illiiiiilRiiE.'- iiPiiiiiiiopliNm HEEBEMT EUGENE BOLTON, PH.D. BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 Cornell University Library F 389.B69 Texas in the middle eighteenth century; s 3 1924 008 192 134 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924008192134 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN HISTORY H. MORSE STEPHENS HERBERT E. BOLTON EDITORS VOLUME III TEXAS IN THE MIDDLE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY STUDIES IN SPANISH COLONIAL HISTORY AND ADMINISTRATION HERBERT EUGENE BOLTON, Ph.D. St Professor of American History in the University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY 1915 A- PEBFACE In the middle eighteenth century Texas occupied an important position on the northeastern frontier of New Spain. Down to 1762 it was the buffer province between France and Spain in their contest for empire on this continent. After that date it reflected in a most interesting way the fundamental changes effected by the Louisiana cession. The keynote to the period following the transfer was reorganization. In spite of its importance, the history of Texas after 1731 has been little known, and has been regarded as more or less barren. As a matter of fact, the province in that period experi- enced much activity, and its history offers many and varied interests. The interval between 1731 and 1745 was one of test- ing the original establishments rather than of founding new ones. The period from 1745 to 1762 was one of numerous expansion projects looking to the occupation of new frontiers and to the provision of new elements of defence. The next quarter century was characterized by an interesting series of readjust- ments occasioned by Spain's acquisition of Louisiana. The present volume is not a history ; it is, rather, a collection of special studies, closely related in time and subject-matter, and designed to throw light upon a neglected period in the history of one of the most important of Spain's northern provinces. The raison d'etre of the volume is to be sought especially in Parts II-V. Since these studies are detached, however, it has seemed necessary to preface them by a general sketch of the history of Texas during the half-century within which they fall. Such a procedure has seemed the more appropriate because there is available no satisfactory general account of the period. This Preface method has resulted unavoidably in some repetition, since some portions of the general sketch are mainly summaries of the special studies which follow. While the papers here published are historical in their treat- ment, they contain much that should be of interest to the ethnolo- gist and to the student of actual government in the Spanish provinces. It is only through a detailed study of such episodes as those which are treated here that we shall be able to determine the true character of Spanish colonial government. This con- sideration has led the writer to give full space to administrative as well as to narrative history. In the same way, since most of the subjects treated are to a large extent questions of Indian policy, due attention has been given to matters of importance regarding the Indian situation. The special studies here presented are based almost ex- clusively upon manuscript sources, chiefly in the archives of Mexico, Spain, and Texas, and for the most part hitherto un- known and unused. The assembling of these materials, during a period of thirteen years, has been the greater part of my task. My quest has been as romantic as the search for the Golden Fleece. I have burrowed in the dust of the archives of Church and State in Mexico City, in a dozen Mexican state capitals, in Natchitoches, Louisiana, and in numerous places in Texas. The distance travelled in my pursuit of docujnents would carry me around the globe. I have lived with the padres in ruinous old monasteries in out of the way villages in the mountains of Mexico. I count among the treasures of my personal archive the letters of introduction from ambassadors, secretaries of state, and gov- ernors ; cardinals, archbishops, bishops, friars, and parish priests, who have smoothed my way. My researches have taken me not only into foreign archives in quest of records, but also over hundreds of miles of old trails in Texas, Louisiana, and other parts of the Southwest, in search Preface of topographical and archaeological data, for light on the his- torical tale. I have ridden by team long distances over the Old San Antonio Road, where no railroads run, and on horseback in mud fetlock deep, over the historic trail from Natchitoches, the old French outpost of Louisiana, to Los Adaes (now Robe- line), the Spanish outpost of Texas. In a successful search for the lost San Sab4 mine, I have ridden and tramped in the hilLs of the Llano and the Colorado. To examine the ruins and map out the sites of the forgotten missions near Rockdale, I have several times driven and tramped back and forth, up and down the valley of the San Gabriel. But in the discovery of lost sites, I count as my cardinal joy the identification of the location of La Salle's fort, on the Garcitas River, near the shores of Lavaca Bay. Transcripts of the major portion of the documents cited are contained in my own collection. For most of the work of gather- ing in Spain and for much of it in Mexico, I am greatly indebted to Mr. W. E. Dunn, of the University of Texas. For collecting in Spain I am also under obligations to Professor Chas. E. Chap- man and Dr. "Wm. Lytle Schurz, of the University of California. Extensive portions of the volume have been published from time to time in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly and The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. The permission of the editors to reprint them here, with revision, is highly appreciated. CONTENTS PAGES I. A General Survey (1731-1788) l-]33 Introduction. Texas, a Buffer Province 1- 13 Chapter I. The Province on Trial (1731-1745) 14r- 41 Chapter II. Expansion Activities on the Eve of the Louisiana Cession (1745-1762) 42-101 Chapter III. Eeadjustments following the Louisiana Ces- sion (1762-1788) 102-133 II. The San Xavieb Missions (1745-1758) 135-278 Chapter I. The Dawn of History in Central Texas 137-148 Chapter II. Tentative Beginnings of the Missions 149-161 Chapter III. The Struggle before the Authorities 162-184 Chapter IV. The Pounding of the Missions 185-203 Chapter V. The Garrison Increased: Difficulties with Governor Barrio 204-218 Chapter VI. Mission Progress and Problems 219-240 Chapter VII. The Presidio Established 241-250 Chapter VIII. The Quarrel with Captain Rabago 251-262 Chapter IX. The Eemoval to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe 263-278 III. The EeoeganizatIon or the Lovstbb Gulf Coast (1746-1768) 279-324 Chapter I. The Lower Gulf Coast before 1746 1 281-290 Chapter IL The Colony of Nuevo Santander 291-302 Chapter III. Plans for a New Karankawa Mission 303-315 Chapter IV. The Mission of Eosario 316-324 IV. Spanish Activities on the Lower Trinity Eiver (1746- 1771) 325-374 Chapter I. A New Danger on the French Border 327-339 Chapter II. The Defence of the Border 340-358 Chapter IIL An Inglorious Colony 359-374 ix PAGES The Eemoval from and the Eeoccupation of Eastern Texas (1773-1779) 375-446 Chapter I. Rubl's Inspection and the New "Regla- mento ' ' 377-386 Chapter II. The Eemoval of the Settlers from the East- ern Frontier 387-393 Chapter III. The Attempt to Settle at Los Ais 394-404 Chapter IV. The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli 405-431 Chapter V. The Eemoval to Nacogdoches 432—446 Bibliography 447-470 List of Printed Works Cited 449-453 List of Manuscripts Cited 454^-470 Index 471-501 LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS 1. Map of this Cadodacho Indian Settlements Frontispiece 2. Map of San Antonio in 1730 facing p. 1 3. Plan of Villa of San Fernando de Bexar, 1730 4. Map of Texas and Vicinity, 1717 5. Map of the Eio Grande Eegion, 1729 6. Facsimile of page of Baptismal Eegister 7. Map showing Eoute of Vial and Fragoso 8. Map of Nuevo Santander, showing the work of Eseand6n 9. Map of Settlements on the Lower Trinity, 1757 10. Eastern Portion of La Fora Map, 1771 11. Map of Coast Eegion, 1777 12. General Eeference Map Following Index Text Figure Map of the San Xavier Missions p. 229 " p- 6 " p- 62 " p- 78 " p- 94 " p- 127 " p- 302 p. 350 " p- 382 p. 423 "T IT 2. Map showing Presidio of San Antonio, Missions San Antonio and San Jos6, and proposed location of Villa for the Canary Islanders. By the Marques de San Miguel de Aguayo, 1730. Original 12 x 16 inches. Archive General y Publico, Mexico, Provinoias Internas, yol. 236. Hitherto unpublished. I. A GENERAL SURVEY (1731-1788) INTRODUCTION TEXAS, A BUFFER PROVINCE 1. The extent of the province. — Geographically considered, Texas in the eighteenth century was a somewhat indefinite and changing entity. The original Texas was the territory of the Hasinai (Texas) Indians, between the Trinity and the Red rivers, and included much of what is now Louisiana. Early in the eighteenth century the boundaries were extended westward to include the settlements on the San Antonio River and Mata- gorda Bay. With the founding of the province of Nuevo San- tander, in 1746, the western boundary of Texas was officially fixed at the lower Medina River, but toward the interior limits were indefinite, and a question frequently debated in the middle of the century was whether the San Saba district belonged to Texas, Coahuila, or New Mexico. Later in the century the Nueces River, in part of its extent, came to be regarded as the boundary. Before the middle of the century one point of the eastern boundary was tentatively fixed a little west of the Red River, at Arroyo Hondo and Gran Montana. On the coast Spain fortified and held the mouth of the Trinity as another point on the French border, though claiming territory further eastward. After the acquisition of Louisiana by Spain, a long but inde- cisive discussion was held by Spanish officials looking toward the moving of the eastern boundary westward to the Sabine River.^ On the north, Texas was generally regarded by Spain as extend- ing to the Red River, but before the Louisiana cession most of 1 This matter is discussed in Expediente sobre Comercio entre las ProV^. de la Luisiana y Texas (MS in the Archive General y Publico, Mexico, Provincias Internas, vol. 182). 2 Texas, a Buffer Province what is now northeastern Texas was under French rather than Spanish influence, and even after that event it was for a time controlled by Spain through Louisiana rather than through Texas agencies. During all of this period the country west of the upper Nueces and of the San Saba district and now included in Texas was connected historically with Coahuila, Nueva Vizcaya, and New Mexico rather than with Texas. Generally speaking, then, Texas in the middle eighteenth century comprised the eastern half of the present State of Texas and a part of western Louisiana. 2. The Indians.'' — The history of Texas in the eighteenth cen- tury was determined in no small part by the distribution and in- terrelations of its native tribes. The province was inhabited by several well-marked groups of Indians. In northeastern Texas lived two confederacies of the great Caddoan linguistic stock, the Hasinai and the Caddo proper. The Hasinai lived on the Angelina and upper Neches rivers, and comprised some ten or more tribes, of which the best known were the Hainai, Nacog- doehe, Nabedache, Nasoni, and Nadaco. They were a settled people, who had been living in the same region certainly ever since the time of La Salle, and probably long before. They dwelt in scattered villages, practiced agriculture to a considerable ex- tent, and hunted buffalo on the western prairies. The Caddo, whose culture was similar, lived northeast of the Hasinai, along the Red River, between Natchitoches and the region of Texarkana. Of this group the best known tribes were the Adaes, Natchitoches, Tatasi, Petit Cado, Cadodacho, Nassonite, and Nadaco. It was in the midst of these two confederacies, particularly of the Hasinai, that the Spanish establishments of eastern Texas had been planted. South of the Hasinai, on the lower Trinity, Neches, and 2 For this section, see Bolton, Be Mezieres, I, 18-28, and map, frontis- piece; Hodge, F. W., Handboolc of American Indians (Washington, 1907- 1910), under the names of the different tribes. The Indians 3 Sabine rivers, were the Bidai, Oreoquiza, Deadose, and Attacapa, members of the Attaeapan family. They had little agriculture, and lived mainly by hunting and fishing. Along the coast, be- tween the Trinity and Nueces rivers, dwelt a large group of Karankawan tribes, including the Coco, Cujane, Karankawa, Coapite and Copane. They were without agriculture, lived by fishing and hunting, were fierce cannibals, and were extremely warlike. It was in their midst that the mission and presidio of La Bahia had been established at first. Inland from the Karan- kawan tribes and west of the Hasinai and Bidai roamed several Tonkawan bands, of which the Tonkawa, Mayeye, and Yojuane were the best known. Farther down the coast lived numerous unclassified tribes, who may or may not have been of the Karankawan stock. By 1731 they were little known, but in the course of the middle half of the eighteenth century they became an object of attention to the missionaries of Texas, Coahuila, and Nuevo Santander. In- land from the last-mentioned tribes, along the Camino Real between San Antonio and the Rio Grande, roamed numerous weak, unsettled bands, many of whom spoke a common language, which was recorded in 1760 by Father Bartolome Garcia, of the mission of San Francisco de la Espada, and has become known as the Coahuiltecan. It was from these last tribes that the mis- sions at San Antonio and San Juan Bautista principally drew in the early days. At the opening of the eighteenth century the greater portion of western Texas had been the home of the Apache, a people who lived mainly by following the buffalo. Early in the century the Comanche, likewise followers of the buffalo, began to drive them southward, and they in turn to crowd the Coahuiltecan and other tribes toward the coast. The easternmost division of the Apache family, the Lipan, in the middle of the century had their central haunts on the Llano, San Saba, and upper Colorado rivers. By 4 Texas, a Buffer Province this time the Witchita, another group of southward-moving tribes, had entered Texas, and had settled on the upper Red, Brazos, Trinity and Sabine rivers. The Witchita were a semi- agricultural people of the Caddoan stock. The principal divisions known in Texas were the Taovayas, Tawakoni, Kichai, and Tscanis. As distinguished from the Apache and the coast tribes, the Indians of northern and eastern Texas were collectively spoken of as the ' ' Nortenos, ' ' or Nations of the North. The foregoing native groups were of concern to the Spaniards mainly for one or more of three reasons. All were objects of solicitude to the missionaries. The tribes of eastern and northern Texas were exposed to French influence, wliich must be counter- acted. The Apache, Comanche, Witchita, and Karankawa were powerful, warlike, and hostile tribes, to be feared by the settle- ments. All played most interesting roles in the history of the province. Perhaps the most significant feature of the entire Indian situation was the implacable hatred for the Apache felt by the Nations of the North. On this hostility turned much of the history of Texas for several decades. 3. The settlements in 1731. — At the close of the first third of the eighteenth century Texas was distinctly a buffer province. The two principal factors which made it worth while at the time to occupy the district were its French neighbors and its native inhabitants. By 1731 Spanish claims to most of the region had been vindicated and the outlines of the province drawn, but little more than this had been accomplished. The points of occupation at that time fell into two distinct groups, one lying between the Neches and the Red rivers — the original Texas; another on the San Antonio and Guadalupe rivers. On the Rio Grande at San Juan Bautista there was a third group, which, although within the province of Coahuila, was intimately con- nected with the development of the region between the Rio Grande and the San Antonio rivers. The Settlements in 1731 5 The capital of the province was Los Adaes, a military post fifteen miles west of the Ked River and facing the French settle- ment of Natchitoches. Half a league away was the mission of Los Adaes ; to the westward, near the Angelina River, the mission of Nacogdoches ; between the two, on Ayish Bayou, that of Los Ais. These missions were administered by Franciscan friars of the College of Guadalupe de Zaeatecas. Until 1730 another presidio had been maintained on the Angelina River, and near by there had been three other missions, administered by the Col- lege of Santa Cruz de Queretaro, but in the year named the presidio had been suppressed and the missions removed to the San Antonio River. The center and defence of the western settlements was the presidio of San Antonio de Bexar, founded in 1718. By its side stood the mission of San Antonio de Valero (later known as the Alamo), established in the same year. Within a stretch of twelve miles down the river there were four other missions, named Concepcion, San Jose, San Juan Capistrano, and San Francisco de la Espada, and located in the order here given. The second, founded in 1720, was administered by the College of Guadalupe de Zaeatecas. The other three were the missions removed in 1730 from eastern Texas and re-established in March, 1731, on the San Antonio. They and the mission of San Antonio de Valero were in charge of the College of Santa Cruz de Queretaro. Near the presidio and the last-named mission was the villa of San Fernando de Bexar, founded in 1731 of Canary Islanders and a nucleus of other settlers already on the ground. On the Guadalupe River, near the site of the present city of Victoria, were the presidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto, or La Bahia, and the mission of Bspiritu Santo de Zuniga. These establishments had been founded some nine years before on the Garcitas River, near Lavaca Bay, and in 1726 had been moved inland. The mission was under the Zacatecan College of Guada- 6 Texas, a Buffer Province lupe. Round about San Antonio and between there and La Bahia cattle ranches were springing into existence. On the Rio Grande, below modern Eagle Pass, stood the presidio of San Juan Bautista and the missions of San Juan Bautista and San Bernardo, all of which had been established at the close of the seventeenth or the opening of the eighteenth century. These two missions were administered by the College of Santa Cruz de Queretaro. As yet the Texas establishments proper had scarcely had an opportunity to acquire economic independence, and with one or two exceptions they depended largely upon supplies brought from the outside. From Mexico, Saltillo, and San Juan Bautista, therefore, came pack-trains loaded with provisions for missions, garrisons, and settlers. Saltillo was the principal market in which food articles were procured. For the eastern establish- ments many of the supplies were obtained from the neighboring French of Natchitoches, and others from the agricultural Indians of the surrounding country. The roads were beset by hostile Indians, and travellers, pack-trains, and mail carriers usually went under military escort. 4. The secular administration J' — As an administrative unit, Texas was a part of the Kingdom of New Spain. In civil and military affairs the province was subject directly to the viceroy and to the Audiencia of Mexico, and in ecclesiastical matters to the archbishop of Guadalajara. The government of Texas, apart from the missions, was almost wholly military. The villa of San Fernando de Bexar, the only civil community in the province, had its own cabildo and a modicum of self-government.* The official head of the province was the governor. He held his office 3 This section is based mainly upon the materials used in the course of the detailed studies in Parts II-V. Only the barest summary is at- tempted here, hence detailed references are unnecessary. i Austin, Mattie Alice, ' ' The Municipal Government of San Fernando de Bfear, 1730-1800," in Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, Till, 277-352; Jones, O. Garfield, "Local Government in the Spanish Col- PLiNO DELA POBLACION. D.hwi A Eicldo C^inpolveC .fteplBnoj-Ghtio cto cU«y fw ^Mdr», .fc, vmndano las D- JoCjA ■*»VilUl««'>r *"i\ Y ^J.r« 24. 24. ^.f<«. — n: ® A I GLkric«dea U«uii tllujat oti)« iM^Um*. *■ T., «^ -i~ ] ■ J «• 1" *■ 3.. ^^^^^B^^ 3. Plan of Villa of San Fernando de Bexar, according to the Laws of the Indies. By D. Joseph de Villasenor. Original 19| x 29f inches, Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Provincias Internas, vol. 326. Hitherto unpublished. The Secular Administration 7 by royal appointment ; ad interim governors might be appointed by the viceroy. The governor was gobernador and capitan gen- eral of his province and captain of the presidio of Los Adaes, the capital. In these capacities, he exercised both civil and military authority. In the course of the period under survey, one of the governors at least, Pedro del Barrio, had a much more compre- hensive title, for he was, in addition, comandante of the gohiernos of Coahuila and Pensacola. All important matters of administration, such as the found- ing of new missions, new presidios, and new colonies, or the mak- ing of military campaigns, were referred directly to the viceroy. He in turn customarily sought the advice of the fiscal of the Royal Audiencia and of the auditor de guerra. In case these two functionaries disagreed, or in matters of unusual moment, a junta de guerra y hacienda, composed of leading officials of the different branches of the administration, was called. In all matters of importance the decisions of the viceroy were made subject to royal approval, but it frequently happened that the act for which approval was asked had already been performed. In ordinary affairs of provincial administration the fiscal and the auditor de guerra really controlled the government, for the viceroy usually despatched such business with his "Coma dice el senor fiscal" ("As the fiscal says"). Men like Dr. Andreu, fiscal of the Audiencia, and the Marques de Altamira, auditor de guerra, really had more to do with the actual administration of Texas than the viceroys under whom they served. Checks upon the governors were provided through visitas, or inspections, and through the residencia, or investigation, at the end of the governor 's term. As a rule the residencia was formal, but sometimes, as in the cases of Sandoval and Barrios, investi- gations were serious matters. onies as Provided hy the Eeoopilacion de Leyes de las Indias, " in South- western Historical Quarterly, XIX, 65-90; Blackmar, F. W., Spanish Institu- tions of the Southwest, Chapter VIII. 8 Texas, a Buffer Province In the half-century between 1731 and 1780 Texas had thir- teen governors and governors ad interim.^ The average term of office was about four years, but it varied from a few months in the case of Boneo y Morales to about eight years in the cases of Barrios y Jauregui, Martos y Navarrete, and Ripperda. As a rule the governors were professional soldiers. Orobio Bazterra had been a merchant at Saltillo; Winthuisen and Garcia Larios seem also to have been civilians. Martos y Navarrete had been a naval officer with the rank of teniente de navio. The rest were soldiers. Two of them, Bustillo and Sandoval, came to Texas with the rank of captain. Of the others, two were lieutenant- colonels, four were colonels, and one a general. Some of the men were of high social rank. Boneo y Morales was a Knight of the Order of Santiago. Barrio was alcalde provincial of the Santa Hermandad of all New Spain, and Ripperda was a baron. On the whole, judging by its occupants, the office of governor increased in importance, and its military character was empha- sized as time went on. Not only were the men professional soldiers, but they be- longed also to what might be termed a class of professional office- holders. In several cases they came from governorships and were sent to others after serving in Texas. Bustillo was promoted to o A useful sketch of the governors of Texas down to 1772 is given in Antonio Bonilla's "Brief Compendium of the Events which have Oc- curred in the Province of Texas" (written in 1772; translated by Eliza- beth Howard West in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, VIII, 9-72). The following is a list of governors during the period, with their dates, based on the list in Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico (Washington, 1913), 478-479: Juan Antonio de Bustillo y Zevallos (1730-1734); Manuel de Sandoval (1734-1736); Carlos Benites Pranquis de Lugo (1736-1737); Ferndndez de J4uregui y Urrutia, governor of Nuevo Le6n, governor extraordinary and visitador of Texas (1737); Prudencio de Orobio Baz- terra, ad interim (1737-1740); Tomas Felipe Winthuisen (1741-1743); Justo Boneo y Morales (1743-1744) ; Francisco Garcia Larios, ad interim (1744-1748); Pedro del Barrio Juneo y Espriella (1748-1750); Jacinto de Barrios y Jduregui (1751-1759); Angel de Martos y Navarrete (1759- 1767); Hugo Oconor, ad interim (1767-1770); The Baron de Eipperda (1770-1778); Domingo Cabello (1778-1786); Eafael Martinez Pacheeo (1787-1790). The Governors 9 the office from the captaincy of the presidio of La Bahia. San- doval and Martos had been governors of Coahuila, and Barrio of Nuevo Leon; Franquis held the office while waiting for "the governorship of Tlascala. After leaving Texas Barrio returned to the governorship of Nuevo Leon; Barrios went to that of Coahuila, and Ripperda became governor of Comayagua in Cen- tral America. Oconor became comandante inspector of the Interior Provinces. Probably none of the governors were great men, but, being placed on a military frontier with slender forces, they had little opportunity to distinguish themselves in the only field where' distinction was possible. Their contemporary renown depended much upon the views of partisan writers. The administration of Texas, as of the other provinces, was corrupt with "graft." The positions of governor and presidial commander were made attractive largely by the opportunity which they afforded for making money in addition to the fixed salaries. The pay of soldiers was made chiefly in food, clothing, and equipment, purchased by the governor and commanders, and charged to the presidial soldiers at enormous profits. Thus the post of governor or captain was scarcely less that of merchant than of soldier. To give a single example, it was charged that in the eight years of his incumbency Governor Martos y Navarrete made over $80,000 in profits on the goods which he sold his company at Los Adaes, not to mention his gains from trade with Indians, missions, and French neighbors and from his private stock ranch, all conducted, without private expense, through the labor of his soldiers.® The government of New Spain was highly centralized in theory, but the effects of the centralization were greatly lessened by the fact of distance. Through the right of petition, which was freely exercised, the local leaders in the frontier province of 6 Cargos, que en Vistta de las Declaraziones Juradas, rezividas a la Compania del Presidio de los Adaes, etc., September 23, 1767, and related documents pertaining to the inspection made by the Marqu4s de Eubi. 10 Texas, a Buffer Province Texas often exerted a high degree of initiative ia government, and, on the other hand, through protest and delay they eould and frequently did defeat mandates of the higher authorities. 5. TJie mission system. — The missions, like the presidios, were characteristically and designedly frontier institutions. From the standpoint of the Church the principal work of the missionaries was to spread the Faith, first, last, and always. But the missions were agencies of the State as well as of the Church, and were supported by the State to serve the State's purposes. As viewed by the government, the work of the missionaries was to assist in extending, holding. Christianizing, and civilizing the frontiers. By going among the outlying tribes they were often most useful explorers and diplomatic agents. By gaining an influence over their neophytes, they counteracted foreign in- fluence among them, deterred them from invading the interior settlements, and secured their aid in holding back more distant tribes. But the Spanish policy looked to the civilizing of the Indian as well as to the holding of the frontier, and it saw in the mission the best possible agency for bringing this about. Since Christianity was the basic element of European civiliza- tion, and since it was the acknowledged duty of the State to extend the Faith, the first task of the missionary was to convert the heathen. But neither the State nor the Church in Spanish dominions considered the work of the missionary as ending here. If the Indian were to become either a worthy Christian or a desirable subject he must be disciplined in the rudiments of civilized life. This task likewise was turned over to the mis- sionary. Hence the missions were designed not only as Christian seminaries, but also as so many industrial and agricultural schools. The central feature of every successful Spanish mission was the Indian pueblo, or village. If he were to be disciplined, the Indian must be kept in a definite spot where discipline could The Mission System 11 be imposed upon him. The settled IndiaBS, such as the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, could be instructed in their native towns, but the wandering or scattered tribes must be assembled and established in pueblos, and kept there by force if necessary. To make the Indians self-supporting as soon as possible, and to afford them the means of discipline, the missions were provided with communal lands for gardens, farms, and ranches, and with workshops in which to practice the crafts. Religious instruction and industrial training were imparted by a definite routine of tasks, prescribed by the superior authori- ties but administered with much practical sense and Tegard for local circumstances.' To aid the missionaries in keeping good order, and, indeed, to give the Indians training in civic life, the mission villages were organized into communities with limited self-government, modelled in form on the Spanish town, but closely supervised, of course, by the Spaniards. As a symbol of force, and to afford protection for the missionaries and mission Indians, as well as to hold the frontier, presidios, or garrisons, were established near by; and to assist the missionaries in their work of disciplining and instructing the neophytes each mission was usually provided with a guard of two or three soldiers.* ' By the Laws of the Indies the missionaries were enjoined to instruct the Indians in their native languages, and in the colleges professorships were established to teach them. But, in the first place, the native lan- guages usually lacked terms in which properly to convey the meaning of the Christian doctrine. In the second place, on some frontiers there were so many dialects that it was impossible for the friars to learn them. This was eminently true in the region between the Eio Grande and San Antonio, where there were more than twenty dialects or languages regularly spoken. As a rule, all mission Indians except those adult upon arrival, soon spoke Spanish. Hence instruction was given in Spanish, reliance being placed when necessary upon native interpreters. In 1760 Father BartolomS Garcia published a Manual for religious instruction in the Coahuilteean language which served for about twenty tribes repre- sented at the missions on the San Antonio and lower Eio Grande. The form outlined for the confessional in this book reflects the horrible moral conditions with which the missionaries had to contend in their work of civilization. 8 Lamar Papers, Nos. 33 and 37. The toil and, care necessary to disci- pline the barbarian Indians is reflected in a memorial by the guardian 12 Texas, a Buffer Province Designed as frontier institutions, the missions were intended to be temporary. As soon as his work was done on one frontier, the missionary was expected to pass on to another. In the theory of the law, within ten years each mission was to be turned over to the secular clergy and the common lands distributed among the Indians. But this law was based upon experience with the civilized natives of central Mexico and of Peru ; on the northern frontier, among the barbarian tribes, a longer period of tutelage was always found necessary. The missions of Texas were conducted by two Franciscan missionary colleges de Propaganda Fide, of Queretaro and Zaca- tecas, excepting the Apache missions, where part of the work was done by friars from the sister college of San Fernando de Mexico. The colleges, in turn, were supervised by a comisario general of the Franciscan Order, exercising authority in all New Spain. The government of each college was in the hands of a guardian and a discretorio, composed of several members of the house. The missions were grouped into presidencies. Thus the Zacatecan missions in eastern Texas and those on the San Antonio constituted separate presidencies, as did the Queretaran missions on the San Antonio and those on the Rio Grande. Each college sent out an occasional visitador, or inspector. In their local affairs the missionaries were subject to their president, who of the College of Santa Cruz to the viceroy, November 12, 1729: "All the Indians of those missions which are in the care of the presidio of the Eio Grande del Norte and Sau Antonio de Vejar are at present most barbarous, since some are recently converted Indians and others under catechism to receive holy baptism. At present, as is notorious, they are incapable of governing themselves. It is necessary that the missionary religious take them out to the work of planting, and that he go about with them in planting and in harvesting, and that he take care that they guard the stock, that he count them, that he go with them to work on the buildings, and in fine, in all temporal occupations; for experience shows that if the religious does not go about in this work and leaves it in their care, everything is lost and they go at once to the forest. Of the truth of this the soldiers of those parts will testify. Every day it is necessary to give rations to each Indian, for if the food is left to their disposition in two days it is exhausted." Support of the Missions 13 freely conferred with his subordinates but was not responsible to them. As a rule the annual stipends {sinodos) of the missionaries, $450 each, were paid by the royal government, which bore also the initial expense of founding a mission {ayuda de costa). A marked exception to this rule was the munificent gift of Don Pedro de Terreros in 1757 for the support of missions among the Apache. The stipends were spent by the sindicos of the re- spective colleges for annual mission supplies (avios), which were sent to the frontier by mule trains in charge of lay brothers, acting in the capacity of conductors of supplies.^ Quarrels between the missionaries and the secular authorities were almost constant, in Texas as elsewhere. It is difficult to determine whether the seat of the trouble was the imperfect definition and distribution of authority provided by the admin- istrative system, or the pride, "headiness," and insubordination in the Spanish character. Whatever the cause, wrangling was a chronic and disastrous malady in all the frontier Spanish provinces. 9 Excellent chapters on the mission system, especially as exemplified in California, will be found in the learned work by Fray Zephyrin Engel- hardt, The Missions and Missionaries of California (San Francisco, 1908- 1915). The view presented above, however, has been arrived at entirely independently. CHAPTEE I THE PROVINCE ON TRIAL (1731-1745) 1. The Work of the Missionaries} — The decade and a half which elapsed after 1731 was not for Texas a period of multi- plication of new settlements; it was, instead, a period in which the original establishments were on trial. It was, however, a period of no small interest, as exhibiting the conditions of a Spanish buffer colony planted on the French border and on a difficult Indian frontier. The most conspicuous work of the period was that done by the missionaries. No new missions were founded in the in- terval, but the missionaries in charge of the missions already established instructed their neophytes with commendable zeal, improved the material plants of their missions, and sought new recruits among many new bands constantly more removed from the mission centers. During the fifteen years a score or more priests, not to mention the lay brothers, labored at the San Antonio missions alone. The central figure among them was Pray Benito Fernandez de Santa Ana, who arrived in 1731 and most of the time thereafter until 1750 was president of the four Queretaran missions. After living three years at Mission San Antonio de Valero, he made his headquarters at Concepcion. Scarcely less conspicuous was Father Francisco Mariano de los Dolores y Viana, who arrived in 1733 and remained until 1763, 1 The best printed account of the missionary work in Texas down to 1746 is that contained in Espinosa, Chrdnica Apostdlica y Serdflca de Todos los Colegios de Propaganda Fide de Esta Nueva-Espana (Mexico, 1746); at this point, however, the work is very brief and general. A manu- script account is contained in Fray Juan Agustin de Morfi, Memorias para la Sistoria de Texas (_oa. 1781). Most of the data for this period, however, still lie buried in unpublished records. Distinguished Missionaries 15 succeeding Father Santa Ana as president. His residence was at Mission San Antonio de Valero. Among the missionaries of this period were two who later became martyrs. These were Fathers Jose Ganzabal and Alonso Giraldo de Terreros, one of whom was killed on the San Gabriel River in 1752, the other on the San Saba in 1758. None did a more valuable service f&r history than diligent Fray Martin Garcia, of Mission San Antonio, who wrote a long disquisition concerning the management of Indians, and copied in his own handwriting many of the older records of the missions to preserve them from destruction. The pains- taking reports and correspondence of the missionaries as a whole will always stand as a monument to their, training and intelli- gence, and, though as yet little known, will constitute a priceless treasury of history and ethnology.^ Notable among the efforts with the outlying bands were those of Father Mariano de los Dolores, who after 1733 made frequent visits to the Tonkawan tribes near the middle Brazos River. In 1739 a general epidemic swept through the missions at San Antonio, after which there was renewed activity among the dis- tant tribes. In the year named the Tacame, after having de- serted Mission San Francisco, were taken to that of San Antonio de Valero. About 1745 Father Juan Mariano de Molina visited the Cujane, Karankawa, Manos de Perro, and Piguique, tribes living in the main down the coast to the southwest of the Guada- lupe River. In the year last named the missionaries of San Juan 2 A partial list of the missionary priests at San Antonio is given in Sehmitt, E. J. P., A List of Franciscan Missionaries in Texas, 1528-18S9 (Austin, 1901). It contains some evident errors in transcribing and confuses Spanish and English forms. Those named for the years 1731- 1745 are the following: Alonso Giraldo de Terreros, Benito Fernandez de Santa Ana, Juan Hurtado de Jesus Maria, Ignaeio Antonio Cyprian, Joseph Gonzales, Saluad de Amaya, Gabriel de Vergara, Francisco Joseph de Frias, Henrique Arquellos {sic) de la Concepcion, Phelipe Miguel Suarez Espinosa, Joseph Hurtado de Jesus Maria, Joseph Guadalupe Prado, Joachim Camargo de Santa Anna, Diego Martin Garcia, Lud. (elsewhere Juan) Maria Ano de Molina, Joseph Francisco de Ganzabal, Juan de los Angeles. 16 The Province on Trial Bautista and San Bernardo prepared an expedition to the natives of the lower Eio Grande, but it was prevented by a revolt at Lampazos in which the coast tribes joined.^ The foregoing are only a few of the recorded missionary ex- peditions made during the period. Besides these there must have been numerous other journeys equally notable. This is clearly shown by the data contained in the mission records. At Mission San Antonio de Valero alone no less than forty different bands or tribes were represented by the baptisms between 1731 and 1745. In general they included people living between the middle Colorado and the Bio Grande, the San Antonio Road and the Gulf coast. The original tribes at the mission of Concepcion were three — the Pajalat, Siquipil, and Tilpaeopal — but by 1745 members of at least fifteen others had been attracted thither.* The tribes taken to the three new missions — that is, those trans- ferred to San Antonio in 1731 — during this period were mainly from the coastwise district rather than from the interior. These facts suggest long and weary journeys by the mission- aries, not only to attract new heathen, but also to recover fugi- tives. On this point President Santa Ana wrote in 1740 : ' ' The conversions are not difSeult, but they are vexatious, for it is nec- essary to deal with them like a mother instructing a child. Until after five, or six, or seven years they are unable to enter into a 3 Fray Ternandez de Santa Ana, Descripcidn de las Misiones del Colegio de la Santa Cruz en el Bio de San Antonio, Ano de 1740, MS in Memorias de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 200-207. * The list of tribes at Mission San Antonio includes the Apion, Chulujan, Chaguantapam, Censoc, Caguas, Cocomeioje, Gharro, E'met, Juamaea, Juncatas, Mesquite, Merhuan, Mecocoma, Paoha, Payaya, Peana, Pachaug, Patagua, Papanae, Pazac, Pamaya, Paxoaz, Patou, Pacuaohe, Pojosay, (Juepana, Quinso, Secmoeo, Siaguan, Sijame, Timamar, Tuu, Taeame, Tena, Tetzino, TJjuiap, Zacpo, Zerquan, Zana (MS baptismal records of the Mission of San Antonio de Valero. For a description of these records see Bolton, H. E., in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, X, 1-11). See also Bolton, in Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II, 424-426. At Mission Concepei6n there were Patumaca, Pachalaque, Pataloa, Tiloja, Xarame, Pamache, Cujan, Pacoa, Guapica, Pausana, Payaya, Pastia, Taeame, Orejon, and Chayopin (MS marriage records of Mission Concepcion, Testimonio de Asiento de Misiones, 1731). Trouble with Runaways 17 perfect understanding ; and thus it is rare that one does not flee to the forests twice or three times, and so far that they sometimes go inland as many as a hundred leagues. But we have the patience to seek them, and as soon as they see the father they come like lambs. This is one of the worst vexations which the ministers suffer, for, without course or path, guided only by an Indian of the mission, they journey sometimes one himdred, sometimes two hundred leagues, suffering accidents and danger from the enemy, who kill only to eat. ' '' That Father Santa Ana did not exaggerate is shown by actual instances of runaways which here and there come to light during the period between 1731 and 1737.® It is clear that the fugitives did not always "submit like lambs" to the soldiers, small escorts of whom usually accompanied the missionaries, and that they sometimes fought, and even committed suicide by drowning or jumping over cliffs, rather than return to the flogging which they feared they would receive as punishment for their flight. Troubles over desertions were especially bad in 1737. In June all of the one hundred and thirty-seven neophytes of Mission San Francisco de la Espada absconded in a body. In June and August most of those of San Juan fled, with some from Con- 5 Santa Ana, Besoripcion, 202. e We learn, for example, that the Pampopas fled and were pursued to their rancherias near the "Old Ford" of the Medina, where a few were recovered. The Tiopanes escaped to their haunts below the Guadalupe crossing, and none could be retaken. More than two hundred Tacames from Mission Espada returned to their rancherla on the Colorado where a few were secured by Father Ysasmendi and the soldiers; the rest es- caped by swimming across the river. The Pastlas fled to their homes at the Atascoso spring, and when pursued took asylum in a marsh, where many were recaptured. At another time the Tiopanes and Pastlas fled to Eio Blanco in the hill country north of San Antonio, and took refuge on a high cliff which their pursuers could not ascend. In the winter of 1735-36 most of the two hundred or more neophytes of Mission San Jose deserted. Part of them were recovered, but again they fled, this time to Eancheria Grande, near the Brazos. In August, 1737, there remained in the mission only about fifteen men, besides women and children. In 1736 a part of the Pampopas, from Mission San Josg, were fugitives on the Eio Frfo. (Correspondence concerning pursuit of fugitives in Lamar Papers nos. 33 and 37; investigation of complaints of neophytes, in A. G. M., Misiones, vol. 21). 18 The Province on Trial eepcion. After several unsuccessful attempts had been made to recover them, Father Ysasmendi, of San Juan, escorted by ten soldiers, made an expedition lasting twenty-one days, by which he regained most of his charges. Similarly, by means of a journey lasting nearly a month, most of the fugitives from San Francisco were recovered by Father Mariano de los Dolores and a military escort.'' In spite of all these tribulations, the missions in the vicinity of San Antonio and on the Eio Grande made a good showing. At Mission San Antonio de Valero, during the first decade after its establishment in 1 718, there had been about two hundred and fifty baptisms ; by 1740 there had been eight hundred and thirty- seven. At the same time two hundred and fifty persons had been baptized at Concepcion, four hundred and thirty-one at San Jose, two hundred and seventy-eight at San Juan, and two hun- dred and thirty-three at San Francisco. There were then living at these five missions two hundred and sixty-one, one hundred and twenty, ninety-five, two hundred and eighteen, and one hun- dred and twenty, respectively, or a population of more than eight hundred Indians, most of whom had been baptized.* Five years later nine hundred and eighty-one persons had been baptized at Mission San Antonio, five hundred and eighteen at Concepcion, five hundred and fifteen at San Juan, and four hundred and twenty-seven at San Francisco. Thus the four Queretaran missions had baptized nearly seven hundred neo- phytes in the past five years. By this time the older missions of San Juan Bautista and San Bernardo had baptized more than a thousand Indians each, many of whom came from north of the Kio Grande. For this period statistics of the Mission of Espiritu Santo are not available. There were now living (1745) at the four Queretaran missions at San Antonio eight hundred ' Lamar Papers, nos. 33 and 37. 8 Fray Gabriel de Vergara, Padron de Baptismo, 1734; Santa Ana, Vescripion, 1740. Success at the Missions 19 and eighty-five Indians, of whom one hundred and thirty-five were still unbaptized; in the two missions on the Rio Grande there were resident nine hundred and forty Indians, of whom three hundred and eighty-nine were still unbaptized. The un- baptized neophytes were mainly newcomers, and their number is an indication of the current activity among the outlying tribes. The discrepancies between the total numbers baptized and the numbers remaining at the missions is explained partly by run- aways, but chiefly by deaths, for the majority of the adult bap- tisms were made a,t the deathbed, while disease at all times made sad havoc among the children. At the same time, the missions on the San Antonio, the Guadalupe, and the Rio Grande were able to give a good account of themselves on the side of temporalities. It must be remem- bered in this connection, as well as in considering the spiritual work, that most of what was accomplished with these untamed savages at each mission was the work of one or two missionaries, assisted by two or three soldiers of indifferent qualities and zeal. By 1745 all of the missions at San Antonio had good irrigating ditches and raised maize, beans, melons, calabashes, sweet pota- toes, and other vegetables in abundance, often having a surplus to sell to the garrison. The maize crop of the four Queretaran missions in 1745 was eight thousand bushels. Cotton was raised regularly at Mission San Antonio and sometimes at San Fran- cisco. On the ranches of the four missions combined, over nine thousand head of horses, sheep, and goats were pastured. At Mission San Antonio, at least, there were shops for spinning and weaving cotton and woolen fabrics. In all these respects the two missions on the Rio Grande, being older, were much in advance of those at San Antonio. At the mission of Espiritu Santo sev- eral years had been spent, after the transfer to the Guadalupe River, in an attempt to build a dam across that stream as a preliminary to irrigation. Meanwhile the missionary had sup- 20 The Province cm Trial ported his charges on provisions purchased with his annual sti- pend. But this did not suffice, and during the greater part of the year the Indians sought their own food on the prairies and in the forests. In 1736, however, the attempt to build the dam was abandoned, and agriculture without irrigation was at once successfully established. Thereafter the Indians raised, by their own labor, plentiful maize and vegetables, and cared for large herds of stock. The buildings of the missions had not yet taken their perma- nent form, and yet substantial beginnings had been made. In 1740 President Santa Ana wrote that the mission of San Antonio de Valero was better able to withstand an invasion by the enemy than any of the three presidios of the province. This, of course, was only a relative excellence.!' At this mission the cornerstone of a stone and mortar church was laid on May 8, 1744. Mean- while another building was being occupied temporarily. Ac- cording to a report of the next year, the Indian pueblo consisted of houses, some of adobe, some of thatch, ranged in two rows separated by a water ditch, and surrounded by a wall. The missionaries lived in a small monastery containing in the upper story three cells and a vivienda, or suite of living-rooms. There were also a weaving room where the women and old men worked, a granary, offices, and various other apartments. In the weav- ing room sayal, manias and terlinga were manufactured ffom wool and cotton. The buildings of the other Queretaran missions were quite similar to those just described." Concerning Mission "Santa Ana to Fray Pedro d&l Barco, March 26, 1740; Carta del P. Munoz [Santa Ana'\ Del estado de las cosas de adentro, 1740; Fray Fran- cisco Xavier Ortiz, Visita de las Misiones hecha de orden de N. M. B. P. Commo. Oral. Fr. Juan Fogueras . . . 1745. At Ooneepeifin, in 1745, a stone church was about half completed. For the time being an adobe building was used in its place. The Indian pueblo was composed of thatched huts, but was enclosed by a wall of stone and mortar. There were three stone houses for the soldiers, and a stone granary. The mis- sionaries lived in a atone building of two stories, the living rooms and cells being above and the offices below. At San Juan both the church and the houses of the Indian pueblo were of thatch. The missionaries Failure in Eastern Texas 21 San Jose, the most substantial of all the missions on the San Antonio, we have no data for precisely this period. The missions on the Rio Grande were still more advanced than those at San Antonio. At both of these missions fine stone churches had been completed, and manufactures had been well established. In contrast with the missions about San Antonio, those of eastern Texas were already confessed failures. It was on this premise that three of them had been moved to San Antonio in 1730. In the Spanish system the essence of the missions was the discipline, religious and industrial, which it afforded. This discipline could not be imposed upon the Indians unless they could be made to congregate in mission pueblos and to subiait to instruction and toil. The Caddoan tribes of eastern Texas were powerful, had a regular food-supply, and enjoyed the favor of the French. Hence, though peaceable and friendly from the outset, they had steadily refused to settle in mission pueblos, and without more soldiers than were available it was impossible to coerce them. Accordingly, the missionaries in eastern Texas had to content themselves with going among the scattered Indian settlements, ministering to the sick, preaching, and baptizing in articulo mortis}" 2. Discords at San Antonio. — The routine of daily life at San Antonio was broken by Indians raids, the arrival of packtrains lived in a stone building containing two cells; besides, there were a room serving as an office and a storeroom for maize. At San Francisco a stone church had been begun, the sacristy being completed and serving temporarily as the church. The houses of the Indians and the soldiers were of thatch. The missionaries lived in a stone building having two cells above and two offices below. There was also a stone granary. 10 Fray Sim6n Hierro, Informs de las Misiones- de Texas, January 8, 1762. A fundamental misapprehension regarding the history of early Texas is revealed in Coman's Economic Beginnings of the Far West (New York, 1912), in the description, on pp. 99-100, of the mission regime among the "Tejas and the Oenis. " The description given would fit the situa- tion on the San Antonio, three hundred miles away, fairly well, but it is a patent fact that the Tejas (Cenis) never consented to live in pueblos or to submit to mission discipline. Hence, so far as eastern Texas is concerned, the whole passage is incorrect and beside the point. This misapplication of an interesting passage is due in part to an inade- quate study of the Indian situation. 22 The Province on Trial from the interior, expeditions against the Apache or to recover absconding neophytes, periodical buffalo hunts and cattle-killings on the prairies, and disputes between the missionaries and their secular neighbors. The principal quarrels arose over questions relating to the mission guards, the control of the labor of the mission Indians, the ownership and use of lands, the killing of mission cattle, and the sale of agricultural products in the local market. Inevitably the disputes sometimes degenerated into personalities. What was more deplorable, they greatly impaired the prosperity of the province. One form of discord arose over the mission guards. The mis- sionaries needed and always demanded a few soldiers to protect them on their missionary journeys, to aid them in supervising the work of the neophytes, and to assist in the manual labor of the missions. For their expeditions to recover fugitives special es- corts were usually granted. Recognizing the need of a guard, the king required the presidios to furnish a specified number of soldiers for the purpose. But it was sometimes charged that these orders were disobeyed, or were indifferently carried out. In 1737, for example, when the neophytes deserted the mission of San Francisco de la Bspada, the reason assigned by the mis- sionaries was that Governor Franquis had taken away the guard of three soldiers, leaving the mission without a man." 11 Fray Pedro de Ysasmendi to Governor Orobio Bazterra, November 24, 1737, in Lamar Papers, no. 33. The impression is sometimes given that the missionaries objected to the presence of soldiers at the missions. As a rule the case was quite the contrary. What they objected to was un- suitable soldiers and outside interference with their control of the guards. Concerning the necessity of soldiers to aid in the missionary work the materials are voluminous. See Transsumpto de vn. Memorial que por parte de este collegia se remitio al Bey en el Consejo Real de Indian estano de 17S9 (A. C. S., K. leg. 3, no. 3); Escrito del P. Sevillano pidiendo dos sol- dados en eada mision; despacho en que se concede vmo. Tt. una carta del assumpto, 1730 {ibid., K, leg. 19, no. 20) ; Tanto del Despacho del JExmo. Senor Virrey Marq'. de Casafuerte, mandando se ponga en cada miss"", del Bio grande, y Sn. Antonio Vn. soldado. Fecha S3 de Febrero de 1730 {ihid., K, leg. 3, no. 4) ; Oficio, para que el Governador de la Provincia de Texas observe y execute la Beal CSdula inserta conforme d lo resuelto por «*» Majestad, y ultimamente determinado por Vex", en razon de la pretencidn del P«. Fray Miguel Sevillano de Paredes, sobre q. se le asista con la escolta de soldados. Feb. 15, 1734 (Lamar Papers, no. 42). Discords over Mission Guards 23 By a superior order the presidio of La Bahia was required to furnish three soldiers for each of three missions at San Antonio. But in 1740 the president, Father Santa Ana, complained to Captain Urrutia, at San Antonio, that Captain Gabriel Costales, of La Bahia, had sent soldiers unfit for service, and demanded that two such at Mission Concepcion be replaced by more suitable men. At the same time he complained that Urrutia had failed in his duty of inspecting the mission squads to see that they were of suitable character and properly equipped. Father Santa Ana threatened, in case of non-compliance, to complain to the viceroy, and Captain Urrutia yielded. But this compliance did not pre- vent the matter from going to the viceroy, and by a decree issued in December, 1740, Costales was ordered to provide suitable and well-armed men, and not to remove them except at the request of the religious.^'^ Between the missionaries and Joaquin de Orobio Bazterra, the successor of Costales at La Bahia, the quarrel took a difEerent form. The missionaries had been in the habit of compensating the guards not only with provisions but also with clothing. In consequence the soldiers were relieved of the necessity of pur- chasing supplies from the captain's store. Orobio, offended at this, removed the guard, but the missionaries again protested, and in 1743 secured an order from the viceroy that Orobio should restore the soldiers and see to it that they assisted the mission- aries in the instruction of the Indians in agriculture, care of the cattle, and other civilized pursuits.^^ One of the most bitter wrangles of the period was that be- tween Governor Franquis and the missionaries. Franquis took office in September, 1736. All the evidence forthcoming seems to indicate that he was a violent man. The Marques de Altamira 12 Fray Ferndudez de Santa Ana to Captain Urrutia, May 31, 1740, and related documents, in A. 0. S., K, leg. 19, no. 37; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraph 8. 13 Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraph 14. 24 The Province on Trial wrote^* that "he at once manifested his tempestuous, petulant, and hasty nature, whereupon followed complaints of disgraceful and insulting temerities with which he treated those missionary religious." It was charged that soon after he arrived at San Antonio he took the Indians from their missions and compelled them to work without compensation, and that to escape this burden they deserted from the missions, while heathen Indians were deterred from entering them. The missionaries protested to the viceroy, whereupon Franquis made a personal attack upon the complainants, banishing them, intercepting their letters, im- peding their exercise of authority, and using insulting language. In May, 1737, the viceroy ordered Franquis, under a heavy penalty, to desist from removing the neophytes from their mis- sions, to leave them wholly in charge of the missionaries, and to cease his abuses.^^ But the matter did not end here. In the same year, while Franquis was at Adaes arresting his predecessor, Sandoval, oc- curred the wholesale desertion of the missions related elsewhere. On his return in August other mission Indians went to him in a body and complained of ill-treatment at the hands of the mis- sionaries. In the inquiry which Franquis now instituted testi- mony was given to show that, since Father Santa Ana had been president, the Indians had been overworked, underfed, and merci- lessly flogged ; that this was the cause of the desertions ; and that during Sandoval's term the greatest cruelties had been practiced in recovering runaways.^* Since this testimony was partisan, it cannot be too seriously considered. 1* El Marques de Altamira, lestimonio de un Parecer, Ano de 1744, in Yoakum, History of Texas, Appendix No. 1, p. 398. 15 lUd., 398; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VII, paragraphs 76-78. For a state- ment concerning involuntary service by the mission Indians see Despacho librado pr. el Virrey MarquSs de Casa fuerte pa. que no se ohliguen d Zd« Tndios de la frontera de N. S. de Guadalupe a servicios invohintarios. Ano de 17 3S. IS Investigation of complaints of neophytes, MS in Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Misiones, vol. 21. The Missions Versus the Town 25 The missionaries came into conflict with another element of the population, namely, the citizens of the adjacent Villa of San Fernando de Bexar. The quarrel over Indian labor which had taken place with Governor Pranquis was renewed with the citizens of the villa. The Canary Islanders desired to utilize the labor of the mission Indians, on condition of paying them wages. To get authority for doing so, about 1740 they sent two men named Travieso and Leal to Mexico to ask permission to take Indians from the missions to work on their lands. Failing in their de- sign, in 1743 they renewed the attempt, sending another deputa- tion to Mexico. The agents this time convinced the viceroy of the justice of their cause, and secured an order directing the missionaries to furnish the Indians asked for, and commanding them to abstain from trading in farm produce and from extending their agricultural operations. The same order provided that the presidial captains should purchase their provisions from citizens of San Fernando and not from the missions. The missionaries, thus charged with unseemly conduct — for there were strict regu- lations regarding trade by missionaries — ^were aroused, and ap- pealed through their prelate for justice. ^'^ A long investigation followed, with the result that the viceroy was convinced of the falsity of the charges. Accordingly, in January, 1745, he re- scinded the previous order, as based on false information, ex- pressed his faith in the disinterestedness of the missionaries, ordered the captains to buy produce from settlers or from the missions, as might be most convenient, and declared that the Indians must not be taken from the missions under any pretext. Moreover, the Islanders were notified to fence in their fields. 17 Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraph 9; Joachin de Orobio Bazterra to the Cabildo of San Fernando, August 25, 1743, in Bexar Archives, Bahia, 1743-1778 (The Cabildo had asked for funds to defray the ex- penses of the deputation); Ano de 17S5. Meal Cedula c[ue mserta el Brebe de Su Santidad p". que en los Dominios de Yndias no puedan los Beligiosos ni clerigos Seoulares tartar, ni contratar, aun pr. interposita persona. El Brebe de S. S. es de SS, de Febo. de 1633; Patente del B. P. Barco p« qo. no se vendan los generos de los hdbios. 1740 as. 26 The Province on Trial abstain from killing the cattle of the Indians, and from trading with them without permission from the friars.^* The dispute now took the form of a quarrel over lands, the villa demanding that the missions should retire, move, or be converted into two, and complaining of the damage done to the crops of the citizens by the stock of the Indians.^' In return the missionaries demanded the removal of the villa of San Fernando. The case went again before the viceroy. Instead of waiting, how- ever, for the matter to be settled at the capital, the two parties decided to come to an agreement between themselves. On August 15, 1745, therefore, the "very Illustrious Cabildo, having assem- bled in the buildings which serve for an Ayuntamiento, ' ' in com- pany with Father President Santa Ana, as representative of the missionaries and Indians, a covenant was made. Bach party maintaining its right, it was agreed in writing that the demands should mutually cease. The site of the villa and the lands to the west of the river were to be regarded as belongirlg to the villa; to the lands between the house of Juan Banul and the mission of San Antonio the villa was to make no claim. Acknowl- edging the prior right of the missions, the lands to the north were to be divided by a line, those to the west belonging to the villa, and those to the east to the mission. The parties jointly and severally agreed to drop the dispute forever ; and this agree- ment was not to be aifected by any subsequent decision which might be made of the case in the Superior Tribunal, "because the complainants wish to have, now and in future, peace, union and harmony."^" Quarrels continued, however, in spite of this IS Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraphs 16-17. !!• In 1733 complaint had been made by Father Espinosa, from QuerS- taro, on behalf of the missionaries, regarding water rights in Arroyo de San Pedro and the San Antonio Eiver, but no serious trouble ensued, it seems (MS entitled Del iS"''. Casafuerte sohre el repartimto. de los Aguas a los Tslenos. A. C. S., K, leg. 4, no. 6). 20 The line was drawn north from the creek rising in the valley run- ning to the Llano de las Viboras (Tanto y testimonio de Fna escritura de Concordia Entre Los Senores Yslenos y las Misiones, 1745). The viceroy de- Apache Depredations 27 solemn agreement, much to the detriment of the community. Since wrangling and conflicting reports were the rule, it is not surprising that the government in Mexico was often greatly de- terred from giving the needed assistance to the province. 3. Campaigns Against the Apache.^'' — Whatever had been accomplished in the western district of Texas -had been done in the face of serious Indian depredations. From the time when San Antonio was first established the missions and settlers were subjected to raids upon their stock, frequently accompanied by loss of human life. No doubt the cupidity and lawlessness of the white man was as much to blame for Indian hostilities here as elsewhere in American history. The Indians committing these depredations were principally the Eastern Apache, particularly the Lipan, the Natages, and the Mescalero, tribes living in general west of San Antonio and south of the upper Colorado River. The same enemies infested the highways leading from San Antonio to the Rio Grande, to Los Adaes, and to La Bahia. Under these circumstances settlement and missionary work in the province were attractive undertakings only to people endowed with the true frontiersman's spirit. But such men were not lacking among either seculars or friars. To check the outrages, the missionaries used their utmost powers of persuasion, and furnished mission Indians to aid the soldiery; the troops of San Antonio usually stood on the de- fensive ; but occasionally they made campaigns into the enemy 's country, and as a rule with telling results. The first formal campaign from San Antonio had been made in 1723. As a result of various outrages, including the murder of a Franciscan lay cided in favor of the citizens and the dispute went on (Satisfacoidn del B. P. Lector Prado al exmo. sobre la quexa Be la Villa de S". FernAo. Be que los Padres se extendian fuera de la jurisdiccion de las tierras de lat 21 This section is based mainly upon William Edward Dunn 's excel- lent monograph entitled Apache Belations in Texas, 1718-17S0, published in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, vol. XIV, 198-274. That study was based upon manuscript materials gathered by the present writer. 28 The Province on Trial brother named. Pita, near the San Xavier (San Gabriel) River. In the year cited Captain Flores made a punitive expedition, with thirty soldiers and thirty mission Indians. Going north and then west one hundred and thirty leagues, he encountered a rancheria of Apaches, killed thirty-four Indians, captured twenty women and children, and recovered one hundred and twenty stolen mules and horses.-- During the succeeding decade Apache outrages Avere inter- spersed with friendly visits and peace agreements, and there was little open warfare. Meanwhile the garrison was unfortunately reduced, on the advice of Brigadier Rivera, from fifty-three to forty-three soldiers, a measure which brought forth a storm of protest from the missionaries.^* These protests proved well founded, for immediately after the coming of the Canary Islan.ders and the three new missions in 1731, the Apache re- newed their depredations. In the fall of that year a hard-fought battle between the soldiers and the Indians took place just out- side of San Antonio. In the following year a campaign was made by the new governor, Bustillo y Zevallos. "With a force of one hundred and fifty-seven Spaniards, sixty mission Indians, and nine hundred horses and mules, Bustillo went by way of the San Xavier River to a stream which was apparently the San Saba. Here he encountered several hundred Indians of the Lipan and other Apache bands, protected by leather breastplates. After a five-hour conflict the Indians were defeated, some two hundred being killed, thirty women and children captured, seven hundred stolen horses and mules recovered, and one hundred mule-loads of peltry and other booty confiscated. The expedition lasted two months. ^^ 22 Dunn, Apache Belations m Texas, 206-207; Autos heohos Texas, no 11; Autos 6. consulta hecha del P«. Fr. Joseph Oon^. contra Don Nicolas Flores; Autos Sre. diferentes puntos Consultados por el Govr. de la Provincia de los tejas; Muerte de un Correo y otros materias, 17S4. 2S Dunn, ibid., 207-224. 2* Dunn, Hid., 232-233 ; Autos sobre las providenoias dadas pr. su exa. al Governador de la Provincia de Texas pa. la pazificazn. de los Yiidios Apaches y sus aliados. Afio de 1731. Campaigns Against the Apache 29 This campaign was followed by a succession of flimsy peace- pacts and friendly visits, alternating with raids upon the settle- ments and highways. Some of the outrages were of the most diabolical sort. On account of the serious situation, Governor Sandoval, who took office in 1734, made his residence at San Antonio, and strengthened the garrison by contingents drawn from Los Adaes, La Bahia, and the Rio Grande.^^ To protect the presidial horse ranch, it was moved to a more secluded site, on Arroyo del Cibolo, sixteen leagues from San Antonio, and guarded by a small garrison. But two raids there in 1737 caused the removal of horses and garrison back to San Antonio. ^° In the fall of this year depredations were temporarily checked by the capture of Cabellos Colorados, one of the princi- pal Lipan chiefs, who, after being kept in prison several months, was deported to Mexico. In 1739 Captain Jose Urrutia made another campaigTi to the San Saba River, in which many captives were secured. This expedition seems to have been the first to be made directly through the northwestern mountain range, for Urrutia claimed to have discovered the pass in the mountains through which the Lipan made their forays. As a result of the expedition he asked for an increase of ten men for his garrison and suggested a presidio on the upper Guadalupe.^' In 1743 a 25 DunH, Apache Relations in Texas, 234-242 ; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, par. 3. The fear of the Apaehe at San Antonio is reflected by the Farecer of the royal fiscal, Juan de 01iv4n Eebolledo, July 18, 1733, stat- ing the exposed condition at San Antonio; by the consequent order of July 30, 1733, empowering the governor of Texas to call on the garrison at Adaes, San Antonio, and Eio Grande for aid; and by the order of acting governor Joseph Antonio Fernandez de Jauregui Urrutia, October 19, 1737, commanding that no citizen of Bexar shall fire ofE a gun unless he sees Indians entering the place, and that in case a shot is heard it is to be the signal for all citizens to arm themselves to resist the Indians (B6xar Archives, B6xar, 1730-1736). 26 Dunn, ihid., 243-244; Testimonio de Diligencias sobre Ynfidelidad de Los Apaches. 27 Dunn, ibid., 244-248; Morfi, Memorias, VIII, paragraph 3: Auttos fechos par el Govr. de Texas Soire la Bemision de el Capn. Cabellos Colo- rados y otros treze Tndios e Yndias de Nacion Apaches, a la Bl. carcel de Cortte, etta; Expediente sobre la Campana q a su costa ha de hacer en la Prov. 30 The Province on Trial campaign was made from Coahuila against the Apache in which, it is said, a force of two hundred men led by the governor fell into ambush and was badly cut to pieces. ^^ Conditions at San Antonio had become so bad that citizens could neither take the road for Coahuila nor even work in their fields except in large parties.^' Captain Thoribio de Urrutia, son of the former captain, desired to undertake another campaign, but was strongly opposed by the missionaries, who were now trying to bring peace to the province by founding an Apache mission. At last, in 1745, after much delay, Urrutia secured permission from the authorities and made the expedition. With some fifty Spaniards, and accompanied by Father Santa Ana, president of the Queretaran missions, he marched northward some seventy leagues and crossed the Colorado. Here he de- feated a settlement of Lipans and Natages and secured a number of captives. The engagement was apparently near the San Saba River.^° In 1748 Pedro de Rabago y Teran, governor of Coahuila, made an expedition into the Apache country, exploring and claiming to discover the Florido (Concho) River, which, of course, had been well known to the Spaniards of New Mexico in the seventeenth century. Thus, since 1731, three formal campaigns had been made against the Apache by the soldiers and citizens of San Antonio. By means of them the Spaniards had become well acquainted with the region about the San Saba River, the central haunts of the Lipan. Going thither at first in a roimdabout way, by fol- lowing the edge of the prairies, later they had penetrated the hill Joseph de Urrutia Cap'"', del Presidio de S"'. Antonio de Bexar, etc; Autos a consulta de I>". Thoribio de Vrrutia Capi^. del Presidio de S". Antonio de Vejar en la Provincia de Texas, sohre aumento de Soldados, y ottras provi- dencias que pide para eontener los Ynsultos que hazen los Yndios Apaches; sohre que tambien insto D". Joseph de Vrrutia Su P«. difunto. Sup. GoV"). 1741. 28 Dunn, Apache Relations in Texas, 251. 29 Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraph 10. 30 Dunn, Apache Relations in Texas, 250-252. Slave Catching 31 country of the upper Guadalupe and the Llano. In the course of these expeditions they had learned of mineral deposits in the Llano country, and were thus stimulated to later activities in the same region. Although Apache hostilities were unquestionably bad, as has been indicated, the missionaries saw in these campaigns other motives than a mere desire to afford protection for the settle- ments. In 1740 Father Santa Ana wrote: "If the campaigns which they make were conducted with more discipline, and with a better and a more disinterested purpose, it would not be diffi- cult to secure peace with them in their own country. ... Of what took place in the present campaign Kev. Father Fray Felipe will give a good account. I can only say that it is very important that others like it should not be made, for neither God nor the King gains anything, while the hatred of the Indian is increased, the peace of the province in this way becoming more disturbed. On account of the unseasonable time when the cam- paign was made, and the disorders which the soldiers were al- lowed to commit, many were left so heavily in debt that for a long time to come they will have nothing to eat or to use; the expedition was profitable only for those who had horses and other goods, which they sold at excessively high prices ; and it is ridiculous that these same persons should claim certificates as servants of the King our Lord, when they were interested in what I have stated, and had greater hopes of a considerable prize of horses, hides, and Indian men and Indian women to serve them. These are the purposes of the campaigns and the ones entertained by most of the citizens who join the soldiers in such operations ; and since the purpose is so vile, so is the outcome. ' ""^ From this time forward the Lipan became more friendly toward the Spaniards on account of the terrible ravages made upon their tribe by the southward-moving Comanche. They now 31 Santa Ana, Descripcidn, 206. 32 The Province on Trial desired the protection of the Spanish arms. This turn of affairs gave the missionaries an opening which, combined with other forces, resulted finally in the founding of a mission for the Lipan on the San Saba River. 4. The French Border. — In western Texas the settlements had succeeded moderately with their work of conversion and civiliza- tion of the coastwise tribes, and the settlers had about held their own against the hostile Apache. In eastern Texas the frontier outposts were less successful, from the standpoint of their pur- poses. On that frontier the question of defence against the In- dians was of slight importance, because the natives were friendly, but the missionaries failed almost completely to convert and educate the Indians, while the military outposts and the missions together failed to prevent French encroachments on territory claimed by Spain. The principal matters of international interest connected directly with Texas during this period were the question of the dividing line between French and Spanish territory, and that of French traders among the Texas Indians. After the War of the Spanish Succession Franco-Spanish relations generally tended toward an increasingly close friendship. In 1733 was signed a family compact which marked the definite union of France and Spain to withstand the colonial and commercial aggression of England. Nevertheless, this did not prevent Spain from regard- ing the Louisiana border with a high degree of jealousy. A case in point occurred in 1732. In that year the governor of Campeche heard that thirty companies of infantry were about to be sent to Louisiana. He reported the news to the king, who ordered the viceroy to investigate ; the viceroy, in turn, reported the rumor to Governor Bustillo, of Texas, surmising that such an increase, if a fact, was for the purpose of extending the Louisiana boundaries. Since Los Adaes would be the first point of attack, he ordered Bustillo to be on his guard, to keep his The Boundary Question 33 men under strict discipline, and, if possible, to ascertain through Indian allies the basis of the report.^^ A more interesting example of border jealousy occurred in 1735. Shortly after the establishment of Los Adaes in 1716 the French post of Natchitoches had been built on an island in the Eed River, where a trading house had been erected three or four years before. On the western bank of the western arm of the stream French settlers had houses, orchaxds, and corrals, their ranches extending westward to Arroyo Hondo and La Gran Montana, natural features about midway between Natchitoches and Los Adaes. Because of the overflow of the river, and per- haps because of the diminution of the Spanish garrison in 1730, in 1735 Saint Denis, the French commander, moved his post to the western side of the river. Ensign Jose Gonzalez, commander at Los Adaes, and Father Vallejo, president of the eastern missions, reported the matter to Governor Sandoval, who was then living at Bexar on account of the Apache depredations. Sandoval had received strict orders from his government to resist by all means any effort of the French to pass beyond their boundaries, but not to come to an open breach without first reporting to the viceroy. The incident was therefore the occasion of a spirited correspondence between Saint Denis on the one hand and Sandoval and Gonzalez on the other, which lasted until August, 1736, and which involved mutual threats of a resort to force. Sandoval claimed the Red River as the boundary, but he was ill-posted on the history of the frontier, and Saint Denis easily got the better of the historical argument, showing that the Natchitoches settlement had existed west of the Red River since 1716, at least, without protest by Sandoval's predecessors. In the course of the dispute Sandoval issued a proclamation curtailing all communication with Natchitoches, greatly to the annoyance of the residents of Los Adaes, who 32 El Marques de Casafuerte, viceroy, to Gov. Juan Antonio Bustillo y Zevallos, Feb. 3, 1733, Lamar Papers, no. 66. 34 The Province on Trial dfepended largely upon the French for a supply of grain. Mean- while Saint Denis went ahead with the transfer, building a stockade, church, and some fourteen houses for the garrison and the citizens. Shortly afterward Sandoval was arrested, without warrant, by his successor, Colonel Franquis, one charge against him being culpability for having permitted the removal of Natchitoches. Sandoval's ease going to Mexico, in 1740 he was fined for having moved his residence to San Antonio, although he apparently did so under orders. A royal order of 1741 required the viceroy to oppose any advance of the French beyond their limits. To learn the facts concerning the boundary the viceroy ordered an investi- gation. Witnesses were examined, both at Adaes and in Mexico, and it was concluded that La Gran Montana and Arroyo Hondo had always been the accepted boundary between Natchitoches and Los Adaes. Sandoval was therefore absolved of his charge, and in 1744 the boundary question was dropped for the time being.^' The discussions had all been local or within the respective govern- ments, no attempt having been made between the home govern- ments of Spain and France to settle the matter. More important than any question of the precise boundary was that of the activities of French traders among the tribes of Texas. While the expedition of the Marques de Aguayo to eastern Texas in 1721 had determined the ownership of Texas — or of what is now southern Texas — in favor of Spain, it did not by any means give the Spaniards undisputed sway over the natives. The missionaries, unsupported by an adequate mili- 33 The original correspondence concerning the episode is contained in the Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Seccion de Historia, vol. 524. My transcript of the expediente comprises sixty-nine typewritten pages. A very good summary of the case is contained in Altamira's Testimonio de un Parecer, 1744. A translation of the part of this document relating to Sandoval, by Elizabeth Howard West, is published in the Texas State Historical Quarterly, VIII, 72-78. Garrison's Texas, pp. 81-83, contains a good brief account based on that of Altamira; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraphs 71-75, also follows Altamira closely. French Intruders 35 tary force, failed almost completely to convert the Indians of eastern Texas, and they rightfully regarded this failure as due in no small degree to the baneful influence of the neighboring French. The men of the latter nation were skillful Indian traders, and readily affiliated with the savages. On the other hand, the narrow commercial policy of Spain permitted trade with the Indians only under the strictest regulations, and entirely prohibited supplying them with firearms. As a consequence the Indians of eastern and northern Texas continued to look to the French for their weapons, ammunition, and most of their articles of commerce, for which they gave in exchange their peltry and, to some extent, their agricultural products. As time went on the complaints, in Spanish circles, of French trade and French influence among the Indians of Texas, increased.^* The French traders operated even among the Hasinai, in whose very midst the Spaniards were established, though not without liability to apprehension and punishment, for such trade was strictly forbidden by law. Northern Texas the Spaniards scarcely entered before the middle of the century, and there the French traders were practically unimpeded. Among the Cado- dacho the French had founded the Nassonite Post in 1719. This establishment, which was maintained till after the Louisiana cession in 1762, was an effective barrier to the Spaniards. A regular trail led from Natchitoches by way of the Sabine to the Cadodacho. Depots were established at the villages of the Petit Cado and Yatasi, further down the Red River. These trading stations, together with the influence of Saint Denis, the imperious and blustering French commander, were the basis of an almost undisputed French domination over the Caddoan tribes of the northeastern Texas border. More than once the Spanish authorities contemplated driving the French from the Cadodacho village, and erecting there a Spanish post, but the thought was 3* For a fuller statement of this phase of border history see Bolton, De Meziires, I, 28-61. 36 The Province on Trial never carried into action. Indeed, any attempt to curtail the French trade among the natives was made at the risk of bring- ing down upon the Spaniards the wrath of the Indian tribes. French influence was scarcely less firmly established among the Witchita. In 1719 La Harpe had visited the "Witehita tribes on the Canadian River. By the middle of the eighteenth century some of them had moved southward into northern Texas. During all this time they were frequented by French traders from the Arkansas and Nassonite posts, and in 1763 it was boasted that a French flag had been flying at the Tawakoni village for forty years. During the same period, the Tonkawan tribes of northern and central Texas, either directly or indirectly, received French arms and ammunition. Immediately after the founding of New Orleans in 1718 French traders began to push westward along the Gulf coast among the Chitimacha and Attacapa. Before 1730 they are known to have begun to pass the lower Sabine and to work among the Orcoquiza. From the foregoing statements it is seen that while the eastern boundary of Spanish Texas as actually occupied in the middle eighteenth century lay near the Red River — at one point at least — and far to the east of the later Sabine River boundary, northern Texas was really in the hands of the French, and was not occupied by the Spaniards at all. In the boundary questions which arose in the nineteenth century attention was fitxed upon the eastern and the western borders, whereas the northern bound- ary might equally well have furnished another ground for con- troversy.'" 35 Indeed, such a controversy did occur between the provincial officials of Texas and Louisiana just on the eve of the transfer of Louisiana. Ibid., 51; Carta del Comf. M^. Macarti de Nachitos sobre una yndia espa- fiola llamada ysabel g«. no remitio sino pidio SCO p'. por su rescate, como en ella eonsta. Adaes, Sept. 23, 1763 (Lamar Papers, no. 172) ; Copia de Carta del Comt<:. de Nachitos M''. Marcartij en g«. exhorta se suspenda todos y qualesquiera proyectos g«. halla en las Tahuacanas 6 otra nacion pertenez*^. a los Espafioles, por lo g« se dio g*". con ella d El Exi'o. S''. Marq'. de Cruillas. Nov. 17, 1763 (Nacogdoches Archives). The Case of Joannes Legros 37 What was taking place on the eastern border in the period under consideration is illustrated by a single incident better than by any amount of narrative. In April, 1737, Jean Legros, of Natchitoches, was sent by Saint Denis to trade among the Cado- daeho. He had a passport, secured in February from Permin de Tbiricii, lieutenant at Los Adaes, permitting him to go through Spanish territory. "While on his way he was arrested twelve leagues from Nacogdoches by Sergeant Antonio Losoya, of Los Adaes, under orders from Ybiricu. When arrested he had a typical trader's outfit ; he was accompanied by an Ais squaw, and had three horses, one of which he rode and two of which were laden with packs of goods. He was taken to Los Adaes, put in the stocks, and ordered given a ramrodding, but someone inter- fered. His goods were confiscated and a part of them burned by Ybiricu, in the presence of witnesses. Legros was soon released, however, and returned to Natchi- toches. When he told Saint Denis what had happened, the French commander was furious, and on April 17 he addressed a wrathful epistle to Ybiricii. It was written in Latin in Saint Denis' own hand. "Perhaps we are at war [he wrote], or per- haps you mean to prevent us from going to Kadodachos. What is meant that five soldiers should be sent by a sergeant to arrest one of my Frenchmen who was going to Kadodachos by the direct road? Did you know that he was sent by me? For, if you were ignorant, you should know that he was. You confiscated all his goods; on what grounds? You put him in the stocks; perhaps he is a Spaniard ! You wished to ramrod him ; where is your justice? You were wise that you did not do so, that's all I've got to say!" He proceeded to demand that all the con- fiscated goods be restored at once. "Otherwise [he continued] I will close all commerce with you from today, and will pursue you in the name of my king even to the viceroy, or even to the king himself, if that should be necessary. ' ' 38 The Province on Trial Soon after these events Governor Franquis arrived at Los Adaes. A complaint being made by Saint Denis in the name of "Joannes Baptista Legros, " Franquis investigated the matter. In the course of the testimony it came out that Legros had used his passport as a license for trading with Texas tribes. Whether his arrest was caused by this fact, or by a quarrel which he had had with Tbiricii over the squaw whom he took on his journey, is not clear. At any rate. Saint Denis evidently browbeat Franquis into compliance. Ybiricu was charged with undue intimacy with the French at Natchitoches, and with keeping French women at Los Adaes, and was thrown into prison for illegal acts. The coercive force exercised by the Indian tribes on the frontier is illustrated by another incident of the same series. Fourteen Indian chiefs, incensed at the arrest of Legros, went to Saint Denis and complained at the interference with their trade. But as restitution had already been made. Saint Denis told them that he was satisfied and counseled them to go away content, which they did. Father Vallejo, president of the mis- sions, who reported this occurrence, thanked Franquis for so prudently placating Saint Denis. Manifestly, it seems to have been thought best not to incur the enmity of the aggressive French commander.'" Still another phase of the French border question was that of trade between the soldiers of Adaes and the citizens of Natchi- toches. From the first establishment of Los Adaes it was cus- tomary for it to depend partly upon the supplies purchased at the neighboring French post. In 1730 the viceroy ordered all trade with Louisiana cut off. Governor Bustillo replied that he would enforce the order, but that it had always been customary 38 The correspondence concerning this case is in the Archive General y Publico, Mexico, Historia, vol. 524. Among the documents is an inter- esting list of the goods confiscated from Legros, written in Spanish in the hand of Saint Denis. The list inchides powder, French cloth, a flag, three fusils, axes, adzes, knives, kettles, a hat, and shirts. Spanish Trade with Natchitoches 39 and necessary to purchase maize, beans, and other provisions from the French, and, in view of the hardship imposed by the order, asked for further instructions. On the advice of Mariscal de Campo Pedro de Rivera, who in 1727 had visited Texas, the viceroy ordered Bustillo to consider the feasibility of moving to a site where sufficient crops could be raised to make the garrison self-supporting. Bustillo set out in June to investigate, but after fifteen days' exploration he reported that between the Sabine and the Red rivers he could find no better location than the one already occupied. The one suggested by Rivera, on the other side of the lake, he reported as marshy and subject to overflow. Commenting on this incident a few years later, the Marques de Altamira sarcastically remarked that a site "was not found in all that district examined for fifteen days; but perhaps other settlers more interested would have found one in less time. ' ' In consequence of the unfavorable report, in December, 1733, the viceroy gave orders that for the present the presidio should remain where it was, and that, in ease of necessity, maize, beans, and other food stuffs might be purchased at Natchitoches for the presidio of Los Adaes, but that beyond this, commerce should not go.