks. INTERVIEW WITH WILLIAM H. BECK, COLONEL FORTY-NINTH INFANTRY. November 9, 1900. Q. Will you please state your name and office ? ^ A. Col. William H. Beck, Forty-ninth Infantry, U. S. "V., commanding subdistrict of second district of northern Luzon, with headquarters at Tuguegarao, province of Cagayan. Q. Does your district include all of the province of Cagayan ? A. Very nearly. The larger part of it. Q. You have been in the islands how long ? A. Since the ^d of January, 1900. I have been at Tusue- garao since the 20 th of March, 1900— nine months. Q. Has It been part of your duty as commander of the sub- district to observe the customs and opinions of the people of all classes ? , A. Very largely. Q. Have you had occasion to consider the views of the common people and their feeling toward the priests of the Catholic church who were Spanish friars and who acted as parish priests in these islands before the revolution ? A. Tes. There was an order issued' from the office of the military governor directing that information relative to the Philippine Islands be furnished. Some of the inquiries in the blank furnished in accordance with the order were relative to church property. In ascertaining to whom the churches and buildings pertaining to the friars actually belonged, I Inquired of the presidentes of the eight towns in my subdistrict, and others, who generally claimed that the buildings were upon property belonging to the people, And that the subscriptions of the money which the buildings cost to erect were taken from the people, in some cases by an arbitrary tax and in others by voluntary subscriptions, but generally— in all cases I think in my subdistrict — they claimed that the buildings and property belonged to the people, and it is so regarded in the replies in the blank referred to. I might add that I found upon inquiry that almost all the Filipinos in that subdistrict objected to the friars and their methods, and that they do not desire them to return, saying that they have Filipino priests who suit them better and are as well educated and pan educate tlieir children guite as well. 147 The Senate Document and Romanism i. Q. What do yon say as to the feeling against the friars; is it bitter or not ? A. It is very bitter. Q. Do you think it would be safe for the friars to return to their parishes which they occupied in your province ? A. That would largely depend upon the attitude of the United States troops there. There is no doubt that in some of the outlying districts of small pueblos they might be in some danger, but in the larger towns, notably Tuguegarao, the fact that the government of the United States permitted or indorsed their return would largely tend to their safety, as also the fact that prominent citizens, the presidents, the vice-presidente, chiefs of barrios have taken the oath of allegiance. Q. I suppose there is considerable difficulty in making the people understand the difference between allowing the friars to go back without indorsing their return and actually indorsing their return ? A. It would be extremely difficult, for the reason that for hundreds of years they have recognized that the friars have been under the protection of their government, and although they have been assured that have separated church and state, it still holds in their minds that that which is protected under our flag is indorsed by us. Q. A' e there any friars in your subdistrict ? A. They have all disappeared. The padres are all Filipinos. The Spanish priests have left. Q. You are not prejudiced one way or the other in the matter are you ? A. I have no prejudice, and from the fact that my wife is a Bomanist I am quite tolerant and have many priests for friends. Q. What would be the effect if the church were to send American priests to the Islands, not to take the place of the native padres, but to work with them and where they have none ? A. I think if the heads of the Philippine church— that is, the priests, such as the archbishops of provinces, etc., could be induced to indorse that plan it would be largely beneficial, but the difficulty comes in from the fact that the present chief padre of the province is a man who has relatives who have been in local positions as presidents of the pueblos ... the sudden separation of church and state, as he regards it, might induce him to look upon it with, a favored eye, but from my knowledge jf him he controls all the province of the valley of the Cagayan, including Isabella. If the chief here, whom I presume is the archbishop, could be induced to indorse that plan, he would render all assistance. He would have taken the oath of allegi- ance, and told me so, but he would like the authority of the archbishop. I transmitted for him a request asking the per- mission of the archbishop, but it was never replied to by the archbishop. This priest is past seventy years of age now. I believe he is one of the best of men. His name is Guzman. 148 The Senate Document and Romanism EVIDENCE OF FLORENTINO TORRES, ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE IS- LANDS UNDER MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. ANSWKRS TO THB INTERROGATORIES. 1. I have been living in these Islands ever since I was born in this capital of Manila. 2. I have resided the greater part of my life in Manila, al- though I lived about seven months in Bigan, capital of Ilocos Sur ; about two years in Bacolor, provincial seat of Fapanga, and six years and some months in the city Of Cebu, capital of the island of the same name. 3. I have had occasion to personally observe during my residence in this capital, and in the seats of the three provinces mentioned in Luzon, and the Visayas, prior to the year 1896, the kind and character of the religious, social, and political re lations which existed between the friars and the people of the parishes under them. As regards the religious relation, saving a few exceptions, where sincerity and good faith were noted in the conduct of 'certain friar curates in the matter of teaching the rudiments of the Catholic religion, and everything relating to worship and its rites, the large majority discharged their ministry according to monastic traditions in a routine way, tending to the ends of the order, and, taking no care to make clear the foundation and essence of the Catholic dogma and beliefs; they endeavored only to eflfect external manifestations, such as processions and church ceremonies, with the constant view of adding to their profits through parochial fees, of Infiuencing and dominating the minds of the faithful and believers, and of always favoring their personal interests, and those of the conmiunity to which they belonged; exploiting the piety and fanaticism of the pueblos in the name of heaven and to the positive benefit of the friar. It is not the spread of the faith nor the salvation of souls which were as a general rule the object pursued, but rather the preponderance and the predominance of the monastic corporations, and the incessant accumulation of considerable wealth, improving religion and their capacity as ministers of God as the sure means to realize, through multiple and diverse means, the decided purposes of the communities. The meager education of many of the Filipino priests is due to the devices of the friars, since the latter. In order to possess themselves of the best curacies or parishes, adopted fifty years ago the systematic plan of the seminaries rendering difficult the entry of aspirants, restricting instruction and send- ing out few in number and capacity, while the best priests who followed them were persecuted and slandered in order that they might assert before the world, as the delegate of the Pope has, that there are not priests enough in number, and of those there few fitted to be parish priests, and all with the diabolical and ■Dharisaical intention of being able to say that th? friars are " 149 The Senate Document and Romanism necessary in this unhappy country to uphold Catholicism. They He with the effrontery of always, and are and will be responsi- ble before God and history for every injury the Catholic church, may suffer. The artlessness and deficient culture of a great part of the inhabitants of this archipelago are circumstances of which the friars have taken advantage, for, as is known, they take care to have it always believed that they can hurl excommunications and command the terrible punishments of heaven, with the power to cast the disobedient into the uttermost depths of hell. As a general rule, charity and love of the neighbor have disappeared, save in the rarest cases, aind when the name of God is invoked before the multitudes He is represented not as the just and merciful God, but as the vengeful and extermi- nating, giving the believers to understand that unless they sub- mitted themselves wholly to the will and caprice of the friar curate their souls after death would not enter into heaven. The social relations which the friars have maintained with the Filipinos are the most injurious, and opposed to culture and the moral and material progress of the latter. Ministers of a religion whose Founder proclaimed charity to the limits of sacrifice and equality among men, have preached the contrary and sustained by their works the inequality and difference be- tween races, impeding and ridiculing every notion or idea of dignity conceived by a Filipino. They have endeavored to keep the Filipinos in ignorance, opposing, wherever they could bring their pressure to bear, the teaching of the Spanish language by primary school-teachers. They have condemned in their preach- ings and private conversation every desire for culture and civi- lization, antag3nizing the best purposes of the Madrid Govern- nient or of that of these islands, as well in the faint and meager reforms in behalf of the progress and education of the Filipinos as in the economical measures which to a certain extent afiect the interests of the corporations, although they may redound to the great benefit of. the people ; and having arrogated to them- selves the title of mentors and directors of this society, Instead of teaching the Filipinos cultured social behavior becoming to civilized men, they educated and formed them morally with that narrow character, little, frank and distrustful, which is noticeable in the generality of the people, especially in the more ignorant, making them stubborn and suspicious of inter- course and relations with foreigners. It can be asserted with- out exaggeration that the friars have been and are a fatal hin- drance to the advancement, moral and material, of this country, from the very fact that they have devoted themselves to keep- ing this society In ignorance, as though it lived in the middle ages or in the mediaeval epoch of remote centuries ; and lastly, as priests and curates . the majority of them were living ex- amples of Immorality, of disorder in the towns, and of diso- bedience and resistance to the constituted powers and the authorities, encouraged by the impunity guaranteed in the anachronistic jurisdiction, by the weakness of the governors and officials, vitiated with f etichism and hypocrisy, and by the irresistible omnipotence of each monachal corporation, pos- sessing immense wealth. The curate friars were agents and 160 The Senate Document ana Romanism representatives of a powerful theocratic feudalism, which has been ruling this country for many centuries back without any sign of responsibility of any kind through civil and military officials appointed by the Spanish Government, with the more or less direct intervention of the commissary friars residing in the capital of Spain. And as the Catholic church in these islands was and still is completely monopolized and dominated by them, and to that end they secured from the complaisant and suiiidal governments of Madrid and from the deceived Boman curia that the majority of archbishops and bishops of this country should be always friars, and in this century, or at least during the past forty years, the friar succeeded in monopolizing abso- lutely the miter to the extent that the priests were wholly ex- cluded from the bishoprics, including Peninsular priests, despite the exalted Spanish patriotism which the friars preach. From all these antecedents it is very easily deduced what were the political relations existing between the friars and the Filipinos. Incrustated and coexistant with the Spanish sovereignty was to be found the monachal sovereignty, and hence the friar, archbishop and bishops intervened in the government of the country in general, and in turn the friar curates did the same in the administration of the provinces and pueblos, since the first-named formed an official part of ,the superior junta of au- thorities, and the latter of the provincial and municipal junta, the friar curates constituting themselves into mentors and. In- spirers of the local authorities, without, however, contracting responsibilities. Tor all of which reasons it is patent that the political relations between the friars and the Filipinos had to exist by reason of the strength, omnipotence, and predominance of the former feudal lords, and the obedience and submission, bordering on slavery, of the latter, thanks to the complicity or impotence of the government offlcials. There were, undoubtedly, praiseworthy exceptions, for amid so much laxity some made themselves known as, and there are to-day, friars honest, humble, and full of knowledge and virtue, and are truly religious ; but the exceptional qualities of these few men only brought out more prominently the anti- social and impolite 'demeanor of the majority as prejudicial to Catholicism. It was asserted as a positive fact during the late regime that the discontent and hatred for the friars existed only among the rich and enlightened Filipinos and the mestizo race, and that the great majority of the natives of less culture, especially the country people and the great mass of the settlements with slight social education, were decidedly favorable to the friar; but when the revolution broke out in August, 1896, the bandage, growing progressively denser, which covered the eyes of the Spanish governors and statesmen, fell, and studious and think- ing men oiE all races were convinced that this representation, believed like an article of faith because it was guaranteed by the friars, the only ones — according to their affiliates— who knew this country, was nothing more than a stroke of monkish rhet- oric, and an an ti patriotic artifice to prop up and sustain the monachal interests and the conventionalism wrought between the deceivers and the deceived, for then they all saw that those 151 The Senate Document and Romanism ■who discharged guns, handled bolos, and managed lances and even cannon, were nat the rich, the enlightened, and the mes- tlzillos, as the most reverend apostolic delegate repeated a lew days since in the argument in the San Jose College case, echo- ing the friar with whom he has identified himself with admira- ble promptness in all and for all, but rather that mass of poor and little-enlightened natives in much their greater part, who Impress a socialistic character on the revolution, essentially political; the while they showed tenacious eagerness in retain- ing the Spanish friars, soldiers, and civilians who fell into their ^ands, they took possession of the haciendas of the friars for purposes of recovery despite the conciliatory and prudent advice of the enlightened and of the mestizos. Nearly all, if not all, of the inhabitants of the island, at least of the present generation, bear hatred and resentment against the friars, and are prepared against returning to their infamous yoke, some for personal injuries received, and the rest, even the indlflFerent and the descendants of the very friars, injured in their dignity and manly amour prop, find themselves more or less convinced that it would not be possible to live with dignity, prudent liberty, and legal guaranty for the hu- man personality or hope for progress and prosperity in this country, while the friars govern, or can have Influence over those who govern, in order to continue their gloomy policy against the Filipinos. The very few Filipinos who have shown themselves favorable to the friars, and who do not apparently feel these moral moods, some through religious fanaticism, and others through natural bonds, by reason of the interests which united them or through gratitude in exchange for important favors or benefits received. ^ 4. I knew and treated with many friars of the several com- munities existing in these islands in the capital as well as in the provinces. 5. The personnel of the orders, as a general rule, was com- posed of men from the common classes of the peninsula; those from the rich and cultured class were few. But during their convent life and the exercise of the parochial ministry they ■succeeded in improving and bettering their knowledge ; many acquired social experience and polish, and some have become notable in the arts and sciences, the Augnstinian and Domini- can friars distinguishing themselves in this, especially with re- gard to the cleanliness and pulchritude with which they ap- peared in society, and the former in the cleanly conditions of their rooms. 6. The friars had the immense tracts of land they possessed devoted to agriculture through tenants or on shares, utilizing them for the raising of rice and sugar-cane in order to get profits out of the lands, and the city real estate in this capital was rented or leased. In many pueblos of some of the prov- inces of Luzon, the friar curates advanced money on the sugar and rice crops, which staples they then sold to whoever offered the best price. There have also been cases where they have loaned money on articles of value, especially to those who had families in the pueblos. The lay friars, who managed the great monastic plantations, received the rental or tax of the 152 The Senate Document and Romanism lands leased to the tenants, In kind— that is, in rice or sugar, which they stored in the warehouses and then sold on account of the corporation. 7. The friars more or less intervened directly in the elec- tions of the former and modern municipal officers. Their in- tervention and " O. K." were Indispensable on all the reports which the governor and other authorities required of the for- mer gobernador. Villa of Lipa, Sept. 24, 1900. THE PROBLEM OF THE FRIARS. (TranBlation .) In the newspaper called El Progreso, of the 4th of the pres- ent month of September, I have read that the civil commission on entering on the discharge of its duties, distributed among several prominent Filipinos some interrogatories, the questions in which were limited to the pending problem of the religious orders. Proceeding upon the hypothesis that the civil commission desires to hear every Filipino upon the said questions, I proceed to reply to the 29 questions of the said interrogatories, although I have not received directly any copy thereof :— 1. How long have you lived in the Philippines? A. Since I was born. I am 65 years of age. 2. In what parts of the islands have you lived? A. In Zambales, where I first saw the light, Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Pangasinan, Tayabas, La Laguna, Morong, Ilocos Sur, Albay, Iloilo, Bohol, Cebu, and the two Camarlnes, In the capital of which, the city Nueva Caceres, I have been established since the year 1893. The Senate Document and Romanism 3. How much personal opportunity had you before 1896 to observe the relations existing between the friars and the people of their parishes In a religious, in a social, and in a political way? A. So very many were the personal opportunities I had to make the said observations mentioned in the question, that it is in every way impossible for me to specify the number of such opportunities. Suffice it to say, that from the age of 16 years (I repeat that I am 65"), I have almost daily witnessed acts which have made more deep-seated in me the conviction that the friar, or rather the system which gives as a result the friar, is Incompatible with the liberty and happiness of the people. 4. How many friars have you known personally? A. I have known many Dominican, Augustinian, Recolletto, and Franciscan friars ; perhaps 200 of them, and having been in rather intimate relations with some of them, I can assert that the best of them were tyrants, who found much pleasure in saying : " The Filipino must be given bread with one hand and rattan beatings with the other." In Spain, by merely catting oS a thousand heads, Don Carlos would reign, and consequently the kingdom of peace, of order, and of justice would prevail. 6. From what class of society were they drawn in Spain? Do the different orders differ at j^l in this respect? A. Those I have known belonged to farmers' families, and of them some Spaniards were wont to say : " They were caught with a lasso on the field of Spain." In this regard there is no difference appreciable to my mind between the different religious orders ; and although it is to be presumed that among the friars there may be one or more from a distinguished family, I have not had the pleasure of knowing any individual of this class. 6. What agricultural or business or residence property in any part of the islands do you know from which any order of friars has derived income? Describe it as well as you can? A. The friars have properties devoted to agriculture in the pueblos of Calamba, Binan, and San Pedro Tunasan de la La- guna; in Muntinlupa, province of Manila; in Guadalupe and San Felipe Nery, where they also have quarries, being worked by lessees ; in Imus, and other pueblos of Cavite ; in Bulacan, and in Cagayan. In Manila and Cebu they must have business property yielding an income. As regards business, they sell scapularies in the sanctuary of San Sebastian, girdles in door- way of San Augustin, rosaries in that of Santo Domingo, and old habits and roses of Jericho in that of San Francisco. I am unable to describe the suburban and urban properties of the friars. 7. What political functions were actually exercised by the parish priests in the islands under Spanish rule? A. The following : Their report was decisive for the incar- ceration and deportation of a Filipino, without his being ap- prised of the reason, or permitted to present his defense. Their report also determined the appointment of a public official, so that no one could be a local authority, justice of the peace, ca- bezade carangay, etc., without their will and acquiescence. More than this, without the " 0. K." of the curate friar, the ac- counts of a gobemadorcillo, teniente, or municipal captain were 181 The Senate Document and Romanism not approved. The friar enjoyed immunity as regards his re- ports, and hence he rendered them just as he pleased when treating of an enemy or of an individual who had been appoint- ed to an office against the former's will. The Philippine laws granted the friars intervention in all matters, and intervention which made them masters of the life and liberty of the Filipinos. So powerful were they that Don Marcellno Orza, Spanish gov- ernor-general of the Philippines, said on a certain occasion to the king of Spain : "Send me, your majesty, f orty-flve ; they will serve me better than forty battalions." And the same gen- eral, or another, also said : " T. M. has an army in each friar." 8. What usually were the relations between the heads of the Spanish government here and the heads of the church? A. Cordial, as a rule; but at times the ecclesiasts made their will prevail. Daniel Moraza, director of civil adminis- tration, issued a circular providing for all the school-teachers to teach the Spanish language, to which the majority of the friars were opposed, the result being that Senor Moraza was removed. Later, Don Benigno Quiroga Ballesteros, also direc- tor of civil administration, essayed the same, it being publicly stated that he had in view the secularization of the University of Santo Tomas, of Manila, and filling its professorships by competitive examination, in order that the chairs might be filled not by those who should beat their breasts more and pray longer, but by those who should have more scientific attain- ments and greater professional aptitude. The removal of Se- hor Quiroga did not have to be awaited long. Recently the governor-general, Senor Despujol, having displeased the friars because he did not shoot anyone and deported no one, was re- lieved, recall that in 1891, while I was in France, I read in several newspapers a telegram from the Archbishop of Manila, wherein, after the sender asserted that Senor Despujol was an inconvenience in the Philippines, he said to the Spanish govern- ment: " Either Greneral Despujol leaves here, or we, the Arch- bishop of Manila, and all the friars will leave." The history of the Philippines records two significant facts : The imprison- ment of a governor- general, carried into effect by the friars, who loaded him down with chains and shipped him to Mexico, which he did not reach, having died en route, and the assassi- nation of another governor-general and his son. 9. What fees were actually collected by the parish priests for marriages, burials, and christenings? How were they fixed, if you know? What, if any, was the effect of such fees upon marriages? A. The fees actually and really charged by the curate friars for marriages and interments were excessive, not subject to any tariff, and the worst of all was the way in which they were collected. At times the corpse would be left unburied for many hours because the curate did not wish the burial to be carried into effect without the fees he charged being first paid. The fees for marriages and interments were established by the Arch- bishop of Manila, Don Basilio de Santa Justa y Bufina ; but the friars did not govern themselves thereby, rather collecting fees as they pleased; thus It was that cases arose in which in some narishes higher fees were charged, and in others lower, scandal 185 The Senate Document and Romanism being the natural result- Tn 1866 or 1867, Dona Lucia del Fierro died in the pueblo of San Felipe, to which parish the pueblo of Lindol belonged. The curate, who was a Becoleto fnar, Fray Mariano Rincon, presented a bill which at the first glance sbowed it was most excessive, sending word to the family that the ^- ceased would not be buried if the bill were not first paid. He was told that he would be paid immediately, but to kindly pro- duce the tariff in order to see what was chargeable for each item, it being worthy of note that the bill only contained the aggregate of the fees, and did not set forth the account m de- tail. The curate replied that he would present the tariff during the burial, which he again asserted would not be carried out if he did not receive the fees beforehand. The curate was paid to his entire satisfaction, but he did not produce the tariff, and the subscriber became the object of his animosity, because he believed that as I was a nephew of Dona Lucia, the idea of asking him for a detailed account and the production of the tariff had come from me. At that time I wished to ask for American naturalization, and I made steps looking toward it for fear of being deported; but Father Rincon fell into disgrace among the friars, going, it seems, to the extent of fleeing from the con- vent of Recoletos, and this relieved me of his revenge, my rela- tives and friends succeeding in causing me to desist from my purpose of changing nationality. They did not charge fees for baptisms, but for the candles they furnished, or for the sounding of the bells, or for the play- ing of the organ of, the church. The fees which impose a bur- den on marriages were the cause of the poor not marrying and living in concubinage. In order to put an end to this evil, which reduced the income of the curate, the friars succeeded in securing from General Terrero, if my memory does not deceive me, the deportation of all who were living in concubinage. How many thus living departed from Zambeles, never more to return to their country through having had to live in an un- healthy and deadly place 1 The pretext for this was the moral- ity, the purity of the customs, and the cleaning out from the provinces of filibusters ; but the fact was that the friars were defending their income, and to him who wished to marry and did not pay in advance they were wont to say : "You either pay or go to deportation for concubinage." 10. What was the morality of the friars as parish priests? How much opportunity have you had to observe? Can you give me instances? If so, please do so. A. I have known curate friars who were of exemplary con- duct, highly virtuous, religious, and good Catholics. But I have also known many friars so immoral and cynical, that they were wont to say, confidentially, when they were intoxicated, that they had a great advantage over those who we're not priests in the conquest of good-looking women, as they relied on the confessional, and through it they became apprised of facts which made easy the attack, assault, and taking of the strong- hold. In 1860, when I was 15 years of age, Don Jose Sanchez Guerrero, alcalde mayor of Zambeles, began a war without truce against the friars of that province, and all of them, ex- cept one, were carried to Manila, not only because they had wo- ise The Senate Documen t and Romanism men and children, but also because of their scandalous life, without caring a whit whether the whole world were apprised of the fact that they had what they called'their wife and pro- geny. Vide in the work of Canamaque, " Eecuerdos de Filipi- nas," an appendix relative to the friars. 11. What do you think is the chief ground for hostility to the friars as parish priests? Does it exist against all the or- ders?' Why the difference? A. The principal cause for the animosity and hatred of the friars lies in the abuses committed by them as curates, relying on theexisting legislation, which elevated them to the category of petty kings of the pueblos, where only that was done which seemed to them advisable. Fray Sebastian Maynar, a Eecoleto, acting parish curate of the pueblo of SanNarcisco, inZambales, once said to a gobernadorcillo, when I was present, "This or- der of the alcalde mayor will be obeyed, but will not be carried out." This statement gave one to understand that immediately sncceeding the signature of the alcalde mayor, it had to be • stated that the order would be obeyed ; the gobernadorcillo limiting himself to this formality, leaving in a quiet and passive manner the order received to become a dead letter. Neither the Panlist Fathers nor the Capuchins are disliked in the islands of Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao ; neither are the Jesuits in the two islands first named, and in my judgment this difference is due, with respect to the Paulists, to their having devoted them- selves solely to teaching ; with respect to the Capuchins, to their being new to the country and never having filled any cur- acy in the Philippines ; and as regards the Jesuits, they are liked in Luzon and the Visayas because they limit themselves on these islands to teaching, like the Faulist Fathers ; but on Min- danao, where they had curacies, they are as much disliked and hated as the individuals of the other religious orders. 