^' This permission was of course liable to great abuse, and troubles over illicit trade continued. In 1740 another order to cut off the trade was issued. But Governor Orobio repeated the plea made by Governor Bustillo ten years before, with the result that this decree was likewise rescinded, the reason given being the excessive cost of transporting provisions all the way from Saltillo. Hence traffic in food stuffs for the presidio was regularly permitted. It continued to be subject to great abuse, however, and a cover for extensive contraband trade.^* 37 El Marques de Casafuerte, Oficio, Para que el Governador de la Provincia de Tejas mantenga, por ahora el Presidio de los Adayis en el Parage, en q se halla, y execute todas las demas providencias, que se pre- vienen en este Bpacho; en la forma q se expresa, Mexico, Dec. 17, 1733; royal decree for extinguishing illicit trade in Spanish dominions in America, June 19, 1730. 38 El Duque de la Conquista, viceroy, to Governor Prudencio de Orobio Bazterra, Feb. 3, 1741. Lamar Papers, no. 50. 40 The Province on Trial In spite of these various forms of border friction, the relations of the two lonely outposts, Los Adaes and Natchitoches, were, on the whole, friendly, as might well be expected. When, for example, Bustillo, the new governor, arrived in Texas in 1731, the French officials went to Adaes to pay their compliments. When in the same year the Natchez Indians attacked Natchi- toches, Saint Denis appealed to Bustillo for help. In response the Spanish governor sent eleven soldiers and a contingent of Indian allies. For twenty-two days they took part in the defense of besieged Natchitoches, one Spanish soldier being killed. Out of gratitude for this aid, Saint Denis sent Bustillo a present of some captive Indian women, which, however, the Spanish gov- ernor declined with thanks.^" In after years the aid thus given by the Texas Indians against the Natchez seldom failed to be recalled in the oratory of the border councils.^" The anger shown in the official correspondence between Gon- zalez and Saint Denis over the boundary question seems less ter- rible when we learn from the local marriage records that on April 8, 1736, at the very time of the dispute, seventeen-year-old Victoria Gonzalez, daughter of the Spanish commander at Los Adaes, went to Natchitoches and was married to Jean D 'herbanne, one of Saint Denis' soldiers; that with another pair love overbore international hatred when on July 17 of the same year Juanita Victoria Garcia, of Los Adaes, married Frangois Lemoine, soldier at Natchitoches; and that in the very family of Saint Denis, the 39 Gov. Bustillo y Zevallos to the viceroy, Adaes, Nov. 26, 1731, in Lamar Papers, no. 49. For an indication of the excitement caused on the Texas border by the Natchez war in Louisiana, see a letter by Governor Mediavilla y Azeona to the viceroy, Adaes, April 5, 1730, in Tantos de Memoriales y carta del B. P. Sevillano al exmo. Sor. Virrey, para qe. se den las providenoias al resguarda de las misiones, y misioneros, y a esto se erija el Presidio de Texas. Ano de 17S9 ; Tnforme al B. Disore". de los PP«. Pre«. y Miss', de Tejas en que piden salir al Bio de S. Xavier. Adaes, March 18, 1730. *o See a harangue by De M4zi6res in l'i70 at Cadodaehes, in Bolton, De Meziires, I, 210; De MSziSres to Croix, Feb. 20, 1778, ihid., II, 173; De M^ziSres to Bernardo de G41vez, May, 1779, Hid., 249. For Tears a Balm 41 French commander, most of the marriages and baptisms of chil- dren and grandchildren were performed by Spanish padres of Los Adaes. Indeed, when, in June, 1744, the long career of Saint Denis came to a close, prominent among those who assembled at Natchitoches to assist in the funeral honors were Governor Boneo and Father President Vallejo, from Los Adaes, across the inter- national boundary line.*^ And yet, when a few days later Boneo reported the ocetxrrence to his viceroy he did so in terms which meant, in effect, "Saint Denis is dead, thank God; now we can breathe easier ! ' '*^ ^1 MS ehureh records at Natchitoches, examined by the writer in January, 1912. 42 On August 8, 1744, the viceroy wrote to Boneo in reply to a letter of June 15, stating among other things, "that Dn. Luis de Sn. Deny, commander on that frontier for the crown of France, had died, and that from his death there was promise of living with less dread and some comfort in the future." Lamar Papers. I have not seen Boneo 's letter, but learn its contents from the reply. CHAPTER II EXPANSION ACTIVITIES ON THE EVE OP THE LOUISIANA CESSION (1745-1762) The period between 1731 and 1745 had not been one of large geographical expansion, but rather one of gradual development along the lines previously drawn. The next seventeen years, down to the transfer of Louisiana by Spain to France, was, on the other hand, a period of numerous and considerable expansion efforts. Prominent among the motive forces bringing this about was the zeal of the missionaries to enter new fields, the tribes within easy reach of the older missions being depleted. In response to this motive, coupled with the real or supposed danger from the French, the very unfeigned danger of the settlements from the Apache, an interest in a new mining prospect, and a desire on the part of the government to advance the outposts from Coahuila and Texas toward New Mexico and the Red River, the mission- aries were supported in the founding of new missions among the Apache and Tonkawan tribes of central Texas. In this way the frontier was extended a long distance to the north and northwest. On the other hand, the establishment of missions and presidios among the Apache gained for the Spaniards the hostility of the foes of the latter, and entailed a long and bitter war and a harm- ful division of policy. The need of subduing the lower Gulf coast for the safety of the adjacent settlements, combined with a growing fear of the English in the Gulf of Mexico, led to the founding of the colony of Nuevo Santander, which lay across the Rio Grande and in- eluded the Texas coast as far as the San Antonio River. Its Advance to New Frontiers 43 founding involved renewed missionary activities among the Karankawa. Continued incursions of the French traders re- vived the international boundary question, made necessary the defence of the lower Trinity, and resulted in the establishment there of a mission and a presidio, and in an attempt to found a civil colony. Underlying all these enterprises was the very sincere desire of the Spanish government to civilize the Indians and to attract to the rich province of Texas colonies of Spaniards and half-castes, r Thus in the decade and a half before the cession of Louisiana changed the course of events, four new regions within the present Texas were entered for missionary work, defense, and coloniza- tion. With varying degrees of success, in the course of the period eight new missions and four new presidios were estab- lished within the region. New districts were explored, new trails opened, and new tribes brought into notice or under control. Within the same period occurred the nearest semblance to a mining "boom" of which Texas could boast in Spanish days. 1. The San Xavier Missions — Most of these expansion activi- ties took place simultaneously, a fact which may serve to suggest the magnitude of the demands upon the Spanish government at a single time in holding and developing the frontiers of a single one of its many provinces in the Americas. The first of the enter- prises in its inception was the plan for the establishment of the missions on the San Xavier (the present San Gabriel) River by the friars of Queretaro.^ The San Xavier River had been known to the Spaniards since 1716, and, being near the highway, had 1 The following sketch of the San Xavier missions is based mainly upon the detailed study presented in Part II of this volume (pp. 137-278), where references to the primary authorities will be found. The first half of that study is a reprint, somewhat revised, of an article which appeared in the Southwestern Sistorieal Quarterly, XVII, 323-378. Apart from that article, almost the only printed account of the episode is that contained in Arrieivita's Cronica Serdfica y Apostolica (Mexico, 1792). Considerable space is given to the subject in Morfi's unpublished Memorias para la Historia de Texas. 44 Expansion Activities been frequently visited. The region adjacent to it was known as a superb buffalo country, and more than once there had been talk of establishing missions or a colony on the stream. During the period the natives of the surrounding district had become known, notably the Mayeye, Deadose, and Yojuane tribes, and the conglomerate aggregation known as Rancheria Grande. Various attempts had been made to reduce these tribes to mission life at San Antonio, but without success. Prominent among the mis- sionaries who had visited them was Father Mariano de los Dolores. As time passed the reduction of the Eancheria Grande, in par- ticular, was of increasing importance, through its having become a famous asylum for deserters from the missions. But all efforts to take its inhabitants to San Antonio failed, and in 1745 a new plan was set on foot.- In June of that year four chiefs of the tribes named went to San Antonio, with a band of followers, and asked Father Mariano for a mission in their own country. The matter was put before Father Francisco Xavier Ortiz, at that time on an official visita- tion of the missions at San Antonio, and through him before the College of Queretaro. Father Mariano urged that the request of the chiefs be granted, since it offered great possibilities. It would be a means not only of saving souls, but of defense against the Apache also, and, in case of war, against the French. To save expense for the necessary protection of the desired missions, he urged transferring to them thirty soldiers from the garrison at Los Adaes. \^ "While awaiting the decision of the college and the viceroy, Fray Mariano did his best to keep the petitioners favorably dis- posed, and to prepare the way for the proposed establishments. For more than a year he and his associates labored without finan- cial aid from the central government, and still another year before that government could be induced to authorize the missions. A 2 See below, pp. 137-148. Father Mariano at San Xavier 45 site was selected on the San Xavier River, near the present Rock- dale, and early in 1746 Father Mariano, accompanied by soldiers and mission Indians from San Antonio, planted crops for the support of the petitioners, and erected temporary buildings. By February, 1747, Father Mariano had spent over five thousand pesos in the enterprise. During a part of that time, at least, he was assisted by two missionaries, enlisted at San Antonio. In the spring of 1747 Eusebio Pruneda, a layman, was sent to San Xavier with mission Indians and seed grain, to plant another crop. He was assisted by the natives, but in the midst of their A work they were attacked by Apaches. In consequence the Coco tribe, who had joined the original petitioners, withdrew.^ '' Meanwhile affairs were taking their slow and uncertain course in Mexico. The project of the San Xavier missions was favorably received by the College of Santa Cruz de Queretaro, none the less so because the mission of Lampazos had recently been re- linquished to the secular clergy. Aided by Father Mariano and his associates, the College made a persistent struggle for authority to found the missions and for funds to support them. The pre- sentation of the case to the viceroy was entrusted to Father Ortiz. Don Pedro de Vedoya, the fiscal of the Real Audiencia, ap- proving the plan, proposed two or three missions, to be protected by moving to the San Xavier the garrison then at Santa Rosa del Sacramento, a presidio in Coahuila. The matter being re- ferred to the Marques de Altamira, the auditor de guerra, he re- quested an opinion from Bustillo y Zevallos, ex-governor of Texas, and now an official in the City of Mexico. Bustillo flatly opposed the plan. He praised the efforts of the missionaries; but, he 3 Ortiz, Satisfacoion de los Missioneros ; copia de Autos seguidos en el superior governo, 1745; Despacho q sin provecho se saco el ano de 1746 el qual no so presento, ni aprohecha; Ortiz, Visita de las Missiones, 1746; Bustillo y Zevallos, Memorial, May 28, 1746; Memorial del P*. Anda al Exmo Sor Virrey sobre. 5". Xavier; Arrieivita, Cronica, 321-324; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraphs 18-19. See also pp. 149-161, below. 46 Expansion Activities maintained, the tribes in question were small; they were inter- ested in missions for material rewards only; the San Xavier River was not a suitable site, for it lacked facilities for irrigation and was exposed to the Apache; moreover the alleged danger from the French in central Texas was imaginary. On the other hand, danger from the French in eastern Texas was very genuine, and the garrison at Los Adaes should not be reduced, unless part of it were to go to Cadodachos. As a substitute for the San Xavier plan, he proposed moving the petitioners to the Neches River or to the Angelina and placing them in missions with the Hasinai. Bustillo's opposition became the focal point of much of the struggle which followed. The missionary college parried by call- ing upon Don Melchor de Mediavilla y Azcona, another ex- governor of Texas, who defended the plan as warmly as Bustillo had opposed it. In his view, the four tribes in question were tractable; the San Xavier was suitable; the French danger was unfeigned; the presidio of Sacramento was useless where it was, and might well be moved to Texas. On the other hand, with rather unconvincing logic Mediavilla maintained that while Bus- tillo's plan of moving the petitioners to the Hasinai country was impracticable, the Hasinai might be taken to the proposed mis- sions on the San Xavier. Vedoya was unmoved by Bustillo 's argument, and he reiterated his former opinion. But Altamira was still doubtful, and since a call had come for troops to help to establish the new colony of Nuevo Santander, he suggested that the decision should be suspended. Father Ortiz being asked, meanwhile, to suggest some other plan, he proposed a civil colony of one hundred settlers at San Xavier, supported for eight years, or a garrison of presidials maintained for a term of years, on condition of remaining as settlers thereafter. Either plan, he argued, would result in a much-desired civil colony. Acting on Altamira 's advice, early Father Ortiz Appeals to the King 47 in 1747 the viceroy ordered all discussion suspended. But as a temporary measure he commanded that the missionaries be re- imbursed for what they had spent at San Xavier, and that a tem- porary garrison of twenty-two soldiers be sent thither from Los Adaes and San Antonio. This temporizing decision of the viceroy was followed immedi- ately by an appeal by Father Ortiz directly to the king. On the other hand, the order to send to San Xavier a temporary guard was opposed both in Texas and by the college. Captain IJrrutia, at San Antonio, supported by the cabildo of San Fernando, ob- jected to losing his soldiers, on the tenable ground of Apache hostilities. Father Trinidad, speaking in Mexico for the college, insisted upon a regular presidio. These objections drew from the viceroy a new despatch, dated July 27, 1747. It rescinded the former order and required sent to San Xavier thirteen soldiers from La Bahia and seventeen from Los Adaes. To compensate La Bahia, the nine soldiers from there serving at the San An- tonio missions were to return to their garrison. As was to be expected, this provision called forth a new storm of opposition. The missionaries at San Antonio resented the loss of their cus- tomary guard, and the college again demanded the protection of a regular presidio at San Xavier. As Urrutia had objected before, so now the captain at La Bahia and the governor at Los Adaes demurred, finding new objections to the San Xavier plan, and proposing, as a substitute, a mission near the Trinity Eiver, where a new danger from the French had recently arisen. But all these objections came to naught, for on December 23, 1747, after more' than two years of discussion, the viceroy form- ally authorized the establishment of three missions on the San Xavier Eiver, and made provision for defraying the initial ex- penses of founding them and for paying the annual stipends of the missionaries. In the following March, after much protest, Lieutenant Juan Galvan was sent to San Xavier with the gar- 48 Expansion Activities rison of thirty soldiers borrowed from La Bahia and Los Adaes, as ordered by the viceroy, and in April the missionary pro.iect was approved by the king. The situation is an interesting example of the actual workings of the Spanish government in the distant frontier provinces. Since the summer of 1745 the missionaries of the College of Santa Cruz had been asking permission to establish missions at San Xavier. Meanwhile they had proceeded without this authority to found a mission — a provisional one, it is true — as early as the spring of 1746. In February, 1747, the viceroy had furnished temporary financial aid, but for the formal erection of the mis- sions he had withheld his consent. In December, 1747, he had given that consent, without awaiting the approval of the king. In February, 1748, as will appear, one of the missions had been already founded with due formality, in the king's name; and now, in April, two months afterward, comes the king's solemn order to the viceroy to found the missions if, after due investiga- tion, they should be considered desirable. It was apparently but another instance in which the local authorities and leaders, and especially the missionaries, took the initiative, and forced the central government reluctantly to sanction what had already been done. In the Spanish as well as in the English colonies a certain measure of independence in actual government was wrested from the central authorities by virtue of the very neces- sity for local initiative due to distance.* Consent and a promise of support having been given, the college proceeded at once to found the new missions. Fray Mariano was put in charge of the work on the ground, and Father Juan Joseph Ganzabal was sent from Texas to look after interests in Mexico. As soon as Fray Mariano heard the good news he set out for the San Xavier River, taking from San An- tonio on his own credit goods and stock to the value of over * See below, pp. 162-184; Arricivita, Cronica, 322-325; Morfl, Memorias, Bk. VII, paragraphs 20-25. Mission San Francisco Xavier Founded 49 $5,000. At this time Galvan had not yet arrived with the garrison of thirty soldiers. In February the first mission was formally founded, with the name of San Francisco Xavier. To enter it, or at any rate to take advantage of the expected dis- tribution of presents and food, there assembled not only the original petitioners, but Cocos from the lower Colorado and Orcoquiza and Bidai from the lower Trinity. Indeed, the hungry crowd was larger than Fray Mariano could feed, and he was forced to discourage more from coming. The mission was beset by more than the usual quota of tribu- lations. In April Fray Mariano suffered an accident which caused him to return to San Antonio, leaving Fray Francisco Cayetano Aponte y Lis in charge. Subsequently President Santa Ana went from San Antonio to take Fray Mariano's place. Scarcely had Fray Mariano left when the mission was attacked by Apaches, and before the end of the year it was raided three more times by the same enemy. On the first attack appeals for help were made to Captain Urrutia, but without avail. Some aid was given in May by Governor Pedro del Barrio, but it was offset by the adverse report which he made of the mission site. This report caused renewed hesitation on the part of the authori- ties in Mexico and consternation to Father Ganzabal, who was at the capital urging the provision of a presidio. To counteract the damage done by Barrio, Ganzabal now appealed to the fron- tier missionaries for favorable reports from San Xavier. In spite of these difficulties and set-backs, however, the new mission was ordinarily prosperous during the first year of its existence. ''' The founding of the two remaining missions was delayed for still another entire year. The college made the first regular assignment of missionaries in March, 1748, and they arrived at San Antonio in June; but the first caravan of supplies did not reach that place until December, and without them nothing could be done. As soon as the supplies arrived, Father Santa Ana and 50 Expansion Activities the missionaries went with them to San Xavier to establish the other missions and to secure testimony regarding the site, in answer to Father Ganzabal's appeal. Distributing the Indians on the basis of their linguistic affiliation, Mission San Francisco was reserved for those of Tonkawan stock — the Mayeye, Hier- bipiame, and Yojuane tribes. To the second mission, named San Ildefonso, which had been established by the end of February, 1749, were assigned those of Attacapan stock — the Bidai, Deadose, and Oreoquiza. The third mission, called Nuestra Seiiora de la Oandelaria, was reserved for the Coco and other Karankawan tribes from the coast region. Its formal establishment was de- layed by the desertion of the Coco to their native haunts, whence they were recovered only by the heroic efforts of Father Santa Ana, who went for them in person. By May the third mission had been founded. The three missions were located short dis- tances apart on the south side of the San Xavier "(San Gabriel) River, above its junction with Arroyo de las Animas (Brushy Creek). Near the junction was San Ildefonso; two or three miles above, on Kolb's Hill, was San Xavier; a mile or so still further up stream stood Candelaria. From the standpoint of numbers at least, the beginnings were propitious, for when late in May Governor Barrio made another inspection there were three hun- dred and three persons under instruction at the three establish- ments.° The struggle for a regular presidio had not yet been won, and it was now made more difficult by the personal hostility of Gov- ernor Barrio. But in March, 1749, Father Santa Ana and his associates sent in favorable reports of conditions at San Xavier, and Altamira was convinced. He therefore urged the provision of the desired presidio, and of a subsidized civil colony. But as 6 Memorial del P«. Ganzabal, pidiendo fuersas para el resguardo de las missiones de S". Xavier; Memorial del B. P. Preside, al cap", de /S". An- tonio, May 7, 1748; Escrito presentado al Gov. D". Pedro del Farrio sohre S": Xavier, 1749; Carta Ynforme qe. hiso a Su Exa. el B^o. P". Preste. Fr. Benitto, June 24, 1748. Carta del P. Galzaval, Jan. 22, 1749; Farios papeles de Tejas. The Contest with Barrio 51 it would take some time to make plans for the presidio, he rec- ommended advertising in the interim for colonists, and increas- ing the guard by eighteen men, to be secured through a char- acteristic juggling of several of the garrisons of Coahuila. In spite of some opposition by the fiscal to the auditor 's plan for a civil colony, on July 7, 1749, the viceroy approved Altamira's proposal. This approval was a promise of a presidio, but its realization was still far in the future. In August, after a quarrel with Father Mariano over Barrio's inspection, the governor again made an adverse report on the site at San Xavier. Another con- test ensued between the two over the appointment of a com- mander for the enlarged garrison. Governor Barrio had his way in the matter, but he made the quarrel the occasion of an- other hostile report, in which he complained of Father Mariano 's interference, and proposed removing the missions to the San Marcos River. Father Santa Ana now set out for Mexico to conduct the fight in person, and by a new memorial, made there in November, he completely discredited Governor Barrio at the viceroy 's court, with the result that Altamira and Dr. Andreu, now fiscal, agreed that the governor's opposition was ill-founded. And yet, before giving final consent for the presidio, they proposed a new investi- gation of the site on the San Xavier. To make the survey Lieutenant Jose de Eca y Musquiz, of the presidio of Sacramento, was appointed, in February, 1750. But Father Santa Ana again interposed. Fearing another long delay, and that the investiga- tion could not be fairly made while Barrio was governor, he lodged a new memorial. It proved effective, and in April the viceroy ordered the work of Musquiz suspended until another governor should enter office in Texas. The last order seems to have been countermanded, however, for in June, 1750, nearly a year before Barrio's successor came, Musquiz arrived in Texas and began his survey. After examin- 52 Expansion Activities ing the Saai Xavier River and its banks for a distance of seven leagues above its junction with Arroyo de las Animas (Brushy Creek), he made a favorable report. This new testimony put an end to the doubt which had stood in the way of final consent to establishing the presidio. Another factor of some weight was the rumor of new dangers on the French frontier, and the con- sequent need of restoring to Los Adaes the soldiers who were at San Xavier. In a junta of March 11, therefore, a presidio of fifty soldiers was authorized for the protection of the new mis- sions. Felipe de Rabago Teran, who had been appointed by the king more than a year before to the first vacancy which might occur, and was now in Mexico, was made captain. He was ordered to go at once to the frontier, recruit his company, and send the soldiers of the present garrison to their respective commands.^ Meanwhile the missionaries had been laboring under all the difficulties usually attendant upon the founding of new missions with inadequate and unsympathetic help, on a remote frontier, among wandering, barbarian Indians. The miserably housed soldiers, separated from their families, were insubordinate, and set an evil example to the Indians whom they were expected to subdue and instruct. The natives, restive under restraint, were prone to desert. In October, 1749, for example, San Ildefonso was abandoned and the missionary left entirely alone. In the following summer a terrible epidemic of smallpox swept through the missions, during which forty adult Indians died, but during which the friars remained at their posts like heroes. In August of that year the neophytes of San Ildefonso again deserted, being led off by a contingent of visiting Indians from eastern Texas, " Copia de una Carta del P. Guards, al S. Aud'., ano de 1749; Parecer de el Sor, Auditor para la fundacion de S». Xavier, April 23; Varios papeles de Tejas; Tnforme g«. Uzo D". Pedro del Varrio Got)'', el ano de 1749 (Sept. 11); Dictamen fiscal, Jan. 7, 1750; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII; Despacho para que no se eontinuaran las dilig'. del Rio de S'K Xav'., Apr. 8, 1750; Testimonio de los Autos fhos sre. la ereoion del Freoidio de S". Xavier, 1751. See also pp. 185-248. Ditch and Dam Begun 53 bound for a campaign against the Apache. They remained away until December, 1751. Before that time the Indians of Mission Candelaria had absconded, but they soon returned. Desertion was no doubt encouraged by shortage of supplies, for this draw- back sometimes made it necessary for the neophytes to hunt their own food in forest and prairie. The exchange of Governor Barrio for Governor Barrios y Jauregui was regarded by the mission- aries as no improvement. Barrios came in June, 1751, with in- structions to remove the seventeen soldiers belonging to Adaes, but to replace them with others. The first part of the order was duly fulfilled, but the second was not, and in consequence the garrison was weakened. Yet all was not dark. When in July, 1750, Musquiz inspected the missions, he counted in the three churches four hundred and eighty resident Indians, and the books at that time showed two hundred and sixty-six baptisms. These results were not incon- siderable, for they were first among the things which to the missionaries meant success. Some progress was made also in buildings and agriculture, and in October, 1750, the construction of a ditch and a dam were begun, through the labor of the Indians, encouraged by extra rations, presents, and a necessary show of force.'' It was December, 1751, before Rabago arrived at San Xavier with his presidial garrison. But this was all too soon for the peace of the missionaries. For six years they had been clamoring for a presidio, and now that they had secured one it proved to be their very undoing, for, wherever the blame, Rabago 's coming sounded the deathknell of the San Xavier missions. Rabago. had not been there three days before a dispute arose over the mission guards. He had been there scarcely a month when he recom- mended consolidating the three missions into one, moving it to the San Marcos, and establishing there a civil colony, for which, 7 See pp. 219-240, below. 54 Expansion Activities on his journey northward, he had already secured volunteer set- tlers. In return Father Miguel Pinilla, who served as chaplain of the presidio, reprimanded Kabago for immorality. Father Mariano, who had led the long fight for the presidio, being dis- gusted with the captain's conduct, proposed within a month o£ Rabago's arrival that the presidio be withdrawn and defence provided by a civil colony. To do what was possible to prevent further hostilities, the College of Santa Cruz ordered Father Mariano replaced, as president, by Father Alonso Giraldo de Terreros, and Father Pinilla, as chaplain, by Father Joseph Lopez. But this attempt at conciliation came too late, for before it could take effect mat- ters had come to a crisis. Friction continuing, Rabago ordered Pinilla to cease his functions as chaplain. In return. Father Pinilla declared Rabago and a part of the soldiers excommuni- cate. Though absolution was sought and granted, bitterness re- mained. In May, 1752, Father Ganzabal and a citizen were murdered as they stood in the doorway of Mission Candelaria, and all but one of the remaining missionaries fled to San An- tonio. The matter being investigated, a mission Indian con- fessed that he and four soldiers had committed the murder at the instigation of Captain Rabago. To facilitate further investiga- tion, Rabago was removed and replaced by his brother, Don Pedro. After eight years of tedious litigation Don Felipe was acquitted and reinstated, but the missionaries were never con- vinced of his innocence. Meanwhile the missions struggled on, but after the murder of Father Ganzdbal their usefulness was practically over. A part of the missionaries returned, however, and Mission San Fran- cisco continued in operation. In the winter of 1752-3, Father Jose Pinilla made an expedition to recover the Coco, who had fled just before Ganzabal 's murder. Somewhat later the Coco, Bidai, and Orcoquiza returned and entered Mission Candelaria. Removal to the San Marcos 55 But they afterwards fled intermittently, and sometimes offered deadly resistance to recovery. When Don Pedro Rabago arrived in August, 1754, he at once urged the abandonment of the whole San Xavier undertaking, and by this time the missionaries, with whom the new commander was popular, were ready to agree. The few neophytes, Rabago thought, might be taken to the missions at San Antonio, and the soldiers and missionaries transferred to the Apache country, on the San Saba or the Florido (Concho) River, which he had explored in 1748. Because of bad seasons the site at San Xavier had proved unhealthful, and to this drawback were added tales of horrible manifestations of nature. In consequence, after sev- eral unavailing appeals for permission to move, in the summer of 1755 the soldiers, missionaries, and a few neophytes, went with their belongings, but without permission, to the springs of the San Marcos River. Thus ended ten years of effort to es- tablish and maintain missions on the San Xavier River, in the country of the Tonkawa.' 2. The Beorganization of the Lower Gulf Coast.^ — Just at the time when the movement was begun by the missionaries to 8 See pp. 248-280; Arricivita, Crdnica, 330-338; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. IX, paragraphs 6-35. The circumstances of the removal were as follows: In July, 1755, the soldiers and missionaries made several petitions to Captain Babago, asking permission to move from San Xavier to San Marcos, whither a part of the Indians had already gone to escape a pest caused byl stagnant water. On July 23 Babago granted the petition, as a temporary measure taken through necessity, and sent Diego Kamon with ten smdiers, one missionary, and twenty Indians to erect temporary buildings, yn August 16 Eabago followed with the remaining mission- aries, soldiers, neophytes, and belongings of the settlement. Arrived at San Marcos Uiey were soon besieged by a thousand hungry Apache Indians asking that Ihe missionaries and soldiers go to their country on the San Sab^ or the Florido. (Testimonio de los Autos fechos sobre la Beduccnon de los Yndios Ventiles de la Nacion Apache y establecimiento de el Precidio de San Sa'ba).\ 9 The f olloT^ing sketch of Spanish activities on the Gulf coast after 1745 is based i^ainly on the detailed study presented in Part III of this volume (pp. 281V-324), where references to the primary authorities will be found. A portiln of the ground is covered in Bolton, "The Pounding of Mission EosaAo: A Chapter in the History of the Gulf Coast," Texas State Historical a.ssociatiou Quarterly, X, 113-139, and Bolton, "Tienda 56 Expansion Activities enter central Texas, another set of forces was making necessary the subjugation of the Gulf coast region, lying between Lavaca Bay and Tampico. This region was still unconquered and little known, but it had long been a menace to the prosperity and the security of the settled districts surrounding it. The founding of the mission and presidio of La Bahia near Lavaca Bay, in 1722, had been followed immediately by trouble with the fierce Karankawa, and shortly afterward by the removal of the establishments to the country of the Tamique and Xara- name, farther inland. But the Karankawan tribes continued to be hostile and to give trouble to their Spanish neighbors. In- deed, they soon acquired and long maintained the reputation of being unconquerable.^" Even more troublesome was the coast district farther south, lying east of Nuevo Leon and north of Queretaro. This country, sheltered in its southern portion behind mountain ranges on the west, had long been the asylum of multitudes of broken-down bands and tribes, pushed northward and eastward by the pro- gress of the Spanish conquest, or by more powerful Indian neigh- bors. Into this region little advance of settlement had been made since the sixteenth century. Efforts to subdue the southern end of the district, the Sierra Gorda, were made in the seventeenth century by Franciscan and Dominican missionaries, and in the early eighteenth century by the soldiery of Queretaro, but still with little permanent result, for the Indian bands continued to sally forth and to exact tribute from most of the towns of the Queretaran frontier. Efforts to subdue the coast region lying north of Tampico and south of the Rio Grande were likewise made in the early eighteenth century, by FranciscJ Barbadillo, de Cuervo 's Ynspeocidn of Laredo, 1757, ' ' iUd., VI, 187-203. The former article is reprinted, with revisions, in the present volume, pp. 281-324. A valuable account of the founding of Nuevo Santande* is contained in Alejandro Prieto, Historia, Geografia, y Estad/istica del Estado de Tam- aulipas (Mexico, 1873), and in Father Vicente Santa Maria's MS Belacidn Histdrica de la Colonia del Nuevo Santander (1760). 10 See pp. 281-286, below. Jose de Escandon 57 especially commissioned for that purpose, but likewise with no lasting result. These general conditions in the Seno Mexicano, as the coast district was called, made it imperative that the region be sub- dued. In 1738 the reduction of the Sierra Gorda was success- fully begun by Jose de Escandon, aided by Franciscan mission- aries. At the same time several proposals were made for con- quering the coast region farther north. War with England broke out in 1739, and there was now some uneasiness lest the unoc- cupied Gulf coast be seized by that power. Effective action was delayed until 1746, however, when the task was entrusted to Escandon, who by then had completed the conquest of the Sierra Gorda. The missionary work of the new enterprise was entrusted to the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas. Escandon 's commis- sion gave him ample powers and required the frontier garrisons to render him all possible aid. The territory assigned him to conquer and colonize, extending from Tampico to the San An- tonio River, was called Colonia del Nuevo Santander.^^ In 1746 and 1747 Escandon personally explored the country as far north as the Rio Grande, selecting sites for settlements, while under his orders Captain Joaquin de Orobio Bazterra, of La Bahia, explored the region from the Guadalupe to the Rio Grande. The explorations having been made, Escandon proposed founding in his colony fourteen Spanish villas, or towns, and as many missions as might be necessary. Twelve of the settlements were to be located south of the Rio Grande, and two north of that stream. The two northernmost towns proposed were to be Villa de Vedoya, at the mouth of the Nueces, composed of fifty families, and Villa de Balmaceda, on the Lower San Antonio, composed of twenty-five families. Near the former Escandon proposed founding a new mission, and to the site of the latter he proposed moving the mission and presidio of La Bahia.^^ 11 See below, pp. 287-292. 12 See below, pp. 292-294. 58 Expansion Activities The execution of Bseandon 's plans was one of the most notable events in the entire history of the colonization of the northern frontiers of New Spain. At Queretaro the empresario raised seven hundred and fifty soldiers, and advertised for civil colon- ists. Because of the leader's fame, the response was ready and the results most gratifying. In December, 1748, Eseandon was able to leave Queretaro with a colony comprising more than thirty-two hundred soldiers and settlers, while others joined him on the way or met him on the frontier. The colonists, a mixture of Spaniards, half-castes, and civilized Indians, carried their household goods, and drove before them great herds of horses, cattle, burros, sheep, and goats. The caravan must have re- sembled those of the Oregon and California migrations of a later date and another people. Going northwest to San Luis Potosi, there Bseandon turned eastward into his province. As he passed through it he planted, at the sites already selected, little colonies and garrisons, beside which the friars founded missions. Reaching the Rio Grande, on its southern bank he founded in March, 1749, the villas of Camargo and Reynosa, with families from Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, who had met him there by appointment. In 1750 Revilla, and in 1753 Mier, were founded, also on the southern bank of the Rio Grande. North of the river Eseandon 's plans were executed entirely by his lieutenants. In 1749 the presidio and mission of La Bahia were moved, according to program, to the San Antonio River, where they were re-established at the present site of Goliad. A colony sent under Captain Diego Gonzalez to found the Villa de Vedoya, at the mouth of the Nueces, backed out through fear of the Indians, recrossed the Rio Grande, and became the founders of Soto la Marina. Villa de Balmaceda failed to be established through lack of funds. Near the Rio Grande the results were better. In 1750, at the same time that Revilla was being founded by Coahuila families Laredo and Dolores Founded 59 on the southern bank of the stream, Rancho de Dolores was estab- lished across the river by Captain Borrego, whose ranch soon became the nucleus of a considerable settlement. In 1754 Tomas Sanchez was sent by Escandon to the Nueces River, with a view to making another attempt at settlement there. Returning with an unfavorable report, in 1755 he founded instead the Villa de Laredo, on the north side of the river, at a crossing which at once became important on the highway to Texas. Meanwhile, the mis- sionaries at La Bahia had established a new mission for the Karankawan tribes near the San Antonio River. By October, 1755, Escandon had founded in Nuevo San- tander twenty-three settlements, most of which persist today. In them he had established over six thousand colonists. Beside the presidios and towns the Zacatecan friars had founded fifteen flourishing missions. North of the Rio Grande there were the Villa de Laredo, with thirteen families, the pohlacion of Dolores, with twenty-five families, and further down the river a string of ranches. This district fast became a stock-raising country, where thousands of cattle, sheep, and goats grazed on either side of the stream. Under Escandon 's encouragement, ranching gradu- ally extended northward, and within a few years had reached the Nueces.^' An important phase of all this work of reorganizing the Gulf coast, and the one most intimately connected with the develop- ment of what was then called Texas, was the renewed effort to bring the Karankawan tribes under missionary control. The mission of Espiritu Santo de ZMiga, which was moved in 1749 to the San Antonio River, along with the presidio of Loreto (La Bahia) , was devoted still to the welfare of the Tamique and Xara- name tribes. But the principal aim of Escandon 's work of re- organization in the northern part of Nuevo Santander was to 13 See 291-303, below; Jose Prancisco Sotomayor, Sistoria del Apostd- Uco Colegio de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas (Zaeatecks, 1889), 187-190, contains an account of the missions in Nuevo Santander, copied verbatim from Father Hierro 's Informe. 60 Expansion Activities subdue the insubordinate Karankawan tribes living along the coast, and both missionaries and officers were instructed accord- ingly. This end was in part, though but momentarily, realized through the entrance of some of the Coco into the missions at San Xavier. The activities of the Zacatecan friars at La Bahia on behalf of the Karankawa were quickened by the pushing of the QuerS- taran friars of San Antonio into the same field. An epidemic at San Antonio had carried off many neophytes and made room for new recruits. Moreover, the Queretaran missionaries at San Antonio were now under the presidency of the aggressive Father Mariano de los Dolores y Viana, founder of the San Xavier mis- sions. Consequently, in 1750 plans were made to take the Karan- kawan tribes, particularly the Cujane, to San Antonio, where a few of them were already under instruction. The immediate work was entrusted by Fray Mariano to Fray Diego Martin Garcia, one of the most intelligent and zealous of the mission- aries. Knowing the prior claims of the Zacatecans to the Karan- kawa region, permission to enter it was first secured from the viceroy, and from Father Gonzalez, head missionary at Espiritu Santo. Nevertheless, some friction occurred over the matter. When the first delegation of fifty-four Cujanes started for San Antonio in response to a message and presents from Father Garcia, they stopped, in passing, at the mission of Espiritu Santo, where they remained. Fray Mariano believed that force or persuasion had been used in order to profit by his efforts. Another attempt had a similar result, and Fray Mariano protested to Father Gonzalez. After what he regarded as a third encroachment upon his rights, Fray Mariano appealed to his college, and through Father Santa Ana, then in Mexico, to the viceroy. Father Santa Ana made a vigorous protest at the viceroy's court, asking that the disputed field be turned over entirely to his own college. The whole situa- A New Karankawa Mission 61 tion greatly irritated Altamira, the auditor, and brought forth his emphatic assertion that nothing permanent would ever be accomplished on the frontiers without more settlers. Finally, after two years of discussion by fiscal, auditor, and missionary authorities, the viceroy discreetly_, and no doubt wisely, exhorted both colleges to put aside their differences, and to co-operate in the important work of subduing the Karankawa.^* Meanwhile, little progress was being made at the mission of Espiritu Santo with its new charges. They frequently deserted, and trouble ensued between them and the soldiers. Nevertheless, the missionaries persisted with laudable zeal, and secured some worthy results. They were generously aided in their work by Captain Piszina, who made the enterprise an occasion for an appeal for more supplies and more soldiers. In view of the difficulties of the situation, by the end of 1753 the friars of Espiritu Santo conceived the project of founding a separate mission for the Karankawan tribes. To promote this plan Father Camberos was sent to Zacatecas and from there to Mexico. The undertaking was defended on the ground of the hostility of the Karankawa toward the Tamique and Xaraname, tribes of a different language, and of their reluctance to going, as well as the impolity of trying to take them, to a mission outside their native land. Again the plan of substitution was suggested. To save expense Father Camberos proposed transferring the Ais mission, with one of its missionaries, to the new site, the other friar going to reside at the mission of Nacogdoches. The eastern missions, he argued, had never succeeded, and never would suc- ceed, while aU the aid possible could be rendered the Ais from Nacogdoches, especially if the tribe, of less than forty families, were moved to their relatives, the Aixitos. Though hesitant at i*See pp. 303-308, below; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. IX, paragraph 37; Fray Sim6n Hierro, Informe de las Misiones de Texas, January 8, 1762; Soto- mayor, Eistoria, 191-192. Sotomayor's account is based on the Informe of Father Hierro just cited. 62 Expansion Activities first, the fiscal and the auditor became convinced, and in June, 1754, the viceroy authorized the transfer. But now the voice of dissent was heard from eastern Texas. Father Vallejo, president of the missions there, supported by the governor, protested to his college. In his view, the mission of Los Ais was not useless, by any means. In thirt.y-six years one hundred and fifty-eight precious souls had been saved there by baptism; the missionaries were useful as physicians and nurses for the Indians, and must be near at hand in order to perform these duties; there was still reason to hope that the Ais tribe would settle down to pueblo life ; and finally — the old and thread- bare pretext — ^the mission would be importajit in case of a French invasion. '^'^ Father Vallejo 's protest put an end to the effort to suppress the mission of Los Ais. In turn, the Zaeatecan college proposed a new mission for the Cujane, a plan which, with unwonted promptitude, was approved by the viceroy in April, 1755. Al- ready, in consequence of the order to transfer the mission of Los Ais, Father Camberos, who was back in Texas, had begun in the previous November to found the new mission. It was located west of the San Antonio Eiver, some four leagues from La Bahia. While awaiting a final decision from the government, funds were supplied by the missionaries, Captain Piszina, and private benefactors. The name given the new establishment was Nuestra Senora del Rosario. By January 1 5, through the aid of Captain Piszina, fields had been opened and buildings erected. Two years later a stone and mortar dam fifty varas long had been built across an arroyo, and, sooner or later, a strong wooden stockade was erected. Though funds and forces were limited, and the Indians barbarous, the enterprise enjoyed some measure of success. In the course of the first few years the number of ^fi Autos fhos. Apedimento . . . [de] Frai Benitto de Santa An[a} . . . que se le manden restitu [ir a la Mision de] Sn. Antonio . . . los [con] Bersos Indios de la Naoion [Cujan] qtie se hallan agregados a [la] de Santa Dorothea, 1751-1758. 4. Map of Texas and vicinity, 1717. Original 42 x 31 cmm. Archive General de Indias, 61-6-35. Hitherto unpublished. Our Lady of the Bosary 63 natives who lived, at least intermittently, at the mission, was considerable, although only twenty-one baptisms were performed during the first four years. The viceroy had been prompt to authorize the new establish- ment, but he was slow to provide adequate funds. However, after four years of appealing by Father Camberos, the college. Captain Piszina, and Governor Barrios, in 1758 the government authorized more liberal supplies for the mission, and ten addi- tional soldiers for the presidio. With this belated aid the mis- sion became more prosperous." Although it was situated within the limits of the colony of Nuevo Santander, it depended on the presidio of La Bahia, and was administered as a part of Texas. 3. The French border and the defence of the lower Trinity." — ^Almost simultaneously with the beginning of the San Xavier missions and of the colony of Nuevo Santander, the Spaniards were forced by foreign aggression into the region of the lower Trinity River. Strange as it may appear, after more than half a century of exploration in Texas and after nearly thirty years of continuous occupation of several points within the province, this district seems to have been almost unknown to the Span- iards.^* But now they were compelled by French encroachments to occupy the region, in order to defend it and to maintain the allegiance of its natives. '^^ Autos fhos. Apedimento; see also pp. 308-324. 17 This sketch is based mainly upon the detailed study presented in Part rV of the present volume (pp. 327-374). That study is a reprint, with revisions, of an article in the Southwestern Sistorical Quarterly, XVI, 339-377. A brief r^sumfi of the subject is given by I. J. Cox, The Louisiana- Texas Frontier, in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, X, 21-24. A brief account of the mission on the Trinity River is given by Sotomayor, Historia, 192. It is based on Father Hierro's Informe. 18 A commentary on this point is found in the letter of Governor Prudeucio de Orobio Bazterra, written at Adaes, July 8, 1740, to Father Santa Ana, president of the missions at San Antonio. He says: "With respect to the rivers Colorado, Brazos de Dios, Trinidad, and Sabinas, I only know, and it is certain, that they empty into the Gulf of Mexico, and that it is false that the exploration of any of this has been made 64 Expansion Activities As early as 1741, it is stated, Governor Prudencio Orobio Bazterra, hearing of French advances, urged the placing of a presidio on the lower Trinity. In 1745 Joaquin Orobio Bazterra, captain of the garrison at La Bahia, reported to the viceroy rumors of a French settlement near the mouth of that stream. In reply Orobio was ordered to proceed with all haste to verify the rumor, and, if it proved well founded, to expel the French. The prevailing ignorance of the geography of the coast region to the eastward of La Bahia at this time is illustrated by Orobio 's difficulties in deciding upon a route thither. At first he at- tempted to go by land along the coast. Next he contemplated building a fleet of canoes and going by the Guadalupe Eiver and the Gulf. Finally, in December, he set out over the Los Adaes road, planning to go to the Trinity crossing, thence to descend to the river's mouth. Arriving at the ford he changed his plans, and continued to Los Adaes, to confer with Governor Garcia Larios. On the way, at the Trinity, at the Neches, and at Nacog- doches, the rumors of French traders were confirmed. Returning from Los Adaes to Nacogdoches, he thence set out southwest over the Bidai Trail, the best available route. Passing among the Bidai, he crossed the Trinity and continued soiithwest to the Orcoquiza villages on the western branches of the Aranzazu (San Jacinto) River. Both the Bidai and the Orcoquiza claimed never to have seen Spaniards before. Among them both, however, the rumors of French activities along the coast were fully confirmed. Not only did the traders freely either by Don Pedro de Rivera or anyone else, or that it would be im- practicable, because if for this purpose the mattOT were to be considered with the necessary reflection, and his Excellency were to be informed with sincerity of purpose, and he who were to undertake the enterprise of its exploration were not moved by vanity, private interest, or other depraved intentions which should frustrate the aim, there is no doubt that what this coast contains from La Bahia to the mouths of all the rivers named would not be hidden from our notice, nor, likewise, what there is between said coast and the Camino Real which we travel from here to La Bahia. ' ' ( Varias Notioias por lo q mira a franzeses — dadas el ano de 1740). In writing thus Orobio was of course cognizant of the in- tense hostility of the missionaries toward Rivera. Orobio's Expedition to the Orcoquiza 65 come and go, but they were said to be preparing to make a settle- ment the very next year at a site already chosen near the mouth of the San Jacinto River. Orobio visited the site, but, seeing no signs of a settlement, he returned to La Bahia, by a more direct route.^^ Captain Orobio, and those who in succeeding years visited the tribe, found the Orcoquiza living in four or five scattered vil- lages near the San Jacinto and the lower Trinity, the center of population being near Arroyo de Santa Rosa del Alcazar (Spring Creek). East of the Trinity the tribe extended part way to the Neches. The Orcoquiza practiced some agriculture, but lived mainly on fish, game, and wild fruits. It was their trade 'in peltry and bears' fat which had attracted the French. The tribe was not large and its organization was loose, a fact which greatly complicated the question of control in subsequent years. Before leaving the Orcoquiza Orobio talked to the Indians of missions, to enter which they showed some willingness. A year or two later, as has been seen, a part of the tribe, together with some of the Bidai, entered the San Xavier missions. Shortly after his return to La Bahia in 1746, Orobio seems to have made another visit to the lower Trinity to look for Frenchmen, but to have found none. During the next few years Spanish agents, in the capacity of traders, were regularly sent among the Orco- quiza and the Bidai. Of this trade the chief beneficiary, for several years after 1751, appears to have been Governor Barrios y Jauregui. From the evidence available it seems that he and his personal agents completely monopolized the traffic. The goods were secured at Natchitoches, in open violation of the law, and were carried in pack trains, conveyed by small guards of soldiers. Among Barrios 's chief lieutenants in the business were Marcos Ruiz, Domingo del Rio, Juan Antonio Maldonado, and Jacinto de Leon. In exchange for merchandise, the Indians gave maize, '^^Diligencias Practicadas por Don joaquin de Orobio Capn. de la Bahia Sobre establecimiento de Franceses. See also pp. 332-337, below. 66 Expansion Activities hides, and horses, the latter usually having been stolen from the Spaniards farther west. But the French traders did not cease coming to the lower Trinity. Whether or not they came with the collusion of Gov- ernor Barrios, as was charged, is not very clear. At any rate, in October, 1754, Joseph Blancpain, one of these merchants, was arrested by Marcos Ruiz at the governor's order. Blancpain 's goods were confiscated and divided among his captors; he and his assistants were sent to Mexico and thrown into prison, where Blancpain died. Incidentally to the arrest, Ruiz was told that a French colony was coming soon to settle among the Orcoquiza.-" The arrest of Blancpain and the consequent defense of the Lower Trinity was intimately connected with Franco-Spanish relations on the whole frontier from New Mexico to the Texas coast. On the New Mexico border French intrusions had recently become alarming. As the French traders and official explorers had pushed west in the early years of the century, they had looked with covetous eyes toward New Mexico. But there were two obstacles to expeditions bound for that country. One was the jealous and exclusive policy of Spain, which made the re- ception of such Frenchmen as might reach Santa Fe a matter of uncertainty; the other was the tier of Indian tribes which stood in the way. The Red River highway was effectually blocked by the Apache, mortal enemies of all the tribes along the lower valley; the Arkansas and Missouri River avenues were impeded by the Comanche for analogous .reasons. As the fur-traders and official explorers pushed west, one of their constant aims was to open the way to New Mexico by effecting peace between the Comanche and the tribes further east. In 1739 a trading party 20 Diligencias Practicadas por Dii. Joaquin de Orobio Capn. de la Bahia Sobre establecimiento de Francesces; Testimonio practicado sobre si D. Jasinto de Barrios tuvo comercio con Muniziones de Guerra con los Yndios Barbaras de Esta Prova. y fuera de ella; Autos de Besidencia de Barrios y Jauregui; Dilixensias sobre Lanpen. See also pp. 337-339, below. French Traders in New Mexico 67 of eight or nine men, led by the Mallet brothers, ascended the Platte River and made their way through the Comanche coun- try to Taos and to Santa Fe. After being detained several months in friendly captivity, six or seven of the party returned, unharmed by the Spanish authorities, and bearing evidence that the residents of New Mexico would welcome trade. Four of the men descended the Canadian and the Arkansas rivers, the others going northeast to Illinois. The Mallet party had succeeded in getting through the Comanche country to New Mexico and had returned in safety and with good prospects for trade — two important achievements. Immediately there was renewed interest in the New Mexico bor- der. In 1741 Governor Bienville sent a party under Fabry de la Bruyere up the Arkansas to try to open trade with Santa Fe, but it did not reach its destination. Shortly afterward a new military post was established on the Missouri at the Kansas village, and the Arkansas route was made safe by effecting in 1746 or 1747 a treaty between the Comanche and the Jumano, who lived on the middle Arkansas. The effect of the treaty was immediate, and at once there were new expeditions to New Mexico by deserters, private traders, and official agents. Early in 1748 thirty-three Frenchmen were reported among the Comanche near Taos. A year later three Frenchmen, called Febre, Satren, and Raballo, accompanied the Comanche to Taos to trade, having ascended the Arkansas in a party of twelve. Within the next year seven others from Louisiana arrived at Santa Fe at different times, part of them at least entering by the Arkansas route. In 1751 four traders from New Orleans reached New Mexico by the Missouri River. In 1752 arrived two others, named Chapuis and Feuilli, members of a party of ten who had left Fort Chartres with official sanction. They boldly proposed opening a caravan trade, under military escort, from Illinois to Santa Fe. The Mallet party had been permitted to return to Louisiana unimpeded and to tell what they knew of New Mexico. The evil 68 Expansion Activities results of this policy were seen, and the Febre party were re- tained in Santa Pe as artisans, without permission to return. The 1751 and 1752 parties, on the other hand, were sent to Mexico in captivity, with the governor 's reports that the alliance between the French and Comanche was dangerous. The former were sent to Spain late in 1752. After Chapuis and Feuilli had lain in prison a year, they too were sent to Spain, early in 1754.^^ The French intrusion into New Mexico found an echo in far western Sonora. On March 2, 1751, Fernandez Sanchez Salvador, Captain of Caballos Corazas of Sonora and Sinaloa, cited the French advance as a reason for haste in the Spanish occupation of the Colorado of the West. He was convinced that the French traders had ulterior ends, and that they would soon reach the Colorado and descend it to the South Sea and California unless impeded by a Spanish advance northward from Sonora. The French advance through the Comancheria at this time, encouraged as it was by the Louisiana officials, and coupled with the strengthening of the Louisiana forces and with the increas- ing French aggressiveness on the Texas border, gives significance to the proposal of Governor Kerlerec, in 1753, to break through the Apache barrier and open up trade with the more interior provinces of Mexico. In a memoire addressed to the King in that year the new governor spoke of Spain's jealous policy, the weakness of her outposts, and the ease with which the mines of Coahuila and Nuevo Leon could be conquered. As a base for securing them, in case of any rupture, he proposed taking pos- session of the Apache country, at present dominated neither by 21 The above account of French aggressions on the New Mexico border is based on two expedientes in the archives of Mexico as follows: (1) Autos fhos sre averiguar que rumho han ttraido ttres franzeses que Uegaron al Fuehlo de taos con la Naz^ Cumanohe q tenian a hazer sus aconstumbrados resgattes (1749-1751). Archivo General y Pliblico, Mexico, Provincias Internas, vol. 37. (2) Testimonio de las autos fhos a ConsuUa del Govr. del Nueio Mex'o sohre haver llegado dos franzeses cargados de efectos que condnizian de la Nueha Orleans (1751-1754). Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Provincias Internas, vol. 34. Kerlerec's Aggressive Proposal 69 France nor Spain. But unless peace were established between the Apache and all their numerous enemies to the eastward, access to their country would be impossible. He proposed, there- fore, to remove the barrier by securing an alliance between the Apache and these intervening tribes. "What action was taken in France regarding the proposaP^ is not known, but the fact that it was made at all is significant. While these developments had been taking place in New Mexico, there were disturbing reports of increasing dangers on the Texas border, which again brought forward the quiescent boundary question and led to interesting investigations. In 1750 the military strength of Louisiana was considerably augmented, and it was reported in Mexico that the new arrivals were des- tined for the frontiers bordering on New Spain. In February, 1751, the viceroy reviewed the situation, stated that the French had already passed eighty leagues beyond the Mississippi, their true boundary, and ordered Jacinto de Barrios, the new governor of Texas, to investigate rumors of contraband trade and of the French advance. The combined reports from Louisiana and the frontiers of Texas and New Mexico in turn elicited a royal order, dated June 26, 1751, which still further crystallized interest in the boundary question. It provided that Frenchmen entering Texas or New Mexico should not be permitted to return to Louisiana under any pretext, that the viceroy should carefully watch the French, and that in case of any effort to advance they should be ordered to evacuate Natchitoches, though no force should be used, in view of the alliance between the two nations. As soon as he reached Los Adaes, in July, 1751, Barrios in- vestigated the charges of contraband trade against his pre- decessor, which were not sustained. In October he held an in- 22 The account, of Kerlerec's proposal of 1753 is based on the docu- ment entitled Pro jet de Paix et D' Alliance avec les cannecis, etc., in Journal de la Societi des Americanistes de Paris, Nouvelle SSrie, III, 67-76. For the report by Sdnchez, see his Cuarta Bepresentaoidn, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser., vol. Ill, 662-663. 70 Expansion Activities quiry regarding the boundary and the reports of the French advance. The witnesses, residents of Los Adaes, generally agreed that the true boundary was the Red River, and verified the re- ports of new military forces in Louisiana, asserting that part of them were destined for Natchitoches and Cadodachos. Their testimony regarding the operations of the French among the Indians shows clearly that Louis de Saint Denis, the younger, since 1744 had succeeded to the position of his more famous father, and was absolute master of the frontier tribes. As an illustration it was shown that in the preceding year the Indians had openly rebelled and threatened to expel the Spaniards merely because Governor Barrios had interfered with the trading opera- tions of Saint Denis. In the following year Barrios sent Manuel Antonio De Soto Vermudez among the tribes to report on the operations of the French. In attempting to go from the Nasoni to the Nadote village, where Saint Denis had a trading post, he was driven back by the Nadote chief. Immediately after De Soto left, an assembly of five hundred warriors gathered at the Nadote village and threatened to massacre all the Spaniards on the frontier, but they were calmed by Saint Denis. ^^ Meanwhile a junta general was held in Mexico, in September, 1752, to consider the question of the Texas border. It debated the establishment of a garrison on the San Pedro River, recom- mended by Barrios, to watch the French, the sending of an engineer to mark the Texas-Louisiana boundary, the raising of the Los Adaes presidio to the rank of that of Vera Cruz, and the assembling of documents to determine whether the Mississippi River or the Red was the true international boundary. All of these points except the last were decided in the negative, but Governor Barrios was ordered to investigate the boundary ques- ts See Testimo. de Autos de Fesquisa sobre comercio TUoito y Demas que expresa el Superior Despaoho que esta por caveza de ellos. (B6xar Archives, Adaes, 1739-1755); an expediente concerning the investigation made by De Soto Vermlidez (Archivo General y Publico, Eistoria, vol. 299; also in Provincias Internas, vol. 181). The Boundary Question Beopened 71 tion further, and to expel the French from any territory they might have usurped, if possible without using force. In February, 1753, Barrios made the required investigation. Twelve witnesses were examined. They generally agreed that the Red River was the true boundary, but their testimony showed that since 1736 Arroyo Hondo or Gran Montana had been the accepted limit. The land usurped by the French was stated to be a stone's throw or a gunshot in width. It is clear, there- fore, that while the higher authorities were debating between the Red and the Mississippi rivers as the boundary, to the frontier residents the only matter of doubt was between Red River and Arroyo Hondo or Gran Montaiia. Just at the time when Barrios was making his investigation, Cesar de Blanc, commander at Natchitoches, wrote to protest against a rumored plan of Barrios to establish a presidio at the Nadote village, and to state that the boundary must be left in statu quo luitil the two sovereigns should determine it. In reply Barrios told Blanc that his pro- test was ill-founded and his advice unnecessary. To Barrios the results of his investigation seemed incon- clusive, but he reported that the Spaniards of the frontier were at the mercy of the French, since at a word, in case of war, the Indians would massacre them all, which was probably the case. He therefore again urged the establishment of a presidio on the San Pedro, asserted the necessity of competing with the French in the Indian trade, and asked permission, in case of war, to offer freedom to all slaves absconding from Louisiana, as an off- set against the Indian allies of the French. Such was the situation on the Texas and New Mexico borders at the end of 1753. In January, 1754, it was decided to send the last two French intruders, Chapuis and Feuille, to Spain. Immediately afterward (January 21-22) another junta assem- bled, and considered matters in the light of Barrios 's report. It was decided not to try to expel the French from Natchitoches, since there was doubt as to whether the Red River or Gran Mon- 72 Expansion Activities tana was the boundary ; not to plant the San Pedro garrison with- out more information ; and not to grant Barrios 's request regard- ing slaves, because it was neither ' ' advantageous nor decorous. ' ' On the other hand, Barrios was again instructed to keep watch that the French should not overstep their boundaries ; to order Saint Denis to withdraw his commission to the Nadote chief; to require the commander of Natchitoches to recall French inter- preters from the Indian villages on Spanish soil; and to "prevent the commerce of the French with the Indians of Texas, observing what the governor of New Mexico had practiced in the matter, with the idea of preventing the Indians from communicating with them." In response to the report of the junta of January, 1754, the king of Spain issued an instruction to the viceroy (July 30, 1755) in which he stated that "boundaries between Spaniards and French in that region have never been a subject of treaty, nor is it best at present." But as a preparation for such a meas- ure, or any other, he ordered the viceroy to employ engineer Don Agustin de Camara Alta, whom he had just sent to Mexico for the purpose, to make a map of northern New Spain, from Louisiana to the Pacific Ocean, in order to determine "the con- fines and distances." Since a detailed study of the whole fron- tier would be a matter of years, he was ordered to make an exact map only of "the situation of the province of Texas, that of the Rio Colorado and its borders, the presidio of Nachitoos which the French possess, and the provinces intervening as far as Mexico, ' ' estimating the rest of the district as far as California.^* The decision of the junta in Mexico bore fruit also in the arrest by Governor Barrios, in the fall of 1754, of Blancpain and 24 Testimonio de Autos fechos en Virtud de Superior Decreto . . . a S6 de Sepre, de 175S, etc. (B6xar Archives, Adaes, 1739-1755); Instruccidn Beservada que trajo el Marquis de las Amarillas, July 30, 1755, in In- strucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana Vejaron a sus sucesores, pp. 96-97; Expediente sobre la aprehencion . . . de ires Franceses, y dos Negros, etc. (Archive General de Indias, Seville, Guadalajara, 103- 106-123). The Lower Trinity Fortified 73 his associates. Thus the whole French border question, from California to the mouth of the Trinity, was bound together. Barrios reported Blancpain 's intrusion to the viceroy, and, as a means of defense, recommended establishing on the Trinity a presidio, a mission, and a civil settlement, the latter to be re- cruited at Los Adaes and given the usual subsidy assigned to new colonies. At the same time, he sent Domingo del Rio to the Trinity to make a new investigation. Del Rio reporting, when he returned, that other Frenchmen had been among the Orcoquiza since Blancpain 's arrest, in the summer of 1755 the governor sent a temporary garrison of soldiers to the danger point. Blancpain 's examination before the viceroy was held in the royal hall of confessions in February, 1755. For a year, how- ever, nothing was accomplished by the superior government but to discuss and refer the matter back and forth. Barrios 's pro- posal went in the course of the spring and summer to the fiscal, the auditor, and a junta de guerra, but no agreement could be reached. The controversy turned upon the size of the garrison and the question of subsidizing the proposed colony. It was mainly a matter of expense. The arrest of Blancpain and the establishment of the Spanish garrison on the Trinity called forth a protest from Kerlerec, governor of Louisiana, who laid claim to the site in the name of the Most Christian King. This important phase of the matter be- ing reported by Barrios in September, the case was again taken up in Mexico. But another delay was now caused by a change of viceroys, and when the Marques de las Amarillas arrived at the end of 1755 the question of the defence of the lower Trinity was still demanding attention. Amarillas took the matter up promptly, however, and in a junta of February 4, 1756, it was settled, mainly in accord with the opinions of Barrios and of Valcarcel, now the auditor, who, like Altamira, his predecessor, was a strong believer in civil colonies and in the elimination of the soldiery as soon as possible. "74 Expansion Activities The junta, whose views were approved by the viceroy, recom- mended a garrison of thirty soldiers and a mission, both to be established for the present on the site of Blancpain 's arrest. As soon as possible a permanent site must be selected for the presidio and mission, and for a subsidized colony of fifty families, half of Spaniards and half of Tlasealtecan Indians, both classes to be enlisted at Saltillo. At the end of six years the presidio was to be suppressed, the soldiers remaining as citizen colonists. The mission was to be conducted by Franciscan friars of the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas. Barrios was ordered to proceed at once to found mission and presidio, select the permanent site, and report upon the subsidy required. In the summer of 1756, by royal appointment, Barrios was made governor of Coahuila, and Don Angel Martos Navarrete governor of Texas, but in order that Barrios might complete the work already begun, the two appointments were temporarily in- terchanged, and Barrios was in consequence retained in Texas three more years. The governor at once set about founding the presidio, which was established by midsummer, 1756. The soldiers were re- cruited mainly at Los Adaes, and Domingo del Rio was made lieutenant in command. In honor of the viceroy the presidio was named San Agustin de Ahumada. At the same time Barrios, aided by Father Romero, of the mission of Los Ais, took the pre- liminary steps toward founding the new mission of Nuestra Sefiora de la Luz. Before the end of January, 1757, Fathers Bruno Chavira and Marcos Satereyn arrived from Zacatecas to take charge of the work.^'' Meanwhile extensive explorations were made on the Trinity and on the San Jacinto for a permanent location, and in August, 1756, the governor and the missionaries agreed upon a site at the Arroyo of Santa Rosa del Alcazar. In January it was approved 25 Hierro, Informe. This account contains some important data which I have not seen elsewhere. Presidio and Mission Founded 75 by the viceroy, and orders were given for the transfer of the mission, there to reduce both the Oreoquiza and the Bidai. At the same time the presidio was ordered transferred, on condition that each week a squad of soldiers be sent to El Oreoquisac to look for French intruders. But the Indians at El Oreoquisac opposed the transfer, and it was not made. Missionary work was continued, therefore, at the original site, and the presidio re- mained unmoved. On the recommendation of Barrios, the government appro- priated $30,000 for equipping and transporting the prospective colonists, and ordered three swivel guns for the defence of the presidio, to take the place of the cannon which had been bor- rowed from Los Adaes. The actual work of recruiting and trans- porting the families from Saltillo was entrusted by Barrios to Diego Giraud, a merchant of Mexico. Up to this point the prospect had seemed good for a much- needed new civil colony in eastern Texas. But now ensued a period of disheartening inactivity, flimsy excuse-making, and pernicious quarrelling which in the end killed the entire pro- ject. The plan for a colony had originated with Barrios, who, until June, 1757, had appeared favorable toward it. But from that time forward he changed front. His opposition took the form of procrastination, which he defended on the ground of the lack of a suitable permanent location. Although he had ap- proved the site of Santa Rosa, in October, supported by President Vallejo, he denounced it, saying that he had been deceived by Bernardo de Miranda, his surveyor. Instead of Santa Eosa, Barrios proposed a site called El Atascosito, on the Trinity above El Oreoquisac. Early in 1758 Father Caro, now missionary at El Oreoquisac, supported by Father Vallejo, demanded the re- moval of the mission, preferably to El Atascosito, alleging the terrible unhealthfulness of the present location, which, indeed, had caused the death of Father Chavira. In response Barrios went to El Atascosito, selected a site, and ordered crops planted 76 Expansion Activities and a new presidio erected. At the same time, he reported to the government that none of the places recommended would support a colony of flfty families. For some unknown reason the last essay at removal was not effective. Twice more in 1758 Barrios was ordered to seek a permanent site and make the trans- fer, but when he left the province, in 1759, the removal had not been made. "When Martos y Navarrete came, early in 1759, he in turn set aboiit moving the mission and the presidio. Together with Father Abad, now in charge of the mission, he visited Santa Rosa and El Atascosito, but decided against them both. Instead, he favored either Los Horconsitos or Los Pielagos, two places a few leagues above the presidio. But Father Abad, perhaps reflecting the wishes of his neophytes, now opposed the transfer, saying that the fault was not with the site but with the laziness of the soldiers and the unfitness of Del Eio, the commander, and that the buildings and crops, secured at great cost, should not be lightly abandoned. Martos now recommended still another site, and President Vallejo, in spite of Father Abad's objection, de- clared the removal imperative. But still the matter dragged on ; during the ensuing years various endeavors were made to transfer the mission and the presidio, but the removal was never made. Meanwhile, in December, 1759, Governor Martos had asked to be relieved of responsibility for founding the colony. In the following year the request was provisionally granted, until a permanent site should be chosen. Since a site was never agreed upon, the project for the colony went by default. The usual difficulty of the struggling frontier province was to get funds to provide for its needs. But in this instance, after an appro- priation of $30,000 had been made by the authorities, the gov- ernor was either unwilling or too shiftless to take advantage of it. International interest in the new Spanish settlement con- tinued. Governor Kerlerec's protest at the occupation of the A 'New Boundary Dispute 11 lower Trinity was followed by other correspondence. Kerlerec maintained that only with difficulty had he been able to prevent the Attacapa Indians from destroying the Spanish settlement, and proposed a joint commission to consider the question of ownership of the soil. Barrios, of course, refused the proffered aid, and to his superiors he expressed the fear that Kerlerec intended to establish a post near San Agustin. Kerlerec likewise carried the matter to his home government. News of this step reaching the viceroy, in 1757 he proposed the erection of a pre- sidio on the west bank of the Mississippi, opposite New Orleans, "to protect the boundaries." The map which he sent with his proposal shows Texas as extending to the Mississippi. Disputes over the boundary continued, in provincial circles at least, until after the Louisiana cession. The establishment of the presidio on the Trinity had greatly disturbed the French traders, but they continued, nevertheless, to operate. Some of them even asked permission to settle at San Agustin, but the request was emphatically refused. In 1759 it was reported that they were trading at the mouth of the Brazos and preparing to establish a post there. In the following year Saint Denis was accused of having formed a plot to induce the Indians to destroy San Agustin. The charge was not completely substantiated, but the investigation brought out damaging evi- dence.^' ' Of the internal history of the mission of Nuestra Senora de la Luz during all these troublous times, we have, unfortunately, only very incomplete data, and yet we are able to ascertain the general character of its career. Whatever chance for real pros- perity it might have had was destroyed by the continued uncer- tainty regarding a change of site and by the boisterous career of the nearby presidio. As was usually the case at new missions, at the outset the Indians were friendly, and they aided the 28 DiKgrens. Praotieadas, 1755; Test, del Diotamen de Valaarcel, Oct. 11, 1755. 78 Expansion Activities fathers in the construction of buildings and the planting of crops. Until 1758 the missionaries worked without the cus- tomary ayuda de casta, or initial subsidy, and had to depend for support on the governor." In June, 1757, Father Chavira died from the unhealthfulness of the place, and his companion sought asylum at Los Adaes. In the following year two new mission- aries were sent from the College, provided with the necessary outfit. By the time of Chavira 's death the mission had com- pleted a fairly substantial wooden church, plastered with clay and moss. Later this structure was replaced by a better one. The Indians were docile as a rule, but there is no evidence that they ever actually submitted to mission discipline of the kind en- forced at San Antonio and .on the Rio Grande, 4. The Apache missions, and the war with the northern tribes}^ — Of far more importance to the actual settlers in Texas than all the efforts to check the encroachments of wandering French traders were the endeavors of the missionaries and secu- lars to stem the depredations of the Apache. For a quarter of a century the principal means employed to this end had been war. That agency now for a time gave way to an attempt to reduce the hostile tribe to mission life. By 1743 several pro- posals had been made by the Texas missionaries looking toward 27 Hierro, Informe; Bonilla, Breve Compendia, in Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, VIII, 57; Declaration of Calzones Colorados, Jan. 2, 1765; La Fora, Nicolas, Belacidn del Viaje, entries for Oct. 8-9; Papeles pertenecientes at Orcoquiza; Testimonio de la Declaracion que Mcieron los principales Indios de la Nacion Orcoquiza ante Bon Marcos Suiz, 1765. 28 This section is based mainly upon two scholarly monographs by William Edward Dunn, namely, "Missionary Activities Among the East- ern Apaches Previous to the Pounding of the San Sab4 Mission," Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, XV, 186-200; and "The Apache Mission on the San SabS, Biver; its Founding and its Failure," South- western Historical Quarterly, XVI, 379-414. Those studies were based mainly on manuscript materials gathered by the present writer and con- tained in his collection. Much of value has been found also in Morfi's Memorias, and Arricivita's Crdnica Serdfica. A brief sketch of the his- tory of the San 8ab4 mission is given in Fray Francisco Palou, Eelaoidn Histdrica de la Vida y Apostdlicas Tareas del Venerable Padre Fray Juni- pero Serra, etc. (Mexico, 1787), 40-43. 5. Map of the Eio Grande region, 1729, by Don Francisco Alvarez Barreyro, chief engineer of Texas, based on the expedition of Brigadier Don Pedro de Rivera Villalon. Original 51x41ienim. Archive General de Indias, 67-4-4 (5). Hitherto unpublished. "The Devil a Saint Would Be" 79 the conversion of the Eastern Apache, but with little result. The heavy pressure which the Comanche then began to exert upon the Apache had made them more friendly toward the Spaniards, and led to new proposals for missions. Another incentive, ap- pealing to other Spaniards than the friars, was now furnished by rumors of rich mineral deposits in the Llano Eiver country.-" The government was moved, in addition, by a desire to advance the frontier into the wide vacant space between San Antonio and Santa Fe, and to establish communication between Texas and New Mexico. In 1749, after the Natages had murdered Father Silva and a party of companions, an elaborate treaty of peace was cele- brated at San Antonio with the Lipan, who renewed their re- quests for missions, asking to be permitted to enter those at San Antonio. Father Mariano de los Dolores, then in charge in the absence of Fathe Santa Ana, proposed establishing the peti- tioners temporarily on the Guadalupe River, urging haste to prevent them from seeking communication with the French through the Cadodacho. Captain Urrutia supported the pro- posal, but through the influence of the Marques de Altamira, the auditor, action was deferred, to await further information. Father Santa Ana, who was at the time in Mexico City, made a different proposal. He urged founding missions for the Apache on the Pedernales Eiver, the gateway to the Apacheria, removing thither the presidio of San Antonio, and founding nearby a pueblo of Spaniards. But when, to the displeasure of Father Santa Ana, the matter was referred back to San Antonio for investigation, it was strongly opposed by both Father Mariano and the junta called to consider it. These conflicting views again delayed action in Mexico.^" 28 Dunn, Apache Belat'ons in Texas, 255-258; Dunn, Missionary Activi- ties Among the Eastern Apaches, 188; Arrieivita, Cronica Serdfica y Apos- tolioa, 338 et seq. 30 Dunn, Missionary Activities, 189-196; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. VIII, paragraphs 35^7; Bk. IX, paragraphs 3-4. 80 Expansion Activities Another step toward an Apache rrjission was taken in 1754. As a result of recent treaties made by the Coahuila authorities with the Natages and other Apache bands, they asked for a mission near San Juan Bautista, and through the efforts of Gov- ernor Pedro de Rabago and of President Alonso Giraldo de Ter- reros, of the College of Santa Cruz, a mission named San Lorenzo was founded in December, near San Fernando de Austria, eigh- teen leagues west of San Juan Bautista. It was put in charge of Fray Martin Garcia, formerly a worker in Texas. Some of the neophytes were Indians who had asked for missions at San An- tonio. For a time the mission prospered, but in less than a year the Indians revolted, burned all the buildings, and deserted. This failure promoted the plan for missions in the Lipan's own country. ^^ Meanwhile Fathers Santa Ana and Dolores continued their efforts; interest in the reports of minerals in the Llano River country increased; and Captain Rabago, late in 1754, as we have seen, proposed moving the San Xavier presidio and mission to the San Saba or to the Florido River, where he had formerly made explorations. As a result of this growing interest three new expeditions were made to the Apache country between 1753 and 1756. In June and July, 1753, Lieutenant Galvan and Fray Miguel Aranda, under orders from the viceroy, and with a company raised at San Antonio, explored the Pedernales, Chanas (Llano) and San Saba rivers, in search of a mission site, finding a highly desirable one on the San Saba. This exploration was immediately followed by two or more expeditions by citizens of San Antonio to look for mines at a place called Cerro del Almagre, near the mouth of the Llano River. In December of the following year Captain Rabago and Father Joseph Lopez, in response to an order by the viceroy, went to explore more minutely the site on the San Saba selected by Galvan and 31 Dunn, Missionary Activities, 196-200; MS records consulted by the present writer in the archives of Saltillo, Mexico. Discovery of the Los Almagres Mines 81 Aranda.'^ On his return Rabago repeated his former recom- mendation with added emphasis. Early in 1756 Bernardo de Miranda, under orders from Governor Barrios, investigated the rumored mineral riches in the Llano River country. ' The expedition made by Miranda is of especial interest, in view of the fame which in later days became attached to the so- called San Saba or Bowie Mine, which Miranda now opened. The presence of silver in the hill country north of San Antonio had long been vaguely known and frequently discussed. The recent explorations of Galvan and Rabago had increased interest in the matter. The current report was that near the upper reaches of the Colorado there were two rich deposits called Los Almagres, referring to the red hematite in which the metal was found. One of the deposits was the Cerro del Almagre near the Llano River. The larger of the veins, called El Almagre Grande, was reported to be the farther away, and in or near the Comanche country. To explore these minerals more thoroughly Governor Barrios sent Bernardo de Miranda from Los Adaes with four soldiers in November, 1755. At San Antonio Miranda added to his party twelve soldiers, five citizens, some peons, and an Indian interpreter, and on Februarj 17 he set out. For eight days he proceeded north and Qorthwest, going sixty leagues and crossing streams which he called the Alarcon or Guadalupe, Blanco, San Antonio de Ahu- mada, Pedernales, San Miguelito, and San Miguel. The last- 32 Dunn, The Apache Mission on the San Sabd Biver, 381-384; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. IX, paragraphs 38-39; Arricivita, Cronica, 358. Rabago was accompanied from San Xavier by Father L6pez. From San Antonio he took twenty-five men, including Indians. Going essentially over Galvan 's trail to the San Saba, he explored and approved the site, called Paso de la Cruz, returning by a more westward route. On the Llano he examined some mineral deposits. He reached San Antonio on January 8 and San Xavier on the 17th, having travelled 263 leagues. On January 30 he made a long report to the viceroy, strongly urging the removal of the San Xavier establishments to the San Sab&. Testimonio de las Autos hechos sohre la Beduccion de los Yndios Gentiles de la Nacion Apache, y establecimiento de el Precidio de San Said. 82 Expansion Activities named arroyo was the modern Honey Creek, a branch of the lower Llano River. A fourth of a league north of the San Miguel he reached Cerro del Almagre, which he named San Joseph del Alcazar. Here a shallow shaft was opened and sam- ples of ore taken out. In the neighborhood the five citizens ac- companying Miranda denounced ten claims. A short distance above the mine Miranda explored Honey Creek Cove, of which he gave a graphic description. From Cerro del Almagre he explored westward ten leagues, then eastward down Honey Creek to the Chanas (Llano), down that stream to the Colorado, and some distance above the junction. Having accomplished every- thing possible under the circumstances, on March 4 Miranda set out for San Antonio, which he had reached by the 10th. On the way he explored the springs and arroyo of San Antonio de Ahumada and concluded that it was a good site for a settlement. While in the region of El Almagre he had been unable to find a single Indian, but on the Guadalupe he now met an Apache who gave him glowing reports of silver deposits six days above the Llano in the Comanche country. On March 29 Miranda sent his report to Governor Barrios, saying that "the mines of Cerro del Almagre are so numerous . . . that I pledge myself to give all the inhabitants of the province of Texas one each, without anyone being prejudiced in the measurements. ' ' In July Governor Barrios forwarded Miranda's report to the viceroy, together with the samples of ore, and Miranda him- self went to Mexico to arouse interest in the mines. At the capital the ore was given for assay to two rich mine-owners of Pachuca, Don Pedro de Terreros and Don Manuel de Aldaco. In January they reported that the small samples had proved very rich and that the prospects were very bright, but recom- mended, to make sure, that thirty mule loads of ore be sent for assay to Mazapil, a mining town between Zacateeas and Saltillo. Miranda meanwhile was busy promoting interest in Los Al- magres, as the mineral veins were collectively called. On Feb- Miranda Becomes Mine Promoter 83 ruary 15 he addressed the viceroy, giving further details of his discoveries, all of which were favorable. One of the deposits, in the Comanche country and inaccessible, he declared, on hear- say, to be not mere ore but pure silver. To make further explora- tions and to take the suggested thirty cargoes of ore to Mazapil, Miranda offered his services free, on condition that the govern- ment should bear the expense and furnish soldiers, or that, in case the mines proved profitable, he should be made captain of the presidio established to protect it. Appointing as his agent the Mexican merchant named Diego Giraud, previously men- tioned., Miranda returned to Texas, and engaged in the explora- tion of the lower Trinity River, where Barrios was trying to found a colony. After much discussion and further correspond- ence with Terreros, in November, 1757, the viceroy granted Miranda's request. But nothing further came of the project for the time being for reasons which will be made manifest by the following history of the missionary plans. ^' While Miranda was exploring the Llano country, discus- sion of Rabago's proposal to move the San Xavier establish- ments had been taking place in Mexico, and on February 27, 1756, the matter was considered in a junta general. It was urged that the Eastern Apache were now friendly; that there was danger of French influence among them; that a presidio in the San 33 This account is based on the original reports of the survey, entitled Autos Fechos a consulta de Don Jacinto Barrios y Jauregui, Goiemador de la Provincia de Tejas, sobre Saber Deseuhierto en el Faraje Nombrado Los Almagres unos Minerales. A transcript has been in my possession for a number of years. Another copy of these autos, made from the original in Mexico, September 30, 1763, is contained in Archive General de Indias, Mejico, 92-6-22. Of the latter a transcript was secured for the writer by Mr. W. E. Dunn. In 1907 the present writer, with Miranda's report in hand, and accompanied by J. Farley, of Dallas, beyond question identi- fied the mine opened by Miranda with the Boyd Shaft, near Honey Creek Cove. From Miranda's diary his route is easily traced from San Antonio to Honey Creek, and his description of Honey Creek Cove and the surrounding country is remarkable for its accuracy and its graphic quality. On the basis of the writer's identification the Los Almagres Mining Company was formed and purchased about seventeen hundred acres of land round about Boyd Shaft. 84 Expansion Activities Saba country would make it possible to open up the new mineral district of Los Almagres, and to establish commerce and com- munication with New Mexico. Finally, it was urged, the San Xavier establishments were useless where they were. The result was that Rabago's suggestions were adopted almost bodily. The San Xavier presidio, the junta proposed, should be increased to one hundred soldiers, and moved, with the missionaries, to San Saba River, where three missions should be established, the few neophytes from San Xavier now at San Marcos being sent to the San Antonio missions. In a despatch of May 18 the vice- roy ordered these recommendations carried out.'* Before this despatch was issued a munificent gift had been offered to the viceroy for the support of Apache missions, an event which greatly enlarged the prospects for frontier expan- sion. The offer came from Don Pedro de Terreros, who had become interested in the Los Almagres mine, and who was a cousin of Fray Alonso Giraldo. In its first form the offer was to support all the Apache missions which might be founded, up to twenty, for a period of three years, at an expense not exceed- ing $150,000. After four months of negotiation, an arrange- ment was effected by which the number of missions was unlimited. The missions were to be founded alternately by friars of the colleges of Santa Cruz de Queretaro and San Fernando de Mexico, and of the whole enterprise Fray Alonso G-iraldo de Terreros was to be made superior. The missions were to be protected by the presidio of one hundred soldiers already pro- vided for, at royal expense. As a result of the new arrange- ment, the missionaries from San Xavier were released from their obligation to go to the San Saba and were ordered to their col- lege. As a reward for the munificent gift, Terreros was made Conde de Regla. Meanwhile Captain Pedro de Rabago had died, and Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla was put in his stead, with 84 Dunn, The Apache Mission on the San Sabd Biver, 384-387; Morfl, Memorias, Bk. IX, paragraph 41; Arricivita, 365-366. Bon Pedro's Pious Gift 85 orders to add to the San Xavier garrison twenty-two soldiers from the San Antonio presidio and twenty-seven new recruits. In December, 1756, Parrilla and the missionaries reached San Antonio with their outfit. Father Terreros brought with him Friars Joachin de Banos and Diego Ximenez, from his own college, and Friars Jose Santiesteban and Juan Andres from the College of San Fernando. At Saltillo nine Tlascaltecan families were obtained to serve as teachers of the prospective neophytes. In San Antonio and vicinity a whole winter was passed in further preparation. In the meantime Parrilla re- moved the San Xavier garrison from the San Marcos and aided Fray Mariano in formally establishing a mission on the Guada- lupe River for the remaining San Xavier neophytes. At San An- tonio conferences were held with delegations of Apache. From the surrounding country fourteen hundred head of cattle and seven hundred sheep were assembled for the new undertaking. As a means of securing better pasturage and, perhaf)s, for other reasons, in March, 1757, the stock and nearly the whole outfit were moved to the San Marcos, whence the garrison had recently been withdrawn. ' Meanwhile discord reigned at San Antonio. Fray Mariano, who through the Terreros gift had been supplanted in the Apache enterprise by Fray Alonso, complained because the new mission on the Guadalupe River was not allowed to participate in the endowment. On the other hand, Parrilla, who was skeptical of success, was charged by Fray Alonso with unnecessary and pur- poseful delay in setting out with the expedition.^^ 35 Dunn, The Apache Mission, 387-395 ; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. X, para- graphs 1-25, 36; Arrieivita, 366-367; Testimonio de los Autos fhos a pedimento de Don Pedro Somero de Terreros sre que se le admita la ohligacion, que haze de mantener de todo lo necessario las Missiones, que se fundaren en los Confines, y terminos de la Governazion de Coahuila sigitiendo el rumho del Norte Vajo de las oondisiones, que Expressa. Q"". So. A. This document contains the offer of Terreros as submitted by the viceroy to the fiscal on July 10. 86 Expansion Activities In April the start was finally made. Leaving most of the supplies on the San Marcos, Parrilla returned to San Antonio, went to the San Saba River by the direct route through the hill country, and there, near the present Menardville, located the set- tlement, where Galvan and Rabago had already selected sites. On the north bank of the river the presidio of San Luis de las AmariUas was planted, and three miles below on the south bank the first mission, called Santa Cruz, was founded. In a short time fairly substantial buildings and stockades were under way at both establishments. The presidio settlement comprised some three or four hundred persons, over two hundred of whom were women and children.^" When the caravan first arrived no Indians were in sight, but through various embassies there was assembled in June a throng of some three thousand Lipans. They were not on mission bent, however, but were on their way to a buffalo hunt, and to attack their northern enemies; and they departed on these errands in spite of all efforts to detain them. Other bands which came and went were equally unwilling to remain in the mission, though they made many promises.^'' Parrilla was soon thoroughly convinced that the whole pro- ject was impossible, and he proposed moving the presidio to the Llano River to protect the Los Almagres mines, letting the missionaries work from there if they chose. Most of the mis- sionaries also despaired, and in the course of a few months three of them departed, leaving Fathers Terreros, Santiesteban, and Molina, the last-named having arrived in January. But at San Saba Father Terreros, and in Mexico Don Pedro and the viceroy, loath to give up so brilliant a plan, held on with stubborn tenaeity.^^ 30 Dunn, The Apache Mission, 396-397; Arrioivita, 368-369. s^ Dunn, iUd., 397-399; Arricivita, 369-370. 88 Dunn, ibid., 399-401; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. X, paragraphs 27-28. The Massacre at San_Sa'ba 87 The fact seems to be that the Apache were mortally afraid to settle at the mission, on account of the hostility of their northern enemies. That this fear was justified the outcome proved. After many disquieting rumors, in March, 1758, the Comanche and their allies appeared, to the number, it was estimated, of at least two thousand, mounted on horses, and carrying French weapons. After committing minor depredations, on the 16th of the month they treacherously attacked the settlement, killing Fathers Ter- reros and Santiesteban and six other persons at the mission, be- sides two members of a rescue party sent from the presidio. ^^ The principal cause of the assault was clearly the hostility be- tween the northerners and the Apache, and the feeling that by establishing the mission the Spaniards had become the allies of the latter. The northerners were also attracted no doubt by the fine opportunity for plunder afforded by the mission stores and the well-stocked ranches. The Spaniards firmly believed, more- over, that the French were guilty of complicity in the outrage.*" Three days after the attack an appeal for help, carried by a courier, reached San Antonio, and nineteen men were sent from there at once. Alarm was not confined to San Saba, but spread rapidly to the other settlements of Texas, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon. The little mission on the Guadalupe Eiver was forthwith abandoned. At San Antonio, where Captain Urrutia was now left with only a handful of soldiers, there were wild rumors of oncoming hordes, to which was added fear of an up- rising of the neophytes of the nearby missions. To prevent an- nihilation Urrutia sent appeals for help to the viceroy and to all of the principal settlements of Texas and Coahuila. The news of the attack reached Governor Barrios at Nacogdoches, and he. 39 Dunn, The Apache Mission, 401-408; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. X, para- graphs 34-47; Arricivita, 375-378. *oDunn, ibid., 413; Morfi, ibid., paragraph 34. Concerning the attack on San Sab^, preparation for, and the conduct of the Parrilla expedition, Mr. Dunn has unearthed a wealth of new documents in the Arehivo de Indias, of which through his generous aid I have secured transcripts. As yet, however, they have not been thoroughly studied. 88 Expansion Activities giving up a journey to Orcoquisac, hastened with a small squad to the defence of San Antonio, but was turned back by floods. The viceroy, in turn, sent hurried despatches to the frontier gar- risons, asking for aid, but in view of the general fright every- where on the frontier, assistance was slow in being sent."*^ Parrilla now again proposed that the San Saba project be abandoned, and suggested that the presidio be moved to the San Marcos, to the Guadalupe, or to Los Almagres. At the same time he offered to conduct a campaign to punish the northern tribes for their outrage. These matters being considered in a junta in Mexico in June, removal from the San Saba was strongly op- posed, as a confession of cowardice, and continued missionary efforts were planned. On the other hand, Parrilla 's proposal of a campaign was regarded with favor. With renewed efforts in view, Don Pedro de Terreros was urged to provide funds, and the colleges to send new missionaries. Don Pedro consented. Accordingly, Fray Francisco Aparieio and Fray Pedro Parras were appointed for the College of Santa Cruz, and Fray Junipero Serra. and Fray Francisco Palou for the College of San Fernando. To avoid imnecessary risk, the missionaries were urged to live at the presidio. The mission on the Guadalupe was ordered suppressed, but this was unnecessary for it had already been abandoned.*^ Because of new disasters at San Saba, missionary plans were changed, and Fathers Serra and Palou were not sent to Texas. This change deprived the province of two unusual men. Later they both went to Alta California, of whose missions Serra became the illustrious founder and Palou the distinguished his- torian. To malte plans for the proposed campaign. Colonel Parrilla was instructed to call a conference of the leading men of the frontier. It met at San Antonio in January, 1759. Its mem- *i Dunn, The Apache Mission, 408-413. *2 Morfi, Memorias, Bk. X, paragraphs 48, 49, .51; Arrieivita, 379-380. Palou, Belacidn Histdrica, 40-43. Colonel Parrilld's Campaign 89 bers were Barrios and Martos, governors of Coahuila and Texas, Colonel Parrilla, and Lieutenant Eca y Musquiz, now com- mander at San Antonio in place of Captain Urrutia. Grovernor Martos presided. The recommendations made by the junta re- veal the slender defences of the frontier, and the long distances from which troops had to be taken for even a small military enterprise. After due deliberation it was proposed that for the campaign thirty presidials and fifty mission Indians should be raised in Texas, in addition to the San Saba garrison, one him- dred and ninety men in Coahuila, eighty-two in San Luis Potosi and Chareas, fifty in Parras, twenty-five in the Sierra Gorda, and one hundred in Nuevo Leon. These troops must be ready to report at San Antonio by the first of June. Each man must be supplied with two horses, the militia serving at a peso and the Indian allies at half a peso a day. The estimated cost of the campaign was 53,000 pesos. In April the plan thus outlined at San Antonio was approved by a junta in Mexico City.*^ A new attack of the northerners on San Saba in March, in which nineteen persons were killed and seven hundred and fifty horses stolen, was a fresh cause for urging haste, but it was the middle of August before the expedition was ready to leave San Antonio. When finally assembled, the company consisted of about three hundred and eighty militiamen and presidials, ninety mission Indians, thirty Tlesealtecos, evidently from Saltillo, and one hundred and thirty-four Apache allies — over six hundred men in all.** They were supplied with several cannon. Going to San Saba and then northeast, for one hundred and fifty leagues the way was unimpeded, for the enemy had fled from their rancherias. At that distance a Tonkawa village was encountered, attacked, and defeated, fifty-five warriors being *3 Morfi, Memorias, Bk. X, paragraphs 52-56; Arricivita, 381. ** These were the respective numbers provided for, but Parrilla com- plained that some of the contingents were short. (Testimonio de los Auttos fhos a consulta del Coronel D". Diego Ortiiz Parrilla . . . en g«. da cwentta de los sucessos de la Campana, etc. Quad"". 5. 90 Expansion Activities killed and one hundred and forty-nine persons captured. Not satisfied with this success, Parrilla continued northeast until, on October 7, he reached the Taovayas villages on the Eed River, in the neighborhood of the present Ringgold. Here he was surprised to find a large body of Indians intrenched behind a strong stock- ade with breastworks, flying a French flag, and skillfully using French weapons and tactics. For four hours the Spaniards sus- tained an attack by Indians from both within and without the fortress. Two swivel guns were trained on the stronghold, but near nightfall Parrilla withdrew with a loss of fifty-two men, having inflicted an equal loss upon the Indians. Desertions hav- ing begun, it was decided in a council to retreat that night, leaving the two cannon and extra baggage behind. The enemy pursued most of the way to San Saba, and in spite of all that Parrilla could do the retreat became a route. The presidio was reached on October 25, after a march of seventeen days. This repulse was long regarded as a disgrace to the Spanish arms.^^ 45 Morfi, Memorias, Bk. X, pars. 67-71; Arrioivita, 381-382. At 1 p.m. on the 7th the vanguard was attacked by a body of Indians, who retreated through the timber separating the prairie from the river. The Spaniards, pursuing, suddenly found themselves in front of the fortified village, ' ' a pueblo formed of high thatched oval-shaped houses, surrounded by a stockade and a ditch, the road leading to it being surrounded in the same way, since it is culebrado, with the opening at the very river . . . and all the stockade on that side surmounted by Indians armed with muskets. ' ' Nearby were large and well fenced fields devoted to the raising of maize, beans, calabashes, and melons. Behind the Taovayas town was the camp of the Comanche allies. Outside the stockade the warriors, on horseback, were attended each by two footmen carrying and loading extra guns. In the skirmish the Spaniards killed a leading chieftain, and claimed renown for it afterward. "This heathen captain bore himself all the time during which the battle raged from one side to the other with well ordered valor and extreme dexterity in the man- agement of horse and arms, those which he used being the lance and fusils, which the footmen or servants furnished him. He had a shield of white buckskin and a helmet of the same, with a plume of red horsehair, and he was mounted on a horse of the best qualities and properties for the mode of warfare which has been described. There were many [men] of similar qualities, but not of such unusual spirit and conduct." Par- rilla tried to rally his men, but they were apparently terror-stricken, and he found it impossible. Some estimated the number of the enemy as high as six thousand, while Parrilla reported it to be at least more than his own army (^TesUmonio de los Auttos . . . en q^. dd cuentta de los sucessos. Father Calahorra Among the Wichita 91 It was nearly twenty years before the abandoned cannon were recovered. The defeat of Parrilla was followed by a division of the authorities between two wholly incompatible policies. At San Saba the captain and the missionaries, backed by the govern- ment in Mexico, did their best to reduce the Apache to settled life. This meant continued warfare with the enemies of the Apache. In eastern Texas Governor Martos and Father Cala- horra, the veteran missionary at Nacogdoches, made efforts to restore peace with the northern tribes and to establish them in missions, even if it involved war with the Apache. Soon after the defeat of Parrilla the Tawakoni and Yscanis, two of the tribes which had taken part in the hostilities, visited Father Calahorra, asking peace, and offering to give up Spanish captives and Parrilla 's cannon. This opportunity was seized upon by Governor Martos and the missionary. With an escort furnished by the governor in September, 1760, Father Cala- horra went to the villages of the tribes named, on the upper Sabine Kiver, met an embassy from the Taovayas, and held a peace meeting. He found the Indians constructing a fortifica- tion to withstand an expected attack of the Spaniards. In the following year he repeated the journey, taking presents and con- ferring titles of honor upon the chiefs. The Taovayas were not present at this council, but Father Calahorra was told that a short distance above their village there were five French houses, established with the pretext of hunting for the Arkansas post. As a result of these visits, Calahorra and Martos proposed found- ing missions for the northern tribes and moving the San Saba presidio to the Tawakoni village or to the country between them and the Taovayas. The viceroy, being in doubt between the two opposing policies, required further investigation. Accordingly, in 1763, Father Calahorra made a third journey. He found the Indians still desirous of missions, but noted the ominous 92 Expansion Activities presence of a French flag planted there since his last visit by a trader from Cadodaehos.** News of the transfer of Louisiana, it mnst be remembered, had not yet reached Texas. The alternative policy of trying to gather the Apache in missions being adhered to by the government, nothing came of these efforts of Father Calahorra.*^ But evidence of the con- tinued good will of the northern tribes toward eastern Texas was given in 1765 when the great Taovayas chief, Byasiquiche, es- corted to Nacogdoches Antonio Trevino, whom they had cap- tured near San Saba a few months before. Byasiquiche offered *8 The villages visited in 1760 were north of the north or Lake Fork of the Sabine, near the edge of the great prairies, and therefore not far from the line between Wood and Emory counties. Leaving Nacogdoches on September 16 with seven soldiers and five citizens from Adaes, Cala- horra went to the Asinais (Hainai) village on the Angelina. Accom- panied thence by one hundred Indians they crossed the Angelina, ascended it ten leagues, went fourteen leagues northward to the Neehes, west and north one day to Arroyo Santa Barbara (evidently the small stream in northern Henderson County) ; north four leagues to a great prairie; north eight leagues to the first branch of the Sabinas; four leagues north through the prairie to the Tawakoni village, north of the second branch of the Sabinas. From there it was five days' journey to the Taovayas. The Tawakoni village was composed of fortj'-seveu houses of twelve families each, comprising two hundred and fifty war- riors. Its four chiefs were brothers. Only a street separated this vil- lage from that of the Yscanes. Crops were raised here in abundance, even for sale. One of the Tawakoni chiefs was called Hechado en la Cara. El Plechazo was the name of the Tawakoni villages found on the Brazos in- 1778 by De MeziSres. The inference is that the people were identical and that in the interim they had moved from the Sabine to the Brazos. (Calahorra y Saenz, Diario del Viage, etc., in Testimonia de los Auttos fechos a consuUta del Governador de la Provincia de Texas en que de cuentta de haverle presentado, y pedido los Yndios, que ynsultaron la Mision de Sansaba se yntteresara, e interoedieoe por ellos, a pn de que se les concediese paz, vaxo de varias condiciones, Quad"". 10 A. Most of the same documents except the diary are in Testimonio de las Diligencias praoticadas de Orn del Exmo. Sor. Marqs. de Cruillas ViBey Govor. y capi- tan Gral de la Nueva Esp". por Dn. Angt. de Marios y Navarrete (a quien se remitieron los orijinales) Govo^. y capit". de esta Nueva Esp"., digo esta Frov": de Tejas, sobre la reduceion de los Yndios Tehuacanas e yscanis a Mission. *7 That the two policies were balanced against each other is shown in Testimonio de los Autos fhos a ConsuUa del Capitan del Precidio de San Saba sobre el planteo de dos Missiones en el Valle de San Joseph, que se la augmente la Tropa a dho Prezidio, Q"". S4 A. This document contains additional data regarding Father Calahorra 's journeys. The Apache Missions on the Nueces 93' to give up Parrilla's cannon and other captives, but refused to cease war upon the Spaniards of San Saba. Trevino told of the regular trade of the French in progress at the Taovayas village; Governor Martos, in turn, promptly reported it to the viceroy with a warning,*^ for, though Louisiana now belonged to Spain, possession had not yet been taken. Meanwhile the renewed efforts to reduce the Apache to mis- sion life were in progress, and activities were soon transferred to the Nueces River. In 1760, after eight years of investigation, Captain Phelipe de Rabago was acquitted of the charges against him arising from the troubles at San Xavier, and was restored to his command, now at San Saba: Determined that Rabago should not be reinstated. Father Mariano, who was still in Texas, and still pugnacious, went to Mexico to prevent it and to fight for Parrilla's retention. Instead, however, Parrilla was made governor of Coahuila. Rabago took charge at San Saba in October, 1760, and at once set about replacing the wooden presidio by a substantial fort of stone and mortar, which was nearly completed by Novem- ber, 1761. Its remains are still to be seen at Menardville. Rabago also set about the reduction of the Apache. To this end he explored the country for new sites, held conferences with the Indians, and defended them against the Comanche by sending escorts with their hunting-parties. As a result of this friendly treatment several Lipan chiefs promised to enter missions, and Rabago appealed to Father Diego Ximenez, now president of the missions on the Rio Grande, to aid him in the work. The breach between Rabago and Father Mariano was evidently too wide to be healed, and subsequent missionary work with the Lipan was directed from the Rio Grande instead of from San Antonio. *8 Testimonio de dilixn'. practicadas sobre la debolucion que hizo de Anto. trevino el capitan principal de la nacion iagui; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. XI, paragraphs 1-6. 94 Expansion Activities Father Ximenez responded to the call, new explorations were made, a council with the Indians held, and several new missions projected. The site selected for the first one was called El Canon. It was on one of the upper branches of the Nueces, then called Rio Nuevo de San Antonio, or Rio de San Jose. Other missions were planned for the Llano and San Saba rivers. In the fall Father Ximenez returned to his mission of San Bernardino, cor- responded with his superiors, and made preparations, while Rabago assembled the Indians. In January, 1762, the captain took thirty soldiers and a band of Lipans under Chief Cabezon to Rio de San Jose, where he was met by Father Ximenez and Father Joachin Banos with supplies. On January 23 the mis- sion of San Lorenzo was founded at El Canon, and was given a garrison of twenty soldiers. A few weeks later Rabago brought another band, under Chief Turnio, for whom another mission, named Nuestra Seiiora de la Candelaria, was founded four or five leagues down the same stream, on the opposite side. The mission of San Lorenzo continued in nominal operation for about seven years and that of Candelaria for about four. But their existence was precarious and their results extremely meager. The Indians were fickle, deserted at will, and returned mainly if at all to get food and presents. For this they could hardly be blamed, for they were soon pursued to their new haunts by the northern tribes, and suffered frequent massacres in the very neighborhood of the missions.^° *9 On the subject of the Nueces River missions see Morfi, Memorias, Bk. XI, paragraphs 7-22; Arricivita, 382-389. A report on the missions dated January 25, 1763, is contained in Testimonio de los Autos fhos a Consulta del Capitan del Presidio de San Saba sobre el planteo de dos Mis- siones en el Valle de San Joseph y que se la augumente la tropa a dho Presidio. On his way from San Fernando de Austria to San Sabi in July, 1767, the Marques de Eubf passed through the El Canon settlement, of which La Fora, diarist and engineer, gives the following description: "A league to the east of said arroyo [del Cibolo] there is a gap of medium elevation through which one goes to the Valle de San Joseph, commonly called El Canon, through which runs the bed of the Rio de las Nueces, ax/,v .«/'''-'•••"' A .•cv.^v' j^::c^,cJ\.c,:'i^f--^'/'^^.y ':'■■" '^-^^ ' ^" '•■ ,^..J.,.4. I? ^^/t a. r.JLJ.^^^--^^S^ fa/.:/: >^<'^\ ^«'^ T'' '^■^■h'i'^ (yt:^^^ 'y./,r,t^ if^.B2, .iAf.t^*../^'''^/''^"'^^ P^S.^'?4/ (?tij&^a^co^ y C-^ ^^zJtj^ie y^yupja-. CSC. />* J'/la/i'^, j^^^ffran ■■ (2/^ aC^t. ' ^MO^- f ij, ...... ^ "■ley X^eyt/: ^ei Arricivita, 328-329. 10 Testimonio de diligencias, Executadas sobre los dos Bios de S". Franco. Xavier y San Andres, y demos que deltas consta, prozesadas por mi D". Jph. Joaquin de Eeay Musquiz, por Comision del Exmo. Senor Virrey de esta Nueba espana. 11 Test, de diligencias, folio 1. Musquiz's Survey 225 survey; but instead of going himself Fray Mariano delegated Father Arricivita, minister at the mission San Ildefbnso.^^ By June 30 Musquiz had reached the San Xavier River set- tlement, for on that day, in an exhorto dated at Mission San Ilde- fonso, he notified Father Arricivita to be ready on the morrow to help begin the survey.^^ Work was got actually under way on July 2, and began with administering to each of the commis- sioners an oath to perform his duty honestly and without bias. The survey was begun at the junction of the San Xavier River and Arroyo de las Animas — ^the San Gabriel River and Brushy Creek of today. Between July 2 and July 6, surveys, or measurements, were made at five different points along the San Xavier. The first was made July 2, at the junction of the two streams; the second, on the same day, half a league above the junction; 1he third, next day, at Paso de los Apaches, a point about nine thousand varas, or some five miles, above the junction ; the fourth, on July 5, at Santa Rosa de Viterbo, a crossing two leagues higher up ; the fifth, on the next day, at Santa Maria de la Visitacion, a point two leagues still higher up. This last place was estimated as being about seven leagues, or some eighteen miles, above the junction of the two streams. Descriptions were given of the lands adjacent to the river, on both sides above Mission San Francisco Xavier, and on the south side below that point. From the report of the survey we learn with great precision the location of the three missions, which have completely passed from memory and whose material remains have almost disap- peared. All of the missions and their fields were on the south side of the San Xavier River. Mission San Ildefonso was situated on a knoll or hill an eighth of a league from the junc- tion. On the slope of the hill there were growing three fanegas of maize, beans, and chili, all of which were doing well. 12 Test, de diligencias, folio 5; Fray Mariano's reply was dated June 20. 13 Ihid, folio 5. 226 Mission Progress and Problems though the season had been dry.^* Three fourths of a league, or some two miles, up the river above San Ildefonso, stood Mission San Francisco Xavier de Horcasitas, on a hill and surrounded by a fence or wall. Between this enclosure and the junction extended a great flat or plain, five thousand varas (about two and one-fourth miles) long, and one thousand eight hundred varas wide at Mission San Ildefonso. ^^ Above, that is up stream from Mission San Francisco Xavier, extended a plain twelve hundred varas long and three hundred varas wide, on which were growing three fanegas of maize be- longing to the last-named mission. This plain was terminated at its lower end by the ridge on which stood Mission San Fran- cisco Xavier, and at its upper end by another ridge or hill on which stood the third mission, Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria. Stretching up stream above this mission lay a great plain, or flat, nineteen hundred and sixty-one varas (about a mile) long and eight hundred varas wide, on which were planted, in front of the mission, three fanegas of maize. On the same plain, at a distance of sixteen hundred and sixty-one varas from Mission Candelaria, was established the garrison of forty-eight men who were guarding the missions. As was reasonable, it was established in the direction from which Apache attacks jnight be expected. Above the plain of Mission Candelaria, and separated from it only by an arroyo, was still another flat, or plain, one thousand varas long, three hundred and seventy-eight varas wide, and terminating a short distance below Paso de los Apaches. Adjacent to Santa Rosa and Santa Maria similar plains were described on the south side of the river. Ample water was found at all points where measurements were made. The best oppor- tunities for irrigating were encountered at Santa Maria and Santa Rosa; none were found at the junction or at the point of the second measurement. 1* Test, de diligencias, 8. 10 Ibid., 7. The Ground Beexplored 227 On August 2 the exploration of the San Andres River was begun, near the junction with the San Xavier at Paso de los Vidays. In this locality facilities for one mission were found. From here the surveying party continued up a stream for eleven leagues, but finding the country constantly rougher, made no measurements . ^ ° An item of interest in the report is the statement that from the crossing of Arroyo de las Animas (by the road, I suppose), to the junction, it was twelve leagues, or some thirty miles. This would place the ford anywhere from Eice's Crossing to Round Rock, presumably at the former place. 6. Topographical identification. — The present writer has three times explored the San Xavier between the junction of the San Gabriel River and Brushy Creek and a point nine miles above, twice before he discovered the report of Musquiz 's survey, and the last time with a- transcript of that document in hand. On the last occasion he was accompanied and assisted by Rev. Mr. Ander, then residing within a few miles of the historic spot. He was also given valuable assistance by other residents of the locality, especially after he succeeded with great difficulty in convincing them that his quest was not for hidden Spanish gold. Independent of archaeological evidences, which have already been mentioned, the principal points in the topography of the region described between the junction and Paso de los Apaches are clearly recognized by the explorer. For a distance of some two and one half miles above the junction of the streams the land between them consists of a great alluvial fiat, whose width where it is traversed by the highway leading from Rockdale to the San Andres Crossing is about a mile and a half. West of the highway the plain terminates in a steep-sloped highland, which extends to the westward parallel with the San Gabriel River and Brushy Creek and is bordered by the valleys of these 16 Test, de diligencias, 35-36. 228 TJie Sites Identified two streams. The northernmost projection of the highland at its eastern end is that known as Kolb's Hill, on which now stand Kolb's residence and store. This hill or projecting ridge is clearly that on which stood Mission San Francisco Xavier, a conclusion which is borne out by other data than the survey. Westward of Kolb 's Hill about three fourths of a mile is another projection of the highland known as Cemetery Hill. Between Kolb's Hill and Cemetery Hill extends a flat or plain which is clearly that described by Miisquiz as the one on which were growing the crops of Mission San Xavier in 1750. Cemetery Hill was undoubtedly that on which mission Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria was situated. West of this hill extends a great level valley more than a mile in length, near whose western end lies what is known as Ditch Valley Farm. Near the eastern end of this valley, no doubt, were the fields of Mission Candelaria described by Musquiz. In the same valley, some three fourths of a mile from the mission, was situated the garrison. Near the northward turn of the road, beyond Ditch Valley Farm and just above the Old Rock Dam, a dry arroyo runs eastward into the San Gabriel. Up stream beyond this arroyo extends another flat which corresponds with that described by Musquiz as termin- ating, on its western end, near Paso de los Apaches. It is now covered with a magnificent forest growth. The exact site of Mission San Ildef onso is not so easily deter- mined, because of the timber growing above the junction of San Grabriel River and Brushy Creek. But there are two elevations above the junction, either of which might have been the site of the mission. The first of these is the site of the old Witcher house, which is about half a mile by direct line above the junc- tion and therefore at a distance from the junction corresponding to that of Mission San Ildefonso. The distance to Brushy Creek at this point, however, is too small to fit the description. About a third of a mile west of the Witcher house is another elevation Mission Progress and Problems 229 {SrttOU V^ffM/Mf f A»»V fFMM^J (v^we cfmita^ 230 Mission Progress and Problems on which stands (or stood in 1909) Hicks' barn. At this point the distance between the two streams is about three fourths of a mile, which corresponds well with the eighteen hundred vafas given as the width of the plain opposite mission San Ildefonso. Hicks' barn, moreover, stands on a much more "likely" spot than the Witcher house. However, in point of distance from the junction, the Witcher house fits the description better than Hieks' barn. I have therefore indicated this as the probable site of Mission San Ildefonso. It may be slightly incorrect, but at most it cannot be more than a few hundred yards out of the way.^' 7. The inspection of the missions — On July 11 Musquiz issued an exhorto de citacion, notifying Father Arricivita that on the 13th a padron, or census, would be made of the Indians of each mission, and requesting that they be congregated and pre- pared for the occasion, and that all the missionaries be on hand to assist.^* The inspection began with Mission San Xavier. At six o'clock on the appointed morning, at the sound of the bell, the Indians gathered in the church for their accustomed worship. Prayer and the alahado being over, they were detained in the church to be listed, one by one, by tribes and classes; first the men, then the women, then the children. The count showed for this mis- sion one hundred and fifty-three persons, consisting of ninety- nine adults and fifty-four children. Besides these, eight others, at the time absent, belonged to the mission. The children present had all been baptized, but of the adults only one, the Hierbipiame chief, had embraced that rite. Of the ninety-nine adults forty- one were Hierbipiames, forty-one Mayeyes, eight Yojuanes, two Navidachos, one Tops, three Asinais, and three of other tribes. Next was witnessed the customary daily distribution of maize by the hand of the missionary, each neophyte, large and small. 17 Test, de diUgencias, 35-36 ; see the map, p. 229. lelhid., 18. The State of the Missions 231 being given a gourdful equal to a double handful. The only other allowance was a bull killed and distributed once every twelve or fifteen days. Musquiz took the chiefs aside, beyond the presence of the missionaries, to ascertain whether they desired to move elsewhere; but all maintained that the site was good, i)uffalo and wild fruits plentiful, and relatives near, and that here they would stay. Musquiz next told them that they must give up their mitotes and dances, or be punished, to which they assented. Thereupon they were dismissed. An examination of the records showed that since February, 1748, when the mission was founded, seventy-seven persons had been baptized, of which eleven were adults, the rest infants. All the adults had been baptized in articulo mortis, and three of them had died. Of infants seven had died. The missionary, whose name is not given, stated upon inquiry that there could be added to the mission the Yojuane, Tancague, Asinai, and Nabedache. Of four of these tribes a few were already present. The Yojuane had been among the first petitioners and had lived there more than a year. But after the first distribution of presents when the first supplies were brought, they went to the woods, "solely on account of their natural inconstancy." Subsequently they had returned several times, but had not been admitted because of a lack of provisions. ^° On the fourteenth the same procedure was gone through at San Ildefonso and on the fifteenth at Candelaria. At San Ilde- fonsd, where Father Ganzabal was head missionary, there were one hundred and sixty-five Indians present, eleven being absent. Of the one hundred and seven adults present, sixty-five were Bidai, ten Patiri, and thirty-two Oreoquiza and Deadose, counted as one tribe. The books showed that since January, 1749, when the mission was founded, there had been one hundred and fifty-one baptisms, one hundred and one being adults. Of 3 » Test, de diligeneias, 25-26. 232 Mission Progress and Problems these, two-thirds had been Bidai baptized during illness or in articulo mortis. Of the forty deaths thirty-six had been of adults. These figures clearly indicate that an epidemic had wrought havoc among the adult Bidai. Among the Bidai present there were numerous adults who had been baptized. These were of course recorded in the census by their Christian names, the others being called simply "gentiles." Among the Bidai present we recognize chiefs Tomas and Agiistin, who are later met in con- nection with the mission on the Trinity. Father Ganzabal re- ported that all three of the bands of the Bidai and all five of the Orcoquiza might be added to the mission if there were only means for their support. At Mission Candelaria there were present sixty adults and thirty children, twelve persons being absent. Of the adults thirty-five were Coco, twenty-one Tops, and four Carancaguas. Since July, 1749, when the mission was said by the report to have been founded, there had been fifty baptisms, fourteen of adults and thirty-four of children. Of the adults eight had died, and of the children five. Fray Bartolome Garcia, oldest minister at the mission, said that the Cujane, relatives of the Coco and Tops, as well as the rest of the Carancaguas, might be secured for the mission.^" 8. Mission San Ildefonso again deserted, August, 1750. — About the middle of June, 1750, Carabajal arrived at San Xa%'ier from Adaes to exchange the squadron detached from that pre- sidio. ^"^ With him came four Nabedaches, who remained till August, when, as Arricivita writes, "a more pernicious pest" than smallpox seized upon the Indians of Mission San Ildefonso. From the time of the arrival of the Indians from the east there were rumors abroad that the interior tribes were assembling for a campaign against the Apache. On August 2 the Ais and 20 Test, de diligencias, 29-34. 21 At least, I suppose that it was to make the exchange. The word is "mudanza. " A Stranger Among the Indians 233 Hasinai tribes arrived, followed by some Cadodaeho, Nabedache, and Yojuane, saying that the ' ' capitan grande, ' ' called Sanchez Teja, was near by, bringing the Tawakoni, Tatasi, Kichai, Nazoni, Tonkawa, and a multitude of others. They held meet- ings with the mission Indians, particularly at Mission San Ilde- fonso, by day and by night. The campaign did not take place, but the mission Indians deserted in small detachments accom- panied by bands of the visitors, until Father Ganzabal was left alone. The persuasive force had come in part, at least, in the form of trade in guns, vermillion, and other articles. While the blow was the hardest at San Ildefonso, Father Ganzabal reported that he doubted not that the other missions, especially San Xavier, also suffered. He saw in the affair an occult power which he could not divine. But there was another force not so occult. Among the Indians from the east. Father Ganzabal wrote, was a person who looked like a Frenchman. He wore a three-cornered hat, and refused to speak with the missionary, but among the Indians of the missions he was very officious. The Indians promised to return in two months. That they would do so Father Ganzabal expected, since they would return through necessity or because of the advantages of mission life, if for no other reason. Nevertheless, he maintained that their fickleness should be punished, even though they had been coaxed away. As late as October 12 the Indians had not returned, and Father Ganzabal was still waiting alone for them." But he had long to wait, for they did not return till December 20, 1751, when, "recognizing their error," twenty-six leading Bidai, Deadose, Orcoquiza, and others, put in an appearance, and, being caressed by their minister, promised to return and stay in their own mission. It was implied in a letter of January 12, 1752, that they were there.^^ 22 Ganzabal to Fray Mariano, August 20, 1750; K, 6, no. 26; Arricivita, 329. 23 It is possible that they had returned since August, 1750, and absconded again. Memorial del B. P. Viana al exmo Sor Virrey, 175S. 234 Mission Progress and Problems Before the neophytes of San Ildefonso returned, those of Mission Candelaria — the Coco, Tops, and Carancaguas — deserted. The explanation given was that a soldier had frightened them away by telling them that many Spaniards were coming to kill them, and that, believing the story, they had fled. This was in August, 1751. They did not go far, however, and their min- isters were easily able to reassure them. Accordingly within a few days the principal chiefs, with their bands, it seems, re- turned to the mission, where they still were in January, 1752. The remainder of the fugitives, joined by newcomers, also re- turned to the neighborhood, but by January they had not entered the mission.^* 9. The beginning of the acequia, October, 1750. — While Musquiz and Arricivita were examining the site. Fray Mariano had been at San Antonio, co-operating in the effort to move the presidio of San Antonio to the Pedemales River, to protect the proposed Apache missions which Father Santa Ana was in Mexico struggling to promote.^' But when he received a copy of the record made by Musquiz, he hurried to San Xavier to see if it were really true that the sites of Santa Rosa and Santa Maria were better than that where the missions were already established. Having made a personal examination, he concluded that such was not the case, and that the missions would better remain where they were. This point determined, it was of first importance to open the irrigating ditches, in order, even in case of drought, to assure each Indian of a full stomach, ' ' which, ' ' he said, ' ' is the God to whom these miserable creatures pay the tribute of their hardest labor." With a view to determining the location and course of the ditch he several times examined the river, and concluded that the best opportunity for opening a channel was through the 24 Memorial del B, P. Viana. 25 Memorial presentado por el B. P. Presid*^. Fr. Mariano de los Dolores. September 17, 1750. Extra Rations and a Show of Force 235 arroyo near the garrison called by him San Francisco, since the arroyo itself would serve for a goodly portion of the ditch, which could be continued easily through the fields of Mission Candelaria to the neighborhood of all three pueblos. This one ditch, he concluded, would serve for all the missions, since it could be made to irrigate a stretch of untimbered land more than a league in length and half a league in breadth. ^° On October 12 he formally made known his plans to the missionaries, reminding them that since all were of one brother- hood and were working towards the same end, they should not object to the common use of a single irrigating plant. This done, he proceeded to order the ministers to be prepared to assist in the work on the fifteenth, each mission providing as many yokes of oxen as it might have, seven bars, fifteen picks, four axes, and one cauldron. In excess of the regular rations, which would be continued, each mission was asked to provide each week during the continuance of the work, a tierce, or half a mule load, of salt, six bulls for slaughter, two handfuls of tobacco, and what- ever else was possible. Fray Mariano promised to provide for distribution each day a fanega, or two hundred pounds, of hominy. All of the ladinos, or instructed Indians, must be sure to be on hand, to assist in giving instruction to the bozales or untrained neophytes.^' Since Fray Mariano had many other duties to attend to, both at San Xavier and at San Antonio, he appointed Father Ganzabal superintendent of the work, with the duty of assigning the tasks and taking care of the tools and supplies. To the order formal obedience was given on the same day by Fathers Ganzabal, of Mission San Ildefonso, Joseph Anda y Altamirano, of Mission San Xavier, and Aciselos Valverde and Bartolome Garcia, of Mission Candelaria. Father Ganzabal, in giving obedience, called Fray Mariano's attention to the fact 20 Pray Mariano to the missionaries, October 17, 1750, in Diligeneias practicadas por el B. P. Presid*^. 27 Ibid. 236 Mission Progress and Problems that though his mission was still without Indians, yet they might return, and he ought to be present in such an event to receive them.-* All this extra food and tobacco was to be provided as a means of encouragement to the neophytes. But it could not be expected that mere coaxing would alone suffice. There must be a show of force as well. Accordingly, on October 14, Fray Mariano ad- dressed the commander- of the garrison, Francisco de la Cerda, calling for the assistance of the soldiers. He prefaced his request by a statement of the functions of mission garrisons. Their business, he said, was not merely to protect the neophytes from their enemies, but also to assist in disciplining the neophytes in civilized and Christian life, eradicating their heathen rites, "co- operating with the missionaries in everything, both in what relates to instruction in the doctrine and rudiments of the faith, and in their peculiar function of making them show due respect and veneration and of giving them practical direction, teaching them the necessary tasks and occupations, which they ought to follow in order to continue in the civilized and Christian life which they should observe." In all this the soldiers had failed up to the present, but, trusting in Musquiz's upright conduct, he assumed that appropriate orders had been left for giving proper assistance henceforth. With this preface. Fray Mariano asked that one soldier be charged, during the work on the ditch, with caring for the tools, and another with looking after the oxen sent to work on the ditch and to haul stone for the dam. Cerda was asked to give orders that the horses of the Indians be kept under guard so that the Indians could not flee or wander away, taking care that no soldier be allowed to movmt the horses and thus anger the Indians ; to send to each mission daily ' ' enough soldiers to cause respect, ' ' and to set the Indians at work at the proper time and 28 Pray Mariano to the missionaries, Oct. 17, 1750. An Irrigation Plant Begun 237 keep them at it. The missionaries, he said, would provide all the attractions possible in the way of extra food, but coercion must be left to the soldiers, "since for the missionary fathers to assume the task would be to make themselves odious to the Indians, which is a serious impediment to their receiving the faith, and, besides, few would go, and there is risk that they would lose respect, because of their bad instruction up to the present. ' ' Cerda was asked to give orders that the soldiers keep guard by night to prevent nocturnal flights. When buffalo should appear in sight, soldiers must go with the Indians to pursue them, to insure the return of the Indians. Finally, the soldiers must be required to instruct the Indians in their work.^*" Such were the preparations for opening the irrigating ditch and building the dam. We have found no report of the execu- tion of the plan, but since Father Mariano remained at San Xavier till November (he arrived at San Antonio on his return on November 11), and since both ditch and dam were made, we may fairly assume that their construction was begun at this time.^° We know, on the other hand, that the work went slowly, for on January 22, 1752, that is, a year and more later, it was still unfinished. On that day Fray Mariano complained that since June, 1751, when Barrios y Jauregui took away his seven- teen soldiers, "no hand has been put, up to the present, on the dam and the acequia, which they were making with due prepara- tion to gather this year the fruit of their past labor." Mean- while, the frequent desertion of soldiers had lessened the available supply of help.^^ In view of the calamities that befell the settle- ment early in 1752, it is doubtful if the ditch was ever wholly completed. 10. Barrios y Jauregui and the missionaries. — The new governor was no less obnoxious to the missionaries than Barrio 29 Fray Mariano to Francisco de la Cerda, October 14, 1750, ibid. soMemorias, XXVIII, 118. 31 Memorial del B. P. Viana. 238 Mission Progress and Problems had been. Father Morfi states that he became their avowed enemy as soon as he left Queretaro; that he insulted Father Lopez, who traveled with him to Texas, by denouncing the mis- sionaries in the friar's presence; and that at San Antonio he accorded similar treatment to Father Cayetano, when the latter broached the subject of Apache missions. ^^ Fray Mariano heard that Barrios came with orders to "clear up the truth" regarding the missions, lands, and water at San Xavier. What was the basis of this report I cannot say. At any rate, Fray Mariano presented the governor a petition on the subject of the tiresome quarrel. Prefacing it with a statement that it was his duty to defend the reputation of his college, that he desired only that the truth should prevail, and that he wel- comed an investigation, he outlined the correct procedure in the case. Relying on a similar experience at the Lampazos mission, he maintained that this would be, (1) to cite the interested parties and, (2) to ascertain whether Musquiz's investigation had been duly thorough. He insisted that, other things being equal, the missionaries would gladly move to a better site. San Marcos doubtless had advantages, but the Indians were at San Xavier. Let the opponents obligate themselves to move the Indians and prepare suitable irrigating ditches for three missions, the mis- sionaries being the judges, and gladly would they consent to this benefit. Not only would they go to San Marcos, but anywhere else, providing that the truth were made loiown regarding the assertions of the missionaries relative to the site at San Xavier.^' Barrios apparently made no response to this memorial, per- haps because he had no instructions regarding the matter. He reached San Xavier on his way to Los Adaes in the latter part of June. "While there, as we have seen, he carried out that part 32 Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraphs 1-4. 33 Escrito presentado en /S». Xavier a D»*. Jacinto Gob^. y nada respondio ]7S1 a«..- also Varios papeles, de Tejas. The archive label says: "presen- tado en S°. Xavier," but I infer from the language that it was before Barrios left San Antonio. Ooats for the Missions 239 of his orders which provided that he should remove the seventeen Adaes soldiers. But he did nothing to fulfill his orders requiring them replaced.'* "While at San Xavier, according to Morfi, the Apache, matter was twice presented to him, once by Father Anda and again by Pray Jose Pinilla, but in each case he refused to listen.'^ 11. A thousand goats for San Xavier. — Compelled by the necessities of the San Xavier missions and the urgent demands for new ones among the Apache, in the fall of 1751 the college decided to give up to the secular clergy the two old missions of San Juan Bautista and San Bernardo, on the Rio Grande, and so notified the viceroy. In the taking of this step Fray Giraldo de Terreros, then president at the Rio Grande missions, played an important part. The decision having been made, the college planned to utilize the opportunity for the better support of the San Xavier missions. Writing to Father Terreros on November 28, 1751, the Diseretorio of the college stated that they had no doubt the offer would be promptly accepted, in view of the reputation of those missions for excessive wealth. They then ordered the president and his subordinates to extract with due caution from the two missions a thousand head of female goats,'® to be divided among the three San Xavier missions, "in order that, with this subsidy, those new sons of the church may have the means with which to continue Christian and civilized life." With the letter was enclosed an order to Fray Mariano requiring him to send at once a religious prepared to conduct the animals, giving it out in San Antonio that he was going to buy that amount of stock, in order not to set tongues wagging. "This," the Diseretorio added, "will not be objectionable, for it has been done this way many times." 3* Testimo De Autos de Fesguisa sobre comercio Tlicito. Bfixar Archives, Adaes, 1739-1755. 35 Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraphs 1-4. 36 The order says "ganado menor, " meaning in this case probably goats, and not sheep and goats. 240 Mission Progress and Problems Father Terreros was also to use his judgment as to what other things from the old missions might be of use to the new. These orders were to be kept secret, that no obstacle might be placed in the way of delivering the missions. ^^ This communication was evidently not sent till February 21, when the order was repeated and the conduct of the stock entrusted to Fray Miguel Pinilla, who with Father Felix Gutierrez Varaona was on his way to the San Xavier missions. It was added now that each mission should send some horses to San Xavier, together with the other things which might be spared.^' It was still twenty years before the Eio Grande missions were secularized. But the order to send the goats was not conditioned upon secularization, and, there- fore, though we have no record of the arrival of the stock, we may assume that it went.^" 37 Diseretorio to Terreros, November 28, 1751. 38 Diseretorio to Terreros, February 21, 1752. 39 Bolton, Guide to the Archives of Mexico, 386. CHAPTER VII THE PRESIDIO ESTABLISHED 1. Musquiz's report. — The next important step in the history of the missionary enterprise at San Xavier was the establish- ment of the presidio. The missionaries had clamored for it from the beginning. In July, 1749, it had been approved by the junta de guerra and promised by the viceroy. But, as an extra precau- tion, its final approval had been deferred until another report should be made upon the San Xavier site, a task which was assigned to Musquiz. Bonilla writes of the work of Musquiz: "He fulfilled his charge with such pleasure and satisfaction to the interested parties," etc. Hereupon Mprfi exclaims with justice, "This is a strange way of reconciling those parties ! Far from being satisfactory to the opposing parties, it was very contrary to their desires, for it made conspicious the falsity of what Bonilla calls a demonstration."^ The report by Musquiz was, indeed, generally favorable to the site at San Xavier and to the main- tenance of the missions there; and it put an end to the doubt in the minds of the government officials which had stood in the way of final consent to the establishment of a presidio. Never- theless, it was still eight months before this consent was formally given and orders issued for the erection of the new post.^ 2. Danger from the French. — Another force working in favor of an independent presidio for San Xavier came in the 1 Morfi, Bk. 8, par. 78. 2 After Musquiz made his report. Fray Mariano made another, which I have not seen. It is referred to in Erecion, p. 9, as one of the antece- dentes to the junta of March 11. I conjecture that it may have included a reply to Musquiz's report that the best facilities for irrigation were to be found at Santa Rosa and Santa Maria. 242 The Presidio Established form of reports of French activities on the Louisiana frontier. In July, 1750, the commander of Ysla de Santa Rosa, Punta de Sigiienza, had reported the arrival in Louisiana of four ship- loads of soldiers and colonists and thirty-six vessels laden with merchandise. The French were progressing inland, had now for the first time organized a squadron of cavalry, and were con- ducting illicit trade with their Spanish neighbors. Moreover, large numbers of Spanish soldiers and citizens were accustomed to descend to New Orleans to trade. Apart from this report, another had come to the effect that Governor Barrio had shame- fully engaged in illegal commerce with the French. Pointing in the same direction was the communication writ- ten by Jacinto de Barrios y Jauregui, the new governor of Texas, on December 31, 1750, on the event of his departure to his province. He stated that he had come from the court of Spain especially instructed by the Marques de la Ensenada to put the presidio of Los Adaes in first-class order just as soon as pos- sible, as a safeguard against French aggression. Though there was peace at present between the two courts, a breach might unexpectedly occur at any moment, when advantage would cer- tainly be taken of the woeful weakness of the Spanish defences. Barrios reminded the viceroy that of the sixty soldiers of the Los Adaes garrison fifteen men were always employed in guarding the horse herd, seven assisting the missionaries, and fifteen in escorting the annual caravan of supplies from Saltillo, a round trip of some two thousand miles. Counting out the seventeen men now at San Xavier, there remained actually at the presidio the pitiful -guard of only six soldiers. It was urgent, therefore, that he restore the detachment to their headquarters, as a first step toward fulfilling his orders.'' This request was referred to the fiscal and the auditor de guerra, and on February 10, 1751, 3 Barrios y Jauregui to the viceroy, December 3, 1750. Testim". de autos de Pezquiza sobre comercio TUcito. Bexar Archives, Adaes, 1739- 1755. 'The Junta of March 11, 1751 243 the viceroy granted the petition, on the ground that a presidio had already been resolved upon, and in view of the danger on the eastern frontier. But Barrios must replace the seventeen men at San Xavier, either by detaching the number from Bexar or Bahia, by enlisting new recruits, or by borrowing from a neighboring province. The same order required Barrios to in- vestigate the charges against Governor Barrio, and thereby an unsavory chapter in Texas history was introduced. As we have seen, when, in June 1751, Barrios reached San Xavier, on his way to eastern Texas, he immediately fulfilled the part of his orders requiring him to restore the seventeen soldiers to Los Adaes. On June 23 he executed a formal auto of obe- dience, and then issued an order that the soldiers be removed at once, without waiting for their replacement, in view, he said, of the necessary haste and of the inquietude of the Apache.* 3. The junta of March 11, 1751. — The question of the presidio had already been referred, with Musquiz's report, to the fiscal and the auditor, who gave opinions on February 1 and 8, 1751. In consequence of these opinions, on March 11 a junta de guerra, real hacienda, y prdcticos,^ was held to consider the question. In this meeting sat Domingo Salazar y Formento and Francisco Lopez Adam, knights of the Order of Santiago, mem- bers of the Royal Council, and oidores of the Audencia, of which the one was also deacon and the other sub-deacon; Juan de Albuerne, Marques de Altamira, member of the Council and of the Audieneia, and auditor general de la guerra of the Kingdom of New Spain ; Doctor Antonio de Andreu y Ferras, member of the Council and fiscal de lo civil; Juan Chrisostomo Barroetta, regent of the Tribunal y Real Audencia de Cuentas of New Spain; Miguel de Varrio y Saldinar, Conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso, contador mayor of the same Tribunal; Ignacio * Testimo. de autos de Pesquiza saibre comercio Tlicito. Adaes_ 1751. B6xar Archives, Adaes, 1739-1755. 5 KepoTt in Erecion. 244 The Presidio Established Joseph de Mazo Calderon, treasurer of the caxas reales. As practices, or men of experience in the particular matter at hand, sat General Juan Antonio Bustillo y Cevallos, ex-governor of Texas and now alcalde ordinario of the most noble City of Mexico, and Captain Joaquin de Orobio Bazterra, formerly cap- tain at Bahia. The last two members had long before made known their position regarding the matter in hand." In the council a review was given of the history of the San Xavier missions, of the opposition to them, "and, in very great detail, ' ' of the report by Eea y Musquiz/ In view of everything, it was resolved that "since by the investigation by which Don Joseph de Eca y Mtisquiz . . . shows patently that all the diffi- culties which were embarrassing the establishment of the pre- sidio on the banks of the Rio de San Xavier have been van- quished, steps shall be taken at once to erect it in the manner proposed by the Seiior Fiscal and approved by the Senor Auditor under dates of February 1 and 8 of this year." What that manner was can be inferred from the specifications which fol- lowed. The presidio was to be located at the point which the captain and the friars should select as ' ' most suitable' and dom- inating in that region;" it was to be composed of fifty men drawing a salary of four hundred pesos each, that of the captain being six hundred.^ 4. Despatches of the viceroy: March 26 and March 30. — More than a year before, the king, by a despatch dated at Buen Retire on March 6, 1750, had appointed as expectant captain of the presidio Don Felipe de Rabago. Accordingly, on March 26, 1751, the viceroy approved the resolution of the junta and ordered that Rabago, who was now in the City of Mexico, should go as soon as possible to take possession of the presidio, and send the existing garrison to th^:. respective companies. The e Ereeion, 9-10. 7 Ihid., 13. s Ibid., 13-14. Instructions to Captain Bdbago 245 same despatch provided that the missionaries should be re- quested to seek, by all possible means, Spaniards and gente de razon to go to settle near the new presidio ; and that to the same end the governor of Texas and Captain Eabago should be ordered to publish a proclamation, advertising for settlers and promising them lands, water rights, and the privileges of first settlers." On March 30, by decree, the viceroy formally "erected and established" the presidio with the name San Xavier. As the junta had stipulated, it was to be erected where the captain and missionaries might choose; and the captain was to receive six hundred pesos a year, and the soldiers four hundred, paid from the same branch of the Keal Hacienda as the salaries of other interior presidios. Kabago was empowered to publish a proclama- tion to recruit soldiers and settlers, using all possible care to select as soldiers only those of good character and expert in arms. With these soldiers and the friendly Indians he was to proceed to erect the presidio, with the understanding that it could be moved, if necessity required it, to a more advantageous place ; he was- to erect a fortification for the protection of the garrison and another for the church (the presidial church, I infer), "with its plazuela." He was to assign solar es, or house lots, to soldiers and settlers ; cavallerias de tierra to the soldiers, that they might engage in agriculture when not employed in mili- tary pursuits; and lands to the citizen settlers. For dehesas and for pastures for the horses of the soldiers, reserve was to be made of the best lands near the presidio. The presidio was to be within the jurisdiction of the governor of Texas; but the collection of the pay of his soldiers and the purchase of their supplies was to be in the hands of the captain, the governor not being allowed to meddle in these matters; he could, however, hear complaints of the soldiers and remedy abuses. Thus the captain was made, in effect, company con- Erecion, 14^15. 246 The Presidio Established tractor, and given an unusual opportunity for what in this day we call graft. Eegarding prices of goods for soldiers, and other matters, Rabago was to be governed by the reglamento recently issued by the viceroy Marques de Casafuerte. A copy of this document must be furnished Rabago, and he must read it in public annually to the men, for their protection. Finally, Rabago must take special care that his soldiers be well equipped and disciplined, prompt for any service for the defense of the frontier and the reduction of the Indians to the Faith, "which he must attend to as the principal concern, exert- ing himself in every way in order that this end so much desired may be achieved." He must look to the instruction of the neophytes in Christian doctrine and civilized life; prevent the soldiers from abusing them, and from reducing them to personal service, under pain of severe punishment.^" In answer to an inquiry whether the lieutenant, alferez, sergeant, and corporals of the company were to be included in the fifty men or not, and whether a chaplain would be appointed for the company, as was the case at Sacramento and San Antonio de Bexar, the viceroy, after consulting Altamira, replied affirma- tively in the former case and negatively in the latter, saying that one of the missionaries might serve as chaplain, the obven- tions being paid privately by the captain and soldiers, as was the rule in most of the interior presidios, Sacramento and Bexar being exceptions. In the same communication Rabago had asked for a year's pay in advance for himself and men, and for six thousand dollars cash in advance for the material construction of the presidio. Regarding this request Altamira recommended that before acting a report as to what was customary be secured from the oficiales reales, but remarked that in case Rabago recruited his soldiers outside of Texas, Nuevo Leon, and Coahuila, it would be just 10 Erecion, 16-18. A Colony of Settlers Enlisted 247 to advance the year's pay. On April 1 the viceroy ordered the report made; I do not know what the result was, but I infer that the advance was made in both cases. At the same time that these instructions were issued to Rabago, a copy of them was sent to the new governor, Barrios y Jauregui. To the missionaries the viceroy issued a request, de ruego y encargo, that they seek Spaniards and gente de razon for the formation of a settlement near the presidio.^^ 5. The establishment of the presidio. — Through the writings of the missionaries we get glimpses of Rabago 's journey to the frontier. He stopped at Queretaro, where he entered into a com- pact with the College of Santa Cruz. The agreement provided, as a means of keeping petitions and complaints from going to the viceroy's court, that each party should first make known its grievances to the other, and that each should do its best to give satisfaction. Charges were later made by the missionaries that on the way to Texas Rabago was guilty of unbecoming conduct at every one of the important cities where he stopped. The specific nature of the misdeeds with which he was charged before reaching San Antonio does not appear. Some of his doings at that place will be evident from the following chapter. The details of enlisting the company by Rabago — how, when, or where — likewise have not come to light, but it is evident that some at least of the soldiers were enlisted at San Antonio. While there Rabago published a iando calling for colonists, and twenty families volunteered.^^ 11 The despatch was formally ' ' obeyed ' ' at Los Adaes by Barrios on December 30, apparently the day when he took possession there, and ordered published on the first holiday at the cuerpo de gimrdia after mass. It was published on January 1, 1752. 12 A document of February, 1752, contains the names of the following persons, part of whom were soldiers and part citizen inhabitants of San Xaxier; Joseph de Salinas, Antonio Cambray, Don Manuel Cos, J°. Victor Rodriguez, Nicholas Caravajal, Joaquin Valle, Jph. Antonio Estrada, Joseph Francisco Yruegas, Thomas Yruegas, Francisco Xavier de Zuniga, Joseph Thoribio de Terdn, Joaquin Antonio Floras, Francisco Ramirez, Juan Antonio Ramirez, Christobal Vela, Joseph Plores, Antonio Cadena, 248 The Presidio Established- Rabago was delayed in his journey, especially at Monclova, and it was December 11, 1751, when he arrived with his company at San Xavier, accompanied from San Antonio by Pray Mariano. He found there Lieutenant Musquiz, eighteen soldiers, and five friars. The soldiers were all who remained of the forty-eight who belonged in the garrison. The friars were Joseph Lopez, Mariano de Anda, Joseph and Miguel Pinilla, and Joseph Ganza- bal. Musquiz and the friars gave formal obedience to the despatches which Rabago carried, but the missionaries protested regarding the arrangement which had been made for the payment of obventions. On December 13 Musquiz formally delivered the post, the guard house, and the hut which served as commander's quarters. Rabago detailed six soldiers to help at the three missions, but the friars insisted on having nine, asserting that it was their business to herd the stock, cultivate the soil, and aid the mis- sionaries. Although he differed with the friars regarding the point, he yielded, as he said, to avoid dissensions till he might get superior orders. Next day Rabago held a review of the Indians at the mis- sions. At San Francisco Xavier he found and listed seventy adult heathen and thirty-nine baptized Indians under twelve years of age, of the Hierbipiame and Mayeye tribes. At Can- delaria, where Fray Miguel Pinilla was missionary, there were eighteen adult heathen and seven converts under twelve. At San Ildefonso, where Father Ganzabal was missionary, there were no neophytes, and there had been none for seventeen months. It is evident that this mission had been moved up the river from its first site, for all three missions were within a quarter of a league of a given point. Vizente Perrer Montalvo, Gerdnimo Bodrlguez, Cayetano Ulibarri, Miguel and Joseph de Sosa, Joseph Manual Martinez, Pablo Joseph Carmona, Phelipi Neri Valle, Pedro Joseph de Herrera, and Marcos Minehaca (Pinilla, Pray Miguel, decree of censure, February 19, 1752, K, leg. 12). New Trouble Over the Site 249 On the second day after his arrival Rabago sent a request to Captain Urrutia, at San Antonio, for three expert surveyors to assist him in selecting a site for the presidio and the town. Urrutia complied at once, saying that he had no experts but sending the best men he had, namely Joseph Plores, Geronimo Flores, and Antonio Ximenez. By the 22nd they had reached San Xavier, and on that day and the next, accompanied by Eabago, the missionaries, and soldiers, they explored both banks of the river to Santa Maria and Paso de los Apaches. All agreed upon a site for the presidio on a hill within a quarter league of all the missions, but when they surveyed the lands with a view to irrigation, the surveyors and six' other witnesses unanimously declared the place unsuitable for settlement. Concurring in this opinion, Rabago immediately went to the San Marcos River to see what it offered. On January 16, having already returned to San Xavier, he despatched the diligencias to the viceroy, accompanied by a letter. In view of the small num- ber of neophytes, he was of the opinion that one mission would suffice at San Xavier, thereby saving the pay of four missionaries. He believed that the place offered "absolutely no advantages" for missions, presidio, or settlement, and that the Indians, far from desiring conversion, wished only to "traffic freely with the Spaniards as they are doing with the French, who provide them with what they need." But the San Marcos River possessed what the San Xavier lacked. At the springs "above the Pass which they call Paso de los Texas ' ' he had found abundant facili- ties for missions, presidio, and settlements. The twenty families who had volunteered to form a settlement, he was sure, could be induced to go to San Marcos, but not to San Xavier.^^ 13 Testimonio de los autos fhos sre. la erecion del Frecidio de S"'. Xavier en las Margenes del Sio y ConsuUa hedha por D». Phe. de Savago y Teran, etc., 1751. When, on February 13, E&bago's report was handed to Alta- mira he reviewed the history of the San Xavier missions, but vouchsafed no opinion. "When it went to Andreu, the fiscal, he, on March 9, asked that an opinion be secured from Father Santa Ana, who was still in 250 The Presidio Established This report of Rabago's does not convey an altogether correct idea of the situation at San Xavier, for before it was written the breach between Rabago and the missionaries had become much more serious than he intimated. Mexico. On or before July 5 the desired opinion was submitted. Father Santa Ana maintained that Eabago had gone to his post with his mind already made up regarding the San Marcos, having simply adopted the plan of Governor Barrio. He had shown his bias in the investigation by not taking the opinion of a single missionary. The plan was not worthy of a soldier like Eabago, for to colonize San Marcos would scarcely ad- vance the frontier, which could be effected, without the aid of a single soldier, by the very families Edbago had enlisted at San Antonio. Mus- quiz's report had fully demonstrated the advantages of the San Xavier for a settlement, and it was clear that some of the testimony submitted by Eabago was falsified, as he would prove if but given a chance to cross- question the witnesses. The matter being submitted again to Dr. Audreu, he, on August 5, recommended that none of the missions be suppressed; but in view of the fact that all the earlier investigations had been made without respect to a colony he advised a new investigation be made, with the assistance of the missionaries, and under the supervision of Governor Barrios y J^uregui. What action was taken at this juncture by the viceroy does not appear. Meanwhile things on the San Xavier had taken a serious turn {ibid.). CHAPTER VIII THE QUARREL WITH CAPTAIN RABAGO "In the apostolic road," says Father Morfi, "there are only crosses, and if some day the sky is cloudless, it is to make the tempest whiqh follows it more dreadful by comparison. The religious saw the truth triumph and their missions favored. They knew that the former persecutions had their birth in the fact that the soldiers of different garrisons there were idle; they believed that by restoring them to their posts and establishing new troops there, they would be able to devote themselves in peace to the functions of their institute. This caused them to desire and ask for the creation of the new presidio ; but they did not know, nor could they know, that this would scarcely be erected when they would see the work of many years demolished in a few days, their beloved Indians scattered, their funds de- stroyed, their honor wounded in the most sensitive point, and their blood spilled by the hands of those whom the piety of the king honors and maintains precisely for the purpose of defend- ing it. ' '^ This paragraph is a fitting introduction to the stormy chapter which followed the establishment of the new presidio at San Xavier. 1. Scandalous living, and the right of sanctuary. — When Captain Rabago arrived at San Xavier in December, 1751, he carried with him a person who was the occasion of a vile scandal which had much to do with the ruination of the ill-fated mis- sionary enterprise. The person was the wife of Juan Joseph Zevallos, a citizen of San Antonio who enlisted in Rabago 's 1 Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraph 5. 252 The Quarrel with, Captain Bdbago company. Before leaving San Antonio Rabago had met this woman and formed a liaison with her, and when he went to his new post he took both her and her husband with him. On the way the husband protested in defense of his honor, and threat- ened to do violence to the captain, in return for which he was maltreated and carried to San Xavier a prisoner.^ At San Xavier Captain Rabago continued his relations with Seiiora Zevallos, the scandal becoming public, and known even to the Indians of the missions. To put an end to it Father Miguel Pinilla, whom Fray Mariano appointed chaplain of the presidio, urged Rabago to send the woman back to San Antonio, at the same time privately urging her to go. After much recrimina- tion this arrangement was effected, but it left bitterness between Father Pinilla and Rabago.^ Meanwhile, Rabago kept Zevallos in prison and under a torture that consisted of his being tied prostrate on the ground to four stakes at hands and feet and three at his neck.* But on Christmas Eve he managed to escape to Mission Candelaria, where he sought sanctuary. On the fol- lowing day the wrathful captain went with a squad of soldiers, entered the church on horseback, violently recovered Zevallos, took him back to prison, and put him again under torture. Thereupon Father Pinilla went to the captain, explained to him the enormity of his crime of violating the right of the sanctuary, and put him under censure. At the end of ten days Rabago re- stored the prisoner to the mission.' 2 S" Consulta remitida a su Ex^. en 13 de Junio de 175S o«.; Arrieivita, 331. On his arrival Eabago read the viceroy's despatch requiring the missionaries to serve as chaplains of the presidio, and on December 10 Fray Mariano appointed to that office Miguel Pinilla, of the mission of Candelaria. Tray Miguel took his office seriously, as was soon learned. Pinilla to Mariano, March 1, 1752. 3 ^o. Consulta; also Ex. San Saba, 1763, p. 10. In the former document, written June 13, 1752, Fray Mariano makes it appear that the woman was sent home after Zevallos escaped. In the latter, written in 1760, he more distinctly inverts the incidents. 4 go. Consulta; Arrieivita, 331; Ex. San Said, 10. 6 Arrieivita, 331 ; S". Consulta, p. 2 ; Ex. San Sabd, 11. Superlative Villainy Charged 253 2. Appeal of the missionaries to the college. — Apart from Eabago's flagrant misconduct regarding Zevallos, his general bearing toward the missionaries was to them most objectionable, as was stated in a communication dated January 12, signed by all of the friars and directed to the Discretorio." They recited that Rabago had been guilty of imprudent and even rash conduct on the way to Texas. In spite of this they had received him with more than the usual respect and esteem; but in return they had been accorded the extremest disrespect and illtreatment. Notwithstanding Rabago 's scandalous living and his harsh treatment of Zevallos, they had offered to forget the past for the sake .of the future. They had yielded on every point consistent with honor; knowing that Rabago favored moving to the San Marcos, they had consented ; knowing that he desired the site of one of the missions for the use of the presidio, they had agreed to move the mission. Yet nothing had availed, and they had been repaid only with insults. For these reasons they begged either to be recalled to Queretaro or that "the head of this serpent be crushed," so that they might work unmolested, "for the indecent rage of Don Carlos de Franquis, the impos- tures of Barrios, the craft of D°- Jacinto, the plots of the Islanders, the machinations of D°. Juachin, and the entangle- ments of the provinces, all combined, are outdone by the malice of this man." With their petition Fray Mariano sent a plan to be submitted to the viceroy, which all had approved, and Fray Pinilla sent a detailed report of occurrences.' 3. A substitute for the presidio proposed. — In his memorial Fray Mariano complained that instead of employing the garri- son in the interest of the missions, Rabago used the soldiers for his own purposes, "for, contenting himself with assigning two or three soldiers to each of the missions, the chief considers his 6 Carta de los Fad^^. de S^. Javier al Discret". dando razon de las cosas de Bdbago. 7 Carta de los Fad"^. See Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraphs 10-19. 254 The Quarrel with Captain Bdbago obligation discharged, and reserves the rest for escorting pack trains and convoys. In this work ten are regularly engaged; an equal number in guarding the horse herd ; and the same num- ber in keeping guard, which makes thirty; ten in erecting bar- racks, and [the] others in various occupations which concern the convenience and interest of the same chief." From this it could be seen, said Fray Mariano, that nothing could be expected from the present arrangement. Convinced of the futility of the presidio. Fray Mariano made the radical and surprising proposal that it be abolished and a civil colony established to protect the mission in its stead. His plan was to retain the forty-eight soldiers as settlers at a salary of two hundred and forty pesos each annually, instead of the four hundred and fifty pesos which they were receiving. Over the settlement let there be put a judge or superintendent, charged with jurisdiction over Spaniards and Indians and authorized to assign lands. Let sixteen of the soldiers settle at each mission, acting as a guard. Let all be granted the rights of first settlers. Let such as might so desire, enjoy water rights in the mission ditches, on condition of giving up their salaries, their places as soldiers being filled by newcomers. It was of first importance, he said, that the salaries be paid in cash at the settlement, instead of in goods, as at present. Under the present system the whole twenty-two thousand dollars due the company was spent in the interest of the captain. For the presidio usually eight thousand dollars were spent for horses and clothing outside the province, the rest going into the pocket of the captain. By his plan the cash would circulate at the settlement, merchants would be attracted, Indian trade in peltry would spring up, and stock ranches and industry would flourish. Moreover, the settlement would take root and be perma- nent, whereas the few artisans — the tailor, the barber, the leather-jacket makers, the blacksmith — who would gather round Conciliation Attempted 255 the presidio, would move if it moved. The advantages of the plan were obvious : the crown would save ten thousand dollars a year; the missionaries would have an escort sufficient to gather and restrain the heathen ; and the Indians would have instructors in agriculture. The saving, in fifteen years, might be diverted to founding two villas containing one hundred and fifty settlers, each of whom could be given one thousand pesos outright as an inducement. Fray Mariano concluded by asking the viceroy, in case the plan were not approved, to provide some means of relieving the missionaries of their temporal cares. ^ 4. A policy of conciliation attempted. — When these docu- ments reached the College of Queretaro, that body, weary of endless bickering over the San Xavier missions, and realizing that the college must do its best, now that the government had at last granted its support, made a strenuous effort to stop com- plaints and to install a reign of peace, in order that the missions might have some chance to prosper. With this in view, it had taken advantage of the passage of Rabago, the new captain, to make a compact to refrain from sending unnecessary complaints to Mexico. On its part the college had agreed to give satisfac- tion for all complaints made to it.' It was in pursuance of this policy of conciliation that on February 18, 1752, after the com- plaints had come from the frontier, Fray Mariano was "pro- moted" — this is the word used by the guardian — to the presi- dency of the Rio Grande missions, and Father Terreros put in his place. In other words, the two presidents were to be inter- changed.^" Three days later the Discretorio of the college issued its in- structions to Father Terreros, a document which throws light 8 This plan is summarized in full by Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraphs 10-19. Compare with a report by Fray Mariano, January 12, 1752. See also Memorias, XXVIII_ 94. « The Discretorio to Terreros, February 21, 1752. 10 The guardian to Terreros, February 18, 1752. 256 The Quarrel with Captain Edbago on the existing situation. It recited that never before was the college so much in need of the wisdom and prudence which had brought peace and safety to Father Terreros' missions. Never before had the college wavered as at the present time. In view of the obligation under which the recent belated measures of the government had placed the college, Father Terreros, "sole remedy and recourse in the exigencies of the time," was ordered to take charge of the missions of San Antonio and San Xavier. He was to go at once, leaving in charge at San Juan Bautista Father Miguel Placido de Alaiia. Arriving at San Antonio, he was to deliver to Fray Mariano the corresponding order to go to the Rio Grande to take charge. The keynote of the instructions was tolerance. "By virtue of the agreement that the college would remedy everything re- ported, " wrote the Discretorio, "this policy has been followed to the end that, innocence being justified, envy and malice should be silenced, event which your Reverence will keep in mind, so that violence may not be used to vindicate what God permits to try the patience; for means which do not accomplish their ends are always ill chosen, and there is little wisdom in fighting with a sword when it is known that it will not cut. ' ' Father Terreros was authorized to choose any mission he might elect as his residence, and any missionary as his com- panion. Nevertheless, it was believed that he would find it necessary to go to the San Xavier in person to live, for ' ' we con- sider your Reverence the benevolent rainbow of peace who, with your prudence and discretion, will pacify the violent tempest which has caused such consternation to the fatigued laborers." He must at once take all necessary measures for "the greatest peace, tranquility, increase and stability" of the San Xavier missions. One of these means was to install Father Joseph Lopez as chaplain of the presidio in place of Father Pinilla, against whom complaints had been made. Full instruction.^ Instructions to Father Terreros 257 must be given Father Lopez for his conduct, providing that he restrain indiscreet zeal, "for he must not attempt to remedy what cannot be remedied," and he must do nothing on his own responsibility, without referring it to the president. He must also immediately put some one in place of Father Anda in Mis- sion San Francisco Xavier, sending Father Anda to San Antonio as companion of Father Lector Prado and subordinate to him.^^ To remedy a complaint that mass was said at San Xavier on holidays so early and hurriedly that most of the soldiers could not attend it, he was to order expressly that both at the missions and the presidio of San Xavier mass be said between eight and nine in the morning and that great care be taken in explaining the doctrine. Father Lopez must minister to the presidio from his mission of San Xavier. The Pinilla brothers were to retain charge of Candelaria. Father Terreros must look after the moving, "which, as we are informed, is necessary and altogether advantageous and profitable to the purposes and greatest lustre of this College." As a means of putting an end to the past dissension, Terreros must interest himself in the liberation of the refugee criminal, and in restoring peace between Zevallos and his wife. With Father Jose Pinilla was being sent Father Felix Gutierrez Varaona, ' ' a religious who, besides the many talents which adorn him, has a disposition most lovable, very docile, and tolerant in everything, for which reason he is being assigned to the mission of San Xavier in company with Father Lopez, a com- bination which we judge will be agreeable to both, and under the present circumstances very advantageous. " In case Father Terreros should not choose to live at Mission San Francisco de la Espada and should choose Fray Bartolome as his companion, that mission was to be put in charge of Father Arricivita. 11 Father Anda had recently been reprimanded for being careless in his accounts, which may explain this provision. 258 The Quarrel with Captain Babago Since the San Xavier missions had no other recourse than those of San Antonio, Terreros was charged to make charitable subsidies of Indians from San Antonio to instruct those of San Xavier and of supplies, tools, etc., for their siipport and com- merce. Finally, under the present urgent circumstances, the missionaries must not be permitted to take on any new charges, "lose what we may, or come what may." 5. Babago declared excommunicate. — Whatever its possi- bilities had this step toward conciliation been taken earlier, it came too late. Before it went into effect the breach had become too wide. It was complained by the missionaries that Rabago failed to furnish the missions with the soldiers necessary to guard the stock, cultivate the fields, and instruct the Indians, and that each day he caused mortification to the missionaries.^^ A matter of more concern was that of the morals of the garrison. The captain was not the only one whose standards were below par. A number of the soldiers had come without their families, and it was not long before rumors were rife that some of them were implicated in concubinage. Father Pinilla complained to the captain. Rabago claimed to know nothing of the scandal, but authorized Father Pinilla to enter the presidio by day or by night to root out the trouble.^^ Father Pinilla also begged Rabago to send for the families of the soldiers, which he prom- ised to do, though without keeping his word." The month of February was filled with wrangling. A soldier named Arrucha complained to Pinilla of undue intimacy be- tween his wife and Corporal Carabajal, a close confidante of Captain Rabago. The wife confessed, and thereupon Carabajal raised a storm against Father Pinilla, charging him with de- 12 ^o. ConsuUa. 13 He requested him to do this by a letter of February 1. Carta de los Fades. Pinilla to Fray Mariano,^ March 1. Eabago Declared Excommunicate 259 famation of character. Father Pinilla demanded that Rabago hold an investigation. This demand was answered by a docu- ment, inspired by Rabago and signed by some thirty soldiers, charging Father Pinilla with breaking the seal of secrecy in the confessional. The complaint was accompanied by an order from Rabago that Father Pinilla cease the administration of the presidio. Father Pinilla now consulted with his companions, and they concluded that he should declare the captain and soldiers ex- communicate. He did so, and on February 19 Father Ganzabal, as notary, appointed by Father Pinilla for the purpose, posted the pronouncement on the presidio.^^ The document was defaced and burned by the soldiery and immediately answered by a petition demanding absolution. The demand was denied; there- upon, Rabago assembled the soldiers with drumbeat and held a conference, wherein the soldiers threatened to desert, in order to seek absolution at Guadalajara. The assembly ended by sending as couriers to Mexico two of the excommunicates and chief offenders, Thoribio de Guevara and Carabajal, a collection being taken up for the purpose. After one or two more parries the soldiers and captain, with due penitence, besought absolution and received it from Father Ganzabal at San Ildefonso, with the authority of Father Pinilla. This incident was now closed, but Rabago declared that he was sorry that he had not e.iected Father Pinilla.