12. Charges have been made against the friars that many of their number have caused the 'deportation of Filipinos, mem^ bers of their parishes, and that in some instances they were guilty of physical cruelty. What, if anything, do you know on these subjects? A. A Filipino prayer, written by me long before I had any notice of the interrogatories to which I am replying, will an- swer this question satisfactorily. Here is the said Filipino prayer: — " My God and Master ! Have compassion upon us, the Fili- pinos ; protect us from the Dominicans, Augustinians, Eecole- tos, and Franciscans. By instigations of these friars thousands of Filipinos have been torn from their homes, some to eat the hard and black bread, or the Pinaua of deportation, and others to shed blood in streams at executions. They were conducted to the calabooses, and there they were suspended from a beam with a pile of rocks on their shoulders, and several others hang- " ing from their feet and their hands. Suddenly the cord by which they were suspended was loosened, and they fell in a heap on the fioor, where, if they were not killed, they suffered dislo- cations and fractures. Later they were lashed on the soles of the feet, on the calves, on the backside, on the shoulders, and on the stomach. Their fingers and toes and privates were 187 The ^Senate '* Document' *an(f ^Romanism squeezed and mangled with pincers. They were given electric shocks. They were given to drink vinegar or warm water with salt In exceesive quantities, so that they might vomit whatever they had eaten, and which had not passed through the pylorus into the small intestine. Their feet were placed in the stocks, and they were compelled to lie on the ground without even a bad mat, the mosquitos, chinch-bags, fleas and other insects sucking their blood, and the rats, at times, coming in their mad race and biting, to render worse their sorry and afliicted situation. They were given nothing to eat or drink except from one after- noon to another, the unhappy Imprisoned Filipinos thus ex- periencing the tortures of hunger and of thirst. And after causing them to suffer other horrible tortures invented by the Inquisition of ominous memory, squalid, careworn, attenuated, hardly able to stand erect, many were taken to the field, where they died by shooting, for such was the will of the friars, who every day asked for blood-^Filipino blood — the blood of those who in this country stood out by reason of their knowledge, their uprightness, or their wealth. Thou knowest, my God, that In 1872 the Filipino fathers Bon Mariano Gomez, Don Jose Burgos, and Don Jacinto Zamora died on the scafiold because they opposed the friars usurping the curacies of the priests, as in the end they did usurp them, because the friars were almost omnipotent at that time, and there was no human power to arrest their will. Neither are we ignorant, my God, that in 1897 there were shot to death on the field of Bagumbayan the the Filipino priests Don Severino Diaz, Don Gabriel Prieto, and Don Inocencio Herrera, because the two first-named objected to the curate of Naga, a Franciscan friar, collecting some parochial fees belonging to the said Father Diaz, as curate of the cathedral of Nueva Caceres. 'Thou also knowest, my God and my Lord, that notwithstanding that Dr. Don Jose Bizal, the unfortunate Macarlo Valentin, and innumerable other Filipinos were wholly innocent, they also succumbed bn the field of Bagumbayan, shot to death. Neither Is It unknown to Thee, my God, that a multi- tude of Filipinos have remained marked forever as the result of blows and cruel treatment they have received, among them General Lucban, who has a rib sprung, and will probably carry it through life. Inspire, Lord, the American authorities with the idea of making an examination and excavations in the Monastery of Santa Clara of Manila, for about fifteen years or more ago a nun went upon the roof of the said monastery and there loudly begged for help— a scandalous fact which many Manilaltes can not but recall. Expel, Lord, expel from the Philippines the friars, before there is powdered glass in the rice we eat and poison in the water we drink, and before Dr. Manuel Jerez Burgos, to whom an aunonymous missive was addressed saying: ' Lara died to-day ; thou shalt die to-morrow,' shall be assassinated. Take, Lord, take from our sight the habits of the friars, which recall lio us days of mourning and aflliction, . days of prisons, deportations, tortures, and executions of beings who are dear to us, whose unhappy end still draws tears from our eyes and fills our hesrts with anguish. Do more yet, my XiOrd and God, dissolve, annihilate, destroy throughout the world the monastic order whose by-laws constitute a woeful 188 The Senate Document ana Romanism system ■which produces, and necessarily must produce, men hypocritical, perverse, covetous, and cruel oppressors of hu- manity, as is evidenced by history and recently by tne present ■war In China, occasioned by abuses, arbitrariness, and excesses of the friarsu We supplicate and pray Thee, my God, that Thou cast out from the Philippines forever the friars that again are attempting to take possession of the curacies of the Philip- pines, to treat anew our priests as though they were their ser- vants. Amen." 13. What is to be said of the morality of the native priests? A. The duty of speaking the truth imposes upon me the necessity of stating that the native priests are on the same footing as the friars, for there are Filipino priests of exemplary conduct, as there are also many ■who leave much to be desired in the -way of morality. Were the Catholic priests allowed to marry, like the Protestant pastors, we should not have, as at present, spectacles by no means edifying. 14. What as to their education and preparation to discharge clerical duties 7 A. The Pilipino clergy are educated, and can become more educated, for, let the friars say what they may, the Filipinos have a capacity for the sciences, as is at once apparent, for man is the same everywhere, except in localities where heat or cold are very excessive, and this truth may be proven in this country, where we have wise men in all the branches of human knowledge. They are already sufficiently prepared for the dis- charge of clerical duty. When, in 1835, the friars were put to death in the Peninsula, it was not Spanish friars, but Filipino priests who discharged the curacies in the Philippines. Subse- quently friars came to relieve them, although they could not know as much as they, since, through a dispensation of the Pope, they become priests after four or two years of studyi— I do not remember exactly, and the notes I had jotted down in the premises have disappeared in consequence of the present revolution. 15. What do you think would be the result of an attempt of the friars to return to their parishes ? A. The result of that attempt would be fatal ; and there might be a reproduction here of the disturbances in the Pen- insula in 1836. The mission of the friars has terminated in the Philippines, and everybody in this country, except the women, the children, the relatives, and the friends of the friars, are tenaciously and obstinately opposed not only to their returning to thair parishes, but also to their remaining in the Philippines. We Filipinos are disagreed on many points ; but as to the ex- pulsion of the friars, many, very many, ardently ' desire it, and request it with vehemence. Let this matter be submitted to a vote in the Philippines,' and the result would undoubtedly be a majority of millions of votes. 16. What do you think would be the effect In the islands of the appointment of an American archbishop ? A. To my mind it would produce a good effect, provided he Is not a friar. All the Catholics would accept him with vener- ation and respect, and as to the non-Catholic^ as they would not see in him a representative of despotism and tyranny, they could not but applaud his selection and appointment. 189 \ ^The Senate Document and Romanism 17. What do you think of the establishment of schools in which opportunity would be given the ministers of any church to instruct the pupils in religion half an hour before the regular hour ? Would this satisfy the Catholics of the islands in their desire to unite religion with education ? ^ A. As I am one of those who oppose the freedom of con- science, I find the idea of establishing schools in the manner indicated in the question an excellent one, which is also advis- able in order that there may be equality before the law. The Catholic is not compelled to become a Protestant, and why should the Protestant be compelled to become a Catholic? Why should Catholicism alone be taught ? It is clear that such a determination would not satisfy the Catholic of the islands, be- cause everywhere the Catholic is intransigeant and headstrong, and never ceases preaching that liberalism is a sin, without seeing that he confounds religion with politics and that he thereby declares himself incompatible with liberty and progress, he finding himself in his element where absolutism and the magister dixit reign. To my mind the said schools should be established without regard to the Catholics ; for it is just that all should enjoy the same benefits of instruction in their re- spective religion, since all are to contribute to the popular and state burdens. 18. Will not the fact that parish priests, whoever they may be, will have no political functions to perform, and no political Influence, and must depend on the voluntary contributions of their parishioners for their support, very much change the re- lation of the priest to the people ? A. Tes, sir; but bearing in mind that the friar is deeply hated, and that his presence alone suffices to anger the edu- cated people of the country, if the curate is a friar, sooner or later there will be a disturbance of public order, notwithstand- ing the new conditions, for a special and important circumstance must not be lost sight of. Very rare is the Filipino family that has no cause for complaint against the friar, either because he was influential in the deportation or execution of some indi- vidnal thereof, or because it has received some other kind of serious offense. 19. What do yon think would be the effect of the govern- ment expropriating the agricultural property justly belonging to the friars, paying what it is worth, selling it out in small parcels, and using the proceeds for a school fund ? A. The real estate of the friars was illegally secured, as I expect will be proved at the proper time by those interested; but supposing there are agricultural properties justly belonging to them, the expropriation to which the question refers would be a special and signal favor done by the American govern- ment to the Philippines, which would be very grateful for it- Expel the friars ; sell the real estate they withhold, and I am either seeing visions, or a great step toward the peace we all long for will have been taken. Jorge Gascia nst, Fibrbo, NoKVA Cackbbs, September 11, 1900. 190 Missing Page The Senate Document and Romanisfn^ Pamplona, April 31, 190Mj Tr> -^HE Politico Military G'^vbrnor OF THE Valley or the Cagayan: The tmderpigned, the presidente, counselors, and the in- habitants en masse of the town of Pamplona, province of Cagayan, Luzon, Philippine Islands, respectfully, and with the greatest consideration, state to you that having been Informed creditably of the design of the Spanish friars to obtain the re- turn to them of the curacies of these towns from which they were expelled by the recent political revolution against the Spanish sovereignty and, domination in these islands, which , had for its object the shaking eft of the galling and hated yoke of the friars, who were maintained against the people by the despotic Spanish Government, can not refrain from making a most earnest protest and asking you to interpose your valuable influence and authority to the end that these pretensions be re- jected by the person called upon to encourage Catholicism In this archipelage and watch over the interests of the Catholic faith. We also ask that you support the rights of the Philip- pine secular clergy, native to the country, that they may remain in charge of tl^e parishes from which the Spanish ecclesiastics were expelled and of which they have had temporary charge as the pastors of our souls since the beginning of the revolution against the sovereignty of Spain and of the friars who were protected by the representatives of that nation in this archi- pelago. For this we appeal to justice and equity of your excellency, whose life may God preserve many years for the welfare of those you govern, that the undying splendor of the Catholic faith we profess may be preserved. Clembnte Mapuraya, and 72 others. [First indorsement.] Oppice Military Govkrkor, Second District, DMP4R1MBNT OF Northern Luzon, Aparri, P. I., May 12, 1900. Respectfully forwarded to the secretary to the military governor in the Philippines, Manila, P. I. Two more friars arrived here to- day en route to Batanes Islands, making six in all. In a letter handed me by one of the friars from Archbishop Chapelle for perusal, the archbishop says, in efiect, that only politicians are opposed to the friars. I invite attention in this connection to my letter to you of recent date, stating that all the people are opposed to their re- turn to this valley. From that time jto the present I have been more firmly convinced than ever of the sincerity of the people in the matter of the return to their parishes and former duties of the friars. It would really be well to prevent their return for the pres- ent at least, when the whole sentiment of the community is against them. Charles C. Hood, Colonel Sixteenth U. S. Infantry, Military Governor. 192 The Senate Document and Romanism Manila, April 16, ]90f- CoLONBL Hood, U. S. A., Commanding at Aparri, P. I. Dear Colonel : This note will be handed to you by the Dominican fathers whom I am sending to the Batanes Islands with the full knowledge and approbation of Maj ir-?eneral Otis. As they will stop a couple of days in Aparri, they wilhdo them- ' selves the honor to call to present you their respects and to learn from you whether, according to your j udgment, it would be well for me to send soon other fathers to administer to the (^iritnal needs of the people within your district. The insurgents have made war against the religions orders, because they felt that wherever their members would have charge of parishes they would be absolutely loyal, and powerful supporters of American authority. No blame can attach to them for having as Spaniards been loyali to their country ; but now, as a matter of duty, they all feel bound to oppose insur- rection, to keep the people from entering into any blood cove- nant against us, and In the interest of law, order, and of reli- gion to support American authority. The accusations adduced against them are the merest pretexts of shrewd and anti- Amer- ican Filipino politicians. Bishop Garcia, who Is a Franciscan, returned to Cebu lately, and Colonel Snyder showed him some courtesv at the suggestion of General Otis, who acted on my advice. iTie bishop was re- ceived by the people with enthusiasm, and his presence there is most beneficial to American Interests. Some days before the bishop's arrival the president of the junta popular, representing the Eatipunan Society, told the colonel that if the bishop came there would be trouble- The former answered that if there was trouble the latter and his few companions would have to bear all the respousibility. The result was that these very men joined the people in acclaiming the bishop at his coming. As you know, it is sufficient for three or four men to mis- lead a whole town in these Islands. I am glad, however, that the mass of the people begin to see that they hare been misled, and that American officers are not now ready to give credence to the representations made to them by wily educated Filipinos who, whilst professing to be amigos, would put us Americans out of the country, or cut oar throats if they could. I therefore bespeak for the four fathers iwho will come to see you, a kind reception and any courtesy which you will be able to show them. They are highly educated and most worthy clergymen. Your obedient servant, P. L. Chapklle, Archbishop New Orleans, Delegate Apostolic Cuba, Porto Rico, and Philippinee. A true copy. C. L. Bbckwith, Captain, Sixteenth U. S. Infantry, Acting Adjutant. 193 Tne Senate Document and Romanism OfbtcS of the T'mtrd States MlLIT4Rr lir-VBKNOR IN THE PHILIPPINE-. Manila, P. I., July 6, 190a To XjfE COMMANPING GeNBKAL, Department of Northern Luzon. Sir : I have the honor, by direction of the military gover- nor, to acknowledge receipt of a communication from the com- manding officer, second district, of your department, dated April 25 last, informing this office of the arrival at Aparri of four DomiLican friars, en route to the Batanes Islands, and re- questing that no more friars be permitted to go to the prov- inces within said district, expressing in connection his very grave apprehension that trouble, dissension, and perhaps revo- lution would be the result of re-establishing the friars in their former positions ; also a communication from Pamplona, nu- merously signed by citizens of that place, protesting against the return of the friars, which communication was forwarded on May 12 by the commanding officer of the second district of your department, and in which he renewed his recommenda- tions of April 25 as to placing a prohibition upon the return of friars to their former parishes. Replying to these two communications, the military gov- ernor directs me to state that he is prepared to assure the na- tive citizens of the Philippine Islands that the following pro- vision will be embodied in any form of civil government which may hereafter be established in the archipelago : — As under the Constitution of the United States complete religions freedom is guaranteed, and no minister of religion can be interfered with or molested in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful manner, and there must be a complete sepa- ration of church and state, so here the civil government of these islands hereafter to be established will give the same security to the citizens thereof, and guarantee that no form of religion shall be forced by the government upon any community or upon any citizen of the islands ; that no minister of religion in fol- lowing his calling in a peaceful and.lawful manner, shall be in- terfered with or molested by the government or any person ; that no public funds shall be used for the support of religious organization or any member thereof ; that no official process shall be used to collect contributions from the people for the supportof any church, priest, or religious order; that no min- ister of religion, by virtue of his being a minister, shall exer- cise any public or governmental office or authority, and that the separation of church and state must be complete and entire. In pursuance of the policy embodied in the foregoing para- graph. It is apparent that congregations, by independent, indi- vidual action, so far as any governmental interference is con- cerned, may reject any clergyman who is not acceptable to the majority of the communicants of the parish, and prevent his ministrations therein by such means as are suitable to accom- plish the purpose, provided that any action in the premises be not accompanied by application of violence. Ton are therefor authorized and requested to communicate to all commanding officers the substance of this commnnication, 194 The Senate Document and Romanism to the end that Information may be wiaely disseminated among the people in snch a manner as to reach all concerned. Very respectfully, E. H. Crowder, Lieut. Colonel, Thirty-ninth Infantry, U. 8. v.. Secretary. Sto. Domingo, Batanks Isi^ands, June 21, 1900. Teofllo Coslillejos replies to letter of June 13, 1900, from military governor, second district, department of Northern Lu- zon, relative to friars that have recently landed on above named islands. Is of the opinion that they should be dispensed with until barrio representatives assemble and take the matter into consideration. Fending institution of a new form of govern- ment, cannot decide favorable as to their permanent stay. , [First indorsement.] Hdqrs. Second District, Northern Luzon, Apakri, p. I., June 26, 1900. Forwarded to the secretary to the military governor in the Philippines, Manila, P. I. , requesting instructions. Eight friars have passed through here for Batanes Islands. I consider it very undesirable that they should remain. Charles Hood,, Colonel Sixteenth Infantry, United States, Commanding Second District. [Second indorsement.] Office Military Governqr, Manila, P. I., July 11, 1900. Returned to the commanding officer, second district. De- partment of Northern Luzon, whose attention is invited to copy of letter sent to commanding general. Department of Northern Luzon, explaining the views entertained by the mili- tary governor on the subject matter of the within communica- tion. Tou are advtsed that the effect of the recent order estab- lishing the Division of the Philippines and its several 'depart- ments and districts is to supersede the provisions of orders under which you were designated " military governor" of cer- tain provinces, and in all matters in which you have heretofore acted as such military governor you will hereafter act as com- manding officer of the second district, Department of Northern Luzon. / E. H. Crowder, -Lieut.-Colonel Thirty-ninth infantry, U. S. V., Secretary. (Translation ) Tayabas, April 1, 1900. To His Rkvbrbnce, Apostolic Delegate Mons. Sr. P. I. Chapelle : The leading men and residents of Tayabas respectfully state to yr Vir reverence that they declare themselves to be apos tollc Roman Catholics, and as such do not hate the friars as 195 The Senate Document ana Romanism ecclesiastics ; but being fully convinced of the injury which tney have done the country and which they would doubtless still do were they to be returned to the curacies, not only as regards public order, but also as regards morality and the wel- fare of the people, they Implore your paternal authority not to permit the parish of this town to be administered by any friar. If the charity which we have learned from our holy reli- gion did not prohibit us from relating the abuses and crimes committed by these ministers of the Lord, we would do so herein as a matter of information, if for no other purpose ; but we refrain from so doing, because, aside from such an action being contrary to Christian charity, our reasons for ask- ing for the exclusion of the friars from the administration of the parishes are known to all. We must advise your reverence that we make this state- ment with Christian sincerity, not obeying any partisan spirit, and we have the satisfaction of stating that none of the under- signed, and none of the 17 000 inhabitants more or less of this town, belongs to the Masonic order. May God guard your reverence many years. SoFio Ai-EMDT, and others. [First indorsement.] Office Military Governor, Manila, P. I., Apiil 18, 1900. Referred to the Rt. Rev. P. L. Chapelle, archbishop of New Orleans, and apostolic delegate for Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines. I know nothing of the facts presented in this petition, nor of the character of the petitioners. As it appears to be respectable in tone, I simply present it in accordance with petitioner's request. E. S. Otis, Major-Gen., U. S. Volunteers, Military Governor. NuEVA Casoeras, May, 1900. To THE Goveknor-Gbnbral, Military Governor of this Province. The local presidente of this city and its municipality and residents who sign this have the honor to lay before you, as the representative of the American government of this province, the sincere and energetic protest against the return of the vicar and friars to this diocese, having in view the establishment of ecclesiastical rules in the same, and of which they were de- prived by the last revolution against Spain, and ^ho had by their acts rendered 'their remaining not only in these towns, but throughout the Philippines, incompatible with the maintenance of their moral and material welfare, as these religionists had been and continue to be the cause of the disturbed conditions of the country, and which the American authorities are labor- ing to settle. They beg that you will please consider the loyalty of the residents of this place, and to communicate with the apostolic delegate sent by Pope Leo XIII. to these islands, that he may take such measures as he may deem proper in this question of such vital interest. CEighty-two signatures.) The Senate Document and J lomanism [First indorsement.] Hkadquartebs Thied District, Department of Southern Luzon, NuEVA Casceres, p. I., June 1, 1900. Respectfully forwarded to the military governor, Philippine Islands (.through military channels). James M. Beix, Brigadier-Gen., U. S. Volunteers, commanding. [Second indorsement.] Hdqrs. Department Southern Luzon, Manila, P. I., June 26, 1900. Respectfully forwarded to the secretary of the United States military governor in the Philippine Islands. J. C. Bates, Major-Gen., U. S. Volunteers, Commanding. Office or the United States Military Governor m the Phiuppinbs, Manila, P. I., July 6, \aijo. To THE Commanding General, Department of Southern Luzon. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of the com- munication of recent date of the president and residents of Nueva Caceras, North Camarines, protesting against the return of the vicar and friars to that diocese, and representing that any attempt to reestablish ecclesiastical rules in said diocese or elsewhere in the Philippines, would result in- disturbed condi- tions which would materially retard the pacification of the islands. Replying thereto, the military governor directs me to state that he is prepared to assure the native citizens of the Philip- pine Islands that the following provisions will be embodied in any form of civil government which may iiereaf ter be estab- lished in the archipelago. As under the Constitution of the United States complete religious freedom is guaranteed, and no minister of religion can be interfered with or molested in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful manner, and there must be a complete sep- aration of church and state, so here the civil government of these islands hereafter to be established will give the same se- curity to the citizens thereof, and guarantee that no form of re- ligion shall be forced by the government upon any community or npon any citizen of the islands ; that no minister of religion in following his calling in a peaceful and lawful manner shall be interfered with or molested by the government or any person; -Uiat no public funds shall be used for the support of religions organizations or any member thereof ; that no official process shall be used to collect contributions from the people for the support of any church, priest, or religious order ; that no minis- ter of religion shall exercise public or governmental office or authority; and that the separation of church and state must b« complete and entire. In pursuance of the policy embodied in the forgoing para- 197 The Senate Document and Romanism graph, it is apparent that any congregation by independent individ - aal action so far as any governmental interference is concerned, may reject any clergyman who is not acceptable to a majority of the communicants of the parish, and prevent his ministrations therein by such means as are suitable to accomplish the purpose, provided that any action taken In the premises be not accompan- ied by application of violence. You are therefore authorized and requested to communi- cate to all commanding officers the substance of this communi- cation, to the end that information may be widely disseminated among the people in such manner as to reach all concerned. Very respectf iiUy, E. H. Crowder, Lieut-Colonel Thirty-ninth Infantry, TJ. S. V., . Secretary, Copy of the foregoing communication famished all depart- mental commanders. CoLAMBA, p. I., July ir, 1900. Hall, Robert, brigadier-general, U. S. Volunteers, com- manding Second District, Southern Luzon, recommends that letter of the ftth instant from office United States military gov- ernor In matter of religious freedom of the citizens, be trans- lated into Tagalog, and given the widest possible circulation. [First indorsement.] Hdqrs. Department Southern Luzon, Manila, P. I., July 22, 1900. Forwarded to the adjittantgeineral, Division of the Philip. PS^es. J, c. Bates, Major-General, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding. [Second indorsement.] Bdqrs. Division of the Phiupmnes, Manila, P. 1., July 26, 1900. To military secretary. [Third endorsement. ] Office U. S. Moitary Governor in the Phiufpines, ManUa, P. I., July 30, 1900. Respectfully returned to the commanding general Depart- ment of Southern Luzon. While it is not deemed expedient to publish the Tagalog translation of the letter of July 6, referred towithin, there is no objection to that letter receiving circu- lation among the people. Department or district commanders may take appropriate action to that end. By command of MajorGeneral MacArthnr : E. H. Chowder, Lieutenant-Colonel Thirty-ninth Infantry, U. S. V. Secretary. The Senate I^ocument ' ana Romanism TESTIMONY OF GENERAL SMITI* Judge Taft asks Gen. Smith in relation to condition of forests. Prof. Worcester. I have already been talking with tne General a little about that in my room, and he says it is a matter of necessity. This business of burning timber to get a patch to cultivate has inflicted heavy damages, and something ought to be done with a view of having a stop put to these depredations of burning timber. Judge Taft, I suppose it would be better from what the Greneral said to me the other day before making changes of that sort to change the government itself, which, as I understand you, they expect will be changed when there is a general sys- tem of government adopted for the islands. Gen. Smith. That is, their idea is that their government remain in effect as it is now until some form of