^* On February 22 Guevara and Carabajal reached San An- tonio on their way to Mexico, where they gave out the nature of their mission. Thereupon Fray Mariano addressed to Rabago a petition, charging him with responsibility for the complaint, asking him to withdraw it, offering to go at once to San Xavier 15 A copy of the carta with the names is in Pinilla 's decree of censure, February 19, 1752. 18 A full account is given by Pinilla, March 1, 1752. See also Ar- ricivita, 331; Ex. San Saba, 11; and g". Consulta. 260 The Quarrel with Captain Bdbago to do justice to both parties, and demanding a formal statement of the charges. On March 2 this petition was presented to Rabago by Fray Diego Martin Garcia, in the presence of Fray Joseph Lopez, minister of Mission San Francisco Xavier, but the captain made no reply, though one was asked.^' 6. The murder of Father Oanzabal. — When news of the censure of Rabago by Father Pinilla reached Mexico, the vice- roy arrived at a similar though more far-reaching solution of the trouble than the one proposed by the college, for he issued an order that all the missionaries should retire, others being as- signed to their places. "^^ But by the time this order reached Fray Mariano, in June, it was already too late, for a crisis had been reached. The crisis referred to was the murder of Father Ganzabal and the refugee Zevallos. It seems that on account of some dis- turbance at the mission, Rabago gave orders that no Indian should enter the presidio armed, and that a Coco Indian, of Mission Candelaria, unwittingly violated the order and was in consequence beaten. Thereupon, the whole Coco contingent at the mission fled. Shortly afterward a report was given out that the Coco were on the war-path, and Rabago sent to Bexar and Bahia for help, which in both instances was refused. A few days later, on the evening of May 11, as Fathers Ganzabal and Pinilla, together with the refugee Zevallos, were standing in the door of the mission of Candelaria, Zevallos was killed by a blunderbuss shot, and immediately afterward Father Ganzabal fell pierced to the heart by an arrow. ^^ 17 Fetizn, Al Cap", de S"-. Xr., February 2^, 1752. 18 This is inferred from ;?". Consulta. 10 ^1. Consulta. Arricivita, Cronica, p. 334, gives essentially the same account, clearly from the same document which I am following. Fray Mariano in ' this document distinctly sayji that Eibago was especially angry at Ganzabal for his part in the censijres: but Morfi, on what ground i know not, says that Rabago was especially friendly toward Ganzabal. Bk. 9, paragraph 23. The Murder of Father Ganzabal 261 Soon after the murder — before June 13 — all of the mission- aries but one, fearing further violence, fled. The one who had the courage to remain was Father Anda y Altamirano, in whom the college had shown a lack of confidence. The flight of the Coco left but one mission — San Xavier — for him to serve.^" 7. Investigation of the murder. — Rabago immediately des- patched a messenger to San Antonio for help, and a few hours after the murder he went to the mission and began an investi- gation, whereupon the Indians fled.'^ It was not long before an arrest was made in another quarter. The night before the mes- senger sent by Rabago reached San Antonio, there appeared at San Juan Capistrano a Sayopin Indian named Andres. He be- longed to Mission Capistrano, where he had been raised from boyhood by Father Ganzabal, who took him to San Xavier as a personal servant and interpreter. Two days before the murder Andres and his wife had disappeared from the missions. On his arrival at Capistrano he gave out news of the murders, charging them to the Cocos. Next day the courier arrived calling for help. Suspicion pointing to Andres, Captain Urrutia went to San Juan Capistrano, accused hini, and he confessed, without torture. His version of the story was that at the instigation of Rabago he and four soldiers — among them Sergeant Miguel de Sosa and Manuel Carrillo — had committed the murder.-^ 20 See also Bolton, Guide, 390, for other data in Queretaro. On May 13, 1753, Miguel de la Garza Fale6n, captain and justicia mayor of the royal presidio, and Musquiz were at San Xavier as commissioners to investi- gate. Fray Mariano was there with them. Shortly afterward Captain Piszina took testimony at Bahla. In his reply Fray Mariano stated that, "of six ministers belonging to those conversions God was pleased to call one home: another was maliciously killed, together with a refugee, and of the other four, three have fled for fear lest they may meet the same fate, and one has barely remained there to assist the Indians of the mission of San Xavier, which is the only one inhabited now. ' ' Ibid. 21 Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraph 24. There is some contradiction here. Morfi states that the Cocos had all fled some days before. Now he states that when Babago made his investigation they fled. 22 This account of the investigation and the confession of Andres is from Fray Mariano's consulta of June 13, 1752. Arrieivita's Cronica, 334^335; and Morfi, Memorias, Bk. 9, paragraphs 25-26. 262 The Quarrel with Captain Edbago This was but the beginning of a long and tedious investiga- tion, which cannot be followed here. Urrutia drew up a proceso, and Governor Barrios sent a commissioner to San Xavier to conduct an inquiry. He was removed, and others were ap- pointed and removed in a long succession, among them being the most prominent men of the frontier. To facilitate the in- vestigation Rabago was removed and made captain of the pre- sidio of Santa Rosa, where he made for himself an unsavory reputation. His place was taken at San Xavier by his brother, Don Pedro de Rabago y Teran, who proved to be very popular with the missionaries. The investigation lasted eight years, being terminated in the viceroy's court in June, 1760. Rabago was acquitted, and at the same time the missionaries were declared by the viceroy to be free from all charge of guilt or misconduct in the case.^^ 23 Arricivita, 334-335 ; Fray Mariano to the viceroy, Oct. 28, 1760. Ex. San Sabd; Morfi, Bk. 9, paragraphs 25, 26;'Eeport of Fray Mariano, June 13, 1752; Expediente in B4xar Archives, Bexar, 1751-1769. CHAPTEB IX THE REMOVAL TO THE SAN MARCOS AND TO THE GUADALUPE 1. Continued work with the Indians. — The usefulness of these ill-fated missions was now largely at an end, and their sub- sequent history was made up mainly of an investigation of the murders and of efforts to move to another site. However, mis- sionary work did not altogether cease, and more than three years elapsed after the murder of Ganzabal before the place was abandoned. Although all but one of the missionaries had fled, Fray Mariano at once talked of and planned for restoring the mis- sions, and before long missionaries were sent to replace those who had left. Among those who returned were Pray Joseph Lopez, Fray Sebastian Flores, and Fray Francisco Aparicio. In his letter of June 13, 1752, to the viceroy. Fray Mariano wrote that even though the Indians were scattered and the fields neg- lected, it would still be possible to recover the Indians of San Ildefonso and Candelaria, and that the zeal of the fathers would cause them to seek them out. In the case of San Ildefonso, he said, this would be easy, since the neophytes had settled in a rancheria not far from the mission and had frequently been visited there by their missionary.^ Arricivita, in discussing events after the murders, states that the missionary of San Ildefonso went several times to visit and minister to the apostates in their nearby rancheria, and that they volunteered to return to their mission, but that their minister wisely put them off for lack of supplies and because of the bad <". Consulta of Fray Mariano. 264 The Removal to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe state of affairs at San Xavier. With his customary indefinite- ness, Arricivita gives no names or dates, and one wonders if he is not referring to events before the murders, as indicated in Pray Mariano's statement given above. In that case, Arricivita knew all about the matter, since he himself was at that time mis- sionary at San Ildefonso.^ That Fray Mariano knew whereof he spoke regarding the zeal of the missionaries is shown by the efforts of Father Jose Pinilla to recover the Coco. In the winter of 1752-1753 he went with a guard of soldiers from Bahia to the Colorado to recover the members of that tribe who had fled from San Xavier, as well as to secure some apostate Xaraname from Bahia. According to testimony given in May, 1753, incident to the investigation of the murders, they went to the Xaraname rancheria on the banks of the Colorado, where they found a Coco woman. Choosing her as an intermediary, they sent her across the Colorado to where her tribe were living, to inform them that Father Pinilla was waiting to take them back to their mission. They promptly came and warmly welcomed Father Pinilla and the soldiers with a military salute and a dance, which, by the way, the Father stopped. They expressed themselves as willing to return to mission life, though not at San Xavier, because the Spaniards there were angry at them. But they were willing to go to the Guadalupe, the Comal, or any other place that Father Pinilla might wish. However, it must be at a later date, after the cold weather had passed, because he had brought them no blankets or cottons to clothe them. The frankness with which the Indians received the Father and the soldiers was taken as evidence of their innocence of the charge of the murders.' 2 Arricivita, 336. 3 Diligs. a favor de los Cocos en los homicidios de S». XaV. 17 53. Arri- civita 's account on p. 336 is evidently based on the same document. He gives no date, however, and omits to state that the Cocos stipulated that if they were to return to a mission it must be elsewhere than at San Xavier. Efforts of Father Aparicio 265 The mission of San Francisco Xavier continued in opera- tion, and Arricivita states that in general its neophytes remained constant. Some, however, were led off by the Texas, and others roamed about in the woods; but the missionaries felt obliged to dissimulate, for the stock was running wild for lack of herds- men, and the fields remained uncultivated for lack of help fropi the soldiers.* Between the time of Father Pinilla's visit to the Coco and the summer of 1754, Father Francisco Aparicio was stationed at Mission Candelaria, where he did effective work. He gathered there one hundred and twenty Bidai and Orcoquiza, the ones who had deserted Mission San Ildefonso. Having remained twelve days without formally entering the mission, they deserted and returned to their rancherias. In the summer of 1754 the same missionary had under instruction at Mission Candelaria one hundred and twenty Cocos who had been induced to return. But the success was shortlived, for at the end of July they fled, stealing the soldiers' weapons. On August 14 they returned at night, attacked the horseherd, wounded a soldier, and ran off a drove of mares from Mission San Xavier. They were recovered next day, however, by a squadron of twenty-five soldiers.^ 2. Removal to the Apache country proposed. — In the sum- mer of 1753 Father Mariano went to San Xavier to assist in the investigation of the troubles there, and in the re-establishment of the missions. As a result of his visit he was convinced that success there was no longer possible, for a new difficulty had arisen. To complete the ruin wrought by the murders, the river * Arricivita, 336-337. The Prefecto de Misiones wrote in April, 1759: "Se Mcieron muchas instancias, j diligencias por los Pastor', de aquellos errantes ovejas para volververlas [sic] a su redil; pero no tubieron efecto sus deseos, siendo mueha parte de la renueueia de los Yndios, el genio aspero de dho Cap°. a q" tenian buen eonocido" (C, leg. 1, no. 1). This statement must refer, if to anything definite, to the period before Eabago was returned from San Xavier. s Testimonio de los Autos fechos, a consulta de Don Pedro Bauago, etc., 1753-54. 266 The Eemoval to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe had ceased to run, leaving stagnant pools. The phenomenon was mysterious because there was plentiful rainfall and other streams in the vicinity were full. The place had become unhealthful, and the country round about, which had once afforded good pasturage, was now covered with briers. In view of this situa- tion Father Mariano suggested moving the missions to the San Marcos, or better, to the Guadalupe and the Comal Springs, then so-called. At the same time, he suggested transferring the San Xavier presidio to the Apache country and that of San Antonio to the Guadalupe. The removal of the San Xavier neophytes might require force, but this he recommended.* Rabago's arrival on August 11, 1754, nearly a year after the date of his order, was the occasion for another glimpse of condi- tions at San Xavier, and for a new proposal for its suppression. On his way up he examined the principal rivers with a view to their advantages for settlement. Near the Guadalupe springs he found a site to which, he thought, fifty families might be moved from San Antonio. The San Marcos, even at the spring, he thought offered small advantages for irrigation. Immediately upon reaching San Xavier he took possession and reviewed the troops. The presidio had its full quota of fifty soldiers, of whom Joseph Joaquin Musquiz (Eca y Musquiz) was lieutenant, Diego Ramon alferez, and Aseneio del Raso sergeant. A nvimber of names are identical with those of soldiers there in 1752.'' They were in a sorry condition. Amongst them they had one hundred 8 Testimonio de los Autos fechos sobre la Beduocion de los Yndios Gen- tiles de la Nacion Apache, y establecimiento de el Precidio de San Saba. Quado. 50. A., fols. 81-82. (A. G. I. M^jioo, 92-6-22). 7 The names given in the revista are: (1) Don Joseph Joaquin de Eeaymusquis, teniente; (2) Don Diego Ramon, alferez; (3) Aseneio del Easo, sargento iterinerario ; (4) Antonio Flores, cavo; (5) Nicolas Cara- uajal, cavo; (6) Joachiu Garcia, cauo interino; (7) Carlos de Uruega; (8) Phelipe Neri del Valle; (9) Gueronimo Rodriguez; (10) Joseph Antonio de Estrada; (11) Marcos Minchaca; (12) Euseuio Garcia; (13) Joseph Visente Guerrero; (14) Fran.'"' Sanchez; (1.5) Joseph Xptobal Vela; (16) Joseph Juachin de Estrada; (17) Juan Fran."" de Auila; (18) Joseph Antonio Charles; (19) Pedro del Rio; (20) Joseph de Sosa; (21) Joseph Antonio Rodriguez; (22) Vicente Ferrer Monealvo [sic]; (23) Fran."" Removal to the San Sahd Proposed 267 and six horses and a mule, but eight soldiers were entirely without mounts. Some were completely equipped with arms, offensive and defensive, powder and balls, but others lacked cloak, leather jacket, shield, musket, saber, ammunition, bridle, saddle, spurs, one or all. The garrison was equipped with four re-enforced pedreros, or swivel guns, but they were without sig-wenas, and the quarters were mere huts of thatch. On September 2 Rabago wrote to the viceroy describing the deplorable condition of the garrison, "expatriated, without quarters even for lodgings, and lacking supplies and other neces- sities. ' ' Fray Mariano 's complaint against the site was confirmed by the captain. It seemed pleasant and attractive enough, said Eabago, but it would never be habitable. The climate was con- ducive to contagious diseases; the water left in the pools by the falling river was corrupt from rotting fish, so that not even cattle or horses would drink it. To the oft-repeated complaint that the lands were not adapted to irrigation Rabago subscribed. The condition of the missions was even worse than that of the pre- sidio. The Indians could not be made to work and when urged would flee to their native woods. Indeed, San Ildefonso was without missionaries or Indians. In San Xavier there were seventy neophytes under the instruction of Father Lopez. In Candelaria Father Fray Francisco Aparicio was stationed, but his charges had all fled. In short, in Rabago 's opinion, the presidio would always be useless where it was, and should be moved to a new frontier. And Maldonado; (24) Santiago Garcia; (25) Joseph Flores; (26) Pedro Duran; (27) Pedro Martin; (28) Miguel de Sosa; (29) Jose de Torres; (30) Fran"", de Iruegas; (31) Mario Martines; (32) Joseph Manuel Martin; (33) Joseph Joachin Perez; (34) Joseph Calletano de TJlivarri; (35) Gregorio Dominges de Eenteria; (36) Thomas Barreda; (37) Antonio Clemente Flores; (38) Juan Antonio Eamires; (39) Ignacio de Easo; (40) Joseph Joachin del Valle; (41') Juan Diego de la Garza; (42) Fran."" Xavier de Suniga; (43) Joseph Barroso; (44) Pablo Joseph Carmona; (45) Asencio Cadena; (46) Manuel de la Garza; (47) Joseph Marcos Mendez; (48) Mariano de Esquibal; (49) Joseph Maria Martinez; (50) Juan de Sosa {Testimonio de los Autos fechos, a consulta de Don Pedro Bauago Terdn, etc., 1753-54). 268 The Bemoval to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe for this he had a proposal. Let the neophytes there be moved to the San Antonio missions, which could easily serve three thousand. Then let the missionaries and soldiers at San Xavier, with their entire outfit and aided by fifty more soldiers, be sent to work among the Apache, on the San Saba River, or on the Eio Florido (the Concho), discovered by himself in 1748. Here were the finest of lands, water, pastures, and mineral prospects. Near by were the Comanche, who could likewise by Christianized. Through their country a direct route could be opened to New Mexico, and commerce established between that province, Texas, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon. Finally, by these means French traders, of whom there were rumors current, would be kept out of New Mexico. A question of jurisdiction would arise, Rabago said, between New Mexico, Texas, and Coahuila, but he recom- mended that the new establishment be made dependent solely on the captaincy-general of the viceroy.' This proposal of Rabago 's fitted right in with the plan for Apache missions which for years had been on foot, and of which it may have been but an echo. At any rate, it ultimately became the solution of the San Xavier problem. 3. Nature conspires against the missions. — The order of events at San Xavier during 1754 and 1755 is as yet obscure, but we know with some precision the circumstances which led to the abandonment of the place in the year last named. The specific cause — or the principal one given, for this removal — was that nature had conspired to make the site untenable. In the fore- going report Rabago spoke emphatically of the unhealthfulness of the place. To this charge there were added tales of frightful supernatural phenomena. On this point, which became a dis- puted one, I venture no opinion, but merely give the statement of Father Mariano made some years later. He says : s Testimonio de los Autos fechos a consulta de Don Pedro Sauago Terdn, 17.53-54. Divine Justice Provoked 269 "The sacrilegious homicides having been perpetrated, the elements at once conspired, declaring divine justice provoked; for in the sky appeared a ball of fire so horrible that all were terrified, and with so notable a circumstance that it circled from the presidio to the mission of the Occisos [Orcoquiza], and re- turned to the same presidio, when it exploded with a noise as loud as could be made by a heavily loaded cannon. The river ceased to run, and its waters became so corrupt that they were extremely noxious and intolerable to the smell. The air became so infected that all who went to the place, even though merely passing, became infected by the pest, which became so malicious that many of the inhabitants died, and we all found ourselves in the last extremes of life. Finally, the land became so accursed thsft what had been a beautiful plain became" converted into a thicket, in which opened horrible crevices that caused terror. And the inhabitants became so put to it, in order to escape the complete extermination which threatened them, that they moved more than thirty leagues away, with no other permission than that granted them by the natural right to save their own lives. ' '" 4. The Removal to the San Marcos. — As Father Mariano said, while his proposal and that of Rabago were being discussed in Mexico, the residents of the frontier took matters into their own hands. On July 15, 1755, the soldiers of the presidio pre- sented a petition to Captain Rabago. It recited that the pest of » Fray Mariano to the viceroy, Ex. S. San Saba, 11-12, October 28, 1760. See also Bonilla, "Breve Compendio, " Texas Historical Quar- terly, VIII, p. 50, and Morfi's repetition of some of Bonilla 's statements; Morfi, Memorias, Bk. 9, paragraphs 29-35. See also Informe de Misiones, in Memorias, XXVIII, 179, for a statement of the natural phenomena. On January 22, 1757, Fray Mariano made the following statement regarding the abandonment of San Xavier: "The pueblo of Sau Xavier annihilated, the missions destitute, the Indians having deserted, terrified by the various general pests and epidemics which the Spaniards and Indians suffered, the missionaries not exempted, and from which many Indians were imperilled, for it was so severe that whoever passed through the place became ill, they abandoned it completely, returning to their ancient caverns, where, blind in the shadowy chaos of infidelity, they groan under the power of the common enemy, together with more than four hundred Christians who had been baptized" (Testimonio de los Autos fhos, sobre hauerse trasladado los Yndios . . . 1757). 270 The Bemoval to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe the three previous summers had recurred with increased vigor. The river had again ceased to run, the water was stagnant, and from its use some, especially Indians, had died. They begged the captain, therefore, to remove them to some habitable place, pledg- ing their goods as a guarantee of the cost. Rabago replied that he had no authority to grant the request, and ordered them, like good subjects, to continue at their posts, even at the risk of their lives. Eight days later a similar petition was presented by the friars, Joseph Lopez, Francisco Aparicio, and Sebastian Plores. They recited that since early in May the missionaries, soldiers, and Indians had been suffering from the pest. The Indians had become terrified at the natural phenomena ; some had fled to the San Marcos, and others were clamoring to go thither. They Re- quested, therefore, that Rabago move them and the remaining neophytes to that stream. If the request were not granted, they declared that they would appeal to the viceroy. Prom Arricivita we learn that the missionaries had already addressed a petition to their President, Fray Mariano. To this appeal Rabago yielded, even though he had no author- ity except that of necessity. He therefore ordered Alf erez Diego Ramon, now a veteran of many years ' service in Texas, to be ready within two days to go with ten soldiers, twenty picked Indians, and one missionary, to the San Marcos, to select a site and con- struct temporary xacales, while the captain himself followed with the remaining friars, neophytes, and movables. Another peti- tion by the soldiers, dated the same day, was met with a rebuke, although the decision to move had already been made. By August 23 the entire colony had been transported to San Marcos. Ever since their arrival the missionaries had been be- sieged by more than a thousand hungry Apaches, who were clamoring to have them move, with the presidio, to their country, on the San Saba and the Plorido. On September 6, Governor TTie Removal to San Marcos 271 Barrios wrote to the viceroy that the presidio of San Xavier had been moved to the San Marcos without his knowledge, although he supposed that Rabago had taken the step under the viceroy's orders. On February 6, 1756, the viceroy wrote to Rabago, re- buking him for having moved the garrison without authority, though he accepted the fait accompli. In spite of the tenacity with which they had clung to the San Xavier site, the leading spirits in bringing about the removal seem to have been the friars. Arricivita states that the mis- sionaries, in view of the peril involved in remaining at San Xavier, took pity on the soldiers, and appealed to their presi- dent, Fray Mariano, suggesting a removal; Fray Mariano in turn addressed the captain on the subject. The captain admitted the truth of the statements, but maintained that he had no authority to move without permission from the viceroy. The missionaries repeated the request, stating that the missions could no longer perform their duties, and that if they remained there both Spaniards and Indians would perish. "And proving the truth of their petitions, they were under necessity of agreeing to the decision which all, forced by such penuries; made to leave and encamp on the bank of the San Marcos, with no other license than that given them by the natural right, which prevails over every other right, to save their own lives. With this desertion of San Xavier the total desolation of that unfortunate land was completed. ' ' 5. San Xavier neophytes at San Antonio. — "When the soldiers and missionaries left San Xavier, most of the Indians who had remained at mission San Francisco went "to their ancient selvas. " For a time the missionaries stopped with the soldiers on the San Marcos, the step being spoken of as a transfer of the missions to that point, although they went with few neophytes. The removal, therefore, consisted mainly of a change of location 272 The Removal to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe on the part of the missionaries, and of a transfer of bells, orna- ments, and other movable mission property.^" But the missionaries did not leave their neophytes, many of whom were baptized, to roam the forests unheeded. On the con- trary, in the course of the succeeding months Fray Mariano "several times" sent to seek them and "with flattery, gifts, and urgent persuasion" succeeded in taking to the mission of San Antonio de Valero numerous families belonging to the mission of San Francisco Xavier, with the hope that their relatives would follow them, "but with such bad results, on aceoimt of their ancient repugnance to being congregated with these, that not only did the rest . . . not come, but, deserting a few at a time, there now [June 25, 1756] remain less than a fourth of those who were here. ' '" Meanwhile the Coco and other tribes belong- ing to Mission Candelaria were being gathered in considerable numbers at Mission Valero.^^ The plan for an Apache mission, which had been developing for years, had now come to a head, and provision had been made (May 18, 1756) for transferring to that new establishment the missionaries and soldiers who had been employed at San Xavier. The same despatch which ordered this transfer, provided also for opening the San Antonio missions to the remnant of neophytes who had been at the San Xavier missions.^^ When this provision 10 Testimonio de los Autos fechos sobre la Beduocion de los Yndios Gen- tiles de la Nacion Apache, fols. 177-186. Barrios to the viceroy, Sept. 6, 1755; the viceroy to Barrios, Feb. 14, 1756 (A. G. M. Historia, vol. 97, Expediente 1). See also Mem. de Nueva JEspana, XXVIII, 179-180, 183; Arricivita, 335-336. The obvious source of Arricivita's account at this point is Fray Mariano's statement. 11 Fray Mariano to Ortiz, Arch. Coll. Santa Cruz, K, leg. 6, no. 10; Fray Mariano to Parrilla, January 22, 1757, Arch. Coll. Santa Cruz, K, leg. 6, no. 34. 12 Fray Mariano to Ortiz, Arch. Coll. Santa Cruz, K, leg. 6, no. 10, June 25, 1756. 13 Fray Mariano to Parrilla, January 22, 1757. "Que en conse- cuenzia de Su Ynstituto religiosa Christianidad, y acreditado Celo El bien de las Almas, se apronten §, rezibir los yndios de los tres suprimidas misionee del Eio de San Javier. ' ' The Mission at New Braunfels 273 was reported to Fray Mariano, he made it the occasion for an effort to gather the Mayeye and their kinsmen, that is, the neophytes of San Francisco Xavier, in a mission on the Guada- lupe, without a presidial guard. 6. The mission on the Guadalupe Biver. — When the order came. Fray Francisco Ortiz was again at San Antonio as visitor of missions. He had been present at the birth of the unfor- tunate San Xavier missions, and he was now in at the death. His coming had already been made the occasion of a protest (May 6, 1756) against the evil influence of the Texas soldiery, and of a request by three of the missionaries of San Xavier, now at San Antonio, to be permitted to return to their missionary work unhampered by the control of presidial ofificers.^^ The peti- tion was referred by Father Ortiz to all the other missionaries at the San Antonio missions, all of whom, by June 1, had expressed their approval of it. The reply of Fathers Mariano and Joseph de los Angeles, of Mission Valero, was a most instructive, if a partisan, disquisition upon the government of Texas. ^^ On June 25 Fray Mariano broached to Father Ortiz his plan regarding a mission on the Guadalupe River. He told of the destruction of the mission of San Xavier and of the efforts which have been made to assemble the neophytes at San Antonio. The tribes belonging to Candelaria, he said, were entering Mission Valero ; the Orcoquiza and other tribes formerly at San Ildef onso could be gathered at the new mission just ordered established among the Orcoquiza tribe on the lower Trinity.^* This left un- provided for only the Mayeye and their associates of Mission San Francisco Xavier. They could not be gathered at San Antonio, 1* Petition of Fathers Francisco Aparicio, Benito Varela, and Jose Lopez to Father Ortiz. Mem. de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 76-79. 15 Memorias, XXVIII, 86-88. The other missionaries approving were Fathers Aponte and Aranda, of Concepcidn; Jose Guadalupe and Sebastian Flores, of Capistrano; and Aeisclos Valverde and Bartolomg Garcia, of Espada. I'See Bolton, "Spanish Activities on the Lower Trinity"; also pp. 327-374, below. 274 The Removal to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe as had already been proved ; they could not be established at San Marcos because, without more means, irrigating facilities could not be provided ; moreover, since the garrison now at San Marcos was to go to San Saba there would be no guard at the former place. Therefore, he proposed a site on the Guadalupe, twelve leagues from San Antonio — ^the site of modern New Braunfels — for a new mission. To care for them he proposed asking alms for two missionaries, and for the salaries of six soldiers. But instead of enlisting soldiers, let the fund be used to secure citizen Spaniards "who shall instruct the Indians in labor and serve as a protection to them." The missionaries would undertake to select the Spanish families. By this means many souls would be saved ; the royal treasury would be relieved of a heavy burden ; the missionaries would be exempt from the customary molesta- tion by the presidial officers, while within a few years there would grow up a villa large enough to protect the place, when no guard would be necessary.^' On June 26 this memorial was submitted by Father Ortiz to all the missionaries near San Antonio, all of whom approved it. On July 2 Fray Sebastian Flores wrote his approval at ' ' Mis- sion San Francisco Xavier," and on the next day Fray Benito Varela wrote his approval at "Mission de la Candelaria." Neither one states where his mission was, but both imply that they were on the San Marcos.^* On July 5 Father Ortiz ap- proved the plan and ordered Fray Mariano "to carry out with all possible expedition whatever was in his part and whatever he might find conducive to the requested foundation and to the con- gregation of the said Indians. ' '^^ Having secured this license. Fray Mariano went to the garri- son on the San Marcos, and asked its commander, who was now 17 Memorial, on or before June 26, 1756. 18 Varela, writing of the site on the Guadalupe, says: "I have been at said place. ' ' 19 Memorial, on or before June 26, 1756. It will be noted that on May 31 Father Flores was missionary at Mission San Juan Capistrano, Memorias XXVIII, 88. A Superb Site 275 Diego Ramon, Rabago having died, to go to the Guadalupe to re- port on the suitability of the site proposed.^" Ramon complied, and on the 15th was at the Guadalupe, accompanied by Geronimo Rodriguez, Father Montalbo, Phelipe Neri del Valle, and Joseph Martinez. They described the site as unexceptionable. There were five springs close at hand, excellent opportunities for irri- gation, fine arable fields, meadows, timber, "and other circum- stances necessary to form a diversified settlement, with the ad- vantage that the river is one of the best in this province. ' ' Ramon approved also Fray Mariano's plan for Spanish settlers instead of presidial soldiers.^^ Having secured this support. Father Mariano now proposed to the Mayeye and their associates still at San Antonio that they should go to the Guadalupe to settle, "with the intention, of course, of going after the rest, the deserters. ' ' They embraced the proposal eagerly, and went to their new destination, promis- ing to settle permanently, and expecting their friends to join them. With them the president sent Spanish families, Indian laborers, and two missionaries. Fathers Francisco Aparicio and Miguel de Aranda.^^ In December Father Terreros and Captain Parrilla, who had been appointed respectively military and religious heads of the San Saba enterprise, arrived with their outfits at San Antonio, where they spent some time in making preparations for their expedition. On January 14, 1757, at Mission San Antonio de Valero the property of the San Xavier missions was delivered by Fray Mariano, listed and appraised under the direction of Parrilla, and turned over to Fray Giraldo de Terreros. It was 20 Fray Mariano to Ortiz, Arch. Coll. Santa Cruz, K, leg. 6, no. 10. 21 Ibid. 22 Memorial del B. P. Fr. Mariano. These two missionaries are not named in the document cited, but they are the ones on the Guadalupe in January, 1757. 276 The Bemoval to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe valued at $1804.50.^^ This transaction had a bearing upon Pray Mariano's plati for a mission on the Guadalupe, for were it to be established an outfit must be forthcoming from somewhere. He therefore, on January 22, presented to Parrilla an escrito re- counting what had been done with the Mayeye, and requesting that Parrilla go to the Guadalupe, examine the site and decide whether the missionaries should continue their work there or return to their college. He added that in case they were to re- main they would need an outfit, of which they had just been de- prived.^* The petition was presented at an opportune time, be- cause Parrilla was about to go to the San Marcos to attend to the removal to San Antonio of the garrison there under Ramon. ^^ Parrilla readily granted the request, and on January 25 he was "at the Congregation of San Francisco Jabier de el Rio de Guadalupe." With him were Fray Mariano, Fray Bartolome Garcia, of Mission Espada, Manuel Antonio de Bustillo y Zevallos, ex-lieutenant-general of Coahuila, Alferez Diego Ramon, and Antonio de Ribas. They reported a "settlement of several huts, in which live four families of Spaniards, servants of said con- gregation ; some Indians ; and the reverend father Fray Fran- cisco Aparicio and Fray Miguel de Aranda . . . formerly mis- sionaries of the abandoned Rio de San Jabier and now in charge of the establishment, care and administration of this." Parrilla examined the "governor" of the congregation, a Christian Mayeye Indian named Pablo, who spoke Spanish. The Indian settlement contained forty-one persons formerly at San Xavier, twenty-seven of whom had been baptized. Pablo stated that 23 Among the notable items were six bells, weighing 252, 225, 223, 131, 128, and 125 pounds respectively, and valued at $542, or half a dollar per pound. Testimonio de loa Autos feehos sre la entrega, etc. ^^ Memorial del E. P. Fr. Mariano; Testimonio de los Autos fhos, sabre hauerse trdsladddo los Yndios, 1751. Father Mariano stated that the bringing of the Mayeye to San Antonio had cost them about forty horses, besides endless hardships. 25 Dunn, W. E., "The Apache Missions on the San Saba River," 392. A Question of Funds . 277 though this region was not their native land, the Indians were content, since the missionaries supplied them with plenty to eat and wear and since the site was all that could be desired. Gov- ernor Pablo then called the rest of the Indians, who subscribed to what he had said.^* Next the site was examined. Note was taken of several springs flowing from the slope of a rocky hill near by ; and of the advantages for an irrigation ditch on the west side of the river ' ' a short distance from its source ; ' ' the excellent lands for crops ; plentiful timber, pasture lands, and the ridge north of the stream, thought to contain mineral. Parrilla continued his ex- ploration down stream ten leagues, ' ' invited by its shadiness. ' ' Having completed the examination, Parrilla stated in writing that the spirit of the viceroy's order would be kept by founding the desired mission, but preferred, before making a decision, to get the opinion of Father Terreros, president of the projected San Saba missions. On February 13 Terreros recommended that Parrilla, after having made proper diligencias to test the desires of the Indians, report to the viceroy the need of one or more missions on the Guadalupe for the already Christianized neo- phytes of Sari Xavier; that meanwhile the missionaries should remain at their post, until the viceroy should decide the matter ; and that the establishment sho,uld be under the San Antonio presidency, since the San Saba enterprise was designed to convert heathen Apache north of Coahuila. According to one of the mis- sionaries present at San Antonio at the time. Father Mariano was greatly offended that Father Terreros should have excluded the Guadalupe mission from participation in the endowment of the San Saba mission, and a quarrel ensued between them.^' 26 The names of the baptized Indians are given: Pablo, his wife Jer- trudis, Beimundo, Peliz, Antonio, Diego, Maria, Eosa, Basilio, Bernardo, Ana, Joseph, Dorothea, Francisco, Thomas, Matias, Juana, Geronimo, Andres, Matheo, Enrique, Margarita, Jabiela, Barbara, another Mar- garita, Sebastiana, Josepha. 27 Fray Francisco de la Santisima Trinidad, Vindicta del Rio de S". Saba. 278 The Bemoval to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe On February 18, Parrilla forwarded his diligencias to the viceroy, accompanied by a consulta. In his opinion the site on Guadalupe was beautifully adapted to two missions, and he be- lieved that it would be a good thing to occupy a post between San Antonio and the San Saba. In case this was done, four men would be necessary for a guard. For further information Par- rilla referred the viceroy to Fray Miguel de Aranda, who was about to set out for Mexico in the interest of the new project.^' The matter being referred to Valcarcel, the auditor, and to the Marques de Aranda, the fiscal, the latter gave an opinion on June 15. He agreed that the question at issue did not pertain to the San Saba project. But he recommended that for the time being, until the question of a permanent mission should be de- termined, the Indians on the Guadalupe be provided with mis- sionaries, and that Father Terreros be requested to return the necessary outfit. Valcarcel agreed, on June 30, and on August 2 the viceroy ordered the feeble mission continued and provided with two missionaries.^" At this point detailed knowledge of the mission on the Guada- lupe fails us. But we have the statement of Father Mariano and his associates made in 1762 that, at the time of the destruc- tion of the San Saba mission, which was in March, 1758, the mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, which likewise by order of his Excellency had been founded on the river of this name, with the hope of congregating some of the dispersed nations of the Rio de San Xavier, was abandoned, "since with insufficient garrison, it could not exist because of the multitude of enemies. ' '*" 2S Memorial del S. P. Fr. Mariano; Parrilla, Consulta of February 18, in Testimonio de los Autos fhos, sabre hauerse trasladado los Tndios, etc. 29 Testimonio de los Autos fechos sre la entrega, etc. 30 Informe de Misiones, 1762, Memorias, XXVIII, 181. Bonilla says that the mission was allowed to continue "by special permission." Breve Compendio, p. 5. III. THE REORGANIZATION OF THE LOWER GULF COAST CHAPTEE I THE LOWER GULP COAST BEFORE 1746^ 1. The Karankawan tribes about Matagorda Bay. — When, at the close of the seventeenth century, the French and the Spaniards first attempted to occupy the Gulf coast in the neigh- borhood of Matagorda Bay, that region was the home of a group of native tribes now called Karankawan, from their best known division. The principal tribes of the group, using the most common English forms of the names, were the Cujane, .Karan- kawa, Guapite (or Coapite), Coco, and Copane. They were closely interrelated, and all apparently spoke dialects of the same language, which was different from that of their neighbors farther inland.^ Though the Karankawa tribe has finally given its name to the group, it was not always the one best known to the Europeans or regarded by them as the leading one, for in the middle of the eighteenth century four tribes, at least, includ- ing the Karankawa, were frequently considered collectively under the name Cujane.^ 1 Unless otherwise indicated, the correspondence cited in this mono- graph is contained in a collection of manuscripts in the Archivo General de Mexico (Seeci6n de Historia, volume 287) entitled Autos fhos. Ape- dimento . . . [de] Frai Benitto de Santa An[a^ . . . que se le manden restitu[ir d la Mision de] Sn. Antonio que es a cargo de la Sta. Cruz de Queretaro los [con] Bersos Indies de la Nacion [Citjom] que se hallan agre- gados a [la Mision'] de Santa Dorothea. 1751-1758. Original. 108 Folios. 2 The relation above asserted between these four tribes has not hitherto been established by ethnologists, nor do the scope and purpose of this study justify inserting here the evidence to prove it. Such evidence is not lacking, however, and will be published, it is hoped, in another place. The only essay in print on the Karankawan Indians is that by Dr. Gatschet, The Karankawa Indians, in Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Fedbody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. I, no. 2 (1891) Becent work in the Mexican and the Texas archives has made accessible a great deal of material unused by him. [Since the above was written, some of the results of this work have been published]. 3 Captain Manuel Eamirez de la Piszina, of Bahla del Espiritu Santo, calls them "the four nations, who, under the name of Coxanes, have 282 The Lower Gulf Coast Before 1746 Since these Indians did not occupy fixed localities, and since they mingled freely with each other, it is difficult to assign definite territorial limits to the different tribes; and yet in a general way the characteristic habitat of each can be designated with some certainty. The Karanwaka dwelt most commonly on the narrow fringe of islands extending along the coast to the east and the west of Matagorda Bay; the Coco on the main- land east of Matagorda Bay, about the lower Colorado Kiver; the Cujane and Guapite on either side of the bay, particularly to the west of it ; and the Copane west of the mouth of the San Antonio Eiver about Copano Bay, to which the tribe has given its name. Numerically the group was not large. A French writer of the seventeenth century estimates the "Quelaneouchis," prob- ably meaning the whole Karankawan group, at four hundred fighting men, and a Spaniard, upon the basis of a closer acquaint- ance, in 1751 put the number, excluding the Coco, at five hundred fighting men.* These tribes represented perhaps the lowest grade of native society in Texas. Their tribal organization was loose, and their habits were extremely crude. With respect to clothing, they ordinarily went about in a state of nature. Being almost or entirely without agriculture, they lived largely on fish, eggs of sea-fowls, and sylvan roots and fruits, although to some extent they hunted buffalo and other game in the interior. They led a roving life, and therefore built only temporary habitations, consisting usually of poles covered or partly covered with reeds or skins. The Karankawa, in particular, as has been said, dwelt on the islands; but during the hunting season and the been reduced. They are the Cujanes, Guapittes, Carancaguases, and Copanes." (Letter to the viceroy, December 26, 1751). 'fiiis is only one of several instances of this usage of the word Gujanes that might be cited. * A memoire of 1699, in Margry, Deoouvertes et Etablissements, TV, 316; Captain Piszina, of Bahia, letter to the viceroy, December 26, 1751. Early Efforts to Subdue the Karankawa 283 cold winter months they migrated to the mainland. For these migrations they used canoes, which they managed with great skill. Physically, the men were large and powerful, and they were correspondingly warlike. They were frequently in conflict with the interior tribes, and from their first contact with the whites they were regarded as particularly dangerous. Although their only weapons were the bow and the spear,° their island asylum and their skill with canoes made them unassailable in retreat, while horses, early secured from the Spaniards, increased their offensive strength. From very early times they were re- garded as cannibals, and their religious superstitions were com- mensurate with their barbarity. Such Indians as these could hardly be called the most inviting material for the missionary. 2. Early Spanish efforts among the Karakawan tribes. — Although the Karankawan tribes were among the very earliest of the Texas natives to come to the notice of the Spaniards, and were visited by them again during the first attempts at actual occupation of the country, efforts to control them were for some time delayed. The Caoque, or Capoque, met by Cabeza de Vaca on the Texas coast (1528-1534) are thought to have been identical with the Coco of later times.® After this adventurer, their next white visitors to leave explicit records were the French. La Salle's unfortunate colony (1685-1689) on the Garcitas River had some of these tribes for neighbors, and was destroyed by them. It was among the Caocosi, the Coco, very probably, that De Leon in 1690 rescued some captive survivors of this French colony.' Again, in 1721, the hostility of what 5 The "dardo" which they also used for catching fish (De Mezigres to Croix, October 7, 1779, in Memorias de Nueva Espma, XXVIII, 258). 6 Bandolier, The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca (Barnes & Co., 1905), 72; Gatschet, The KaranTcawa Indians, 34; Eandboolc of American Indians (Bureau of American Ethnology), I, 315. ^ Velasco, Dictamen Fiscal, November 30, 1716, in Memorias de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 182. This statement is made by Velasco on the basis of De Le6n's own report. See "Carta de Damain Manzanet" (Texas State Hist. Assn. Quarterly, II, 301), and De Leon, Derrotero, 1690. 284 The Lower Gulf Coast Before 1746 have been thought to be the same tribes caused La Harpe to abandon his project of occupying the Bay of St. Bernard for France, and thus put an end to serious French attempts to con- trol this coast." It may be, however, that La Harpe 's landfall was farther east, among the Attacapa. Up to this time the Spaniards had seen but little of the Karankawa Indians since the first entradas from Mexico more than a quarter of a century before, and had made no attempt to subdue them. But in 1722 the Marques de Aguayo established on the very site of La Salle 's fort the presidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto, more commonly called Bahia, and aided the Zacatecan missionaries in founding nearby for the Cujane, Guapite, and Karankawa the mission of Espiritu Santo de Zuniga. The presidio was left in charge of Captain Domingo Ramon, the man who had led the expedition to eastern Texas and Louisiana in 1716. Father Pena,° a member of Aguayo 's expedition, recorded at the time in his diary that "it was seen that they [these three tribes] were very docile and would enter readily upon the work of cultivating the earth and their own souls, more especially be- cause they live in greater misery than the other tribes, since they subsist altogether upon fish and go entirely without clothing." In a short time forty or more families of Cujane, Karan- kawa, and Guapite established their raneheria near the presidio, and others may have entered the mission ; but scarcely had they done so before trouble began. In the fall of 1723 a personal quarrel arose between them and the soldiers. An attempt to punish an offending Indian resulted in a fight, the death of Captain Ramon, and the flight of the natives.^" In a few weeks s Margry, Decouvertes et Etablissements, VI, 354. Pena 's diary of the Aguayo expedition calls him Jose Bam6n, but authentic documents written at Loreto at the time of Ramon's death call him Domingo Ramon (Autos fechos en la Bahia de el Espirtu Santo sobre . . . muertes, 1723-1724. ^0 Autos soire muertes, etc., 1723-1724; Sotomayor, Jos6 Francisco, Historia del Apostolico Colegio de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zaca- tecas (Zacatecas, 1874), p. 195. La Bahia Moved Inland 285 the Indians returned to make reprisals upon the lives and the goods of the soldiery — -a practice which they kept up more or less continuously for the next twenty-five years.^^ Whether or not the garrison was to blame for bringing about the ill-feeling, as it was claimed they were, cannot be stated, but at any rate they showed little skill in dealing with this warlike people. ^^ Discouraged by the hostility between the Indians and the soldiery, the missionary at Bspiritu Santo in 1726 removed his mission some ten leagues northwestward to the Guadalupe River, and labored among the Xaraname and the Tamique,^^ non-coast tribes, of a different language, hostile to, and having apparently a somewhat higher civilization than the Karankawa.^* Shortly afterward the presidio was removed to the same site by Captain Ramon's successor. ^^ The new location is now marked by the ruins in modern Mission Valley, west of the Guadalupe and near the northwestern line of Victoria County.^® 11 Ibid. In 1728 Eivera reported that the Cujanes, Cocos, Guapites, and Caraneaguases were hostile to BahIa (Proyecto, Tercero Estado, par. 42). In 1730 Governor Bustillo y Zevallos wrote to the viceroy that a treaty had been made with Cujanes, Guapites, and Caraneaguases, and that he hoped that the Copanes and Cocos would soon join them (Letter of November 29, 1720). Testimony given at Bahia November 20, 1749, states that Captain Orobio Bazterra had succeeded for some time in keeping the Cocos, Cujanes, and Orooquizas quiet (Bexar Archives. Bahia, 1743-1778). * 12 IMd. 13 Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, edition of 1886, I, 631. 1* Father Juan de Dios Maria Camberos, missionary at Bahia, wrote to the viceroy May 30, 1754, that ' ' these Indians already mentioned [the Cujanes, Guapites, and Caranguases] do not wish to leave the neighbor- hood of la Bahia del Espiritu Santo, where their lands are, nor is it proper that they should be put with the Jaranames and Tamiques, who are in the mission called Espiritu Santo at said Bahia, since they are of different languages, incompatible dispositions, and do not like to be in their company." Soils, in his Diario (1768), reports that the Jaranames and their associates are "en mas politica" than the Karan- kawa (Memorias de Nueva Espand, XXVII, 265). 15 Correspondence of Gov. Perez de Almazan and Gov. Bustillo, with the viceroy, 1726, MSS. in A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 236; Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I, 631, on the authority of Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., 195. The presidio was removed in 1726. 16 This new site was later reported as fourteen leagues northwest from Bahia del Espiritu Santo (Report of Captain Orobio Bazterra, of Bahia, 1747) and about ten leagues northwest of the later site of Bahia, 286 The Lower Gulf Coast Before 1746 Though the presidio and the mission had receded from their midst, the Karankawan tribes remained hostile, and, after Rivera's inspection in 1727, there was little prospect of subdu- ing them. Rivera's reports made between 1728 and 1738 show that he regarded the Cujane, Coco, Guapite, Karankawa, and Copane tribes as all incapable of being reduced to mission life.^' and that it was for this reason, mainly, that he considered pro- jects for removing the presidio and the mission of Bahia, now to the San Marcos, now to the San Antonio, and now to the Medina. A missionary at San Antonio wrote in 1751 that "the Cujanes were for some thirty years considered unconquerable, and, according to various reports to be found in the Secretaria de Govierno, because imconquerable, they were the principal obstacle to the presidio of la Bahia. ' ' A little earlier he had written : " In truth, since the year 1733, when I came to this province, I have never heard that one of these Indians has attached himself to that mission [Espiritu Santo]."" In 1749 a number of Coco families entered the mission of Candelaria, at San Xavier. But with the exception of these and of a few families of Cujane and a few of Coco who had found their way into the San Antonio missions, by 1750 little progress had been made toward convert- ing or even subduing these tribes. But now the problem of sub- duing the Karankawa was united with that of colonizing the whole Gulf coast lying to the southward. 3. Tamaulipas a center of disturbance. — No less in need of attention than the Karankawan district was the long stretch of coast to the southward, between the Nueces River and Panuco. or modem Goliad (Capt. Manuel Kamlrez de la Piszina to the viceroy, PebTimry 18, 1750). Mr. H. J. Passmore, of Goliad, informs me that at the lower end of Mission Valley, and close to the Guadalupe River, and near what was known as the "De Leon Crossing," there were, within the memory of the old settlers, some fairly well preserved ruins of a mission, whose name none in his locality can tell him. The distances of this point from the original site of Bahia and from Goliad correspond very well with those given above. 1' Santa Ana, president of the Quer^taran Missions at San Antonio, to the viceroy, about May 22, 1752. 18 Letters to the viceroy, June 17 and December 20, 1751. The Sierra Oorda Unconqueraile 287 This region, sheltered in its southern extremity behind the Sierra Madre and the Sierra Gorda, had long been the asylum of a multi- tude of native bands and broken-down tribes pushed in by the northward march of the Spanish conquest, or by their more powerful Indian neighbors on the west and north. In the course of the centuries the region had become gradu- ally narrowed by colonization on three sides, south, north, and west. In the sixteenth century Panuco, Tampico, and Villa de Valles were founded as outposts of the Huasteca region on the coast, while north of the Valley of Mexico the conquest reached Queretaro, San Miguel el Grande, Celaya, Chamacuero, San Juaii del Rio, and Cadereyta, on the edge of the Sierra Gorda. But beyond this region colonization advanced but little further from the south and southwest until late in the eighteenth century. Missionary work in the region was for a long time scarcely more successful than colonization. In the last decade of the sixteenth century the Franciscans began work in the Sierra Gorda, and continued it intermittently during the course of the seventeenth, but without permanent success. In the latter part of the seven- teenth centtlry the Dominicans founded six missions in the dis- trict, but they were soon destroyed by the Indians, who fled to the fastnesses of the mountains, and from that vantage-ground preyed upon the frontier settlements of the Spaniards. The efforts of the local soldiery proving unequal to the situation, formal campaigns were made almost constantly between 1704 and 1715 by two military leaders named Zarza and Ardilla. Finally, in the year last mentioned, after a campaign with eight hundred soldiers, Ardilla secured peace, upon condition of leaving the Indians free and in possession of the Sierra Gorda. But the natives soon I'esumed their depredations, even to exacting tribute of the border towns and cities named above, which, till the second quarter of the eighteenth century were the outposts of settlement on the frontier of the Indian country. 288 The Lower Gulf Coast Before 1746 On the western edge of the region settlements were planted before the end of the sixteenth century at San Luis Potosi, Saltillo, Monterey, and Cerralvo, and mining, ranching, and missionary work were begun. In the course of the seventeenth century, especially during the administration of Zavala in Nuevo Leon, settlements and missions were established in the north between Gerralvo and Monterey, and extended southeastward to the Sierra de Tamaulipas. But beyond this line the settlements were but little extended till the founding of Nuevo Santander, in the middle of the eighteenth century, the delay being chiefly due to Indian troubles. During the whole of the seventeenth century the peace and prosperity of the province of Nuevo Leon were marred by the evils of the encomienda system and the hostility of the border tribes. The enslaved Indians frequently fled to the eastern moun- tains, or broke out in open revolt, in which they were joined by the eastern and northern border tribes. This bad condition led in 1715 to the sending of Francisco Barbadillo to Nuevo Leon as special commissioner to correct the evils. He organized a flying squadron {compania volant e) for the protection o'f the settle- ments, abolished encomiendas, quieted the fears of the Indians, brought back from the Sierra de Tamaulipas several thousand fugitives, settled them in the missions, assigned them lands, and distributed among them as teachers Tlascaltecos from Saltillo and Venado. Barbadillo 's work being undone as soon as he left, he was again sent to the province, where he remained as governor till 1723. But no sooner had he left the second time than the abuses again broke forth, and the Tamaulipas frontier, from Cerralvo to Sierra Gorda and Villa de Valles, became a menace to the Spanish border. It was seen by the government, therefore, that the coast lands north of Huasteca and east of Nuevo Leon, so long unoccu- pied, must be conquered and settled, as a means of ending the Escandon in the Sierra Gorda 289 Indian disturbances. Moreover, the region was understood to have valuable minerals, while the value of its extensive salines was well known. These general conditions in the Tamaulipas, combined with those farther north on the Karankawan coast, led to the founding of the new Colony of Nuevo'Santander.^" 4. Escandon and the missionaries in Sierra Oorda. — The first important step toward the definite subjugation of Tamaulipas was the reduction of the Sierra Gorda, in the years subsequent to 1738, by Jose de Escandon and the Franciscan missionaries. Escandon was a military officer of Queretaro who had already done good service in protecting that frontier. Now, in three campaigns, he entered the Sierra, subdued the natives, and as- sisted in the founding of missions. Crossing the Sierra to Rio Verde, Huasteca, and Tampico, he revised the government and corrected abuses in the administration. Another important force in the subduing of this region was the Franciscan College of San Fernando. Its establishment in the eighteenth century had much the same relation to the colon- ization of the Sierra Gorda as had the founding of the College of the Holy Cross of Queretaro, in the later seventeenth century, to the development of Texas. The College of San Fernando, estab- lished at Mexico in 1735 as the third of the Colleges de propa- ganda fide in New Spain, took up as its first great task the con- version of the Sierra Gorda. The first mission of the college was founded in 1740 by the commissary. Fray Jose Cortes de Velasco. In 1744 work was extended to the very heart of the Sierra, among the Fames Indians, with Father Pedro Perez de 19 The foregoing summary is based largely on Prieto, Alexandre, Historia, Geografia y Estadistica del Estado de Tamaulipas (Mexico, 1873), 70, 91; Mota Padilla, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de la Nueva Galicia (Mexico, 1870); Gonzalez, Lecciones Orales de Historia de Nuevo Ledn (Monterey, 1887); Gonzalez, Coleccion de Noticias y Documentos para la Historia del Estado de Nuevo Ledn (Monterey, 1885); Bancroft, Mexico, III, 340-347; Instrucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana Dejaron a Sus Sucesores, 36-39. ■290 The Lower Gulf Coast Before 1746 Mezquia, a former missionary in Texas, as president. The central mission, founded with the personal assistance of Escandon, was that of Santiago de Jalpan. In 1750 Father Junipero Serra be- came president of the niissions, and with his companion and biographer, Francisco Palou, lived for nine years at the mission of Santiago.^" 20 Palou, Belacidn Historica de la Vida y Apostdlicas Tareas del Venerable Padre Junipero Serra, 23-35. CHAPTER II THE COLONY OF NUEVO SANTANDER 1. The colonization of Tamaidipas entrusted to Escandon. — Just at the time when Escandon began his work in the Sierra Gorda, the demand for the subjugation and colonization of the Seno Mexieano, lying farther north, came to a head, and resulted in three simultaneous proposals for the undertaking, made by three different men ambitious for honors. The first was made in 1738 by Antonio Ladron de Guevara, a citizen of Nuevo Leon, who based his claim to consideration on his acquaintance with the geography of the region and his influence over its natives. The essence of his plan was to colonize the Gulf Coast at royal expense with colonies of Spaniards from Nuevo Leon, granting them lands, and fueros, or privileges, of conquist adores, and re- viving the system of congregas, or encomiendas. A second plan was presented by Nareiso de Monteeuesta, alcalde mayor of Villa de Valles, and looked to the colonization of the southern portion of the region, as Guevara's had looked more particularly to the occupation of the northern. The methods proposed were similar in both cases ; but as a personal reward Monteeuesta asked for a share in the profits of the salines which might be discovered in the new region, suitable military rank, a salary of four thousand pesos a year, and fourteen thousand dollars annually for the support of a company of fifty cavalrymen. The third proposal, similar to the others, came from Jose Fernandez de Jauregui, governor of Nuevo Leon. One of his arguments for making haste was the danger that some foreign nation might seize the stretch of unoccupied coast. All three proposals finally reached the king, and on July 10, 1739, a cedula was issued ordering them, especially that - of 292 The Colony of Nuevo Santander Guevara, with the portion relating to congregas left out, con- sidered in a junta in Mexico. But the administration at Mexico had already opposed Guevara's plan, and it now delayed action until 1746, after the arrival of a new viceroy, the Conde de Revilla Gigedo.^ Revilla Gigedo took up the matter at once, called a junta, and, on the advice of the Marques de Altamira, the royal fiscal, committed the conquest of the Seno Mexieano to Escandon, in recognition of his masterly services in the Sierra Gorda. Escandon 's commission was dated September 3, 1746. It made him lieutenant of the viceroy in the Seno Mexieano, or Gulf Coast, gave him ample powers, provided liberal appropriations, and ordered the frontier governors and other officials to lend him all possible aid. The viceroy's order provided for the conquest and settlement of a district more than one hundred leagues from north to south, and sixty or eighty leagues from east to west ; it extended from Panuco, Villa de Valles, and Sierra Gorda on the south, to the Medina and San Antonio rivers on the north; and from Guadalcazar, Las Charcas, Venado, Cadereyta, and Cerralvo, on the west, to the Gulf of Mexico on the east. The name given the new province was Golonia del Nuevo Santander.^ 2. Escandon's plans. — Had the colonization of all New Spain been left to the care of men with the ability and the views of Escandon, the results of Spain's efforts would doubtless have been different. Soldier though he was, he was a firm believer in the superiority of civil settlements and missions as means of sub- duing the natives and of holding the country against foreign aggression; and an essential feature of his plan for Nuevo San- tander was to colonize it with Spaniards and Christianized 1 Prieto, Sistoria de TamauUpas, 101-110 ; ' ' Instruccion del conde de Bevillagigedo al Marques de las Amarillas, sobre lo ocurrido en el Nuevo Santander y su Pacifieaeion per el Conde de Sierra Gorda," in Instruc- ciones que los Vireyes Dejaron & Sus Sucesores (Mexico, 1867), pp. 36-39. Important documents for the period are in the Saltillo Archives (see Bolton, Guide to the Archives of Mexico). 2 Bancroft, Mexico, III, 332-342 ; Reconocimiento del Seno Mexieano hecho por el Teniente de Capn. Gral. Dn. Joseph de Escanddn, 1746-1747. Fourteen Settlements Projected 293 Indians, in the hope of making it possible within a few years to withdraw the garrisons.^ In 1746 and 1747 Escandon personally inspected and explored the country to and along the Rio Grande, selecting suitable sites for settlements, while under his instructions Captain Joaquin de Orobio Bazterra, commander at La Bahia, in Texas, explored the region from the Guadalupe to the Eio Grande. Their reports contain the first detailed information that we have concerning the natives and the topography of many parts of this extended area. Hitherto, for example, it had been supposed that the Nueces River, known since 1689 and many times crossed higher up, emptied into the Rio Grande. Orobio discovered that such was not the case. . In consequence of these explorations, Escandon recommended founding in the region within his jurisdiction fourteen Spanish villas and a suitable number of missions. Twelve of the villas were to be established south of the Rio Grande, and two north of that stream. Of the last two, one was to be Villa de Vedoya, composed of fifty families, and situated on the left bank of the lower Nueces, that is, near the site of modern Corpus Christi. Adjacent to the town was to be the mission of Nuestra Seriora del Soto, designed to minister to the Zuncal, Pajasequeis, or Car- rizos, Apatines, Napuapes, Pantapareis and other tribes of the vicinity. The other town in the northern district was to be Villa de Balmaceda, established with twenty-five families, at Santa Dorotea, a site on the lower San Antonio River."" To this site Escandon recommended moving the presidio and mission of La Bahia. The successful establishment of Balmaceda, he believed, 3 Escand6ii's reports to the viceroy, October 26, 1747, and July 27, 1758. * Beconocimiento del Seno Mexicano, folios 40-44, 85, 88, 110, 126; "Val- carcel to the viceroy, February 1, 1758. The tribal names here given are those reported by Orobio Bazterra for the vicinity of the Nueces. I have not thus far attempted to identify the tribes with those of the region going under better known names. 294 The Colony of Nuevo Santander would make possible the suppression of the presidio of La Bahia in thr?e or four years, and thus remove the chief ground for hostility on the part of the coast Indians.' The preparation for putting Escandon's colony into effect was a work of more than two years. Before he set out with his expedition he was made Conde de Sierra G-orda and given new instructions. At Queretaro he raised seven ' hundred and fifty soldiers and sent out invitations to the surrounding districts to prospective settlers. Escandon's fame popularized the enter- prise, and the response was hearty both about Queretaro and in Huasteea and Nuevo Leon; "some offered to accompany him, moved simply by the curiosity aroused by an expedition to lands still unknown, and others bent on making their fortunes in the pueblos which they went to found." Meanwhile the viceroy is- sued orders to the governors of Huasteea and Nuevo Leon to pre- pare auxiliary companies and colonies of such Spaniards and Christianized Indians as might wish to become settlers in the new colony. The new missions were to be entrusted to the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas. 3. The emigration of 1749. — At the end of December, 1748, Escandon left Queretaro with what was probably the largest caravan that ever went to the interior provinces to found a colony. In his train were the seven hundred and fifty soldiers, and more than twenty-five hundred settlers, Spaniards and Christianized Indians, while others joined him on the march. The families had their household and agricultural equipments, and they drove be- fore them many thousand head of horses, cattle, burros, sheep and goats. In outward aspects the event was not unlike the Oregon migration or the Mormon trek of a century later on the United States frontier; the main difference was in the location of the initiative and in the character of the colonists. 6 Eeport of Escandon to the viceroy, October 26, 1747; Valcarcel to the viceroy, February 1, 1758. The Emigration of 1749 295 At the same time that Eseandon left Queretaro, other parties of soldiers and settlers left Villa de Valles, Tampico, Linares, Cerralvo and San Juan Bautista, while missionaries from Zaea- tecas entered by way of Nuevo Leon, with small escorts, and explored Tamaulipas in pairs. Eseandon 's route for some two hundred miles or more lay near the line of the present National Railway, through Los Pozos, San Luis de la Paz, Santa Maria del Rio, and San Luis Potosi. At this point he turned northeastward, entering the Sierra at Tula. At Palmillas, the first site selected for a new colony, he left a garrison, and founded a mission for the neighborhood Indians; at Llera he founded a villa for sixty-seven of the families in his caravan, and a mission for the natives. Continuing northeast- ward, he repeated this process at Guemes, Padilla, and San- tander (modern Victoria), the last-named villa being made the capital. From Santander Eseandon hurried north across the Conchos, then west to the San Juan River, near the Rio Grande, to meet the families who had come under Captain Guevara from Nuevo Leon and Coahuila, by way of Cerralvo. On March 5 the villa of Santa Ana de Camargo was founded at the mouth of the San Juan and left in charge of Bias Maria de la Garza Falcon, a member of an old Coahuila family. Near by, the mission of San Agustin de Laredo was planted, and put in charge of Father Garcia. Proceeding down the river twelve leagues, on March 14 Eseandon founded Villa de Reynosa, of Nuevo Leon families led by Captain Cantu. Close by, the mission of San Joaquin del Monte was established. Returning from Reynosa to the mouth of the Conchos, Esean- don founded Villa de San Fernando ; thence he went on to San- tander and made a report to the viceroy ; visited Padilla, Guemes. and Llera in the west ; went back to the coast and founded Alta- mira opposite Tampico; turned west again, and on May 19 296 The Colony of Nuevo Santander founded the Ciudad de Horeasitas. From here he went by way of Tula to Queretaro, where he remained the rest of the year." 4. The settlements north of the Bio Grande. — In accordance with Escandon's plan, in 1749 the presidio and mission of La Bahia were moved westward to the San Antonio, being planted at the present site of Goliad. The plans for the villas of Vedoya and Balmaceda, however, did not succeed. Villa de Balmaceda failed because at the fiscal 's instance Bscandon was refused the requisite funds. Villa de Vedoya failed for another reason. In 1749 a band of colonists and soldiers under Captain Diego Gonzalez, with a double portion of supplies, crossed the Kio Grande at San Juan Bautista, marched down the north bank, then northeast toward the lower Nueces. While Escandon was at Reynosa in March 1749, he sent to Orobio orders to found Villa de Vedoya at the site already selected, east of the Nueces.' In the spring of 1750 Escandon returned to Nuevo Santander. While at Villa de Burgos, on his way north, he received mes- sengers from the Nuevo Leon families who had been sent to the Nueces to settle, stating that their enterprise had failed. They had found that the site was unsuitable and the Indians hostile. Consequently, Captain Gonzalez had established the families on the banks of Arroyo Salado, apparently the stream by that name running through northern Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, to await Escandon's orders. Here they had remained more than eight months, during which time Gonzalez had died. Supplies becom- ing exhausted, suffering ensued, and part of the colonists de- serted to their homes in Nuevo Leon. When the rest heard of Bscandon 's return, they sent the messengers, as stated, who found him at Burgos. oPrieto, Eistoria de TamauUpas, 140-159; Instrucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana Dejaron a sus sucesores, 38-39. Original manuscript records of Escand6n 's work are in the Archivo General y. Publico, Mexico, Eistoria, vol. 29. See Bolton, Guide to the Archives of Mexico, 32, 38. ' Prieto, Eistoria de TamauUpas, 154-155. Dolores and Laredo Founded 297 On hearing the report, Eseandon ordered the families to go to Santander, there to await further orders. They did so, arriving there more than a year after they had left Nuevo Leon. Eseandon equipped them anew with grain and stock, and sent them to the coast, where, on September 3, 1750, he founded for them the villa of Soto la Marina. Of this place Juan Jose Vazquez Borrego, a wealthy hacendado, was made captain, while Father Joaquin Saenz was put in charge of spiritual affairs." In 1750 two more settlements were made on the Rio Grande, one on the south and one on the north bank. The one on the south bank, named Revilla, was made by a colony from Coahuila. under Vicente Guerra. About the same time that Guerra was founding Revilla, Borrego went to see Eseandon at Santander. asking permission to found a settlement opposite Revilla, where he already had ranches. Eseandon accepted the proposal, named Borrego captain in charge of the north bank of the river, and granted him fifty sitios de ganado mayor for pasture, till perma- nent grants should be made. Borrego 's ranch became the nucleus of a little settlement named Rancho de Dolores. Four years later it had one hundred and twenty-three inhabitants, and nine thousand head of large stock. Several families of Borrado and Carrizo Indians joined the settlement as Indios agregados, but within three or four years they withdrew and began to steal stock. Borrego, thereupon, like a medieval lord, armed his servants and chastized the mauraders. In 1753 Eseandon founded the lugar of Mier with nineteen families enlisted in Camargo. The settlement was put under command of Jose Floreneio de Chapa. This place was foundea without expense to the royal treasury, and was defended by the settlers themselves.' In 1755 Villa de Laredo was founded on the north side of the Rio Grande, ten leagues above Dolores. The founder of this town 8 Prieto, Eistoria de TamauUpas, 168. Ibid., 174-175, 185-186, 189-190. 298 The Colony of Nuevo Santa-iider was Tomas Sanchez, owner of a stock ranch opposite Dolores. In 1754, while Escandon was at Revilla, Sanchez went to see him, proposing to cross over and settle on the other side, offering to take families at his own expense, in case sufficient lands were assigned them. Escandon approved the proposal. But as he had not given up the idea of founding a town on the Nueces, he urged Don Tomas first to explore the Nueces to see if he could find a suitable site, and to report to Captain Borrego, of Dolores, in whose charge the establishment of the new settlement was left. Sanchez went to the Nueces, but returned, reporting to Borrego that there was no suitable site. He proposed, instead, settling farther up the river, ten leagues above Dolores, near the pass of Jacinto, so- called because it had been discovered nine years before by Jacinto de Leon. Borrego reported to Escandon, who gave Sanchez per- mission to establish at the proposed site the Villa de Laredo, mak- ing him captain and assigning to the inhabitants fifteen leagues of pasture land for ganado mayor. Sanchez moved his own family and other families and dependants, and on May 15, 1755, the villa was formally founded. The settlement, like Mier and Dolores, was made without expense to the Real Hacienda. Neither Dolores nor Laredo had a minister, but were visited by the priest of Revilla. In October, 1755, Escandon made a report of the great work which he had accomplished in establishing the new colony, sub- mitting with it a map. He had founded twenty-three settlements, including one city, seventeen villas, two poblaciones, one lugar, and two reales de minas, or mining camps. In them he had estab- lished one thousand three hundred and thirty-seven families of settlers and one hundred and forty-four soldiers, aggregating six thousand three hundred and eighty-five persons. In the fifteen missions there were two thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven Indians under instruction. Lands Held in Common 299 North of the lower Rio Grande there was the poblacion de Dolores with twenty-five families, or one hundred and one set- tlers, governed by Captain Borrego; Villa de Laredo, with thir- teen families, comprising sixty-two persons, and governed by Tomas Sanchez. Besides these the map shows ranching settle- ments north of the river opposite Revilla, Mier, Camargo, and Reynosa. In other words, ranching and settlements had been established on both sides of the river between Laredo and Reynosa.^" 5. Administrative arrangements. — Among the conditions of settlement one had been that during ten years from the date of settlement the colonists should be subject to no tax; that they should be supplied with a military guard in each of their pueblos ; and that the missionaries and priests should receive their stipends from the royal treasury. Villa de Escandon had these terms extended for five years because of the excessive Indian hos- tilities and of other misfortunes. At the first foundation of the pueblos, the lands were not definitely assigned nor granted in severalty. A large grant was made in common, sufficient to satisfy the needs of the original settlers in the near future, estimating for each family two sitios de ganado menor and six caballerias; for the captains two sitios de ganado mayor and twelve caballerias; and for common use, four sitios de ganado mayor as ejidos, besides lands for the missions. Escandon was authorized on his first expedition to make these divisions, but he considered it unwise to do so, think- ing that if the settlers held the lands in common they would stay closer together and be safer against Indian attacks. Hence the pueblos continued to hold their lands in common for fifteen years or more, it being 1764 when the first private grants were made. 10 Bolton, H. E., "Tienda de Cuervo's Ynspeccion of Laredo, 1757," in the Texas Historical Association Quarterly, January, 1903, pp. 187-203. Hierro, Fr. 8im6n, Informe de las Misiones de Texas, gives a sketch of the missions of Nuevo Santander. 300 The Colony of Nuevo Santander The government in Nuevo Santander was special and essen- tially military and ecclesiastic. Each one of the pueblos or villas had a captain, named by Colonel Escandon, who was charged with both the military and the political control of the settlement. Beside them were the missionaries in charge of tho missions and of the spiritual care of the Spanish settlements. According to Cuervo, in 1757 the colony had cost the crown more than forty-three thousand pesos annually, although Hoyos, Santillana, Mier, Dolores, Laredo, Real de Infantes, Jaumave and Palmillas were established without cost to the treasury, and continued to bear their own expenses of protection and im- provement.^^ 6. The development of Nuevo Santander. — Nuevo Santander fast became a stock-raising section and rapidly increased in population as is shown by the report of Tienda de Cuervo, who made a general visitation of the colony in 1757. His account shows that the settlements reported on by Escandon in 1755, now, two years later, with the addition of Jaumave, contained 8993 settlers, and, 3473 Indians living in eighteen missions. The colony now possessed 58,000 horses, 25,000 cattle, 1874 burros, and 288,000 sheep and goats. Six irrigating ditches had been dug, eleven mines opened, and five salines exploited. The largest sheep and goat ranches were on the Rio Grande, at Camargo, Revilla, and Mier, whose stock pastured on both sides of the river. At Camargo there were 71,750 sheep and goats, at Revilla, 45,067, at Mier 38,659, and at Reynosa 13,050. Dolores and Laredo, on the north side of the Rio Grande, had both prospered. At Dolores there were one hundred and twenty- three inhabitants, who pastured 5000 horses and 3000 cattle. At Laredo there were eleven families, comprising eighty-five per- sons, of whom twenty belonged to the family of the founder, Tomas Sdnchez. He possessed five hundred range horses, seventy 11 Prieto, Historia de Tamaulipas, 178-179, 194-195, 204-205. Banchhig Extended to the Nueces 301 saddle horses, one hundred and twenty-five mules, two yoke of oxen, fifty range cattle, two thousand sheep and goats, and thirty burros. The ten families settled under the protection of Sanchez possessed two hundred and twelve range horses, ninety-two saddle horses, 7080 sheep and goats, fifty-one cattle, and one burro. The superiority of Sanchez's position over that of his neighbors is manifest. He was a veritable medieval lord.^^ Cuervo reported that Laredo had good prospects as a stock- raising center and that the place was important as being on the highway to Texas. There was as yet no priest or missionary, and the settlers, with those of Dolores, depended on the minister at Revilla. In subsequent years ranching north of the Rio Grande gradu- ally increased and extended northward, reaching the Nueces River. In 1761, Bscandon spoke of Rancho de Dolores as "very large." At the same time he spoke of extending the ranches near the Rio Grande eastward to meet those established from Bahia as a center. In 1766 he was still promoting the same policy. He reported to the viceroy that "the settlement [of the country] between the Rio Del Norte and the Nueces, which you likewise charge me with, is making much progress, and I hope that it will be the most useful in the colony. "^^ At this time Bias Maria de la Garza Falcon, founder and captain of Camargo, had his ranch of Santa Petronilla within five leagues of the mouth of the Nueces, "with a goodly number of the people, a stock of cattle, sheep and goats, and cornfields. ' ' Corpus Christi Bay had its present name. The name of Don Bias 's ranch, some- 12 Bolton, ' ' Tienda de Cuervo 's Ynspeccion of Laredo, 1757, ' ' in the Texas Historical Association Quarterly, January, ISOB, 187-203. The original reports of the inspection by Tienda de Cuervo are in the Archivo General y Publico, Mexico, Historia, vols. 53-56. isEscandon, Informe, December, 1761; Escandon to the viceroy, May 2, 1766; Escand6n to viceroy. May 3, 1766. In 1776, when Colonel Parrilla explored the Gulf Coast he made Santa Petronilla his headquarters for a time (Autos y dilig<^«. fhas. pr. el Coronel D". Diego Ortiz Parrilla sre. las sircunstancias de la Isla de los Malaguitas q. comunmte. han llamado Isla Blanca. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 396). 302 The Colony of Nuevo Santander what corrupted, is still applied to the creek on which his ranch was located, the Petronita. Having summarized briefly the general features of the found- ing of the colony of Nuevo Santander, a more detailed account will now be given of the efforts to reduce the Karankawa to mission life after the removal of the mission and presidio of Bahia to Santa Dorotea in 1749. P '^ o Ha i^ a o '^ ts B- <1 o o ^ a> t-( B nrq (0 p ti- "^i ^ hj C> PT' C rt OD CD M pj J5 P W w QQ ►§ Pi Ci ra *1 m o P^ CO B hj 1^ CHAPTER III PLANS FOR A NEW KARANKAWA MISSION 1. The question of spiritual jurisdiction over the Cujane. — On April 14, 1750, the viceroy exhorted the missionaries at the new site to do all in their power to reduce, congregate, and convert the Cujane, Karankawa, and Guapite. They were to be treated with the utmost kindness, given presents, and prom- ised, on behalf of the government, that if they would settle in a pueblo they would be given new missions, protected, and sup- plied with all necessaries. '^ Similar instructions were written to Captain Manuel Ramirez de la Piszina, the new commander of the presidio of Bahia, If we may trust the reports of the missionaries and the cap- tain, they went zealously to work among these three tribes in response to the viceroy's order. But little or nothing seems to have been accomplished until the Queretaran friars at San Antonio entered the same field.^ At this time the Queretaran missions at San Antonio were short of neophytes, partly because of an epidemic which had made ravages among the mission Indians.' On the other hand, these missions were just now under the direction of Father Fr. Francisco Mariano de los Dolores, one of the leaders of the mis- sionary revival which we have mentioned. For these reasons, and since the Karankawan tribes had long been without mission- ary influence, the Queretarans entertained the plan of gather- 1 Summary by Camberos, missionary at this time in Bahla. 2 Piszina to the viceroy, December 26, 1751; Camberos to the vice- roy, May 30, 1754. 3 Father Dolores, missionary at San Antonio, to Father Gonzalez, missionary at Espiritu Santo, June 17, 1751. 304 Plans for a New Karankawa Mission ing them, especially the Cujane,* into their particular fold. Whether the idea originated with Father Santa Ana, former president of the San Antonio missions, but now in Mexico, or with Father Mariano, his successor as president, does not appear ; but it is through Father Santa Ana that we first learn of the project, while it was the former who put it into execution. Early in 1750, in a private communication to Altamira, the auditor general, Santa Ana made known the plan, intimating that he feared objections from the Zaeateean friars at Espiritu Santo, on the ground that the Karankawan tribes had once been assigned to that mission.' He doubtless knew, too, that the Zacatecans had recently been ordered to renew efforts on the coast. Alta- mira approved the project, saying that so long as these Indians remained in the forest they belonged only to the Devil, and that any one who wished was free to try his hand at winning them to the Lord.'' The actual work directed from San Antonio was undertaken by Fray Mariano with the aid of Fray Diego Martin Garcia. Before entering the field Fray Mariano first asked the consent of the principal missionary at Espiritu Santo, Fray Juan Joseph Gonzalez.'' Gonzalez replied that such a procedure would be satisfactory to him, and that he would waive whatever right his mission possessed to these Indians.^ The way was made easier for Fray Mariano bj' the presence of the few Cujane and Coco, previously mentioned as being at one of the missions." Knowing by experience, as he said, "that * The plan evidently had in view the ' ' Puxanes and others clear to the Eio Grande del Norte" (Santa Ana to the viceroy, January 31, 1752). 5 Santa Ana to the viceroy, December 20, 1751. 6 ma. 'His request was apparently made in 1750. Santa Ana to the vice- roy, undated, but about March 22, 1752. 8 Santa Ana to the viceroy, December 2, 1751; Gonzalez to Dolores, April 13, 1751; Dolores to Santa Ana, October 26, 1751. Santa Ana to the viceroy, December 20, 1751. A Spirited Dispute 305 presents were the most effective texts with which to open the conversion of savages," he began the revival by sending to the Cujane, early in 1751, a Coco mission Indian bearing gifts," and a promise that a missionary would be sent to them/^ In spite of the assurance that had been given to Pray Mariano by Gonzalez, this move of the former led very speedily to a politely worded, but none the less spirited dispute between the two. In the competition that attended the dispute Espiritu Santo had decidedly the advantage of geographical position. The Cujane were pleased with the evidence of good will — or better, perhaps, with the prospects of more gifts — and, without awaiting the arrival of the promised minister, fifty-four adults^^ set out for San Antonio to confer with Father Mariano. When, on April 8, they reached the neighborhood of Santa Dorotea, or new Bahia, they were seen by some mission Indians. The latter warned Captain Piszina that hostile Cujane were nearby killing mission cattle. A squadron of soldiers and Indians was accord- ingly sent out, and the Cujane, after a slight show of fight, were taken to the presidio, and here they remained, notwith- standing their previous intention to go to San Antonio.^' Father Gonzalez and Captain Piszina claimed that the Cujane were told that they might continue their journey, that no force was used to keep them at Bahia, and that it was only with misgiving and after deliberation that their request to be allowed to remain 10 Dolores to Gonzalez, June 17, 1751. 11 This promise is inferred from Santa Ana 's letter of December 20, 1751. 12 In Ms letter to the viceroy, December 26, 1751, Captain Piszina calls them "fifty-four Indians of the Coxan nation;" but in the same letter he says that the four recently reduced tribes going under the name of Coxan are the ' ' Cojanes, Guapittes, Carancaguases, and Copanes. ' ' Hence we may infer that these fifty-four were not exclusively Cujanes, although they were called by this name. 13 Gonzalez to Dolores, April 3, 1751; Dolores to Santa Ana, October 26, 1751; Santa Ana to the viceroy, December 20, 1756; Piszina to the viceroy, December 26, 1751. Piszina said that they were taken to Bahia at the end of March, but Gonzalez's letter of April 13 is more reliable for the date, because nearer the event and more explicit. 306 Plans for a New Karankawa Mission at the mission was granted." But Fray Mariano believed that if not force, then persuasion, had been used to rob him of the fruits of his efforts. With a commendable forbearance, however, he held his peace, and made another attempt, which likewise resulted more to the advantage of the rival mission than of his own. Some of the Cujane had returned from Bahia to their own coimtry and gathered ninety-five more Indians "of the Cujan, Copanes, Guapites, and Talancagues tribes." On their way they stopped at Bahia, left their women and children, and went back to gather a larger number of their people, with the intention, Fray Mariano understood, of going on with them to San Antonio. He there- upon sent a number of mules laden with such supplies as might be needed by the Indians on their way.'^' Shortly afterward a Coco arrived reporting that one hundred and five families were already collected near old Bahia and that more were gathering, but that, unless horses were sent at once to transport them, they would be diverted to new Bahia, just as the first band had been, there to remain. Fray Mariano now lost no time in dispatching Fray Diego Martin Garcia with horses and a Coco guide to assist in bringing in the Cujane and their friends.^" In a note written soon after this, Gonzalez claimed that these Indians desired to remain at Bahia.^' Thereupon Fray Mariano entered a vigorous protest. He reminded Gonzalez that he had once waived his right to the coast Indians, but was now enticing them to Bspiritu Santo, that but for him (Father Mariano) the Cujane and the rest would still be in the woods and at war with the Spaniards, as they had always been ; that if after many years 1* Gouzdlez to Dolores, April 13, 1751; Piszina to the viceroy, Decem- ber 26, 1751. This last assertion casts doubts upon any claim the Bahia authorities might make to have previously tried to take these Indians there. 16 Dolores to GonzSlez, June 17, 1751. 16 Ihid. " Gonzalez to Dolores, May 22, 1751, referred to in Hid. Father Garcia Among the Karankawa 307 the Espiritu Santo mission had failed to subdue the Xaraname, whom they still claimed the right to monopolize, they could hardly expect to succeed with the additional task of subduing the Cujane. Disclaiming a wish to quarrel, he requested Gonzalez to find out for certain, by whatever means he chose, whether these liidians preferred to be at Bahia or at San An- tonio, and promised to abide by the result, with these conditions, that in ease they wished to come to San Antonio they must not be hindered, and that if they remained at Bahia he would send a bill for the supplies he had given them.^* Fray Mariano was now called to the missions at San Xavier, and when he returned he found new cause for displeasure with the authorities at Bahia. In his absence Fray Diego had re- turned with twenty- four Indians of the four tribes and the report that he might have brought five hundred had it not been for their fear that they would be prevented, by the soldiers and missionaries at Bahia, from going to San Antonio. Meanwhile none of the families who had stopped at Bahia had appeared in San Antonio; consequently, again conceding the point, which was backed by the better argument of possession, Fray Mariano advised the twenty-four to go to their friends at Bahia. But, by no means giving up his claim, he appealed both to the dis- cretorio of his college and to Father Santa Ana asking authority to bring the Cujane to his missions.^' Father Santa Ana took up the matter vigorously with the viceroy, with Andreu, the fiiscal, and with Altamira, the auditor. He wrote letters, furnished documents, and sought personal inter- views in defense of the rights of his college. He argued that until Fray Mariano had pacified them the Karankawa Indians had always been hostile ; that the Queretaran friars had been robbed of the fruits of their efforts by the Zacatecans, who had done nothing except to spoil a good work well begun; that by thirty 18 Gonzdlez to Dolores, May 22, 1751, Hid. " Dolores to the diseretorio, undated; to Santa Ana, October 26, 1751. 308 Plans for a New Earankaiva Mission years of idleness the latter had forfeited all the rights they ever had to the Karankawan field ; and that nothing could be expected of them in the future.^" In view of these considerations, he earnestly recommended that the work of converting these tribes be entrusted to the Queretarans.-^ On the other hand, appeal was made to law 32, title 15, book I, of the Recopilacion de Indias, which provided that when one religious order had begun the conversion of a tribe it should not be disturbed by another. And thus the dispute went on until the end of 1752, when it was closed in effect by the fiscal 's com- promise decision that under the peculiar circumstances joint work among the tribes in question would be lawful and equitable, and bj' the viceroy's exhortation of all parties to co-operate in the work of saving Karankawan souls for the glory of "both majesties. ' ' 2. Progress with the Cujane at Espiritu Santo. — Mean- while the possession of the Cujane and the others had proved a very temporary advantage to the Espiritu Santo mission, and even during that short time these "first fruits and hostages of all that heathen race" had added little to the mission's glory. While the Indians were there the missionaries succeeded in baptizing fifteen of them in articulo mortis; the rest deserted within a few weeks, so that at the end of 1751 none appear to have remained. To make matters worse, relations between the tribes and the Spaniards again became strained through the unexplained killing of five Cujane by the soldiers of Bahia.^^ Altamira had at first favored Father Santa Ana's proposal to take the Cujane to San Antonio. But when conflicting re- 20 Santa Ana to the viceroy, December 20, 17i31; January 31, 1752; March 22. 21 Ihid. 22 Dolores to Santa Ana, October 26, 1751; Piszina to the viceroy, December 26, 1751 (Piszina, referring to the fifty-four, said they re- mained two and one-half months) ; Santa Ana to the viceroy, January 31, 1752. Altamira Loses Patience 309 ports and news of the desertion of the Indians reached him he lost his patience and delivered himself of a generous amount of ill-natured truth about frontier history, at the same time show- ing his hearty sympathy with Eseandon's policy of settlement as a complement to the mission and as a substitute for the srar- rison. "All the foregoing," he said, "but illustrates how, in this as in all like affairs of places at such long and unpeopled distances, come inopportune and irregular letters, proposals, rep- resentations, and petitions, that only leave the questions unin- telligible. Thus in his report the captain [Piszina] begins by saying 'In obedience to Your Excellency's superior order,' with- out saying what order, or without specifying what he considers necessary for the conversion of the Indians in question. This conversion he assumes as assured simply because a few of them have submitted, when he cannot be ignorant of their notorious inconstancy. And the Rev. Father Santa Ana, who had ex- perienced this inconstancy, on December 20 plead the cause of these same Cujane, only to report forty days after, on January 31, of this year, that the occasion had passed because all of the Indians had deserted. This is what happens daily on those and all the other unsettled frontiers. ' ' The same will be true two hundred years hence unless there be established there settlements of Spaniards and civilized people to protect, restrain, and make respectable the barbarous Indians who may be newly congregated, assuring them before their eyes a living example of civilized life, application to labor, and to the faith. Without this they will always remain in the bonds of their native brutality, inherited for many centuries, as happens in the missions of the Rio Grande, of [Eastern] Texas, and all the rest where there are no Spanish settlements, for the Indians there, after having been congregated fifty years or more, return to the woods at will. ' '^^ 23 Altamira to the viceroy, February 29, 1752. 310 Plans for a New Karankawa Mission Notwithstanding the unflattering outcome of the enterprise thus far, the missionaries and the captain at Bahia, roused into activity by their rivals, continued their efforts to cultivate friend- ship with their traditional enemies, and, although conversions were few, they were otherwise comparatively successful. During the next two years they spent considerable sums from their own pockets for presents and supplies, and Piszina made the occasion an excuse for asking the government for more soldiers, more money, and more missionaries. Writing in December, 1751, he said that the recent friendly attitude of the coast Indians, though favorable to missionary work, also increased the expenses and made more workers necessary, for the four tribes included under the name Coxanes would comprise five hundred warriors besides their families. Moreover, their conversion would make more soldiers necessary, since they were really more dangerous when at peace than when at war; for besides being treacherous themselves, the unfriendly Indians on the coast would visit their relatives at the mission and thus learn the weakness of the gar- rison. While, therefore, more missionaries and more supplies would be necessary before these tribes could be converted, their reduction would require an increase of soldiers to guard the Spaniards against the treachery of the neophytes and against their friends still upon the coast. Within two years Piszina made three such appeals to the viceroy.-* 3. The plan to transfer the Ais mission to La Bahia. — By the end of this time the local authorities conceived the idea of founding a separate mission especially for the Cujane and their friends, as a substitute for trying to reduce them at Mission Espiritu Santo with Indians of another race. To effect this plan the best informed person, and probably the father of the project, Pray Juan de Dios Camberos, who was missionary at Espiritu Santo, went to Zacatecas, and was sent thence by the college to 24 December 26, 1751; December 31, 1753, and another mentioned in this last. Father Camberos Sent to Mexico 311 Mexico. His appointment was dated February 26, 1754, and was signed by Fray Gaspar Joseph de Solis, guardian of the college, and later known in Texas by his tour of inspection among the missions.^' In his communications to the viceroy of April 29, May 6, 7 and 30, Father Camberos set forth the situation and his plan. The Cujane and their kindred, he said, were eagerly asking for a mission; so eagerly, indeed, that six of the chiefs of the Cujane, Karankawa, and Guapite were clamoring to be allowed to come to see the viceroy himself in reference to the matter. But it was inadvisable to put them into Mission Espiritu Santo to- gether with the Xaraname and Tamique already there, for they were tribes of different languages, of different habits, and un- friendly. But to send them to San Antonio was equally imprac- ticable, for they did not wish to leave the neighborhood of Bahia del Espiritu Santo, their native country. Even if the Indians were willing to be transplanted, experience had shown that this was bad policy, for the Pamaque and other tribes, when re- moved to San Antonio from their native soil on the Neuces, had speedily become almost extinguished; This very consideration had caused Colonel Escandon to order Captain Piszina not to allow the Indians of his district to be taken from their country. Moreover, if the mission were near the home of the Indians, fugitive neophytes could be easily recovered, whereas, if they were taken to San Antonio, the soldiers and missionaries would have to spend most of their time pursuing them. Father Camberos advised, therefore, the establishment of a separate mission. But to save the expense of equipping a new one he recommended removing the mission which had served the Ais from near the Sabine River to the neighborhood of Bahia, and re-establishing it there for the Cujane. His arguments in favor of his plan are an interesting commentary, coming as they 25 The original commission, with seal, is in the Archivo General de Mexico. 312 Plans for a New Karankawa Mission do from a zealous Zacatecan friar, upon the comparative failure of the missions of eastern Texas: missions San Miguel de los Adaes, Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los Ais, and Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de los Nacogdoches had been existing for more than thirty years, and yet, according to him, notwithstand- ing the untiring efforts of the missionaries to reduce the Indians to mission life, it was notorious that they had succeeded in little more than the baptizing of a few children and fewer adults upon the deathbed ; and there was no hope that these tribes could ever be reduced to pueblos and induced to give up their tribal life. Under these circumstances four missionaries instead of five would suffice on that frontier. Since the Ais Indians consisted of only some forty families — perhaps two hundred persons — living within about fourteen leagues of Mission Nacogdoches,^" their mission could be suppressed, one friar going to Nacogdoches to reside and from there ministering to the Ais, the other going to Bahia with the mission equipment, to work among the Karan- kawan tribes in question.^' At first Andreu, the fiscal, disapproved the plan on the ground that with the missionary so far away, travel so difficult, and the Ais Indians so indifferent, they would lose not only the wholesome example of the missionary in their daily life, but even the slight religious benefits which they were already receiv- ing.^* But Camberos suggested that the minister might incor- porate the Ais with their kindred, the Little Ais (Aixittos),^" who lived two leagues from the Nacogdoches mission. He eon- eluded by reminding the fiscal that it was, after all, a question 20 Father Vallejo, of Adaes, maintained that the distance was nearly twenty leagues. Letter to the discretorio of his college, December 1, 1754. 2' Camberos to the viceroy, April 29, May 6, May 7, and May 31. 28 Andreu to the viceroy, May 2, 1754. 20 This name was sometimes written Aijitos, but it was intended for the diminutive of Ais, and when spelled with an x was pronounced, no doubt, "Aisitos. " A Protest from Eastern Texas : 313 of relative service. On the one hand, there were scarce forty families of Ais Indians, who for thirty years had shown them- selves irreducible; on the other hand, there were five hundred or more families of Cujane, Guapite, and Karankawa, "as ready to be instructed in the mysteries of our faith as the Ayx are repugnant to living in Christian society"; for two years they had been and still were firm in their anxious desire to be reduced to a pueblo and instructed. Was it not a matter of duty to save the willing many rather than to struggle hopelessly with the imwilling few P" These arguments convinced the fiscal and the auditor, where- upon the viceroy, on June 17 and 21, issued to the governor and the college the necessary decrees for effecting the transfer. The order to the college provided "that the mission of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los Ais, situated in the province of los Texas, should be totally abandoned; that of the two ministers there, one should remain at Mission Nacogdoches, it being the nearest at hand, in order that he might assist with the waters of holy baptism all the children and adults who might wish the benefit; and that the other should go to found the new mission of the Guapitte, Cujane, and Carancaguas in the territory of la Bahia del Espiritu Santo, for which purpose all the orna- ments, furniture, and other goods of the mission of los Aix should be given to this minister and transferred to the new mission. ' '^^ But now a protest was heard from eastern Texas. Upon receiving the viceroy's order to extinguish the Ais mission. Father Vallejo, president of the Zacatecan establishments on the eastern frontier, and a veteran of thirty years* service, first sought the opinion of the governor. That official was hostile to 30 Camberos to the viceroy, May 30, 1754. 31 Summary contained in the communication of the discretorio to the viceroy, January 6, 1755. 314 Plans for a New Karankawa Mission the change. ^^ Vallejo, with this backing, wrote to the guardian of his college that the Ais mission was by no means useless, and that until he should get further instructions he would defer the execution of the order. True, he said, the Ais Indians had not yet adopted mission life, in spite of the efforts of the fathers; yet they were being baptized in articulo mortis — ^the records showed one hundred and fifty-eight baptisms in thirty-six years ; the missionary was useful as physician and nurse among them; and the friendly relations with the Indians, who assisted will- ingly in the domestic and agricultural duties about the mission, offered still a hope that they would settle down to pueblo life. Indeed, when Father Cypriano had been missionary he had had them congregated for a space of four years, and Father Garcia had likewise kept them content about the mission till, because of a recent scarcity of mission supplies, one of the chiefs had per- suaded them to return to their rancherias. But if the missionary were to retire to Nacogdoches, the distance and the difficulties of travel were so great that the Indians would be without aid, and would likely abandon their country, just as the Nazones had done when the missionaries had -deserted them in 1729. The good father could not close his argument without appealing to the fear of the French, tactics which had stood many a special pleader in good stead within the last half century. So he added that, aside from the importance of the Ais mission to the Indians, it was necessary as a half-way station between Nacogdoches and Adaes to give succor in case of hostile invasion. He main- tained therefore that the mission should be continued at all hazards, even if with only one minister.^^ This letter put an end to the effort to suppress the Ais mis- sion and set in motion a new plan. The discretorio, whence the 32 Vallejo to Governor Barrios y Jduregui, November 20, 1754; the governor to Vallejo, November 30, 1754. The president's name was sometimes spelled with a B and sometimes with a V. 38 Fray Francisco Vallejo to the Guardian and the discretorio of the college, December 1, 1754. A New Mission Authorized 315 idea of extinguishing the mission of Los Ais had come, reported to the viceroy and sustained Vallejo's objections, and suggested, instead, a new mission for the Cujane, maintaining, perhaps with truth, but with little regard for its former argument based on economy, that to equip a new mission would be little more expensive than to transfer the old one.''* The matter again went, therefore, to the fiscal, and he, on March 6, 1755, without other discussion than a review of the question, approved the new plan, and recommended that the Ais mission be allowed to remain and that a new one be established for the coast tribes.^" On March 22 the auditor approved the project, and on April 7 the viceroy issued the corresponding decree.^" 34 The discretorio of the college to the viceroy, January 6, 1755. 35 Andreu to the viceroy, January 6, 1755. 3« Valcdrcel to the viceroy, March 22 ; viceroy 's decree, April 7. CHAPTEE rv THE MISSION OF EOSARIO 1. Founding Mission Kuestra Senora del Bosario de los Cujanes. — But matters at Bahia had not waited for the viceroy to change his mind. Some time before this, steps had already been taken, in consequence of the previous order (that looking to the transfer of the old establishment to a new site), toward the actual founding of a new mission for the Cujane and their friends. The government was slower to supply means than to sanction projects, and the funds with which to begin the work were raised by private gifts to the college or advanced by Piszina and the missionaries at Bahia, while part of the mission furni- ture was borrowed from Mission Espiritu Santo. ^ Camberos was sent to supervise the founding,- which was begun in November, 1754. Piszina spared nine soldiers to act as a guard, to assist with their hands, and to direct the Indians, some of whom were in- duced to help in the building and in preparing the field. On January 15 Piszina thus wrote of the mission site and of progress in the work: "The place assigned for the congregation of these Indians, Excellent Sir, is four leagues from this presidio." It has all the advantages known to be useful and necessary for the I Letter to Camberos, May 26, 1758. - It is not clear when the missionary from Los Ais went to Rosario to assist Camberos. But that he did go before May 27, 1757, appears from a letter of that date. Strangely, however, the correspondence in several instances speaks of the missionary in the singular, and while Camberos commends Captain Piszina for his co-operation, he mentions no ecclesiastical associate. (The discretorio to the viceroy, May 27, 1757; opinion of Valodrcel, February 1, 1758; report to the junta de guerra, April 17, 1758, Juan Martin de Astiz to the viceroy, on or before June 21, 1758). 3 See page 318, below. Mission Beginnings 317 founding of a large settlement, and in my estimation, the coun- try is the best yet discovered in these parts. It has spacious plains, and very fine meadows skirted by the Eiver San Antonio, which appears to offer facilities for a canal to irrigate the crops. In the short time of two months since the building of the material part of the mission was begun, a decent [wooden] church for divine worship has been finished. It is better made than that of this presidio and the mission of Bspiritu Santo. There have been completed also the dwellings for the minister and the other necessary houses and offices, all surrounded by a field large enough to plant ten fanegas of maize."* Two years later it was reported that irrigation facilities were about to be completed ; that a dam of lime and stone forty varas long and four varas high had been built across an arroyo car- rying enough water to fill it in four months, and that all that was lacking was the canal, which would soon be finished.^ But this work seems not to have been completed. Within a few years — how soon does not appear — a strong wooden stockade was built around the mission.^ The name by which Camberos called the mission in his reports was "Nuestra Senora del Rosario de los Cojanes. "' Contem- porary government documents sometimes call it by this name, and sometimes simply "Nuestra Senora del Rosario ;" while Father Solis, official inspector for the college, in his diary, of 1768, calls it ' ' Mision del Santlssimo Rosario, ' ' and ' ' Mision del Rosario. ' '* The last is the more usual and popular form of the name. The addition of "de los Cojanes" indicates in part the prominence of the Cujane tribe in the mission, and also the prevalent usage of their name as a generic term for the Karankawan tribes. * Piszina to the viceroy, January 15. » The discretorio of the college to the viceroy, May 27, IV o7. 6 Solis, Diario, 1767-1768. Memorias, XXVII, 258. See page 322, below. ' Camberos to the viceroy May 26, 1758. sMemor'MS XXVII, 256, 266; Aranda to the viceroy, July 19, 1758. 318 The Mission of Bosario The location of Mission Rosario was given by Piszina as four leagues from the presidio of Bahia" — in which direction he does not say, but it was clearly up stream. As will be seen, Piszina 's estimate of the distance from Bahia was too great, unless the location of Rosario was subsequently changed. We learn from Solis's diary of 1768 that Mission Espiritu Santo was "in sight of the royal presidio [apparently almost on the site of modern Goliad] , with nothing between them but the river, which is crossed by a canoe";" and in 1793 Revilla Gigedo reported Mission Rosario as two leagues nearer than Espiritu Santo to Bexar." I am informed by Mr. J. H. Passmore, of Goliad, that the ruins today identified as those of Espiritu Santo are across the river from Goliad, and that four miles west of these, one-half a mile south of the San Antonio River, are the ruins identified, cor- rectly, no doubt, as those of Mission Rosario.'^ Lack of funds for current expenses and properly to establish agriculture and grazing greatly handicapped the missionaries and Captain Piszina, while, on the other hand, the Indians did not prove as eager to embrace the blessings of Christianity as the uninitiated might have been led to expect from the former reports of their anxiety to do so. They came to the mission from time to time, and helped more or less with the work, but when pro- visions gave out they were perforce allowed, or even advised, to return to the coast.^^ The number who frequented the mission and availed them- selves of these periodical supplies must have been considerable, for within less than a year of the founding of the mission Piszina reported that one thousand pesos in private funds had been spent 9 See above, p. 316. 10 Memorias de Nueva Espana, XXVII, 264. Ji Carta dirigida d la corte de Espana, December 27, 1793. 12 From what I can learn, it seems probable that the building at Goliad whose remains are now called ' ' Mission Aranama ' ' were con- nected with the presidio of BahIa rather than with a mission. 13 Piszina to the viceroy, December 22, 1756; Camberos, May 26, 1758. Four Years' Harvest 319 for maize, meat, cotton cloth, tobacco, etc. ; a year later he said that the number of Indians at Mission Bspiritu Santo — a number large enough to consume five or six bulls a week — was smaller than the number at Rosario," and that in all six thousand pesos had been spent in supporting the latter. But conversions were slow, and the total harvest after four years' work was twenty-one souls baptized in articulo mortis — twelve adults and nine children. In May. 1758, only one of the Indians living at the mission was baptized. This small showing of baptisms was partly due to the caution and conservatism of Father Camberos. "If I had been over-ready in baptizing Indians," he said, "at the end of these four years you would have found this coast nearly covered with the holy baptism ; but experience has taught me that baptisms performed hastily make of Indians Christians who are so only in name, and who live in the woods undistinguishable from the heathen. "^^ This caution on the part of Father Camberos was not only in conformity with the rules of the Church, but quite in keeping with the usual mis- sionary practice as well. The Indians of the new mission were hard to manage, gave the soldiers much difficulty, ^° and sustained their old reputation for being inconstant, unfaithful, and dissatisfied. The example of San Xavier, where a friar had recently been murdered, was fresh in the minds of the missionaries, and even when the Indians at Rosario were best disposed, it was feared that they might revolt and do violence to their benefactors. The Cujane in par- ticular were feared, for, besides being the most numeroios, they were regarded as especially bold and unmanageable.^^ This fear, together with danger from the Apache, was ground for some i*Piszina to the viceroy, November 10, 1755, and December 22, 1756. 15 Letter dated May 23, 1758. 16 Piszina to the viceroy, December 22, 1756. 17 The discretorio to the viceroy. May 27, 1757. 320 The Mission of Bosario of the numerous appeals made for an increase of soldiers at the presidio, and for the building of the stockade. As soon as Captain Piszina finished the mission buildings, he renewed his former request for ten additional soldiers,^' and asked the government to assist the new mission with the usual one year's supplies, in addition to the ornaments and furniture. Thereafter his appeal was frequently repeated,^" and was sec- onded by the college, by Camberos, and by Governor Barrios y Jauregui.^" But for three years the government only discussed, procrastinated, and called for reports, until finally in a junta de guerra y hacienda held April 17, 1758, the various items asked for were granted.^^ 2. Ten years after. — With this belated aid the mission be- came more prosperous — as prosperous, indeed, as could be ex- pected under the circumstances. In 1768 it was able to report a total of two hundred baptisms. This, so far as mere numbers go, was relatively as good a showing as had been made by its neighbor, Mission Espiritu Santo, among tribes somewhat more docile, and nearly as good as that made by Mission San Jose, once the finest mission in all New Spain. At this time there must have been from one hundred to two hundred Indians, at least, living intermittently in the mission. But residence or baptism did not of necessity signify any great change in the savage nature of the Indians. They were hard to control, and were with difficulty kept at the mission, made to work, and in- 18 See above, p. 310. 18 Letters to the viceroy, January 15, 1755, November 10, 1755; Decem- ber 22, 1756. 20 The discretorio to the viceroy. May 27, 1757. ( At the end of 1755 the college sent an agent to the viceroy in person to urge haste in the matter); Barrios y J4uregui to the viceroy, August 26, 1757; letter to Camberos, May 26, 1756. 21 Eeport of the junta, in the Archivo General,- original MS. The dis- cussion of the question by the government may be found in communica- tions of Aranda to the viceroy, January 24, 1758; Vare&rcel to the vice- roy, April 5, 1757; Valc&rcel to the viceroy, February 1, 1758; report of the junta de guerra, April 17, 1758. Father Solis's Report 321 duced to give up their crude ways. If corporal punishment was used, which was sometimes the case,^^ the neophytes ran away; and if sometimes they complained of harsh treatment by the missionaries, they were likely to find willing listeners among the soldiers. It is not the purpose of this paper to follow out the history of mission Rosario after its establishment. But it may vivify the reader's impression, and help him to secure a more correct idea of a frontier mission of the less substantial sort, and of the conditions surrounding it, to reproduce here some parts of the account of Mission Rosario given in his diary in 1768 by Father Soils, the official inspector of the Texas missions for his college. I therefore quote the following: "(Feb.) 26. I passed through an opening called the Guardian, then through others, and arrived at Mission del San- tissimo Rosario, where I was received by the minister with much attention. The Indians who had remained at the mission— for many were fugitive in the woods and on the coast — came out in gala array as an embassy to meet me on the way . . . The captain of La Bahia remained and posted a picket of soldiers to keep guard by day and by night. This mission is extremely well kept in all respects. It secures good water from Rio San An- tonio de Vejar. The country is pleasant and luxuriant . . . The climate is very bad and unhealthful, hot, and humid, with southerly winds. Everything, including one's clothing, becomes damp, even within the houses, as if it were put in water. Even the inner walls reek with water as if it were raining. "28. At the invitation of the captain I went to dine at the royal presidio of La Bahia del Espiritu Santo. I was accom- panied by Fathers Ganuza and Lopez, and Brothers Francisco 22 In 1768 an investigation was made at this mission as a result of the flight of some of the Karankawa, with the result that charges of harsh dealing with the neophytes were reported to the government at Mexico. 322 The Mission of Bosario Sedano and Antonio Casas. . . . The captain received us with great respect and ceremony, welcoming us with a volley by the company, and four cannon shot, . . . serving us a very free, rich, and abundant table, and comporting himself in everything with the magnificence and opulence of a prince. . . . "29. I said the mass of inspection and examined the church, the sacristy, and the entire mission. . . . "(March) 3. ... At night there returned thirty-three families of the Indians of this mission who had wandered, fugi- tives. I received them with suavity and affection. . . . "4. ... The opinion I have formed of this mission of Nuestra Senora del Rosario is as follows: As to material wealth it is in good condition. It has two droves of burros, about forty gentle horses, thirty gentle mules, twelve of them with harness, five thousand cattle, two hundred milch cows, and seven hundred sheep and goats. The buildings and the dwelling, both for the ministers and for the soldiers and the Indians, are good and- adequate. The stockade of thick and strong stakes which pro- tects the mission from its enemies is very well made. The church is very decent. It is substantially built of wood, plas- tered inside with mud, and whitewashed with lime ; and its roof of good beams and shingles (taxamanil) looks like a dome {parece arteson). Its decoration is very bright and clean. It has sacred vessels, a bench for ornaments and utensils, a pulpit with confessional, altars, and all the things pertaining to the divine cult. Everything is properly arranged and kept in its place. There is a baptismal font, with a silver shell, and silver cruets for the holy oils. The mission has fields of crops, which depend upon the rainfall, for water cannot be got from the river, since it has very high and steep banks, nor from any where else, since there is no other place to get it from. "This mission was founded in 1754. Its minister, who, as I have already said, is Fr. Joseph Escovar, labors hard for its Mission Routine 323 welfare, growth, and improvement. He treats the Indians with much love, charity, and gentleness, employing methods soft, bland, and alluring. He makes them work, teaches them to pray, tries to teach them the catechism and to instruct them in the rudiments of our Holy Faith and in good manners. He aids and succors them as best he may in all their needs, corporal and spiritual, giving them food to eat and clothing to wear. In the afternoon, before evening prayers, with a stroke of the bell he assembles them, big and little, in the cemetery, has them say the prayers and the Christian doctrine, explains and tries to teach them the mysteries of our Holy Faith, exhorting them to keep the commandments of God and of Our Holy Mother Church, and setting forth what is necessary for salvation. On Saturday he collects them and has them repeat the rosary with its mysteries, and the alavado cantado. On Sundays and holidays, before mass, he has them repeat the prayers and the doctrine and afterward preaches to them, explaining the doctrine and whatever else they ought to understand. If he orders punish- ment given to those who need it, it is with due moderation, and not exceeding the limits of charity and paternal correction; looking only to the punishment of wrong and excess, it does not lean toward cruelty or tyranny.^^ "The Indians with which this mission was founded are the Coxanes, Guapites, Carancaguases, and Coopanes, but of this last nation there are at present only a few, for most of them are in the woods or on the banks of some of the many rivers in these parts; or with another nation, their friends and confederates, on the shore of the sea, which is some thirteen or fourteen leagues distant to the east of the mission. They are all bar- barous, idle, and lazy; and although they are so greedy and gluttonous that they eat meat almost raw, parboiled, or half roasted and dripping with blood, yet, rather than stay in the 23 See above, p. 321. 324 The Mission of Bosario mission where the father provides them everything needed to eat and wear, they prefer to suffer hunger, nakedness, and other necessities, in order to be at liberty and idle in the woods or on the beach, giving themselves up to all kinds of vice, especially lust, theft, and dancing. ' '^* Such were the difficulties usually attending the labors of the frontier missionaries, increased somewhat in this instance, per- haps, by the exceptional crudeness of the tribes they were trying to subdue. And such were the first fruits of more than a decade's efforts on the part of several zealous missionaries. In after years the wooden church of the mission was replaced by one of stone, and the mission experienced varying degrees of prosperity. Escandon's project of establishing a Spanish pueblo near by was also realized, and, as we have seen, other settlements were founded near the Eio Grande. 2* Soils, Diario, in Memorias de Nueva Espaiia, XXVII, 256-259. IV. SPANISH ACTIVITIES ON THE LOWER TRINITY RIVER, 1746-1771 CHAPTER I A NEW DANGER ON THE FRENCH BORDERS 1. French encroachments and Orobio Bazterra's exploring expedition, 1745-1746. — Spanish activities in Texas were from first to last inspired largely by fears of foreign aggression. When these fears slept, Texas was left pretty much to itself, so far as the government was concerned, but when serious rumors of en- croaching strangers reached the official ears, there was likely to be vigorous proceedings for a time. The occupation of the lower Trinity River was no exception to this rule. Although settle- ments had been founded in eastern Texas as early as 1690, the authorities in Mexico, and even in the province of Texas itself, seem to have been almost entirely ignorant of the geography of the lower Trinity and the adjacent country until 1746, when they were called into it by tales of a French establishment somewhere 1 TMs study is based entirely upon manuscript original sources. The older works in English which mention the subject are entirely valueless; the treatments given by modern writers in English are so brief as to be very unsatisfactory. The only printed account by an early Spanish historian is that of Bonilla, in his Breve Compendio (translated by West in the Texas State Hist. Ass'n. Quarterly, vol. VIII), which, although written by a contemporary who was in a position to know, contains numerous fundamental errors. At best Bonilla 's account is very brief and incomplete, as he devotes only about a page to the matter. The manuscript materials on which my study is based are records in the B6xar Archives, the Lamar Papers, and the Nacogdoches Archives, and transcripts in the writer's personal collection from the archives of Mexico and Spain. What is presented here was practically completed several years ago. Subsequently the author's manuscripts were, put at the disposal of Miss Elise Brown, a graduate student in the University of Texas, as material for a master's thesis. This was written, under the present writer's direction, with the title "The History of the Spanish Settlements at Orcoquisac, 1746-1772." Though the two ac- counts are quite different in general, and at variance at some points, the writer has made some use of Miss Brown's valuable work, and hereby makes acknowledgment. In the citations which follow, B. A. stands for Bexar Archives, L. P. for Lamar Papers, N. A. for Nacogdoches Archives. 328 A New Danger on the French Border in that vicinity. One previous official expedition to the locality had been made in 1727,^ but it led to no further steps toward occupation, and gave no permanent knowledge of the topography or of the natives of the region. As early as 1741, it is said, Grovemor Prudencio Orobio Bazterra, hearing of French incur- sions, urged the establishment of a presidio on the lower Trinity, but nothing came of the recommendation. What stirred the authorities to action in 1745 was a letter reporting the rumors alluded to above, written in July^ to the viceroy by Don Joaquin de Orobio Bazterra, captain of the pre- sidio of Bahia del Bspiritu Santo, but for the time being in Coahuila. In reply to this communication the viceroy ordered Captain Orobio to proceed in all haste to learn the truth about the French settlement, where and when it had been established, if at all, and what and how many Indians there were in the vicinity. If he should find Frenchmen established or intending to settle, he was to order them to leave forthwith.* The prevailing ignorance of and the lack of communication with the coast country between the Guadalupe and the Trinity rivers at this time are amply illustrated by Orobio 's difficulties and uncertainty in getting from La Bahia to his destination. His first efforts were directed to ascertaining whether the investi- 2 In 1727, when Eivera inspected the northern establishments of New Spain, he sent engineer Francisco Alvarez Barreyro from La Bahia east- ward with a detachment of twenty soldiers to examine the coast country as far as the Neches. Barreyto spent thirty-five days on the expedition and travelled 363 leagues, but what he recorded in his reports I cannot say, as I have not seen them, though I do know of their whereabouts, and have taken steps toward securing them (See Eivera, Diario, 1727, leg. 2466). 3 July 2. * The viceroy's order was dated July 18 (Diligencias Practicadas por Vn. Joaquin de Orobio Capn. de la Bahia Sobre establecimiento de Franceses. B. A.). Orobio signed his name as above, but other Spanish officials frequently wrote it ' ' Orobio y Basterra. ' ' The brief form of his name is usually given as Orobio. Orobio's Expedition to the Trinity 329 gation could be made on terra firma by way of Matagorda Bay and the coast. To determine this point he went in October with a squad of men down the banks of the Guadalupe ; but, because of high water and the roughness of the country, he decided to build a fleet of canoes and take thirty men on a two months' expedition by water, down the river and along the coast. New discouragements and difficulties led him finally to decide to take the Adaes road to the crossing of the Trinity, a hundred miles or more above its mouth, and descend to the coast from that point.^ Such an expedition made it necessary to send to San Antonio and Presidio del Eio Grande for more soldiers, in order that La Bahia might not be left unprotected. As a consequence of this and other delays, it was late in December before Orobio was ready to start.' From Orobio 's diary, which has not hitherto been used, we are able to follow his movements in detail. Setting out on December 20 with twenty-one soldiers, he marched to the Trinity, where he arrived on January 9th. Failing to learn from the Indians of this locality what he wished to know regarding the country below, he again changed his plan and continued northeast to San Pedro, the Nabedache village near the Neches. Here he saw in the firearms, clothing, and trinkets possessed by the natives — the sight was no new one at San Pedro — abundant signs of French influence. But these things, he was told, had all come from the French of Natchitoches, by way of the Cadodacho, and not from the coast. The rumors of the French settlement on the Gulf near the Trinity, however, were confirmed and repeated with exaggeration. But Orobio was informed that the place could be reached only from Nacogdoches, by way of the Bidai 5 Lieut. Miguel de Olivares investigated the possibilities of the pro- posed expedition by water, and reported that the river was obstructed, and, besides, that suitable boats could not be built. (Report by Olivares to Orobio, ibid., 2). "Order of Orobio, October 22, 1745; Orobio to Urrutia, December 7. Ibid., 2, 4. 330 A New Danger on the French Border trail, "a path which the Vidais have made in going to Nacog- doches. ' ' Acting on this suggestion, Orobio went on to Nacogdoches. Here a report by the veteran missionary, Father Joseph Cala- horra y Saenz, to the effect that fifteen shipwrecked Frenchmen had recently passed that way from the coast, caused him to go on to Los Adaes to consult with the governor, Garcia Larios, before plunging into the unknown south country. The con- ference over, Orobio returned to Nacogdoches, where he arrived on February 4, and where he secured an Indian guide to conduct him over the Bidai trail to the coast.' Since his diary gives us our first intimate account of a large stretch of country and of the earliest Spanish contact with a distinct group of natives in their own home, its contents have intrinsic and unique historical interest, and will, therefore, be still further drawn upon. Leaving Nacogdoches on February 7 and going southwest, on March 6 Orobio was near the Trinity at a place which he named Santa Rosa de Viterbo. Here he found a settlement of Bidai Indians living in seven rancherias* of bearskin tents, their regular winter habitations. The presence of Spaniards here, which, we are informed, "had never occurred before," aroused much interest and com- ment among the natives, as can be well understood. With the chief Orobio held a long conference, but that over, his stay was brief. Taking a Bidai guide, he set out across the Trinity, and on March 15 was at Puesto de San Rafael, so named by himself, thirty leagues west-southwest from Santa Rosa de Viterbo. It will appear later on that San Rafael was in all probability on Spring Creek, west of the San Jacinto River. Here were two Orcoquiza villages, near which Orobio camped. The surprise of these Indians at seeing "Yegsa," as they called the Spaniards. 7 Viligencias Practicadas, 4-9. 8 It is sometimes diflfieult to determine whether a rancheria was a small village or a single dwelling. This is one of those cases. French Traders on the Coast 331 and whom, we are told, they had only heard of and never seen, was even greater than that of the Bidai. Among both the Bidai and the Orcoquiza the rumors of Frenchmen on the coast were confirmed with circumstantial detail. Orobio was informed that men who lived among the Pachina near the Mississippi had for six years been coming by land to the Orcoquiza, while others came annually by water, entering the Neehes, Trinity, and Brazos rivers. The implica- tion is that they regularly visited the Bidai as well as the Orco- quiza. As yet there was no regular settlement of Frenchmen, but one had been promised. In the past summer those coming by sea had even chosen a site, and had sent the Orcoquiza to notify the Bidai, Doxsas (Deadoses), and Texas to come next season to this place with their bearskins, buckskins, and buffalo hides, which the French were accustomed to buy.' The site designated for the settlement was described as some distance from the mouth of a river between the Trinity and the Brazos, but a tributary of neither. The stream was obviously the San Jacinto, an inference which is supported by positive evidence which will appear later.^" Among the Orcoquiza Orobio learned that some Frenchmen had been lost among the Cujane, to the southwest, and that the shipwrecked Frenchmen who had passed through Nacogdoches were apparently a party who had been to rescue them. Going toward the coast a distance of fifteen leagues, Orobio reached the place on the San Jacinto designated by the Orcoquiza as the site chosen by the French. The stream Orobio named Nuestra Sefiora de Aranzazu. Finding no signs of a habitation, and recording the opinion that there was little likelihood that one would be established,^^ since the site was ill fitted for settle- 9 Diligencias Fractiaadas, 11-12. i« See below, p. 333, note 13. 11 " I found no habitation whatever, but such a scarcity of lands that in case of wishing to establish a presidio, there are facilities for sup- 332 A New Danger on the French Border ment, he struck northwestward to the camino real leading from Nacogdoches, and returned to La Bahia, where he arrived on April 6. On June 25 he sent a report of his reeonnoissanee to Governor Larios. 3. The Orcoquiza tribe}- — This visit of Orobio to the Orcoquiza Indians M'as the beginning of a quarter of a century of Spanish activity in their country. While among them Orobio talked to them of missions. In a short while, apparently in the same year, he made them another visit and went again to the San Jacinto to look for Frenchmen, though we have not the details of this second expedition. To counteract French influence, one of the Orcoquiza chiefs was honored by being made a "captain," and during the next few years Spanish agents, in the guise of traders, were regularly sent among both the Orcoquiza and the Bidai. Finally, further encroachments of the French, as we shall see, led to the occupation of the Orcoquiza country by a presidio and a mission. In the course of this contact, a large fund of information regarding the tribe, whose early history has been strangely unknown, was acquired. It was not till 1755-1757 that this information, precious to the ethnologist and the historian, was extensively recorded in the documents at our command, but it will facilitate the remainder of the narrative if these later documents are drawn upon somewhat in advance for a general sketch of the Orcoquiza tribe, who, with their territory, form the chief center of interest in the story. It was learned by these traders, explorers, soldiers, and mis- sionaries, that the Orcoquiza lived in four (or five) rancherias, or scattered villages, near the lower Trinity and the San Jacinto rivers. The center of their population was a western branch porting only five or six families for a short time, because of the small amount of timber and the entire laak of stone on the margin of the river." lUd., 12. 12 The form of this word adopted by the Bureau of American Eth- nology is "Arkokisa," but it seems better, historically considered, to use in this study the spelling common in the contemporary sources. The Orcoquiza Tribe 333 of the San Jacinto, usually called in the eighteenth century the Arroyo de Santa Rosa de Alcazar (the "San Rafael" of Orobio), which, after a careful study of the evidence, is clearly the Spring Creek of today.^' Near the junction of the San Jacinto and the Santa Rosa, and within a gunshot of the latter, was the village which became known as that of Chief Canos, so called because of his leaning toward the French. Farther up the Santa Rosa, some twenty miles, perhaps, at the junction of two small branches, was the village of El Gordo (the Fat), while "above" this point, perhaps northwest, was that of Mateo. Bast of the Trinity, and some ten or fifteen miles from its mouth was another village, known for a long time as that of Calzones Colorados (Red Breeches). There is some indication that there was another village under the authority of this chief, but just where it was located is not clear. These statements, which rest on unques- 13 This conclusion was reachpd, after careful study of the documents, before the whereabouts of Miranda's map of April 18, 1757, was learned. The map bears it out. The following are some of the data on which the conclusion was reached independently. Miranda tells us that going ten leagues nearly eastward from the Springs of Santa Eosa, one comes to the San Jacinto; and that from the San Jacinto to the site of El Orcoquisac, just across the Trinity, it was not more than six leagues, by implication in the same general direction. Now, a direct line west from El Orcoquisac would fall between Buffalo Bayou and Spring Creek, while both of those streams run for a stretch of ten leagues almost east into the San Jacinto, leaving little to choose between them, as the claimant to being the Santa Bosa. (Miranda, Eeport of survey, April 26, 1757). According to the same authority the three western Orcoquiza villages were ranged along the Santa Eosa. But the southernmost village visited by Orobio in 1746 became a landmark in the later descrip- tions. Orobio tells us that after leaving the two Orcoquiza villages at San Eafael, which, we have positive evidence, was Santa Eosa (N. A., doe. 488, fol. 22), he went fifteen leagues southward to the place desig- nated as that where the French were expected to settle, which was some distance from the mouth of a river called Aranzazu, the stream subse- quently called San Jacinto (Diligenoias Practicadas, 13-14). The two villages at San Eafael must, therefore, have been at least fifteen leagues or more northward from the mouth of the San Jacinto. In August, 1756, Joseph Valentin testified that he had gone "down the bank of the San Jacinto Eiver to the place reached by Dn. Joaquin de Orobio Basterra, " and that "from this place he returned up the said river to its crossing, near which it joins the Spring (or Arroyo) of Santa Eosa." (N. A., doc. 488, ff. 7-8). Marcos Euiz gave almost the same testimony. Domingo del Eio, who a year before had passed from the Bidai on Bidai Creek to the western Orcoquiza village, now testified that this arroyo of Santa 334 A New Danger on tli e French Border tioned sources, make it appear that the Orcoquiza lived rather more to the westward than has been supposed, as is true also of the Attacapa. On the east the Orcoquiza divided the country between the Trinity and the Neches with the latter tribe, who had two villages on opposite sides of the Neches near modem Beaumont; on the north the neighbors of the Orcoquiza were the Bidai, and, apparently, the Deadose (Agdocas, Doxsas) ; on the west, the Coco; on the west and the southwest, the Karan- kawa and the Cujane.^* With all of these tribes, except the Karankawa, the Orcoquiza were generally on good terms, but racially they seem to have been quite distinct from them, except- ing the Attacapa, with whom they were considerably mixed.^^ Although they went periodically back and forth, with the changes of seasons, between the coast and the interior, the Orcoquiza lived in relatively fixed villages. If they were like Eosa appeared to be the same as that which rose near the village of the Bidai chief Tom^s {ibid., fol. 3). This testimony, combined with that of Orobio, seems to make it clear that Santa Rosa could not be Buffalo Bayou. One statement made by Miranda was puzzling until I saw his map. He states that he went west from El Orcoquisac for some twelve leagues, till he reached the San Jacinto, thence south about fifteen leagues to the point reached by Orobio, thence between south and west along the bed of the San Jacinto to its junction with the Santa Rosa. This testimony taken alone would point to Buffalo Bayou as the Santa Eosa, but it directly contradicts the statement of Valentin and Orobio. By changing Miranda 's south to north, his statement would agree with the others. The difficulty is partly cleared up by the fact that on his map his south is west and his west north {ibid., 10). The country about the Santa Eosa was described as being marked by beautiful prairies, forest of oak, walnut, pine and cedar, and many lakes. In this season, which was dry, the creek had two inches of water. There was lack of stone for a dam, and the bed of the stream was deep, but irrigation was hardly necessary for the Indians had fine corn, although the season had been dry {ibid., 12). Miranda's map does not unquestionably clear up the difficulty of deciding between Buffalo Bayou and Spring Creek, but it points in the same direction as the rest of the data. 1* The Bidai told Orobio that the Orcoquiza occupied the country from the Neches to a point half way between the Trinity and the Brazos. See Miranda's report, N. A., doc. 488. 15 The present writer has shown, in another study, that the Bidai, Orcoquiza, and Deadose all belonged to the same linguistic group {Hand- hook of American Indians, II, under "San Francisco Xavier de Hor- casitas.") See also pp. 147, 197-198, above. Tribal Life and Organization 335 the Bidai, they remained inland during the winter. They practiced agriculture to some extent, raising what was called by Bernardo de Mirando "superfine maize." But this article seems to have been a minor element of their subsistence, for they lived to a large extent on a fish diet, supplemented by sylvan fruits and game, among which deer and bear were prominent. It was trade in the skins and the fat of these animals that chiefly attracted the French intruders. An indication that the tribal organization of the Orcoquiza was loose is the fact that during the clash between the French and the Spaniards in the region, the tribe was divided in its allegiance, Canos, particularly, leaning toward the French. Another indication is the conflicting contemporary statements by different witnesses as to which of the chiefs was "Capitan Grande," or head chief of the group. Had there been a con- spicuous tribal headship, such a conflict of opinion would not have been likely to occur. At flrst Canos appears as head chief, and is the one to whom Governor Barrios gave the title of captain sometime before October, 1754. Indeed, there are some reasons for thinking that he had the best claim to this distinction, but it was assigned also to Mateo and to Calzones Colorados.^® The last-named chief became the one best known to the Spaniards. Although our data on this point are conflicting, the tribe was evidently small in numbers, even at this early date. Orobio, after his second visit, reported that it was composed of five villages, containing three hundred families, or perhaps twelve hundred souls. It was later claimed that Captaia Pacheco "reduced" two villages of four hundred persons each. But compared with subsequent estimates, these numbers appear to be too large. Bernardo de Miranda, for example, on being asked in 1756 what was their number, could not say definitely, but declared that he had seen at the village of Canos more than twenty warriors and 16 DiHijencws Practicadas, 1755, 3, 4, 7; N. A., doc. 488, fol. 3. 336 A New Danger on the French Border their families. If this was the entire village, and that one repre- sentative, the total of the tribe would not have exceeded one hundred men, or five or six hundred persons. An official estimate made in 1778, after a period of great general decrease in the native population of Texas, it is true, put the Orcoquiza fighting strength at only fifty men.^^ It was not, therefore, in any case, a very large Indian population for which the French and the Spaniards were contending. To either party, the territory in- volved was far more important. 3. Spanish Trade with the Bidai and Orcoquiza Tribes. — Soon after the visit of Orobio, it has already been noted, Spanish traders from Los Adaes began to operate in the Indian villages of the lower Trinity. The exact circumstances under which this trade was established are not clear, but it is evident that it flourished after 1751, and that its chief beneficiary was Governor Jacinto de Barrios y Jauregui, who went to Texas in that year. The evidence regarding this trade, which was regarded as contraband, came out in a special investigation made in 1760, after Barrios had departed, and it may well be that it is not altogether trustworthy ; but the main allegations seem well estab- lished. From the testimony given during the inquiry we learn that between 1751 and 1759 Governor Barrios engaged pretty regularly in commerce with the Bidai, Orcoquiza, and other tribes. The trade was kept a strict monopoly in his hands and carried on by his personal agents, among whom were Marcos Ruiz, Domingo del Rio, Juan Antonio Maldonado and Jacinto de Leon. Goods were carried to the tribes in pack-trains, convoyed by small guards of soldiers. The merchandise was procured by the government at Natchitoches, in open defiance of the law. Among the articles taken to the Indians were French knives, scissors, tobacco, combs, and even firearms, though it was a serious 1' Orobio to the viceroy, Jan. 29, 1748, B. A., Miscellaneous, 1742- 1793; N. A., doe. 488, f. 11; estimate by the junta de guerra, December 5, 1778, in Cabello, Informe, 1784. The Arrest of Blancpain 337 offense to furnish weapons or ammunition to the natives. In exchange the Indians gave horses (stolen usually from the Spanish settlements and missions), corn, and hides of deer and buffalo. The corn and horses were used by the governor at the presidio of Los Adaes ; the skins were either sold at Natchitoches, likewise an unlawful proceeding, or were sent to Saltillo. This trade, conducted at first from Los Adaes, was later continued from the presidio of San Agustin, at the mouth of the Trinity.^* 4. The arrest of Blancpain, 1754. — The interest in the lower Trinity aroused by Orobio's visit was crystallized by the arrest in October, 1754, of some Frenchmen, caught by Marcos Ruiz among the Orocoquiza Indians. The leader of the French party was Joseph Blancpain, whose name sometimes appears as Lanpen. With him were captured two other Frenchmen, Elias George and Antonio de la Fars, besides two negroes. Their goods were confiscated and divided among the captors, their huts given to Chief Calzones Colorados ; their boat was left stranded on the river bank, and they, after being questioned as to their pur- poses, were sent to the City of Mexico and imprisoned. The connection between the arrest of Blancpain and French aggression on other parts of the Spanish frontier are set forth in an earlier part of this work.^" According to Blancpain 's own statement he had long been an Indian interpreter in the employ of the government of Louisiana, and had a trading establishment at Natchitoches, but lived on his plantation near the Mississippi, twenty-two leagues from New Orleans. He claimed that, at the time of his arrest, which oc- 18 The facts recorded above are drawn mainly from the records of the investigation entitled Testimonio practicado soibre si D. Jasinto de Barrios tuvo oomersio con Mimiziones de Guerra con los Yndios Bariaros de Esta Prova. y fuera de ella, etc. In the residencia of the governor held a few weeks before the investigation, the same witnesses testified solemly that Barrios had not engaged in illegal trade, but later explained the discrepancy on the ground of a technicality in the meaning of contra- band trade. Autos de la Besidencia . . . de Barrios y Jauregui. 19 See above, pp. 66-73. 338 A New Danger on the French Border eurred east of the Trinity at the village of Calzones Colorados, he had been trading for two months with the Attacapa, with whom he had dealt for more than a quarter of a century. The list of goods confiscated by his captors shows that, among other things, he was furnishing the Indians of the locality with a goodly supply of firearms, a proceeding which the Spanish government had always strenuously opposed. He had in his possession a license from the governor of Louisiana authorizing him to go among the Attacapa to trade for horses, as well as instructions to keep a diary, and, if he encountered any strange Indian vil- lages, to make friends of the inhabitants and take the chiefs to see the governor at New Orleans. Until shortly before his arrest he had been accompanied by a considerable party. These instructions the Spaniards regarded as evidence that Blancpain was acting as a government agent to extend French authority over the Indians living in Spanish territory. It was charged against him that he had taken away the Spanish com- mission of chief Canos and given him a French one. More than this, Barrios reported to the viceroy, on the testimony of the soldiers who made the arrest and who claimed to have the in- formation from the Indians and Blancpain himself, that the Orcoquiza were expecting from New Orleans fifty families of settlers and a minister, to plant a colony and a mission at El Orcoquisac, as the site of the Orcoquiza village was called. But later, when his examination occurred at Mexico in February, 1755, Blancpain with great hardihood, it would seern, consider- ing the circumstances, denied having had anything to do with the Orcoquiza or Bidai, and, with greater truthfulness, perhaps, claimed not to know of any plans for a mission or a settlement. Blancpain died in prison at Mexico, and, after a year's in- carceration, his companions, according to the then customary dealing with strangers in Mexico, were deported in "La Amer- ica" to Spain, to be disposed of by the Casa de Contratacion. A New Boyal Order 339 Their ease brought forth a royal order requiring that if any more Frenchmen were caught on Spanish territory without license they should be sent to Acapulco and thence to South America, there to be kept on the Isle of San Fernandez or at the presidio of Valdivia.^" 20 The account of the arrest of Blanepain is gathered mainly from an expediente called Dilixensias sohre Lanpen, dated February 19, 1755 (B. A., Proviucias Internas, 1755-1793). See also a communication of the vice- roy to the king, March 14, 1756; royal cedula directed to the viceroy, July 19, 1757; statement by Varedrcel, in Testimonio del Dictamen dado por el Senor Bon Domingo de Valcarcel del Consejo de Su Magd su oydor en la SI Auda de esta Nueba Espana en los autos fechos a consuUa de Don Jazinto de Barrios y Jauregm Governador de la Frovinoia de Texas de que da quenta el comandante frances de el Fresidio del Nachitos se prebino que los yndios de aquella Dominaoion intentdban saltar el Fresidio. Dated October 11, 1755. The title is incorrect. The document is a recommenda- tion of the auditor concerning the proposed garrisoning of the mouth of the Trinity. Eeport of the junta de guerra held at Los Adaes, October 23, 1754 (B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada). Expediente sabre la aprehen- cion . . . de tres Franceses, y dos Negros, etc. (A. G. I. Guadalajara, 103- 106-123.) CHAPTER II THE DEFENSE OF THE BORDER 1. El Orcoquisac garrisoned, 1755. — As soon as Ruiz, the captor of Blanepain, returned to Los Adaes, Governor Barrios held a council, in which testimony was given to show that the French were clearly intending to establish a colony on the Trinity. In consequence. Barrios reported the danger to the viceroy, and at the same time took measures to provide temporary defence. In his account of the Blanepain affair, sent to the vice- roy on November 30, 1754, Barrios proposed guarding BI Orco- quisac against further intrusion by establishing a presidio and a mission as well as a civil settlement strong enough to exist after a few years without the protection of a garrison, suggesting that the families be recruited from Adaes and that they be given the government subsidy usually granted to new colonies.^ This initiation by Barrios of a plan to colonize the lower Trinity coun- try should be kept in mind for consideration in connection with the governor's later conduct. With respect to the temporary defense of Orcoquisac, the junta recommended sending to the Trinity ten soldiers and ten armed settlers. Failing to find this number of men available at Los Adaes, Barrios at once corresponded with the captains at San Antonio, Bahia, and San Xavier, asking for eighteen men to add to the ten which he proposed to detach from his post; but he did not at first meet with success.^ Meanwhile Domingo del Rio was sent among the Bidai and Orcoquiza to learn, as Barrios put it, how they reacted toward the arrest of Blanepain. He re- 1 The viceroy to Barrios, February 12, 1756; Test, del Dietamen, October 11, 1755, fol. 7. 2 Dilijen' Practicadas, p. 1&, L. P., doc. 25. Del Bio on the Coast 341 turned in April bearing a new rumor that the French had settled and fortified El Oreoquisae. Thereupon the governor dispatched him with a squad of soldiers to make another investigation and to bring back a careful report. To strengthen the Spanish hold upon the Indians, Del Eio's party were supplied with abundant merchandise for gifts and for " cambalaehe, " or barter. In view of the defection of chief Canos to the French, they took for Mateo a commission as captain, a cane, symbol of authority, a jacket, a sombrero, and a shirt, while for Tomas, chief of the Bidai, who already had a commission as captain, they carried a like outfit. When they returned from this journey, which in- cluded a visit to the Nabedaehe, to the Bidai villages of Antonio and Tomas, and to the Orcoquiza village of El Gordo, they were accompanied by Mateo, Tomas, and a band of braves, who were duly entertained by the governor, and who repeated former re- quests for missions.^ Del Rio had found no French settlement, but he had heard from the Indians, who, as was to be expected, told a good story, that subsequent to the arrest of Blancpain some Frenchman had been among them, that Mateo and his people (loyal to the Spaniards, of course!) had withdrawn from the coast, but that Canos, Blancpain 's proselyte, had been to New Orleans, and, on his return, all decked out in French garb and laden with presents, had tried to win the rest of his tribe to the French cause. This report evidently caused Barrios to act. Del Rio 's return was early in June. Sometime between this date and August 27 — probably at least a month before this — ^the governor sent twenty- eight soldiers recruited from San Xavier, San Antonio, La Bahia, and Adaes, to garrison El Oreoquisae until permanent arrange- 3 Dilijens Praoticadas, 1755. L. P., no. 25. The details of this expedi- tion are given in the declarations of the soldiers who accompanied Del Eio {ibid.) Miss Brown makes no mention of Del Bio's journey between October and April. 342 The Defense of the Border ments should be made by the superior government.* The posting of this garrison marks the beginning of the Spanish occupation of EI Oreoquisac. 2. Presidio, mission and town authorized, 1756. — The px- amination of Blancpain in the royal hall of confessions had occurred in February, 1755. For a year after this nothing was done by the superior government in Mexico but to discuss and refer, a process all too well known to the special student of Spanish-American history. To follow the details of this cor- respondence would be profitless except as a study in Spanish provincial administration. Viewed from this standpoint, how- ever, it is interesting, as it furnishes a typical example of pro- cedure in the matter of frontier defense, and a suggestion of the baneful effect of long-distance legislation upon the missions and colonies, as well as insight into Spanish governmental ideas. According to the customary routine. Barrios' proposal con- cerning the defense of the Trinity went, during the spring and summer of 1755, to the auditor, the fiscal, and a junta de guerra y hacienda. But there was so little agreement of opinion that the viceroy could reach no decision. Nominally, the difference was upon the size of the garrison and the question as to whether the proposed settlement should be subsidized or not. One gets the impression, however, that the real reason for delay was lack of interest. The fiscal recommended retaining at El Oreoquisac twenty of the soldiers already placed there by Barrios, and favored establishing one or more missions for the Orcoquiza. But he opposed Barrios 's proposal of a subsidized colony, recom- mending, instead, dependence upon settlers who should be at- tracted to the vicinity by lands alone. The six officials of the junta which was called could agree neither with the fiscal nor * Test, del Viotamen, October 11, 1755. The date, August 25, is fixed by Varearcel's statement that on this day the fiscal had suggested that part of the temporary garrison sent by Barrios should remain. Ibid. Miss Brown concluded that this garrison was not sent. My inference is drawn from Varc&rcel's Dictamen. Varcdrcel Favors a Civil Colony 343 with each other. While all were of the opinion that El Orcoquisac should be garrisoned, two voted for twenty soldiers aided by the Indians of the locality, two for a larger number of soldiers, and two for ten soldiers and ten citizens. After receiving Barrios 's letter of September 6, 1755, which reported not only that Frenchmen had again been seen on the Trinity, but also that the governor of Louisiana had set up a claim to the territory which he had garrisoned, the viceroy asked for a new opinion of the auditor. Valcarcel, coinciding with views that had been expressed by Altamira in his famous dictamen of 1744, and of Escandon, fre- quently voiced during his long struggle to people the country between the San Antonio River and Tampico, had in his mind the germs of a colonizing policy which might have been successful if really carried out. Reporting on October 11, he opposed the fiscal 's plan for an unsubsidized settlement, on the ground that it would be more expensive to maintain a garrison for the long time that would be necessary under that plan, since there was little chance of a pueblo formed without special inducements to settlers, than to equip at once fifty families, withdrawing the garrison within a definite time. Citing Altamira 's opinion, he argued with some logic that, in time of peace, on the one hand, good citizens would be more useful than soldiers as agents in winning the Indians, since presidial soldiers were proverbially low characters, and always making trouble ; while, in time of war, on the other hand, twenty soldiers would be virtually useless. He advised, therefore, selecting fifty families of good character, at- tracting them not only with the lands, but also with the usual subsidy given to new colonists, putting them under a governor of their own number, and suppressing the presidio as soon as the civil settlement should be established. He also made recommendations concerning the choice of a site. First a good location should be selected. He doubted the Mi The Defense of the Border fitness of El Orcoquisae for the settlement, for lack of wood, and because of the marshiness of the country. Agreeing with the fiscal in this, he recommended ordering the garrison to take the president of the eastern Texas missions, go to the Trinity country, and select a site for a town and missions. The townsite must be so chosen that it would serve to protect the missions, control the Indians, and keep the French from among them. He advised, also, requiring Barrios to report the necessary supplies to be furnished the families at government expense. But still the matter dragged on. Further delay was caused by a change of viceroys, and when the new one, the Marques de las Araarillas. arrived in Mexico, he found the defence of the Trinity one of the questions first demanding attention. Accord- ingly, on February 4 he called a junta whose resolutions, sup- plemented by the viceroy's decree of February 12, brought the matter to a head. The provisions thus jointly made for the lower Trinity were as follows: (1) For the present a garrison of thirty soldiers and a mission were to be established precisely on the site of Blanepain's arrest. (2) As soon as a suitable permanent site could be selected — it being conceded that El Orco- quisae was unhealthful — a villa of fifty families was to be founded, and to this site the mission and presidio were to be removed. Of these families twenty-five were to be Spaniards and twenty-five Tlascaltecan Indians, both classes to be recruited mainly at Saltillo, and to be aided by a single government subsidy sufficient to transport them and to provide them with an outfit for agriculture, the sum to be determined by Barrios. (3) At the end of six years the presidio was to be suppressed, the soldiers becoming citizen colonists. For this reason, as well as for the immediate benefit of the Indians, married men and men of good character were to be preferred in the selection of the garrison. (4) The mission was to be conducted by two friars from the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas, on a stipend of four hundred pesos each. (5) Barrios was ordered to report the The Tlascaltecans as Colonists 345 funds necessary for the subsidy, to proceed at once to establish the presidio and mission on the temporary site, and, assisted by two friars and by men acquainted with the country, to choose the site for the villa. ^ This provision regarding the sending of Tlasealtecan families to the Texas frontier is an illustration of the interesting part played by the Tlasealtecan tribe during the whole period of Spanish expansion in New Spain. After their spirited fight with Cortes, resulting in an alliance, they became the most trusted supporters of the Spaniards. After playing an important part in the conquest of the valley of Mexico, they became a regular factor in the extension of Spanish rule over the north country. Thus, when San Luis Potosi and Saltillo had been conquered, colonies of Tlascaltecans were sent to teach the more barbarous Indians of those places both loyalty to the Spaniards and the elements of civilization. In Saltillo a large colony of Tlascal- tecans was establihed by Urdiiiola at the end of the sixteenth century, and became the mother colony from which numerous off- shoots were planted at the new missions and villages further north. At one time one hundred families of Tlascaltecans were ordered sent to Pensacola; we see them figure now in the plans for a colony on the Trinity River; in 1757 a little colony of them was sent to San Saba to assist in subduing the Apache; and twenty years later it was suggested that a settlement, with these people as a nucleus, be established far to the north, on the upper Red River, among the Taovayas Indians. 3. The presidio of San Agustin de Ahumada. — Barrios promptly set about establishing the presidio, which was evidently 5 The proceedings in Mexico are recorded in a report of tlie junta de guerra of February 4, 1756 (B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada) ; TesU- monio del dictamen de Valcarcel, October 11, 1755; the viceroy to Barrios, February 12, 1756; the viceroy to the king, March 14, 1756; royal cedula, August 20, 1756. The auditor, Valcarcel, gave his opinion on February 11, 1755, the fiscal on August 27. The date of the first junta has not been ascertained. Note Bancroft's error in saying that all the families were to be Tlascaltecans. 346 The Defense of the Border accomplished late in May or in June, 1756.* It was certainly established by July 14. In compliment to the viceroy, the name given it, San Agustin de Ahumada, like that of the presidio of San Luis de las Amarillas, established a year later at San Saba, was borrowed from that official's generous title.'' The site was fixed according to the instructions, at El Orcoquisae, the spot where Blancpain had been arrested. This was near a lagoon a short distance east of the left bank of the Trinity some two leagues from the head of the bay, or near the north line of present Chambers County.' It is easy to explain Bancroft's mistake of supposing that El, Orcoquisae and Los Horconsitos, which will appear later in the narrative, were identical, but it is difficult to understand how he came to place San Agustin de Ahumada on his map more than one hundred miles up the river instead of near its mouth.' Marcos Ruiz was made recruiting officer for the garrison; Domingo del Rio's skill as an Indian agent was recognized by his appointment as lieutenant ad interim in com- mand, while Cristobal de Cordoba was made sergeant. On June 12, 1757, it was reported that the presidio, church, granary and corrals were all completed, and that fields and gardens had been prepared. "We learn little about the structure of this presidio except that it was good. It was undoubtedly an unpretentious affair, and perhaps not very different from that soon ordered substituted for it when a change of site was being planned. The 6 On March 14 Barrios ordered Ruiz to enlist recruits. On May 16 Cristobal de Cordoba issued supplies to those who went to establish the presidio. This, probably, may be taken as the day when they set out for the new establishment (Declaration of Cordoba, October 10, 1757; Barrios to the viceroy, July 14. 7 This was Don Agustin de Ahumada Villal6n Mendoza y Narv&ez, Marques de las Amarillas. s This conclusion, based upon an independent study of the sources, is borne out by Miranda's map, which I did not see till long after the above had been written. 8 North Mexican States and Texas, I, 615, 643. It may be noted, for brevity's sake, that nearly every statement made by Bancroft with reference to the presidio is erroneous in matters of detail. Mission Nuestra Senora de la Luz 347 latter was to be a wooden stockade, triangular in shape, with three bulwarks, six curtains, one gate near the barracks, and a plaza de armas in the center. As a temporary part of the equip- ment of the presidio, two swivel guns were sent from Adaes, to remain until other provisions could be made.^° The new establishment on the Trinity served to keep Barrios in Texas nearly three additional years. On August 21, 1756, by royal order, he was appointed governor of Coahuila and Don Angel Martos y Navarrete named in his place. But in view of the Orcoquisac enterprise just begun, the viceroy requested that Martos be sent temporarily to Coahuila in Barrios 's stead. The request was granted, and Barrios continued in office until 1759.^^ 4. The mission of Nuestra Senora de la Luz. — The mission established in the neighborhood of San Agustin was called Nuestra Senora de la Luz (Our Lady of Light) with the addition, sometimes of ' ' del Orcoquisac. ' ' Before the arrival of the regular missionaries. Father Eomero, of the Ais mission, went among the Orcoquiza and secured promises that they would enter a pueblo, with the result that, in July, 1756, Barrios was able to report that even Oanos, the French partisan, had become "re- duced" to mission life, whatever this may have meant, in the absence of a mission. At this time Barrios talked hopefully of even three missions instead of one.^^ The first missionaries sent were Fr. Bruno Chavira and Fr. Marcos Satereyn, the former old, and the latter youthful. Just when they arrived is not clear, but it was evidently after AugiLst, 10 Order to survey the Trinity, N. A., doc. 488, f. 2; Barrios to the viceroy, July 14, 17.56; Barrios to the viceroy, June 12, 1757; Appeal of the Father, N. A., doc. 487; the viceroy to Barrios, May 26, 1757. Miss Brown implies that Euiz led the garrison to El Orcoquisac. 11 Brown, ' ' The History of the Spanish Settlements at Orcoquisac, 1746-1772," MS; the viceroy to the king, April 19, 1757, autos of the residencia of Barrios. B. A., Adaes, 1756-1766. Martos began his admin- istration on February 6, 1759. 12 The Viceroy to Arriaga, citing Barrios' opinion, April 18, 1757. 348 The Defense of the Border 1756, and certainly before the end of January, 1757.^^ Barrios soon complained that these missionaries were unsuited for their task, one because he was very young, and the other, Fr. Chavira, because he was old and feeble in health. Moreover, he said, though the Indians were docile and anxious to live at the mission, the padres had brought nothing to support them. He carried his complaint to President Vallejo, who promised to have the college recall these two missionaries and send others.^* Chavira 's removal, however, was by a more powerful hand, for on June 27 he succumbed to the unhealthfulness of the coun- try and died. Fr. Chavira 's companion remained for some time and was approved by the governor. ^^ In January, 1757, as we shall see, the viceroy ordered the missionaries to transfer their mission to Santa Rosa, and to "reduce" there, at El Gordo's village, all four of the Orcoquiza bands and the Bidai tribe as well. This plan does not exactly harmonize with the decision of the junta of March 3, that efforts should be made to keep the different bands hostile toward each other. The Indians, however, opposed the transfer, and, to meet this difficulty, Barrios suggested dividing the missionary forces, leaving one friar at El Oreoquisac, with a small guard of soldiers, the other going to Santa Rosa.^" As was usually the case in the initial stages of founding a mission, the Orcoquiza were at first very tractable and friendly. They professed anxiety to enter upon mission life, built a house 13 They are not mentioned in the Diligencias of August, 1756, but Barrios wrote of their being there in January, 1757 (letter to the vice- roy, June 12, 1757). From his statement it is inferred that January was the month of their arrival, although this is not certain. See the statement that the viceroy was sending letters by the missionaries, January 3 9, 1757. These might be new missionaries. (A. G. M., Historia, 91, expediente 2). 1* The viceroy to Arriaga, April 18, 1757. 16 Ihid., postscript. 16 Viceroy's decree, January 19, 1757; Barrios to the viceroy, June 12, 1757. The Mission Described 349 for the missionaries, and the first spring planted for them six almuds of corn, something "never before seen in these natives. ' "^'^ The church, reported by Barrios as already completed in June, was evidently a very temporary structure which was sub- stituted afterwards by a somewhat better one, itself miserable enough. A complaint made two years later by Pr. Abad de Jesus Maria, who was then head minister at the place, to the effect that he could not get help from the soldiers to complete the mission, reveals to us the site and the nature of the newer buildings. He writes: "Fearful of what might result, I had to set about the mentioned material establishment. . . . The two ministers having explored and examined the territory with all care and exactitude, we did not find any place more suitable or nearer the presidio than a hill, something less than a fourth of a league's distance to the east from the latter and on the same bank of the lagoon. This place. Excellent Sir, because of its ele- vation, commands a view of the whole site of the presidio and of a circumference to the west and south, where this Eiver Trinity turns, as far as the eye can reach. Toward the east the land is a little less elevated. At a distance of a league enough corn might be planted to supply a large population. ... All these advantages being seen, the mission was erected on this site. It is made of wood, all hewn {labrada), and beaten clay mixed with moss, and has four arched portals (portales en circulo). This building, because of its strength and arrangement, is the most pleasing in all those lands of the Spaniards and the French ^or it would be if your Excellency should be pleased to have completed its construction, which for the present has been sus- pended. ' ''* Such are some of the glimpses which we are able to get of the new mission and presidio. 17 The viceroy to Arriaga, April 18, 1757. 18 Father Abad to the viceroy, November 27, 1759. 350 The Defense of the Border 5. Plans for the villa, 1756-1757.— To select the site for the colony, Barrios commissioned Lieutenant Del Rio and Don Ber- nardo de Miranda (the latter known for his recent explorations of the Los Almagres mineral vein), each to make an independent survey, which they did in the mid-summer of 1756. When, on August 26, 1756, they and their assistants gave their reports be- fore Governor Barrios and Father Romero, all agreed as to the most desirable location. Above the presidio, within a space of six leagues, they reported three arroyos, on the middle one of which was the village of Calzones Colorados. These arroyos, they thought, would afford moderate facilities for a townsite. But much better was the country along the arroyo of Santa Rosa del Alcazar, mentioned before as in the center of the Orcoquiza tribe." Pleased with the glowing description of Santa Rosa, as it came to be called commonly, Barrios next had it surveyed by two sur- veyors named Morales^" and Hernandez. In October these men reported favorably upon three sites, but most favorably on that near El Gordo's village at the junction of two small branches joining the Santa Rosa, about ten leagues or perhaps twenty miles west of the San Jacinto — evidently Mill Creek and Spring Creek.^^ Barrios required the surveyors to prepare estimates of 18 Order for the survey of the banks of the Trinity and select the townsite. N. A., doe. 488, 2, 8, 9. 20 Miss Brown gives his name as Morelos. 21 Order for the survey. N. A., doc. 488, 14-22. The survey was be- gun early in September, 1756, Barrios going with the party. He returned to' Los Adaes on September 6, leaving Miranda in charge, and with orders to go up the Santa Kosa to three arroyos that had been mentioned before. On the 13th the survey was resumed, the first ojo examined being one about three leagues west of the San Jacinto; within three leagues of this two others were examined. Going up stream to the village of El Gordo they found a larger stream, carrying two hands of water {hueyes), and dividing at a short distance into two smaller streams, one coming from the northwest and one from the south. This was re- garded as the best place for the site, and is the place marked on Miranda 's map as Santa Rosa. It was apparently about where Dustin now is; if not, then at Houston. wit ^ J m Ji ■mu.u^i.vi^i^'aM^UK 9. Map showing settlements on the lower Trinity River and depicting Texas as extending to the Mississippi River. By Bernardo de Miranda, 1757. Original 33 X 33 cram. Archivo General de Indias, 96-2-12. A Civil Colony Authorized 351 the cost of building the necessary dams and acequias, and in November reported to the viceroy in favor of Santa Rosa (which Miranda had already done in October), recommending three mis- sions instead of one. On January 7 this site was approved by a junta de guerra y hacienda, and shortly afterward the viceroy ordered the presidio moved thither, on condition that each week a squad of soldiers must be sent to reconnoiter El Oreoquisac for Frenchmen. The missionaries were required likewise to transfer the mis- sion with the people of Calzones Colorados and Canos (assumed by the authorities, from previous reports, to be in the mission) to El Gordo's village, and to strive to attract thither the people of Mateo and also those of the Bidai tribe. Thus was it planned to gather all of the Orcoquiza and Bidai into one settlement. ^^ In March and April the central government proceeded in good faith to provide 30,000 pesos, the sum asked for by Barrios, for equipping and transporting the settlers, and ordered three swivel guns to San Agustin, to take the place of the cannon brought from Los Adaes. The details of recruiting the families were left to Barrios, but he was ordered to take from Saltillo fifty saddle horses, fifty brood mares, twenty-five cows, nine thousand one hundred and twenty-five sheep, and six yoke of oxen. Other necessary stock was to be purchased in Los Adaes. Each family was to be supplied with a limited outfit for engag- ing in agriculture, and a gun and a sabre for defence, while, during the journey, each member of the Spanish families was to be allowed three reals a day, and each member of the Tlascaltecan families two reals. The actual work of recruiting, equipping and transporting the families was entrusted by Barrios sometime later to the merchant of Mexico, named Giraud, whom Miranda 22 Barrios to the viceroy, November 8, 1756; the viceroy to the gov- ernor, January 7, 1757; decree of the viceroy, January 19, 1757; the viceroy to the missionaries, March 23, 1757. 352 The Defense of the Border had made his representative in the matter of the Los Almagres mines.^^ 6. Efforts to move the presidio and the mission; failure of the project for a villa. — To this point prospects seemed good for the beginning in Texas of a new civil settlement, the element most lacking, and a lack which meant ultimate failure. But now ensued a period of disheartening inactivity, flimsy excuse-making, and pernicious quarrelling, that shatters the reader's patience, and that resulted in killing the projected settlement. The plan for a colony had originated with Barrios, and hitherto he had acted with reasonable promptitude in carrying it out. As late as June, 1757, his attitude was favorable, for then, when reporting that the Indians at El Orcoquisac might oppose moving to Santa Rosa, he had suggested that this diffi- culty might be overcome by leaving one missionary at El Orco- quisac, protected by a small garrison, and establishing the other at Santa Rosa.^* But from now on he seems to have entirely changed his mind. It may have been sincere conviction that there was no suitable site — he could not foresee the building in the vicinity of a great city like Houston; — or it may have been some unexplained influence that caused him positively to oppose the town. A suggestion of jealousy of Miranda appears in the documents, but one is not warranted in accepting this suggestion as fact. Whatever the cause, his subsequent conduct is most exasper- ating. In October he reported that he had been deceived by Miranda's report and that a personal examination made in Octo- ber by himself and President Vallejo proved that Santa Rosa was unfit for a settlement,^^, but that a place called "El Atas- 23 Action of the junta of March 3, and a supplementary decree of April 3; viceroy's decrees of March 3 and March 8; viceroy to the king, April 18, 1757. Appeal of the Father, 9. 2* Barrios to the viceroy, June 12, 1757. 26 This report is missing, but it seems from references to it that his objection was the difficulty of making an acequia. (See Appeal of the Father; viceroy to Barrios, March 3, 1758). Father Garo's Appeal 353 cosito" or "El Atascoso y Los Tranquillos" on the Trinity, some nineteen leagues above the presidio, was a suitable location.^® While the viceroy was putting Barrios 's suggestion through the usual attenuating legislative routine,^'' the governor was forced into temporary activity by the missionary then at Nuestra Seiiora de la Luz, Fray Joseph Francisco Caro. This friar wrote in February, 1758, to Father Vallejo, his superior at Adaes, a mournful tale about the physical miseries of life at his swampy, malarial, mosquito-infested post. Father Chavira had died, he said, from the unhealthf ulness of the place ; his companion, Fray Marcos Satereyn, and all the soldiers, were sick from dysentery, due to bad water, excessive humidity, and putrid lagoons near by. He requested, therefore, that the presidio and mission be moved at once to another site, preferably El Atascosito. If this could not be done, he begged leave either to move the mission with a small guard of soldiers to the place designated or to abandon his post. Vallejo reported the complaint to Barrios and re- quested that one of the alternatives be granted, preferably that looking to the transfer of the presidio as well as the mission to El Atascosito; he closed with a threat that unless something were done, he would order Father Caro to retire and, acting in the name of his college, would renounce the mission. ^^ In response to this threat Barrios went in April to San Agustin, selected a site within two gunshots of El Atascosito, or- dered crops sown there, and instructed Lieutenant Del Rio, as soon as the sowing should be completed, to build here a new triangular stockade, and to transfer the garrison and the mis- sion. ^° To offset this apparent compliance, however. Barrios gave the idea of a colony a serious blow by declaring that neither 26 Dictamen fiscal, February 5, 1758. With this report he seems to have sent autos of his examination of El Atascosito. 27 On March 13, 1758, he ordered Barrios to make another report so that the government could decide whether or not to accept El Atascosito as a substitute for Santa Eosa. Barrios either ignored or failed to get this order (the viceroy to Barrios, March 13, 1758). 28 Appeal of the Father, 4. N. A., doc. 487. 354 The Defense of the Border El Ataseosito, the place he had himself proposed as a substitute for Santa Rosa, nor any of the several others that had been con- sidered, would support a settlement of fifty families, and recom- mended accordingly that Giraud, his agent sent to Saltillo to recruit families, should be repaid for his trouble and expense, and, it is inferred, relieved of his commission.'" On March 4, 1758, and again on March 13, Barrios was or- dered to make another search for a townsite, or at least one to which the mission might be removed. But after all the delays and failures recounted above, one will hardly be surprised that these renewed orders were not obeyed. The reason, if the reader were to require a specific one, does not appear, for it happens that in our sources there is a gap, so far as events on the Trinity go, between April, 1758, and October, 1759. Before that time Governor Barrios had gone to his new post in Coahuila, leaving half done the task to accomplish which, because of his supposed special fitness for it, his transfer had been indefinitely suspended. His successor proved to be no more efficient than he, so far as the defence of the Trinity is concerned. 