government is adopted for the entire archipelago. I do not think they would wish to be placed under the provisional government adopted to meet the situation existing elsewhere. They would not wish ontheir part to be placed on the same grade. Judge Taft. In other words, you think the better policy for us to pursue is to jast treat them as organized separatelyi for the^time, until we can adopt a general system which shall in- clude all the islands. Gen. Smith. Yes ; and purely on the ground of expediency ; and as a reward for their steadfastness. Gen. Wright. There have never been any hostilities in that island ? "> Gen. Smith. Yes ; there have been three risings altogether among the natives, one occurring soon after our arrival and after the provisional government itself had raised the flag. The provisional government of the natives was formed on the 6th day of November, 1898, after having overpowered the Spanish garrisons a,nd obtained a capitulation from the Spanish general who was acting as military governor of the island. The insurgents were then attacking the Spanish forces in Iloilo, but the Spanish forces there had still at their disposition sufScient gunboats to have made it Interesting for the natives of Negros, if they had wished to do so. The middle of February, afttir the taking of Iloilo by the Americans, the people of Negros sent a commission here, and after the return of the commission there was a rising. This rising was inaugurated by people living in Silay, who had come from Molo, Panay, and who had gone over there to live. About twenty- eight of them went out with their rifles. This party was subsequently augmented to about sixty; they remained perfectly quiet until August, 1899, when they be- gan operations which continued until about the end of Septem- ber, when they retired from the island, after losing some thirty- nine of their men. On the east coast of Negros nothing was done by us at flrst. No troops were sent nor was an/ mission- ary work done in that part of Negro^. The province on the east coast, known as Oriental Negros, was supposed to be under the central government at Bacolod; but there had been no com- munication between the two provinces from November, 1898, 199 The Senate Document and Romanism and so, in the process of time, the insurgents of Litzonand Panay were able to get in a certain amount of missionary work in Oriental Negros to our disadvantage. In fact, In April or May, 1899, the legislative body of Oriental Negros at Duma- gnete was considering the advisability of adopting the Filipino constitation as projected by Aguinaldo. Just at that time, the present secretary of agricnltnre of Negros, Sr. Juan Araneta, was sent to the oriental coast for the purpose of bringing about a better understanding between the two provinces of the island. He carried with him a draft of the constitution which the people of Occidental Negros were then considering at Baculod, and submitted it to the legislature of Occidental Negros at Duma- gnete. As the result of Araneta's work, the deputies of Oriental Negros declared in favor of the United States and sent dele- gates from Sumaguete, th^ir capital, to what might be called thci constitutional convention at Bacolod. After the adjourn- ment of the convention at Bacolod the delegates from the oriental province returned, carrying with them some American flags, which they proposed to raise in every pueblo in the pro- vince ; but when they attempted to raise the flag at Bais the I)eople there said to them, " Ton have been the strongest ad- herents of Aguinaldo and among the strongest opponents of the Americans, and we can not understand your change of heart." A force of about 1,600 men (nearly all bolomen) immediately gathered at Bais and Tanpay, and vowed that American flags should not float in Oriental Negros, whatever might be done on the west coast. In this contingency, Larena, former presi- dente of the oriental province, returned to Bacolod and reported there the condition of affairs in his bailiwick. In consequence of the information given by him I sent a battalion to Oriental Negros, Lieutenant-Colonel Dnboce, First Calvary Volunteers, commanding. Colonel Dnboce was able to effectuate, without the shedding of any blood whatsoever, the complete dispersioc of all insurgent gatherings, and from that time down to the present there has never been any disturbance whatever in east- ern Negros. The third rising occurred in Valladolid, and was the result of work done by the Hongkong junta and emissaries from Panay and Luzon. A landing of insurgent troops from Panay was effected at Ginigiran, in Negros, on December 6, and on January 16 the entire force had either surrendered or had been dispersed. Judge Taft. You have had pretty large forces of ladrones, haven't you, in the mountains ? Gen. Smith. There have been, according to my estimate, from 1,000 to 1,500 of these people; I mean for the entire island. Prof. Worcester. When I was there in 1891 there was said to be 2 000 in one band up in the mountains. Gen. Smith. That is the same party, that is about the number. Some run it up about as high as 3,000, but I think a conservative estimate would fix the number at from 1,600 to 2,000. We inherited from Spain from 1,000 to 2,000, and, of course, present conditions throughout the islands lidre not tended to diminish that number. Judge Taft. Killed a good many ? 200 The Senate Document and Romanism Gen. Smitli. About 460. Prof. Worcester. Where are they making their head- quarters now ? . Gen. Smith, There Is a small band In the northwest of the island in and about Escalante and down as far as Sagay. The band keeps high up on the mountain, dividing and scattering along the trails when pursutd. Gen. Wright. Do they raid American posts f Gen. Smith. There has been but on6 assault on an Ameri- can post in Negros, and that was made by insurgent troops at Glnigaran. The Tnisanes confine themselves solely and "ex- clusively to robbing their own people, defenseless barrios, anil rish haciendas, but they never assault American stations or at- tack American troops. Prof. Worcester. Are they back of Dumaguete ? Gen. Smith. No, sir ; that party has gone over the moun- tain to Isabella, into what might be called the Isabella district. Gen. Wright. Is It a wild country ? Gen. Smith. Very wild. Prof. Worcester. Is the old trail clear ? Gen. Smith. Tes; the trail along the pass which comes in ftt Isabella from Guijulungan is still practicable. With the ex- ception of the pass from Valle Hermosa to Castellano that is the best pass of the many passes. Prof. Worcester. Have the Monteses (so called wild people ef Malayan origin in the' islands^ had anything to do with this Baibailane business 7 Gen. Smith. Many of theMontese are Baibailanes; in fact, nearly all ; but all are not lawless. Prof. Worcester. I never have understood altogether clearly the origin of the so-called Baibailanism, and I was wondering how much they had to do with that. Gen. Smith. Well, Baibailanism is the aboriginal fetishism, more or less modified by certain Christian dogmas ingrafted upon it. Papa Scio is the head of the Baibailanes. Prof. Worcester. Is It known where he Is holding forth at the present time ? Gen. Smith. He is now in or about Sipalay and the un- known country in southwest Negros. He has been so persis- tently pursued, however, that he never remains long in one place. Judge Taf t. What do you think of the possibility of or- ganizing native troops in Negros 7 Gen. Smith. They have been organized there. Judge Taft. How largely ? Gten. Smith. Two hundred. Judge Taft. Have they done well 7 Gen. Smith. They have; they are amenable to drill and discipline— that is, to a measurable extent. With American troops they are eflective and ifflcient as scouts. Operating alone, they can hardly be trusted. They are disposed to com- mit grave abuses on their own people. Judge Taft. Do you have American ofllcers for them 7 Gen. Smith. The command of the entire body is under one American oflicer. My own idea is that, for the present and for 201 The Senate Document and Romanism some years, the command of them will have to be under an American officer. Judge Taf t. You think that American captains would be enough to give them the courage and the discipline which in a battle Is necessary ? Gen. Smith. A certain proportion of noncommissioned officers mixed up with them, or better, a certain proportion of American troops, would probably give them the necessary stiffening to make an aggressive campaign. Their flrst impulse, however, is to adopt the Filipino method of fighting ; that is, to Are and then retire, and keep retiring. They do not understand, nor can they ever well be taught, except by force of example, the aggressive policy. Judge Taft. What Gen." MacArthur calls the policy of " shock." Prof. Moses. Do you find it advisable to have the com- panies as large in these native troops as in the American troops? Gen. Smith. A company of one hundred men with one captain and three lieutenants I think would be about right. Gen. Wright. They, generally, would be white lieutenants at flrst ? Gen. Smith. I would begin by selecting men who have the military spirit and letting them know that promotion could and would come to them if they proved deserving. Probably the promotion or ^hance of promotion to lieutenancies would give them the necessary stimulus to do good wofk. Prof. Worcester. But suppose your captain was killed or seriously hurt ; the natural sequence would be that he would succeed the captain. Gen. Smith. Yes, but of course no promotion of a native should be made to a lieutenancy until he has perfectly demon- strated his ability to command. Judge Ide. What kind of service have those native troops been used for ? Gen. Smith, They have been used in skirmishes and en- gagements, but nearly always with American troops. Prof. Worcester. Have you had trouble with their com- mitting abuses when they were off on their scouting operations ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Gen. Wright. You have got that checked and under control? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; I have now. Originally the idea was to let them operate alone for scouting purposes, but we found that they were the worst enemies of their own people ard that they committed the most shocking abuses. They would enter a house and take what provisions they wanted without paying for them, and practically whatever they required. They had no respect for the rights of citizens, so that now the order in Negros is that no scouts be sent out except under the command of an American officer or noncommissioned officer with a cer- tain proportion of American troops, generally not less than six. , Judge Ide. Who do they skirmish with— with theladrones ? Gen. Smith. With ladrones aod insurgents. There have been in all three engagements with iasurgents. With la- drones there have been many. The heaviest engagement with ladrones took place in July, 1899, at Bobong, where they num- The Senate Document and Romanism oered eigdt hundred bolomen and something; like thirty rifles. They were attacked by fifty American troops in the early morn- ing. In that engagement It was donbtfnl for some minutes whether the American troops would be successful or be de- stroyed. They were ultimately successf al and kiUed one hun- dred and sixteen of the ladrone or Talisane element. Jadge Ide. How long ago ? Gen. Smith. That was in July; I think .about July 13. Judge Ide. This year ? Gen. Smith. No; 1899. They were attacked in their village. They were the people who destroyed these haciendas. Papa Scio, immediately after our occupation of Kegros, commenced missionary work among the employees of various haciendas, €xciting them t9 the idea of destroying the property and reduc- ing the haciendas to their original condition— that is, to a state .of nature. He didn't wish any more sugar planted, neither did Jie wish any but pure-blooded Filipinos to live in the island. As a result of his propaganda the laborers on haciendas de- stroyed the haciendas first, and then went out to join Papa Scio's Baibailanes. The force at Bobong numbered eight hun- dred, composed of Baibailanes, robbers, and the laborers whe had been seduced into joining them. Prof. Moses. They were attacked by fifty ? Gen. Smith. Fifty Americans. At the first onslaught on this village these people poured out of their houses. They were taken by surprise, but so much did they outnumber the detach- ment that they soon got confidence and came on bravely enough. Fifteen Americans had gone into the town over a narrow foot- bridge spanning a ravine ; but so fiercely were they met that they began to retreat. One of the corporals, was cut and stabbed thirty- six times, and then the detachment started to retreat ; but they never got across the bridge. The present Lieutenant- Colonel Byrne stopped them and forced them back into the town to renew the attack. And in the meantime other reenf orce- ments came across the bridge to aid. The engagement was so close that drilled, disciplined men like a first sergeant, were forced to fire from the hip— there was no time for anything else. One soldier is said to have killed three men in this last charge. Judge Ide. What kind of services have they had to render the last six or eight months, those native police ? Gen. Smith. They have been doing almost exclusively scout duty, in conjunction with American troops. Judge Taf t. Are they pretty efficient scouts ? ^en. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taf t. They chase the people into the mountains? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. And get information ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; they get information and pursue ladrones. They are able to approach them much nearer than our troops, who are recognized at a long distance. Gen. Wright. It is a pretty hard job to exterminate these robber bands ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; there are whole villages composed of i)anded robbers. 208 The Senate Document ana Romanism Judge Taft. And they always have been there ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Gen. Wright. There is only one way to do, and that is to move them out into some other island. Gen. Smith. Well, since that subject has been mentioned, I might say that that is the only solution of the difficulty. Once a robber always a robber is the rule with these people. Gen. Wright. They are simply whole families that for gen- erations have been nothing but robbers, and they do not know any other mode of life. Gen. Smith. And they are frequently led by educated men who have become outlaws. Judge Taft. Have you lost any by desertion from your na- tive troops? Gen. Smith. No, sir; among the native police we have never lost a man by desertion, and they have been submitted to very potent temptations and very powerful influences. Judge Taft. Have you lost any of your government troops? Gen. Smith. No; we have not lost any American troops. There have been some of t^em that have disappeared. There is one who is said to have deserted to the insurgents, but we are not certain whether he has deserted with the idea of going out and robbing the natives, or whether he joined the insur- gents—we do not know. As he deserted several months ago and we have not heard from him, we have come to the conclu- sion that he either deserted with the idea of going to the United States or Hongkong, or that the ladrones disposed of him. Prof. Worcester. What are these bad towns of which you General Smith. Well, for Instance, the pueblo of Murcia. Prof. Worcester. In what part of the island is that? Gen. Smith. Within 15 miles of the coast, and east of Bac- olod. It was originally a town composed of men who had been tried for various offenses, from petty larceny to murder. They settled in that pueblo (as far as I can learn from residents at Bacolod), where the officials and justices of the province of Bacolod protected them. If any of them got arrested for any offense, it was seen to that he either escaped or, when tried, that he was acquitted. Subsequently Murcio became a full- fledged pueblo, having its own administrative offices, and, of course, the same course was pursued. Of course there were and are some good people in Murcia. Prof. Worcester. When was that change, from a barrio to a pueblo? General Smith. During the Spanish occupation, I think. At any rate, prior to the coming of the Americans to the island. Prof. Moses. You say that there are good people in Murcia? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Prof. Moses. Do they manifest any sympathy with the United States, or what is their attitude in respect to the people? Gen. Smith. The attitude of the people in Negros who have Domething to lose is favorable to the United States. Of course, way down deep in their hearts is the sympathy of race for those who are struggling— that is, they realize that it is not for their best interests to stand alone, and they realize that they have 204 The Senate Document ana Romanism everything to lose by the continuance of these hostilities ; but, at the same time, they have a certain amount of sympathy for a true insurgent, and I venture to say that if any chief or chief- tain of knovrn renown came into Negros to-morrow, that the hearts of the people would go out to him. Although they real- ize that the insurrection is a mistake, they have the human sym- pathy which all have for their own blood battling in a wrong cause That was the thing which many military officers in charge of stations could not understand or did not appreciate. They expected that these men, with these sympathies (probably having brothers or relatives in the field), would not only openly but aggressively espouse the American cause. Gen. Wright. It would be very unnatural for them to. Gen. Smith. They are in favor of the United States. I won't say that they would be cfiensive partisans against the in- surgent government, however. Judge Taft. But they would be glad to have it over? Gen. Smith. They would be glad to have the thing over, with the United States in control. Judge Taft. As we expressed it in our message which we sent to the President, at his request, a very large majority of the people of these islands Ions for peace, and were willing to accept the sovereignty of the United States. Gen. Smith. That is it. Judge Taft. Now, don't you think that is a fair statement of it? Gen. Smith. That is perfect ; at least, so far as Negros is concerned. They are absolutely anxious to see these hostilities cease, and that some form of government be established. Of course, there is this to be taken into consideration also, in judging their attitude, that many of these men cannot be ag- gressive against the insurgents : First, because of the senti- ment ; and, second, because of the lurking suspicion in their minds that we are not going tg stay. They reason it out that if they are not dembnstratively American and we don't stay, they can patch up matters with Agninaldo & Co. If we do stay and the insurrection is definitely stamped out there will be plenty of time to make their peace with us. Prof. Worcester. I notice the town of Murcia is one of the inland towns. Most of your towns are coast towns ; how is it with them? Gen. Smith. They are law abiding. P^of . Worcester. Would there be any difficulty in a man getting on a horse and riding around the island? Gen. Smith. I have been over a considerable portion of it; but never around it, except in a boat. Prof. Worcester. How long does it take to get around the island? Gen. Smith. It would take about fifteen days to go from Jimimaylan to Dumaguete, taking the coast road and proceed- ing without delay. I would not undertake the trip in less than fifteen days— that is, considering the condition of the roads and the number of streams. It would take about a month to go all around the island following the coast. Prof. Worcester; How are the Spaniards regarded there, 205 The Senate Document and Romanism men who used to have extensile sugar plantations ; can they re- turn and work their plantations? Gen. Smith. Yes ; except those plantations which are near the mountains. Prof. Worcester. How about Bago and Dumaguete? Gen. Smith. There is no trouble on the eastern coast at all. Prof. Worcester. How about Montenegro? Gen. Smith. The Montenegro family was very wealthy and had money loaned out. Of course, it was a mortal offense with some of those people to attempt to collect a dollar, and his at- tempt to collect what was due him brought about the assault which was made on him. But that was before any Americans had gone to Oriental Negros. Judge Taft. As to the religious question. You are a mem- ber of the Catholic church? General Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. Who are administering the sacraments and performing religious functions in the island now? Gen. Smith. Native clergy, with probably one exception. Judge Taft. Are all the parishes full; have they priests in every parish? Gen. Smith. No, sir; there is a great lack of priests. Judge Taft. Can you give any idea of how many priests are now In Negros? Gen. Smith. There are at least [counting] Ave. They need at least forty. Judge Taft. How do you think they would receive Ameri- can priests there? Gen. Smith. They would be well received ; their methods are altogether different from those of the native clergy ; the na- tive clergy are all arbitrary. They have been accustomed to control. They are educated men, and the rank and file with whom they deal are not. Judge Taft. They are educated? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir ; they are. Judge Taft. And I suppose they follow in the footsteps of the friars who were before them? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; of course they exercise no civil functions whatever now— that is, the natives; they have noth- ing to do with the civil. But so far as religious matters are concerned, they exercise the same religious functions as did the friars. Gen. Wright. The native clergy, as a rule, are very sympa- thetic with the revolution, aren't they? Gen. Smith. I think I don't trespass when I say almost to a man. Gen. Wright. I can understand very readily why they are. It would not be human nature if they were not. Judge Taft. They are very anxioua to retain the authority they have had? Gen. Wright. That is the whole thing. Gen. Smith. There is not any question but what that is so. Judge Taft. Do yon think It would be safe for the friars to go back? Gen. Smith. It might be possible to secure their safety, of Ihe Senate Document and Romantsm course, by means of troops. I should not like to take the re- sponsibility of sending them to any of those towns unannounced or unprotected, or without some understanding. Judge Taft. Do you really think there is a popular feeling against them? Gen. Smith. There is a popular feeling against them. Judge Taft. Due to the fact that they have exercised what has been regarded as political power? Gen. Smith. Due in a large measure, according to my un- derstanding, that they were practically the civil power. Judge Taft. And represented Spain? Gen. Smith. Represented Spain. In other words, by virtue of the civil power which they have exercised, they were unable to give that sympathy and that merciful interposition which would have otherwise fallen to their lot as priests. Judge Taft. They were made responsible for everything that went on in the way of civil oppression? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. I have understood, by examining the archbish- ops and the bishops of the church, and the heads of the reli- gious orders, that the captain-general, or the governor- general, whatever he was called here, was in the habit of using the fri- ars for obtaining information, and It was understood that every charge, against a person in a particular town was presented to the friars, and if ultimately the civil authorities dealt severely with the person in question it was charged by th»popular opin- ion and suspicion to the enmity of the friar himself. Gen. Smith. Oh, yes ; that is unquestionable. That was the origin in a large degree of the deep seated and, I might al- most say, undying animosity of the people toward them. There were other things, of course. Judge Taft. But that was the chief? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Taft. The other things, probably, would not be men- tioned if this had not existed? Gen. Smith. No, sir; never would be mentioned. And the other things were certainly not the rule; they were the excep tional instance which, occurring in a religious body or a reli- gions confraternity, reflected on the entire community. Judge Taft, And was made the text of an attack upon the entire body, because of its being so much opposed to the mem- bers of the body. Gen; Smith. That was used as an additional argument. They would pick out an isolated case, or they would pick out three or four friars and abuses that had been committed by them, and represent them as types of the religious community to which they belonged. Of course, there were many things that should not have occurred. Judge Taft. What bishopric was Negros in? Gen. Smith. In the bishopric of Jaro, I think. Judge Taft. At Iloilo? Gen. Smith. Yes. Prof. Worcester. What sort of a municipal government has been established in Negros? Gen. Smith. The municipal government that has been es- 207 The Senate Document and Romanism tablished there li a government that is composed of the presi- dente of the town, a justice of the peace, and six consejeros from the pueblo, with one delegate additional from each barrio in the jurisdiction of the place. Thepneblo corresponds almost to our counties. Prof. Worcester. Did the delegates and consejeros have the same functions in the council? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; when the conucil of the pueblo met for the purpose of discussing municipal business. That is, the delegates represented the barrios in the municipal council; otherwise the entire pueblo money would be devoted simply to improvements of the "casco" (or body of the pueblo;, to the detriment of the outlying villages. Prof. Worcester. We have had that provision in mind in forming the municipal law, and we have also provided that each councilor shall be placed in charge of a barrio ; where the num- ber of councilors is larger, that they shall be grouped into dis- tricts, and he shall be empowered to appoint a man in each one of those barrios. Gen. Smith. That is probably the better plan. It is • very difficult to encounter men of sufficient understanding in the bar- rios that are located near the mountains. Prof. Worcester. How is the municipal government work- ing as a matter of fact? Are they getting sufficient funds for carrying on the affairs of the town comfortably? Gten. SmilJi. Yes, sir. This year the government has been supported since the sixth day of November down to the present time, and has a surplus in the treasury of probably $35,000, and that with three months of grace which was given for the col- lection of cedulas. The grace does not expire until the latter part of November. ^ Prof. Worcester. They have restored the cedula tax? Gen. Smith. There is a cedula tax of $3 a head, and the women are exempted, and those under 18 years of age. Prof. Worcester. What age do they hold that a man begins- to pay it? Gen. Smith. Eighteen years. Prof. Worcester. What other tax has been used? Have the funds of the municipality raised there been expended there, or turned into some general treasury and reimbursed? Gen. Smith. The cedulas are issued by the central govern- ment to the presidente of the town, to the extent of his bond. He collects the cedulas. He must account for every cedula which he has received. If it is burned, or lost, or otherwise destroyed or disposed of, or sold, nevertheless he must pay for it. They are all numbered, and he must account for every num- ber, either with the money or the cedula itself. Of the moneys that are collected, one-third is devoted to municipal purposes, and two-thirds of it is sent to the central government. Prof. Worcester. That money raised for the municipal treasury stays in the town? Gen. Smith. Yes; it is administered from the town. Judge Taft. How much do you raise for Negros? Gen. Smith. The income, up to the present time, has been 208 The Senate Documen t and Romanism about $140,000, Mexican, from cedulas and revenues from the forests, and what corresponds to our license tax. Frof. Moses. These cedulas correspond to what? Gen. Smith. They correspond practically to our poll tax. The original idea was to devote that fund entirely to schools. It would barely put the schools into good condition. Prof. Moses. Do you find any objection to that form of tax- ation, cedula taxes? Gen. Smith. No, sir ; I think that every man ought to pay a head tax to some amount; whether it is excessive or not is an- other matter, especiaily if that tax is to be used in furthering free education. Judge Taf t. What do you say to the feeling of the people with respect to the land tax ? Gen. Smith. Of the people I can not say ; of the property owners I can say that they are reluctant to have it. Judge Taft. But they recognize it as a necessity ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir j I found great difficulty, up to the time of my departure, in forcing upon them the idea of pro- portionally assuming their fair burden of the government. As it now stands, practically the entire burden of the government falls upon the poor man, who has nothing, and the . rich man, who has everything, has but little to pay. Of course, he pays the cedula tax for all his laborers, who seldom repay it re- ligiously ; but he charges it up against them and uses the claim as a whip to keep them in order and in his employ. Judge Ide. Are those large propertiy owners mostly Span- iards or Filipinos ? Judge Taft. Haciendef os ? Gen. Smith. They are mostly Filipinos, of the mestizo type. In this subject of taxation it must be remembered that they pay on their sugar (which is almostthe sole profit of Negros) 164 cents for every picul that leaves the island ; that amounts to $320 000 a year in prosperous years. Judge Ide. Is all that export tax ? Gen. Smith. Tes, sir; an export tax and the harbor tax. Judge Taft. Is that levied by the assembly ? Gen. Smith. The United States Government gets it. Judge Taft. That is, under the general laws ? Prof. Moses. It comes into the insular treasury ? Gen. Smith. Into the custom-hquse at Iloilo, I believe, and captain of the port's office. Judge Ide. At the present price of sugar and its cost of. production in Negros, Is that a highly profltjible industry ? Gen. Smith. Tes, sir. Judge Ide. So that they could stand the land taxation and still leave a business profit ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Prof. Moses. What about the continuance of the export duty ; do you think it advisable ? Gen. Smith. No, sir. Prof. Moses. We have got to cut it off, then ? Gen. Smith. That is my idea, that when the government is firmly established here that tax ought to be taken away la, order 209 Tne Senate Document and Romanism to release the producer of a burden which he ought not to bear. Judge Ida And have a land tax to take the place of it ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. What Is done lor schools there ; have yon any teachers of English ? Gen. Smith. We have teachers of English practically in every station where we have American troops. They are soldiers. Prof. Worcester. Are the people anxious to learn English ? Gen. Smith. They are. We have been besieged by various . schools for professors of English. They organized there an institution of what they call the " segunda ensenanza," a higher «ducation j but they have been unable to get a professor of Eng- lish yet. Judge Ide. What is done in the schools about religions in- struction 7 Gen. Smith. Religious instruction does not form any part of the curriculum. Judge Taft.' Do they have religious Instruction before or after the schools f Gen. Smith. They have some instruction is some of the primary schools in the catechism. Judge Taft. That is, the priests come ? Gen. Smith. No, the teachers. The civil government, prior to our coming, decreed the separation of church and state. Judge Ide. That is the law they enacted themselves ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; they have decreed the separation of church and state. Judge Ide. And would the public sentiment among the -people warrant the entire elimination of any religious instruction from the schools ? Gen. Smith. That is hard to say, and the reason it is hard to say is that on that subject they preach one doctrine and then do exactly the opposite. Judge Ide. Suppose that they had opportnntity for religions Instruction before the school hour, or after the school hour, for those who wished to receive it, how would that do ? Gen. Smith. I think that would be sufScient. Judge. Ide. I mean from the priests. Cren. Smith. I think that would be sufficient. Prof. Worcester. What has been your experience with their central legislative body — what sort of work does it do, as a taatter of fact ? Gen. Smith. The*men of the advisory council are not men who understand the artificial drafting of laws. They under- stand what is for the benefit of the country, but when it comes to putting it into words and sentences, they find some difficulty in accomplishing their purpose ; not more so, however, than our own legislators, I think. Judge Taft. Are they orators ? Do they talk much ? Gen. They do not talk so much, but sometimes they talk with a good deal of force. They get into squabbles among themselves. Judge Taft. Are they politicians ? Gen. Smith. Yes. Judge Taft. Are they as much politicians as the Tagalogs ? The Senate Document and Romanism «en. Smith. I think It is In the entire race— diplomacy and political manipnlation. Judge Taft. You said the other day that you thought the Visayan had a much more reliable character than the Tagalog. Gen. Smith. That is my opinion, although I may be doing an injustice to the Tagalog, because I lived here at the time of high tension between the two peoples ; we were in actual hos- tilities and our experience with the Tagalogs had been such as to produce strong prejudice. My experience with the Visayans has been to the contrary. In nineteen months I never had but two men break their word of honor ; men kept their word even when they were to come back for punishment after being al- lowed to visit their homes. Judge Taft. What kind of courts do you have in Negros ? Gen. Smith. We have a court there that is composed of men in whom I have the most complete confidence as to learn- ing and as to honesty. But there is but little judicial material. In case of death or disability it would be hard to fill a vacancy in the court. Judge Taft. That is, you have got all in that court that can be found in the islands. What do you think would be the effect of appointing American judges ? Gen. Smith. I would approve of a mixture. Judge Taft. That is, you would prefer not to have a rule as to Amerfcan judges ? Gen. Smith. Tes, sir. Judge Ide. How many courts of first Instance are there in tite island of Negros 7 Gen. Smith. There are three judges that are assigned to districts— the district of the north, of the south, and the ori- ental district. The oriental district comprises all of Oriental Negros, or what was formerly the province of Oriental Negros. Judge Ide. How many provinces are there in the Island 7 Gen. Smith. Two original provinces — Oriental Negros and the province of Occidental Negros. The last has been divided into two judicial districts or departments. The court sits In banc for the purpose of hearing appeals. Judge Ide. Are those judges all natives 7 Gen. Smith. Tes. Judge Taft. What are their names 7 Gen. Smith. Estanislao Tusay. Judge Taft. Is be a full-blooded Visayan 7 Gen. Smith. I think he is of mixed blood. Yecentes Hilado, Vicente Jocson. Prof. Worcester. What is Luzuriaga doing down there now 7 Gen. Smith. He is auditor of the Island. Prof. Worcester. What sort of an official does he make 7 Gen. Smith. He is one of the ablest men in the islands. He is an able man ; he understands finance. Judge Taft. What kind of a department governor would h< make 7 Gen. Smith. According to my idea, a splendid one. Prof. Worcester. Is he showing himself to be an honest man 7 211 The Se nate Document ana Romanism Gen. Smith. In this udministration, perfectly so. Prof. Worcester. Has he any back history that is against him? Gen. Smith. It is said he has. Prof. Worcester. It is pretty hard to find a man that has not. Gen. Smith. I think that he bore the same relation to the Spanish cfficials as other men jJid in the Islands. I jn-ige that both from what has been charged against him and from what I know myself. Under the Spanish administration, as far as Negros was concerned, to procure right and justice there was only one way of doing it, and from that habit many were pro- bably led to procuring injustice in the same way. Judge Taf t. When kissing comes by favor, why Gen. Smith. So far as my connection with him is con- cerned, he has been scrupulously honest, to the dividing of a cent. He has made an excellent auditor. I do not think that In my own country there could be found an auditor that was more careful and more painstaking in Investigating accounts and re- fusing payment unless it was absolutely clear, from the letter of law, that payment should be made— that is, if they failed to get into their laws what they intended, that did not cut any figure with him. He did just exactly what the law said— nothing more nor less. Judge Ide. Is he the auditor for the whole island ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; for all insular expense. Prof. Worcester. Who is your civU governor ? Gen. Smith. Melecio Severino. ■* Prof. Worcester. What sort of a man is he ? Gen. Smith. Melecio Severino and his whole family be- longed originally to what is known as the Insurgent Party ; in fact, two of his nephews were concerned in the flrst rising in Negros, and they have been anxiously sought for ever since. He was elected by the popular vote— by 28 votes plurality. Judge Taft. What did this vote run up to ? Gen. Smith. Five thousand, on less than a week's registration. I think there were fully 16,000 or 20,000 votes on the island; that is, with the educational and property qualiflcaiions. Sever- ino, during his term of office as governor, has acted consistent- ly. He has been energetic ; he has worked hard for the people, and he has tried to save the poor people from oppression and abuses wherever he could. He has visited nearly all the towns, not once, but oftener, as occasion demanded, and I am perfectly satisfied with his administrative capacity. Judge Ide. If there was a reformed legal procedure so that cases could be tried with expedition as they are in the United States, would there be any difficulty in having all the work of the courts of first instance done by one judge holding sessions in the different provinces or localities ? Gen. Smith. At present there would be difficulty, and until the lines of communication are better, it would be impossible, even in the future, except at a very large expense to the island. Judge Ide. There is difficulty of getting from one locality to another, and the expense would be great ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. 212 The Senate Document and Romanism Judge Ide. Wfiat are the means of commanlcation 7 Gen. Smith. Water communication, principally. Judge Ide. Is there a regular water communication 7 Gen. Smith. No, sir ; steamers touch at all the ports (ex* cept three) only -when it pleases their fancy or the trade compels. Judge Ide. How much of a trip is it from Bacolod to Dnmaguete 7 Gen. Smith. It is quite expensive and costs about $34. Prof. Worcester. Is there any government launch capable of doirg that? Gen. Smith. There is a government launch, but it is practi- cally a commissary boat ; it is used almost exclusively in de- livering commissary supplies. Prof. Worcester. Have you any other men down there of Ziuxuriaga's caliber ? Gen. Smith. Leandro Iiocson, secretary of tiie interiorf a true patriot and an able, honest man. Juan Araneta, secretary of agriculture, who has the method of the dictator; but, in all my experience with him, I found him to be perfectly honest and perfectly straightforward, and very industrious and energetic. Agostin Montella, the treasurer, Demetrio Larena, secretary of public instruction, and Dromcid Mapa, are also very good men. Prof. Worcester. The Araneta family is a very influential family there ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir ; but as a family it is more influential in Iloilo. Prof. Worcester, Is Juan Araneta the man that was head of the military department there under the provisional govern- ment ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Prof. Worcester. He carried a bolo on both shoulders for a -while ? • Gen. Smith. No ; he was one of the two men that I abso- lutely relied on, and I have never found fault with. In the be- ginning I relied upon two men absolutely and Implicitly; one of them was Araneta. Even when letters were placed in my hands purporting to be signed by Araneta (and of a highly revo- lutionary character), I still retained my confidence in him, and I -was always glad that I did, because I soon discovered that the letters had been written by the very insurgents who had gone out from Salay. Salay was the seat of the first distur- bance, and they cut the telegraph wire after we arrived, and said that they would not raise the flag. Araneta sent them word that unless they raised the flag and restored the telegraph wire by the next morning he would reduce the town to ashes. Well, it is needless to say they restored the wire, and there was no friction. Judge Taft. If you wanted to bring one of them up here to assist the central government, which one should you take ? Gen. Smith. If it is for legislative duty, I should take Iiuzuriaga. Judge Taft. This proposition has been made: That the form of government ultimately should be a mixed form like that of Porto Kico, in which there should be a popular assem- bly, one branch of legislative power, and a legislative council to 213 The Senate Document and Romanism Oe appointed by the governor, consisting half of Filipinos and half of Americans. Now, suppose you wished to get a Visayan representative for the legislative council, would you take Luzuriaga ? Gen. Smith. As the best all-round man, yes. Prof. Worcester. Do you know personally anything about Mapa, over at Iloilo ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir; he is not a resident of Negros. Prof. Worcester. I know he is not a resident, but I did not know but what you might have some knowledge of him person- ally. Gen. Smith. I have. Prof. Worcester. What is your impression of him ? Gen. Smith. Next to Arellano, I consider him the ablest man in the islands. Judge Taft. He has been a bit doubtful in his allegiance? Gen. Smith. He is a man of honor, I think. There is no question that even to-day he is simply submitting to the inevita- ble, and that he still believes in independence for his people. But I believe him to be honest in his opinions. He is a man of lofty ideas, of lofty sentiments ; of course his education and all that sort of thing would lead him to hope for, nay, to believe in, the practicability of nationality for the people. By his own elevated station, as an able and learned man, he Judges of the capabilities and natural abilities of all his countrymen. Judge Taft. Is he a practical man? Gen. Smith. He is a practical lawyer. How far he may be practical in adopting legislation for executive or administrative purposes, I cannot say; but he is a practical lawyer, and next to Arellano, I consider him the ablest lawyer in the islands. Judge Taft. He would be a good man for the supreme court? Gen. Smith. Unquestionably. ^ Judge Taf t.-'Didn't the military governor offer him a posi- tion through Arellano? Prof. Worcester. I don't know. Arellano told us he had been in negotiations with him. Judge Taft. Is he a man of wealth? Gen. Smith. He was. He was a man of independent posi- tion, and I think he is yet. Prof. Worcester. Do you know the record of Melessa since he returned from his short service on the supreme court up here? Gen. Smith. I have never taken much stock in Melessa. The old gentleman is unquestionably a man of great and very powerful influence, but I believe he aids the insurgent cause, as far as it may be safe, and that his whole heart is with the insur- rectionary movement. I don't think he looks on It as a lost cause. Judge Taft. That is, the father? General Smith. I don't know whether he is the father or not. I believe he is, however. Prof. Worcester. It is the father. ' I know there is a father who had property. Gren. Smith. He is immensely wealthy. My judgment upon the Melessas should not be given any great amount of weight, because I have not been thrown into intimate enough contact 214 The Senate Document ana Romanism with them; I have learned that it is very unsafe to take rumors, statements, or apparently credible evidence, without actual ex- perience with old man Melessa. Judge Taft. How much experience have you had with Mapa? Gen. Smith. I have met him now and then, socially, and had opportunities to talk with him. Gen. Wright do you speak Spanish? Gen. Smith. Enough to get along. I was finally able to dispense with an interpreter except in matters which required delicacy. I was able to get along with them all and understand what they said, and they seemed to understand me. Prof. Worcester. Did you have any trouble in finding hon- est officials? Gen. Smith. It is the weak spot, and will be the weak spot, in all these municipal governments. When you get a man who is ready and able, why, he won't have much respect for honest methods. At least, that was the experience we have had with many presidentes. Prof. Moees. You spoke a moment ago, general, of the funds of the island going into the United States Treasury. I supposed the insular treasury got them ; that is, the export duty? Is there any other money now going out of the island.in- to the insular treasury ? Gen. Smith. I meant that the export tax and harbor dues did not go into the treasury of Negros Island. The identifica* tion cedula or peseta cedula is the only tax which is collected by the military power in Negros. The export tax and harbor dues are, of course, collected at Iloilo. Prof. Moses. The identification cedula is collected in addi- tion to the other? Gten. Smith. Yes, sir. Prof. Moses. Then is the old cedula tax modified? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Prof. Worcester. Do they raise among themselves any spe- cial taxes? Do they have anything corresponding with the old road tax? Gen. Smith. No, sir; There is the cedula tax, which cor- responds to our poll tax, and alscf the patente tax, which corre- sponds to our license tax. There are no taxes especially col- lected for road purposes. Once collected, the money is set apart for specific purposes by appropriation bills. Prof. Worcester. Now these cedula taxes are usually Indus- trial taxes? Gen. Smith. The patente tax and some of the pueblo taxes (such as the tax on tuba, on fish, corals, etc.) are essentially in- dustrial taxes. Just before I left, a land tax was adopted in Negros, but the tax on land was so disproportionate to what it should have been, that I returned it to the advisory council without approval, and recommending that the tax on land be Increased. Judge Taft. How much did they Impose? General Smith. They Imposed, I think, about $2 on a thou- sand. No, it was even less than that. I estimated that, under the proposed law, the whole tax would be about f 30,000 on a 215 The Senate Do cument and Romanism total valuation of the island of f30,000,000. I therefore re- turned the bill disapproved. Judge Taf t. It was an ad valorem tax? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. Did you control their legislation? Gen. Smith. By veto. Juc!ge Ide. I mean otherwise; did you practically control it? Gen Smith. No, sir. Prof. Worcester. Did you have occasion to use the veto .with a good deal of frequency? Gen. Smith. I used it sparingly at first. In cases where I saw there would be no substantial injury done to the public, I sometimes approved defective laws, at the same time pointing out the defect. When the operation of sncli laws disclosed the defects, as prophesied, a certain amount of respect was given my forecasts, and I was enabled to use the veto power more vigorously. Where any injury was likely to ensue to the pub- lic, I always used the veto privilege unhesitatingly. I think probably I vetoed about one-third of the number of bills pre sented for approval. Prof. Worcester. Didn't you find that you could, to some considerable extent, control them in the way that you have men- tioned? Gen. Smith. Yes. • Judge Ide. That is what I meant ; I didn't mean whether you used a strong hand with them, but whether you used It in that way. Gen. Smith. Yes, sir ; they were very amenable to advice and counsel, except where there was some question that was purely political. If there was a difference between the political factions, they were not disposed to accept any advice which would result to the political benefit of an opponent. Judge Taf t. They didn't see any use of liavlng power if they aid not exercise it? Gen. Smith. That was about the measure of it, especially against a political adversary. Judge Ide. Suppose some measure was important and ought to be adopted, did you take some means of calling that to their attention? Gen. Smith. Generally by messages. Gambling was a pet vice and had reached huge proportions ; yet, when their atten- tion was caUedto it in a message, gambling was at once pro- hibited under a penalty of at least $500 fine ; even the sale of playing cards is forbidden. ' Judge Taft. How did it work? Gen. Smith. It has repressed gambling. They may gamble on the sly in pjlvate houses, but gambling as a public vice has ceased to exist. They discussed very soberly the question of licensing gambling and limiting it to certain days, but they finally came to the conclusion to prohibit it altogether. Prof. Moses. In case of the establishment of a civil gov- ernment, should the absolute veto be held by the governor? Gen. Smith., The absolute veto — that depends upon the composition of your legislative body. If you have an ideal leg» islative body, I would not be in favor of an absolute veto. The Senate Document and Romanism Prof. Moses. Ycu think this a good place to get an ideal legislative body? Gen. Smith. I don't think so. Judge Ide. Suppose it was necessary for legislation to pass through both houses, and one of the houses was appointed, or a considerable portion of it? Gen. Smith. If you have a body of men who are conserva- tive, who would.not be contrblled either by motives of revenge or by a fond remembrance of the insurrection, a modifled veto might be sufficient. If your legislative body is entirely con- servative and composed of men who will not chafe under the remembrance of defeat, why the probabilities are that the veto power might be restricted to a certain extent. If both legisla- tive chambers are to be chosen by popular vote, or by conven- tions elected for the purpose, a restricted veto would be a men- ace to the public safety. The bitterness engendered by the conflict here will not pass away in a day, and it will make itself felt m any legislative body directly, or even indirectly, elected by the people. Of course, if you have one chamber composed of appointite members, and yon are sure of the men, and that ulterior motives will not influence their consideration of legisla- tiion, the veto power could be restricted. Judge Ide. It would require a two thirds or three-fourths vote to pass. Gen. Smith. Under the conditions I have indicated, there might be no danger ; but if the legislative chambers are to be elected by the peogje, I should hesitate to put it in their power to override the veto. Prof. Moses. Ton are aware, of course, that the moral ef- fect of a defeat of the will of the government will be very great? I Gen. Smith. The moral effect would be very great. There Is still in the hearts of the people, and will linger for years to come, a certain amount of hostility to the American government and to Its representative. For many years to come, men who are under a cloud with the government, or who are charged with political offenses, or even with crimes perpetrated in the interests of politics, will have considerable popular support. Three hnndred years of arbitrary power and severity have stripped the jail of odium, and tjje man who wears chains has the popular sympathy. Jndge Taf t. Even if he were to steal I suppose i{ would be regarded as pardonable? Gen. Smith. If there was the slightest question about his culpability his neighbors and acquaintances would think it in- cumbent on them to vindicate his character by some public pro- fessions of faith in him. Prof. Worcester. How do you think the people on the whole are satisfied with the result of their experiments ; what do they think abont themselves? * Gen. Smith. Their ideas are a bit mixed. They are not en- tirely convinced that governmental machinery is as simple as it looks. The raising of money to keep the government in opera- tion, and the judicious expenditure of it when once raised, have been found to present questions, not unmixed with diffl- 217 The Senate Document and Romanism culty. There Is a disposition to have too many otUcials, to spend too much money on salaries, and to expend too little on the public and f 01^ the public benefit. An idea of this cxx\ be had when I say that one pueblo, with an estimated revenae of '#8000, proposed to expend only $800 on the town. Eacn pueblo In Negros must send its estimates of receipts and expenditures to Bacolod for approval. ' Prof. Worcester. How conld ' it be made available foi us, the municipal records? Gen. Smith. The estimates are here, oa file with the milita- ry governor. A great deal of expense is entailed on municipal- ities by the unnecessary correspondence indulged in by officials. They have inherited the custom from Spain of writing official letters on any conceivable excuse, no matter how trivial the oc- casion. The cost of clerks and special messengers to deliver these communications is not light. Gen. Wright. Tou would be kept busy day and night an- swering letters. Gen. Smith. Yes, sir ; sometimes the three officials of the same town would write letters to me on the very saihe subject. Prof. Worcester. How is the feeling between the soldiers and the natives down there? Gen. Smith. Very good in most all of the districts. Judge Taft. It depends upon your officers? Gen. Smith. The people are just as sensitive as children — I was going to say as sensitive as women— to anything that ofiends. Anyone who offends their dignity .or their self-love immediately loses his influence. The educated people and the people of means understand to a nicety the little amenities that go to make life pleasant, and a person who does not respect them finds himself unappreciated. Even punishment leaves no rancor if the conventionalities are observed and the delinquent is fairly treated and Impartially heard. Judge Taft. But it must be done in a polite way? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Prof. Worcester. . I have been very much surprised in the courseof events in the islands east of you, because the people there were good, decent, quiet people originally, too, from my certain knowledge. What has been the explanation of that. Have the Tagalogs gotten in tljere? Why is It we have so much trouble there? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir ; I think it may be accounted for in that way. I think the Filipinos are very credulous and very suspicious. They are as credulous and suspicious as children. Every story has its weight, and the last tale is best believed. They are human barometers, and are as susceptible to the ru- mor, the canard, and the proclama as is the weather to the in- fluence of pressure. ) Gen. Wright. Have you got into your seat at the custom- house yet?* Gen. Smith. Oh, yes. The only real complaint the mer- chants have is on account of the lack of space in the godowns. Judge Taft. Well, general, we are very much obliged to you for this picture you have given us, for it is of great assist- ance. We have a municipal code, but it has been delayed bv 211 The Senate Document and Romanis m orders from "Washington until they can advise with us about some features, and it may be we will want to call on yon again for some suggestions. Gen. Smith. Of course, it is impossible, I will say to the commission, even though we have good judges and they work from eight o'clock in the morning until sunset; under the Span- ish procedure it is impossible. Judge Taft. We are going to put in a code something like our American code. Are there any lawyers in Negros? Gen. Smith. There are, I think, three or four besides the judges. Gen. Wright. And of respectability? Gen. Smith. The judges are men of honesty and ability. Some of the attorneys, however, were connected with the Span- ish courts as escribanos or as escribientes, and the people don't seem to have any great confidence in them. Gen. Wright. What is an escribiente? Gen. Smith. Clerk. The escribano, as I understand, per- formed many functions which are performed by the clerks of •onr courts of record, as well as some functions which pertain to our sherifis and constables. Judge "Taft. Is he a notary? Gen. Smith. He was not a notary ; but by virtue of hfs of- nc'e I believe he exercised many, if not all, the powers of a notary, • Gen. Wright. They are great people for multiplying oflaces. Gen. Smith. They had more offices in Negros in one pueblo -than I had for the purpose of the civil and military administra- tion of the whole island. Judge Ide. Was the business in the courts mainly criminal? Gen. Smith. Largely criminal, and principally robbery. Under the Spanish regime, before these revolutions, robbery would be about two per cent, of the crimes ; now the percent- age of robbery is much greater. Of course that results from i:he disturbed conditions. Gen. Wright. You have got to bear down pretty heavUy on these crimes ; I am inclined to think it ought -to be a death penalty. Gen. Smith. They had it a death penalty in Negros until we came there ; robbery or theft ; they made it death for any theft. Prof. Moses. It didn't stop the business? ■ Gen. Smith. They didn't have much robbery until Papa Scio began his propaganda. Judge Taft. Severity " of punishment depends upon its rea- sonable character. Gen. Smith. And jastice. Judge Taft. If you favor the dealli penalty at all, it is pretty hard to say why it should not be applied to a man who commits murder for the purpose of committing his robbery. Gten. Smith. They should do it. Robbery usually results in badly boloing a man, If he is not killed-outright. Judge Ide. The theory of it merely seems to be that the best method is to kill the man first and rob him afterwards. Judge Taft Is rape at all common among them 7 219 The Senate Document ana Romanism «ien. Smith. No ; very rarb. Jiape is a rare crime, so far as I car see. cren. Wright. No necessity for it. Judge Taft. Have any of the soldiers married the Visayan women 7 Gen. Smith. I think one has. Gen. Wright. I suppose they live with them, a great many of them ? Gen. Smith. If so, it is done secretly. The higher class of Filipinos, of course, won't tolerate immorality among their women. Immoral women are tabooed. They are about as' strict among the higher classes as we are. Frof. Moses, What is the general sentiment among the soldiers with respect to establishment of relations between soldiers and'native women ? Gen. Smith. I think from 2 to 6 per cent, would cover esses of soldiers who have mistresses. Of course, that does not in- clude the temporary cohabitations. With regard to such temporary relations, I don't think many soldiers are overbur- dened by scruples of conscience. Judge Taft. Well, I can't help remembering- what the bishop of Jaro said about the temptation to which the young friar was exposed when he went out into a village like that. I think the temptations of a soldier are greater and the restraint less, 10,000 miles away from home, and east of Sqbz. Gen. Smith. There is not any publicity to these things ; it ^ all Eubrosa. I have heard the talk that this or that soldier nad a mistress, but I never probed very deeply into the matter. Jadge Taft. Were you called upon to act at all ia regard to the social evil ? Gen. Smith. No, sir. There are no houses of prostitution in Negros. Judge Taft. And how about the saloons 7 Gen. Smith. The saloon only exists in Bacolod, in Carlotta, and some of the larger towns. Judge Taft. What legislation did they pass with regard to that ? Did they impose a pretty heavy tax ? Gen. Smith. A high license. Judge Ide. Isn't vino sold ? Gen. Smith. Yes ; principally by Chinese ; but the soldiers do not indalge in the native drinks to any extent where there is a canteen established. The natives are a very sober people;^ don't indulge much in any liquor, except tuba, and that is taken by the laborer in moderate quantities. - Jadge Taft. Is that a fermented liquor. Gen. Smith. It is a fermented liquor. It is taken by the labMing man after his day's work. If it is taken moderately it acts as a mild stimulant and creates a slight exhilaration. Fruit or other liquor should not be taken Immediately before or after drinking tuba. Judge Taft. Does It taste like beer ? Gen. Smith. It is something like beer in appearance, but tickles the throat like champagne, only more so. Its odor is not agreeable. Prof. Worcester. So I have heard; and I know from ex- 220 The Senate Document ana Romanism. ;>erience tii»t wceie the soldiers Have i-tcu lu moderation, ifter a long march, that it has produced a good effect. Gen. Wright. You can not eat fruit with it ? Gen. Smith. No, sir ; especially bananas. Jndge Taft. Do they raise tobacco in Negros at all ? Gren. Smith. Yes, sir. Jadge Taft. Does everybody smoke ? ^ Gen. Smith. Not everybody. Jndge Taft. How would a tax on tobacco or cigars do ? , Gen. Smith. That is, if the tax was imposed upon the pack* Kge after made up ? Judge Taft. Yes. Gen. Smith. 