7. Los Horconsitos and Los Pielagos. — When the curtain again rises after the year and a half of darkness the tables are turned. The mission and presidio are still at El Orcoquisac, but the new missionary. Fray Joseph Abad de Jesus Maria, is in dispute with the new governor, Don Angel Martos y Navarrete, over the question of removal to Los Horconsitos, a new site, three or four leagues up the river. But this time it is the missionary who opposes the transfer. 29 Barrios replied on March 13 that as soon as the weather would permit he would attend to removing the presidio to El Atasoosito. While at Nacogdoches, early in April, on his way to San Agustin, he received news of the destruction of the San SabS, Mission. Only high rivers pre- vented him from going to San Antonio and leaving the affairs of San Agustin to his lieutenants. Appeal of the Father. N. A., doe. 487. 30 Appeal of the Father, 9. N. A., doc. 487. Barrios had denounced El Orcoquisac and the San Jacinto sites in August, 1756, Santa Eosa in October, 1757, and now he declared against El Ataseosito and, by impli- cation, against the whole plan. A Deadlock 355 Don Angel began his administration on February 6, 1759," and after attending to matters of most pressing moment he took up the question of locating the proposed villa and transferring the mission and presidio from El Orcoquisac. In October he visited Santa Rosa and decided against it.'^ On November 4, in company with Del Rio and Father Abad, he visited Bl Atascosito, and decided against it also. But farther south he found a place called lios Horeonsitos (Little Forks) three and one-half leagues above Bl Orcoquisac, and a league north of this, a juniper cov- ered arroyo called Los Pielagos, either of which he regarded suitable for a town, as well as for the presidio and mission.'^ But Father Abad opposed the governor's suggestion. He argued, and with reason, that the trouble with the presidio and the mission was one of laziness rather than one of faults of the site; that Del Rio, being a common soldier, was unfit to be a commander, that the Indians objected to leaving their native soil; that the buildings and crops, secured at the cost of great labor, should not be abandoned; and that new rumors of the French made removal unwise. In spite of Father Abad's opinion, on December 12 Martos reported favorably on Los Horeonsitos, and on March 15 the viceroy ordered the removal made to that point. But instead of complying with the order, in May Martos took more testimony, which added a ' ' Place on the Trinity, ' ' to Los Horeonsitos and Los Pielagos, as sites suitable for a town and for the transfer in question, but he declared against Bl Atascosito and Bl Orcoquisac.'* After recommending to the viceroy on May 30 the three places named, Martos inquired of Father Vallejo if the removal was imperative. The president, after re- 31 Autos de Besideneia de Barrios, B. A., Adaes, 1756-1766. 32 Martos to the viceroy, December 6, 1759. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. 33 Martos to the viceroy, December 6, 1759. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada; Informe by Father Abad, November 27, 1759. 34 Abad to the viceroy, November 27, 1759; dictamen fiscal, February 5, 1760; Interrogatorio, May 20, 1760. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. 356 The Defense of the Border ferring the matter to Father Romero, the missionary from Los Ais who had been at San Agustin, replied in the affirmative, with emphasis.^'"' Thus Father Abad was now opposed by Fathers Vallejo and Romero, while the governor stood between them. Put another way, all parties at Los Adaes favored the transfer, but Father Abad, at El Orcoquisac, opposed it. Meanwhile Martos had added his opposition to the project of a villa. On December 16, ten days after recommending Los Horcon- sitos and Los Pielagos as suitable for such a purpose, he asked the viceroy to relieve him of responsibility for founding the town. What his reason was is not clear, but it may have been his unwillingness to oppose Father Abad.'" At any rate, on March 6, 1760, his request was granted, until the site should be determined. As this never occurred, the plan for the villa was never again taken up in Mexico, and the villa never was founded. 8. The removal never made. — If it were not for the fact that Bonilla and those who have followed him had made the fundamental error of saying that the presidio and mission were moved one or more times, finally to Los Horconsitos (which Ban- croft confuses with Orcoquisac), the reader might be spared the pain of following further such frivolous excuse-making and dis- gusting inactivity. Since, however, such errors have been made, it is necessary to show that, excepting a probable removal to a site a quarter of a league away, the transfer had not been effected down to 1767, when steps for final abandonment of the place were begun, and after which, of course, no further effort was likely to be made.'' A year and a half passed after the events related above had occurred, when a junta de guerra, held December 9, 1762, again approved Los Horconsitos, and, on December 22, Martos was 35 Martos to the viceroy. May 30, 1760, in Abad's Informe; Martos to Vallejo, June 10, ibid.; Eomero to Vallejo, June 12, ibid.; Vallejo to Martos, June 13, ibid. 38 Abad, Informe, B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada, ff. 9-10. 3' Bonilla, Breve Compendia, Tex. Hist. Ass 'n. Quarterly, VIII, 57. Unfulfilled Orders 357 again ordered to move the presidio and mission thither and to do it at once. It is clear from what follows, however, that the order was never carried out. In November, 1763, the presidio was put under the command of a captain, Don Rafael Martinez Pacheeo, when Martos, resent- ing the change, became anxious to do what for five years he had neglected. In June, 1764, therefore, he went to the presidio in company with Father Calahorra to effect the transfer, but the Indians, bribed by Pacheeo, as it later appeared, opposed the change, and, though the governor remained on the ground a month, the object was not accomplished.''* Martos reported his failure to the viceroy, and on August 12, 1764, the command to remove the establishment to Los Horconsitos was repeated.'"' In the course of the ensuing trouble with Pacheeo, the presidio was partially burned. Subsequently, in the administration of Afan de Rivera, temporary repairs were made on the partially burned establishment, which indicates that no removal had been made. In 1766 a storm damaged the presidio and mission, and a new clamor was made for a transfer, there being some evidence that the presidio was moved to a higher ground a quarter of a league away.*" Finally, in October, 1767, when the Marques de Rubi inspected the place he found the presidio still at Bl Orco- quisac, for in his diary describing his journey to the coast, La Fora records passing Bl Atascosito and Los Horconsitos, and proceeding south from this point to the Presidio of Orcoquisac. His entry makes it clear that the presidio and mission were still at El Orcoquisac. He says: "We traveled . . . four leagues to 38 The viceroy to Martos, December 22, 1762; Martos to the viceroy, December 14, 1763; the viceroy to Martos, August 12, 1764; Martos to the viceroy, December 14, 1763. Testimony was given on January 2, 1765, to the effect that Pacheeo had bribed the Indians. What his motives were do not appear. Declaration of Calzones Colorados before Marcos Ruiz, January 2, 1765, L. P., no. 25. 39 The viceroy to Martos, August 12, 1764. *o The viceroy to Rivera, November 17, 1766 ; dictamen fiscal, Novem- ber 17, 1766. 358 The Defense of the Border a small ranch at the place called El Atascoso, where we camped. ' ' On the next day "We traveled ten leases, generally south, al- though the road forms a semicircle, to escape the lagoon formed by the Kio de la Trinidad, which during the whole day we kept at our right and two leagues away. After going four leagues in level country . '. we crossed the arroyo de Calzones, which runs west and empties into the Trinidad, and leaving behind the Paraje de los Horeonsitos, we forded that of El Pielago, . . . which flows in the same direction and like that of Calzones empties into said river, both overflowing in rainy seasons and flooding the six leagues between this place [evidently Los Horeonsitos] and the Presidio of San Luis de Ahumada, commonly called El Orco- quisac. ' '*^ It is clear, then, that down to October, 1767, no material change of site had been made. Rubi recommended that the establishment, like the rest of those in eastern Texas, be aban- doned. This suggestion was soon acted upon and, if any transfer was ever effected, of which there is no evidence, it was between 1767 and 1770, a period when the affairs of the place were going from bad to worse. *i Melacion del Viaje que de orden del Excelentisimo Senor Virrey MarguSs de Cruillas Eizo el Capitan de Ingenieros Dn. Nicolas de la Fora, entries for October 8 and 9. CHAPTER III AN INGLORIOUS COLONY 1. Relations with the French. — The arrest of Blancpain brought forth a protest from Kerleree, the new governor of Louisiana, who claimed that the trader had been arrested on French territory.^ He added that only with difficulty had he been able to restrain the Attacapa Indians from destroying the Spanish establishment, on account of their anger at the expulsion of the French. On September 11, 1756, he proposed to Barrios that a joint commission be appointed to examine the site of San Agustin to determine the question of ownership, and named Athanase de Mezieres to serve as the French representative. Barrios refused the proffered aid and expressed the fear that Kerleree intended to found a presidio near that of San Agustin. In spite of the arrest and harsh treatment of Blancpain and his party, fear of the Spaniards was not so great as to keep away all Frenchmen. Domingo del Rio reported, in the summer of 1755, after his visit to El Orcoquisac, that since the arrest of Blancpain four Frenchmen had been there on horseback. Scarcely had the new presidio been established when a French- man presented a petition to the viceroy through Barrios asking' permission to settle at Orcoquisac. The petitioner, M. Masse, a ranchman who lived in the Attacapa region, was evidently well known to Governor Barrios, for when the latter went to establish the presidio he asked permission to go by way of M. Masse 's hacienda among the Attacapa, but his request was re- fused. In his petition Masse enlarged upon his distinguished birth and attainments, and explained that he was led to make 1 Kerleree protested on January 12, 1755, and again on April 7 (Report of the junta de guerra of February 6, 1756). 360 An Inglorious Colony the request by his desire to emancipate his slaves, which was not possible in Louisiana. As arguments in his favor he referred to his large herds of stock, which would be at the disposal of the new establishment; the increase of population which would re- sult from the settlement of his numerous slaves; and the im- portant service he would be able to perform among the Indians. In this connection, he promised to secure the allegiance of the Attacapa, as well as the friendly help of the northern nations, the Taovayazes, the Letas (Comanche), the Patoca (Comanche), the Icara, and the Pares (Panis). He did not speak for himself alone, but for his partner, also, the Abbe Disdier, whose loyalty he was ready to guarantee. On July 22, Governor Barrios for- warded the petition, and added the information that Masse was a chancellor of Grenoble, of good standing among the French, absolute master of the Attacapa and the northern Indians, owner of twenty negroes, seven hundred head of cattle, and one hun- dred horses, all of which he was willing to contribute to the sup- port of the town. When we learn that for many years after this date Monsieur Masse was a contraband trader on the Gulf Coast and know that Barrios was engaged in illicit trade, we are inclined to see something besides generosity in Masse 's request. The viceroy in Mexico regarded the petition as a part of a plan to establish a French settlement on soil claimed by Spain, and the answer was the only one which could be expected. Barrios was instructed to inform Masse and Disdier that it would be contrary to law for them even to. enter the Spanish province, and that if they did so their goods would be confiscated and they sent prisoners to Spain. He was further instructed to ascertain why the Frenchmen had wished to settle in Texas; and to find out if the Abbe during his stay at Los Adaes had caused any desertions. In the course of the correspondence which ensued it was stated that Disdier had come to New Orleans as chaplain of a vessel ; had been made chaplain of a seminary in New Orleans ; The Proposal of M. Masse 361 had been ejected by Kerlerec because of trouble with the boys; had gone to the establishment of M. Masse, thence to Natchi- toches, and thence to Los Adaes, where he served for two months as tutor of the governor's sons. Regarding Masse it was stated that he was a military officer who had been engaged in secret trade among the Attaeapa. In June, 1757, Barrios reported that Disdier had left Texas on the pretext of going to Mexico to visit the shrine of the Virgin of Guadalupe ; but instead had gone to Orcoquisac to persuade the missionaries there to desert to Louisiana and Europe. Barrios professed to believe that Disdier was not a priest, but a fraud, and mentioned a correspondence that he had carried on with De Mezieres.^ Kerlerec did not confine his protests to those made to Barrios, but wrote to his home government on the matter, addressing his complaint to the Minister of Marine. This correspondence was reported to the viceroy of Mexico on March 9, 1757, by the gov- ernor of Havana. Reporting the incident to the king on April 18, the viceroy suggested the erection of a presidio on the bank of the Mississippi River opposite New Orleans "to protect the boundaries" and so that this establishment, the new presidio of San Agustin, and that of La Bahia, might protect the coast, ' ' and in future prevent any introduction whatever." With the dis- patch he sent a map made by Bernardo de Miranda, the surveyor of Santa Rosa, who happened to be in Mexico, and a report on the French border, by the same individual. The map, which, as the viceroy remarked, is not "subject to the rules of geographj^" shows Texas as extending to the Mississippi.' Frenchmen continued to operate among the Indians in the neighborhood of San Agustin, and to cause trouble for the small 2 Miranda to the viceroy, April 26, 1757; Petition of Masse, July 19, 1756; Barrios to the viceroy, July 22, 1756; the viceroy to the tang, September 14, 1756; royal cMula, June 10, 1757; Barrios to the viceroy, June 16, 1757; the viceroy to Barrios, 1757, draft. 3 The viceroy to Arriaga, April 18, 1757. 362 An Inglorious Colony garrison. Sometime in 1759, for example, two Frenchmen en- tered the Orcoquiza country with a band of one hundred war- riors and were expelled by Del Eio and ten soldiers, after some show of resistance. It later came out that they were connected with a plot to destroy the Spanish settlement. In November of the same year eight Spanish soldiers were sent to the Brazos, tof reconnoiter a place where Frenchmen had encamped among the Karankawa, promising to return to build a town.* Allusions have already been made to a French plot to destroy the settlement at San Agustin. Sometime in 1759, late in the j^ear, we have seen, two Frenchmen entered the Orcoquiza coun- try in company with a band of Attacapa, and were expelled by Del Eio, after some resistance in which Del Rio's life was en- dangered. InJanuary, 1760, Del Rio wrote to Governor Martos that Louis de St. Denis (son of the famous Louis Juchereau de St. Denis so long commander of Natchitoches) had sent an Adaes Indian among the Orcoquiza and Bidai tribes to bribe them to destroy the presidio of San Agustin. Barrios at once protested to Governor Kerlerec, and added that he believed that the destruc- tion of San .Saba had been accomplished by French weapons. Kerlerec replied on March 13, in great indignation, demanding that Martos produce evidence to support the charge against St. Denis, and threatening to complain to the Spanish king.^ Martos sent his correspondence with Del Rio and Kerlerec to Mexico, whereupon a secret investigation of the charges was ordered, and special care enjoined to discover, whenever an Indian outbreak should occur, if it was due to French intrigue." The testimony presented in the investigation which followed was not altogether conclusive, but it was nevertheless significant. * Declaration of Miguel Eamos and others, April 17-20, 1761. 5 Kerlerec to Martos, March 13, 1760, in Testimonio Practicado sobre si Dn. Jasinto de Barrios tuvo comersio, etc. B. A., 1756-1766. ^ Dictamen fiscal, August 26, 1760; viceroy's decree, August 27, 1760; dictamen del auditor, September 1, 1760; decree of the viceroy, September 3, 1760; the viceroy to. Martos, September 8, ]7fin. A French Plot Reported 363 Calzones Colorados testified that early in 1760 two Bidai Indians had brought a message from St. Denis, inviting his tribe to go to Natchitoches to secure ammunition with which to return and kill all the Spaniards at Orcoquisac ; he had refused to listen (of course) ; that the emissaries had gone to make the same pro- posal to Canos and Tomas; and that later one of them had re- turned saying that the offer had been made by St. Denis merely to test their loyalty to the Spaniards. Canos, well known to be a partisan of the French (as his name implied), could not be secured as a witness, as he had escaped to the Attacapa; Bl Gordo denied having been offered bribes, but declared that during a visit to Calzones Colorados he had heard of the proposal. Tamoges, another chief, corroborated the story as told by Calzones; Boca Ploja testified that the two Frenchmen who had been expelled by Del Rio had come with one hundred Attacapa to induce them to aid in killing all the Spaniards and running off the stock. The conference had been broken up by the opportune arrival of Del Rio and ten soldiers. The Bidai chief claimed that, so far as they were concerned, no bribes had been offered them.' This testimony, considering the circumstances under which it was given, is not conclusive, but taken in connection with Kerlerec 's avowed design of pushing through Texas into Coahuila, his protests against the settlement at San Agustin, his recent proposal of a joint commission, and the contemporary Indian attack of San Saba, in which French influence was clearly seen, the evidence is not to be rejected altogether. Again, in November, 1763, after the Louisiana cession, but 7 The whole investigation is recorded in the documents called Testi- monio practicado sobre si Dn. Jasinto de Barrios tuvo comersio. B. A., Adaes, 1756-1766. Martos sent the correspondence on March 16; on August 26 the fiscal gave his opinion; the auditor his on September 1; the viceroy approved this opinion on September 3, and on September 5 issued his instructions to Barrios. Martos received the instructions on January 17, 1761, and on the 22d began the investigation. The investi- gation at San Agustin was conducted by Del Eio and Juan Prieto. 364 An Inglorious Colony before it was generally known in Texas and Lpuisiana, a lively dispute over boundaries arose between G-overnor Martos and Cavalier Macarty, commander at Natchitoches. The precise point at issue was not the ownership of the lower Trinity, but in the course of the correspondence Macarty laid claim, on the basis of La Salle's colony, to the Bay of Espiritu Santo, adding: "This being granted, you cannot fail to be convinced both of our rights to the Bay of San Luis [Espiritu Santo], and that if from there we draw a line running straight north, the lands lying to the east thereof belong to the Most Christian dominions. ' '* After the occupation of Louisiana by Spain the question of the boundary ceased to have political significance, and the troubles arising over the French contraband traders on the border were matters of internal administrative concern only. 2. Mission progress, 1759-1771. — Regarding progress and events at the mission of Nuestra Seiiora de la Luz, which had the misfortune to be placed amidst a multitude of discordant and hostile elements, natural, moral, and political, we have only in- complete data. Nevertheless, here and there we get glimpses of occurrences and personalities. Father Chavira's place was filled by Fray Francisco Caro, formerly of the mission of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los Ais, who was at the Trinity mission in February, 1758. The most notable recorded event of his administration was his de- nunciation of the climate, swamps, and insect pests at the site, and his strenuous fight to have the mission removed to El Atas- cosito. As we have already seen, in 1759 and 1760 the superior of the mission was Father Abad de Jesus Maria. He opposed the removal of the mission as strenuously as Father Caro had favored it. It is from him that we get the description of the second church, which was being built in 1759. 8 Macarty to Martos, November 17, 1673. A Missionary Revival 365 The Indians of the place were not always docile, and there is no evidence that they actually entered the mission and submitted to its discipline. In 1759, during some trouble, the Attacapa joined the Orcoquiza in an outbreak, and in order to pacify them it was necessary to shoot a soldier. The trouble was evidently caused by one of the ever-recurring instances of misconduct on the part of the presidial soldiers.' Slight as is our information before 1760, we are in possession of even less for the period between that date and the coming of Captain Pacheco, in 1764. But the occurrences at the time of his advent indicate that few Indians were living in the mis- sion before that time, and that the mission building was in a state of decay when he arrived. The coming of Captain Pacheco was followed by a temporary revival of missionary activity under Fathers Salvino and Aris- torena, aided by the new captain. Pacheco arrived on May 13, 1764, and on the next day he began his reforms. He called an assembly of the one hundred and fifty Orcoquiza living about the place, passed them in review and addressed them in the presence of the missionaries, urging them to settle in the mission at once. A peace pipe was passed, dances were performed, and the Indians declared themselves eager to enter a mission, for which they had waited three years. Del Rio, the interpreter, informed them of the duties of neophytes, telling them that they must obey the king, his officers, and the missionaries, throw away their idols, attend prayers, work in the field for the fathers, remain always in the mission enclosure, and defend the place against the French or hostile tribes. In return Del Rio assured them of four rations of food a week and clothing when necessary.^" The Orcoquiza agreed. Gifts and feasting followed, and next day the heathen sVallejo to Barrios, February 27, 1758; Father Abad to the governor, November 27, 1759'; Hierro, Informe de las Misiones de Texas. 10 Pacheco to Soils, May 26, 1764. Papeles pertenecientes al Orcoquiga; Hierro, Informe. 366 An Inglorious Colony idols and ornaments were solemnly turned over to the mis- sionaries. The new zeal extended to other villages besides that of Cal- zones. On May 31, Chief Canos and his band, mainly of Atta- capa, it seems, came, flying a French flag, to consider entering the mission. The same ceremony was performed, and after a day's deliberation Canos declared himself willing to part with the French flag and the native idols, and to enter a mission, pro- viding it were separate from that of Calzones. On June 6 the Bidai chief TomAs came with forty-eight of his tribe, partici- pated in the same ceremonies, and promised to enter a mission if it were established in his own countrj^ — his people had already tried one in foreign lands at San Xavier — and also to persuade the northern tribes to do likewise. Captain Pacheco, on June 14, sent to Mexico an account of all that had been done, and requested funds to rebuild the mission and the presidio, both of which were in a state of decay, to furnish supplies for the Indians, and to found missions for the villages of Tomas and Canos. He asked, besides, for permission to go with Chief Tomas on a missionary and diplomatic trip among the northern tribes. Pacheco assisted further in the missionary work by furnishing supplies, and within a short time he was reported to have furnished the Indians with clothing to the value of 1079 pesos, and with tools and implements for agri- culture. Calzones' village was supplied with two beeves and five fanegas of corn a week, and that of Canos half as much.^^ This was, however, but a temporary wave of enthusiasm, lasting only a few months. The scandalous quarrel which ensued before the year was over between Pacheco and Governor Barrios, resulting in the flight of the former and his absence during the next five years, removed the best support of the missionaries, and 11 Papeles perteneaientes al Orcoquiea (this collection gives an account of Pacheco 's assistance to the missionaries) ; Pacheco to Cruillas, July 22, and July 29, 1764, ihid. A List of the Missionaries 367 there was a recurrence of former conditions at Nuestra Senora de la Luz, which the Marques de Rubi, after a visit in 1767, re- ferred to as "an imaginary mission. "^^ Nevertheless, the missionaries continued their work and in the course of the next six years effected the "perfect conver- sion" of thirty Indians, mainly adults. The missionaries whose names appear are Fathers Luis Salvino and Bernardino Aris- torena, in 1764-1766; Pray Bernardo de Silva, 1766; Pray Joseph Marenti, 1767; Pray Ignacio Maria Laba, 1768-1771; Pray Anselmo Garcia, 1770 ; and Pray Joseph del Rosario Soto, 1770. Presidents Vallejo and Calahorra each visited the place once in the course of its existence, but Pather Soils, who came all the way from Zacatecas in 1766 to visit the missions, slighted this one, and caused complaint thereby. Missionary supplies were continued with some regularity between 1765 and 1769, during the administration of Af an de Rivera at San Agustin, who spent for the Indians 2724 pesos ; and during his stay of a year after he returned in the fall of 1769, Pacheco spent 2496 pesos for the Orcoquiza, Attacapa, Bidai, and "Asinaio" tribes "resi- dent on this frontier." The Asinai had by this time acquired the hope of coming to the post for regalos. In 1770 chiefs Tomas and Calzones were still living. At least one missionary expedition was made by a padre among the Bidai, and in all probability more than one. And even after the garri- son of the presidio was removed in 1771, the missionaries, Pray Ignacio Laba and his companion, were the last to leave the place.^^ 3. Administration scandals. — Up to 1764 the presidio of San Agustin was commanded by Domingo del Rio, who was respon- sible to Governor Martos. But in 1763 Del Rio wrote to the viceroy complaining of the lack of flour and clothing, and even '2 Rubi, Bictamen, paragraphs 24-25. 13 Testimonio del expediente, 138. 368 An Inglorious Colony of ammunition, charging Governor Martos with neglect, and recommending that the post be taken out of the governor 's hands and put under the command of a captain directly responsible to the viceroy. On November 23 the viceroy acted upon this recommendation (though it seems that the change wa.s already under contemplation) and appointed to the new office Eafael Martinez Pacheco/* The first result of the change was the promising wave of missionary activity and general prosperity which we have already recounted. But this was soon followed by one of the disgraceful quarrels which so often marred the success of frontier Spanish administration. Pacheco was charged by his troops, on what ground we know not, with arrogance, ill temper, harshness, and avarice. By June 24 his soldiers had planned a general mutiny, but it was temporarily checked by a visit of Governor Martos and President Calahorra, who came to attend to moving the presidio and mission. The governor's stay of a month did not help matters — perhaps the contrary — and in a short time the plan to desert was carried out. One by or^e the garrison slipped away to Natchitoches, and before August 18 had sought French protec- tion, while two took refuge at the Mission of San Miguel, only five, among whom was Domingo del Rio, remaining at the presidio. Hearing of the event Governor Martos sent a squad of soldiers to the provincial boundary to overtake the deserters if possible. In this he failed, and a few days later Periere, commander at Natchitoches, forwarded to Martos a petition of the deserters, who told of their wrongs, but professed a willingness to return if they were put under another commander. ^° Martos proceeded, in the usual way, to take depositions, and in consequence, on September 12, he formally suspended Pacheco 1* Order of the viceroy, November 23, 1763, Papeles pertenecientes a! Orcoquisa. 15 Testimonio de los Autos fhos por el Govor de la Provincia de Texas contra Rafael Martinez Pacheco, Ana de 1764. B. A., Adaes, 1756-1766. This expediente contains the evidence regarding the trouble at San Agustin. Pacheco Besieged by Buiz 369 and promised the deserters pardon. He then sent Marcos Ruiz at the head of the band of twenty deserters to arrest Paeheeo and to restore peace and order, two entirely incompatible aims, it proved. About noon of October 7 Ruiz reached San Agustin. He found the garrison deserted except for four soldiers. Lieutenant Del Rio being across the Trinity after cattle and Pacheco enjoy- ing his siesta. Whether or not Ruiz 's arrival had been heralded, his reception was anything but friendly. He marched his men to the plaza and halted before the captain's quarters. When he called for Pacheco, the latter appeared at the door, musket in hand. Undaunted, Ruiz proceeded to read aloud the orders for the captain 's arrest and suspension, and called upon him to obey. Refusing to listen, Pacheco declared that he had no superiors save the viceroy and the king. Calling his servants to his aid, he ordered Ruiz and his soldiers back to Adaes, declared that he would not leave his house alive as a prisoner, and fired into Ruiz's band. One of Ruiz's men sprang forward to disarm the captain, and a free-for-all scramble ensued, at the end of which Pacheco recovered his gun. Thereupon Ruiz, seeing valor in dis- cretion, withdrew with his men, and halted behind the mission, to await Del Rio, who had been sent for. When Del Rio ap- peared, Ruiz read to him the order for Pacheco 's arrest and his own appointment to the command. Although this order in effect displaced Del Rio, he submitted without protest and promised to do his best to restore peace. The next step in the strategy was to compete for the support of the Indians, who then, as so often, held the balance of power. Going to Chief Calzones, Del Rio found that Pacheco had dis- tributed guns among the nearby Indians, and had secured a promise of support". Calzones, however, agreed to try for three days to induce Pacheco to submit to the governor's orders, and then, if the captain still held out, to obey any command of Ruiz. 370 An Inglorious Colony For the next three days every effort was made to induce Pacheeo to yield. All this while the captain, with a few ad- herents, remained defiant within his quarters, heavily barricaded, sheltered behind two cannons, and with loaded weapons stacked about him. Pacheeo stood gan in hand, day and night, beside the cannons, while his half-sick brother, Don Leandro, guarded one window, and Ambrossio Brioso and Andres Zambrano watched the other. Meanwhile Calzones Colorados and Del Rio made daily efforts to communicate with Pacheeo, but in vain. Ruiz sent Juan Valdes with letters to warn the captain that his quarters would be fired, but they were returned unopened. Pray Luis Salvino also, and Rosa Guerra, one of the maidens of the settlement, tried their hand at diplomacy, but likewise in vain, for Pacheeo was adamant. On October 10 the three days asked by Calzones Colorados came to an end, and he again promised obedience. Ruiz now called a council of war, in which it was decided to try diplomacy once more, and then to fire the presidio. Another letter to Pacheeo was returned, and a personal interview met by defiance. In a final council the details of firing the quarters were ar- ranged, plans being made to protect property and to prevent the captain's escape. Next morning Ruiz and his soldiers approached Pacheeo 's quarters. A message demanding his surrender was answered by a cannon shot, and an appeal to the Indians for help. The soldiers now proceeded to apply the torch, and a fight ensued. Joachin del Rio fell dead from a musket shot, and two more soldiers were wounded. When the blaze gained strength from the freshening wind, Ruiz and his men took shelter from the flying bullets in the presidial church and the nearby store. In- side the barracks Pacheeo and his men conducted the defence. While Brioso fired his musket, he fought the flames with a wet flag. In the battle Zambrano was wounded. As the blaze mounted higher most of Pacheeo 's handful of retainers fled into Escape and Flight of Pacheco 371 the arms of the soldiers. Pacheco 's sick brother, Don Leonardo, was carried from the burning buildings, but nothing was seen of Pacheco and his faithful adherent Brioso. The fire was now checked by the soldiers, and it seems to have destroyed only the governor's quarters and some empty barracks adjoining. Though the fire was out, no sign was seen of Pacheco and Brioso. It was thought that they had perished in the flames, but a search of the ruins revealed no bodies. It was then learned from Pacheco 's friends who had surrendered that their captain and Brioso had escaped through a secret door in the chimney. Ruiz now issued a proclamation, requiring Pacheco 's arrest. A search was ordered, but without avail. For two days nothing was heard of the fugitives. The fact is they had escaped across the river. On the thirteenth two teamsters returning with corn from San Antonio reached San Agustin and reported that the night before they had met Pacheco and Brioso at Caramanchel, twelve leagues away, trudging along the Bahia road, with their guns upon their shoulders." Reaching La Bahia, Pacheco hid for a day and two nights in the house of Captain Ramirez de la Piszina. Going thence to the mission of San Jose on a horse loaned him by Piszina and aided by Father Camberos, he took refuge at the mission but was arrested by Captain Menchaca in virtue of a proclamation issued by Ruiz. But in December he was freed, after an attack on one of his guards, and thereafter lived at liberty for several months at the mission of San Jose, going to San Antonio with entire free- dom.^° Later on he went to Mexico, where he was imprisoned and tried. 15 For this incident I am greatly indebted to Miss Brown's "History of the Spanish Settlements at Orcoquisac. ' ' The account is based on Testi- monio de autos fhos por el Thente D Marcos Buie contra el Cappitan If Saphael Martinez Pacheco (B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada) ; Testimonio de Dilixensias comenzadas en San Agustin de Aumada y eontinuadas en. este Preso de los Adaes por el Govor de esta Prova de Texas contra el Capi- tan Don Rafael Martinez Pacheco. Ano de 1765 (B. A. Bgxar, 1751-1769). i» Testimonio de los Autos; Testimonio de Diligencias comenzadas en San Agustin de Ahumada y eontinuadas en este Preso. de los Adaes por el 372 An Inglorious Colony After the escape of Paeheco, Ruiz, aided by Fray Salvino, managed affairs at the garrison on the Trinity for a time in peace, writing reports of the damage done to the presidio, and of Paeheco 's misdeeds, and making new attempts to reduce the Indians to mission life. It now came out that Calzones had been bribed by Paeheco to oppose the attempts made by Martos in the preceding summer to remove the presidio and mission to Los Horconsitos. This disclosure involved Del Eio and hastened the appointment of Afan de Eivera as commander, who in May arrested Del Rio for his partisanship with Paeheco. In Novem- ber of the same year Ruiz was arrested by Hugo Oconor to answer to the charge of burning the presidio. Another man of some prominence to become entangled was Manuel de Soto, who, to escape arrest, fled to Natchitoches, where he lived for some years as a refugee. Finally in 1767 Martos himself fell under the charge of burning the presidio, and subsequently imderwent a trial that lasted fourteen years and that ended with the imposition of a heavy fine upon him.^^ Truly an unfortunate establishment was that of San Agustin. 4. The abandonment of El Orcoquisac, 1771. — The remain- ing five years of the outpost's existence were less eventful. Afan de Rivera, successor to Ruiz, commanded the garrison till the fall of 1769. At that time Captain Paeheco, who had been tried, exonerated and reinstated by- the government in Mexico, returned to his post, welcomed by both missionaries and Indians, with whom he was a favorite. The monotony of mere existence at the forlorn place was broken on September 4, 1766, by one of those terrible storms Govor de esta Prova de Texas contra el Capitan Don Eafael Martinez Paeheco. Ano de 1765. B. A., Bfixar, 1751-1769. 1' Testimonio de Autos fhos . . . contra . . '. Paeheco, B. A., San Agus- tin de Ahumada; Testimonio de la Declaracion que hicieron los principales Indios de la Nacion Orcoguiza ante Don Marcos Buiz . . . 1765. The Marques de RuM's Visit 373 which since the dawn of history there in 1528 have periodically swept the Texas coast. It damaged the buildings, led to more talk of "moving" and, it appears, actually caused the transfer of the presidio to higher ground a quarter of a league away. In 1767 Marques de Rubi, the distinguished officer from Spain, honored the place with an inspection, but not with his good opinion. In his diary of the inspection La Fora made the fol- lowing comment on the establishment at Oreoquisae: "The map which I made shows the size of this presidio, which is situated, according to my observation, in 30° 23' north latitude and in 283° 52' longitude, from the meridian of Tenerife. It is in the country of the Orcoquizaes nation of Indians, and is distant a league from the coast of the Gulf of Mexico toward the east and five toward the south, where said [Trinidad] River disembogues, passing a fourth of a league west of the presidio. The river is very wide and deep, and stands in pools, because of its low banks and a sand dune which, blocking its mouth, checks its course. For this reason all this country is full of lagoons which make it difficult to explore the coast. These there are to the east, and it is therefore necessary to make a detour of ten leagues to reach the sea, which is accomplished with great diffi- culties and the loss of many horses. Of the same nature is the whole coast to La Valise, in Luisiana, near the mouth of the Rio de Misisipi, and for this reason it is impassable. "The garrison of this presidio consists of a company of cavalry of thirty-one men, including the captain, a lieutenant, and a sergeant, and its annual allowance amounts to $13,245.90, [besides] that of two religious of San Francisco who minister to the soldiers and the Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Luz, which is nearby, and wherein is accomplished what I have said of the others. I therefore consider this presidio useless, for it does not serve to support the missions, which are absolved by the slight inclination of those natives to embrace our sacred religion, a 374 An Inglorious Colony fact which has been well experienced since the year 1758, when the only one there is was founded, without accomplishing in all this time the reduction of a single Indian. Much less can it serve other purposes of state which were claimed for its estab- lishment, sacrificing a M"'. Lampin who was trading for a few skins on that uninhabitable coast, which is entirely proof against any nation's trying to establish a colony on it, especially where the presidio is, for it is a very unhealthful place, in the midst of lagoons which make impossible communication with any other of our settlements. Here, by a bad arrangement, those unfor- tunates are obliged to sustain themselves the greater part of the year on some roots called camotes, on nisperos, nuts, cherries, some chestnuts smaller than those of Spain, and other equally wild foods. "^' For the reasons set forth above, and since Louisiana no longer belonged to France, Rubi recommended that both the presidio and the mission on the Trinity should be suppressed, a measure which was ordered carried out in 1772. But before that order came El Orcoquisac was already abandoned. In June, 1770, the governor of Texas, the Baron de Ripperda, made a call for help against the Apache. In con- sequence Captain Pacheco responded in July with a part of his garrison. In February, 1771, the rest of the soldiers, except three, went to San Antonio in answer to another call. The three had remained behind with Father Laba and his companion, whose departure was opposed by their charges. But within a few weeks the missionaries also left, and the mission and pre- sidio passed out of existence. ^° 18 La Fora, Nicolas, Belaci6n del Viaje. In 1769 the monotony of ex- istence was again relieved by the passage that way of a party of ship- wrecked Acadiaus who had been rescued at La Bahia and sent, after being harshly treated, to their compatriots in Louisiana. 19 References to the events of the last days of the establishment are made in Test, del Expediente, 132-134; Thobar to Pacheco, June 12, 1770; certificate by Eipperdd, July 3, 1770, to the effect that Pacheco had aided in an Indian campaign. V. THE REMOVAL FROM AND THE RE- OCCUPATION OF EASTERN TEXAS, I 773- I 779 CHAPTEE I RUBI'S INSPECTION AND THE NEW "REGLAMENTO" In 1772 the Spanish government decided to give back to nature and the Indians, temporarily at least, all that portion of Texas lying northeast of San Antonio de Bexar and Bahia del Espiritu Santo, some parts of which had been occupied, con- tinuously even if weakly, for more than half a century. That this plan failed was due primarily to the attachment of the settlers of the district to their homes, and to the temporizing and double policy of the viceroy. The story of the removal of the Spanish settlers from the eastern frontier in pursviance of this plan and of their early return regardless of the royal policy, is not without human interest as an episode in the history of the Franco-Spanish border, nor without importance as a study in actual administration on the frontiers of new Spain. Spain's reasons for withdrawing the eastern settlements were connected primarily with the Louisiana cession of 1762, with the Indian troubles of the interior provinces, and with the general reorganization of the frontiers of New Spain by the aggressive Charles III in response to the outcome of the Seven Tears' War. This reorganization involved not alone the strengthening of the old military frontier, but embraced as well the occupation of Louisiana and Alta California, and the opening of lines of con- nection between them. 1. Rubi's inspection and recommendations. — These changes were not all wrought immediately, or without much discussion and investigation. It was to secure information on which to base a reorganization that the Marques de Rubi was sent to the 378 Rubi's Inspection and the New " Beglamento" northern frontier. Leaving Mexico in March, 1766, accompanied by the engineer Nicolas de la Fora, he passed from one province to another, arriving in Texas in August, 1767. "What he saw was recorded in the diary kept and the map made by La Fora, and in the dictamen which Rubi himself later presented to the government.^ With respect to the frontier in general, Rubi re- ported in detail the bad condition of affairs which has been briefly indicated hereinbefore.^ What he found in Texas, which is our chief concern here, was, when viewed as the results of three-quarters of a century's occupation, discouraging enough. Beyond San Antonio de Bexar toward the northeast the nearest Spanish establishment was the mission at Nacogdoches, across the Neches^ River, administered by one missionary, but without a resident Indian either converted or under instruction. A few leagues further on was the mission at Los Ais, with a few ranches round abotit. Here lived two missionaries in the same inactivity as those at Nacogdoches, without a single Indian upon whom to "exercise their calling."* 1 The version of the diary kept by La Fora which I have used is entitled Belacion del Viaje que de orden del Excelentissimo Senor Virrey Marquee de Cruillas Hiso el Capitan de Ingenieros Bn. Nicolas de la Fora, en Compania del Mariscal de Campo Marq.^ de BuM, commissionado por su Magestad a la Bevista de los Presidios internos, zituados en la Frontera de la parte de la America Septentrional perteneciente al Bey. MS. What is apparently the original of the La Fora map is in the Seeretaria de Fomento, Mexico, Seccion de Cartogrofia, map n. 1138, size 64x128 inches. See Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico, 365. Another copy is in the Archive General de Indias (see above, p. 107). A copy of the map was once in volume V of Secoiou de Historia, Archive General y Publico, Mexico. I find a statement to this effect in some notes made by Father Tala- mantes, and the evidence of its having been torn out is still visible in the volume. Bancroft knew of the existence of this map, but was unable to find it (see his Arizona and New Mexico, 258, note). A copy of the part of Rubi's Dictamen bearing on Texas is contained in Quademo que Corresponde, Vol. 51, Seccion de Historia, Archive General y Publico, Mexico. - See above, p. 107; see also Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I, 585, 629-630. 3 It may be a matter of interest to know that the favorite and almost invariable form of spelling the name of this river in the documents on which this study is based is Neehas. * Reference to page 399 will show that a few baptisms were made at these missions as late as the time when Rubi made his inspection. Condition of the Settlements 379 On the Louisiana frontier, seven leagues from Natchitoches, were the mission and presidio of Adaes. At this mission, like the others without neophytes, were two missionaries. The presidio was garrisoned by sixty soldiers, who, with the Indians in the neighborhood peaceful and Louisiana a Spanish province, had nothing to do. Eound about the presidio, in a village and on ranches, was a declining population of some thirty families. Toward the south, on the eastern bank of the Trinity, "amid a thousand misfortunes and inconveniences," was the presidio of Orcoquisae, or San Agustin, with a company of thirty-one soldiers and an imaginary mission with two friars. Though an attempt had been made to establish a colony there, the place had no citizen population. Finally, north of Bexar, at San Saba, now regarded as outside the limits of Texas, was a small garrison of soldiers, at the mercy of the Comanche and their allies, as had recently been proved. Here, then, said Rubi, was a stretch of country beyond Bexar several hundred miles wide over which Spain claimed dominion, but which was crossed by only two rude paths, and occupied by only three small garrisons, a handful of impoverished settlers, and four useless missions.^ As a general result of his inspection, which revealed to him some establishments stagnant and useless and others without defence, Rubi concluded — what ought to have been seen long before — that Spain was trying to spread over too much ground, and that a wise policy for her to pursue would be to distinguish between her true and her "imaginary" dominions, and to sacri- fice the latter to the former." Consistent with this conclusion, he made some far-reaching recommendations. The central one was to rearrange the frontier presidios in such a way as to form a cordon of fifteen strongholds placed at regular intervals between Bahia del Espiritu Santo, in 5 Eubi, Dictamen, section 25. 3 > r ~ < w - I..': ■ ■ V... ,. ^'?^?^^./ , ■)'uii) n4 r ■• r , ''7~'"~ i ■ ■■) t 1 ■ • -■( ■ 10. Eastern portion of map of the northern frontier of New Spain, by Nicolas de La Fora, 1771, showing boundaries, and plans for defence as approved in junta de guerra, July 29, 1771. Archive General de Indias. Hitherto unpublished. The Boyal Order of 1772 383 intentions of the king, impedes communication and traffic be- tween it and the dominions of this realm. "^* We should not, of course, regard these proposals of the Marques de Rubi as a recommendation that Spain should relin- quish her title to the territory in question, or that she should never undertake to occupy it, for they were conditioned by the fact that beyond Texas lay another Spanish possession, which, in effect, made Texas an interior province. But they did mean that Rubi was of the opinion that for some time to come, at least, it would be useless for Spain to try to colonize or to exer- cise any real control in the country between Louisiana and San Antonio de Bexar; and the adoption of these recommendations was, on the part of the central government, a confession of the same sort. 2. The royal order of 1772. — Rubi's report passed to the hands of the king, and, after the usual deliberate course of Span- ish legislation, the monarch issued, on September 10, 1772, an order popularly known as the "New Regulation of Presidios. '"^° This was practically an adoption of Rubi's proposals, with the supplementary legislation requisite to carry them into effect.^" We have seen that the central point of Rubi's plan was to concentrate effort upon the defence of what he considered the real possessions of New Spain. To do this it was necessary to place the fortifications in such relations that one could support 1* Dictamen, section 25. lo Beglamento S instruccion para los presidios que han de formar en la linea de frontera de la Nueva Espana. Besuelto por el Bey en.cedula de 10 de Setiemhre de 177S. First printed in Madrid, 1772. The copy of the document which I have used is in Arrillaga, Becopilaeidn de Leyes, de- cretos Bandos, Beglamentos, Circulares y Providencias de los Supremos Poderes de los Estados-Unidos Mexicanos, etc. (Mexico, 1835), IX, 139-189. 16 On the changes made on the northern frontier in consequence of this royal order, see, besides, the authorities already cited, Eevillagigedo 's Informe de Abril, 1793 (in Cavo, Tres Siglos, III, 112), and his Carta de S7 de Deciembre, in Diecionario Universal de Historia y de Geografia, V, 426 (Mexico, 1853-1856, 4», 10 Vols., and Madrid, 1846-1850, 4°, 8 Vols.); Velasoo, Sonera, Its Extent, etc. (San Francisco, 1861); Escudero, Noti- cias Estadisticas de Sonora y Sinaloa (Mexico, 1849). 384 Bubi's Inspection and the New " Beglamento" another, and near enough together to prevent hostile Indians breaking through the intervening spaces. Accordingly, the royal order provided that the fifteen frontier presidios should be placed forty leagues apart in an irregular line extending from Altar, near the head of the Gulf of California, as the westernmost, to Bahia del Bspiritu Santo, on the San Antonio River in Texas, as the easternmost. The intermediate presidios of the line, named in order from west to east, were to be Tubac, Terrenate, Fronteras, Janos, San Buenaventura, Paso del Norte, Guajo- quilla, Julimes, Cerrogordo, San Saba, Monclova, and San Juan Bautista. Of these only three, Janos, San Juan Bautista, and Bahia del Espiritu Santo, were to remain unmoved.^' Prom the outposts, Santa Fe and San Antonio de Bexar, respectively, Robledo, twenty leagues above El Paso, and Arroyo del Cibolo, between San Antonio de Bexar and Bahia del Espiritu Santo, were to be garrisoned.^^ The force at San An- tonio de Bexar was to be increased to the size recommended by Eubi, by bringing the requisite number of soldiers from Adaes and Orcoquisac ; Santa Fe was likewise to have eighty soldiers, Bahia del Espiritu Santo fifty-one, and the rest of the presidios of the line forty-six each.^" The presidio of San Saba, instead of being extinguished, as Rubi had suggested, was to be removed to the banks of the Rio Grande, while those of Adaes and Orco- quisac, with their missions, were to be suppressed. The families at Adaes and Los Ais were to be brought to the vicinity of Bexar and given lands. 1' The map made by La Fora (see p. 378) was the one by which the king 's advisers were guided in drawing up the ' ' New Eegulation ' ' (Arrillaga, Becopilacion, IX, 172). For the location of most of these presidios before they were changed, see maps in Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, 1, 251, 310, 377, 381. 18 Beglamento e instrucoidn, title ' ' Instruccion para la nueva colocacion de presidios," See. 1. 19 At each of the other presidios there were to be kept ten Indian scouts, but as it was thought that there were no Indians near Bahia suitable for this purpose, that place was to have five additional soldiers (Beglamento S instrucoidn, Titulo Segundo, in Arrillaga, Becopilacion, IX, 142). Oconor Becomes Inspector Comandante 385 To secure a more uniform and efficient military service on the frontier, the order provided for a new general officer, the inspector comandante of the interior provinces of New Spain. He must be a person of the rank of colonel or higher, and might not, while inspector, be a provincial governor or a presidial cap- tain. He was put directly under orders from the viceroy, but in case a comandante general of the interior provinces should ever be appointed, he was to be directly subject to that officer. To aid him in the discharge of his duties two assistant inspectors were provided. These duties were primarily to keep the viceroy informed of presidial and military affairs, direct frontier cam- paigns, and supervise the presidios and presidial officers. Either he or his assistants must make an annual inspection of each of the presidios and report to the viceroy. The office of inspector comandante was filled by the appoint- ment of Don Hugo Oconor, who had recently served as governor of Texas ad interim. Of his career there Bonilla, author of the Breve Compendia, wrote : ' ' Oconor attained the glorious distinc- tion of leaving an immortal name in the province. He attested his valor, disinterested conduct, and military policy, he preserved peace in the land, and he made himself an object of fear to the savages, who know him by the name of el Capitan Colorado [the Red Captain]."^" Oconor had for his assistants Antonio Bonilla, just quoted, and Don Roque Medina.^^ 3. Conor's instructions to Bipperdd. — The viceroy's instruc- tions to Oconor for carrying the new policy into effect were is- sued March 10, 1773, and on May 6, Oconor, from camp at Nuestra Seiiora del Carmen, despatched to Baron de Ripperda, then governor of Texas, orders for putting in force so much of the new plan as concerned his province. ^^ Immediately upon 20 Breve Compendia, 62. 21 The Breve Compendia was written before Bonilla became Oconor 's assistant. 22 Tnstruccion Meservada que han de tener presente el Colonel de Caval- leria Baron de Biperda Governador de la Prova. de texas para la practica 386 Rubi's Inspection and the New " Beglamento" receiving the orders the governor was to go to the frontier and extinguish the two presidios and the four missions^^ condemned by Rubi, taking in charge the ornaments that had been given to the mission churches by the crown,^* and removing to Bexar the garrisons, artillery, and munitions, and whatever settlers might be found at any of the four places. The settlers were to be brought to the villa of San Fernando, given lands within the villa for building spots, and outside the villa for pasture and for fields, and the privilege of making at their own expense an irrigating ditch from the San Antonio River. ^° On returning to Bexar, he was to reorganize the garrison, choosing for the pre- scribed eighty men the best in all three of the companies at Adaes, Orcoquisac, and Bexar. Ripperda was to remain captain ; Cordova and Oranday, lieutenants of the garrisons of Orcoquisac and Bexar, were to be lieutenants of the reformed company; while the aged lieutenant of Adaes, Jose Gonzalez, a veteran of some forty years' service at the same place, was to be retired with other superannuated and useless soldiers. The company at Bexar having been reorganized, a detachment of twenty men was to be sent at once to Arroyo del Cibolo.^" The purpose of gar- risoning this place was to protect a number of ranches in the neighborhood, and to cover the long distance between Bexar and Bahia del Bspiritu Santo.^' en los dos Presidios de alia del neuho Meglamto. qe. su Magd. se ha servido expedir en Diez de Septre. del Ano proximo pasado y demas puntos que contiene, para el Govno. Politica de dha. Provincia dispuesta par mi Dn. Hugo Oconor, Coronel de Infanteria Comandte. Ynspector de las Provineias de este Meyno de Nueva Espana de Orden del Exmo. Sor Fr. Dn. Antonio Maria Bucareli y Ursua, Virrey Governor, y Capitan General de ella (in Expediente sohre proposiciones, 79-90). 23 The official names of these missions were Nuestra Seiiora de Guada- lupe de Nacogdoches, Nuestra Seiiora del Pilar de los Adaes, Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los Ais, and Nuestra Senora de la Luz. '* The rest of the movables of the missions were to go to the College of Guadalupe de Zacatecas, which administered the missions (Y nstruccion Beservada, Sec. 2). ^^ Ynstruccion Beservada,' Sees. 5-9. 28 Ibid., Sees. 10-15. 27 See note on Arroyo del Cibolo, p. 392, below. CHAPTEE II THE REMOVAL OF THE SETTLERS PROM THE EASTERN FRONTIER 1. Eipperdd on the frontier. — These instructions reached the hands of Ripperda on May 18. He apparently did not favor the step about to be taken, but within a week, nevertheless, he set out for the frontier, going first to Adaes and returning by way of Nacogdoches.^ It seems that the garrison of Oreoquisae was already at Bexar, and that, therefore, Ripperda did not go to the lower Trinity.^ As affairs at Bexar demanded his attention, he remained only eight days in the settlements, leaving the execution of his mission to Lieutenant Gonzalez, of the Adaes garrison. At Mission Nacogdoches, where a large concourse of Indians was assembled, the governor was visited by Sauto,' or Bigotes, the head chief of the Texas, who had suspended hostilities with the Osages in order to entreat the Spaniards not to leave the frontier. Bigotes seems to have been moved to this solicitude in part by the fact that the Lipan were just then threatening hostilities.^ He undoubtedly feared, too, that the withdrawal of the Spaniards meant a decrease in the number of presents and in the available supply of firearms and other articles of trade. 1 EipperdS, to the viceroy. May 28, 1773, and July 11, 1773, in Vol. 100, Provineias Internas, ArcMvo General y Publico, Mexico. 2 On his return from the frontier the governor mentioned finding Captain Pacheco, of the Oreoquisae garrison, at Bexar. A report made on December 15, 1771, shows that at that time all of the garrison belonging to Oreoquisae, as well as fifty of the soldiers from Adaes, were in Bexar. Whether the Oreoquisae garrison had remained there all this time I can not say. Ripperda may have gone to Adaes by way of Oreoquisae, which would account for the garrison reaching Bexar in advance of the gov- ernor (Ripperda to the viceroy, December 15, 1771, and July 11, 1773, in Vol. 100, Provineias Internas, Archive General y Publico, Mexico). 3 Ripperda to the viceroy, July 11, 1773 (Letter No. 30, Vol. 100, Provineias Internas, Archivo General y Publico, Mexico). 388 The Removal from the Eastern Frontier Contrary to Eubi's prediction that Adaes was bringing to a close its unfortunate career, since his visit six years before the place seems to have prospered, at least in so far as numbers are a sign of prosperity ; for whereas in 1767 Rubi was able to report only about thirty families, perhaps two hundred persons, Rip- perda estimated a population of more than five hundred, living near the presidio and on ranches round about Adaes and Los Ais.* These figures are fairly substantiated by other evidence.^ The population was a mixture of Spanish, French, Indians, and, perhaps, Negroes. Part of the recent growth seems to have been due to an influx, after Louisiaxia became a Spanish province, of French and half-breeds from Natchitoches, some of them being Indian traders. 2. Antonio Oil Tbarbo. — The most prominent citizen of the vicinity was Antonio Gil Ybarbo, who becomes the central char- acter of the remainder of this sketch. The few facts that we can gather of his previous career shed light upon conditions on the eastern frontier, and, viewed in connection with Ybarbo 's subse- quent influence, upon the attitude of the government towards these conditions. Ybarbo was a native of Adaes, and at the time when this story opens he was about forty-four years old." By his enemies he was reputed to be a mulatto.'^ Though his head- quarters seem to have been at Adaes, he was the owner of and lived part of the fime upon a large ranch, called El Lobanillo (the Mole, or Wart) , situated between the mission of Los Ais and the Sabine River. The documents represent this ranch as "al- * Eipperdd to the viceroy, July 11, 1773. 5 See p. 394, below. 8 According to a statement made by Ybarbo in 1792, he was then sixty-three years old. This would have made him about forty-four years Old in 1773. See a census of Nacogdoches, dated at B^xar, December 31, 1792, and signed by Ybarbo (B^xar Archives). 7 This statement is based on the assertion of Juan XJgalde, coman- dante general of the Eastern Interior Provinces, who was hostile to Ybarbo, and who, at the time he made the assertion, was trying to secure Ybarbo 's removal from the oiBce (XJgalde to the viceroy, October 30, 1788, in Consulta del Sr. Comandante Gral., etc., 9-11). Gil ,Ybarbo, a Frontier Leader 389 ready a pueblo," and tell us that Ybarbo possessed there a large amount of stock. In addition to his ranching interests, he was also a trader, having for several years maintained commercial relations, both at Adaes and El Lobanillo, with a wealthy French merchant, Nicholas de la Mathe, from Point Coupee,* Louisiana.' In view of the hostility of the Spanish government toward French trade among the Indians and of the chronic complaint about French smuggling on the border, Ybarbo 's position might be regarded as a questionable one did we not have good reason to suspect that, in spite of a multitude of laws, such things were customarily winked at by the local officials and lightly regarded as a question of private morals. Once at least, however, Ybarbo 's trading activities had got him into trouble. It was during the administration of Hugo Oconor, who, in some circles, had the unusual reputation of having entirely put an end to contraband trade in Texas.^" This official tells us that at one time Ybarbo had been imprisoned several months, in handcuffs, for complicity in the sale at Natchitoches and New Orleans of various droves of mules and horses stolen by the Indians from San Saba, Bexar, and Bahia.^^ Just what form the complicity took is not stated. Notwithstanding his illegal pursuits, he was prominent in the affairs of the locality, and was held in favor by Oconor 's suc- cessor, the Baron de Ripperda. Because of his prominence, he was intrusted by Governor Ripperda, who had never seen him, with the administration of the funds for purchasing the presidial 8 The Spanish documents render this name Punta Cortada or Puente Cortada. 9 Quaderno que Corresponde, 9 ; testimony of Fr. Josef Francisco Mariano de la Garza, November 14, 1787, B^xar Archives. Garza vpas for several years in charge of spiritual affairs at Bucareli and Nacogdoches, and he knew Ybarbo well, iiis testimony was tnat of a warm supporter of Ybarbo, and was, therefore, not intendei* to be damaging in any way. For more about Father Garza, see p. 419, below; and about La Mathe, p. 415, below. 10 See Expediente sobre la dolosa y fingida paz. "Oconor to the viceroy, December 31, 1775, in Quaderno que Corre- sponde, 41. 390 The Removal from the Eastern Frontier supplies, a responsibility which he is said to have discharged wisely and honestly.^^ Other indications of his good standing with the governor and of his influence in the affairs of Texas will appear as the story proceeds. 3. Consternation among the settlers. — As soon as he had ar- rived at Adaes, Ripperda had issued an order that within five days every one must be ready for the march to Bexar." To the inhabitants this meant no less than expatriation. The love of home is deeply rooted in the human breast, more deeply the simpler the people. Many of these frontier folk had been bom and had spent all their lives at Adaes ; some had personal ties across Arroyo Hondo in the French settlement or in the Indian villages ; and some had material interest in ranches and in Indian trade. It can not cause surprise, therefore, that the governor's order created a commotion. An extension of the time was asked and a few days were granted." A number of persons, thirty-five according to the reports, refusing to be thus evicted, fled to the woods. Most of the inhabitants, however, prepared to obey the command, though apparently with bad grace in some cases, for complaint was made against Gonzalez that "when the day for leaving arrived he mounted a horse and went from house to house, driving the people from them. "^^' This, no doubt, reflects the unwillingness of the people to leave rather than any harshness on the part of the old officer. 12 Testimony of Father Garza, November 14, 1787 (Bexar Archives). 13 Ybarbo to Oconor, January 2, 1774, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 6. 1* Ybarbo does not mention the request for or the granting of the extension of time in his complaints about the nardships of the Adaesans. But Eipperda (letter to the viceroy, July 11, 1773), says that such a request was made and conceded, a statement that is borne out by other evidence. Eipperda left B6xar for Adaes on May 25th. He says he was twelve days going, eight days there, and twelve days returning. He must have arrived in Adaes, therefore, on June 6th, and left on the 14th. His final order required that Adaes be abandoned on June 26th (Letter No. 30, Vol. 100, Provineias luternas, Archivo General y Publico, Mexico. 16 Ybarbo to Oconor, January 8, 1774, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 6. The Emigration to San Antonio 391 The sudden removal involved, of course, the abandonment of whatever permanent improvements the settlers had made, small in general though these doubtless were. The urgency of the order did not allow time for suitable preparation for the march. The people were without supplies sufficient for so long a journey. Their stock, of which they seem to have had considerable, was scattered, and much of it could not be collected. Com was nearly ready for harvesting, but it had to be abandoned. Some things which could not be carried, including the gun carriages, some of the cannons, and the greater part of the ammunition, were buried within the presidio.^" 4. The journey to San Antonio de Bexar. — On June 25, the day appointed, the weary journey from Adaes to San Antonio de Bexar was begun. When the company reached Tbarbo's ranch at El Lobanillo, twenty-four persons dropped behind, some being too ill to travel, others remaining to care for the sick. Several of those who remained were of Ybarbo's family. His mother, sister, and sister-in-law were, it was represented, all unable to make the trip, and Ybarbo had secured from the governor a written permission to leave them, and with them his son and an- other family.^' These facts, considered in connection with sub- sequent events, lead one to suspect that Ybarbo was not at this time intending to abandon his home for good and all. At the Nacogdoches mission nine persons, comprising two families, dropped out, at the request, so the story goes, of the Texas chief, Bigotes, who declared his intention of going to Bexar with his people to beg the governor to allow the Spaniards to return with a missionary. At this place the aged Gonzalez and two women died. In Gonzalez's stead, the sergeant took charge of the march. According to the reports, after leaving Nacogdoches the suf- 18 Eipperda to the viceroy, September 28, 1773, in Autos, 21-22 ; Ybarbo ■to Oconor, January 8, 1774, in Quademo que Corresponde, 6. " Ybarbo to Oconor, January 8, 1774, in Quademo que Corresponde, 7. 392 The Removal from the Eastern Frontier fering of the emigrants was severe.^* They were poorly supplied with riding animals, and many of them, women as well as men, had to go on foot till they reached Brazos. In order to obtain food some were forced to sell not only their clothing, but even their rosaries and other sacred treasures. Owing to this scarcity of food, the drought experienced during the first half of the way, and the heavy floods encountered on the latter portion, there was much sickness among both people and animals, as a result of which ten children died, and some of the cattle were lost. At the Brazos, however, the party was met by supplies and mules sent out by the governor, and the suffering was re- lieved. At Arroyo del Cibolo, where, in pursuance of the royal order, a garrison of twenty men had just been stationed by the governor,^' a few more persons dropped out of the weary com- pany. Finally, on September 26, the residue straggled into Bexar, foot-sore, and so broken in health that within some three months more than thirty others died. With the party had come the four missionaries^" from Adaes, Los Ais, and Nacogdoches. The soldiers brought with them, drawn by the oxen of the set- tlers, twelve four-pound cannons, fifteen boxes of ammunition and eight tercios of gun-carriage iron.-^ IS GonzMez died on July 30; hence more than a month was consumed in getting past Nacogdoches. This does not indicate any great haste (Autos, 22). 19 Arroyo del Cibolo was identical with modern Cibolo Creek, which joins the San Antonio Eiver about half way between San Antonio and Goliad, or old Bahia del Esplritu Santo. According to Governor Eipperd^, the settlement on this arroyo was located ' ' at the crossing of the Texas and Tuacanes" (Eipperdi to the viceroy, November 25, 1773. Letter No. 52, Vol. 100, Provincias Internas, Archivo General y Publico Mexico). According to a representation made by the government of the villa of San Fernando to Croix, January 12, 1778 {Los Vecinos, etc., 10) it was about eighteen leagues eastward from San Antonio de B4xar. In 1782 the ranchos here were six in number, with a population of 85. Some twenty-five ranchos had been abandoned (see Bancroft, North Mexi- can States and Texas, I, 632). For additional information concerning this settlement, see Los Vecinos, etc., passim. 20 According to Eubl (see ante, p. 379) there had been five in 1767. 21 Kipperda to the viceroy, September 28, 1773; petition of Ybarbo and others to the governor, October 4, 1773 (both in Autos, 21-22, 4). The Aftermath 393 5. The aftermath. — No sooner had the Spaniards left Adaes than the neighboring Indians raided the place, scattered things about, and unearthed and carried away part of the ammunition and other effects buried within the presidio. ^^ But the Indians did not get all the spoils, for the families left at El Lobanillo appeared upon the scene and saved what they could.^'' The run- aways from Adaes shortly transferred their headquarters to El Lobanillo. On Sepfember 13, Perier, in command at Natchi- toches, wrote to Ripperda that "many fugitives who escaped from the convoy going from Los Adaes have taken refuge at Lobanillo. They come surreptiously to my post in search of liquor (aguardiente) with the purpose of introducing it into the tribes. ' '^* With the Spanish garrison removed, the French from Natchitoches apparently flocked in to trade and live among the Indians in greater numbers than before. ^^ So far as I have been able to ascertain, some of these people never left El Lobanillo, although orders were given to remove them, and although Ybarbo did remove some of them. Thus it is possible, and even probable, that in spite of government com- mands the frontier was never wholly abandoned. Ybarbo to Oeonor, January 8, 1774, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 7. Pour of the cannons brought to B6xar were ordered sent to Monclova (the viceroy to Ripperda, February 9, 1774, in Vol. 99, Proviucias Internas). 22 Testimony of a Spaniard who returned to Adaes for a sick man who had been left behind (Eipperdd to the viceroy, September 28, 1773, in Autos, 21-22). 23 Oeonor to Eipperdd, February 17, 1774, reviewing a letter which he had received "from Kipperdd. 2* Volume 100, Provincias Internas, Archive General y Publico, Mexico. The original letter is in French. It is accompanied by a translation into Spanish. 26 Ybarbo, in writing to Oeonor, January 8, 1774, said: "Scarcely had we left when Frenchmen settled. in all the nations. This report we got from a Spaniard who remained behind sick, as well as from one of the French traders who came with some Indians and reported the fact" (Quaderno que Corresponde, 8). CHAPTER III THE ATTEMPT TO SETTLE AT LOS AIS 1. The petition of the Exiles, — As soon as the "Adaesanos" arrived at Bexar, Ripperda, in accordance with his instructions, promulgated among them an order to choose anywhere within the villa of San Fernando such lands as they desired for their building spots, fields, and pastures, provided that by the choice they should not interfere with the rights of settlers or of the Indians at the missions. Thinking that the families who had stopped at Arroyo del Cibolo could do no better than to settle there, he sent a lieutenant to that place to lay out lands for them in case they chose to remain there. ^ But the exiles, both those at Arroyo del Cibolo and those at Bexar, promptly refused to choose lands or to accept them, for they wished to return to the eastern frontier;^ and eight days after arriving they presented to the governor a petition to that effect signed by seventy-five men. It stated that the locality at San Fernando offered little or no opportunity to form a settlement without encroaching upon the rights of 1 EipperdS, to the viceroy, September 28, and December 10, 1773, in Autos, 8, 21; Ybarbo to Oconor, January 8, 1774, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 8. 2 Only seventy-five names appear on the copy of the petition in my possession, but Ripperda says there were seventy-six (Reply to the peti- tioners, in Autos, 5). It may be that the original petition contained seventy-six. Ripperda stated that the families of these petitioners in- cluded 126 persons, which would make 202 individuals represented by the petition. In a letter of December 11, 1773, the governor says the petition represented the majority of the Adaesans. If this be true, his estimate of the number of persons on the frontiers (see p. 388) was too large, even if he meant to include the soldiers who were there. According to Lieutenant Paeheoo there were in Bfixar in April, 1774, 140 men from Adaes capable of bearing arms (Expediente soire la dolosa y fingida paz, 13). The Petition of the Exiles 395 others;^ that, because of the loss of all their property through the removal from the frontier, the petitioners were bankrupt and could not make the proposed aqueduct; that they wished per- mission to form a new pueblo at the old mission of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los Ais, where, because of its nearness to Adaes, they might be able to recover some of the property they had left scattered at their former homes; and that they hoped that, because of their known loyalty, their sufferings on the way from Adaes, and their present need, their prayer would be granted. In this event they agreed to bear, themselves, all the expense of the return, except for the support of a chaplain, whom they wished provided at government expense for ten years.* There is no reason to doubt the sincerity of these petitioners so far as their request to be allowed to return to the frontier is concerned. But the claim that there was no room for them at Bexar seems absurd, while the choice of the particular location asked for is suggestive of the part played by Gil Ybarbo in the matter. Mission Los Ais was close by his ranch, El Lobanillo. He was the person who had the most to lose by being driven from the frontier. He was the most influential man among the emigrants, and was spokesman for the rest, and, naturally enough, his interests were not forgotten in the choice of a site for a new settlement. At El Lobanillo he had left his family; there he hoped to recover his lost stock and other property; there he had a well established ranch ; and it may be supposed that, as was afterwards charged, he was loath to abandon the interests he had developed in contraband trade. Other persons who signed the petition were, no doubt, for similar reasons genuinely anxious to return, but the impression remains,, never- 3 In a letter to Oconor, Ybarbo said that the country from the Bexar to the Guadalupe was "overrun (infestado) with stock, missions, and men" (Quaderno que Corresponde, 7). * Petition of Gil Ybarbo and others, October 4, 1773, in Autos, 1-5. 396 The Attempt to Settle at Los Ais ■theless, that, although he represented the sincere wishes of his neighbors, Ybarbo was the moving spirit in the attempt to undo the policy of the government. It was Spain's misfortune that she had not more men like Ybarbo on the frontiers of her colonies. 2. The petition favored by Bipperdd. — The petitioners prob- ably expected support from Eipperda; indeed he may have en- couraged them to present their request, for it was known that withdrawal from the frontier was not in accord with his desires. Ever since he had become governor he had taken, under the influence of Captain Athanase de Mezieres y Clugny, of Natchi- toches, a definite position regarding relations with the north- eastern tribes. Of first importance was to keep them under Spanish influence so that they not only would remain friendly themselves, but also might be used against the enemies of the Spaniards, particularly the Apache and the Comanche. This was the key-note of his dealings with the northeastern Indians, and it seems to have been a foremost consideration in his relations with Ybarbo. Through the aid of De Mezieres, and of Father Ramirez, presi- dent of the Texas missions, Ripperda had in 1771 and 1772 ratified treaties of friendship with several of the northernmost tribes,^ who had formerly been considered as enemies, and, at De Mezieres 's suggestion, he had advocated enlisting these new friends in a campaign against the Apache." He maintained. 5 The principal ones of these tribes were the Quitseis (Kichai), west or a little northwest of Nacogdoches; the Yscanis, a short distance west of the Quitseis; the Tawakoni on the Trinity and the Brazos rivers west of the Yscanis; the Tonka wa, who lived a wandering life between the middle courses of the Brazos and the Trinity; the Xaraname, apostates from the mission at Bahia, at the time living among or near the Tawa- koni; the Ovedsitas (Wichita), living on the Salt Pork of the Brazos; and the Taovayas, living northeast of the Ovedsitas on the Bed Eiver west of one of the Cross Timbers (De M^ziferes, Informs, passim). See map in Bolton, De MezUres, I, frontispiece. 6 De Mezieres to Bipperdd, July 4, 1772, in Expediente sobre proposi ciones, 24-61. Bonilla, Breve Compendio, 66. Policy of the Baron de Bipperdd 397 moreover, that they could not be kept friendly unless, like the French, the Spaniards would supply them with firearms and ammunition. Otherwise, he said, they would prefer war to peace, for the sake of an excuse for engaging in their favorite pursuit of stealing horses from the Spaniards and selling them to the French. As an additional means of cementing their friend- ship he recommended establishing among them a new presidio, with a colony of citizens and a mission near it. With foreign enemies as well as the Indians in view, he advo- cated extending a line of presidios all the way from New Mexico to the Mississippi.' A new argument for more strongly defending the eastern frontier was now available and was made use of by Ripperda to support this proposal. It was not long after the cession of the country east of the Mississippi to the English before there began to be talk of danger from that quarter, much as formerly there has been talk of danger from the French. Rubi had said that he did not entertain any such fears* even though others did. Later on, rumors floated in from the north that gave some ground for such apprehensions. De Mezieres claimed that when he was on his extended tour among the north- ern Indians in 1772, carrying to them the sword and the olive branch, he foimd among the Taovayas a certain Indian, named Jose, who was engaged in bringing from the Panis-mahas fire- arms of foreign — that is, neither French nor Spanish — make. He found there also two Panis-mahas advertising the advantages of trading with the English. These he brought to Bexar to be questioned on the subject." In addition, De Mezieres declared 7 Eipperda to the viceroy, April 28, 1772, and July 5, 1772, in Ex- pedients sobre proposiciones, 2-3, 19-20; Bonilla, Breve Compendia, 65-66. Eipperd4 had earlier than this expressed similar opinions. See the informe of Barrios to the viceroy, November 6, 1771, in Vol. 99, Provinoias Internas, Archive General y Publico, Mexico. 8 Dictamen, paragraph 1 /. » Informe del Capn. infanta. Dn. Athanacio de Mezieres al Sr. Coronel Baron de Bipperdd, July 4, 1772, in Expediente sobre proposiciones, 37-39. 398 The Attempt to Settle at Los Ais the Osage Indians to be hostile to the Spaniards and friendly toward the English.^" The report made by De Mezieres convinced Ripperda that, to keep them from contamination, the Toavayas and Ovedsita should be brought from their remote homes on the upper Brazos and the upper Red rivers to the interior, and the new presidio established among them ; and he saw in the situation of the Osage and the threatened English trade an additional argument for keeping an influence over all the northern Indians, namely, that they might be used eventually in driving the Osage and their allies across the Missouri River, or even in repelling an invasion by the English themselves. The eastern tribes, living between Adaes and the middle Trinity, were generally friendly toward the Spaniards, but re- cently suspicion had a isen that the Bidai and the Texas were becoming too friendly toward the Apache, the worst enemy of the Spaniards. Ripperda accordingly favored establishing a closer surveillance over these tribes.^^ It is not surprising, therefore, that the governor, entertaining for the frontier such plans as these, should use his influence in behalf of the exiles, whose wish accorded so well with his own. He replied to the petitioners that he could not grant their re- quest without the infraction of a royal command, that is, the king's order of 1772, but that he sympathized with their cause, • and that if they could not find suitable lands at San Fernando, at Arroyo del Cibolo, or in any of the old ranches in the neigh- borhood, they might carry their petition to the viceroy.^^ 3. Ybarbo and Flares sent to Mexico. — After some delays, during which an attempt may have been made to find lands to their liking, although this is doubtful, the exiles acted upon 10 Informe del Capn. 1^ Expediente sobre proposiciones, 1-3, 11-17; Eipperdd to the viceroy, July 5, 1775, in Expediente sobre proposiciones, 19-21. 12 Autos, 5. Ybarbo and Flores Sent to Mexico 399 the governor's suggestion. On December 10, Ybarbo and Gil Plores, the two most prominent of their number/^ were formally made the authorized agents of the citizens to carry the petition to the viceroy.^* When they left Bexar they carried with them letters from the governor to the viceroy and Hugo Oconor. To prove the need of a minister on the frontier they carried a cer- tificate taken from the records just brought to Bexar of the number of baptisms performed at the missions at Adaes and at Nacogdoches during their existence. This statement could hardly be considered the most convincing evidence, for it showed that in over half a century the aggregate number of baptisms at the two missions had been only three hundred and forty.^^ In these letters to the viceroy and the inspector general, Rip- perda made it clear that an adverse royal order had not served to change his mind with respect to the frontier. On the con- trary, he restated his views with emphasis. He said that he was not fully informed of the reason for having abandoned eastern Texas, but that he believed it would be advantageous to Bexar and the other interior settlements to establish Spaniards among the northern Indians, particularly the Tawakoni and Taovayas, the northernmost and at the same time the most numerous and powerful of all the nations in the province. Since these tribes were new friends, such settlements would be valuable as serving to cement and retain their alliance. By forming a militia of the settlers, a line of defence would be established from Bexar to Natchitoches. The only objection to such a plan that he could see would be the encouragement that might be given by the presence of the settlers to trade with the 13 "We who have most to lose" (Petition of Ybarbo and Flores, May 10, 1774, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 30). 1* The certificate of authority is signed by fifty-two persons (Autos, 6). The agents were elected by majority vote (Los Vecvnos, etc., 7) . IS The report for the mission at Nacogdoches extended from June 24, 1717, to April 17, 1768, and for that at Los Adaes from August 6, 1716, to February 12, 1773 (Autos, 17, 18). ^ 400 The Attempt to Settle at Los Ais French at Natchitoches. But that, he said, was going on briskly even now, not only with the Taovayas, Tawakoni and other tribes hitherto supplied from Louisiana, but also with those supposedly supplied from the interior of Texas, as was proved by the fact that these Indians were so well provided with goods that when they came to Bexar they even had guns to sell to the Spaniards. He thought, moreover, that an attempt to close the trade with Natchitoches might have even worse results, in driving the Indians to trade with the English, which they could easily do. These considerations induced him to recommend the petition carried by Ybarbo and Flores as one worthy of careful con- sideration. In his letter to Oconor Ripperda referred to a private request which Ybarbo had to make, and bespoke for him Oconor 's assistance, so that in case the main petition should not be granted, "ultimately his ranch, El Lobanillo, might come to form a pueblo of more than sixty persons. ' ' From this it seems probable that at this time Ybarbo intended to ask permission to return to his ranch, without the remainder of the petitioners, to collect and form a settlement of the sixty or more persons left on the frontier.^" It will be seen further on that the private request actually made of the viceroy was slightly different in form from what Ripperda apparently understood it to be, al- though it was not essentially different in effect. The commissioners left for Mexico sometime in December or early in January. On the 8th of January they were at Santa Rosa Maria. From this place Ybarbo dispatched a letter to Oconor, who was at Chihuahua.^' In it he set forth in great detail the hardship incident to the eviction from Adaes and the sad plight of the exiles at Bexar. He said that more than thirty of his compatriots had died at Bexar previous to his leaving, and only God knew how many since; that subsequent to arriving 18 Eipperda to the viceroy, December 10, 1773 (Autos, 8) and to Oconor, December 11, 1773 (Quaderno que Corresponde, 10-11). 17 The letter was sent by Boque Medina, assistant inspector (Quaderno que Corresponde, 16). A Junta de Guerra Called 401 there some of the families had been forced to go about the presidio and missions begging, and some had even been forced to steal, in consequence of which trouble had arisen with the citizens; and that within two days after reaching Bexar the Indians had carried off the few animals they had brought. In conclusion, he said that he thought a settlement ought to be established on the frontier to keep out the French who were flocking in, and asked Oconor to support his demands. 4. The petition granted. — Having arrived in Mexico, the agents presented their petition, together with an address, on the 28th of February. The readiness with which the viceroy's gov- ernment now proceeded to reverse a definite policy of the king is, to say the least, surprising. In his action in the matter Bucareli, the viceroy, was guided almost entirely by the advice of Areche, the royal fiscal, who, in his turn, was dependent upon conflicting reports from Bexar, Bahia, and Chihuahua. Areche, to whom the petition and Ripperda's letter were referred,^* reported^" that in his opinion the proposal to establish a settle- ment at Los Ais was commendable, as a means of checking Indian assaults; that the king's reason for extinguishing the mission at Los Ais had been that it was without Indians and useless ; and that the viceroy would do well to grant the request and to order the governor to put the measure into effect.^" He does not seem to have been impressed with the argument predi- cated upon danger from the English, for he did not refer to it in his report. He advised proceeding through the governor on the ground that Oconor 's many duties and his distance from Texas would entail delay. ^^ The matter next went before a junta de guerra y hacienda called by the viceroy for the purpose. This body resolved that, 18 On February 28. 19 On March 7. 20 Autos, 13. 21 Ibid., 13-14. 402 The Attempt to Settle at Los Ais in view of the situation of the exiles, and, more particularly, of the advantage that would, according to the governor, result from a settlement on the eastern frontier, the petition should be granted ; that the exiles should be settled in Los Ais in conformity with the laws for the settlement of new pueblos and lugaresf^ that the viceroy should instruct the president of the Texas mis- sions to appoint a minister for the proposed settlement, provide for his equipment and maintenance, and make plans for bringing near the new pueblo as many of the surrounding tribes as pos- sible, as a means of keeping them quiet and of preventing their communication with the English and other foreigners. This decision of the junta the viceroy ordered carried out.-' .5. Oconor interferes. — Thus far Tbarbo's mission had pros- pered without adverse circumstances. But a communication re- ceived by the viceroy suddenly changed the situation. In reply to Ripperda's letter of December 11, Oconor had written saying that he could not support Ybarbo's petition, and ordering the governor to bring to Bexar the people and the ammunition left on the frontier.^* To the viceroy he wrote in terms of strongest disapproval of the whole plan. He said that he was convinced that private interest, ignorance, mistaken piety, and malice had combined to defeat royal plans favorable to peace. Citing Rubi's report as authority, he maintained that Adaes had long been the seat of contraband trade in fire-arms and ammunition, carried on among the northern Indians in spite of numerous royal orders, and that the reason why Gil Ybarbo and his co-petitioners wished to return to Los Ais was that they might engage in this illicit trade. Referring to an Indian who had accompanied Ybarbo and Plores to Mexico, he said that it was sad indeed 22 See Becopilacidn de Leyes de las Indias, Lib. IV, Titulo VII. 23 The junta was held March 17, and on March 23 the viceroy gave the order to put its resolution into effect (Quaderno que Corresponde, 12-13). 2-1 Oconor to Ripperd4, February 17, 1774, in Autos, 19-20. A Vacillating Policy 403 that in addition to supporting so preposterous a petition, dia- metrically opposed to a royal order, Ripperda should give to northern Indians a passport clear to the capital, thus enabling them to learn the routes into Coahuila and the state of its de- fences. Finally, he requested that Ripperda should be required to carry out his previous orders with respect to the exiles from Adaes, and to put a stop to contraband trade in Texas carried on from Natchitoches.^^ Just when this letter reached the viceroy does not appear, but four days after the junta had granted Ybarbo's petition it was referred to Areche.^^ A week later he advised that the recent action be rescinded and that a new junta be called to reconsider the matter in the light of Oconor's letter and of the reports of Rubi and Rivera, to which Oeonor had referred. This plan was adopted, and on May 5 the new junta decided to refer the matter, with full testimony, to Oeonor, with authority to grant or refuse the request, as he thought best.^^ What his decision would be could hardly have been doubtful in the light of his previous expressions relative to the subject. 