1 see no objection to that. I think the indirect tax is the best form of taxation for these islands and the least likely to excite friction or discontent Any revenue intended to be collected and expended by the United States, without inter- vention of the insular government, I thirk should certainly be derived from indirect taxation. Gen. Wright. The direct tax— I think, as far as I am con- cerned, you had better not touch any direct tax, except such as administered by the government here. Judge Taft. Well, the land tax is a pretty direct tax ? Gen. Smith. That goes into the home treasury. That goes into the support of their own government; that is imposed by themselves and on themselves ; hence, there will be less room for criticism. Gen. Wright. Is the identification cedula tax unpopular with them ? Gen. Smith. They like it better than their own $3 cedula tax. The United States cedula operates as a passport and is convenient for them. Its cost is small, and hence it is not un- popular. Prof. Worcester. What do you estimate your population in Negros ? t « Gen. Smith. The estimate is in my annual report. I esti- mate the population of Negros to-day from about 250,000 to 275 000 ; that includes all. Gen. Wright. What is the number of square miles ? Gen. Smith. Four thousand four hundred and something. Prof. Worcester. Is there any difficulty in getting into the mountain districts now ? Gen. Smith. Oh, no; our troops are right there. Of course, I wouldn't advise any civilian or person that is unarmed, or even a single armed individual, to travel through the moun- tains unaccompanied. I think five armed men could go through the island, or any part of it, without being molested. Gen Wright. Would these ladrOnes attack you ? Gen. Smith. They won't attack any armed parties. Gen. Wright. How do they live-on little patches around VlllSi£[€S ? Gen. Smith. There are two classes of ladrones-the la- drones pure and simple, and the revolutionary ladrones (the ladrone who travels under the guise of a revolutionist, but who never does any revolting) ; the ladrone who robs for the lust of robbing and without pretense, and the insurrecto robber who 221 The Senate Document and Romanism lives exclusively on extortion atd puiage. Tue ladrone who pretends to be nothing else plants a little rice and eome camotes in the mountains and falls back on that resource when grass is short and robbing becomes unprofitable or dangerous. The In- surrecto robber never works— that would be infra dig. Judge Ide. Do the people resist them at all ? Gen. Smith. One armed man could enter a pueblo of 8,000 population and rob it. Gen. Wright. Don't they have any police force ? Gen. Smith. The pueblo police force (not the TJnited States native polIce)seldom offer resistance against a man with a reputation. Gen. Wright. Do they have any rural guards there ? Gen. Smith. Yes. Every pueblo has its "rondas" and its police; but they are very retiring in the face of danger. They are no earthly use unless they have a percentage of government troops with them. I won't say that as a whole, because some pueblos have good police and use them— the pueblos of Maso and Icio, for instance. Judge Ide. Do the people have arms there, in those towns ? Gen. Smith. Yes, sir. Judge Ide. To defend themselves with. ANSWERS TO INTERROGATORIES. 1. I lived forty-nine years in the Philippines, excepting eight months, which I passed in Hongkong. 2. In the provinces of La Laguna, Manila, Bnlacan, Min- doro, and Jolo. 3. As a student I was four years in contact with friar pro- fessors of the University of Santo Tomas, as an agriculturalist for sixteen years in a certain commuDity which appeared to be their property, and as a neighbor and parishioner all my life has been one of continual observation. 4. I have known lots of friars, but can not state how many. 5. I am ignorant of this, never having been in Spain. Some who pretend to be better informed say that they came from the lower classes of thj people. If they are to be judged by their exterior, not all come from the same class of society, because the Augustinians and Dominican friars are a little neater than the Recoletos, and they in turn are neater than the Franciscans. 6. They derived their income in the province of Manila from the estates of MandaloyoD, San Juan del Monte, Gnada- loupe, and Muntinlupa; in the province of Bulacan, from Malinta, Lolomboy, Santa Maria de Fandi, Santa laabel, and from a part of the towns of Guiguinto, Qainigua, and Baliwag; in the province of La Laguna, from the estates of Binan, Santa Bosa, and Ealamba ; in the province of Cavite, from Imus, San Francisco de Malabon, Santa Cruz de Malabon, and Naic; in province of Morong, from Jala Jala, and in the province of Mindoro, from the Mangaring estate. All these estates were essentially agricultural, excepting Maugaring, which is dedi- cated to the pasture of cattle, and Jala Jala to the felling of 222 The Senate Document and Romantsm trees and hauling of firewood. Besides those mentioned, they possess numerous urban lands in Manila and suburbs." It is to be presumed that the religious corporations ob- tained their numerous properties in two ways, namely ; The recent acquisitions through purchase, as the ones of San Fran- cisco de Malabon, and Jala Jala ; and the ones possessed by them since immemorial times. They obtained some through thepiety of the faithful; others, like Binan and Santa Rosa, were ceded to the friar college with the condition that the youth of these towns, or at least the children of the donors, should be sheltered there, and educated gratuitously. Other lands again were appropriated by them, by virtue of havii-g celebrated an' agreement between the friars and the property owners, by which the first raised a dike and the latter paid a certain amount for the water they used, a contribution which in time came to be an incumbrance on the propertyr It is Impossible that the donors of these estates should have been the sole proprietors of all the lands embracing the boundaries of the whole town, in which everyone has his grain- producing field, and it is equally impossible to suppose or be- lieve that all proprietors without exception should have agreed to donate their fields to them. It is more probable that some one or ones lacking heirs, and from motives of piety, donated his or their fields to some of those corporations, which corpo- rations, thanks to the ignorance of the neighboring owners and the unconditional support of the government, extended, absorb- ing with impunity all others, until arriving at the actual state of affairs. These estates, although belonging to different corporations, have with but little difference the same contracts, by means of which they subdue the farmers. For a piece of irrigated land measuring 1 quinon (about T30 square yards) they charged $150 or more, according to the market price of rice ; for unculti- vated land they charged $10, $20, $30, and $40, according to classification, and in many estates $1 for each ^ot of mango, and 25 cents for each foot of cane or bambao wood. For lands included in the radius of the i>opulation and ex- clusively intended for building purposes they charged from $1 to $10 for every 200 square yards, accord^ms to the building erected or the pleasure of the administrator. All this was specified in a four-years ' contract, at the teimination of which they were at liberty to transfer It to another. Bents : It is difiScult to ascertain the amount of rents the friars obtained from their estates, and as the tenth part of such rents had to be paid to the government, they not only con- cealed the aggregate amounts, but also did everything in their power to reduce same in the books set apart for this purpose, Ip order to pay less. 7, The priests in their respective parishes are the official inspectors of public instruction and of public works in the locality; they assisted at the formation of the public census, which served as a basis for the personal taxes • placed their " O. K," on all reports concerning conduct and deportment, and possessing confidential information, decided in the majority of cases the nominations of the local officials, in this way oftea 223 The Senate Document and Romanism annulling the popular vote. Through those same informations many innocents were deported. The friars were the self-ap- pointed advisers to the local officials in all matters pertaining to their office. In this way the priest, except In rare cases, was the one to make or unmake everfthing without assuming any responsibility, which always rested with the local officials. 8. The relations between the heads of the Spanish Govern- ment and the heads of the church were those existing between entitles, helping and protecting each other. The Spanish Gov- ernmcLt believed the religious corporations to be the principal support of the colonial government here. Those corporations, to strengthen this belief, denounced rebellions when such ex- isted, and if not, invented some for the purpose ; and for this they, in their turn, were greatly sustained by the government against the just attacks of the pueblos. At this point there must have befen a kind of alliance be- tween the two heads that was more or less efficacious, accord- Ing to the greater or less credit which the government allowed the said corporations. 9. About $7 for marriages, $3 for interments, and 50 cents for baptisms. This last price applied to the poor and the real distressed. The rich were charged according to the extrava- gances of the church arrangements ; some interments cost as much as $500. There is no doubt that in the early days of the conquest these new converts to Christianity not only failed to pay these taxes, but, moreover, received small presents in order that they might submit to baptism, etc., but after the people had em- braced this new faith the religious orders commenced also to collect small sums, which were soon converted into a regular flxed charge, in proof of which I cite the tariff decreed about the middle of the last century by the Archbishop of Santa Justa and Buffna, in order to undoubtedly correct the arbitrariness and abuses in the collection of the taxes imposed at that time because if this were not true there would have been no need for drawing up such a^iariff'. It is not known if this tariff was ex- ecuted at the time of said archbishop ; certain it is that in our days it is considered a dead letter by the friars. The procuring of the required fees was more a cause of delay to the poor than a means of preventing them to marry. With the exception of a few cases the morality of the friars was not in accord with their self-imposed rules. 10. Submitted to a rigorous system of living, they felt the ' human frailties and desires more violently than perhaps we do This may be the reason their moral level was so much lower than the oil's of the respectacle dwellers of the pueblos, to whom they should be an example. The oppoi-*,uuity I had to observe the morals of the friars is stated in answet ^o question number three. What took place in the interior of the convents under ^ cover of the confessional and the certain deeds committed every now and then aad commented upon in whispers by the people of the neighboriiood, and which the government and administration of justice hastened to covernp are better adapted to figuring in the chronicle of convent scandals than^n the present interrogatories. ""aiD maa in The Senate Document and Romanism 11. That of impeding the edncation of the Filipinos and being the cause of innumerable deportations of innocents. Yes; this hostility exists against all religious orders, but is more pronounced against some than others. The friars hat- ed intelligence and prosperity in a Filipino, convinced that it would cause their separation f rem the archiepiscopal church ; the deportation of people from the rich and cultured pueblos were therefore more frequent than the ones of the poor towns, where the ignorant people lived, and for this reason Augustine And Dominican parish' friars were more hated than the Francis- cans, who served the former. It is certain that many friars were the principal causes of the greater part of the deportations of Filipinos, who could not ' prefer charges before a court of competent jurisdiction against the friar8,'as the administrative measures were in full vigor, nor could theyappeal to the public opinion, as this was prohib- ited by the previous, censorship. In Madrid efforts were made to procure the liberation of some whose only crimes were con- testing 'orders to vacate premises, but the only result obtained was their being transferred to another and worse place, in this manner to preserve, as they said, the principle of authority. It is better to preserve silence of. the cruelties and abuses' committed; because they would flit volumes. 13. It Is sad to say that, as priests, the morality of not a few of them leaves much to be desired. This may be owing to -the fact that nearly all were coadjutors under the orders of the parish friars, who served as models and teachers to many of the native priests. ^ 14. The knowledge possessed by the native clergy is more than snflaoient to suitably tiischarge their incumbent duties among the ignorant masses of the population, but is insufScient foi" the free thinkers and enlightened classes. 15 I am not able to presage what the results would be should • the friars return to their parishes. Perhaps they could, by dint of force or abrupt change of opinion, live secure in their cbnvents, or jierhaps this endeavor would prove fatal not only t'o'thenewrjiarsons, but to the entire Catholicism in the Philip- pine Islands.' '" Nevertheless, it is hot advisable to trust to eventualltieB, but it ^ould be far better to listen to the voice of the people than to the enactions <}f a few. A Filipino, in a semi-monthly paper, wrote to the Spanish government in 1890 ttspecbing the friars, saying, " Have a carr. The people are against the friars. If the goverfitnent sides unconditionally with the friars, they not only make ene- mies of the people, but likewise confess being against their progress." ■ ■, . ■ : At the end of six years this animosity was changed into hostility. • Likely the senslbleness of the American government will make it unnecessary for any Filipino to address it in simi- lar langiiage, for in that case the actual state of affairs, already instipportable on their own accord, would be rendered still more intolerable. 16. This appointment would only signify that the country has passed from one control to another, because in the time o( 225 Tne Senate Document and Romanism the Spaniards all prelates were of that nationality, although there were some among the Filipino clergy more dignified and of greater capacity than the former, on account of their virtue and illustration. Should it be possible to ignore the American Catholics and consequently their votes in the future presidential election, and under the existing circumstances appoint a Filipino archbishop, it would have a tendency to soften to some extent the existing strained relations. It would also be a token, even to the insur- gents, of the sincerity of the American government's intentions to guide the Filipino people in the difllcult science of govern- ment, commencing with the religion. 17. Eeligious liberty once given to the country, the Catholic clergy would naturally be offended, but no more than that. This measure, well regulated and intrusted to prudent and, moreover, tolerant ministers, would give the youth an oppor- tunity to compare the different relif'^^ns sects and choose for themselves the most suitable one. If religious instructions of whatever kind, and attention thereto on the part of the pupils, should be made obligatory, it is clear to see that this not only would fail to satisfy the people, but would be hateful to the. Catholics, as well as to those of other beliefs. Everybody would be satisfied if at liberty to re- ceive instructions or not in this or another religion. 18. The class of priests occupying themselves merely with purely religious matters, and living on the proceeds of the vol- untary contributions of their parishioners is precisely the clsas that served the parishes of the country from the middle of 1898 until the present day. If any change has taken place between the priests and the people it has favorably affected the latter. 19. The measures proposed in the last part of this question, would prove highly beneficial to the towns if in their realization would not be found an obstacle. On account of the extreme poverty of the people, the owners of small lots will not be in condition to verify immediate payment of the value of their respective lands, and then, instead of being beneficial to many, H would only be a good occasion for a few rich people, whOj taking advantage of the actual misery, would grasp, the best lands, prejudicial to those who cleared and improved them. If Installment payments on these lands would be conceded to the people, and the proceeds of these payments would be dedicated to the instruction of the youth, then not only would these mea- sures be of great advantage to some pueblos, but to all the Philippine Islands. P. K. Mbbcado. Manila, P. I., Oct. 3 1900. ANSWEBS TO THE ATTACHED INTER- ROGATORIES. (Translation ) Don Jose C. Mi j ares, a resident of Bacolod, capital of the island of Negros, an agriculturist and owner of city and sabor- ban properties, iai jrms as follows : — 1. I have llvecv, and continue living, in the Philippines sixty- fhree years. 226 The Senate Document and Romanism 2. In Laguna, Tayabas, Iloilo, and Negros. 3. Since the year 1853, when for the first time I left Tuya- pa (Manila) to reside successively in the other provinces above named, np to 1895. The cases and things of the friar curates I have seen would cause the very stones to blush, were they to have the power of blushing, for which reason I beg the com- mission to pardon me from giving categorical answer by relat- ing facts which, because of their nastiness and repugnancy, the pen refuses to describe. I am glad, however, to be able to re- call having known in Tayabas a Franciscan parish priest who — rare exception — was a model friar, of exemplary conduct and austere life, whose hand was kissed with respect by all, from the governor down to the humblest Spanish employe. Unfor- tunately for my country, I have never again known another pos- sessing the qualities of that blessed friar. 4 So numerous are the friars I have known that I have lost the count. 5. I have never trod the territory of Spain, but through several Spaniards I have learned that the friars of the several corporations that have come to the Philippines In greater part have come from the peasant, shepherd, and rustic class of Spain. 6 From my early youth I have known that in the jurisdic- tion of Cavite, Lagnna, and other provinces of Luzon, the friars- possess vast landholdings, the rents of which, called canon, pro- duced great sums of money, and they also secured a good in- * come from the many parcels of improved real estate they had in Manila and its additions. 7. The friar curates, usurping the attributes of the local authorities not only intervened but exercised joint action with the said authorities in the three branches, administrative, judi- cial, and economical. The gobernadorclUo or justice of the peace who should have dared to disobey the curate friar was certain to land in jail within a few days if he were not deported, to which end the reverend friars always had on hand, like a panacea against them, the accusation of being a fllibusterer and anti-Spanish. 8. The heads of the Spanish government, to the detriment of their dignity, became servile tools, because they knew that the friars, with the powerful lever of their money treasured up in the convents of Manila, were above the law ; therefore more powerful than the very governor-general of the islands. 9. In some parish houses I have seen printed schedules published by Archbishop Sancho de Santa Jasta y Kuflna. I also bad occasion to observe that several curates have charged parish fees at will and without fixed standard, exceeding what was designated in said schedule. I do not know whether this may have been the cause In some cases for reluctance to con- tract ecclesiastical matrimony, although in my judgment what mostly Influenced this reluctance is that some reverend friars had arrogated to themselves rights which in feudal times were called rights of "pernada." (The right asserted by certam feudal lords to enter the marriage bed before the husband.) Far from my mind is the idea of injuring or slandermg, for I 227 The Senate Document ana Romanism can cite specific and conqrete facts, with the names and descrip- tions of the parties interested, should I be compelled thereto. 10. Speaking generally, and with rare exceptions, their mo- rality was detestable, as I have said above. 11. The causes I have set forth above, and many others, have produced in the masses of the Filipino people an intense hatred for the four religious communities, the Augnstinians, Kecolettos, Dominicans, and Frarciscans. 12. In this respect I repeat my foregoing answer. 13. For many years past the friars have taken possession of nearly all the curacies in the Philippines formerly occupied by native priests, the latter being relegated to the position of coadjutors, and carrying on their shoulders all the weight of the ecclesiastical labors and occupation, for the meagre remun- eration of fifteen pesos per month, which was the most they earned. In the meanwhile their immediate chief, the friar cu- rate, filled in his idle moments with corporeal etioymehts and pleasureSj and at times saying to the patient subordinate : " Do as I say and not as I do." H. I remember as a young man having seen in the reception room of the old college or seminary of San Jose, Magellanes St ,«n the walled city of Manila, large Oil portraits of Filipino prelates, whose names, which I cannot now recall, appeared in the lower part of the said paintings. In those days I person- ally knew severaVcanons ai the cathedral chapjter of Manila, some of them showing the tassel of a doctor, and I ought to add that they were all sons of the Philippines. From the fore-' going, the capacity of the Filipino priests who occupy the high- est ecclesiastical posts in the Philippines is demonstrated. 15. The injury which would result to the country through the return of the friars to their parishes is incalculable, even should they become secularized, as the people would only see the external difference from the costume, although at bottom they would not cease to be what they have been, are, and al- ways will be, friars. 16. Provided the American archbishop were a Catholic, he would, in my opinion, be more acceptable in case he did not al- low himself to be carried away by the suggestions of the friars, who, unf ortunatelVi still proudly promenade through the envi- rons of Manila. ' 17. I think what is proposed in this question is an excellent idea. 18. This system, as I look at it, can establish a firm bond of union between the people and the ministers of tho church. 19. On this point I can express no epeciflc opinion. Joss C. MlJARES, Bacolod, Nov. 15, 1900, ; . ; ANSWERS TO THE INTERROGATORIES. (Trassl'atioi.) To THE HoNOKABLE American Civil Commission : The undersigned, a resident of Nueva Caceres, the capital of the province of "both Camarines, ex-clerk of the court of the first instance of the terminated government of Spain, ex-coun-- 228 The Senate Document and Romanism cUlor of justice under the Filipino government, now under the United States, proprietor of and speculator in foreign and do- mestic fruits and produce, having informed himself, through the newspaper El Progreso, of the interrogatories relating to the social Philippine friar problem, formulated by the said illustri- ous corporation, believes in performing a patriotic duty by re- plying in the most categoric manner possible to each and all of the questions therein contained, and complies as follows :— 1. Says he has lived all his life in the Philippines, that being forty-eight years. 2. That since boyhood he has lived successively in this province, the one of Manila, and at different times in the one of Albay. 3. Prior to the' epoch cited, I had many opportunities to personally observe the religious, social, and political relations which existed between the friars and the people of their par-, ishes, particularly in the provinces of both Camarines and Al- biy, in both of which I successfully performed the duties of clerk and subaltern employe of the courts of the first instance. 4. Have personally known nearly all those who have been parsons of the two mentioned provinces belonging to the Fran- ciscan order, although I did not have personal dealings with all of them. 5. The undersigned limits himself to the Franciscan friars. Thongh as a general rule they claim to have originated from noble families in Spain, and as such some wished to appear be- fore the Filipino^, notwithstanding all this it is believed, and many of their countrymen so affirm, that the majority come from humble families of the country, already discredited and hated in Spain since the beginning of this century, as are the religious orders from which the here-discussed friars origin- ated, and the members of distinguished and rich families ab- stained from entering. In this respect there cannot be a great difference in' the several religious orders which exist in the country. 6. It is publicly notorious among the Inhabitants of the cap- ital that the friar convents established therein possess and hold dedicated to agriculture great landed properties, particularly the ones of San Angnstine and Santo Domingo, in the provinces of Manila, Cavite, La Lagui^a, Bulacan, and others which I do not remember at present, as well as many urban estates within the walled city as well as in the suburbs, all of which produce abundant rents. As an official proof of the existence of the former, in the pueblo of Calamba, province of Laguna, exists a report signed by the mayor of that pueblo, which was published by the newspapers of this capital, the undersigned does not re- member If in El Liberal or El Progreso. As regards the real estate holdings of the Franciscan order in this province, of both Camarines and Albay, where the in- formant has resided at different tirnes, they only have, accord- ing to his knowledge, in the first province the hacienda de Pal- estina, together with the building which serves with its chapel as a leprous hospital, and in the second, in the town of Gruino- botan, the college formerly used as a grammar school, erected with capital and material given by the residents of this and 229 The Senate Document and Romanism other pueblos of the said province of Albay, under the direc- tion of him who was rector of that town, Fray Carlos Cabido, who by and for himself and without them knowing it, ceded the property of the building after being finished to the Francis- can order, of which proceeding the others used to avail them- selves In like cases, af quiring the possession Of the largesi, building in Guinobatan. 7. In the towns of their respective parishes the friars exer- cised under the Spanish government the political functions of ocal inspectors of public schools, maintained with funds of the commonwealth. In virtue of those attributes, which were considered as a part of their parish duties, they subjected to the whim of their will the teachers in primary instruction in their towns. Entirely upon them depended the existence of said teachers, because the reports of the friars determined the sus- pension, dismissal, or disqualilcation of these teachers. The friars, who in their writings figured as decided cham- pions of instruction of the Filipino people, being parsons, they, through Indirect means, placed all kinds of obstacles in the way, so that the instruction given to the people should be as limited as possible, and understanding, as is natural, that the principal means of obtaining same during time of the Spaniards was for the children not to acquire a knowledge of the Spanish lan- guage, and they advised and even threatened the teachers not to instruct the pupils therein, and if in complying with the or- ders of the Spanish government they laid aside such perfidious disloyal Insinuations, they made themselves objects of the friars' vengeance, who pursued them until bringing about the separation or dismissal of the teacher, and his substitution by another who, at least to them, did not possess those defects. To this is owing the deplorable backwardness of the' instruc- tion in many of the towns, removed some distance from the capitals of the provinces. Besides those faculties whicn in practice allowed the parish friars to direct at their pleasure the intellectual movements of the Filipino people, they were vested with others which ought not to have a prectdent in any other country of the world. One of those, the most principal one, of course, and the one which in time degenerated into an inexhaustible spring of abuses, was the faculty of authorizing with their " O. K." (a kind of censorship) every public act of the municipalities of their parishes, without which indorsements the documents certi- fying to those acts weri lacking in legal value in the eyes of the Spanish Government. This resulted in the friars absorbing everything in the towns; and as those acts referred also to the moral, political, and religious conduct of the inhabitants of each pueblo, and as the goodness and honesty of the citizen re- duced itself to his being devoted and submissive to the friar, anybody will understand the pernicious consequences of such terrible preponderance, much more so since the friars In the towns of their parish devoted themselves more to the culti- vation of the temportl possessions than to the spiritual welfare. In the course of time such a corrupt system produced acute evils in the country. Little by little the Filipinos understood that to be a " somebody " in the several stations of civil, mnnl- 230 The Senate Document ana Romanism cipal, political, ecouomical, and judicial life in a pueblo ruled by a parish friar, it was requisite to fawn upon and be subject to him in everything. Any contrary proceeding would mean to court the loss of reputation, downfall, and even death, which almost invariably resulted. Especially in the year 1896 these evils were rendered more evident, the year in which the patience of the Filipinos having come to an end, they emitted the first ,8parks of the revolution, which, in delivering its blows against the friars,, had, as an inevitable conseqaence, to strike the Spanish Government. Let us put it in this way, because the religious orders from which the parish friars came had absorbed the Spanish Government. We infer from all this that the alliance of the state and the church in the Philippines was nothing else than placing such favored orders over the state and the country in such a way that the Spatish Government may, without fear of making a mistake, be called a theocratic colonial government. Under those conditions all public employees, from the high- est oflScial to the lowest clerk of the court of justice or town halls in the pueblos of the islands, although committing all the abusefr-andirregulafities possible. If friends of the friars, were, notwithstanding all that, considered as honest, wise, and with- out reproach, and vice versa in the opposite case. 8. This question is answered by what I have already said of the position held by the religious orders to which the parish friars belonged. Respecting the governors of the country, and in some cases the real honest Spanish employees who opposed some of the said religious orders or some member thereof, they invariably succumbed on account of the amount of influence the friars enjoyed in the country and near the Spanish Government, to whose monarch the bishops and chiefs of religious orders established in the Philippines were his councilors, and who had on their side the Carlistic newspapers of Spain, as well as most of those of other beliefs, !>nd which were subventioned by them for this purpose. The four heads of the orders of Augustinians, Dominicans, Franciscans, and BecoUetos were a part of the board of govern- ment, together with the archbishop of Manila. , 9. Generally they levied exorbitant taxes in an arbitrary manner, not so much on marriages and baptisms as on inter- ments of the rich persons. The family of the late Senor Laurencio Cea, a rich property owner of Aigain, of this province of Ambos Camarinos, told the undersigned that Fray Rafael Gascon, former parish friar of that town, demanded the sum of $1,000, and so on, in many other cases, according to public opinion, in notorious violation of the ecclesiistlcal tar'fi, published the 19th of November, 1871, by the illustrious and virtuous archbishop, then of Manila, Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Juata y Raflaa. One of these dis- positions beginning the rules was that in every parish an au- thentic copy and another plain one, translated into the dialect of the country, will be placed. Nevertheless, in no friar con- vent I ever went to have I seen such a copy. Apparently so unknown was this ecclesiastical tariff among the friars that many were not aware of its existence, they governing them- 231 The Senate Document and Romanism selves in this respect by the customs more or less authentic i& such pueblo or diocese. The nndersignea is ignorant whether the tariflf of the arcfi- bishop, Senor Don Basillo Santa Justa y BaS^n, has been modi- fied or superseded by a later one. Regarding the collecting of fees, the parish friars were generally very exacting, and when ihe parties concerned could not pay in cash, on account of the large sums, the friars ad- mitted Instead payments of farms and cattle, and through such and similar means they, in time pianaged to acquire the pos- sessions of those lands, now actually possessed by the convents. How these fees were established is well said in the pre- amble of the circular accompanying the before-mentioned tarifi of the archbishop, and which is here copied in part by the de- positor. "The common enemy has always procured to dis- credit the ministers of God, to infuse into their minds the spirit of avarice, taking advantage of spiritual things. At the game time the devoted pastors of the church have always pro- cured either by themselves, or also by the diocese or provincial and general synods, to remove from the ecclesiastical name the slightest shadow of simony, etc." . • __ Although criticised by the country, nobody dared to protest seriously against those exorbitaiQt fees for fear of the friars' vengeance, and what happened in some cases, when those called upon to pay were poor, was to postpone indefinitely the con- summation of their marriage until, for instance, the marrying couple had sufficient money. 10, The morality of the friars in the pueblos of the Philip- pines was, with few exceptions, very scandalous, and reached the incrdible in some pueblos of this province and Albay. The parish friar placed in the position already described by th€ undersigned regarding his parish converted himself, up to a certain point, into an absolute lord, master of lives and property, and, if so willed, he made and unmade everything ac- cording to his fancy. Master of the will of the people, more through fear than out of love for him, he nominated town authorities who pleased him, which nomination resulted almost always in the greatest, flatterer of all his parishioners', and it is plain that all weighty determinations dictated by the municipal authorities were not proper initiatives but those of his amours. Invested with this power, who wouU dare to resist any of his whims and those l^railties of man of fiesh and bone ? If dominated by the tenip- Jation of an unholy love, neither the sacredness of the bridal^ chamber nor the modesty of a virgin or widow detained him. Casespersonally witnessed by the undersigned unfortunately confirm the veracity of his assertions. A certain Fray pamaso Martinez was a foreign vicar in the years 1870 to 1872 in lihe district of Lagonoy of this, province, with residence in that of Goa, and he was so despotic and wicked to the people of hi? . pueblo^-may God forgive him— rthat when gping to the house of a married woman he ordered the husband to leave the house in order to be able to speak alone with his wife, and in this way he managed to seduce many, although he did so only to those he_, knew to be ignorant. 232 The Senate Document and Romanism y But, if this vlcai filar only comiUitted tbose abuses on the' ignorant and nninstrncted people, I have to relate another case, of which a distlngnished lady' was the victim, who passed as and was, in fact, a very honest woman. It was the work of the machinations of a friar, violently enamored of her. < It happened in the pueblo of Folangui, province of Albay, and whose parish friar was the friar Fray Eusebio Platero. The lady was the widow of a Spaniard, and belonged to one of the flaest families of that town. She had a brother more enlightened than the, friar, and who was opposed to the latter's desires. Being aware of the friar's evil intentions toward his sister, the widow, he forbade her any kind of relation with him, particularly the frequent visits the friar made. Aware of this the priest at once contrived to bring a false accusation of assassination again&t the brother, which caused the latter to be pursued by the civil guard and the court of the first instance, and thanks to his 0^- ing able to furnish the proofs of his innocence in time, tue blow did not reach him, but he could not escape from all the daily vexations which did not cease to pursue him. Strong in his resolution to conquer the widowy who from the beginning exhibited the greatest contempt for his amorous pretensions, the friar did not delay to resort f.o the last re- course of sowing a mortal hatred between the brother anij! sister, and, withdrawn in this way from the influence of her brother, who saw himself obliged to threaten her with grave chastisements, she soon made common cause with the priest against her brother, and fell into the snare, bringing shame upon her family and occasioning for that reason the premature death of her brother. ' This ignoble action of the friar is very fresh in the memory of the people of Polangui (Albay.). 11. The undersigned b'elieves the same hostility does not exist against all the religions orders, and it does only against the ones of the Augiistinians, Dominicans, Becolletos, and Franciscans, the. ones who in different parts of the archipelago performed the duties of parsons or parish priests; and, as principsij cause of said hostility, can be -pbihted out the tyran- nical behavior pursued in the parishes by' the friars in' the min- istry of their political religious oifflce. The friars, in their parishes as well as in the convents of the communities to which they belonged,, devoted themselves more than anything else to acquire riches for their convents, and for this purpose they made use of all the means in their power in all the ranks of the administration, doing it under the mask of religion, before which thp ignorance they at all cost desired to mainta,in among the pommon people, and the fanati- cism fomenting in the country, had to , keep silence like meek Iambs. . Little by little the people discpvered these shameless acts,, and on fixed occasions made manifestations of their complaints before the Spanish authorities, who, if they did not pay any attention, served only to strengthen more every time the friars' influence, who, on ihe other side, encouraged by. impunity, they repaid the offense of the bold with a strong vergeance. If they were enlightened people they fell under the weight of , the accusation of being Freemasons and freebooters, and were de- 233 The Senate Documen t and Romanism ported to aome of the inhospitable Spanish possessions, or shot as traitors to the country by sentence of a courtmartial. The Filipino people knew that all this and the bad times they ex- perienced in their pneblos under the Spanish rule were owing to the friars' intrigues and false reports, and therefore the people attacked them as their principal enemy. Through religious fanaticism the friars obtained from many a child or childless devotee, in .the name of the Catholic church, rich donations of money, jewelry, and valuable estates, but after receiving same they transferred them to the con- vents of their orders, and it is probable that in this way the great wealth they possess in the country was accumulated in the course of time. All the world knows that the friar, upon entering his re- ligions order, makes vows of poverty and can acquire nothing, neither for himself nor for his family or heirs. But once friar of a pueblo he believes himself entitled to acquire all kinds of treasures, and dying he leaves everything to his order. The Filipino people also know that the friars can not be . priests or parsons of any pueblo, on account of their canonical education, and if they succeed in obtaining parishes in the Philippines it was on account of privileges ceded by the Pope Paulo III. or IV. ir I remember right, in consideration of the want of native personalities that naturally existed in the be- ginning. Time passed by and the secular Filipino clergy multiplied in greater number than the existing parishes in the country, and there were some clergymen, as for example, the priest Pedro Pelaes and the most unfortunate Father Burgos and others, who permitted themselves to affirm, and even to main- tain in their publications, that the time had come when the clergymen should perform the duties of the p Irishes in the Philippines, instead of the friars, whose concessions on this subject ought to be extinct. But what would have become of Father Pelaes if he wouldnot have sunk under the ruins -of the Manila cathedral during the eaithquake of the year 1863 ? With- out doubt he would have shared the same fate as had the un- fortunate native priests, Fathers Jose Burgos, Jose Gomez, Jacinto Zamiro, Severino Diaz, Gabriel Prieto, and Inocencio Herrera, the first three, as if public and notorious, dying in 1872 by the garrote, and the others shot in the field of Bagon- bavan in 1896 for a false political reason, veritable friar in- trigues. But if Illegally to maintain themselves in the pos- session of the ecclesiastical privileges, against the laws of pro- gress, that the friars committed so many assassinations among the Filipino secular clergy, it was alao in order to preserve the political prorogatives, which gave them the preponderance in the Spanish administration, that they committed all kinds of abuses and like assassinations, with the death of hundreds of children of illustrious Filipinos for analogous causes. One n* those was the never sufficiently lamented Doctor. Don «ose Kizal, a genuine representative of the intellectual progress of the country and its noble aspirations. Those deeds and others derived were the apparent reasons for the hostility of the Filipinos against the before mentioned 234 The Senate Document and Romanism corporations; but there exist other secret ones of anotiier order, ■which consist in having propigated among the populous masses, by means of writers subsidized by them, as for in- stance a certain Guioquiuap or Pablo Feced, a Spaniard, the doctrine of the superiority of races, applied to the Filipinos, as giving insidiously to understand that the people of an inferior race are not called upon by nature to enjoy the social advantages which are enjoyed by the ones of a superior race, among whom they naturally placed the Spaniards, derived from this differ- ence the greater or lesser aptitude or capacity of the Filipino to exercise determinate social functions which only belonged to the people of a superior race. Thus the native clergy was not acknowledged to have aptitude to All the office of parish priests, as it was necessary that this should be exercised by friars of the superior race, and the same was pretended with regard to other public cffl:;es. Although this doctrine, anathematized by science, by re- ligioUj and by experience, could not make an impression upon the good sense of the most ignorant of the Filipinos, neverthe- less it contributed not a little to the exasperation of the mind against their authors or inspirators, who by this demonstrated once more their being real descendants of the famous hidalgo, Don Qnijote de la Mancha. The reason why no hostility exists against the other reli- gious orders living In the country, as the ones of the Panlists and Jesuits, can, in the opinion of the undersigned, be ascribed to the fact that their individuals did not mix themselves so os- tensibly in politics as the before-mentioned friars, inasmuch as it is known in the country that they only dedicated themselves to the instruction, the Panlists to make worthy clergymen who already excelled the Iriars in science and virtue, and the Jesuits for having taken greater pains in the instruction of the Filipino youth by a plan and a proceeding notably suberior to the ones of the other colleges governed by Dominicans, Augustinians, and Franciscans, and although the Jesuits were also in charge •of parishes in the missions of Mindanao, it is not known that they did not commit those abuses of which the other parish friars were accused, the public opinion is in favor of the former. 12. Justified are the charges made against the friars, that they were the cause of the deportation of some Filipino parish- ioners, and in affirming so, I reckon with the testimony of many who have been deported in the year 1896, especially with one of the ex-teachers of the children of Gainobatan (Albay), Senor Enrique Villareal, who assures in a categoric manner that in said year the Spanish governor of Albay, after having him arrested by the civil guard and brought before him, declared that the priest of his town. Fray Carlos Cabido, was the one who accused hitn ("Villareal) of being a Freemason and free- booter, and therefore, he cannot trust to the promises of pro- tection said friar had offered , him. Said Senof Villareal with many others, to the amount of 240 Filipinos, was a companion of the undersigned in Fernando Po, in the Gulf of Guinea, Af- rica, to which place he was deported with the others ; half of lihem perished there, through the inclemency of the climate and i)he bad and insufficient nourishment, during the period of one 235 The Senate Document ana Romanism year ; also some of them fell victims to the cruel treatment on the part of the Spanish soldier, Jose Fernandez, charged with the yigilance over the deported. Though in regard to the deportation of the undersigned, it is not possible to point out that the principal cause of such has been some one of the many friars of this province, it can be as- sured, without fear of being mistaken, that the apprehension ^)y the Spanish authorities of pacific or innocent neighbors in the Philippines, effected in the year 1896, some to be shot and others tp be deported, was advised or instigated by the parish friars and the bishop, together with the Spanish residents of the country, and the proof can be deduced from the following deeds: — ^1.. Before the said year 1896 a kind of inquisitorial investi- gation was in vogue among the Spanish friars in their parishes of who were Freemasons, and those were recorded by the civil guard in what that body called the " Green Book," because, ac- ' cording to the friars, Freemason in that epoch was synonymous ^ith freebooter. In all the trials formed by the military tribu- nals on account of the political events referred to in the year 1896, they accused the condemned or. indicted, if they were or were not Freemasons. 2. The month before the discovery of the famous revolu- tionary conspiracy by. the noted priest of Tondo, Fray Mariano Gil, the Franciscan friars of the nearby pueblos of this capital did not cease to celebrate secret reunions, which used to be the forerunners of surpassing deeds in the country. 3. That a month prior it was already confusedly whispered in the towns of the parish friars that days of mourning and blood were approaching the Philippines, which nobody knew how to explain. 4. That, while the undersigned was in one of the depart- ments of Bilibid with a hundred political prisoners, tied with chains and obliged to lie down upon the tiled floor, with the pavement for a bed, a friar— the narrator does not remember if he was an Augustinian or Dominican— with a military officer, entered one afternoon, passed through the hall of the suSerings of so many luckless, as we were there, innocent the greater part, and in place of lavishing a few words of consolation to the un- fortunates, which is a duty of a minister of the religion of the Crucified, he passed on, casting right and left glances of con- tempt, scorn and ill-will, which froze the blood of the impris- oned ones, in this way making their situations more serious. He was to all appearances an emissary of the friars^ to acquaint himself if their poor victims were treated as they wished. 6. The orders of the parish friars in the Philippines are, according to public opinion . in Spain, large: shareholders inthe enterprise of the trans-Atlantic Spaniards, who wished to retain In their possession the official transport ships of mail, troops, and deported prisoners, all of which were entitled to passage at the expense of the commonwealth. The undersigned, with several hundred of deported to the Spanish possessions in Af- rica, were on several voyages embarked on Spanish trans- Atlan- tic liners, and to all of us it was given to understand that the ill-treatment the deported would receive on board from officers The Senate Document ana Romanism ss well as from the sailois, having ns tied together two and two, elbow to elbow, day and night, until arriying at the port of Barcelona, was owing to the fact that we were considered rather the enemies of the friars than of Spain, and the same was told to us by the pious Maristas of the Sacred Heart of Maria, established in the Island of Fernando Fo, that in consid- eration of their brothers in the Philippines, they abstain in pub- lic from sustaining any intercourse with the deported, until or- ders were received from the Spanish government releasing us from the deportation and allowing us to return to our homes, after the peace agreed upon in Biaenabato. The religious intolerance and mistrustfulness of the policy of the Spanish government, and its consequent weakness, in- duced it in 1896 to commit all kinds of Id justices, which had to produce the fall of its secular colonial empire in the Philippines, since the first cannon shot discharged in the waters of Cavite by the f)owerf ul American squadron, bearer of the hymn of liberty repeated in chorus by teji million Filipinbs. And as a partial proof of one of those injustices, without precedent in the nineteenth century, is the deportation imposed upon the undersigned, Senor Antonio Arkjol?. and Senor Tomas Valen- ciano, residents of Nueva Caceres. I never was a partisan of the revolution, and the accusation Which in the first signification made me personal enemies of Spaniards uhited with the friars, as has been said before, ought of a necessity to be removed in the cause in which he was im- plicated. This was realized, and dictated the suspension consequen- tial In my favor and others on the 27th day of October, 1896, as the commission will be able to see by the annexed copy of said resolution, which in Fernando Po was handed me, being noti- fied of it after almost a year ; and on the same day they em- barked me and some 76 companions on the trans- Atlantic liner Isla de Luzon for the deportation, which I endured with the patience and resignation of an honest man, and father of a nu- merous family, which, through my just two years' absence, was left in the greatest misery. ' 6. Lastly, it is also true that some of the said friars were the authors 6f insults and cruel punishments caused to some unfortunate clergymen of the l^ishopric of Vigan, Tlocos Sur— Fathers Garces, Dacanay, and Senor Don Bartolome Espiratu, and others— as can be proved by the statement of their sufler- ings published in several newspapers of this capital, and as those clergymen still live, they could confirm the deposition with their testimony. The .clergymen of Nueva Caceres— Sev- erino Ijias,. Gabriel Priesto, Inocencio Herera suffered like in- sWts prior to being shot, and Don Severo Estrada, who had the luck of being placed in liberty during the conllnement they suf- fered in the cellars of the San Augustin convent of this capital, constahtly watched by the friars of said community. 13. Respecting the morality of the native clergy : As the majority were under the orders of the parish friars as coadju- tors, there were some who participated in the corruption of their principals, although tliere were many who, notwithstand- ing all that, excelled in sciences and godliness. S37 The Senate Document ana JS.omamsm 14. With regard to the knowledge and provision of said clergymen to discharge clerical duties : Coming almost all from the conciliar seminaries governed by the Paulist Fathers, dedi- cated expressly to make priests, after having frequented the colleges of secondary instruction in this capital and in the prov- inces, no Filipino, unless those addicted to the friars, who have always placed a great diligence in taking away the prestige, has ever doubted the knowledge and sufficiency of the same, to duly discharge their clerical duties, and resting upon them, as was always a great part of the religious duties, that should have been performed by their masters, the parish friars, in their parishes, it is evident that the greater part of those coadjutors surpassed the former. However, as the opinion of the under- signed in his character of Filipino might appear partial to the illustrious commission who reads this, my poor work, and to avoid this inconvenience, I make bold to call its overtaxed at- tention to the work of the feligious father, Don Salvador Pons, who proves with indisputable date and documents the knowl- edge, sufficiency, and virtues ol the Filipino clergy, said work is entitled " Defense of the Filipino clergy." 15. Thinks that the efforts made by the friars to return to their parishes, if any, are in the opinion of the undersigned, owing to purely political and terrestrial motives, because if made out of love for their religious mission, they have a vast field in which they can win laurels that would make them wor- thy of the glory of heaven without causing harm to a pueblo that heartily hates them. Such are, for instance, the missions of China and other countries of infidels. Who knows the Philippines, and really desires their peace and welfare, should tremble at the mere idea that the friars can return to their parishes; because in this the same reasons would subsist that obliged the Filipinos to take up arms against Spain, and would retard indefinitely the high and noble purposes that animate the magnanimous American nation to re-establish the peace and cultivate the prosperity of this unhappy 8oil.~ God grant that I am mistaken in thinking that those who wish or work for the return of the friars to their parishes have an interest in placing obstacles in the way of the American politic. 16. Taking in consideration that one of the bases of American politics in the Philippines is the separation of the church from the state, the undersigned is of the opinion that, while the peace is ni t definitely established in the country, it is not advantageous for the archbishop to be an American or a Spaniard. The author of this- humble work, making himself the echo of the thoughts of many of his countrymen, desires he should be at present of a neutral country like Switzerland, should it not be possible to find in the Philippines a clergyman worthy of such high post in the ecclesiastical hierarchy? 17. Beferring to the establishment of schools in which op- portunity would be given to ministers of any church to instruct the children in religion half an hour before the ordinary one, the undersigned who, as an apostolic Roman Catholic, is a par- tisan of the real liberty, judges this establishment very oppor- tune, always conceding to the fathers the liberty of choosing 238 '^Ihe Senate Document and Romamsm »ny ministers of the church to give religions instruction to his children. Under, this condition he is sure that the establish- ment would satisfy the Catholics of these islands. 18. If the parish priests are not friars, or not proceeding from them, it is possible that the relations between the pueblo and the-clergjrmen would not change very much, but being friars, or coming from' them, the answerer cannot anticipate his opinion, owing to the fact that the country has already lost confidence in said friars, though they may return in a different dress. 19. The undersigned is of the opinion that the rural prop- erties possessed by the friars or their convents are not theirs by right, because their acquisitions are of invalid right, the more so as said friars, at being admitted, make a formal and solemn renunciation of all their rights to the world, and be- cause it is expressly forbidden to convents and religious com- munities by a decree of the provincial Spanish government in force to-day, as law of the 15th of October, 1868, to acquire and possess property, especially real estate. In conclusion, the informant believes the country would applaud with enthusiasm a confiscation of the said properties and its return to the government in the name of the Filipino people, better than the expropriation with the high social ob- jects proposed in the Interrogatory ; more yet if a good part of the funds obtained by the sale in lots of the lands would be ad- judged in favor of the secular Filipino clergy, for the erection %A maintenance of conciliar seminaries in greater multitude Jtian at present in existence, for the instruction of the secular eative clergy. This is all the information I can give according to true knowledge and understanding. Francisco Alvarbz. Nueva Caceres, Oct. 2, 1900. FRANCISCO RODRIGUEZ GOMEZ. Francisco Kodriguez Gomez, first corporal of marines, and secretary to notify the attestation of suspension to the Filipinos, Francisco Alvarez and Tomas Valenciano, of which is instruct- ing judge the ensign, Don Francisco de Alba Qallardo. Certify that in page No. 3 of said process, and in the re- port of the auditor of Manila first paragraph, is the judgment which literally copied says :— First. The provisional suspension referring to the pro- scribed Don Manuel Pardo, Ramon Martin, Eduardo Robles, Francisco Alvarez; Tomas Valenciano, and Antonio Arejola, regarding whom no just cause exists to maintain the accusation in accordance with article No. 638, number 2 of the code of military justice, I likewise certify that in page No. 5 is copied the provisional judgment of the captain-general of Manila, which says: Manila, October 27, 1896. In accord with the pre- vious report, supersede provisionally the process referring to the proscribed Manuel Pardo, Ramon Martin, Eduardo Roble, Francisco Alvarez, Tomas Valenciano, and* Antonio Arejola, contained in the first paragraph of this decree. 239 Tns Senate Document and Romanis m And. at the petition of the parties interested, I issue the present copy, in Santa Isabel de Fernando Po, the 18th of December, 1897. Francisco Rodmgukz. RAYMUNDO MELLIZA ANGULO. (TraoBlation .) The undersigned American citizen, in order to tell the tmth, and for the welfare of the United States and the Philippines, has the honor to answer the questions hereto attached : — 1. From his birth until he attained the age of twenty years, when he went to Europe, residing here again after the age of twenty-seven until the present time, fifteen years. In almost the entire Philippine Archipelago, from Ilocos Norte to Misamis, in Mindanao. 3. Through ofScial positions which he has held since 1882.- 4. The curates of the Island of Negros, those of Misamife, Cebu, Bulacan, Ilocos Norte and Sur, about seventy. 6. It is not easy to fix definitely the class of Spanish society to which they belong, because they were not communicative as to their origin, but judging from their manner of speaking, working, thinking, and from their relatives who came to live with them, the majority of them belong to the lower classes in Spain. This, nevertheless, does not prove anything as to the damage they caused, because they all did damage, wBether they proceeded from a plebeian or aristocratic origin. The differ- ence which is noted between friars, properly speaking, and the Paulists and Jesuits, with the exception of the Capucins, whom the writer is not acquainted with on account of their recent es- tablishment here, consists of the fact that the Jesuits and Paul- ists are much more learned and disciplined than the friars, and naturally these qualities make them much more commendable, and do away with the natural fear of their being wrongdoers. 