6. The matter referred to Ripperda. — Upon learning of the decision of the junta, Ybarbo and Plores decided to present the private petition to which Ripperda had referred,^^ and to return to Texas without waiting for the settlement of their main busi- ness. Accordingly, on May 10, they asked permission to remove their families temporarily to Natchitoches, as a base of operations from which to recover their abandoned property.^" This request was refused by the viceroy, and on the same day that he referred 2B Oeonor to the viceroy, February 21, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 14-17. 26 March 21. 27 Areche to the viceroy, March 28, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 17-18 ; decision of the junta, ibid., 28-29. 28 See p. 399. 29 To enable them to make the journey home, they asked for financial aid from the government, which was granted them in the form of a loan. During their stay in Mexico the government had supplied them each with a stipend of two reals a day (^Quaderno que Corresponde, 30-32). 404 The Attempt to Settle at Los Ais the decision to Oeonor he instructed Ripperda not to permit Ybarbo and Flores to go to Natchitoches under any consideration. But the force of this prohibition was greatly weakened by adding to it the very elastic instruction that he should give Ybarbo and Flores aid in locating the exiles "in a suitable place."'" It seems that the viceroy verbally told Ybarbo that the new settle- ment must be one hundred leagues from Natchitoches, meaning, doubtless, that it should be no nearer than this.'^ Thus, on one and the same day the viceroy had left the mat- ter in the hands of two different persons whose policies were at variance. While Bucareli doubtless intended Ripperda to make only a temporary arrangement pending Oeonor 's decision, this vacillating and double policy left open the way for misunder- standing and for the eventual defeat of the royal plans, a result which was fostered also by Oeonor 's preoccupation and his pro- crastination. After a lapse of six weeks Oeonor asked to be relieved of the responsibility imposed upon him, on the ground that it was an affair of Ripperda 's, and that he was too far away and too busy to perform the duty. The viceroy insisted, however; but long before Oeonor was ready to turn his attention to the affair, Ripperda had made arrangements difficult to set aside.'^ When Oeonor took the matter up with Ripperda, the latter replied that he had already established the exiles in a new settlement. Apparently in ignor- ance of the viceroy's order of May 17 to Ripperda, Oeonor now reprimanded the governor for exceeding his authority, since the decision had been left to himself. so ' ' Donde eorresponde, segun lo que esta prevenido ' ' (the viceroy to Eipperdd, May 17, 1774, in the Bexar Archives.) See also Oeonor to the viceroy, December 31, 1775, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 42. 31 Eipperd4 to the viceroy, September 10, 1774, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 34; 32 Oeonor to the viceroy, July 5, 1775, and December 31, 1775; the viceroy to Oeonor, August 30, 1775; Oeonor to Eipperdd, November 20, 1775; and Eipperdd to Oeonor, February 5, 1775 (all in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 40-54). CHAPTER IV THE SETTLEMENT AT PILAR DE BUCARELI, 1774^17791 1. The selection of a site for the exiles. — The location of the exiles from Adaes was thus left temporarily, until Oconor should interfere, to Ripperda, with only the restriction that the place 'chosen must be at least one hundred leagues from Natchitoches. In the performance of this commission he again showed his sympathy with the desires of Tbarbo and his opposition to the royal policy, by sending the exiles to a place as far from Bexar and as near to the northeastern frontier as the terms of his in- structions would permit. The site designated by him was on the right bank of the Trinity River, at Paso Tomas, a place which was apparently at the crossing of the San Antonio Road and the La Bahia Road over that stream. This conclusion as to location of Paso Tomas is based upon the following data : Ripperda said that it was the place where "the lower Adaes road," or, as he otherwise de- scribed it, "the road leading [from Bexar] to . . . Adaes and Orcoquisac" crossed the Trinity.^ We are told, too, that it was above Orcoquisac, and considerably nearer to Nacogdoches than to the coast, the distances to these places being roughly in the proportion of two to three. ^ It must, therefore, have been at 1 The fullest, printed account of this settlement, so far as I know, is the one by Bancroft {North Mexican States and Texas, I, 630), which occupies only a page, and that much marred by errors and half truths. 2 Ripperd4, writing from Bexar, to the viceroy, September 1, 1774, and November 15, 1774, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 34r-36. 3 Eipperdd said that Paso Tomds was ' ' three regular days ' [march] from the coast" (Letter to the viceroy, November 15, 1774, in Qiiaderno que Corresponde, 36). Ybarbo reported that it was only a two days' march from the Texas village at Nacogdoches (Letter to Croix, May 13, 1779). 406 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli least as far up the river as the upper portion of Walker County. It was, moreover, at a point in a pretty direct line between Nacog- doches and Bexar,* and could not, therefore, have been very far from the San Antonio Road which, it has usually been supposed, passed very directly between these places. Finally, it was hear the country of the Bidai, their main village being within two leagues.' The location of this tribe in the later Spanish period of Texas history is marked in modem geography by Bidais Creek, which flows into Trinity Riv^r between Walker and Madi- son counties. These data, taken all together, make it seem probable, as has been said, that Paso Tomas was at the crossing of the San An- tonio Road and the La Bahia Road over the Trinity. The La Bahia Road could with propriety have been referred to as the lower Adaes road and, at the same time, as the road leading from Bexar to Adaes and Orcoquisac. Moreover, according to most of the old maps, the San Antonio Road and the La Bahia Road crossed the Trinity together at a point above the mouth of Bidais Creek." This place has in modern times been identified with the crossing known as Robbin 's Ferry, at the old village of Ran- dolph, in Madison County. * Francisco Xavier Fragoso, in company with Pedro Vial, made, in 1788, a careful survey of the distances from Santa Fe to Natchitoches, from Natchitoches to Bexar, and from Bexar to Santa Fe. As he had been sent out expressly to survey these routes, we should be able to place dependence upon what he says about directions and distances. Ac- cording to his diary practically no change was made from a southwesterly direction in passing from Nacogdoches to Bexar. He was on one of the well known routes across Texas, which was in all likelihood the San Antonio Road. On the way between these two places he passed through the abandoned site of Bucareli, as the settlement made at Paso Tomds was called (Fragoso, Berrotero, Diario, y Calculacion de Leguas). 5 Eipperda to the viceroy, November 15, 1774, in Quaderno que Corre- sponde, 36, and to Croix, April 27, 1777, in Documentos para la Ristoria . . . de Texas, XXVIII, 224. " See Austin 's map, made in 1835, in Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II, 75; another map made in 1835, given in Wooten, A Com- prehensive History of Texas, I, 784; E. E. Lee's map of Texas, made in 1836, in McMaster, History of the People of the United States, V, 12; John Arrowsmith's map, made in 1840, in Kennedy, Texas (ed. 2, 1841), I. Bucareli a Vantage Point 407 2. The reasons for the selection. — The reasons given by Rip- perda in his correspondence, either directly or by implication, for the selection of this site, were: (1) that Paso Tomas was on the highway from Bexar to Natchitoches, somewhere near midway, and that a settlement there would facilitate communication be- tween the two places; (2) that it was sheltered from the Comanche through having between it and this dread foe the friendly Tawakoni and Tonka wa; (3) that it was in an agricul- tural region of extreme richness, which might be expected later on to provide the presidios of Bexar and Bahia with horses and certain other products that then came from outside; (4) that it would be a good place from which to watch and cut off French contraband trade; (5) that it lay in the midst of a number of friendly Indian tribes, some to the north and some to the south, a fact which gave it special advantages as a base of operations for keeping them amicable and for conducting missionary work among them; and finally (6) that it was a vantage point from which to guard the Gulf coast from the inroads of the English,'^ who were now beginning to be feared in that direction as well as toward the northeast. The last two reasons were the ones most emphasized by the governor. His desire to establish and maintain an influence over the northeastern tribes has already been set forth. His emphasis of danger from the English may be accounted for by the fact that rumors of English traders on the Gulf coast were becoming numerous. An example of these rumors may be of interest. In the fall of 1772 it was reported that Englishmen were in the 7 See letters of Eipperda to the viceroy, September 1, and November 15, 1774, and January 15, 1776, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 34-36, 68- 70; Eipperdd to Croix, October 28, 1777, in Bepresentacion del Justicia, 3. When De Mezieres visited Bucareli in 1778 he gave essentially the above reasons why the place should be fostered, adding the argument that the Trinity would offer a good outlet to New Orleans for the abundant products certain to be raised in the new settlement. This argument was based on the assumption that trade between Texas and Louisiana would be allowed. De M^ziSres to Croix, March 18, 1778, in Expediente sobre el abandono . . . y estdblecer Comercio con los Yndios Gentiles, 2. 408 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli neighborhood of the mouth of the Trinity cutting wood for houses and giving presents to the Indians. Captain Cazorla, commander of the garrison at Bahia, was sent out to investigate the grounds for such a tale. He spent about a month on the expedition, heard in the neighborhood of the Trinity reports of English traders, and found what he thought to be English guns. The Indians at a rancheria above Orcoquisae, reputed to be a center for French trade, told him that some Frenchmen living across the Neches in Louisiana were procuring these guns from English- men and bringing them to the Trinity, but that the French would not allow the English traders to come to the Indian villages in person. Other reports of this kind were not lacking, and taken all together they may have caused the governor genuine uneasi- ness. He hoped, perhaps, in a settlement of the exiles on the Trinity, for a partial restoration of the coast protection that had recently been withdrawn by the removal of the garrison from Orcoquisae* That this was a genuine consideration with Rip- perda is borne out by Ybarbo 's activities on the coast, under the governor's direction, after settling on the Trinity. But the fact that Paso Tomas, in the midst of a large number of northeastern tribes, was chosen instead of a point near the coast, is a good indi- cation that Ripperda's desire to maintain an influence among these northeastern tribes and Ybarbo 's desire to return to the neighborhood which he had left, together outweighed Ripperda 's fear of the English on the south. The reasons given by Ripperda for the choice of Paso Tomas as the site for the new settlement all sound imselfish and patriotic enough. Other persons maintained, however, that the selection was determined by the personal interest of the governor and Ybarbo in the forbidden Indian trade. Ripperda had for 8 The place which I have designated as the probable site of Paso Tomds corresponds very closely with the one erroneously indicated by Bancroft (North Mexican States and Texas, I, 612) as the site of San Agustin de Ahumada , before the removals which finally placed it at Orco- quisae. The Baron Charged with Smuggling 409 some time been suspected of encouraging, if not of direct com- plicity with, French smuggling." He was well known to favor its continuance rather than leave the Indians unsupplied with what they desired, or to run the risk of having it furnished by the English, for he had distinctly said so.^" In spite of numerous orders from the viceroy and of repeated promises from Ripperda that the French traders should be driven from the province, ^^ it was patent that they still frequented or lived among most of the tribes of eastern Texas. Their presence there is proved by evidence from all sources — the testimony of the friars, of Cazorla, Oconor, Medina, Ybarbo, De Mezieres, and of the governor him- self. Though the viceroy's orders that they should be expelled were answered with promises of compliance, local protests Rip- perda met, if not with threats, with the assertion that it was not an opportune time to stop the trade. ^^ Suspicion of Ripperda was increased by the fact that his principal representative among the Indians, De Mezieres, had the reputation of being a veteran Indian trader,'^ while the most prominent of the French mer- 9 Father Josef Abad, missionary at Bahla, who went with De M^zidres in 1771 to make the treaties with the northern Indians, in reporting the "scandalous trade" that he witnessed on the frontier, said, "I thought (I do not know for certain) that the governor was implicated in the trade, through his communication with de Mecieres" (Beport to the vice- roy, July 15, 1774, in Expediente sobre la dolosa y fingida paz, 149-150). 10 See pp. 396-398. 11 In communications dated December 9 and December 19, 1772, and January 6, March 5, May 25, and June 30, 1773, the viceroy issued orders to the governor to cut off this trade. Eipperdd as frequently promised that the commands should be complied with (See a letter from the vice- roy to Eipperdd, April 23, 1774, in Expediente sohre la dolosa y fingida paz, 138. Some of these orders are in Doc. 1, Vol. 51, Secci6n de Historia, Archive General y Publico, Mexico). 12 When Father Abad, in 1771, asked permission to go to the governor of Louisiana to report the contraband trade that he had seen, Eipperda replied, according to Abad, that ' ' an immediate prevention of the trade would be undesirable" (Abad to the viceroy, July 15, 1774, in Expediente sohre la dolosa y fingida paz, 149-150). Cazorla complained that any one who remonstrated with Eipperdd about the contraband trade was threat- ened with arrest. See also the charge made by Medina, below, p. 410. 13 Father Abad said that it was "notorious" that De Mezilres was one of the principal promoters of the French trade with the Indians no The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli chants, Nicholas de la Mathe, stood in high favor with the governor. Ripperda was charged even with sheltering contraband traders in Bexar. Don Roque Medina, one of Oconor's assistant inspec- tors, who was in that place early in 1774 inquiring into Rip- perda 's administration, reported that some Frenchmen were there under various pretexts, but apparently engaged in trade. "These,'" he added, "are not the only ones who have come to the interior of this province with the Indians. There have been various others, who have stopped at the house of the governor and then returned to the northern nations, serving as couriers to fetch and carry letters from Natchitoches. "The French continue to trade in guns, powder, and balls, which they exchange for . beasts of burden. They do not raise horses and mules, hence, in order to supply the need it is necessary to obtain them from the Indians in trade. To supply these it is the custom for the Indians to come and rob our lands, as in fact they are now doing. Indeed they have no other occu- pation. They never enter this presidio as friends without carry- ing off horses and mules when they depart, and there is no human being who can control this governor, or make him believe that they [the thieves] are the northern tribes. Any one who says so is imprisoned. Only a serious measure can remedy this situa- tion. '"* Medina no doubt got his information in part from the citizens of Bexar, who as a rule were just then hostile to Ripperda, but his statement is a fair sample of the general feel- ing in regard to the governor's relations with the French and the northern Indians. ^^ Ripperda maintained, of course, that (Letter to the viceroy, July 15, 1774, in Expediente sohre la dolosa y fiiigida pas, 150). Raphael Pacheco, lieutenant at Bexar, wrote on April 20, 1774, that De M6zilres was a person ' ' who had always lived among the said nations, since the time of Dn. Jacinto de Barrios, trading in guns and ammunition." {Ibid., 133). 1* Oconor to the viceroy, May 13, 1774, in Expediente sobre la dolosa y fingida pan, 141; Medina to Oconor, March 8, 1774, ibid., 129. 15 Upon receiving Medina's report through Oconor, the viceroy severely reprimanded Ripperda for not having put a atop to the French Yharho Also Suspected 411 all these charges were gross calumnies, and it is difficult to deter- mine where the truth lay.^" Added to these grounds for distrust were Ybarbo's previous record on the frontier and the fact that the Bidai Indians, who lived near Paso Tomas, were the chief intermediaries between the French and the Apache in the trade of fire-arms. It is not altogether surprising, therefore, that selfish motives were attrib- uted to Ripperda and Ybarbo in the selection of a site for the Adaes exiles. As soon as Oconor gave the governor's choice any attention, he reported what he knew of Ybarbo's previous career and of smuggling at Adaes before its abandonment, and proceeded to say that the exiles had been located by Ripperda in "the place which better than any other enables them to engage in illicit trade and to encourage the northern Indians in stealing droves of horses from the presidios of San Antonio de Bejar, Bahia del Espiritu Santo, and even as far as Laredo, as lately has been done. Moreover, the Trinity River facilitates navigation to the Opelusas and the neighborhood of New Orleans itself. Hence, it is concluded that the citizens established on the Trinity have better facilities than formerly for their contraband trade. "^' That Cazorla and others made similar charges will appear farther on. In concluding this subject one comment may be made. For Ripperda to have been tolerant with French traders would have been quite consistent with his desire to keep the Indians friendly and quiet, to say nothing of any desire for private gain, con- sidering, on the one hand, the great influence of the French trade and for being deceived by the Indians of the north, and forbade him henceforth to allow a single Frenchman in Texas or even to com- municate with De M4zi6res (The viceroy to EipperdS,, May 8, 1774). i« Eipperda to the viceroy, June 24, 1774, in Expediente sobre la dolosa y fingida pas, 163. 17 Oconor to the viceroy, December 31, 1775, in Quaderno que Corre- e, 41-42. 412 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli over the Indians, and, on the other, the insistent demand of the Indians that French traders be allowed to go to them. More- over, the complaint that Ripperda's administration was marked by French influence seems to have some foundation. Hence, if all these charges made against him were true, the chief causes for surprise would be that he so persistently denied them, and that Ybarbo, while on the Trinity, seems to have made some show of cutting off illicit trade. 3. The removal to Bucareli. — Preparations for removal of the exiles to the Trinity were made in August, 1774. Before leaving Bexar the emigrants chose^^ for their prospective set- tlement the name of Nuestra Seiiora del Pilar de Bucareli, thus perpetuating the memory of their former home,^*' and at the same time invoking the patronage of the viceroy, Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua. The governor, in view of the distance of Paso Tomas from any settlement and of the fact that the new pueblo was to have no regular garrison, organized from their number a company of fifty militia, and named officers "for greater stimulation among them." Gil Ybarbo was made cap- tain of the company and justicia mayor^" of the prospective pueblo since he was, as Ripperda said, "the best fitted and the most acceptable to his compatriots." Gil Flores was appointed lieutenant and Juan de la Mora alferez. These appointments were made, of course, subject to the viceroy's approval.^'- Of 18 Eipperdd to the viceroy, September 1, 1774, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 35. Ybarbo said that he was made captain on August 7 (Letter to the viceroy, March 22, 1791, B^xar Archives). 19 Pilar de los Adaes. 20 Bancroft is apparently wrong in calling Ybarbo alcalde of Bucareli (see his North Mexican States and Texas, I, 656). 21 There is some evidence that the appointment of Ybarbo was ap- proved on January 1, 1775, although this is not certain. An of&cial state- ment dated at Bexar, January 17, 1784, says that Ybarbo began exercis- ing the office of lieutenant-governor of the pueblo of Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Bucareli on the date named. Since, however, this is not the title which he was given by Eipperdd, and by which he was known, namely, captain of militia and justicia mayor of the pueblo, it seems probable that the statement referred to is unreliable. A Victory for the Frontiersmen 413 guns and ammunition most of these "militia men" had none, but the governor interceded with the viceroy to have this lack supplied, asking at the same time that a parish priest be pro- vided for ten years at government expense.^^ Because of the poverty of the exiles from Adaes, only a part of the families, including at the most not more than seventy full- grown men,^3 could get together an outfit for the exodus, and even these had to be aided by the missions with a supply of corn. Nearly all the rest, however, declared their intention to follow as soon as they could manage to get horses and a site should be selected. Before September 1 the start for Paso Tomas was made,^* the party being conducted by Lieutenant Simon de Aroeha and four soldiers, who were charged with the duty of founding the new pueblo.^^ Thus the little band of ignorant, poverty-stricken colonists had been able, through the aid of the governor, the vacillation of the viceroy, the delays of Oconor, and the personal force of Ybarbo, their leader, to circumvent the royal policy. They were now starting upon the first stage of a journey that was, when finished, to signalize a complete victory over the home govern- ment, and to take them back to the neighborhood of the place which they had been so reluctant to leave a year before. 22 Eipperdd to the viceroy, September 1, 1774, and November 15, 1774, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 34-36. 23 On September 1 EipperdS, wrote that only a few families had been able to go, yet there were enough, it seems, to form a company of fifty militia. On November 15 he wrote that Pilar de Bucareli had seventy men capable of bearing arms. There is some indication that others besides the first emigrants had gone by that time, hence I conclude that the first party included less than seventy adult men ( Quaderno que Cor- responde, 34-36). Ybarbo stated that a "large portion" of the Adaes people remained at Bexar (Expediente Sohre . . . Parroeo, 2). 24 This was the date upon which the governor reported to the de- parture. Eipperd^ said, several years after, that the settlement was begun in August (Letter to Croix, April 27, 1777, in Documentos para la Sistoria ... de Texas, XXVIII, 223). 25 Expediente sohre el abandono, 16. 414 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli 4. The growth of the settlement. — As soon as the emigrants reached Paso Tomas, Ybarbo took the lead in forming the material beginnings of a settlement. Of his energy and efficiency as head of the community, Ripperda always gave good report, which was sustained by his successor, Domingo Cabello, and by the religious who were put in charge of the spiritual affairs at Bucareli. Ripperda declared that Ybarbo set the citizens a worthy example of thrift, aided them with his own tools, oxen, and mules, gave them good advice, and kept them in due sun- jection. Soon after arriving at the Trinity, Ybarbo brought from Adaes the nails and other iron work of the houses that had been left there, powder, shot, six cracked cannons, and some gun- carriage iron, to be utilized in the buildings and for the defense of the new pueblo. There were also brought to Bucareli two cannons from the deserted presidio at Orcoquisac and two that had been left at the Taovayas village by Colonel Parrilla in his flight before the Indians in 1759.^" In the buildings erected at Bucareli apparently neither stone nor adobe was used. The town was laid out with a plaza, with the houses surrounding it, as required by law. The cannons Ybarbo had mended and mounted, and round the place he built a wooden stockade.^' The first church structure was a "decent 2« See a statement in the B6xar Archives concerning the whereabouts in 1792 of the soldiers and the cannon that had been at Los Adaes. One of the terms of the treaty made in 1771 between the Taovayas and the Spaniards was that the latter should be allowed to remove the cannons (Expediente sobre proposiciones, 4). In 1772, when De M«zi6res was at the Ovedsita village on the upper Brazos, he organized a party to send for them, but later gave up the plan (ibid., 34). The cannons were brought to Bucareli by De MSzieres about May 1, 1778. In April of that year he made a visit to the Taovayas village, while there he expressed his intention to remove them, and on his return he went direct to Bucareli (De M^zieres to Croix, May 2, 1778, in Dooumentos para la His- toria . . . de Texas, XXVIII, 280, 283-284). On September 23, 1778, Croix wrote to the home government that De Mfizieres had recovered the cannon. (Bolton, Ve Mezieres, II, 228). 2' Eipperdfi, to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 69-70; Botello to Cabello, December 23, 1778, in Expediente sobre el abandono, 2-3. La Mathe Aids the Settlement 415 chapel," built by the settlers shortly after their arrival, al- though at that time they had no minister. This chapel was soon replaced by a more pretentious church supplied by Nicholas de la Mathe, the French trader with whom Ybarbo had so long sus- tained relations, and who was not tardy in visiting the new set- tlement and establishing himself in its good will. The motive assigned to La Mathe by the governor for this benevolence was extreme piety and special fondness for the patron saint of the pueblo, the Lady, of Pilar. Be the truth as it may, early in 1776 he sent to Bueareli two carpenters, who built a wooden church twenty-five varas (yards) long, the timber used being brought from the forest by the inhabitants. When the removal had been made from Adaes, the ornaments of the mission had been placed in charge of the governor. Some of them were taken to Bueareli early in 1775, and Ybarbo later on asked for the rest, but part of them, at least, remained in the governor's hands until after Bueareli had passed out of existence.^^ Something more than a year after its beginning, Ripperda was able to report that Bueareli contained, besides numerous jacales, or huts, twenty houses of hewn wood, grouped round the plaza, a wooden church, and a guard-house and stocks, the last two items having been provided at the personal expense of Ybarbo. And in June, 1777, Ybarbo reported that there were at the place more than fifty houses of hewn wood, corrals, fields, roads cut open, and an improved river crossing.^" The little settlement grew slowly in numbers by the addition of various odds and ends of humanity. Ybarbo brought some, but I suspect not all, of the people who had been left at El 28 Ybarbo to Eipperda, November 23, 1775, and to the viceroy, Janu- ary 15, 1776, in Expediente sobre . . . Parroco, 3-4; Croix to Cabello,. January 5, 1780, in the Bexar Archives. 29 Ripperda to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 69-70; Ybarbo to Eipperda, June 30, 1777, in Bepresentacion del Justicia, 2. 416 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli Lobanillo and Nacogdoches; some of the families from Adaes who had remained at Bexar followed, as they had intended; an occasional slave, escaped from Louisiana, drifted into the place ; though Ripperda professed to allow no settlers other than Adaesans to go to Bucareli, he made exceptions in case of "use- less vagabonds" who might be at Bexar; and finally, French traders made their way to Bucareli from Louisiana. During the winter of 1776-1777 the pueblo was visited by an epidemic that made an inroad into its population by causing the death of seventeen persons. Among these, apparently, was Lieutenant Gril Plores. At the same time the nearby Bidai Indian tribe was reduced by nearly one-half of its entire number.^" What the nature of the malady was I do not know, but it was attrib- uted to the excessive amount of water in the river valley. Before this epidemic there had been in Bucareli, according to report, ninety-nine vecinos, or, as I understood the term, adult male residents. ^^ A census taken some time in 1777 showed the popu- lation of the place to consist of three hundred and forty-seven persons, comprising one hundred and twenty-five men, eighty- seven women, one hundred and twenty-eight children, and five slaves."^ Round about lived the Bidai and other Indian bands. Small though it was, this was a growth that compared very favorably with that of the Spanish settlements that had grown up in Texas less irregularly and more under the paternal care of the government. 5. Economic conditions. — Bucareli was granted the usual favor accorded to new pueblos of exemption for ten years from 3D De MeziSres to Croix, March 18, 1778, in Expediente sobre el dban- dono, 2; Eipperdd to Croix, October 30, 1777, in Expedients sobre . . . Parroco, 12. 31 Eipperda to Croix, January 11, 1778, in Los Vecinos, etc., 7. 32 EipperdS, to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 67-70; Ybarbo to the viceroy, November 25, 1775, in Expediente sobre . . . Parroco, 2; Cabello to Croix, May 31, 1779, Expediente sobre el abandono, 16. Economic Conditions 417 all forms of royal taxation.'^ As we have seen, one of the special advantages at first claimed for the place was its agricultural possibilities. True to the traditions of Spanish farming, Rip- perda had instructed Arocha to choose for the pueblo a site affording facilities for irrigation. The location selected failing in these facilities, which were little needed, as the event proved,^* the settlers sowed their first grain east of the Trinity, where there were some permanent lagoons. This crop was spoiled by a flood. The second summer they succeeded in raising a crop of corn west of the river, in a place pointed out by the Bidai Indians. Thereafter a number of families settled on ranches, or farms, some distance in this direction from the pueblo. Here they raised at least one good crop of wheat before the set- tlement was abandoned. Hoping to enable the place to supply its own blankets and coarse cloth, Ybarbo took from Bexar cotton seed, sheep, and a Negro weaver, who was expected to teach his craft to the settlers. With a Bexar merchant, one Don Juan Ysurrieta, Ybarbo made a contract to have Bucareli furnished with merchandise in ex- change for the prospective agricultural products of the place. Ripperda professed to hope that Bucareli would in time prove especially productive of horses, cattle, sheep and goats, tallow, soap, com, wheat, and rice, and that it would not only furnish the presidios of Bexar and Bahia with horses, but also put an end to frontier smuggling by furnishing the Indians with a substitute for French goods. De Mezieres, who visited Bucareli in March, 1778, reported that the place was well capable of be- coming the basis of a rich trade with New Orleans, by way of the Trinity River and Opelousas, if such a boon should be al- lowed by the government.^' 33 Bepresentacioii del Jus'tica, 6. 3* Ybarbo told De Mezieres that good irrigation could be had at a distance of twelve leagues (De M^zi^res to Croix, in Expediente sobre el abandono . . . y establacer Comercio, 2). 36 Eipperdd to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 69-71 ; Botello to Cabello, December 23, 1778, in Expediente sobre 418 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli Such dreams as these could have come true only on condition that the settlement had enjoyed a longer existence, that its popu- lation had been more intelligent and enterprising, and that the government had changed its blind policy of discouraging the trade best calculated to induce the colonists to effort. As it was, the settlers were poor and shiftless, and during their short stay there they eked out an existence not far above that of their Indian neighbors, supplementing the scanty products of their fields and herds by hunting the buffalo and wild cattle that abounded between the Trinity and the Brazos.'" From the testi- mony in the documents we are led to think that they spent a large part of their time in this primitive pursuit. As the French who traded among the Indians in the vicinity were interested in fur dealing as well as in procuring horses, it is reasonable to suppose that the Spanish colonists who engaged in hunting took advantage, of the market for their peltries, exchanging them for the goods in which the French dealt. Of course, all trade between them and the French was contraband, for the Spanish govern- ment strictly forbade trade with Louisiana in any form. 6. Spiritual affairs. — ^Notwithstanding due efforts on the part of Ybarbo and the governor to secure a priest for Bucareli, there seemed to be some danger of the realization of the prophecy made by the friars of the mission at Bahia that the place would become a resort famed for "liberty of conscience" and "an asylum for apostates. "'' The little flock went to their new pasture unaccompanied by a shepherd, and for more than two el dbandono, 2; De MIzifires to Croix, March 18, 1778, in Expediente sobre el abandono . . . y establacer Comercio, 2. 38 Expediente sobre el dbandono, 2, 8 ; Eepresentacion del Justica, 7, 9 ; Quaderno que Corresponde, 67-70. 3' Cazorla wrote to the viceroy that the friars at the BahIa mission anticipated "the loss of many souls" at Bucareli. "Many wish to go to that settlement," he said, "because it is notorious that in it the Indians keep peace for the sake of the barter or trade which is carried on with them, as well as because they live there, as it is understood, with liberty of conscience" (Letter of May 15, 1775, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 38). A Pastor Requested 419 years remained without one. During that time they enjoyed no other spiritual aid than that afforded by two short visits made by some priests from Bexar. It has been seen that when the Adaes exiles first requested permission to return to Los Ais, they asked also that a minister might be provided for them ten years at government expense.'' As soon as they left Bexar Ripperda repeated the request, and asked of the bishop of Guadalajara, to whose jurisdiction Bexar now belonged, that the settlers be allowed to build a church. The latter petition was promptly granted.''"' In February, 1775, temporary spiritual aid was furnished by the chaplain of the presidio at Bexar, who went to Bueareli, placed in the chapel which the settlers had built the image of the patron saint, the Lady of Pilar, and performed religious offices. A year later two missionaries from San Antonio spent a few days at Bueareli.*" Who they were I have not learned, but there is some indication that one of them was Pr. Josef Francisco Mariano de la Garza, a Franciscian friar from Mission San Antonio de Valero, who eventually became regularly installed at Bueareli.*^ 38 See above, p. 395. 39 Ripperdd to the viceroy, September 1, 1774, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 34; the bishop of Guadalaxara to Eipperdd, December 19, 1775, in the B^xar Archives. Some five years later a bishopric of Nuevo Leon, including Texas, was erected. *o Ybarbo to the viceroy, November 25, 1775, and Arrellano to Croix, April 27, 1777, both in Ex-pediente sobre . . . Parroco, 2, 8. The bishop of Guadalaxara to Ripperda, December 13, 1775, in the Bexar Archives; Eipperdd to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 69. *i Ybarbo to the viceroy, November 25, 1775; Ripperda to the viceroy, January 15, 1776; Oconor to the viceroy, June 15, 1776; opinion of the fiscal, August 8, 1776 — all in Expediente sobre . . . Parroco, 3-5; the viceroy to Eipperdd, August 21, 1776, in the B6xar Archives. The viceroy carelessly took Oconor 's statement that there were five missions near the presidio of San Antonio to mean that they were near Bueareli. Ar- rellano caught him up on this point, as the text below shows. Arrellano said that he promptly sent to Bueareli a friar, whose name he did not mention, and asked him to have him relieved. Croix (June 24, 1777), recommended relieving him, without mentioning his name; and Ripperda (August 30, 1777) mentioned Father Garza as the priest at Bueareli whom he had seen fit to relieve. As no other religious is mentioned in this connection, and as Father Garza's presence at Bueareli from this 420 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli Before this time Ybarbo had again addressed the viceroy on the subject of a regular pastor supported by the government, and again Ripperda had seconded the request. In response, the vice- roy, on the advice of Oconor, wrote Ripperda, in August, 1776, that, since there were already ten religious on royal pay at the five missions near by, as a temporary measure the governor should require the president of the mission to send one of them to Bucareli until the disposal of that place should be decided. Ripperda served the order on September 27, and the president, Pr. Pedro Ramirez de Arrellano promptly complied by send- ing Father Garza, mentioned above. It now became a question whether Father Garza should re- main at Bucareli or be relieved by one of the presidial chaplains of Bahia and Bexar. Though the president had obeyed, he re- sented the loss of his missionary, and ere long he appealed to Caballero de Croix, who was now comandante general of the Interior Provinces. To him he wrote that the viceroy's order was obviously based on an error, namely, the supposition that Bucareli was near the missions, when in fact it was one hundred and forty leagues away; that since one missionary must always be present at each mission to minister to the neophytes, if one were sent to Bucareli there would be no one to go into the forests to bring back absconded apostates or to seek new con- verts; and that, since the stipend of the friars was often the time on can be established, I conclude that he was the one sent in con- sequence of Ripperda 's order of September 27, 1776 (see Expediente sobre . . . Parroco, 12; Bepresentacion del Justicia, 4; and Expediente sohre el dbandono, 14, 38). Father Garza stated in his deposition made at Zacatecas in November, 1787 (see note 9, p. 389) that he had known and dealt with Gil Ybarbo ' ' almost without intermission, except for a few days, from February, 1776, to September, 1783. This would indicate that he was, perhaps, one of the two missionaries sent to Bucareli in the spring of 1776. But it seems that these missionaries returned in a short time, and that during the summer of 1776 the place was without a spiritual adviser. Hence his statement is puzzling. It appears that Ybarbo was in Bexar in February, 1776. This might account for the beginning of their acquaintance at this time, without supposing Garza to have been in Bucareli. In either case, I can not explain Father Garza's almost continuous dealings with Ybarbo after February, 1776. Father Garza at Bucareli -121 sole support of these Indians, the latter might suffer if one of the missionaries, with his stipend, were removed. He concluded by suggesting that, since the bishop of Guadalajara had enter- tained such a plan, one of the presidial chaplains should be sent occasionally to Bucareli, as had been done in the spring of 1775, and the missionary fathers required to take his place while absent.*^ Croix now yielded, conditionally, and ordered the governor to relieve Father Garza by sending one of the presidial chaplains, unless he had good reasons for not doing so. But Ripperda, instead of relieving Father Garza, wrote to Croix that the ob- jections to doing so were strong ; that the presidios would suffer more than the missions by the absence of their ministers; and finally, that he was hoping to establish a mission at Bucareli, in which case the services of a trained missionary would be indis- pensable. In this tilt with the president of the missions, the governor apparently won, for Father Garza remained the min- ister in charge at Bucareli to the end of its history.*^ If we may judge of Father Garza's personality from his sub- sequent preferment, we would conclude that Bucareli was for- tunate in securing for its pastor a man of more than ordinary ability. After leaving Nacogdoches, in 1783, whither he went from Bucareli, he became president of the Zacatecan missions of the province of Texas, and later was reader in sacred theology, then member of the council (discretorio) of the Franciscan col- lege at Zacatecas.** About 1790 he became one of the founders of the mission of Refugio. *2 Arrellano to Croix, April 27, 1777, in Expediente sohre . . . Parroco, 6-9. 43 Croix to Eipperd4, June 24, 1777; Croix to Arrellano, June 25, 1777, and Eipperda to Croix, August 30, 1777 (all in Expediente sohre . . . Parroco, 9-11). 44 Testimony of Father Garza, November 14, 1787; Schmidt, Rev. Edmond, J. P., A Catalogue of Franciscan Missionaries in Texas, 1528- 1859 (Austin, 1901), 10-11. 422 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli A short time before Bucareli was abandoned another mis- sionary, Fr. Juan Garcia Botello, was there. When or under what circumstances he went I have not been able to determine.*^ Having secured a minister at government expense, the pueblo of Bucareli next applied for exemption from church tithes. In the summer of 1777 it was announced in the church that tithes would be collected, and two years' dues were gathered; but Ybarbo made this the occasion of an appeal to Ripperda, in the name of the citizens, asking relief from this burden, on the ground of the poverty and misfortunes of the community and of the public services which it had rendered. The petition was passed by the governor, with his approval, to Croix, who re- ferred it to Pedro Galindo Navarro, the asesor of the com- mandancy general. Navarro recommended granting the request on two grounds, first, because Bucareli was exempt from all civil dues, and, second, because the tithes could not legally be collected, since tithes were intended for the support of ministers of the altar, and since no religious of this class was serving there. Acting on this advice, Croix requested the church authorities at Guadalajara to exempt Bucareli for ten years, and the petition was soon granted.*" It has been seen that Ripperda informed Croix in August, 1777, that he had hoped to establish a mission at Bucareli.*'^ This was not the first indication that he entertained such a plan. It was clearly his desire from the first to gather around Bucareli as many Indian tribes as possible. His mission project, how- ever, seems to have looked primarily to collecting there the apos- *5 In his letter of August 30, 1777, Eipperda seems to say that Arrellano had been forced to send a second padre to Bucareli, although his meaning is not clear. This may have referred to Botello 's going (Expediente Sobre . . . Parroco. See also Quaderno que Corresponde, 72). *8 Croix presented the request to the bishop, the dean, and the cabildo of the church of Guadalajara, by way of command and entreaty (ruego y encargo). For the facts involved in this paragraph, see Bepresentaeion del Justicia, passim. 4' See above, p. 421. 8= M 2 o Hq o ?= p* 3- 2 » o a Q o C, B g CI' o g, O a: ^ 2 H ^ -^ &= -q [-*• P' a f= >i & ^ s> M 0) .H^ Hs O g g tr' w w ►> a, "■ r Ha p !5 !2| p s p- (Tt- 00 CD J^ 5= -Z ra" *-' B tSl S- 01 ci- M "< 9 wg^ a 3 g s- ■ o I-" e. N ■^go. J=l9 S B J ^ M * p / ►§ P O f 1 C J 1^ .n^ 1 S 5; >< M* (—J g- fed ^ m !— ' S- 9= jf/ & '^ /?^ft. 5= O KjS P- S P- B Cr Failure of Plans for a Mission 423 tate Indians who had in times past deserted the various missions of the province, a prospect which he knew could not lack at- tractiveness to persons who had had experience with mission Indians. In January, 1776, he informed the viceroy that one purpose of sending the two missionaries just then about to depart for Bucareli was to minister to the neighboring heathen and to found a mission to attract apostates, and his subsequent requests for a minister for Bucareli were based in part upon the same ground. Often Ripperda wrote hopefully about prospects for the ful- fillment of his desires in this particular. Now he reported that many of the Indians living near Bucareli were being baptized and that the Karankawa were beginning to come to the pueblo to live ; and that there were good indications that many apostates from the old missions of San Xavier would gather there; and, again, that Texas, Quitseis, and Tonkawa were in the habit of coming fpr presents; that the Mayeses had failed to settle near the place only through groundlessly having taken offence at the Spaniards; that he hoped, by gentle means, to retain the friend- ship of the Tawakoni with whom lived the desired apostate Xaraname; and that the Orcoquiza, who years before had de- serted their mission, were likely to come to settle near Bucareli, since they were imploring Ybarbo for a mission and were send- ing presents to Father Garza. In spite of these hopeful expres- sions, however, which, doubtless were as strong as the facts would justify, nothing came of the plan for a mission at Bucareli ex- cept the baptism of numerous Bidai and a few other Indians, and the restoration of some of the Xaraname to Bahia, unless, perhaps, it is this plan for a mission that explains the presence of Fray Botello at Bucareli in the fall of 1778.*« *8 Ripperda to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Qimderno que Cor responde, 69, 71; to Croix, August 30, 1777, in Expediente sobre . . . Parrooo, 11-12; and to Croix, October 28, 1777, in Bepresentacion del JusUcia. 4. 424 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli 7. Ybarbo among the Indians and his search for the Eng- lish. — Ybarbo 's activities were by no means confined to estab- lishing the pueblo of Bucareli and administering its internal affairs. He was equally active, as Ripperda had predicted that he would be, in promoting good relations with the Indians and in watching the coast. Indeed, it was at Bucareli that Ybarbo received his best training for a more conspicuous career later on. His life at Adaes and El Lobanillo had given him some knowl- edge of Indian character, and now, by his four years in a posi- tion of responsibility, and at the same time of semi-independence, at Bucareli, he so extended his acquaintance with the natives and his knowledge of Indian affairs that he became very in- fluential among the tribes of eastern Texas. During those four years, he made, according to his own state- ment, in addition to hostile campaigns against the Comanche, no less than three friendly tours among the northern Indians and as many to the coast for the double purpose of conducting Indian relations and of looking for Englishmen.*" The governor ordered Lieutenant Arocha, when he founded Bucareli, to go with Ybarbo to invite the Bidai, Texas, Quitseis, Yscanis, and, if possible, the more distant tribes, to come and live near the new establishment. Before Arocha returned to Bexar he and Ybarbo were unable, through lack of horses, to visit more than the Texas and the Bidai. ^^ But later, through friendly visits, presents, and other inducements, Ybarbo gradually attracted various bands to the vicinity of Bucareli to live or to trade and receive presents. In March, 1778, he went with De Mezieres and helped to make a treaty with the Tonkawa, one of the condi- tions of which was that this tribe should regularly be visited by a trader.^^ On the same expedition he. Father Garza, and De *» Ybarbo to Ripperdd, June 30, 1777, in Bepresentaoion del Justicia, 2. 60 Ripperd4 to the viceroy, November 15, 1774, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 36. 61 Ybarbo to Cabello, December 7, 1778, in Expedients sobre el aban- dono, 5. Ybarbo's Expedition to Sabine Lake 425 Mezieres persuaded part of the Xaraname living among the Tawakoni to return to their mission at Bahla.'^ The most noteworthy of these expeditions of Ybarbo was that made in 1777 to the mouth of the Sabine River. In the summer of that year a trader stationed among the Oreoquiza Indians reported to Ybarbo that in the mouth of the Neches River there was a stranded English vessel laden with bricks ; that the bricks had been given to the Opelousa and the Attacapa Indians near by; and that there was another vessel in the mouth of the Trinity. Ybarbo at once enlisted thirty men and , started for the coast, going first to the Oreoquiza town. The Indians here told him that the Englishmen had entered the Neches with small vessels to trade with the natives; that in the summer of 1774 they had remained long enough to sow a crop ; and that the vessel now lying in the Neches had arrived in the previous May (1777), had missed the channel, and stranded, the occupants withdraw- ing, but promising to return. Ybarbo scolded the Indians for not reporting the matter promptly, and then, with ten men and two paid Indian guides, he reconnoitered the coast. He passed eastward along the shore and came upon the vessel, apparently in Sabine Lake. It' still contained some bricks but nothing else. Such other things as had been on board were seen in the pos- session of the nearby Attacapa. These Indians told Ybarbo that the English had left three men to guard the vessel until the main party should return, but nothing was seen of them by the Spaniards. Ybarbo now returned to reconnoiter the mouth of the Trinity, but he did not find the vessel reported to have been there. Near the shore some distance farther west, however, he found an Englishman, lost and nearly naked. Ybarbo understood him to say that his name was Bautista Miler, that he had come from Jamaica bound for the Mississippi with a captain named Jose 52 De Mezigres to Croix, April 5, 7, and 8, 1778, in Documentos para la Bistoria . . . Texas, XXVIII, 273-278. 426 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli David, who in order to rob him of some coffee, whiskey, and five Negroes, had cast him adrift in a canoe, and that he had been lost for seven months. This story told by Miler gives no further hint as to who the English were that the Spaniards had been hearing of and dreading in the direction of the coast. Before returning to Bucareli, Ybarbo made a map of the coast from Sabine Pass to a point some distance west of the Trinity River. The sketch has historical value, particularly as it helps us to locate with some accuracy the Spanish presidio of San Agustin, or Orcoquisae.'^ After an absence of twenty- two days, Ybarbo returned with Miler in custody, and reported his exploit to Croix. Wishing to ascertain the truth regarding the other English vessel, Ripperda dispatched a second expedition, composed of fifty men, including Ybarbo and thirty of his militia, to recon- noiter the coast from where Ybarbo had left off to the Colorado. The party set out from Bucareli July 11, 1777, but what it ac- complished does not appear.^* 8. Contraiand trade, and the question of suppressing Bucareli. — To what extent the establishment of Bucareli actually increased or decreased smuggling in its vicinity it is hard to determine. It had previously existed among the Indians there- abouts, and it continued to flourish, but the exact part taken in it by Ybarbo and his colonists is a difficult matter to decide, for the evidence is fconflicting. If we were to accept, unques- tioned, the reports of Ybarbo and Ripperda, we would conclude that the latter made special efforts to prevent it. Ybarbo found French traders from Adaes and Natchitoches 63 It is in volume 51, Secci6n de Historia, Archivo General y Publico, Mexico. 54 The story given here is based on Eipperd&'s letter to Croix, dated August 30, 1777, accompanying which is the map referred to. I have not seen Ybarbo 's original report to the governor. Navarro 's report to Croix, dated June 8, 1779, has aided me in reading Eipperd&'s letter (see kxpediente sdbre . . . Farroco, 13-19). Smuggling at Bucareli 427 among the Bidai Indians when he first went to establish Bucareli. Some of them, whose Spanish wives went to live at Bucareli, ap- plied for residence there, which, according to Ripperda, was granted only upon condition of their giving up Indian trade.^^ Bucareli had scarcely been founded when La Mathe, apparently prince of the Indian traders at this time, arrived at the place, with a passport from the government authorizing him to ' ' collect some debts," a subterfuge, perhaps, to enable him to continue his traffic.'* As we have seen, he put himself into the good' graces of the community by building a church for it, but one is inclined to be skeptical when told that he did this through ex- treme piety alone, particularly when informed by one of Ybarbo 's admirers that La Mathe and Ybarbo kept up former relations during the whole existence of Bucareli, buying and selling of each other just as before.^' A few instances of actual smuggling at Bucareli came to light, and, we may assume that, in the nature of the case, for each one that was reported numerous others escaped notice. The reports of these cases suggest much more than they actually say in regard to what was going on. In the spring of 1775 some men from Bahia, who had been across the Guadalupe River, met a party of Bexar men coming from Bucareli with French tobacco in their possession, some of which the men from Bahia obtained. The Bexar men reported that the article was plentiful at Bucareli, whither it was being brought by Frenchmen, who also traded with the Indians. The matter reaching the ears of Captain Cazorla, he, by strategem, verified the report, identified one of the culprits at Bexar, and notified Ripperda. The gov- ernor replied that he had ascertained that the amount of tobacco smuggled had been small. Cazorla afterward intimated, how- 55 RipperdS, to the viceroy, January 25, 1776, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 67. 56 See above, p. 388. 5' See Garza 's disposition of November 14, 1787, in the B^xar Archives. 428 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli ever, that the governor may not have taken due pains to find out. Cazoria reported the affair to the viceroy, with the com- ment that "it appears that the sole motive of the subjects who go to Bucareli to live is to smuggle and to be free from the yoke of justice." He added that, since so many were desirous of going to that place where license reigned, and where the Indians were more friendly than elsewhere, there was danger of depopu- lating and weakening the defenses of the other settlements. °' Not long after this, Tbarbo seized contraband goods from one Marcos Vidal, of Bexar, who was on the way from Natchi- toches. Vidal was sent in custody to Bexar, was convicted of smuggling, and imprisoned, but escaped. These two cases show that the Spaniards as well as the French and Indians engaged in the forbidden trade.°° On another occasion Ybarbo confiscated a large quantity of merchandise from Agustin de Grevenverge,"" captain of militia at Attacapa, in Louisiana, while on his way to Bexar to trade for horses and mules, ignorant, he claimed, of the law forbidding trade between the provinces. How this could be when these prohibitions were so oft repeated is a matter to cause wonder, but when the trifling affair finally reached clear to the royal throne this excuse was accepted by His Majesty."^ Cazoria 's report to the viceroy established at once in Mexico a bad reputation for Bucareli, and set on foot an attempt to remove it from the frontier. On the advice of Areche,"^ Rip- 's Cazoria to the viceroy. May 14, 1775, in Qiiademo que Cor- responde, 37. 59 Ripperdd to the viceroy, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 68. A report of the case is in Bfixar Archives. 80 Variously spelled in the documents. ni In Expediente sobre comercio reciproco entre las Provincias de la Luisiana y Texas, 4-6 (Vol. 43, Secci6n de Historia, Archive General y Publico, Mexico), is a copy of the memorandum of the goods confiscated by Ybarbo. 02 Areche to the viceroy, July 13, 1775, in Quaderno que Corresponde, 3S-39. Areche said in his note, "It appears that this settlement pre- Oconor gives Bucareli a Bad Name 429 perda was instructed, in July, 1775, to report upon the reputed disorders at Bucareli, and, if necessary, without further notice to remove its inhabitants nearer to the center of the province.®^ Cazorla was complimented for his vigilance and enjoined to con- tinue it, while Oconor, to whom was sent a copy of Cazorla 's letter, was requested to hurry up and decide the final disposition to be made of the exiles from Adaes. He was even to send them to Los Ais if he saw fit, the royal order to the contrary notwith- standing."'' Oconor did not reply until December 31, but on that date he expressed to the viceroy the strongest condemnation of the settlement at Bucareli. He repeated the objections that he had made to allowing Adaes exiles to go to Los Ais ; indulged in more or less ' ' I told you so ; " gave Ybarbo a bad name ; and declared his disappointment that the governor should establish the settlers in the very place best calculated to cause trouble. To permit them to remain, he said, was certain to entail evil con- sequences. He recommended, therefore, that the matter be taken out of Ripperda's hands and put into Cazorla 's, giving him authority to distribute the Bucareli settlers at Bexar, Bahia, and Arroyo del Cibolo, as the royal order had required.*' On hear- ing from Oconor, the government again, in February, 1776, re- ferred the matter to him, and decided that no further step should be taken in Mexico until Ripperda should be heard from. His report, when it came,"' containing only contradictory testi- mony, the government concluded to try to get at the truth of senta some dangers that, lest they increase, ought to be remedied, and at the opportune moment cut off at the roots. ' ' 63 The viceroy to Eipperdd, July 26, 1775, in the B^xar Archives. 6* Areehe to the viceroy, July 13, 1775, and Cazorla to the viceroy, February 27, 1776, both in Quaderno que Corresponde, 39, 65; Oconor to the viceroy, December 31, 1775, Ibid., 40-45. The date of the order to Oconor was July 26, 1775. «5 Oconor to the viceroy, December 31, 1775, in Quaderno que Cor- responde, 40-45. 66 It was dated January 25, 1776. 430 The Settlement at Pilar de Bucareli the situation by having the president of the Texas missions make a report based on the testimony of the religious at Bucareli. Oconor, not to be outdone in the matter of procrastination, de- cided in April to suspend action until he could go in person to Bexar, and there, in conference with the eabildo, to consider the whole matter. This, he said, was the only way to avoid the endless importunities which "some persons might make, with the sole purpose of succeeding in their caprice of not obeying the viceroy's and his [Oconor's] repeated orders. ""' Thus, so far as any immediate action on the part of Oconor or the viceroy was concerned, the Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Indians on the frontier were left to carry on illicit trade at will. But Eipperda consistently denied that it was openly allowed by the Texas authorities. Although he admitted that it existed, he claimed that Ybarbo was active in trying to prevent it, that the citizens of Bucareli were law-abiding, and that positive public advantage would be realized by fostering the settlement which was under such general suspicion."' He defended the place to the last. Shortly before he retired from the ofldce of governor he urged that it be reinforced by sending to it the Adaes families still re- maining in Bexar, instead of trying to form of them a new pueblo at Bexar, Arroyo del Cibolo, or on the Guadalupe or the San Marcos River, as was then being talked of."" Had Oconor remained in- power, it is not at all improbable that, with his wonted vigor, as soon as his hands had become really free he would have carried out the royal order to the letter and suppressed the place. But Bucareli now proiited by another year's delay due to Oconor's preoccupation, and then by a 07 Areche to the viceroy, February 21, 1776, and May 2, 1776; Oconor to the viceroy, April 5, 1776 — all in Quademo que Corresponde, 54, 72, 66. 68 Ripperd4 to the viceroy, January 25, 1775, in Quademo que Cor- responde, 67-71. 80 Eipperda to Croix, January 11, 1778, in Los Vecinos, etc., 7, Croix was at this time in Bfixar. The Interior Provinces Reorganized 431 change in the government. Early in 1777 the affairs of the Interior Provinces were put into the hands of a comandante general, independent of the viceroy. The person appointed to this oiflee was the Caballero de Croix. The mere change of administration gave the pueblo of Bucareli an additional term of grace, and, of more importance, it transferred the supervision of the interests of Texas from Oconor, the main opponent of Bucareli, to Croix, who was not only opposed to the royal policy of withdrawing from eastern Texas,'" but who also enjoyed a high degree of independence in his office. It was more than a year after Croix took charge of affairs before he reopened the question of Bucareli 's continuance or suppression. Then, in July, 1778, he ordered that Domingo Cabello, the new governor of Texas, should be requested, as soon as he should take charge of his office, to report upon the ad- vantages and disadvantages of Bucareli.'^ But before Cabello replied the fate of Bucareli had been decided independently of governmental authority. The frontier community, as is char- acteristic of frontier communities, had settled the matter for itself. '0 On May 18, 1779, he wrote to De Mezi§res stating that Texas was, of all the Spanish provinces, one of those most worthy of attention, be- cause of its size, fertility, good climate, and location (De Meziferes to Croix, October 7, 1779, reviewing the letter to Croix referred to, in Ex- pediente sohre el abandono . . . y establecer Comercio, 7-8). In 1778 he tried hard to secure permission to open up trade between the provinces of Texas and Louisiana {Expedients sobre Comercio Meciproco). 71 Croix to Navarro, July 24, 1778, in Bepresentaoion del Justicia, 7. Croix to Cabello, July 30, 1778, cited in Cabello to Croix, May 31, 1779, in Expedients sobre el abandono, 13. CHAPTER V THE REMOVAL TO NACOGDOCHES 1. Comanche troubles at Bucareli, May and October, 1778. — One of the advantages that had been claimed for Bucareli was that it was protected by the powerful Tonkawa^ and Tawakoni from the dreaded Comanche. And this claim may have been well founded, for it was more than three years before the peace of the settlement was disturbed by the Comanche's unwelcome presence. But at last it became the object of their attention. One day in May, 1778, the inhabitants of Bucareli were frightened half out of their wits by the arrival in the neighbor- hood of about thirty warriors of this tribe, led by the son of the head chief, Evea. Ybarbo sallied out with his men, how- ever, pursued the Indians, overtook them at the Brazos, killed three, and put the rest to flight. The story of this occur- rence rests upon the testimony of Ybarbo, Garza, Botello, and De Mezieres, who agree upon the points thus far stated. But as to the objects of the Comanche's visit to the pueblo there is conflicting testimony. Ybarbo, Garza and Botello represented the occurrence as an attack, and Father Garza even claimed that the Indians stole some of the horses of the settlers. De Mezieres, however, who happened to be in the neighborhood at the time, and who doubtless got his information from the Comanche, told and professed to believe a different story. According to his version, the Indians were on the way to make a friendly visit to himself, had camped near the ranches at Bucareli, had turned 1 The Tonkawa tribe was at this time one of the most numerous of those in Texas. It was estimated in 1778 that it comprised 300 warriors (Informe del Governador de Texas, in Vol. 64, Provineias Internas, Ar- chive General y Publico, Mexico). Comanche Raids on Bucareli 433 their horses loose, and were resting — anything but hostile actions — when they were frightened off by the boisterous commotion raised by the terrified Spaniards in their haste to corral their stock and raise an attacking party. When he heard this story from Croix, Governor Cabello flatly rejected it, on the ground that in the first place it was absurd to assume, as did De Mezieres, that a Comanche Indian would approach a Spanish settlement with friendly intent, and secondly, that he had full confidence in the testimony of the three eye-witnesses of the event, particu- larly that of Botello, whom he had closely questioned on the matter, and that all of them had represented the Comanche visit as an attack.^ Whatever may have been the purpose of this first visit of the Comanche, the object of the second was not doubtful. In October of the same year, Bucareli was raided by a much larger party than the one which had approached before. Driving off two hundred and seventy-six horses, mainly the property of Nicholas de la Mathe, the Comanche crossed the Brazos. Here, at the point where on the former occasion they had been overtaken, they left an ambush to cover their retreat. The Spaniards ap- parently followed, but hearing of the ambush, they gave up the pursuit, and the Indians escaped with their rich booty.^ Near a Taovayas village they left the stock in charge of seven braves. Shortly afterward this guard was attacked by a party of Quitseis and Texas, both of which tribes were friendly toward the Spaniards. In the fight three Comanche were killed and the 2 See Botello to Cabello, December 23, 1778; Garza to Cabello, Janu- ary 8, 1779; Ybarbo to Cabello, January 12 and October 19, 1779; Cabello to Croix, August 31, 1779, all in Expediente sobre el abandono, 2, 5, 7, 8, 17, 38; De MeziSres to Croix, November 15, 1778, in Expediente sobre el abandono . . . y establecer Comercio, 4. Ybarbo (letter of January 12) reported the date of the Comanche visit as May 3 {tres). According to De Mezieres (letter cited above) it was after May 6. This leads me to suspect that tres in my copy of Ybarbo 's letter should be trese (13). 3 See references cited above, note 2, p. 433. The different accounts vary somewhat as to the number of horses stolen on this occasion. 434 The Removal to Nacogdoches horses were recovered. But the triumph was short, for the escaping Comanche returned with friends, overtook their enemies, killed three Texas warriors, and recaptured horses.* This raid on the Bucareli ranches was followed by rumors in the settlement that something worse was to be expected at the hands of the Comanche. Traces were found indicating that Indian spies had effected a night entrance into the stockade and learned the weakness of its defence. Rumors were brought in by French traders and friendly Indians, now to the effect that the Indians were planning the total destruction of the place by burning the town, killing the men, and carrying off the women and children ; now that traces of Comanche had been seen in the ^neighborhood of the Nabasat; and again that their attack was delayed only to secure the alliance, or at least the neutrality, of the Bidai and other Indians friendly to the Spaniards.^ Such rumors as these were usually very disturbing to Span- ish settlements stronger and less isolated than Bucareli, and we need not be surprised that they terrorized this weak village. Ybarbo could muster only a handful of men, and these poorly equipped. The cannon were useless to resist a surprise attack. The houses were of wood and easily combustible, and the stockade was in a bad state of repair. Ybarbo feared, moreover, the dis- affection of the Tonkawa, one of the tribes on which Bucareli relied for protection. In the March preceding he and De Mezieres had promised to send them a trader, for whom they had asked. But the promise had not been kept, and the Indians were complaining. To pacify them Ybarbo was compelled to make them presents at his own expense." * Ybarbo to Cabello, December 7, 1778, in Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 4. 5 Ybarbo to Cabello, December 7, 1778, and January 12, 1779; Botello to Cabello, January 8, 1779, all in Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 2-6. Ybarbo to Cabello, December 7, 1778, in Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 5. Appeals for Help 435 To strengthen the means of defense, Ybarbo appealed to the governor for arms and ammunition, but without practical avail. Once more he collected a handful of men and went out to recon- noiter, but, after one day's march, upon being overtaken by a messenger and informed that a large party of Comanche and Taovayas were between the San Xavier and the Brazos, on the way to attack the Spaniards and the Bidai, he turned back.'' Of this situation in Bucareli Father Garza, who was there at the time, now wrote : ' ' These miserable inhabitants are left in such deplorable state that they have no way even to hunt for food . . . for they cannot go out to hunt except in large num- bers and well armed, nor yet can they go out together and with their weapons, lest they should leave the settlement helpless. . . . Hence they can follow no other occupation than to be con- tinually on guard of the horses and the settlement, relieving each other morning and night. The time left free from this fatiguing work they spend, in witnessing the need and miseries of their families, without being able to furnish them daily food by the ordinary work of hunting, fishing, or other similar means, and, moreover, without hope of remedy in the future, since the best time for sowing wheat has passed without a grain being sown up to the present. ' " 2. The flight from Bucareli, January-February, 1779. — The settlers now began to appeal either for protection or for per- mission to remove to the neighborhood of the Texas villages to the eastward." It is a matter for comment that they did not request permission to go to Bexar, where the defences of the province were strongest and where the king had ordered that 7 This event happened some time before December 7, 1778, when Ybarbo reported it to Cabello (Expediente sdbre el abandono, 4-5. See also his letter of January 12, 1779, ihid., 9) . s Garza to Cabello, January 8, 1778, in Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 6. 9 Ybarbo to Cabello, January 12, and January 27, 1779, in Ex-ge- diente sobre el abandono. 8. 436 The Removal to Nacogdoches they should establish themselves, but that, instead, they asked to be allowed to return a step nearer to the place whence they had been removed in 1773. Whether the suggestion of a re- moval came from Tbarbo or from some one else I cannot say. The first mention of such a plan in the correspondence is found in a letter written in December,^" 1778, by Father Botello, who had recently returned from Bucareli. In response to an inquiry made by Governor Cabello about the condition of affairs at Bucareli, Father Botello said that, in his opinion, the place should be abandoned; that, besides being threatened with de- struction by the Comanche, it was incapable of irrigation, and had proved unhealthf ul because of heavy rains ; that these short- comings could be remedied and all of the advantages of Bucareli with respect to fertility and location^^ secured at a little additional cost by establishing the settlers ' ' on the Neches River among the pueblos of the Texas ; on the Angelina River among the pueblos of the same tribe; with even greater security in the place where the mission of Nacogdoches formerly was; with still much more on the Atoyaque River; and with advantages and security be- yond comparison at the site of the mission of Los Ais, on the road from Natchitoches, thirty-nine leagues from the post."^^ It is not at all unlikely that this preference of Father Botello 's for Los Ais was simply his reflection of the desires of the set- tlers at Bucareli learned by him during his residence there. About two weeks after the date of this letter, ^^ Ybarbo wrote the governor that the people had twice come to him in a body begging that they might either be supplied with a suitable mili- tary guard, or be allowed to go with their families to the neigh- 10 December 23. 11 The advantages of Bucareli 's location he conceived to be its posi- tion midway between Natchitoches and B^xar, and its importance as a place from which to watch the coast and to keep up friendly relations with the Indians. 12 Botello to Cabello, December 23, 1778, in Expedients sobre el abandono, 2-3. 13 On January 8, 1779. The Flight from Bucareli 437 borhood of the Texas villages. In the name of the settlers, Ybarbo forwarded the petition to the governor.^* Cabello re- plied that he could not send men and arms to aid the place, but that he could furnish ammunition if Ybarbo would come after it, though he dared not send it for fear it would fall into the hands of the Indians^^ But before help was received, Ybarbo, compelled, as he "laimed, by the straits and the supplications of his people, granted their request to be allowed to remove to the Texas country. On January 25 the larger part of the families, including Ybarbo 's own, began to leave. Two days later Father Garza set off on foot with the sick and the church treasures in his care, Ybarbo remaining behind with twenty men to protect the families and to guard the stock and goods left in the flight until the owners might return for them.^* Incident to the departure of these families, either by accident or design, half of the houses of the place were destroyed by fire.^^ Now an additional reason for deserting Bucareli presented itself in the form of a flood. On the night of February 14,' ac- cording to the story, the Trinity River overflowed its banks, rose to half the height of the houses of the pueblo, and drowned part of the remaining stock. The women and children and some of the stock were saved on improvised boats and rafts and removed to higher land some distance from the river. Here the people re- mained a few days, when they were again molested by Comanche, who, after what was reported to be an all-night siege, ran off thirty-eight head of horses which had been saved from the deluge, 14 Expediente sobre el dbandono, 9-10. 15 Cabello to Croix, February 11, 1779, in Expediente sobre el dban- dono, 11. i« Ybarbo to Cabello, January 27, 1779, in Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 10. 1' This fact was not reported by Ybarbo, but Cabello said that he learned it "extrajudicially" (Letter to Croix, February 11, 1779, in Expediente sobre el abanaono, 11). 438 The Removal to Nacogdoches and then killed, nearby, half a dozen Indians friendly to the Spaniards. After this raid, haste was made to remove the people in boats to the east bank of the river, but here they were again disturbed by the Indians. ^^ The settlers being now thoroughly frightened by the Indians and evicted by fire and flood, Ybarbo at once set out with them for the Texas country.^' 3. The beginnings of modern Nacogdoches. — On the way Ybarbo apparently picked up the people who had gone on be- fore and who were now living scattered among the Indians. The journey was continued toward the northeast "until," to use the words of Ybarbo in his report to Croix, "there were seen the site of the Texas Indians and, three leagues beyond, the old mission of Nacogdoches, where there was a small chapel, in which the reverend father may perform the holy sacraments and a house where he may live,^" as well as plenty of water, lands, and materials for houses." He does not mention the "Old Stone Port, "^^ which it has been supposed had been built before this 18 Ybarbo to Croix, May 13, 1779, in Expediente sobre el abandono, 22; Cabello to Croix, August 31, 1779, ibid., 37; Garza to Croix, April 30, 1779, ibid., 23. 19 When the settlers departed from Bueareli they left six cannon, four of whicn were sooner or later taken to Nacogdoches. Those remain- ing at Bueareli were ordered sent to Bexar, and in 1793 steps were taken to remove them thither, but that they ever reached there I can not say (see a document entitled Provincia de TSxas, Ano de 17 9S, and a letter from Eevilla Gigedo to Governor Munoz, April 10, 1793, both in Bexar Archives). 20 De M^ziferes, in his letter of August 23, 1779, testifies to the fact" that the mission buildings were still standing when the Spaniards re- turned. He says "It [the mission] is situated at the foot of a knoll, where its buildings still remain" {Expediente sobre el abandono . . . y estableer Comercio, 6). 21 It is quite possible, and even probable, that one of the mission buildings mentioned by Ybarbo and De M^zifires was identical with what has been known as the Old Stone Port. I can not assert with cer- tainty that Ybarbo did not build the Old Stone Fort for defense against the Indians soon after going to Nacogdoches, as has been supposed was the case. Indeed, in one communication he refers indefinitely to "forti- fying" the place, but this probably meant the building of a wooden stockade. A strong indication that no stone fortification had been built before September 4, 1788, is the testimony of Francisco Xavier Fragoso in his Derrotero (see p. 467). He notes that at Nacogdoches, where Bucareli BeestaMished at Nacogdoches 439 time.^^ "I approached," he continues, "in order that we might sow grain to support ourselves and to await the decision of your Grace, whom I humbly beg to approve this my action, since it is impossible to return to the same place or to the banks [of the river] below or above, because the lands are low, or farther away [from the river], because of even greater risk. There is not to be found in this vicinity another place better than this one or the one which was granted to us by his Excellency, the viceroy,^^ and this one facilitates watching the movements and operations of the friendly Indian nations and keeping in touch with the doings of the traders, as well as getting news from the coast, a matter with which I am charged by the governor.^* Unless some of the Bucareli families who had set out in Janu- ary reached Nacogdoches in advance of Ybarbo, and it would appear that they did not, this entry of Ybarbo into the abandoned mission was the beginning of the modem city of Nacogdoches, for the continuous existence of a settlement there from this time forward can be traced. There would be some satisfaction in being able to give the exact date when this event took place, but from the available records I am unable to do so. The best I can do is to say that it was certainly as early as April 30, 1779, the date of the first communication from Nacogdoches known to me. On that day Father Garza wrote from there to Croix recounting the story of the Bucareli flood, stating that Ybarbo had already given a report of the situation at Nacogdoches, and using terms that imply that all or nearly all of the settlers from Bucareli had already arrived.^^ Ybarbo 's first report of his arrival at Nacog- he arrived on that date, the houses were of wood and eighty or ninety in number. If a stone fort had been there, he in all probability would have mentioned it as a noteworthy object. 22 See The American Magazine for April, 1888, pp. 721-728. 23 That is, Los Ais (see above, p. 402). 2* Ybarbo to Croix, May 13, 1779, in Expediente sobre el dbandono, 23. 25 Expediente sobre el dbandono, 23-24. 440 The Removal to Nacogdoches doches I have not been able to find. The earliest communication of his from there that I have seen is dated May 9. It is a letter to Governor Cabello, and contains language implying that he had been at Nacogdoches some time and that Cabello already knew about the removal from Bucareli.^^. In relating to Croix on May 13 the story of the desertion of Bucareli he says that more than a hundred days were spent in getting to Nacogdoches. To have been true this could not have referred to the party he conducted, for he did not leave Bucareli till some days after February 14. Neither could it have referred to the whole party led by Father Garza, because one hundred days from January 25, when he set out, was May 5; but, as we have seen, some, if not most, of the settlers had arrived at Nacogdoches as early as April 30. If Ybarbo's statement was true, therefore, he probably meant that it was one hundred days from the time when Father Garza started before all the stragglers who had stopped by the way a,rrived at the new settlement. It is necessary here to correct an error that crept into the story of the abandonment of Bucareli as it was told in the Spanish correspondence, namely, the assertion that the cause of leaving the place was the flood. It is clear from the above account that the Comanche raid was the external cause of the removal of the people to the east, and that the flood did not occur till three weeks after most of them had left. Yet, through an increasing emphasis of what was in reality a secondary matter, it soon became current in the governmental accounts that the change of location had been primarily due to the overflow of the Trinity.^' 28 Expediente sobre el abandono, 32-33. 27 It is true, however, that a previous flood had destroyed the crops at the place, and that the recurrence of the disaster had been a strong reason for not returning to Bucareli (Botello to Cabello, December 23, 1778, in Expediente sobre el abandono, 2-3). Interesting examples of the way the story became distorted are the following: In reviewing cabello 's first report Croix wrote, "The governor of the province of Texas says . . . that because an inundation occurred at that pueblo and the Comanches stole the greater part of their horses, they were so Ybario's Recommendations 441 4. Nacogdoches recognized hy the government. — Since it is not my aim here to pursue the history of eastern Texas beyond the founding of Nacogdoches, it only remains to show how this place, settled without authority, secured recognition from the govern- ment, and to indicate briefly the importance it soon attained. The main purpose of Tbarrbo and Garza in their first reports to Croix of the desertion of Bucareli was to show their unwilling- ness to return thither, and to secure permission to remain at Nacogdoches. By this time Ybarbo had changed his mind as to the relative desirability of Los Ais as a location, for he concluded the letter of May 13 to Croix with the opinion that of the two available places, Los Ais and Nacogdoches, the advantages were with the latter.^^ At the same ,time that he was asking Croix for permission to remain at Nacogdoches, he was making recom- frightened that they have deserted the settlement" (Croix to Cabello, May 21, 1779, in Expediente sobre el abandono, 12). Croix's asessor gen- eral, Navarro, in reviewing the history of Bueareli in 1780, wrote that "the flood which the river caused, and the fire which followed it, re- duced to ashes the buildings that had been made, and obliged the settlers to disperse and seek shelter and asylum among the friendly nations near by" (Expediente sobre el abandono ... 2/ estableoer Comer do, 45-46). 28 With respect to returning to Bucareli, Father Garza had written two weeks before (Letter to Croix, April 30, 1779, in Expediente sobre el abandono, 23-24): "It is now wholly impossible to restore this popula- tion to the same unprotected place whence they fled, without exposing them to greater and more evident perils than those which they have already experienced, because — not to mention this hostility [of the Comanehes], which was the cause of their flight and which may be greater in the future — that district has been proved uninhabitable by the inundation which it suffered on the 14th of February." To possible locations elsewhere on the Trinity or nearer to San Antonio he was even less favorable: "Since this is the place formerly considered the best," he wrote, "I judge that such other as there may be on the river to the north or to the south are as bad if not worse. And not less un- suitable are the places which might offer some advantages toward the west between the Brazos, San Marcos, and Guadalupe rivers, since these places, because of their large encenades, are the paths of ingress and egress for the Comanehes, and are much more dangerous [than the others] in proportion as they are more frequented by these Indians, nearer their lands, and distant from the friendly tribes, circumstances which, having been weighed by these settlers, led them to flee to this vicinity." His opinion of Nacogdoches, on the contrary though based mainly on hearsay, as he frankly admitted, was highly favorable and he intimated a preference for it over Los Ais. "Under these circum- stances," he continued, "there is no doubt that your Grace's generous 442 The Removal to Nacogdoches mendations to Cabello which implied an expectation that his request would not be refused. These recommendations were of a kind that he knew would appeal to the government, since they concerned the control of the Indian tribes about him. In May he reported^'' that the Tonkawa Indians who had been promised traders and had been disappointed were becoming insolent; and as a remedy he suggested that a trading post be established at Nacogdoches and that a commissary be stationed there. A month later he reported new difficulties with the Indians, and said that Nacogdoches should be supplied with a good garrison.^" Croix and Cabello discussed the new situation without any reference to the royal order in response to which the inhabitants of Adaes had been removed from the frontier, further than to indicate that they were aware that it was not being complied with. They both showed plainly that they desired that Ybarbo be allowed to remain wherever he could be most useful as an Indian agent, the only question being what was the most desir- able location. When Croix learned of the break-up of Bucareli piety will deign to approve this temporary withdrawal, and, if it be your superior wish, concede them permission to attempt to establish their set- tlement in another place, — even if it be in (hasta la) the old mission of Los Ais, which the excellent viceroy, Dn. Fr. Antonio Bucareli granted them — where, free from hostile invasions, they may in some measure retrieve what they have lost in all these removals. . . . And I believe that the advantages which, they assure me, this depopulated mission of Nacogdoches possesses, will contribute to this end. Although the site for the settlement is not the best nor the most beautiful, it is yet the most suitable, judging from what I have heard and the little which I have seen, for it is on firm land, commanding, entirely free from inundation, and between two arroyos abundantly supplied with good water. Besides having a healthful climate, it enjoys the advantage of having near by many spacious plains of proved fertility, some more and others less watered, for the plain and open commons, good pastures, and numerous springs of water for raising horses and cattle, and affords all other conveniences that these people could wish for their relief. The advantage to the province resulting from their settlement in this place would not be slight, through their being able to visit the friendly Indians fre- quently, having them near by, and to report promptly everything that they may attempt anew contrary to the peace promised to your ex- cellency. ' ' 23 In his letter of May 9, cited before. 30 Letter to Cabello, June 13, 1779, in Expediente sobre el abandono. Opposition iy. De Mezieres 443 he left the temporary disposition of the inhabitants to Cabello, giving him permission to bring them back to Trinity Eiver, or, better, as he thought, to establish them in any one of the places to the northeast that had been suggested by Father Botello. Far from recommending that they be brought back to Bexar, to do which now was the opportune time if it was to be done at all, he distinctly said that such a procedure "would be prejudicial to the plans which are being meditated, by interfering with the cul- tivation of the friendship of the Texas and other allied tribes. ' '^^ Cabello, who had already given his opinion that Bucareli could not be held against the Comanche without a garrison, ^^ soon expressed a preference for Nacogdoches over any other place, approved Tbarbo's request for a garrison on regular pay, and recommended that it be formed of the settlers already there. ^' While Croix and Cabello thus favored Nacogdoches, De Mezieres advocated re-occupying Bucareli. We have already noted the good opinion entertained by him of the site of Bucareli, and his charge that the Comanche attack which caused its deser- tion had been brought on by the foolish fears of the Spaniards. Now, in August, 1779, while on his way to northern Texas, he stopped at Nacogdoches to assist the settlers during the absence of Ybarbo in pursuit of Comanche, and while there he wrote to Croix a gloomy account of the situation of the inhabitants. He criticised their location, said that plenty of places safe from flood could be found near Bucareli, insisted, as before, on the im- portance of a settlement there to maintain Indian relations and with a view to opening up trade with New Orleans, and suggested that the people be sent back there and reinforced by a regular 31 Croix to Cabello, May 21, 1779, in Expediente sohre el ahandono, 12-13. 32 Cabello to Croix, February 11, 1779, in Expediente sobre el ahan- dono, 12. 33 Cabello to Croix, May 31, 1779, April 30, 1779, and August 31, 1779 (all in Expediente sobre el ahandono, 13, 19, 31). In his letter of May 31, Cabello said that he was hardly decided as to the respective merits of the two places, but by the time of his next letter he had no doubts. 444 The Removal to Nacogdoches garrison and by the Adaes exiles who had remained at Bexar.^^ But De Mezieres died soon after the expression of this opinion,^' and the only effective opposition to the occupation of Nacogdoches was removed. Only to Navarro, in Chihuahua, did it occur that perhaps, in order to fulfill the king's command made seven years before, Ybarbo and his people should be brought to the neighborhood of Bexar. But even to him this was but a passing thought, and he recommended, instead, that choice be made between Bucareli and Nacogdoches, and that the decision be left to an impartial observ'er after a careful examination of the two sites.'" Croix appointed as this impartial observer Governor Cabello, whose preference was already known. But Cabello found excuses for not performing the commission himself or delegating it to any one else, while Croix claimed that he knew of no one outside of Texas available to fill the place.'' And thus the matter appears to have been dropped by a tacit understanding, and the pueblo of Nacogdoches remained undisturbed. Not only did Croix and Cabello refrain from breaking up the settlement, but in effect they legalized its existence by assigning Ybarbo a salary and conferring on him a new and more dignified title. At Bucareli Ybarbo and his men had served without pay, and had furnished their own arms and ammunition. Ybarbo claimed, besides, that making presents to the Indians and aiding the settlers had cost him a goodly sum from his own private s-* He said that the first crop sown at Nacogdoches had failed and that the people were "scattered among the gentile Indians, carrying what they possessed, offering clothing for food, bartering hunger for nakedness" (Expediente sobre el abandono . . . y estahlecer Comeroio, 6-8). 35 Some time before January 18, 1870 (^Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 46). S6 Navarro to Croix, January 17, 1780, in Expediente sobre el aban- dono, 46-48. 3' Croix to Cabello, January 29, 1780; Cabello to Croix, April 1, 1780; Croix to Cabello, January 19, 1780 (all in Expediente sobre el abandono, 50-53). Yharbo Victorious 445 means. He asked, therefore, shortly before leaving the place, that arms and ammunition be furnished him and his men, and that they be paid for time spent in actual service. Eipperda, and after him his successor, Governor Cabello, supported his request before Croix. Failing to secure his demands, Tbarbo now threatened to leave his post. The effect of this threat dis- closes the real attitude of Cabello and Croix toward Ybarbo's presence on the frontier. Cabello wrote to the comandanie gen- eral that it would be unwise to let Ybarbo retire, since there was no one else in the province who could wield such an influence among the Indians and do so much towards keeping them quiet. In consequence of this opinion, Croix, in October, 1779, assigned Ybarbo a salary of five hundred pesos a year.