6. He states that, as a matter of fact, he never knew any- thing about the rents and properties of the friars, because he never cared to know or think ■ anything about other people's business. But judging from their actions, they appeared to be the wealthiest people in the Philippines. At this moment h** only recalls the estates of Santo Nino, in Cebu ; of Malinta, In Bulacan j of San Francisco de Malabon, in Cavite, which be- longs to the Augnstinians ; those of Lolomboy and of Santa Maria de Pandi, in Bulacan, which belongs to the Dominicans, and that of Imus in Cavite, which belongs to the Recoletos. It is to be supposed that they possess other properties and receive other rents, which could be ascertained definitely by examina- tion of the documents which ought to be in the offices of the ad- ministrators of the different convents. 7. He states that the law never conceded them political, administrative, or judicial rights, except those of merely giving information, as by placing their approval on reports rendered by chiefs of the towns, or attending local meetings of the gov- ernments of the provinces in order to give their opinion and vote on some economic, governmental, and administrative matters, but not in cases thereof. Provision is made in the colonial legislation of Rodriguez San Pedro, and the laws %t 240 "^Lhe Senate Document and Romanism the Indies, for participation in the preparation ol a list of tax- payers, in the inspection of jails, and matters regarding sani- tation and public schools. As a matter of fact, they were the absolute possessors of all power in the Philippines, and this is the cause of the disastrous results which we are now experienc- ing through their interference in the moral, civil, and political education of the archipelago. They were the representatives of the entire power of the islands, because through their sacer- dotal power they were able to impose their views on the minds of the ignorant. This is why they hated free discussion and' investigation, being very much inclined to their own personal judgment, affected always by wordly interests, to which they always adjusted the rules of their orders, adulterating them^ with privileges secured in underhanded methods either from the popes or kings to whom they presented false and sophistical statements, as, for example, the insufficiency of the Filipino' clergy in number and and their personal incapacity to govern the parishes. They did not state, in addition to not telling the truth, that those very clergymen were • serving them as coad- jutors and assistants in the saving of souls, and that almost all the parishes had one such clergyman, that is to say, not as the parish curate, but as a subordinate, which clergyman managed the aflEairs of the parish for entire weeks, while the curate went around the country or arranged political matters with the governor in the capital of the province. They also availed themselves of the consciences of the civil employees, using them as tools by means, of their money and influence .with the government at Madrid, where they had their representatives, to sustain them in the condition^ in which they were found when the revolution in the Philippines burst upon them. Their authority, through having the civil employees of this archi- pelago at their disposal, was completed by subjecting the en- lightened Filipinos by thi fear of unjust punishment and depor- tation, which powers the civil employees placed at their dis- posal. Thus is demonstrated how they came to be the ruling power of the archipelago without written or recognized politi- cal rights, in a direct or indirect manner, according to indi- vidual cases. . 8. The said persons had intimate relations of mutual com- placency. 9. It is not easy to answer this, through not having exact knowledge of the fees which the p jrish priests collected nor the effects thereof. 10. For the most part they observed a political morality, governed by mere convenience and social appearances. 11. The cause was that they constituted themselves feudal proprietors in the pueblos where they ruled, and justice was not obtained at their hands, or at the hands of their superiors or the Spanish Government, because there was no one to correct the abuses. The hostility is not the same against all the friars. It is generally only against those who occupy curacies, and of these the greater number there was in the town, and the more learned they were, the greateir was the impression made by their atrocities and outrages on thinking people. 12. It is not easy to prove that the deportations were the 241 The Senate Document and Romanism work of the friars, because the civil sntborlties ordered and executed them; bat sometimes, when it sDited them, some friars stated that they had caused certain deportations. In ad- dition to this, the most obtuse intellect vrell-knew that they were the persons who brought about the deportations, because the enemies of the friars generally underwent this punishment, and it was generally carried out by the authorities friendly to the latter. By this, however, we do not mean to imply that any Spanish oflScial, at that time, friend or not, would not do the friars this barbarons favor, because it must be borne in mind that both in evil and in good the Spaniards and the friars were as one and always worked together, or in this matter with com- plete freedom. 13. . Those native priesos who did not have the fortune to be Inspired by the real spirit of Clirist, had to adopt the morals ctf the friar as I have described them in answer No. 10, and it is natural that the pupil should learn from his teacher, the worse the teaching the sooner, because, as is said, evil is easily and quickly learned. But It can not be denied that there are virtuouS' and learned native priests, as the history of the past and pres- . ent teaches us, with a knowledge of dogmatic thelogy, which a£9rms that God spreads his grace over all the sons of Adami dp to the present time no other science as worthy as this has' stated that the Filipino priests are not descendants pf Adam be^ cause they do not participate in bis grace. 14. This question is similar to the preceding and therefore its answer will be a consequence of the preceding answer. Granting as sufficient tlie morality and knowledge stated there, we must admit that the native clergy will be as capable in every sense of the word for discharging their clerical duties. 16. The result will be that those returning to parishes in habited by civilized persons will end by becoming civilized like them and will then fit them like a glove, because in a land of morality and civilization the majority rules, for an entire pueblo is much, very much, greater and stronger than a friar, although he should be greater than Goliath, the giant of Christian tra- dition. But the one that goes to a backward pneblo will only be able to live at the most, ten years, at the end of which time. If he does not die and God does not help him, he will be the victim, along with the government, of the slight advance to civilization brought about by him, as his love of self will pre- vent his enlightening the pueblo, and in some manner as slaves produce tyrants, will come al>ont the same sad spectacle of a second or third edition of the present revolution, because the progress of a pueblo can not be blocked, it must necessarily come, and the moral and religious inflaence of the priest has a. large and decisive inflaence. If the parish friar who goes to a backward pueblo is personally known by the people to be good, by great -efforts and' by the assistance of divine grace he will be able to convert his pueblo to civilization. But at this time it occurs to me to ask in my turn : In this century of materialism where will that friar be found to be curate of a backward pneblo 7 16. It is not the nationality that brings about either good or bad, but the morality and wisdom of the individual, who ia The Senate Document and Romanism affected by two icflaunces — reward fo'r his good actions and punishment for the bad ; so that, laying this before the eyes of the American, Spanish, Filipino, or Lapland archbishop, and letting him know that his course will soon receive its deserts, any of them can be appointed who has sufficient moral or intel- lectual capacity for the position. 17. That would be proper, just, and practical, because man composed of soul and body cannot cut himself ofi from re- Jgion; but so as not to offend their ideas or to attack real liberty, it is necessary that the ministers be of the same re- ligion as the fathers of the children if they are under seven years of ag^, or that the latter may select after passing that age, when, according to moralists and theologians, the human being assumes the responsibility for his own sins. 18. Of course by this fact the relations between the parish priests apd their parishioners would be .changed to the benefit of the latter. But this is not enough, because the parish curate who sins has the advantage over his victim, especially among Catholics, through the moral ascendency which the dogmas and canons give him. Therefore, it would be necessary to prepare an official code of punishable acts and to proceed against him officially, without awaiting the private action of the person offended, which in many cases would be prevented by that above-mentioned ascendancy. ) '19. It is somewhat unsafe tq give an opipion upon this matter, not knowing exactly if the friars used the fruits of their numerous properties for the true service of the Lord, as the evangelists teach us to do» in which event it is clear that that object would be better than the one mentioned in the ques- tion we are answering, and they should not be deprived. of the property but that they employ in stch a great work. But if they dq not use th^ rents of their properties in the service of the Lord, certainly they use them wrongfully, because it ap- pears to me that they use theln just a little for the benefit of man in society, which is the object of the question, and, there- ' fore, it were well for the government to deprive them of their property and use it for the object indicated in the question. The first supposition must be established by the books of .ex- penses and through the* Apostolic delegate, flndlng put where they have spent their rents and their money, and if they have not been spenfrin the service of the Lord, it is to be supposed that they would not.be employed in ihat way in the future; the second case, that they have not used the property for the benefit of man in society is self evident, and what is clear does not have to be investigated. Raymundo Melliza Anguko, LL D. OBSERVATIONS UPON THE HACIENDA OF IMUS. [Trwslation.] The pueblo of Imus was a barrio of Old Cavite prior to this century, whose chapel was erected in the place known as Toclon, still a barrio of the same name within the limits of Imus, and 243 The Senate Document and R omanism since that time a large amoant of land h'as been cnltivated by the natives in the places known as Medicion, Toclon, Alapan, Bncandala, Balangon, and Anabn, and in different places within the boundaries of Imus, the land for the most part being de- voted to the sowing of palay. At that time there was no dam or means of retaining water ; but after many years had elapsed, when the barrio had a sufficient nnmber of inhabitants and snfficient means to support a pueblo, on the petition of the natives, the Spanish Government declared the pueblo civilly in- dependent of the town of Old Cavite. The spiritual adminis- tration continued pertaining to the curacy of Old Cavite for many years, the natives constructed a provisional church and a court in the place known as the barrio of Pueblo Viejo (old pueblo), where was established the pueblo of Imus. The pro- duction of palay having rapidly extended, it being raised up to the vicinity of Tampus, now the pueblo of Perez Dasmarinas, still there was no dam dr means of retaining water in the entire territory of Imus. During this time a Peninsular Spaniard, whose name and surname I do not recall, with his wife, named Dona Augustina, who were said to be punished by the govern- ment of Spain, arrived from Spain. Bnt it was evident from his kindly and amiable treatment of the natives and his manner of living that he was a person of high rank. He selected for his residence the site near Tampus, now known as Perez Dasmarinas. It is supposed that he had preferred this place on account of its temperate climate. He lived a very peaceful life dur.lig the entire period of his life in this pueblo, was very fond of riding horseback, and so he l)ought a large number of horses. He sowed grass for their feed, but there came a time when from the month of January it did not rain, and therefore caused the grass to die. The Spaniard decided to register that place if he had any means of irrigating his grass, and he found a suitable place, where he then constructed a dam composed of stone and wood, and al- though this dam is not now in existence, there still remain traces .of it. Tljere. in the months of October and November of the year in which the construction of the dam was completed, the time in which the palay was beginning to be formed, there was a scarcity of rain, on account of which the farmers of the place known as Malagasang, now barrio of Malagasang, appealed to the Spaniard and asked for water to irrigate theij crops. He, seeing that he had more than enough water for his grass, fur- nished water to the farmers, charging $1 per cavan of seed sown, which they irrigated and maintained with the water from the dam ; and in time this water was not only used by the in- habitants of Malagasan, but also by those of Bncandala. Dona Augustina died in the year 1795 or 1796, according to estimates, Friar Francisco de Santiago being first friar curate of Imus, recently appointed, to whom the Spaniard intrusted the sd- ministration of the dam on leaving for Spain. This father ad- ministered and collected the dues for the use of the water frota the dam for a period of two or thi^ears without changing the amount which they had formerly paid to the Spaniard. This practice was continued until Pr. AIobzo Tnbera de la Concep- clon came to occupy the curacy, who likewise undertook the 244 The Senate Document and Romanism administration and collection of the dnes for the use of water from the dam. And this curate, observing that the collection of the dues-for the use of water was being delayed by the low price of palay, admonished the farmers to pay in grain and just equivalent to the $1 which they formerly paid to his prede- cessor, and as the price of palay was only from 3 to 4 reals per cavau, the farmers, in accordance with the indication of the friar curate, paid in the following year two cavans of the palay for each cavan of seed which they irrigated or maintained with the water from the dam, this being the equivalent value of #1. This curate was much esteemed by his parishioners through his frank and agreeable character. Being talking one day with some leading men of the pueblo at a wedding, one of them, it Is not known why, had the curiosity to ask the curate when the Spaniard, the owner of the dam, was going to return to Imns. The curate answeried that perhaps he would not return lO the Philippines, as he was a member of a very rich, family in Spain, end owned estates. The same leading person again asked if any member, of the family was coming to collect the product of the dues of the dam. The curate said that no one would com- of the family for the product of the dam, as its owner had dedi- cated the earnings to the sustaining of the Church of Nnestra Senora del Filar de Imus, and, therefore, yon, the farmers, who pay your portions for the use of the water of the dam, should always be punctual in the payment of two cavans of parlay for each cavau of seed which yon irrigate or maintain by that water, as this amount you do not pay to the Spaniard, or to the curate, but to the Virgin of Pilar herself. After a lapse of two or three years Friar Manuel de San Miguel took the place of Father Alonzo in the curacy as well as in the management of the dam, and in the following year, as is handed down, he. con- structed the dam of Salitran, upon tlie completion of which the farmers of Anabu received water therefrom for their crops. The curate collected three cavans of parlay for each cavan of seed; he likewise collected the same quantity of parlay from those of Malagasan, Bucandala, and the other places where water was obtained from the dam. At the expiration of three or five years another came to fill the curacy of Imus, named Friar Mariano de San Miguel. This curate respected the above custom regarding the payment for the water, neither raising nor diminishing the figure during the ten or twelve years that he occupied the curacy. It is supposed that he is the one who ordered the construc- tion of the dam of Julian, and upon its completion the inhabi- tants of Medicion, Balangon, and Toclon likewise paid an amount of palay equal to that paid by the others ; but after some years he caused four cavans to be paid for each cavan of seed which was irrigated from the water of the first dam and that of Julian. And it is to be noted that this friar curate re- mained many years in the curacy, when he was replaced by an- other, who did not alter the charge for water and remained in- cumbent but for a very short time. Then Padre Nicolas Be- cerra de la Montana took his place in the curacy, and it is stat- ed taat he was at the same time provincial of the corporation, known as Santiago, who assisted him in the administration and 246 The Senate Document ana Romanism collection of the charges for the use of water. After this pro- vincial curate had been in charge of the curacy some months, he called all the leaders of the pueblo together to -treat upon the moving of the pueblo to the place where it is situated to- day. At the meeting he stated the idea to them, showing them the convenience of the change, and the benefits and advantages to be derived therefrom by the pueblo. After the leading men had been thoroughly informed on the matter, and being in ac- cord with him the government did. not delay in ordering the change of the site of the pueblo to where it is situated to-day. On his own account the friar curate convoked the leaders again and informed them of the necessity of the entire pueblo con- tributing in a body according to their resources to the speedy construction of a church and parish house. That is to say, that the males over the age of 12 years should take their turns in working a week at a time, in accord- ance with their number, and according to the division of the work that should be made, and the headmen of Barangay were obliged to present the individuals to work each week. In addition to this, all those possessing lands were to contribute a talacsan of wood for each cavan of seed, having to make the payment along with that for the use of water. Anyone who could not pay with that article would do it in equivalent in cash at the ordinary value, which is $1 per talacsan, besides increas- ing the pay for use of water to five cavans of palay for every cavan of seed. The head men agreeing to all the propositions of the friar curate, they immediately began to bring in and pay the talacsans when they paid for the water. By this act there was immediately erected a temporary church and house for the curate, of light materials. It should be noted the talacsan of wood was used in the manufacture of brick and lime necessary for the construction of a chur,ch and parish residence of masonry. The work on the church was commenced in thwyear 1820 or 1821, according to estimates, but upon the completion of the church and the parish house, and after the period of one or two years, they still continued demanding the payment of the talacsan of wood. The chiefs demanded of the very same curate himself t&at they be exempted from the payment of the talacsan, who not only did not pay any attention to their complaints, but threatened them with the stocks and other punishments if they ceased bringing in or paying the talascan until the termination of the construction of a private house of the faithful, the house now called the hacienda of San Juan de Imns. And the chiefs hav- ing noticed the hard nature of the bishop, did not complain again, but continned to pay their talacsans. But becoming tired of so many sacrifices, the chiefs had a secret meeting, and appointed six of them to present a complaint in the court of first Instance of Cavite against the abuses of the friar curate. Upon the filing of the complaint and the preparation of the rec- ord, some of the poor chiefs were put In jail, and the others who has been prevented by some reason or other from appear- ing on the day fixed by the judge, were persecuted by the curate. But although they continned to hide themselves, the other chiefs continued with the case, assisted by an influential woman 246 The kienate Document ana Romanism 'of Manila, and it is known that there was a favorable decision on tne complaints of the chiefs by the royal andiencia of Ma- nila after some years of litigation. The litigants remained ab- sent from their pueblos until the curate died, and it is «aid that the death of this curate was occasioned by the decision of the royal audiencia in favor of the chiefs, as he died suddenly, foaming at the month, on the very day on which he was noti- fied of the decision of the royal andiencia, and on this scconnt the opinion prevailed that the death was suicide by means of poison. Upon the death of the curate disappeared the pay- ment of the talacsan; from this time the proprietors of land ceased to pay the talacsan on that account. This curate allowed the pueblo to see his real influence with the government, for as soon as a criminal could reach him and seek his protec- tion, that was enough to make him free from all responsibility. So he was the close friend of the most celebrated pardoned criminals of the district j and when he went to Manila his car- riage was drawn by two pairs of horses, and he was generally escorted by these people. On his return he was escorted by two or three pairs of calvary. Therefore he was very greatly feared by the residents of the vicinity. Beturning now to the assistant ac" • inistrator, named San- tiago, a lay brother, who collected and administered the charge for the water, he did not make a single change during his oc- , cupancy except to increase the charge by one cavan of palay, which was done at the will of the parish curate Becerra. There afterwards came another layman "named Matiar Carbonel to take his place, Father Becerra still being friar curate ; and in time he built the dam of San Augustin and Lancaan in order to increase the force of the water of the first a^bove-mentioned dam ; and so they continued constructing dams down to that of the landing-place. Lastly, this lay brother seems to have car- ried on the business as an administrator appointed by the pro- vincial curate ; therefore he disposed freely in all matters con- cerning the use of water. In time the collection of $1 for each house-site was conimenced, and it is stated that they have the right to collect, as they were using the water from the dams ; and afterwards they went on to collect from the house-sites in the barrios at the rate of two reals each. Although the neigh- bors were surprised by this new tax, they did not protest through the fear entertained by them of suffering the same ex- perience as was meted out to the leading men when they com- plained against the talacsan, some of whom, in addition to be- ing impoverished, were placed in jail, and the others concealed themselves for a long time. This same lay brother was the one who invented the contract documents for the watering of the crops, with the house-site included, after the time of the col- lection of the new tax. They accepted the contracts because, they believed that by this means they would avoid in the future the continuous increase of the pay for the watering of the crops. The contrary -resulted, hpwever, because each adminis- trator demanded an increase and a new contract, the most ex- pensive of all being the one who introduced reforms in his ad- ministration, and the charges ascending according to, the re- forms introduced, as will be seen later. 24T The Senate Document ana Romanism On the death of the lay brother Matias Carbonel, his assist' ant succeeded him, another layman named Joaquin, who re- formed the documents of contract regarding water for crops and houses-sites, by abolishing the manuscripts and substituting printed ones. He increased the cost Qf the water one cavan, so that the five cavans for each cavan of seed was made six. Then he measured the meadows and the house-sites, and after this measurement he collected according to the number of bal- Itas or quinones in each parcel possessed by the farmers, abol- ishing then the custom of collecting according to the number of cavans of seed, there resulting thereby a considerable in- crease of the charge for the use of water and house-sites. The entire population became alarmed at this, but after many delib- erations they changed their ideas to onlj^ protesting against the proceeding of the administrator, because they saw that the iH- fluence of the friars was more powerful than theirs with the authorities. Because they saw from these reasons that any complaint would be useless which could be made against the friars, and the natives were right in their calculations, because Father Becerra, still being curate, avoided any attempt to com- plain, on account of the experiences of the chiefs when they protested on the talacsan @f wood, for the old men had warned the young and their successors that they should never have any trouble with the friars, and much more so when they are cu- rates, and, therefore, they paid according to the demands of the lay administrator, bott> for the honse^ites and the meadows. , The provincial curate died in the year 1839 or 1840, and was succeeded by friar Manuel Zubire ; but before this time there was a substitute, whose name I do not recall, who man- aged the afialrs for a short time. Kevertheless, the lay admin- istrator continued the same, and Curate Zubire did not give any reason for complaint to the natives during the time he was cu- rate. Besides, he became friendly with his parishioners, evem having many compadres, because he was accustomed to be god- father at the baptism of the sons of leading men, which mul- tiplied the names of Manuel and Manuela, because he gave his own name to god-children. After this curate, according to the statement of the natives, the administration of the water was entirely separated from the parish, and the lay brother, Joaquin, freely carried out his task after that time, as did his successor. In the year 1849 Father. Guillermo Hayo occupied the curacy, the same layman, SToaquin, being administrator, and the curate did not intervene in any way in the administration of the waten During the term of this curate there occurred nothing strange as regards the administration and collection for the use of water. In the year 1864 Father Jose Varela occupied the parish an upright priest who carried out his duties with entire justice, and was very greatly beloved by his parishioners, who likewise didn't meddle in matters pertaining to the administration of the water or in the affairs of the municipal captain ; for he often refused to place his O. K. on documents and accounts of the tribunal, giving as a reason that he was a curate of souls, anil that his intervention in civil matters was not just, because this 2<8 The Senate Document ana Romanism demand for his signature was only on accodnt of the lack of ' «oi]^dence in the local chiefs of the government, and lack ot confidence Is the mother of distrust and makes thieves. All his acts are worthy of mention, and the pueblo in mass bless him every time that thev think of him. He showed the people the uselessness of the money spent in the fiestas, as it produced nothing more than the misery of the pueblo. On various occa- sions he showed the vanity of pompous burials. He became In- dignant at the exorbitant price of the water for the fields, and exclaiming, said : " Where will the infernal souls of the ad- ministrators of the water go?" May God take the soul of this holy man to his bosom ! It was about the year 1865 or 1866 when the provincial of the uncalced Angustinians ordered a tax on mangas and cane, E'ather Villa being the administrator of the water. He was the faithful executor of the acts of the provincial, the said Curate Varela, who defended the pueblo, so that that new tax of two reales for each manga tree and one real for each mata of cane, should not be carried into effect, and the result was a very great disgust on the part of the blessed father; and the pueblo had to carry the weight of the new tax, although the residents al- ready were aware of the Illegality of the said tax, through the simple reason that, if they protested, the tax might disappear ; yes ; but on the other hand they might increase the cost of wa- ter for the Qelds, and it would be worse for them. On account of these considerations, they crossed their arms and paid, curs- ing the antbor of the- idea. It is likewise supposed that the same priest who was administrator reduced two very honorable families Of the pueblo to misery, despoiling them of their fields. These families continued to implore the clemency of the author- ities and of the Same provincial, but accomplished nothing. From this' fact the more intelligent of the pueblo suspected and figured that the pay for the use of the water is not directly for the water, but for the land, and that this was the cause of the despoiling. These intelligent men of the pueblo sought a means to set aside the unjust proceeding of the administrator, because they know that all the land of Imus is the property of its culti- vators, and If they pay a proportion to the administrator, it ia for the use of the water from the dams, and nothing more. Thereupon they appealed to the persons of influence in Manila, and only obtained traditional advice from the old men to not interfere with the friars, because, as they say, the very goyer- nors themselves of the Philippines tremble before the gold and influence of the friars. That great influence is demonstrated by the friars of Imns daily, for the hacienda of San Juan, the house of the friars, is very much frequented by the highest au- thorities of Manila and their families. There they take their vacations in the hot season. Therefore these intelligent men ceased to use their rights, as was counseled by experience. During this same time of the Curate Varela and the Father Villa, the administrator, as Don Bernardino Abad, formerly copyist of the hacienda, showed when'Senor Escosura arrived at Manila with the title of royal commissioner, and with the special commission of requiring the friars to show their title ^oc^roentB concerning the cities to the haciendas, and as the 249 The Senate Document and Romanism proTincial did not find in the convent of the Becoletos any doc- ument to justify the title to the territory of Imus, he answ&red , that there did not exist any. " In that case what do yon know about our possession of those lands? " "If your reverence will have the kindness to pay attention I will explain it to yon," answered Don Bernardino, and thereupon he related the history from the time of the Spaniard, owner of the dam, up to that time, in the manner stated in the preceding paragraphs. Upon the provincial's being informed thereof, he again asked: " How do you know the history which you have just related?" Don Bernardino answered that he knew through his father, Don Casimiro Abad, formerly scribe of the parish and of the hiacien- da at the same time, who had told it to him one day when he was in a good humor. " In order to satisfy the royal commis- sion which Senor Escasura brongtit to Manila, sent by the gov- ernment of Spain to require all the religious corporations to produce the documents of title to oar haciendas, do you think there is any remedy?" "Yes, father." "And what is it?" " Father, give large amounts, and in gold, which can rule this high official." In fact, the father provincial ordered this, and Don Bernardino is one of the men that arranged the' matter, and it is calculated that 20,000 pesos wa<) the amount of the gift, and Senor Escasura did not delay long in disappearing from Manila. The history heretofore stated was given on varions occa- sions by Don Bernardino Abad when he w«s alive, as well as that of the Spaniard who was the owner of the dam. In the year 1873 Curate Varela died, pnd Fr- Andres Galde- ano substituted him in the same ^ear. and the administrator, Fr. Villa, was relieved by Fr. Gaud«ncid Marquez much before the death of the curate Varela. Fr. Andres was a sreat worker ; he was the one who increased the height of the steeple, altered the interior of the church, and did not give any cause for com- plaint to his parishioners. It is also thought that Fr. Ganden- cio is the one "who ordered the construction of the country house in Salitram, where the friars generally take their vaca- tions. , After the construction of that house he also collected a percentage in cash for the cro^s in the mountains, snch as palay and sugar cane, the time in' which the civil guard invaded the entire province of Cavite, doing great damage, as faithful followers of the friars and executors of their acts. By this new tax on crops raised in the mountains, it was confirmed more and more that the collection for the use of water was not made in that conception, but for the land, because the places where they sow sugarcane and palay are impossible to be watered; and although the natives desired to exercise tb^ir rights, it was now too late, because the civil guard on one side and the influ- ence of the friars on the other are two axioms which pjevent the public from exercising their real rights. Nevertheless, a resident of Perez, Dasmarinas, formerly captain there, protest- ed against the collections of tax oh mountain products before the provincial of the Becoletos and the authorities. He did not obtain a single favorable decision, but, on the contrary, was robbed of his fields with danger to himself. So that every day 250 The Senate Document ana Romamsm they continued to tighten the rtiiis on the farmers, and the de- spoiling takes place nearly every year. On the completion of the estimate of Father Andres upon the alteration of the interior of the church, the parish house and the elevation of the steeple, the father provincial of the Becoletos took np the expense to be occasioned by the prijact- ed work, to the end that the funds of the hacienda should pay lor the expense demanded by the estimate, the total of which reached the sum of $25,000. In the beginning the provincial in- ferred that the funds of the hacienda were under the control of the father in charge of the hacienda, and that therefore he could not dispose of them. In view of this answer, he appealed to the father in charge of the hacienda, who also told the cu- rate that under no conception could he make any expenditure •without express authority of the four deflners of the said cor- poration. Therefore Father Andres, as one of the deflaers, convoked his companions to a meeting in the convent of the Tecoletos in Manila, in order to discuss the matter. Upon the conclusion of the meeting, they unanimously resolved to author- ize'the expenditure solicited by Father Andres, but there were debates when treating of the matter, and Father Andres relied on the argument that the entire hacienda belonged to the pueblo; that the church and the parish house also belonged to the pueb- lo, and that therefore the expense of the church should be borne by property of the pueblo, and so he was successful in his pur- pose. He also asked of the archbishop another sum for other expenses, which was granted ; and two wealthy men of the pueblo, on their own part in response to the worthy actions of the curate, paid for the acquisition of the chandeliers of the church, and the bells and hand-bells which are now in the bel- fry. Father Gandencio, the administrator, went out of oflBce and was succeeded by Father "Valentin Apellaniz, his assistant being the lay brother Roman Cabellera. This priest had good princi- ples, although young; he treated the farmers well, and per- mitted claims with the consent of the provincial. But his as- sistant was a miserable person, who only possessed the idea of charging for all the taxes. If any resident asked for the re- duction for some manga trees which had died through old age or other reasons, he did not allow it, but compelled him to plant others to take their place without giving any reduction for the dead ones, and he also did the same with cane. The plundering went on every year through some caprice of this lay- man. In the course of time there was a great increase in the taxes upon house sites and the hill lands, crops on the moun- tains, and land sown. This same layman directed the work on the dam of Pasong castila, as the people recollect, the only one with license from superior authority, because in the archives of the court no other license is registered for the many dams in the territory of Imus, and upon the completion of the work he considerably Increased the pay for water for the crops of Afapan. In the year 1880 Father Andres Galdeano died, and was succeeded by Father Jose M. Ecarte, the same Father Valentin Aoellanis being administrator, and his aide being the layman Ro- 251 T^p Senate Document and Romanism man Caballers. The blessed careite died without begiunlDg the work on the floor of the charch, becaase when he set ont to commence the work he fell sick, was.nnable to recover from the Illness, and expired. Father Valentin went to the parish the day SQCceeding his death and took oat of the convent all the monev which was in the chest of Father Andres, the sum reach- ing $38 000. According to persona close to the cnrate, of that snm only $32,000 belonged to him, $5 000 was for the expense of the tarima, and $1,000 fnnds of the chnrc^i. Father Valentin took all to the hacienda house, and it is not known what was afterwards done with the money. According to statements, Father Learte, the curate of Santa Cruz of Manila, learning of the death of Father Andres, endeavored to occupy the parish of Imus, while others say that they expelled him from Santa Cruz because they did not like his methods. However, no matter why he took his departure, the fact is that he was likewise not well suited to Imus, for after he had occupied the curacy one week he learned that the pueblo was not congenial to him nor he to the pueblo. This active hosility between the pueblo and the curate lasted for a long time, it being terminated by the revolution of 1896. This friar endeavored to retard progress. He com- pelled school teachers to educate the children in Tagalo, and if any father of a family sent his children to Manila to study, that was enough to make him his enemy, and every resident who spoke a little Spanish, in his opinion, was a filibuster, and as time went on, in his opinion, the filibusters increased, because they progressed in the Spanish language. In the year 1888 the custom of kissing the hand of the curate disappeared entirely, and was a fatal blow to him. From that year he began to re- cruit filibusters, believing, perhaps, that by this means he would bring about the people's return to their primitive condition of submission to the friars, and, not content with this, he likewise founded lodges of Masonry (sic), slightly known to the people, and. as h.e did not tire of preaching against Masonry, making it appear abominable, as he said, because it did not recognize any other God than their own criminal acts; then the ignorant people, anxious to know the facts thoroughly, found someone to seek the truth in the capital, Manila in the Orient lodge of the same. It was found to be entirely opposite to what the cnrate had stated, and that in the heart of Masonry reigned peace and concord, and its doctrine is to love God before all things and your neighbor as yourself, teaching and inculcating in the hearts of men equality and brotherhood, the doctrine which our Lord Jesus Christ taught his disciples. By virtue of this Masonic lodges soon appeared in diflerent parts of the province of Cavite. He became terrified at the shadow of the name Mason as he learned that there were Masons on every corner. From that time he could not rest easy ; he sought a means of Impeding the march of progress of Masonry and went out, always laughed at, with all his civil guard. Masonry was still unknown in this pueblo when the pueblos nearest to Manila celebrated the fiesta of General Despujol, and one of these was Imus. All of its head men appeared at Malacanang with the proper obsequiousness, presided over by 262 The Senate Document and Romanism tte local chief of the same, and on their return they were threatened by the father in charge of the hacienda with a total conflscauon oi their lands, which was not carried out for reas- ons unknown. But all were branded filibusters by Curate Learte and the father in charge of the hacienda, Juan Herrero. From that time they sought means to eject or expel from the pueblo some of these head men, and meanly descended to a deceitful piece of work; that is, pretending an uprising. They gave good money to some low people who were to be the actors in the drama that was to take place in this pueblo. But their diabolical intentions miscarried, because the pueblo became aware of the trick. The most active men took a great interest in discovering who were the persons hired to be actors in the said function, and encountering them they told the truth. They said that they were actually paid by the friars, and although they had received a certain sum, it was not with the Intention of carrying out the agreement made with them, but only to take advantage of their liberality. That Is, they woHld procure for them as much money as they could and never would do what they were ordered, because they knew that the entire public in mass would be upon them and that therefore they would derive no benefit from the money received ; so that on two occasions when the pretended uprising was announced, nothing particular happened, notwithstanding that some head men of the pueblo, advised by a Spaniard, absented themselves and changed their residence to the province of Tarlac In order to avoid trouble with the curate and the friar In charge of the hacienda, and these were threatened with confiscation by the friar in charge of the hacienda. In order not to break the succession of those In charge of the hacienda, let as here state the names of those who preceded Father Juan Herrero and their deeds. Father Bxequiel Moreno took the place of Father Valentin Apellanis, because the latter went to Bacoor as temporary curate of the same, and Father Moreno, although elected manager. In no wise interfered in the matters of the hacienda and left everything to the will of the lay brother, Boman CabeUera, because the managing friar can not witness collections with a tranquil conscience; so that one day at the feast of St. John the Baptist, the head men beingjat the house of the hacienda, the manager Invited one of the head men. In whom he had confidence, to a private conversation, and when they were alone and after having concluded the necessary ceremonious formalities, they seated themselves, and the manager began : ',' I want to tell you that within a few days I leave here for the Recoleto Convent." "Father,! am sorry, and I shall deeply feel the departure of a manager as goodi as your reverence," replied the head fiaan, " and why do you have to go so soon ? Is not this work as peaceful as a priest can hope for?" The manager replied: "You can speak well of this position and wish it as well as you may, for you do not understand It at bottom; this aside from the fact that men diflei" in feature the same as they do in character, and my character is not one to discharge curacies nor managerships of haciendas, for my conscience will not allow It A comer in the convent of the Recoletos Is more agreeable to me than all the 253 The Senate Document ana Romanism ^ haciendas and curacies of the cjrporai,n)n." lae head man could not utter a sound, because the reasons advanced seemtid to him Tery strange, and he began to suspect that he was talk- ing to a saint. The priest, noticing that his interlocutor had ceased to speak, arose from his seat and said that perhaps his companions would be impatient, and the two bade each other good-bye very courteously, the friar conducting him to the last step of the stairs and immediately moving off toward the Becoleto convent; but he did not last there either, for it is said that he was elected rector of a college in Monte Agndo, which place he left for another locality as bishop Well did he de- serve this last charge, for he was the true pastor ! When this priest left the hacienda Father Victor, whose surname it is said was Ruiz, took his place, the same lay brother Boman remaining as assistant. This latter priest left the management and direction of things on the hacienda to the dis- cretion of the assistant; nevertheless, he is a strong defender of its interests, as is shown by a case which occurred with the local presidente at that time, which is as follows : The public treasury of Cavite, suspecting that the haciendas of San Juan, San Nicolas, and Muntinlupa, suppressed the truth in the sworn statements presented in that year as to net profits yielded by the said haciendas — at a time when the government charged a cer- tain percentage on the land tithe — the local chief of Imus ordered an immediate inquiry to be made in order to arrive at the truth, and without raising a hand the said chief in com- pliance with his duty enters upon the said inquiry as follows : He published a notice in and outside of the town for all the residents who paid anything in money or in products to the hacienda of San Juan to present themselves, requesting at the same time of the fair manager, through a courteous communi- cation, a certified copy of the schedule or list of those paying tithes for a certain number of years, pursuant to the pro- visions of the said order, for the purpose of comparing them with the depositions appearing in the record. The friar mana- ger becoming apprised of the communication and notice pub- lished for three consecutive nights, he appeared in the parish and begged the parish priest, Learte, to kindly summon the local chief. The parish priest did this ; and Don Bernar- dino Faredino Paredes, for the chief was so named, without saying a word to him, the parish priest goes into his room, leaving him alone with the manager, who, after a moment's wait, spoke and said, " Captain, if you don't change your mind It will cost yqu dearly." The poor captain was dumbfounded and somewhat perplexed over the first remark of the manager, but coming to himself he repjied : "Father, be kind enough to elucidate and repeat what you have said, for in truth I do not understand what you wish to say to me." " Well, this," said - the manager, " have you not published, a notice for three nights calling upon the residents to appear in the court and make depositions about ? " ' ' Yes, father, pursuani; to an order from the government." " Well, you are very much mistaken about your carrying out the order, and I repeat to you that it will cost you very dearly if you do not change your mind. I will despoil you of your lands and will substitute the badge you 264 The Senate Document and R omanism carry wltn Iron. It the governuaent has placed \t on your cnest, I will put It on your ankles," and he said a thousand othej tnlngs to the poor captain which prudence will not allow to be repeated ; "to morrow morning at the first hour, I want to hear your answer from your own lips and at the house of the hacienda,"' and he departed immed.lately, leaving the captain alone, without being able to articulate a word. b'oon afterwards the parish priest, Learte, emerges from his room and toxmi him half stunned, and as soon as he saw the priest come out he excused himself and left with, his baton of office, dishonored by the despot manager, making his way to his house and locking himself In his room alone, preoccupied with the drama he had jjttst witnessed. About 10 o'clock at night the crestfallen captain left his room, calling upon one of his agents to summon at once an ex captain in whom he had full trust. The agent did so, and the ex captain was much astonished at so untimely an invitation; nevertheless he dressed himself quickly and followed the agent, for he presupposed that a case of much Importance must have arisen to be called upon at such an hour, and when he had reached the bouse the local chief came out to meet him, and after an exchange of courtesies con- ducted him to his office, causing him to take a seat at his side and afterwards addressing him, saying that he had made bold to summon him at that hour because he could not himself reach a diacision upon a case which had occurred a short time ago, and he told him all that had occurred with the manager as is set forth above, and consulting him as to what he should do in the premises. The ex-captain becoming apprised of what had oc- curred, sighing: " So you have stood all these insults addressed to your authority with your baton of office in hand, when others would have broken the skull of the manager with the^ baton itself before suffering such insults to the prejudice of all authorities ; but since it all happened thus, may Qod grant you reward in His holy resignation, and I now counsel you not to pass the doors nor the threshhold of the hacienda, so as not suffer other insults, worse, perhaps, than the last, and very early to morrow morning go to the governor and tell him every- thing that has occurred to you with the manager, showing him the order of the government, and in View of it, request him to kindly solve the problem 6f the friar manager. A1: 'he same time ask him If there will be no objection to his acting as your second in a duel you desire to have with the manager, because your honor and your conscience catf not allow an offense to pass without satisfaction, and that you will inevitably call out the manager." On the following morning the captain went to Cavite, as did also the manager, and it was subsequently learned that a S( ttlement was reached and the record was pigeonholed. This manager a few days later departed for the Visayas as a curate, as rumor has it, and he was replaced by Father Juan Herrero, whose deeds we have already recorded hereinbefore. DECRES. In the archbishop's palace of Manila, the 20th day of Oc- tober, 1795, the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Senor Don Friar Juan Antonio de Ordigo or Oadlgoy Gallego, most worthy 255 The Senate Document and Romanism metropolitan archbishop of these Fhilippioe Islands of the Council of H. M., etc. ' Having seen this book on European paper presented by the Most Reverend Friar Francisco de Santiago of the sacred order of nncalced Augnstinians, the curate recently elected of tne pueblo and hacienda of Imus, separated from Old Cavite, petition- ing and paying your excellency to be pleased to order that in this book the records of baptisms, be kept that take place in this pueblo. That he ought to order and did order that it should be done in this book, which consists of 190 pages. RBCORDS. On the 27th day of the month of August, 1800, 1, Friar Manuel de San Miguel, regularly constituted temporary curate of this church of Nuestra Senora de Pilar, of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus, solemnly baptize my child, seventeen days of age, etc. On the 19th of the month of February, 1797, 1, Friar Alonso de Jubera de la Concepcion, regular curate of this pueblo and the hacienda of Imus, etc. On the 19th of the month of January, 1796, 1, Friar Fran- cisco de Santiago, curate of this hacienda and pueblD of Nuestra Senora de Pilar, etc. On the 24th of May, 1806, I, Friar Mariano de San Miguel, regular curate of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus, etc. f On the 5th day of August, of the year 1819, 1, Friar Manuel de San Miguel, regular curate of this church of Nuestra Senora de Pilar, of the pueblo and hacienda of Imus, etc. Note. — The subscriber declares that he knows the persoB who has written the present resume, who is a resident and head man of the pueblo of Imus. It ought to be added that in the archives there ought to be facts upon this matter. ' Feupk G. Caldekon. MiiJiLi, November 19, 1900. In addition to the foregoing, the commissioner, to whom was assigned the subject of the friars, examined, when no sten- ographer was present, Fr. W. D. McEinnon and Fr. Edw. H. Fitzgerald, both of the Boman Catholic .church, who are army chaplains, and who have been stationed in various parts of the Islands, and have mingled a great deal with the natives. From their knowledge of Spanish they have been able to gather a great deal ef interesting and reliable information. They both stated, without qualification, that the friars were exceedingly unpopular .with the masses of the people, and that the feeling was not confined to a few persons or to the native priests. They both thought it would be a mistake to attempt to send ■ back the friars to their parishes. A similar conversation was had with Major W. "H. John- ston, of the Forty-sixth Infantry and inspector-general of one of the districts in Southern Luzon, who was a Roman Catholic, and who has given special attention, when stationed in one of the parishes, to church matters. He states without qualifica- tion that a return of the friars to the parishes would be a great mistake ; that the enmity against them is felt deeply among the 256 The Senate Document ana Romanism masses of the people, and that he has so reported to ArchblsoD Chapelle. Many other army officers and newspaper correspondents were consulted, and the statement in each instance was the same as that given above. Wji. h. Tajt. ANSWERS. 1. Sixteen years. 2. In five provinces: Antique, Capiz, Iloilo, Cebu, and Manila. 3. I have lived in constant contact with them, being inti- mate with them, eating with them, playing with them. i. More than 200. 5. Kine-tenths of them belong to the laboring class, and this is the general rule. In order to escape conscription or mil- itary service and to secure a living for their Indigent families, many — the majority— affiliated themselves with the Philippine missions, for the regular parish priests have the authority of their prelates to transmit to their families every year a certain sum. This was a bait which attracted many poor men to the cloisters. 6. Talisay (Cebu), Talamban and Minglanilla (do), Salltran, Vaic, Bacoor, Dasmarinas, Ymus, Liang, Buena Vista, Salinas, San Francisco de Malabon, Malinta, Mandaloyon, Guadalupe, Fasay, Calamba, Tunasan, Santa Rosa, Mpntinlupa, Binan, Santa Cruz, Malabon, Los Banos, Tulisay, ,Santo Tomas, Cabu- yao, Fandi, Bocani, Marilao, Santol, Orion, Baligo, Lolomboy, Marigondong, Ternate, San Jaan, and other places in Luzon. City real estate covering one half of the walled city. Half a million of souls, the same of acres, and a million of pesos in- come, approximately. 7 and 8. The heads of the government and of the church generally covered up each others' sins, and took no single step without counting on the acquiescence of the other ; the parish priests serving as bailiffs and policemen, more or less dissem- bling in the pueblos, but performing their duties very poorly^ because they brought their personal interests ever into play. 9. They changed according to districts, evading the sched- ule of fees with futile pretexts of ancient customs which were against it. The marriage fees, which should not be charged to the laboring class, they were not exempted from, and were the cause of innumerable cases of public concubinage, for the fees were equal to the'wages for twenty days in the field, and the poor could not afford the sacrifice. I have known thousands of cases of the kind in the poor pueblos. 10. Let the civil commission read what is said in the fourth part of the " Defensa del Clero Filipino" (Defense of the Fill- pino clergy), " The Friars Judged by Two Bishops, and Com- ments," and multiply by ten what is set forth therein, for the bishops from their palaces can barely know one-third of the im- moralities committed by the f riftrs free and loose in the pueblos. If the commission is not endeav.oring to deceive the Filipinos with these interrogatories, let it read those documents and the Qiemorial of Anda y Salizar, published by Senor Fardo I'avera. 25V The Senate Document ana Romanism Nine-tenths of the friar parish priests leave progeny il^ their pneblos, and in each pneblo there exists a nnclens of fam- ilies related to the friars, of good social position and favored by the latter, and these are the ones who sigh and ask for the return of their natural protectors. The latter, in order to en- dow and maintain them in position, have had to oppress the people with a thousand rapacities under pretext of religion, custom, and piety. Let the commissian go to the pueblo of Dumangas; there is Fray. Busillo with 6 children; in Passi, Fray. Brabo, with 4; iii Pototan, Fray. Ambrinos, with 8: in Dnenas, Fray. Gallo, with 1 ; in Dingle and Janiceay, Fray. Llorente, withT; in Oton, Fray. Yloz (Diego), with 8; Fray. Joaquin Fernandez, with 3 ; in Sara, Fray. Paulino, with 4 ; in Bugason, Fray, Manuel Arenclo, with 6; in Dao (Antique), Fray. Bamba, withS; in Guagua. Fray. Brabo (Antonio), with 3 ; in Lubao, Fray Munoz, with 2 ; in > Bataan, Fray. Marcilla, with 10 ; in Binondo and Pandacan, Archbishop Fayo, with 4 ; and so on in the four bodies which serve the parishes. As they take the vows at the age of 16, before they know what mar- riage is or what it is for, when they later go out into the world, ' they open their eyes, they make up for lost time, having money and opportunity. 11. Their bad life, their exactions with the poor to meet the calls of an ostentations life fashioned after the European, and to sustain their spurious families. Moreover, that ruinous idea of wishing to rule in the pueblos, putting their influence into play to accomplish it. This hostility is only against the four corporations which have administered the curacies ; the others, devoted to educa- tion or lately arrived here, are not hated because they have not injured the country in any way. 12. Undoubtedly. And let the commission inform itself of those deported from Malolos, Pampanga, Antique, Iloilo the Hllarios, Tiburcios, Lacsamenes, Britanicos, Abanas, Adriati- cos, Manzanillas, Advinculas, Francos, etc., and other families known in the provinces. 12. As their life Is frugal and simple, and they live In their native climate, they lack the great incentives to lust which burns up the European celibates, and consequently they are more moral. 14. Legetextos: Let the commission read the " Def ensa del Clero Filipino " and the supplemental work thereto which is now in t^e press. 15. I predict ill, because the wound is recent. Within twelve years they might return, but thoroughly reformed, and after many fasts, so that lust may not dominate them anew. 16. I predict well, if the archbishop does not become wed- ded to the friars, as Mons. Chapelle has already, done, who has gone over to them body and soul, and, rather than confer the honors. of introducer upon a Filipino clergyman, he has con- ferred them upon a Spanish layman disguised as a priest, who, up to a short time ago, was a shopkeeper. If the archbishop will uphold the Interests of the Secular clergy unconditionally, lethimcomeandhe will be well received; if not, he will not be, even though he perform miracles. 268 The Senate Document ana Romanism f~~ 17. That is not the old traditional form, which was -simpler •'Ml Bacolod, Nov. 22, 1900. ♦ J The Seoketaey U. S. Philippine Commission, Manila, P. I. Sir : I am informed by the civil governor of this island that there is much opposition in Negros to the return of the friars, and that there is now being prepared a petition to the commis- sion asking that they be not allowed to return there. He in- forms me that it will in all probability be signed by the officials of all the towns, as well as by almost all property holders in the island. As this is a matter that is not quite in the scope of my au- thority in Negros, and as the people seem to be very much in- terested-in the matter, I have the honor to request to be in- formed if there is any objection to such a petition being for- warded, in view of the general understanding by the people that the commission is desirous of looking into all matters of interest to the native population. Very respectfully, C. W. Miner, Colonel Sixth Infantry, Military Governor of Negros. Writer notified that there is no objection whatever to such a petition being forwarded here, and that when received it will have the full consideration of the commission. Dec. 1, 1900. 259