^* At the same time the government conferred on him the title of Lieutenant- Governor of the Pueblo of Nacogdoches.^' It is plain, therefore, that Ybarbo was no longer remaining on the frontier by mere sufferance; on the contrary, he was kept there through the positive desire of Cabello and Croix to maintain an influence over the Indians of the northeast. With the occupation of Nacogdoches begins a new and im- portant epoch in the history of the Texas-Louisiana frontier, « s8 Ybarbo to Croix, October 19, 1778; Eipperda to Croix, October 31, 1778; Croix to Cabello, January 12, 1779; Cabello to Croix, April 3, 1779 (all in Expediente sohre el dbandono, 16-18). Croix to Cabello, January 16, 1779; Cabello to Croix, March 30, 1779; Croix to Cabello, October 15, 1779; and Cabello to Croix, December 17, 1779 (all in the Bexar Archives). 3» The first use of this title that I have found was by Cabello in a letter to Croix, dated December 17, 1779 (BSxar Archives). He then calls him captain of the militia and lieutenant-governor of the pueblo of Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Nacogdoches. Cabello 's letter notifying Ybarbo that he had been assigned a salary was dated March 11, 1780. It would seem that tnis letter was considered by Ybarbo as the source of his authority and the title to his pay, for in after years, when an attempt was being made to remove him, he furnished a copy of the letter as evidence of his official standing. That the government also considered this letter as his commission would appear from the fact that Governor Pacheco in 1788 furnished a copy of it as evidence of one of the offices that had been created in Texas between 1775 and 1787 (Pacheco to Ugalde, May 29, 1788, in the Bexar Archives). 446 The Removal to Nacogdoches and of the developments there Nacogdoches, instead of Adaes, became the chief center. The trading house asked for by Ybarbo was established and the Indian trade was reorganized. Nacog- doches, through being made headquarters for the trade and the distribution of presents among the dozen or more tribes in whose midst it lay, became the most important Indian agency in the province, while Tharbo, as head of the community, became among the Indians of the northeast the most influential Spaniard of his day. To Nacogdoches the government now looked for the maintenance of influence among the Indians as a makeweight against the Anglo-Americans, who made their way to the borders of the country; and when, in 1803, the American frontier was carried across Louisiana to Texas, Nacogdoches became for a time equal if not superior in importance to Bexar, through being at once the outpost for aggressive movements by the Americans and for resistance by the Spaniards. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY LIST OF FEINTED WORKS CITED Addison, Joseph. Charles the Third of Spain. Oxford, 1900. Altamiea, El Mabqu^s de. 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Miguel de Aguayo, Governador, y Capitan General de dichas Provincias de Texas, Nuevas Philipinas, y de esta de Coaguila, Nuevo Beyno de Estremadura, por el Bey N. S. (que Bios Guarde). Mexico, 1722. PoRTiLLO, Est:6ban L. Apuntes para la Historia Antigua de Coahuila y Texas. Saltillo, 1888. Prieto, Alejandro. Historia, Geogrdfica, y EstaMstica del Estado de Tamaulipas. Mexico, 1873. Becopilacidn de Leyes de los Beynos de las Ihdias, etc. Tercera Edici6n. Madrid, 1774. Bibliography 453 Seglamento e instruccion para los presidios que han de formar en la linea de frontera de la Nueva Espana. Besuelto por el Bey en cedula de 10 He Setiemire de 177S. Madrid, 1772. SCHMITT, EbV. EDMOND J. P. A Catalogue of Franciscan Missionaries in Texas {15S8-1859). Austin, Texas, 1901. Shea, John Gilmaky. The Catholic Church in Colonial Days. 4 vols.. New York, 1886-92. Shepherd, William E. The Cession of Louisiana to Spain, in Political Science Quarterly, XIX, 439-458. SOTOMAYOR, JOS^ FRANCISCO. Eistoria del Apostolico Colegio de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zaca- tecas. Zacatecas, 1889. y^VELASCo, Jost Francisco. Sonora: its extent, population, natural productions, Indian tribes, mines, mineral lands, etc. Translated from the Spanish of Francisco Velasco hy Wm. F. Nye. San Francisco, 1861. y( WooTEN, Dudley. A Comprehensive History of Texas, 1685-1897. 2 vols. Dallas, 1898. 454 Bibliography LIST OF MANU8CEIPTS CITED The following is a list, approximately chronological, of the principal manuscript materials cited in this work. In the citations A. G. M. means Archivo General y Publico, Mexico; A. C. S. means Archivo del Colegio de la Santa Cruz, Queretaro (K, leg. 6, no. 1 means division K, legajo 6, document no. 1) ; A. C. G. means Archivo del Colegio de Guadalupe, Zacatecas; A. 6. I. means Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla; B. A. means Bexar Archives ; L. P. means Lamar Papers ; N. A. means Nacogdoches Archives. The B6xar Archives are at the University of Texas, Austin. They are a part of the provincial archives of the Spanish province of Texas, having been transferred to Austin from San Antonio (Bexar). The Lamar Papers and Nacogdoches Archives cited are in the Texas State Library at Austin. The Spanish documents in these collections are also parts of the Bexar Archives which have become separated. The documents in the following list vary in length from a few pages to several hundred pages each, and aggregate many thousand sheets. Transcripts of most of them are in the author's private collection. Expedient es are listed according to the period covered (as indicated by the in- clusive dates) rather than according to the dates of filing. 1691-17S0 Casanas, Fray Francisco de Jesus Maria, Relaci6n. August 15, 1691. Autograph copy owned by the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas. A copy is in A. G. M., Historia, vol. 395. Eam6n, Diego, Diario de la Jornada que execute el Sargento m'. Diego Eamon Cavo Caudillo de la Compania de Campana esquadra volante que esta Assiento en la Mission Principal de San Juan Baptista del Eio del Norte ... a la parte del norte y lebante, etc., 1707. A. Q. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 28, ff. 362-368. Olivares, Fr. Antonio de San Buenaventura y, Diary of expedition to Texas, 1709. A. C. S., K, leg. 11, no. 1. Espinosa, Fray Isidro Felix, Diario derrotero de la nueva entrada a la Prov". de los Tejas. Afio de 1716. A. 6. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 181. Bibliography 455 Auttos fechos en la Bahia de el espiritu santo aobre dos muertos que ejecutaron los Yndios en los Soldados que guardavan la Cavallada de dho Presidio el dia 13 de en.° de este Ano de 1724, por D.° Fern.'"'' Perez de Almasan Gov.""' y Cap." Gen.' de esta Prov." de tejas Nuebas Phili- pinas. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 181. Autos heehos, Texas, no. 11, 1724. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 183. Autos ^ consulta hecha del P*. Fr. Joseph Gonz". contra Don Nicolas Plores, 1724. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 32. Autos Sre diferentes puntos consultados por el Govr. de la Provinoia de los tejas; Muerte de un Correo y otros materias, 1724. A. G. M., Provin- cias Internas, vol. 183. Proyecto Mandado hacer por el Ex.'"" S."' Marques de casafuerte Virey Governador y Capitan General de esta Nueba Espana y Presidente de la Eeal Audiencia de Ella, Reducido de la Visita heclia por el Brigadier Don Pedro de Rivera, que contiene tres puntos, etc., 1728. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 29. Dilig"'. q' biso el Colegio ano de 1729, para la mudanza de las Mis." de Texas. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 19. Transsumpto de vn. Memorial que por parte de este coUegio se remitio al Rey en el Consejo Real de Indias estano de 1729. A. C. S., K, leg. 3, no. 3. Tantos de Memoriales y carta del R. P. Sevillano al exmo. Sor. Virrey, para q°. se dem las providencias al resguarda de las misiones y misioneros, y a esto se erija el Presidio de Texas. Ano de 1729. A. C. S., K, leg. 4, no. 7. Tanto del Despacbo del Exmo. Senor Virrey Marq». de Casafuerte, mandando se ponga en cada Miss"", del Rio grande, y Sn. Antonio Vn. soldado. Fecha 23 de Febrero de 1730. A. C. S., K, leg. 3, no. 4. Ynforme al E Discre". de los PP'. Pre*, y Miss', de Tejas en que piden salir al Rio de S. Xavier. March 18, 1730. A. C. G., M, leg. 5. Royal decree for extinguishing illicit trade in Spanish America, June 19, 1730. B. A. Cedulas and Orders, 1730-1779. Escrito del P. Sevillano pidiendo dos soldados en cada mision; des- pacho en que se concede uno. Yt. una carta del assumpto, 1730. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 20. 1731-1740 Testimonio de Asiento de Misiones, 1731. General Land Office of Texas, Spanish Archives, vol. 50, folios 13-28. Autos sobre las providencias dadas pr. su exa. al Governador de la Provincia de Texas pa. la pazificazn. de los Yndios Apaches y sus aliados. Ano de 1731. A. G. M., Provincias Internas,' vol. 32. 456 Bibliography Despaoho librado pr. el Virrey Marques de Casafuerte pa. que no se obliguen & los Yndios de la frontera de N. S. de Guadalupe &, servicios involuntarios. Aflo de 1732. N. 89. Areh. de Gob. Saltillo. Del a"'. Casafuerte sobre el repartimf. de los Aguas a los Yslenos, 1733. A. C. S., K, leg. 4, no. 6. Oficio, Para que el Governador de la Provineia de Tejas mantenga por ahora el Presidio de los Adayis en el Parage, en q se halla, y execute todas las demas provideneias que se previenen en este Dpacho; en la forma q se expresa Mexico, Dec. 17, 1733. L. P., no. 4&. Vergara, Fray Gabriel de, Padron de Baptismo, etc., de las misiones de Texas trasladadas al Eio de Sn. Antonio, Jan. 30, 1734. A. C. S., K, leg. 1, no. 8. Ofieio, Para que el Governador de la Provineia de Texas observe y execute la Keal Cedula inserta conforme t lo resuelto por su Majestad, y ultimamente determinado por Vex", en razon de la pretencion del P". Pray Miguel Sevillano de Paredes, sobre q. se le asista con la escolta de soldados. Feb. 15, 1734. L. P., no. 42. Real Cedula que inserta el Brebe de Su Santitad p". que en los Do- minios de Yndias no puedan los Religiosos ni clerigos Seculares tratar, ni contratar, aun p'. iuterposita persona. El Brebe de S. S. es de 22, de Feb", de 1633. Aflo de 1735. Arch, de Gob., Saltillo, leg. 1, expediente 105. Testimonio de Diligencias sobre Ynfidelidad de los Apaches, 1738. B. A., Province of Texas, 1754-1776. Auttos fechos por el Govr. de Texas Sobre la Remision de el Capn. Cabellos Colorados y otros treze Yndios & Yndias de Nacion Apaches, a la Rl. carcel de Cortte, etta. 1738. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 32. Expediente sobre la Campana q a su eosta ha de hacer en la ProV. de Texas Nuevas Philipinas p''. el mes de Abril del sig". ano D°. Joseph de Urrutia Cap°. del Presidio de S°. Antonio de Bexar, etc., 1739. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 32, expediente no. 12. Santa Ana to Fray Pedro del Barco, March 26, 1740, in Carta del P. Muiioz [Santa Ana] Del estado de las cosas de adentro. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 4. Santa Ana, Pray Benito Fern&ndez de, Descripci6n de las Misiones del Colegio de la Santa Cruz en el Eio de San Antonio, Ano de 1740. Meraorias de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 200-207. Patente del R. P. Barco p". q". no se vendan los generos de los habios, 1740 as. A. C. S., K, leg. 3, no. 30. Varias Notieias por lo q mira a franzeses — dadas el ano de 1740. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 38. 174 1-17 4S Autos a consulta de D". Thoribio de Vrrutia Cap°. del Presidio de S". Antonio de Vejar en la Provineia de Texas, sobre aumento de Soldados, y ottras provideneias que pide para contener los Ynsultos que hazen los Bibliography 457 Yndios Apaches; sobre que tambieu insto D". Joseph de Vrrutia Su P^ difunto. 1741. Num. 5. A. Q. M., Proviucias Internas, vol. 32. Diligeueias practicadas por Dn. Joaquin de Orobio Capn de la Bahia sobre establecimto de Franceses. B. A., Bahia, 1743-1778. The papers included cover the years, 1745-1746. Tanto y testimonio de Vna escritura de Concordia Entre Los Senores Ysleiios y las Misiones, 1745. A. C. S., K, leg. 4, no. 9. Visita de las Missiones hecha, de orden de N. M. E. P. Comm.» Gral. Ft. Fogueras, por el P. Fr. Fran."" Xavier Ortiz, en el ano de 1745. A. C. S., K, leg. 4, no. 11. Garcia, Fr. Diego Martin, Breve y Legal Noticia de las Calidades y Costvmbres de los Indies, que han de observar con ellos, y eonsigo mismos, los Obreros Evaugelicos que quieren ganar sus almas para Dios. Escrita por el P. F. Diego Martin Garcia, Predicador Apostolieo, Hijo del Seminario de propaganda fide de la SSma. Cruz de Queretaro. Ano de MDCCXLV. Original in author's collection. 1746 Despacho q sin provecho se saeo el ano de 1746 el qual no se preseuto, ni aprobecha. Sobre los Indies de S. Xavier, pretendientes de mission. N. 1.° February 18, 1746. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 5. Oficio para que el gobernador de la Provincia de Texas practique lo que se expresa, en quanto a coadiubar a la pacificaeion del Seno Mexieano que se ha encomendado al coronel d.° Joseph de Escandon, como se pre- viene, 1746. B. A., Province of Texas, 1754-76. Dos testimonies de Diligencias, sobre los Yndios Cocos q.* mato el Cap." de la Bahia ano de 1746 [April]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 27. Memorial del Gov.' Bustillos en contra de la fundacion de S." Xavier, presentado al exmo. Sor. Virrey, ano de 1746 [May 28]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 20. Copia de Carta del K. P. Guard." Fr. Alonso Giraldo de Terreros; del Gen.' D.° Melchor de Mediavilla, y Anehona [sic] ; del E. P. Presid.'* fr. Mariano de los Dolores, sobre la fundacion de S." Xavier. Ano de 1746 [June]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 15. Satisfaccion de los Missioneros §. las objecciones heohas por el Gov.' Bustillos cbntra las fundaciones de S.° Xavier. Evidently before July 30, 1746. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 21. Memorial del E. P. Ortiz al Exmo. Sor. Virrey exponiendo las razones para fundar en S.° Xavier, ano de 1746 [July 30]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 25. Instancia, y razones representadas al exmo. Sor. Virrey para la fundacion de S." Xavier. October 10, 1746. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 24. Father Francisco Ortiz to the viceroy. October 10, 1746. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 62. 458 Bibliography Satisfaccion del E. P. Lector Prado al exmo. sobre la quexa De la Villa de 8°. Pern^". Be que los Padres se extendian fuera de la jurisdiccion de las tierras de las Misiones, 1746. A. C. S., K, leg. 4, no. 16. Copia de Autos seguidos eu el Superior govierno para la fundacion de las Nuevas Misiones de S.° Javier. Ano de 1746 [February- July J. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 17. Reconoeimiento del Seno Mexicano hecho por el Theniente de Cappn. Gral. Dn. Joseph de Escandon, 1746-1747. A. 6. M. Historia. 1747 Testimonio de los Despachos del exm.° S.'"' Virrey D.° Juan Antonio Guemes, y Horcasitas, acerca de la fundacion de las Missiones del Rio de S.° Xavier. February 14, 1747. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 6. Tanto de un Despacho y diligenc' de S.° Xav.' p" q' se den 12 Sol- dados de S." Antt.« ano de 1747 [February 14]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 68. Ofieio. VE ordena el Governador de la Provincia de Tejas, que luego que reeiba esta Despacho providencie pasen por lo tocantte a su presidio de los Adays diez soldados al parage de San Xavier, etc. Mexico, Febru- ary 14, 1747. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 67. Petition of Fray Francisco Xavier Ortiz to the king. After February 14, 1747. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 5. 2 peticiones del P. Fr. Mariano sobre los Yndios de S.° Xav.' ano de 1747 q''° se fueron del puesto (Diligencias relative to the declaration of Eusebio Garcia de Prurrda, May 4, and May 9, 1747). A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 69. Escrito sobre los 12 soldados, q' avian de hir a S". Xav''- del Pre- sidio de S.° Ant.° 1747 a.'' [May 9]. ^i. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 70. Memorial, en q." insiste pidiendo la licenoia para fundar en S." Xavier. Evidently between May 1 9 and June 28, 1747. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 22. Second order of viceroy to send thirty soldiers to San Xavier. July 27, 1747. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 71. Memorial del P." Anda al Exmo. Sor. Virrey sobre S.° Xavier. Circa, August, 1747. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 29. 1748 Order by the viceroy to the governor of Texas concerning the pro- tection of the missions of San Xavier and the bringing in of Spanish settlers. Mexico, January 23, 1748. B. A., Miscellaneous, 1742-1793. The viceroy, Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas, to Governor Francisco Garcia Larios. Mexico, February 24, 1748. L. P. Bibliography 459 Memorial del P." Ganzabal, pidiendo fuerzas para el resguardo de las missiones de S." Xavier. After March 18, 1748. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 16. Fr. Franco Xavier Castellanos to President Fr. Benito de Santa Ana. March 31, 1748. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 74. Eeal C^dula. Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana participandole lo repre- sentado por Fray Francisco Xavier Ortiz del Orden de S.° Francisco en quanto aver pedido diferentes Naeiones de Indios de la Provincia de los Texas se les fundasen Misiones; y ordenandole las Provincias necesarias, en la forma que se expresa. April 16, 1748. A. G. M., Eeales Cgdulas, vol. 68. Patente del E." P. Guard." y V. Discretorio expedida en el ano de 1748 para el govierno de las Missiones. April 19, 1748. A. C. S., K, leg. 3, no. 30. Memorial del E. P. Presid." al Cap.° de S." Antonio pidiendo fuerzas para la defensa del Presidio, y Missiones de S. Xavier. 1748 [May 7]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 28. Carta Ynforme q.« hizo a Su Ex." el E."" P." Pres." Fr. Benitto. June 24, 1748. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 76. 1749 Carta del P. Galzaval, sobre el Ynforme del Gov.' Varrio, ano de 1749 [January 22]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 80. Dietamen del Auditor de Guerra, para q" Ynforme el Presid" de S.° Javier el estado de aquellas Missiones: copia de la carta q" a este fin escrivieron el Presid*" y el P" Fr. Mariano de los Dolores. March 10, 1749. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 18. Copia de Car." del P. Fr. Mariano para S. Ex." March 13, 1749. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 18. Copia de una Carta del P. Guard." al S. Aud.' ano de 1749 [March]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 81. Parecer de el S."' Auditor para la fundacion de 8." Xavier. April 23, July 7, 1749. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 82. Escrito presentado al Gov.' D." Pedro del Varrio sobre S." Xavier, 1749 [May]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 79. Ynforme del E. P. Presid" Fr. Mariano de los Dolores, y oopias de Cartas sobre fundacion del Presidio, y Missiones de S." Javier. July 9, 1749. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 23. Cfidula Real para fundar las Missiones de S.° Javier y uu Hospicio para que moreu Eeligiosos q." remplacen las vacantes de los q." faltan en las Missiones, y se curen los Enfermos. July-August, 1749. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 5. Ynforme q." hizo D." Pedro del Varrio Gov.' el ano de 1749 [Septem- ber 11]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 85. 460 Bibliography Varios papeles, de Tejas que parece son posteriores al ano 1746. After September 11, 1749. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 65. Eseritos presentados al Gov."' D." Pedro del Varrio sobre S." Xav.' 1749 [October 23]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 86. 1750 Dr. Andreu, Dictamen fiscal. Mexico, January 7, 1750, in Morfi, Memorias para la Historia de Texas escritas por el E. P. F. Juan Agustin Morfi, libro 8, paragraphs 50-59 (MS in the Bancroft Collection, Uni- versity of California). Copia de las Clausulas una del S.' Fiscal, y otra Del S."' Auditor sobre consulta del S.' Virrey en los Despachos de diligencias cometidos a D.° Joseph Eeai y Muzquiz, en orden al intentado Presidio de las Miss.' del Bio de S." Xavier. January 7 and 30, 1750. A. C. S., K, leg 6, no. 33. El Marques de Altamira, Parecer. Mexico, January 30, 1750, in Morfi, Memorias, libro 8, paragraphs 61-70. Despacho para q." no se eontinuaran las dilig." del Eio de S." Xav."' el q.' no tuvo efeoto, ano de 175u [April 8]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 91. Carta del R. P. Guard." Castellanos suplicando se favoresean las Miss.' de S.° Xav."-, 1750 [April 12]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 89. Ynforme del th.' Galvan sobre S." Xavier y carta escrito al dho el ano de 1750 [April 12]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 90. Testimonio de diligencias, Executadas sobre los dos Eios de S." Fran.°° Xavier y San Andres, y demas que dellas Conste, prozesadas por mi D° Jph Joaquin de Ecay Muzquiz, por Comision del Exmo Senor Virrey de esta nueba espana. Comprenden a la Provincia de Texas. june-August, 1750. A. G. S., K, leg. 6, no. 12. Carta del P." Ganzabal al E. P. Presidente dando razon de haber desamparado los Yndios la mission, y la causa.de ello. August 20, 1750. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 9. Memorial presentado por el E. P. Presid." Fr. Mariano de los Dolores al Cap." D." Thorivio de XJrrutia, para q" este haga juridioa informacion de varios pnntos tocantes a la fundacion de mission para los Apaches; va junta dha informacion: Ano de 1750 [September 17]. A. C. S., K, leg. 7, no. 7. Diligencias practicadas por E. P. Presid.*' Fr. Mariano de los Dolores para la establidad de las Missiones de S." Xavier. October, 1750. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 26. Autos concerning removal of San Xavier missions, 1750-1751. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 65. Testimonio d© los Autos hechos sobre la Eeduccion de los Yndios Gentiles de la Nacion Apache, y establecimiento de el Presidio de San Saba, 1750-1763. A. G. I., Audiencia de Mexico, 92-6-22. Bibliography 461 1751 Despacho de la fundacion de el Pres.° en S.° Xavier y administrac." del aSo de 1751 [February-November]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 8. Ereeion de la Misiou de Sn. XaVier (see next item). Oficio Para que el Govenador de Texas se halle entterado de la ereeion que en los margenes del Bio de San Xavier se ha de baser de un Precidio con el tittulo de estto nombre, y en Intteligencia de haver de ser de su Jurisdiccion executte lo que se le previene. March 30, 1751. L. P. Labelled and cited as ' ' Ereeion de la Mision de Sn. Xavier. ' ' Escrito presentado en S.° Xav.' a D.° Jacinto Gov.' y nada respondio, 1751 a.' [circa June]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 27. Testimo. de Autos de Pesquiza sobre comercio Ylicito y Demas que expresa el superior Despacho que esta por cavesa de ellos. Adaes, 1751. B. A., Adaes, 1739-1755. Teatimonio de los autos sre. la ereeion del Precidio de S." Xavier en las margenes del Rio, y Consulta hecha por D.° Ph." de Eavago y Teran Cap." de dho Precidio en que da quenta al Exmo Senor Virrey de este Keyno con las diligeucias que executo, y sobre el caudal de agua de dho Bio en que le concidera falto de ella, como tambien de tierra para siem- bras, y Materiales para el reedificio, 1751. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. Autos fhos Apedimento . . . [de] Frai Benitto de Santa An[a] . . . que se le Manden restitu[ir 4 la misi6n de] Sn. Antonio que es a cargo de la Sta. Cruz de Querettaro los [con] Bersos Indios de la Nacion [Cujan] que se hallan agregados a [la Misi6n] de Santa Dorothea, 1751-1758. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 287 Testimo. De Autos de Pesquiza sobre comercio Ylicito y Demas que expresa el superior Despacho que esta por caveza de ellos. Adais, 1751. B. A., Adaes, 1739-1755. 175S-17SS Memorial del R. P. Viana al exmo Sor. \'irrey, pidiendo resguardo mayor para San Xavier, 1752 [January 12]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 19. Carta de los Pad." de S.° Javier al Discret." dando razon de las eosas de Eabago, 1752 [January 12]. A. C. S., K, leg. 12, unnumbered. Instructions to President Terreros. February 8, 1752. A. C. S., K, leg. 8, no. 2. Pinilla, Fray Miguel, decree of censure. February 19, 1752. A. C. S., K, leg. 12, unnumbered. Petiz.- Al Cap." de S." X.--. February 22, 1752. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 31. Fray Miguel Pinilla to Fray Francisco Mariano de los Dolores. Mis- sion Candelaria, March 1, 1752. A. C. S., K, leg. 12, unnumbered. 2." Consulta remitida a su Ex." en 13 de Junio de 1752 a." [June 13]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 99. 462 Bibliography Testimonio de Autos fechos en virtue! de Superior Decreto Expedido por el ex.""" Senor Dn. Juan Franco, de Guemes y Horcasitas Conde de Re- villagigedo Gentil hom[br]e de la Camara de S. M. . . . los 26 de Sepre. de 1752, para los fines que en el se expresen. B. A., Adaes, 1739-1755. Informe del E. P. fr. Benito de S" Ana al Exmo. sobre la fundaeion de S.° Xavier, 1752. A. C. 8., K, leg. 6, no. 32. Tantto de lo que se preseuto en los Auttos de los Apaches. Circa 1752. A. C. 8., leg. 6, no. 32. Dilig." a favor de los Cocos en los Homicidios de 8.° Xav.', 1753 [May]. A. C. 8., K., leg. 12, no. 5. Testimonio de los Autos fechos, a consulta de Don Pedro Eauago Teran, en horden ^ hauerse aposesionado del Empleo de Capitan del Presidio de San Xavier, hauer pasado reuista de el, y otras prouidencias en orden 6, el estado en que se halla &. 1753-1754. A. G. I. Mexico, 92-6-22. Proceedings of the junta held at Los Adaes October 23, 1754, in consequence of the arrest of Blancpain. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. Diligencias sobre Lanpen su Declaracion, Ynbentario. 19 de Febrero de 1755. B. A., Provincias Internas, 1755-1793. Dilijen.' Practicadas de Horden del Senor D. Jasinto de Barrios y Jauregui en asumpto del reconozimto. del desemboque del Eio de la Trinidad y Descubrir si avian poblado en el como se avia dicho los franceses. Ano de 1755. L. P., no. 25. Testimonio del Dictamen dado por el Senor Don Domingo de Valearzel del Consejo de Su Magd. su oydor en la El Auda. de esta Nueba Espana en los autos fechos a oonsulta de Don Jazinto de Jauregui Governador de la Provineia de Texas de que dd quenta el comandante Frances de el Presidio del Nachitos se prebino que los yndios de aquella Dominacion intentaban saltar el Presidio. October 11, 1755. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 249. The title is incorrect. The document is a recom- mendation of the auditor concerning the proposed garrisoning of the mouth of the Trinity. 1756 Proceedings of the junta de guerra y hacienda of February 4, 1756. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. The viceroy to the king, March 14, 1756. A. G. M., Correspondencia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 1, Amarillas, 1, 1755-1756, f. 166, no. 72. Memorial del E. P. Fr. Mariano al E. P. Oomisario Visitador Fr. Fran°°. Ortiz, pidiendo se traslade el Presidio de S.° Xavier a el Eio de Guadalupe: juridico Dictamen de los Padres, y del Alferez D.° Diego Eamon sobre el particular, 1756 [June 25]. A. 0. 8., K, leg. 6, no. 10. Bibliography 463 Petition of Monsieur Masse to settle at San Agustln de Ahumada, July 19, 1756. A. G. M., Correspondencia de los Virreyes, vol. 1, Amarillas, 1, 1755-1756. Governor Barrios to the viceroy, July 22, 1756. A. G. M., Cor- respondencia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 1, Amarillas, 1, 1755- 1756, f. 264. Eoyal egdula, August 20, 1756. A. G. M., Eeales G^dulas, 1756-1776. f. 163, no. 61. Eoyal egdula, August 31, 1756. A. G. M., Eeales C^dulas, 1756-1766, f. 195, no. 80. The viceroy to the king, September 2. 1756. A. G. M., Correspon- deneia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 1, Amarillas 1, 1755-1756, f. 267. The viceroy to Governor Barrios, September 12, 1756. A. G. M., Cor- respondencia de los Virreyes, seoond series, vol. 1, Amarillas 1, 1755- 1756, f. 269. The viceroy to the king, September 14, 1756. A. G. M., Corres- pondeneia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 1, Amarillas 1, 1755-1756, f. 259, no. 119. Order to survey the banks of the Trinity and select a place for a mission and settlement of fifty families, 1756. N. A., Nacogdoches, vol. 1, doc. 488. (The document is an account of surveys on the San Jacinto and of the selection of a site for a villa). Tejas. Minutas de la Correspondencia seguida con el Governador de la Provincia y varies capitanes de los presidios, 1756. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 91, expediente 2. Puntos que se eoncideraron pudieron servir, para que la verdad, no padeciera si en algun tiempo se intentara eonfundirla con aparente difraz; y no se exponen todos los aeaecidos en la empresa de la fundasion de Missiones de Apaches, p.' que solo se lleb6 la mira a dar a conocer, en parte, la clara oposicion, que los mismos hechos, y dichos manifiestan. Ano de 56 (1756-1758). This document contains the "Vindicta del Eio de S.° Saba, ' ' listed below, p. 464. A. C. S., K, leg. 8, no. 14. Autos Fechos a consulta de Don Jacinto de Barrios y Jauregui, Gobernador de la Provincia de Tejas, sobre Haber Descubierto en el Paraje Nombrado Los Almagres unos Minerales, 1756. A. G. M., Provin- cias Internas, vol. 181. 17S7 Testimonio de los Autos fhos a pedimento de Don Pedro Eomero de Terreros sr© que se le admita la obligacion, que haze de mantener de todo lo necessario las Missiones, que se fundaren en los Confines, y terminos de la Governazion de Coahuila siguiendo el rumbo del Norte Vajo de las oondiziones, que expressa, 1757. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. 464 Bibliography Memorial del R. P. Fr. Mariano al Cap." ]>.° Diego Ortiz Parrilla, pidiendo declare, como los Indios de 8°. Xavier (q" fueron) no quieren salir de el Eio de Guadalupe: el Informe de dho. cap." y del E. P. Fr. Alonso Terreros, 1757 {Jan. 22]. A. C. S., K, leg. 6, no. 34. El P.° Pr. Mno pidio a Parrilla Mis.° en Guadalupe eon los yndios de las Mis.' de San Xavier, 1756 [Jan. 22, 1757]. A. C. S., K, leg. 19, no. 107; K, leg. 6, no. 34. Decreto puesto en los Autos sobre la translacion del Presidio de Sii. Agustin de Ahumada estableeido en el dia en las margenes del Eio de la Trinidad a parage mas ventajoso. January 19, 1757. A. G. M., His- toria, vol. 91, exp. 2. The viceroy to Arriaga. April 18, 1757. A. G. M., Correspondencia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 2, Amarillas 2, 1757, f. 52, no. 196. The viceroy to the king, April 18, 1757. A. G. M., Correspondencia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 2, Amarillas 2, 1757, f. 53, no. 197. (Transmitting Miranda's map). The viceroy to the king, April 19, 1757. A. G. M., Correspondencia de los Virreyes, second series, vol. 2, Amarillas 2, 1757, f. 54, no. 198. Eoyal e^dula, June 10, 1757. A. G. M., Eeales C^dulas, 1757, vol. 77, fe. 161, no. 66. Eoyal cMula, June 19, 1757. A. G. M., Eoales Cgdulas, 1757-1777, f. 196, no. 81. Tejas. Minutas de la correspondencia que siguio el Gobernador, Don Jacinto de Barrios, 1757. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 91, expediente 3. Vindicta del Eio de S.° Saba, 1757. Contained in "Puntos que se conaideraron pudieron servir" (cited on p. 463), A. C. S., K, leg. 8, no. 14. Testimonio de los Autos fhoa, sobre hauerse trasladado los Indios que se hallauan en las Misiones establecidas en el Eio de S.° Xavier, a las de San Antonio de Bejar: estos Yndios se Trasladaron al parajue nom- brado de Guadalupe, no a las Miciones de San Antonio. 1757. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. Testimonio de los Autos feohos sre la entrega, que se hizo al E. P. Misionero Pray Alonso Giraldo de Terreros de las alajas ornamentos, y demas utencilios, con que se hallaban las Missiones establecidas en el Eio de San Xavier. 1757. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. L6pez de la C&mara Alta, Agustin, Descripcion General de la Nueva Colonia de Santander, y Eelaciones Individuales, etc., 1757. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 53. Tienda de Cuervo, Informe del Eeconooimiento e Tnspeccion de la Colonia del Seno Mexicano, etc. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 54. This consists of an autograph report by Tienda de Cuervo of his inspection of Colonia del Nuevo Santander in 1757. It comprises the whole volume. Bibliography 465 Expedientes relatives d Ynspeocion y Estadistiea de la Colonia de Santander. A. G. M., Historia, vols. 55 and 56. These are the autos of Tienda de Cuervo's inspection of Nuevo Santander made in 1757. Vols. 55 and 56 contain the primary results of Tienda de Cuervo's operations in 1757. Vol. 54 is Cuervo's autograph report summarizing his work, together with recommendations; vol. 53 is Lopez de la Cdmara Alta's description of Santander, based on the documents in vols. 55 and 56. See Bolton, in Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, January, 1903, pp. 187-188. 1768-1760 The viceroy to Governor Barrios, March 3, 1758. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. Oficio. Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana: aprobandole la providencia que tomo de trasladar el Presidio de S" Xavier de la Provinoia de los Texas al Parage nombrado S° Saba, y participandole, lo demas que se expresa. October 15, 1758. A. G. M., Eeales Cedulas, vol. 22, 1752, no. 26. "Appeal of the father at the Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Luz de Oreoquisa for permission to abandon that mission on account of the insufferable plague of mosquitoes and ants and of the unhealthfulness of the locality." 1758. N. A., no. 487, Nacogdoches, vol. 1. Report on missions of the College of Santa Cruz, Quer^taro, April, 1759; directed to "Emin."" y E.""° S." Prefecto de la Sag." Congreg.°° de Prop^" fide." A. C. S., C, leg. 1, no. 1. Presidio de San Saba. Minutas de la Correspondeueia seguida con el Gobernador de dicho Presidio, 1759. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 91, ex- pediente 4. Martos y Navarette, governor of Texas, report to the viceroy. Decem- ber 6, 1759. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. Power of attorney granted by the soldiers of San Agustin to Diego Giraud for the collection of salaries, December 31, 1759. B. A., San Agustin de Ahumada. Testimonio de los Auttos fhos a consulta del Coronel D". Diego Orttiz Parrilla ... en q°. da cuentta de los sucessos de la Campana, que de orn de eatta Capittania General executtfi contra los Genttiles q°. insulttaron el Puesto de la Mision del Bio de San Zavd, 1759. A. G. I., Mejico, 93-6-22. Testimonio practieado sobre si Dn. Jasinto de Barrios tuvo comersio con Muniziones de Guerra con los Yndios Barbaros de Esta Prova. y fuera de ella de Orn del Exmo.Senor Dn. Franco Caxigal virrey Govr. y Cappn Genl de Esta Nueba Espana. January to March, 1760. B. A., Adaes, 1756-1766. 466 Bibliography Santa Maria, Fr. Vicente, Relacidn historica de la colonia del Nuevo Santander y costa del Seno Mexieano. Ca. 1760. Museo Nacional, Mexico. Testimonio de los Auttos feehos a consultta del Governador de la Provincia de Texas en que da cuentta de haverle presentado, j pedido los Yndios, que ynsultaron la Mision de Sansaba se yntteresarS,, e inter- eediese por ©llos, a fin de que se les concediese paz, vaxo de varias con- diciones, Quad»°. 10 A. 1760-1763. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. Testimonio de las IXligencias practicadas de Orn del Exmo. Sor. Marqs. de Cruillas ViEey Govor. y capitan Gral de la Nueva Esp". per Dn. Ang'. de Martos y Navarrete (a quien se remitieron los orijinales) Gov"', y eapit". de esta Nueva Esp"., digo esta Prov". de Tejas, sobre la reducoion de los Yndios Tehuacanas e yscanis a Mission, 1760-1763. Bexar Archives, Province of Texas, 1754-1776. Autos de la Eesidencia Publica y Secreta que se le ha tornado a el theniente coronel Dn. Jazinto de Barrios y Jauregui de el tiempo que goberno esta provinzia. February and March, 1760. B. A., Adaes, 1756- 1766. 1761-1765 Hierro, Fray Sim6n, Informe de las Misiones de Texas, January 8, 1762. A. C. G., M, no. 9. Testimonio de lo determinado en Junta de Guerra y Hacienda celebrada sobre la translacion del Presidio de Sn. Agustin de Ahumada dho de la Trinidad, al parage de los Horconsitos despues de explorados los Yndios de aquellos Missiones y el reconocimiento de las costas de essa Provincia, etc. A. G. M., Mexico, Historia, vol. 91, expediente 6, 1762-1763. Testimonio de los Autos fhos a Consulta del Capitan del Precidio de San Saba sobre el planteo de dos Missiones en el Valle de San Joseph, y que se la augmente la Tropa a dho Prezidio Q°°. 24 A., 1763. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. Testimonio de los Autos feehos 4 consulta de Don Lorenzo Cancio, y Don Phelipe de Rabago : El primero Capitan del Prezidio de Santa Eosa, y el segunda del de San Saba sre. assegurarse que los Comauches meditaban el sitado Prezidio de San Saba, 1763. A. G. I., Mexico, 92-6-22. Testimonio de los Autos & Conz". de Don Lorenzo Cansio Capitan del Eeal Precidio de Santiago de la Monelova, en que da queuta de haver aprehendido dos Indies del Nuebo Mex"°. que aquel Gobernador embi6 k descubrir la comunicacion de aquellas Provincias con el Presidio de San Sav4, 1763. A. G. L, Mexico, 92-6-22. Expediente, Sobre establecimiento de Misiones en la inmediacion del Presidio de S." Savas. En 122 fs. Texas. Ano de 1763. S.° Saba: Gov."' D.° Ph." Eavago. N. 2, Dup"". A. G. M. Bibliography 467 Rafael Martinez Pacheeo to Guardian Fr. Gaspar de Solis. Presidio de San Agustin de Ahumada, May 26, 1764. A. C. G., M, leg. 5. Rafael Martinez Pacheeo to the viceroy. San Agustin de Ahumada, July 22, 1764. A. C. G., M, leg. 5. Testimonio de los Autos fhos por el Govnor de la Provincia de Texas contra Rafael Martinez Paeheeo, Ano de 1764. B. A., Adaes, 1756-1766. Papeles pertenecientes al Orcoquiza, 1764. A. C. G., M, leg. 5. Gives account of work done at the missions by Paeheeo, Fray Bernardino, Fr. Luis Joseph Dolores Salvino, and Fray Antonio Alvarez. Testimonio de la Deelaracion que hizierou los principales "Yndios de la Nacion Orcoquiza ante Dn. Marcos Ruiz sobre lo qe en ella refiere. Ano de 1765. L. P., no. 192. Testimonio de Diligencias comenzadas en San Agustin de Ahumada y eontinualas en este preso. de los Adaes por el Govor de fista Prova. de Texas contra el capitau Don Rafael Martinez Paeheeo, Ano de 1765. B. A., Bgxar, 1751-1769. Testimonio de dilix"'. practicadas sobre la debolueion que hizo de Ant", trevino el capitan principal de la nacion tagui, 1765. B. A. Province of Texas. 1766-1770 Autos y dilig"'. fhas p'. el Coronel Dn. Diego Ortiz Parrilla Sre. las sircunstancias de la Isla de los Malaguitas q. oommun'". han Uamado Isla Blanca, 1766. A. G. M. Historia, 396. Diligencias practicadas por el Coronel Don Diego Orttiz Parrilla en que da punttual notticia de la Isla de los Malaguitas [Culebra], 1766. A. G. M. Historia, 396. La Fora, Nicolas, Relaci6n del Viaje que de orden del excelentissimo Senor Virrey Marques de Cruillas Hizo el Capitan de Ingenieros Dn. Nicolas de la Fora en Compania del Mariscal de Campo Marqz. de Rubi, 1766-1767. Biblioteoa Nacional, Mexico. Oficio Al Virrey de Nueva Espana, ordenandole determine con la brevedad posible la causa pendiente en su Govierno sobre lo ocurrido en el Presidio de Ahumada entre el Capitan de 61, y el Governador de la Provincia de los Texas con el motive que se expresa; y que de cuenta de sus resultas. December 15, 1766. A. G. M., Reales Cedulas, vol. 236, 1766. Cargos, que en Vistta de las Declaraziones Juradas, rezividas a, la Compania del Presidio de los Adaes, September 23, 1767, and related documents pertaining to the inspection made by the Marques de Rubi. A. G. I., Guadalajara, 104-6-13. Soils, Gaspar Jose, Diario q°- hizo el Padre Fr. Gaspar Jose de Solis en la Visita que fu6 a hacer de las Misiones de la Provincia de Texas, por orden y mandate del M. R. P. Guardian Fr. Tomas Cortez, y del Santo Venerable, Discretorio del Colegio de Ntra Senora de Guadalupe de la 468 Bibliography oiudad de Zacatecas el Ano de 1767. A. G. M., Memorias de Nueva Espana, vol. XXVII, 248-297. Oficio Al Virrey de Nueva Espana, ordenandole substaneie, y determine con la mayor brevedad, y asesorandose con el Visitador Dn. Joseph de Galvez, la causa pendiente en su Tribunal sobre los exesos que se atribuyen a Dn. Angel Martos de Navarrete, Governador de la Proviucia de Texas, y que aetue el Proceso en la forma que se expresa. April 21, 1768. A. G. M., Eeales Oedulas, vol. 92, p. 221, 1768, no. 128. 1771-1780 Expediente sobre proposiciones del Governador de Texas Baron de Eipperdd, para ereccion de un Nuevo Precidio, y Emprender una cruda Guerra contra los Apaches Lipanes, hacienda Alianza con las Naciones del Nortte. 107 folios. The papers included cover the years 1771-1773. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Testimonio del expediente formado d instancia de la parte del Capitan Don Eaphael Marttin.^ Pacheco, Capitan del Presidio de Sn. Agustin de Ahumada sobre los merittos, que se expresan haver adquirido en dho. Presidio. A. G. M., Correspondencia de los Virreyes, second series, Bucareli, vol. 7, 1772, f. 123, del 368. Expediente sobre la dolosa y fingida paz de las Naciones del Norte; y eomercio ilicito de los Franceses de la Nueba Orleans. 1772-1775, A. G. M., Historia, vol. 93. Autos que se han introducido por los Vecinos del Presidio de los Adaes, Sobre que les deje dvecindar en el de la Mision de los Ais, y establecimto. del Pueblo de Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de Bucareli. 22 folios. The papers fall within the years 1773-1774. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Quaderno que Correspoude para el completto del Expediente senalado con el Numo. 1 remetido con fecha 31 del proximo paaado Marzo del corriente afio. 53 folios. The papers fall within the years 1773-1774. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Expediente Sobre que al Vecindario del Pueblo de Ntra. Senora del Pilar de Bucareli se le destine Parroco, por cuenta de la Eeal Hacienda. 21 folios. The papers are dated 1775-1779. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Expediente Sobre Comereio Eeeiproco eutre las Prov"' de la Louisiana y Texas: havilitacion de un Puerto en la costa de esta: ampliaeion de limites de la primera estendiendolos hasta el Eio de Sabinas y otros puntos incidentes, 1776-1790. A. G. M., Provincias Internas, vol. 182. Eepresentacion del Justica de la Poblaoion de Nuestra Senora de Pilar de Bucareli; Sobre livertad de Diezmos para aquellos Moradores. 10 folios. The correspondence falls within the period 1777-1778. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Bibliography 469 Los Vecinos del extinguido Presidio, y Poblacion de los Adais, hasta el Numero de Sesenta j tres, que sin estableeimiento alguno se hayan agregados al de San Antonio de B6xar, y Villa de San Fernando; Sobre que atendiendo al infeliz estado, en que han quedado, por haber abandonado sus Casas y Tierras; y d [la] fidelidad, con que han servido, y estan, prontas, a continual sirviendo a S. M. en aquella Fronttera, se les conceda por el Senor Governador en Gefe, Comandante General algun estableeimiento para que puedan Subsistir con sus Familias. 32 folios. The papers fall within the period 1778-1779. A G. M., Historia, vol. 51. 17S0-179S Expediente sobre el abandono del Pueblo de Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Bueareli: Quaderno 5°. 53 folios. Period covered, 1778-1780. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Expediente sobre el abandono del Pueblo de Bucarely, y establecer Comercio con los Yndios Gentiles del Nortte. Quaderno 6°. 46 folios. Period covered, 1780-1782. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 51. Morfi, Fray Juan Agustin de, Memorias para la Historia de Texas Escritas por el E. P. F. Juan Agustin de Morfi, Lector Jubilado de la Provineia del Sto. Evang°. de Mexico (ea. 1781). Bancroft Collection, University of California. The references in the footnotes are to the translation of this MS which I am editing for publication. Vial, Pedro, Diario que por la gracia de Dies, comienso a hacer desde este Presidio de San Antonio de Bejar hasta arrivar al de la capital Villa de Santa Fe por Comision de mi Governador Don. Domingo Cavello, Governador de la Provineia de los Texas, eon expression de las Jornadas desde el dia 4 de Octubre de 1787 [1786]. Santa Fe, July 5, 1787, A. G. M. Historia, vol. 62. Mares, Jose. Viaje 6 descubrimiento de Camino desde la Capital del Nvo. Mexico a la de la Provineia de Texas, hecho p"'. el Cavo de Yrabalidos Jose Mares. San Antonio, October 19, 1787. A. G. M. Historia, vol. 62. Mares, Jose, Derrotero y Diario que comprende el numero de Leguas que hay desde la Capital de San Antonio de Bejar Provineia de los Texas hasta la de Santa Fe del Nuevo Mexico, que hago Yo Jose Mares Cabo Ymbalido de la Compania de ella p'. los terrenos que conducen los Yndios Amigos Cumanches, para descubrir camino en derechura. Santa Fe, April 21, 1788. A. G. M. Historia, vol. 43. Fernandez, Santiago, Derrotero diario y Calculacion de leguas que hago Yo el abajo firmado (Santiago Fernandez) en descubrimiento desde esta Santa F§ a los Pueblos de humanes por orde.n superior del Sor Gouernador Dn. Fernando de la Concha, a conducion y guia de Pedro Vial. Santa Fe, December 16, 1788. A. G. M., Historia, vol. 43. Consulta del Sor. Commandante Gral. de las Provas. de Oriente sobre solicitud que han hecho los Yndios Horcoquisac, Atacapaces, Vidais, y Cocos, pidiendole se establesca la Mision de^ Orcoquisac: sobre que se 470 Bibliography separe del empleo de Tente. de Governador d Don Antonio Gil Ybarbo, etc. 1788, A. G. M., Historia, vol. 93. Fragoso, Francisco Xavier, Derrotero, Diario y Calculacion de Leguas, que en descubrimiento per derecho desde esta Provincia del Nuevo Mexico hasta el Fuerte de Naehitoehes y la de los Texas, de orden Superior voy d practicar en Compafiia de Dn. Pedro Vial comiaionado a este proposito, yo el abajo y a lo ultimo firmado (Francisco Xavier Fragoso). Villa de Santa Fe veinte y quatro de Junio de mil setecientos Ochenta y echo. Santa Fe, August 20, 1789. A. 6. M., Historia, vol. 43. Memorias de Nueva Espana. Compiled in 1792 by Father Francisco Figueroa. 32 vols. A. G. M., Historia, vols. 1-32. Vols. XXVII and XXVIII are entitled "Dooumeutos para la Historia Eclesi&stiea y Civil de la Provincia de Texas," libros I and II. INDEX Abad de Jesus Maria, Fray Joseph, missionary at N. S. de la Luz, 76, 349, 354, 356, 364, 409. Aeopseles, tribe, 2. Adaes (Nuestra Senora del Pilar de los Adaes), presidio and set- tlement, capital of Texas, 5; re- lations with Louisiana, 33, 34, 37-40; removal of and plans to remove, 38, 39, 113-115, 166, 390-392; plan to raise rank of, 70; soldiers sent from, 73, 74, 341, 347; a seat of contraband trade, 116; aid asked of, 170, 176, 177, 178, 232; new trail to, 203; condition of, 242, 388; Eubi 's recommendation concern- ing, 107-108, 380; Eipperda at, 113-114, 388; population, 388; raided by Indians, 393; French living at, 393; supplanted by Nacogdoches, 445-446; men- tioned, 64, 150, 163-164, 206, 331, 347, 379; denounced by Oconor, 402; munitions removed to Bueareli, 414. Adaes (San Miguel de los Adaes) mission of, 5, 161, 312, 368, 379, 399; abandoned, 115, 415. See also Adaes, presidio of. "Adaesanos" (inhabitants of Adaes), removed to San An- tonio, 115; petition to settle at Los Ais, 115, 394-396; hard- ships of, 400-401, 413; part set- tle at Bueareli, 413, 416, 430; move to Nacogdoches, 432-446. Adam, Francisco Lopez, oidor of the Meal Audiencia, 243. Administration, secular, 6-10; of missions, 10-13; local initiative in, 48; reforms needed, 103; character of, 164; of Nuevo San- tander, 299-300; delays in, 342, 353; defects of, 309, 352, 354, 356, 357, 367; of Interior Prov- inces, 124; delays in, 320, 342, 353; at San Agustin, 368; at Bueareli, 416-423; appointments approved by viceroy, 412; vacil- lating policy of, 403. See Alta- mira (Marques de), Aranda, Areche, Auditor de Guerra, CdbaUenas, Church, Colleges de Propaganda Fide, Colonies, Col- onization, Comandante General, Contraband Trade, Corporal Punishment, Croix (El Cabal- lero de), Discretorio, Ejidos, En- comiendas. Emigration, Exemp- tions, Families, Finances, Fire- arms, Fiscal, Frontier, Gilvez (Jose de). Government Policy, Governors, Idols, Inspector Co- mandante, Interior Provinces, Junta de Guerra, Lugar, Militia, Mines, Missions, New Spain, Poblaoiones, Presents, Fueilos, Punishment, Beales de Minos, Re- organization, Sesidencias, Eubi, Runaways, Settlements, Sitios, Spain, Subsidy, Stock, Supplies, Taxation, Tlascaltecans, Trade, Valc4reel, Vedoya, Viceroy, Villas, Fisitas. [471] Index Agriculture, among the Indians, 2, 335; at N. S. de la Luz, 318, at Bucareli, 417. See under the different settlements. Aguayo, Marques de, expedition of, 34, 141, 203, 284. Agustin, Bidai chief, 232. Ais, mission (Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los Ais), 5; re- moval, 61, 62, 107, 113-115, 310- 315, 436; settlers at, 115; plans to return to, 115, 116, 395, 401, 419; importance of, 314; Ybar- bo 's opinion of, 441 ; mentioned, 184, 378, 388. Ais, tribe, 312, 314. Aixittos (Little Ais), 61-62, 312. Alamo, mission, 5. See San An- tono de Valero, Valero. Alana, Father Miguel Placido de, 256. Alarc6n Eiver. See Guadalupe Eiver. Albuerne, Juan de. Marques de Aranda. See Altamira. Aldaco, Manuel de, assayer, 82. Almagres, Cerro del. See Los Almagres. AlmazS,n, Gov. Perez de, 285. Altamira, Marques de (Juan de Albuerne), auditor de guerra, 7, opinions of, 23-24, 39, 45, 46, 51, 60-61, 79, 177, 204-208, 214- 215, 243, 246, 292, 304; favors civil colonies, 50, 73, 309, 343; loses patience, 308-309; urges communication with Santa F&, 128; appeal to, 307. Altamira, villa in Nuevo Santan- der, 295. Altar, presidio in Sonora, 384. Amarillas, Marques de las, vice- roy, 73, 344. Amaya, Father Saluad de, 15, 191, 192. Anathagua, tribe, 154. Anchoses, tribe, 154. Anda y Altamirano, Fray Mariano de, at San Xavier, 161, 192, 235, 237, 284, 261; in Mexico, 178- 179. Andres, Fray Juan, starts for San Saba,, 85. Andreu j Ferras, royal fiscal, 7, 243; appeal to, 307; opinions of, 214, 312, 313. Angeles, Fray Joseph de los, at mission San Antonio de Valero, 273. Angeles, Fray Juan de los, mis- sionary, 15; assigned to San Xavier, 191. Angelina Eiver, Indians on, 2, 92; presidio on, 5; Calahorra visits, 92; suggestion to move Bucareli to, 436. Anglo-Americans, on Texas bor- der, 446. Animas, Arroyo de las, 50, 141, 156. Animas, Parage (Paraje) de las, 160. Antonio, Bidai chief, visited by Del Eio, 341. Anza, Juan Bautista, explorations of, 127. Apache, tribe, 3, 4, 174, 184, 219; campaigns against, 27-31, 127; depredations of, 29, 44, 45, 49, 100, 107, 110-111, 160, 166, 175- 176, 178, 179, 187-190, 243, 319, 380, 396; missions and plans for missions among, 42, 55, 78-79, [472] Index 80-81, 86-87, 93-94, 213, 222- 223, 265-268, 270, 272-273; plans to subdue by force, 83-84, 124-127, 381; block French ad- vance, 66; proposal of Kerl4rec concerning, 68-69; importance of depredations, 78; effect of founding mission for, 78, 91; reasons for entering country of, 78-79; fears of Comanche, 79, 87, 109, 121, 381; reports of minerals among, 82; Terreros's gift for missions for, 84; take part in Parrilla's campaign, 89; supplied by Bidai, 411. Apache Pass, on San Xavier (San Gabriel) Eiver, 197; tribes plan to attack, 232. Apapax, tribe, 154. Aparicio, Fray Francisco, destined for San Saba, 88; at Candelaria, 263, 267; petition to leave, 270; goes to the Guadalupe River, 275; mentioned, 276. Apatines, tribe, 293. Aponte y Lis, Fray Francisco Cayetano, in charge of Mission San Francisco San Xavier, 49; 187, 188, 190, 194; report by, 187-188; at Concepcion, 273; in- sulted by Barrios, 238. Apostates. See EUnaways. Aranama (Xaraname), mission, re- mains of, 318. See Xaraname. Aranda, Fray Miguel, exploration by, 80; at Concepcion, 273; goes to the Guadalupe Eiver, 275, 276; matter referred to, 278. Aranda, MarquSs de, fiscal, matter referred to, 278. Aranzazu, Nuestra Senora de (San Jacinto) Eiver, 331. Ardilla, campaign of, 287. Arkansas, post, 36; hunters from on Bed Eiver, 91. Arkansas, Eiver, French advance up, blocked by Comanche, 66; Mallet party descend, 67; French trading party sent up, 67. Arkansas, State, part of territory controlled by De MeziSres, 120. Areche, fiscal, opinions regarding Texas frontier, 116, 401, 403, 429. Aristorena, Father Bernardino, at N. S. de la Luz, 113, 365, 367. Arizona. See Anza, Garc^s, Pi- meria Alta. Arocha, Lieut. Simon, conducts settlers to Bucareli, 413, 417; expedition among Indians, 424. Arquellos (Argiiello) Fray Hen- rique de la Concepcion, in Texas, 15. Arricivita, Fray Juan Domingo, author of Cronica Serafica, 96, 139, 191; at San Xavier, 191, 225, 257; opinion cited, 263-265. Arroyo Hondo, boundary at, 1, 33, 34, 71. Arrueha, soldier at San Xavier, complaint of, 355. Asinai tribe, 92, 230, 367. See Hasinai. Asiuaio. See Hasinai. Atais, tribe, 154. Atasacneus, tribe, 154. Ataseosito, El, proposed as site for settlement, 75-76, 352-353. Atascoso, El, settlement at, 131. Atascoso y los Tranquillos, pro- posed as site for settlement, 353. [473] Index Atiasnogues, tribe, 154. Atoyaque, Eiver, 126, 131; sug- gested as site for settlement, 436. Attacapa, tribe, 3, 281; French traders among, 36, 180, 338, 362, 366; at San Ildefonso, 50; habitat of, 334; threaten San Agustin, 358; ask for mission, 366; Ybarbo among, 425. Auditor de guerra, importance of, 7; opinions of, 313, 342. See Altamira, Valcircel. Auila (Avila) Juan Franeiseo, soldier at San Xavier, 266. Aynais. See Hainai. Azcona, Melchor de Mediavilla y. See Mediavilla. Bahia del Espiritu Santo, settle- ment (presidio and mission), 23, 65, 106, 107, 206, 284, 377, 382, 384; plans to move, 286, 293; moved to San Antonio Eiver, 296, 302; ranches near, 301; sol- diers sent to Orcoquisac, 341; road to, 405; rumors of English, 105; aid asked of, 170; changes in garrison ordered, 177, 178; refuses to help San Xavier, 60; apostates from, 264; horses stolen, 411. See Espiritu Santo de Ziiniga, La BahIa, Mata- gorda Bay. Balmaeeda, Villa, planned, 57, 58, 293, 296. Bancroft, H. H., treatment of San Xavier missions, 138-139; of San Agustin de Ahumada, 346. Bafios, Fray Joachin de, goes to San Sab4, 85; takes supplies to El Can6n, 94. Baptisms, at San Xavier, 53; at Los Ais, 62; at N. S. del Ro- sario, 63, 319; at Espiritu Santo de Zuiiiga, 308; at N. S. de la Luz; numbers, 314; at Adaes, 399; at Nacogdoches, 399. Barbadillo, Francisco, efforts to subdue Gulf Coast, 56-57, 288. Barreda, Thomas, soldier at Haa Xavier, 267. Barreyro, Francisco Alvarez, ex- pedition to the Trinity Eiver, 328. Barrio Junco y Espriella, Pedro del, governor, 7, 8; difficulties with missionaries, 49, 50, 51, 69, 189, 194-196, 201, 202, 205- 206, 209-213, 218, 221-222; takes new trail to Adaes, 203; dis- credited in Mexico, 213-215; charged with contraband trade, 243; investigation of ordered, 243. Barrios y Jauregui, Jacinto de, governor of Texas, 7, 8, 9; at San Xavier, 53; trading activi- ties of, 65-66, 336-337; inter- rupts French trade, 66, 68, 69, 70, 72-73; investigates bound- ary question, 69-71; proposes garrison for San Pedro Eiver, 70, 71; activities regarding de- fence of lower Trinity, 73-77, 340, 344-348, 352-354, 357, 360; at San Xavier, 53; relations with San Xavier, 53, 237-239, 262, 271; becomes governor of Coahuila, 74, 76, 354; in junta at San Antonio, 39; sends Mi- randa to explore mines, 81-82; starts for San Antonio, 87, 354; complaints against, 239, 253; [474] Index ordered to investigate; op- poses removal of Ais mission, 314; residencia of, 337; report by, 338; fortifies Trinity Eiver, 340-342; term extended, 347; quarrel with Paeheco, 366; pro- test to Kerlfiree, 362. Barroetta, Juan Chrisostomo, re- gent of tribunal, meiabcr of junta, 243. Barroso, Joseph, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Bazterra. See Orobio Bazterra. Bidai,- tribe, 3, 144, 147, 148, 154, 165-166, 184, 213, 424; Orobio visits, 64; at San Xavier mis- sions, 49, 50, 54-55, 66, 186, 198, 216-217, 231-233, 366; French traders among, 64-65, 118, 411, 427; mission for proposed, 113, 118; relation to Deadose and Oreoquiza, 147; trail to, 330; customs, 330, 334-335; first Spanish contact with, 330; ask for missions, 341; plan to re- duce with Oreoquiza, 348, 3-'^l; charged with plot, 362; mission- ary journey to, 367; at Bucareli, 406, 423; decimated by epi- demic, 416; Comanche desire aid of, 434; distrusted, 398. See Orobio. Bidais Creek, 406. Bienville, governor of Louisiana, sends party to open trade with Santa Fe, 67. Bigotes, Texas chief, at Nacog- doches, 391. See Sauto. Blanc, Cesar de, protests against Spanish encroachments, 71. Blanc, Pablo le, embassy to north- ern tribes, 121. [475] Blanco River, crossed by Miranda, 81. Blancpain, Joseph, arrest and ex- amination of, 66, 72-73, 337-339, 342, 374. See Orcoquisac, San Agustin. Boca de Leones, presidio, in Nu- evo Le6n, question of moving garrison, 163, 166, 170, 171. Boca Floja, Indian chief, 363. Boneo y Morales, Justo, governor of Texas, 8; attends funeral of Saint I>enis, 41. Bonilla, Antonio, author of the Breve Compendia, 168, 327; er- ror of, 356; ayudante inspector, 108, 385; quoted, 385. Boone, Daniel, 126. Border, Franco-Spanish, 63-78. See French. Borrados, tribe, at missions • in Texas, 97, 297. Borrego, Captain, Juan Jos4 V&z- quez, founds Eancho de Dolores, 59, 297, 299. Botello, Fray Juan Garcia, at Bucareli, 422, 433, 436. Boundary, Texas-Louisiana, dis- pute, 33, 43, 69, 70, 71-72, 77, 327-332, 343, 359-364, 363-364; Kerlerec proposes commission, 359; Mississippi regarded as boundary, 361. See Arroyo Hondo, Gran Montana, Sabine Eiver, Trinity Eiver, Nueces Eiver, San Sabi, Medina Eiver. Brazos de Di6s, Eiver, early knowledge of, 63; French on, 77, 362; Indians on, 92, 146; De Mezieres on, 122; Father Pita murdered near, 203; Adaes emi- grants cross, 114, 392; men- tioned, 130, 132, 140. Index Brioso, Ambrosio, flight with Pa- checo, 370, 371. Brushy Creek (Arroyo de las Ani- mas), 141. Bruy6re, Fabry de la, sent to open trade with Santa F^, 67. Bueareli, Nuestra Senora del Pilar de, pueblo of, 405-446; on the Trinity; site chosen, 117, 405- 406; reasons for location, 407; founded, 412-14; conditions at, 117-118; buildings, 414, 416; growth, 414, 416; economic con- ditions, 416-418; defenses of, 434-435; French traders at, 118; Comanche raids on, 119, 437- 438; ofS.cers, 413; epidemic at, 416; fiscal exemptions, 417; spiritual affairs, 418-423; tithes at, 422; denounced, 428- 439; removal, 118-119, 432-446; flood at, 437; flre at, 437; flight from, 435-438; De M6zi&res at, 126. Bueareli y Ursua, Antonio Maria, viceroy, measures relating to Texas, 116, 401; vacillating policy, 404; town named for, 412. Buffalo, 418. Buffalo Bayou, 333. Burgos, Villa de, Nuevo Santan- der, Escand6n at, 296. Bustillo y Zevallos, Juan Antonio, governor of Texas, 8; plan to move Los Adaes, 38-39; visited by French officials, 40; opposes founding San Xavier missions, 45-46, 164-167; campaign against Apache, 28, 141; opin- ion, 145-147; career of, 164- 165; criticised by Media villa. 169-169; alcalde ordinario of Mexico, 244; quoted, 285; men- tioned, 155, 170. Bustillo y Zevallos, Manuel An- tonio, inspects Guadalupe River, 276. Cdballerias, granted to settlers, 299. Cabello, Domingo, governor of Texas, 8; commissions Vial to explore, 129; commends Ybar- bo, 414; favors Nacogdoches, 442-444; measures regarding Bueareli, 433, 436, 437. Cabellos Colorados, Lipq.n chief, imprisoned, 29. Cabeza de Vaca, 283. Cabez6n, Lipan chief, 94. Caddo, tribes, 2, 21. Cadena, Antonio, resident at San Xavier, 247. Cadena, Aseeneio, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Cader^yta, Nuevo Le6n, 287, 292. Cadodaeho, tribe, 2, 166, 169; French traders among, 35, 79, 121; De M4zi5res at village, 121; hostile to Apache, 233. Cadodachos, San Luis de los, post. See San Luis de los Cadodachos. Cainiones, tribe, treaty with, 121- 122. Calahorra y Saenz, Father Joseph, missionary at Nacogdoches, 91, 330; expeditions to Tawakoni, 91-92; at N. S. de la Luz, 357, 367, 368. California, Alta, fear of French reaching, 68; Serra and Palou in, 88; necessity for occupying, 102; success of missions in, 120; opening of routes to, 127. [476] Index California, Baja, Franciscans in, 109. Calzones Colorados, Orcoquiza chief, 333, 335; Blanepaiu ar- rested at village of, 337, 338; dealings with Spaniards, 350, 351, 363, 367, 369, 370, 372; Arroyo de, 358. Camara Alta, Agustin de, ordered to make map, 72. Camargo, Nuevo Santander, 58, 295, 297, 300; ranches opposite, 299. Camberos, Fray, Juan de Di6s, ef- forts in behalf of Mission Eosario, 61-63, 285, 310-311, 316, 319; aids Capt. Pacheco, 371. Cambray, Antonio, at San Xavier, 247. Caminos Beales (Highways), 131, 142, 332, 371, 405, 406. Campaign, against Apache, 27- 32; by Parrilla, 88-90; by TJgalde, 127; by Pacheco, 374; by Ybarbo, 424. Canadian River, Mallet party on, 67; Vial on, 129. Canary Islanders, at San Antonio, 5, 25-27. See San Fernando de Bexar. Cancepnes, tribe, 154. Candelaria. See Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria. Cannibalism, 283. Cannons, sent to San Agiistin, 347, 351; sent to Bueareli, 414. Can6n, El, mission and garrison at, 94, 107, 110. Canos, Orcoquiza chief, 333; rela- tions with French, 335, 338, 341, 363; promises to enter mission. 347, 366; village ordered moved, 351. Cantu, Capt., founds Eeynosa, 295. Caocosi, tribe, 283. See Coco. Caoque (Capoque), tribe, Vaoa among, 283. See Coco. Carabajal, Corporal Nicholas, at San Xavier, 221, 232, 247, 258, 259, 266. Caramanchel, place, 371. Carancaguas, tribe. See Karan- kawa. Carlos III, King of Spain, reforms of, 102-103, 377. Carmona, Pablo Joseph, soldier at San Xavier, 248, 267. Caro, Father Fray Joseph Fran- cisco, at N. S. de la Luz, 75; denounces site of, 75, 353, 364. Carrillo, Manuel, charged with murder, 261. Carrizo, tribe, 293, 297. Casafuerte, Marques de, viceroy, 246. Casanas, Father Francisco de Jesus Maria, 146. Casos, tribe, 154. Casos, Fray Antonio, with Solis, 322. Castellanos, Fray Francisco Xavier, guardian of College of Santa Cruz, 191; measures re- garding Texas, 200-201, 223. Cattle, 6, 369; wild, 418. See stock. Cazorla, Capt. Luis, member of junta, 125, 409; charges against Ripperda et. at, 409, 411, 418, 427-429; expedition to coast, 408. Celaya, 287. [477] Index Cemetery Hill, site of Caudelaria, 228. Cerda, iPranoisco de la, soldier at San Xavier, 236-237. Cerralvo, Nuevo Leon, question of moving garrison, 163, 166, 169, 171; settled, 287; aid asked from, 170; colonists from, 295. Cerrogordo, presidio, 384. Chamacuero, 287. Chambers County, settlement in, 346. Chanas Eiver. See Llano. Chapa, Jose riorencio, comman- der at Mier, 297. Chapuis, French trader in New Mexico, 67, 68; sent to Spain, 71. Charcas, Las, sends soldiers for Parrilla's campaign, 89. Charles, Joseph Antonio, soldier at San Xavier, 266. Chartres, Fort. See Fort Chartres. Chavira, Father Bruno, at N. S. de la Luz, 74; death of, 75, 348, 353, 364. Chayopines, Eancho de, 131. Chihuahua, 126. Chitimacha, Indians, 36. Church, policy regarding baptism, 319; administration at Buca- reli, 418-423. See Missions. Cibolo, Arroyo del, ranch, garri- son, and settlement on, 29, 108, 111, 114-115, 384, 392, 430. Coahuila, 2, 30, 58, 89, 107, 109, 110, 171, 268, 347, 354. Coahuiltecan, tribes, 3; language, 96. Coapite, tribe, 3, 281-283. Cocay, Yatasi chief, 121. Coco, tribe, 3, 45, 49, 54, 55, 60, 148, 154, 156-158, 166, 199-200, 202, 213, 216, 232, 234, 260, 261, 264, 272, 281, 283, 286. See Caoeosi, Caoque. Colleges de Propaganda Fide, ad- ministration of, 12. See Guada- lupe, Santa Cruz. Colonies, civil, asked or planned for, 43, 129, 171, 179, 207, 247, 274, 275, 342; urged by Alta- mira, 309; lack of, 352; founded in Nuevo Santander, 57-59, 294. See Families, Settlers, Colonization. Colonization, methods, 299, 342, 344, 351. Colorado Eiver, 3, 63, 72, 81, 130, 382. Comal Springs, mission for sug- gested, 264, 266; founded, 273- 278. See New Braunfels, Guad- alupe Eiver. Comanche, tribes, 3, 4; relation to French advance, 66, 67, 68; hos- tility to Apache, 79, 93, 121, 127, 379, 381; minerals in coun- try of, 81, 82; troubles with, 87, 88-91, 107, 109, 117, 119, 396, 424, 432-438; alliance and trade with Taovayas, 90, 121; pro- posal to Christianize, 268; men- tioned, 31, 126, 132, 407; De Mfeiferes among, 123. See Ev6a. Comandante general, of the Pro- viucias Internas, 385. Commerce, 329, 331, 336, 417, 418, 426. See trade. Concepci6n. See Nuestra Senora de la Concepoi6n. [478] Index Concha, Fernando de la, governor of New Mexico, sends Mares to explore, 129. Concho Eiver. See Florido. Conchos Eiver, Nuevo Santander, 295. Copane tribe, 3 ; at Espiritu Santo, 306, 323. Contraband trade, by French and with Louisiana, 337, 400, 402, 408, 417; at Bueareli, 426-431. See French, Trade. C6rdova (Cordoba), Sergt. Cris- tobal, at San Agustin, 346. C6rdova, Lieut., at Bexar, 386. Corporal punishment, 321. Corpus Christi, exploration at, 105-106; ranch at, 301. Corpus Christi, Bay, 301. Cos, Manuel, at San Xavier, 247. Costales, Gabriel, captain at Bahia, 23. Croix, El Caballero de, comandante general of the Provineias In- ternas, measures regarding Texas, 124, 124-125, 420, 422, 426, 431, 433, 440, 441-444; holds junta de guerra at Bexar, 124-125. Cross Timbers, De MgziSres fol- lows, 126. Cruillas, Marques de, urges coast guard, 104. Cuervo, Tienda de, report on Nuevo Santander, 300. Cujane, tribe, 3, 166, 281-284, 303, 310; troubles with, 178, 286, 308; missionary activities among, 15, ©0, 232, 303-310, 316-324; French among, 331. Cyprianp, Fray Ignaoio Antonio, at San Antonio, 15; at Los Ais, 314. David, Jos6, English trader, 425- 426. Deadose (Doxas), tribe, 3, 44, 142, 144, 147, 149, 160, 165; forms of name, 147-148; suc- cumb to disease, 148; at mis- sions, 50, 150, 186, 198, 213, 231, 233, 331. See Yadoxa. DeLeon, Alonso, 283. DeLeon, Domingo, 350. DeLeon, Jacinto, 65-66, 298, 336. Delgado, Francisco, at San Xavier, 224. Del Eio, Domingo, agent of Bar- rios, 65-66; activities on lower Trinity, 73-76, 111-112, 336, 340-341, 346, 353, 355, 362, 365, 367, 368, 370. Del Eio, Joachin, killed, 370. Del Eio, Pedro, at San Xavier, 266. De Mgzieres, Athanase, work among northern tribes, 119-127, 397, 424, 434; named boundary commissioner, 359; influence on Eipperda, 396; reports English, 397; opinions cited, 407, 417, 432-433, 438, 443-444; charged with smuggling, 409-410. De Soto Vermudez, Manuel An- tonio, investigates French trade, 70; flees to Natchitoches, 372. Diaz, Capt. Domingo, in junta at Bexar, 125. Discretorio, of missionary college, 12, 307, 314-315. Disdier, Abbe, efforts to settle in Texas, 360-361. [479] Index Diteh Valley Farm, site of mis- sions, 137-138, 228. Dolores, Eancho de, 59, 297, 299, 300, 301. Dolores y Viana, Father Fray Francisco Mariano de los, early career, 14-15, 18, 149-150; ef- forts to found and labors at San Xavier missions, 44, 45, 48- 54, 60-61, 150-160, 162-164, 185- 189, 196, 199-202, 209, 224-225, 234-238, 248, 253-258, 263, 265, 266, 269, 307; difficulties with Barrio, Galvan, Eabago, Ur- rutia, Terreros, and Gonzalez, 93, 194-195, 209-214, 216, 221- 222, 259-261, 277, 305-306; founds mission on the Guada- lupe, 85, 88, 273-278; efforts with Karaukawa, 303-308; in- terest in Apache missions, 79, 234; president of missions, 60, 96, 191, 255. Dominguez, Fray Francisco Ata- nacio, explorations, 127. Dominicans, in Sierra Gorda, 56, 287. Doxas, tribe. See Deadose. DuChesne, French trader, 123. Duran, Pedro, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Du Eivage, French explorer, 146. Eca y Musquiz. See Musquiz. Economic conditions. See Agri- culture, Adaes, Adaesanos, Bar- rio, Barrios, Buoareli, Cabal- lerias, Cattle, Cibolo, Colonies, Colonization, Commerce, Con- traband Trade, Encomiendas, Emigration, Exemptions, Fi- nances, Firearms, Floods, French Traders, Fur Trade, Govern- ment policy, Horses, Indians, Irrigation, Jamaica, Lands, Maize, Manufactures, La Mathe, Mier, Mines, Missions (indus- trial life). Mules, Natchitoches (trade), Neehes River (trade). Nations of the North (trade), Nuevo Leon, Orcoquiza, Presi- dios (supplies). Ranches, Salines, Santa Petronilla, Sitios, Slaves, Stock, Subsidy, Supplies, Tithes, Tlascaltecans, Trade, Ybarbo. Ejidos, granted, 299. El Ataseosito. See Ataseosito. El Can6n. See Can6n. El Flechazo. See Flechazo. El Lobanillo. See Lobanillo. El Loco. See Loco. El Orcoquisac. See Orcoquisac. El Paso. See Paso del Norte. Emigration, to Nuevo Santander, 294^296. See Colonies. Encomiendas, in Nuevo Leon, 288, 291. England, war with, 57. English, on Spanish frontier, and fears of, 42, 102-106, 118, 126, 131, 397, 400-402 407, 408; Ybarbo 's expedition to reoon- noiter, 424-426. Ensenada, Marques de la, 242. Epidemics, 303, 416. Esoalante, Father Silvestre Velez de, explorations of, 127. Eseandon, Jose de, conquers Sier- ra Gorda, 57, 289-290; founds Nuevo Santander and reorgan- izes Texas coast, 57-60, 170- 172, 291-302; looks for English, 104-105; policy of, 292, 309, 343; made Count of Sierra Gorda, 294; results of work, [480] Index 298-299; orders to Piszina, 311. Eseovar (Escobar), Fray Joseph, at Mission Eosario, 322. Espada, mission. See San Fran- cisco de la Espada. Espinosa, Pray Isidro Felix de, book by, 14; mentioned, 146, 152-153, 169. Espinosa, Fray Phelipe Miguel Su^rez de, in Texas, 15. Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, mis- sion, 3, 5; activities of, 19-20, 56, 57, 59-61, 63, 99-100, 161, 284, 305, 308, 308-310, 423; moved, 285. See Bahia del Espiritu Santo. Esquivel, Mariano de, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Estrada, Joseph Antonio de, sol- dier at San Xavier, 247, 266. Evea, Comanche chief, attacks Bucareli, 432. Evia, Jos6 de, explores coast, 133. Exemptions, of colonists, 416- 417. Expeditions, missionary, 14-16; against Apache, 27-31; of Ybar- bo to coast, 426. Explorations, 104-106, 293, 333- 334, 408, 426. See Aguayo, Anza, Aranda, Arkansas Eiver, Aranzazu, Arocha, Atascosito, Barreyro, Barrio, Blanc, Blanco Biver, Brazos, Bruyere, Buca- reli, Cadodacho, Calahorra, Canadian Eiver, Cazorla, Comal Springs, Apache, Concha, Cor- pus Christi, Cross Timbers, De Leon, Del Eio, De M6zieres, Dolores, De Soto Vermudez, Dominguez, Du Eivage, Esea- lante, Escand6n, Expeditions, Evia, Pare, Feuille, Flores (Gil, Nicolds), Fort Chartres, Pragoso, Gaignard, Galv^n, G41vez, Garoes, Garza, Garza Falcon, Gonzalez, Guadalupe Eiver, Gulf Coast, Herudndez, Honey Creek, Horeonsitos, La Pora, La Harpe, La Salle, Llano Eiver, Los Almagres, Lopez, Mallet, Malaguitas Island, Mares, Miera y Pacheco, Mines, Miranda, Missionaries, Molina, Musquiz, New Mexico, Olivares, Orobio (Joaquin), Parrilla, Paso de Jacinto, Paso Tomas, Peder- nales Eiver, Eabago, Eamirez de Arrellano, Eamon, Eed Eiver, Eivera, Eio Grande, Eipperda, San Jacinto Eiver, San Marcos Eiver, San Sab4, Santa Fe, Santa Eosa, Santa Petronilla, Saint Louis, Satren, Soils, Tao- vayas, Ugalde, Urrutia, Vial, Ybarbo. Eyasiquiche, Taovayas chief, re- turns captive, 92-93. Families, preferred as colonists, 344. Pars, Antonio de la, French trader, arrested, 337. Pebre, heads French trading par- ty to Santa Pe, 67-68. Fernandez, Santiago, escorts Vial's exploring party, 130. Feuille, in New Mexico, 67, 68, 71. Finances, of Nuevo Santander, 300; of San Agustin, 373, of N. S. de la Luz, 366-367; of Eosario, 316, 318, 320; of Santa Eosa del Alcdzar, 351. See Sub- sidy. Firearms, trade in forbidden, 338. [481] Index Fiscal, of the Seal Audiencia, 7, 315, 342. See Andreu, Areehe, Aranda. Flechado en la Cara, Tawakoni chief, 92. Flechazo, Tawakoni village, 92. Floods, at Bucareli, 354, 417. Flores, Antonio, oavo at San Xavier, 266. Flores, Antonio Clemente, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Flores, Ger6nimo, at San Xavier, 224, 249. Flores, Gil, commissioner to Mexi- co, 115, 398-401; made teniente of Bucareli, 416; death of, 416. Flores, Joaquin Antonio, at San Xavier, 247. Flores, Joseph, soldier at San Xavier, 247, 249, 267. Flores, Capt. Nicolas, expedition against Apache, 28. Flores, Fray Sebastian, at San Xavier, 263, 270, 274; at San Juan Capistrano, 273. Florida, English in, 103; re- stored to Spain, 133. Florido (Concho) Eiver, pro- posals of missions on, 80, 268, 270. Fora, Nicol§,s de la. See La Fora. Foreign aggression, importance in Texas history, 327. Fort Chartres, traders from in New Mexico, 67. Fragoso, Francisco Xavier, expe- dition and diary of, 130, 132, 406. France, Louisiana ceded to, 102. Franciscans in Texas, 5, 12, 74; in Sierra Gorda, 56, 287; in California, Sonora, and Tara- humara, 109. See Missions, Mis- sionaries, and names of indi- vidual missions and mission- aries. Franquis de Lugo, Carlos Benites, governor of Texas, 8; troubles with missionaries, 23-25; with Sandoval, 34, 38; denounced, 253. French, traders in Texas tribes, 34-38, 70, 72, 73, 77, 91-93, 118, 166, 169, 176-177, 180, 233, 268, 327-332, 329, 331-335, 338, 355, 359-364, 400, 408-410, 416, 418, 426-427, 434; trade route to Nabedache, 329; traders on New Mexico border, 66-69; fears of, 32-33, 44, 64, 64-66, 70-72, 169, 174, 241-243, 314, 338-343, 362; boundary question, 32-41, 43, 131, 343, 359; Spanish trade with, 6, 38-40; shipwrecked, 330-331; friendly relations, 40- 41, 111. Frlas, Fray Francisco Joseph de, in Texas, 15. Fronteras, presidio, 384. Frontier, initiative on, 431. Frontiersmen, victory for, 413. Fugitives. See Runaways. Fur trade, 418, 337. See Trade, Commerce, French traders, Con- traband. Gaignard, J., expedition up Red Biver, 123. Galera y Apaseo, Hacienda de, Mediavilla at, 168. Galv&n, Lieut. Juan, commander at San Xavier, 48-49, 182, 185, 187, 211-213, 216, 220; explores Apache country, 80; complaints against, 220-221. [482] Index Galvez, Bernardo de, governor of Louisiana, 124, 127. Galvez, Jose de, visitador general, 103. Ganuza, Father, with Father Soils at Bosario, 321. Ganz^bal, Fray Jose, missionary in Texas, 15; sent to Mexico to promote San Xavier missions, 48, 49, 185, 187, 195-196, 200, 204; murder of, 54, 260-262; at San Xavier missions, 223, 231, 233, 235, 248, 259. Garc^s, Fray Franeiseo Hermene- gildo, 127; Garcia, Fray Anselmo, missionary at N. S. de la Luz, 367. Garcia, Fray Bartolom^, at S. F. de la Espada, author of Manual, 3, 96, 232, 235, 257, 273; aids in founding Guadalupe mission, 276. Garcia, Fray Diego Martin, writ- ings of, 15, 96; career of, 15, 191; work at missions, 60, 80, 260, 304, 306. Garcia, Father, at Los Ais, 295. Garcia, Father, at Camargo, 314. Garcia Larios, Francisco. See Larios. Garabito (Garavito), Joseph, testimony regarding English, 105. Garcitas River, mission on, 5; site of La Salle's colony, 283. Garza, Father Jos6 Francisco de la, missionary at Bucareli, 118, 419-423, 432, 435, 439, 441; at Nacogdoches, 119; among Xara- name, 424-425; founds mission Eefugio, 421. Garza, Juan Diego de la, at San Xavier, 224, 267. Garza, Manuel de la, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Garza Falc6n, Bias Maria de la, founds Camargo, 295; ranch at Corpus Christi, 301. Garza Falcon, Joseph de la, expe- dition to coast, 105. Garza Falcon, Miguel de la, sent to San Xavier, 261. George, Elias, French trader, ar- rested, 337. Geotes, tribe, 154. Gil y Barbo, Antonio. See Ybarbo. Giraud, Diego, merchant in Mexi- co, agent for Miranda, 83; for Barrios, 75, 351, 354. Goliad, founded, 58, 296; mission remains at, 318. See Bahia del Espiritu Santo. Gonzilez, Capt. Diego, leads col- ony to Nueces Eiver, 58, 296; death of, 296. Gonzalez, Ensign Jos6 (later Lieut.), commander at Adaes, 33, 114; retirement proposed, 386; removes Adaes settlers, 387; death of, 114, 391. Gonzalez, Fray Joseph, at San An- tonio, 15. GonzS,lez, Fray Juan Joseph, mis- sionary at Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, 304, 305-306. Gordo, El, Orcoquiza chief, 333, 341, 348, 350, 351, 363. Government, policy regarding commerce, 418; of Nuevo San- tander, 300. See Administra- tion. [483] Index Governors, of Texas, powers of, 7; list of, 8; terms of, 8; social and military rank of, 8-9. Graft, in government, 9. Gran Montana, boundary at, 1, 33, 34, 71. Grevenverge, Agustin de. Captain at Attacapa, engaged in con- traband trade, 428. Guadalajara, diocese of, includes Texas, 259, 419. Guadalupe de Zacateeas, College of, missions of in Texas, 5, 12, 57, 60-62, 74, 107, 109, 141, 146, 183-184, 204; in Nufevo Santan- der, 59, 109, 294; in Tarahu- mara and Sierra Gorda, 109. Guadalupe, Fray Jos6, at San Juan Capistrano, 273. Guadalupe Eiver, settlements on, 4, 19-21; explored, 30-31, 81; missionary activities on, 273- 278, 79, 85, 87-88, 264, 266, 285, 430. See Comal. Guadalcdzar, 292. Guajoquilla, presidio, 384. Guapite, tribe, 166, 281-284, 303- 308, 323. Guemes, Villa de, founded, 295. Guerra, Eosa, 370. Guerra, Vicente, founds Eevilla, 297. Guerrero, Joseph Vicente, soldier at San Xavier, 266. Guevara, Antonio. See Ladron de Guevara. Guevara, Thoribio, takes com- plaint to Mexico from San Xavier, 259. Guevara, Captain, leads colony, 295. Gulf Coast, Indians of, 3; mis- sionaries on, 3; ignorance of, 64; conditions on, 56, 281-290; reorganization, 133, 279-324; English on, 42, 103-106, 439; explorations on, 104-106, 133. Hainai, tribe. See Aynais, Texas. Hasinai, tribes, 2, 46, 113, 146- 148, 154, 233; French among, 35; failure of missions among, 309-312; suggestion to take to San Xavier, 230-231; at N. 8. de la Lruz, 367. See Asinai, Asinaio. Havana, governor of reports French danger, 361. Hernandez, Fray Juan, sent to Texas, 191-192. Hernandez, surveys Santa Eosa, 350. Herrera, Pedro Joseph de, at San Xavier, 248. Hierbipiame, tribe (E'rvipiame), missionaries among, 50, 143, 146, 186, 190, 198, 213, 248, 230. Hierro, Fray Sim6n, report on mis- sions, 99-101. Hiscas, tribe, 154. Honey Creek (San Miguel), site of Los Almagres, 82, explored by Miranda, 82; by Bolton, 83. Horcasitas, City, founded, 296. Horoonsitos, Los, proposed site of settlement, 76, 346, 354-358, 372. Horses, among Karankawa, 283; trade in stolen, 410, 411, 418, 428, 337, 338; lack of at Buca- reli, 424. See Mules. Houston, Texas, plan for settle- ment near, 352. Hoyos, villa, 300. [484] Index Huasteea, 287, 289, 294. Hurtado, Fray Joseph de Jesus Maria, in Texas, 15. Hurtado, Fray Juan de Jesus Maria, in Texas, 15. Icara, tribe, 361. Idols, taken from Indians, 366. Illinois, trade with Santa Pg, 67. Indians, of Texas, 2-i; depreda- tions, 16, 27-31, 288, 377, 410; trade, 6, 34-38, 400, 410; at mis- sions, 10-11, 308, 348, 423, 297; policy regarding, 303, 402-403, 408, 424. See the different tribes, missions, wars, trade. Inspector comandante, office cre- ated, 108, 385. Interior Provinces {See Provin- cias Internas), reorganized, 379, 431. Irrigation, 300, 317, 351. Iruegas, soldier at San Xavier, 267. See Uruega, Truegas. Jacinto, Pass of, at Laredo, 298. Jalpan, Santiago de, mission of, Father Serra at, 290. Jamaica, traders from, 425. Jauos, 384. Jaumave, 300. Jauregui, Jose Fernandez de, plan to colonize Tamaulipas, 291; governor extraordinary of Texas, 8. Jesuits, on Pacific Slope, 109; ex- pulsion, 108. Joutel, 145. Julimes, tribe, 384. Jumano, tribe, 67, 166. Junta de guerra y hacienda, func- tions of, 7; proceedings of, 70, 71-72, 83-84, 303-308, 320, 340, 342, 344, 351, 356, 451-452, 403. Juntas, local. Kansas, village, French post at, 67. Karankawan (Carancaguas, Talan- cagues), tribes, 3, 4, 61, 133, 148, 154, 166, 281-283, 284, 303, 311, 323-324; hostilities of, 56, 107, 284-286; French among, 362; go to Bucareli, 423; mis- sionary activities among, 43, 50, 59-63, 97, 283-286, 303-324. Kerlerec, Governor of Louisiana, proposes conquest of Apache country, 68-69, 363; part played in boundary controversy, 73, 77, 359, 361, 363. Kiohai (Quitseis) tribe, 4, 121- 122, 154, 182-184, 233, 423-424; De Meziferes among, 121, 122, 126; attack Comanche, 433-434. Kolb's Hill, site of mission, 50, 138, 228. Laba, Fray Ignacio Maria, at N. S. de la Luz, 367, 374. La Bahla. See Bahia del Espiritu Santo, Espiritu Santo de Zuniga. Lacopseles, tribe, 154. Ladron de Guevara, Antonio, plan to colonize coast, 291. La Fora, Nicolas de, diary, 357- 358, 378; map, 378; accom- panies Eubi, 107, 378. La Harpe, Beuard de, among Wichita, 36; on Gulf coast, 283- 284. La Mathe, Nicolas de, 123, 410; at Bucareli, 118, 415, 427, 433. Lampen (Lampin). See Blanc- pain. Lampazos, 16, 45, 152. Lands, held in common, 299; classes, 299. [485] Index Languages, Indian, 285. Laredo, San Agustin de, mission, at Camargo, 295. Laredo, Villa, founded, 59, 297, 300, 301; population, 299, 300; importanoe of, 301; horses stolen, 411. Larios, Governor Franeiseo Gar- cia, 8, 64, 180-182. La Salle, Eobert Cavelier, Sieur de, 283, 364. Lavaca Bay, 5, 56. Layssards, the, French traders, 123. Leal, sent to Mexico, 25. Legros, Jean, arrested, 37. Le6n. See De Le6n. Letas, tribe, 360." Linares, colonists from, 295. Lipan, tribe, 3, 27-32, 127; trou- ble with, 29, 79; treaty with, 79; at missions, 86, 93-94, 95; Eubi recommends exterminat- ing, 108. See Apache, San Sab4, Comanche. List, of governors, 8; of mission- aries, 15, 367; of soldiers at San Xavier, 247-248, 266-267. Little Eii'ver. See San Andr6s Eiver. Llano (Chanas) Eiver, 130; Apache on, 3; battle on, 110; minerals on, 31, 79-83; explora- tions near, 80-82. See Los Al- magres. Llera, villa, 295. Lobanillo, El, ranch of Ybarbo, 113-114, 131, 388, 424; settlers remain at, 114; fugitives re- turn to, 393; plan to reoccupy, 400; settlers go to Bucareli, 415-416. Loco, El, creek, mission on sug- gested, 167, 169. L6pez, Father Joseph, at San Xavier missions, 54, 238, 248, 256-257, 260, 263, 267, 270; ex- plores in San Sabd country, 80- 81. Lopez, Father, with Soils, 321. Loreto, Nuestra Senora de (See Bahia) presidio, moved, 58, 59, 285. Los Almagres, mines, discovered, 80-83. See Llano Eiver. Losoya, Sergt. Antonio, arrests Legros, 37. Louisiana, boundary, 32-41; ces- sion of, 102-133, 364, 377; trade with cut off, 38-40; occupation by Spain, 102-103, 120; traders from in Santa Fe, 67; forces strengthened, 69, 70; communi- cation with New Spain, 127- 128. See Border, Boundary, French. Lugar, founded by Escandon, 298. Lugo. See Franquis de Lugo. Macarty, Chevalier, claims part of Texas for France, 364. Madison County, 406. Maize, 335, 337. Malaguitas, tribe, 97. Malaguitas Island, explored, 104- 106. Maldonado, Francisco, at San Xavier, 267. Maldonado, Juan Antonio, among Bidai, 336. Mallet Brothers, expedition to New Mexico, 66-67. Manos de Perro, tribe, visited by Father Molina, 15. Manufactures, 417. [486] Index Marenti, Fray Joseph, at N. S. de la Luz, 367. Mares, Corporal Jose, exploration of, 129-130. Mariano, Father Fray. See Do- lores y Viana. Martin, Alejando, accompanies Mares exploring party, 129. Martin, Joseph Manuel, at San Xavier, 267. See Martinez. Martin, Pedro, at San Xavier, 267. Martinez, Joseph Manuel, at San Xavier, 248, 275. Martinez, Joseph Maria, at San Xavier, 267. Martinez, Mario, at San Xavier, 267. Martinez Paeheco. See Pacheco. Martos y Navarrete, Angel de. Governor, 8, 74; activities on lower Trinity, 76, 112, 354-357 quarrel with Pacheco, 368-372 policy regarding Apache, 88-91 reports French plot, 362; bound- ary dispute, 364; becomes gov- ernor of Coahuila, 347; trial of, 372. Masse, M., petition to settle in Texas, 359-360. Matagorda Bay, tribes near, 281- 283. See Bahia del Espiritu Santo. Mateo, Orcoquiza chief, 333, 335, 341, 351. Mathe, Nicolas de la. See La Mathe. Mayeye, tribe, 3, 44, 142, 145- 149, 165, 183, 248, 423; at San Xavier missions, 50, 150, 186, 190, 198, 213, 230; in mission on Guadalupe Biver, 273-276. See Pablo. Mazapil, 82, 83. Mazo Calder6n, Ignacio Joseph de, treasurer of Caxas Beales, 244. Mediavilla y Azcona, Melchor de, defends mission plan, 46, 147, 167-169. Medina Biver, boundary at, 1, 292; plan to move settlement to, 286. Medina, !Roque de, ayudante in- spector, 108, 385, 400, 409, 410. Meghty, tribe, 145. Melenudos, tribe, 147. Menardville, site of San Saba settlement, 86, 93. See San Saba. Menchaca, Capt. Louis Antonio, at San Antonio, 271. Menchaca, Marcos, at San Xavier, 248, 266. Mendez, Joseph Marcos, at San Xavier, 267. Mescalero, tribe, 27, 127. Mesquite, tribe, at San Jose, 99. Mexico, archives of, 281. See New Spain. Mezqula, Fray Pedro Perez de, in Sierra Gorda, 289-290. Mier, Lugar de, founded, 58, 297; ranching opposite, 299, 300. Miera y Pacheco, Bernardo, ex- plorations of, 127. Miler, Bautista, English castaway, 425, 426. Militia, of Bucareli, 412, 413. Mill Creek, site of Santa Rosa, 350. Minehaca (Menchaca), Marcos. See Menchaca. [487] Index Mines, reports of and search for in Llano Elver country, 31, 42, 43, 79-83; discovery of Los Almagres, 80-83, French interest in mines of Coahuila, 68-69; in Nuevo Santander, 300. Miranda, Bernardo, exploration on San Jacinto Elver, 75, 333-335, 350; explores Los Almagres mines, 81-82; map and report of, 334, 346, 350, 361. Missionaries, work among In- dians, 3, 14-21, 27, 44, 47, 49, 52-53, 191, 287, 295, 310, 324, 367, 419; diflficulties with secu- lar authorities, 13, 20-27; promi- nent missionaries, 14-15; expe- ditions by, 14-16; martyrs among, 15; list of, 15; duties of, 62; writings of, 96, 142; hospi- tal for, 174-175; pay of, 299. See names of individual mis- sionaries, as follows: Abad, Alana, Amaya, Anda, Andres, Angeles, Aparicio, Aponte, Aran- da, Arquellos, Aristorena, Ar- ricivita, Banos, Botello, Cala- horra, Camberos, Caro, Casanas, Casos, Castellanos, Ghavira, Cy- priano, Dolores, Domlnguez, Es- calante, Escovar, Espiuosa, Elores, Frias, Ganzabal, Ganuza, Garoes, Garcia, Gonzalez, Her- nS.ndez, Hierro, Hurtado, Laba, L6pez, Marenti, Mezquia, Mo- lina, Morfi, Montalbo, Naxera, Olivares, Ortiz, Palou, Parras, Peredes, Pena, Pinilla, Pita, Prado, Eamirez, Eomero, Santa Ana, Santiesteban, Satereyn, SS,enz, Silva, Soils, Soto, Ter- reros, Thoribio, Trinidad, Val- lejo, Valverde, Varaona, Varela, Velasco, Vergara, Ximinez, Ysasmendi. l^ssions, purposes, methods, and administration, 10-13, 84, 109, 310, 311, 316, 323, 348, 365, 366; as industrial schools, 10-11; political functions, 10-11; secu- larization, 12; described, 5, 10, 21, 95, 97-100, 303; industrial life, 19-21, 98-100; guards, 22- 24; difficulties with Indians, 10-11, 16-17, 21, 24, 44; Indian attacks on, 49, 94, 87; discords with secular authorities, 20- 27; work of in general, 16, 19, 50, 95-96, 97, 100; work at dif- ferent missions, 43-45, 49, 50, 53, 62, 74, 78-80, 84, 86, 94, 109, 111, 113-119, 303-315, 332, 421- 423 ; success at San Antonio, 18-21; failure in eastern Texas, 100-102, 107; criticised by Alta- mira, 309; gift to by Terreros, 84. See Missionaries,jind names of individual missions, as fol- lows: Adaes, Ais, Alamo^Ara- nama, Bahia, Espiritu Santo, Guadalupe, Laredo, Nacog- doches, N. S. de la Candelaria, N. S. de la Coneepcion, N. S. de Guadalupe, N. S. de la Luz, N. S. de Loreto, N. S. de los Dolores, N. S. del Refugio, N. S. del Eosario, N. S. del Soto, San AntoniOj S. Antonio de Y3i_ lero, S. Bernardo, S. Francisco, S. Ildefonso, S. Joaquin, S. Josfi, S. J. Bautista, S. J. Gap- ^stiaSi), S. Lorenzo, ST HaE)a,""is. "' Xavier. [488] Index Mission Valley, ruins at, 285. Mississippi Eiver, regarded as boundary of Texas, 70-71, 361. Missouri River, J^ench on, 66- 67; proposed as barrier, 282. Molina, Father Juan Mariano de, among coast tribes, 15. Molina, Tray Miguel, at San Sab4. Moncalvo, Vicente Ferrer, soldier at San Xavier, 266. Monclova, 124, 170, 206, 387. Mora, Juan de la, alferez, 412. Morales, survey by, ,350. Morfi, Father Juan Agustln de, Memorias by referred to, 14, 111, 139, 238, 251. Montalbo, Father, on the Guada- lupe, 275. Montalvo, Vicente Ferrer, at San Xavier, 248. Monteouesta, Narciso de, plan to colonize Tamaulipas, 291. Monte Grande, 155. Monterey, settled, 287. • Mules, trade in, 428. See Horses. Musquiz, Lieut. Jose Joaquin de Eca y, work at San Xavier, 51- 52, 215, 216, 218, 220, 224-232, 241, 244, 248, 261, 266; in junta at San Antonio, 88-89. Mutiny, at San Agustin, 368. Nabasoto (Navasota), Arroyo, Mayeye on, 146, 434. Nabedache, tribe, 2, 126, 167, 169, 230, 231, 232, 233, 329. Nacogdoche, tribe, 2. Nacogdoches, mission, 5, 61, 64, 92, 107, 113-115, 312, 330, 378, 387, 391, 416. Nacogdoches, pueblo, founded, 119, 131, 184, 421, 432-446; road from to Bahia, 332. Nadaco, tribe, 2, 131. Nadote, tribe. Saint Denis at, 70- 71. Naudis (Naguidis) tribe, 154. Napuapes, tribe, 293. Nasoni (Nazoni), tribe, 2, 233, 314. Nassonite, tribe, 2; post, 35, 36. Natages, tribe, 27, 30, 79. Natchez, tribe, attack on Natchi- toches, 40. Natchitoches, French post at, 33; Spanish trade with, 34, 65-66, 69, 428; influence over Indian tribes, 121-122, 126; trail from, 35; attack of Natchez on, 40; desertion to, 114, 180, 368; De Mezifires in charge of, 120; Vial at, 130-132; Ybarbo peti- tions to move to, 403; difi&cul- ties with, 38-40, 71, 72. Nations of the North (Nortenos), 4; campaign against, 88-91; ef- forts to control, 103, 120, 125, 126, 399; De Meziferes among, 119-127; French control of, 120. Navarrete, Angel de Martos y. See Martos. Navarro, Pedro Galindo, asesor of the oomandancia general, 422, 444. Naxera, Fray Manuel de, com- isario general, order of, 96-97. Naxera, San Xavier de, mission, 144. Naytane, tribe, 123. Nazoni. See Nasoni. [489] Index Neches River, 2-3, 64, 65, 92, 328, 378, 436; English traders on, 425. See San Pedro. Negroes, 337, 417. New Braunfels, mission at, 273- 278. See Comal Springs, Guada- lupe Eiver. New Mexico, part of Texas in- cluded in, 12; French traders in, 66^69; communication with Texas, 79, 127, 268; Indian raids in, 107. New Orleans, 36, 67, 417. New ' ' Eeglamento ' ' of Presidios, 383. New Spain, 6; government of, 9- 10; map of ordered, 72; need of defence, 102; communication with Louisiana, 127-133. Nortenos. See Nations of the North. Nueoea Eiver, boundary at, 1; de- scribed, 94-95; colony on planned, 57, 58, 59, 293, 296, 298; missions on, 93-94; ignor- ance regarding, 293; ranches at, 301. See Santa Petronilla, Cor- pus Christi, El Canon. Nuestra Seiiora de Guadalupe, mission on the Guadalupe Eiver, 273-278. See New Braun- fels, Comal Springs, Guadalupe Eiver. Nuestra Senora de la Luz, mission of, 75, 77-78, 100, 113, 344, 347- 358, 364-367, 373. See Orco- quisac, San Agustin, Trinity Eiver. Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria, mission of, on the San Xavier, 50, 53, 54, 55, 185, 200-201, 205, 226, 228, 231-232, 248, 263, 265, 267, 272; murder of Father Ganzdbal at, 54; deserted, 234, 260; on upper Nueces Eiver, 93- 94. See San Xavier. Nuestra Senora de la Concepci6n, mission, 5, 17-18, 20-21, 23, 97, 144, 160. Nuestra Senora de Loreto, pre- sidio of, 5, 284. See Bahia, and Espiritu Santo de Zuniga. Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de ■ los Ais, mission, 312. See Ais. Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Buca- reli, pueblo, 117. See Bucareli. Nuestra Senora del Eefugio, mis- sion, 421. Nuestra Senora del Eosario, mis- sion, founding and history of, 62-63, 100, 316-324. Nuestra Senora del Soto, mission, planned, 293. Nueva Vizcaya, part of Texas in- cluded in, 2; Apache raids in, 107. Nuevo Leon, colonists from, 58; Apache raids in, 107; com- merce with New Mexico pro- posed, 268; diocese of estab- lished, 419; Zavala in, 288; aid from asked, 89. Nuevo Santander, founding of, 42, 46, 57, 59, 288-302; Mission Eosario in, 63; boundary, 292; government, 300; Cuervo's in- spection of, 300; English on coast, 105. See Escandon. Oconor, Hugo, governor ad in- terim of Texas, 8, 372, 385; in- spector comandante of the In- terior Provinces, 108, 385; strengthens San Antonio, 111; [490] Index imprisons Ybarbo, 114; attack on Eipperd4 and Ybarbo, 116, 117, 123, 385-389, 402-404, 409, 411, 420, 429, 430. Oklahoma, De MeziSres controls part of, 120. Old Stone Port, at Nacogdoches, 438-439. Olivares, Fray Antonio de San Buenaventura, 146. Olivares, Lieut. Miguel de, expe- dition down the Guadalupe, 329. Opelousas, trade with, 411, 417. Oranday, Lieut., at B^xar, 386. Orcoquisac, El, place and settle- ment of (presidio and mission), 73, 75, 107, 108, 112-113, 115, 333, 340-374, 379, 380, 405, 408, 414, 426 ; road to, 405. See San Agustin de las Amarillas, N. S. de la Luz. Orcoquiza, tribe, 3, 330, 332-336, 373; French among, 36, 64-66, 73, 338; English among, 425; Spanish traders among, 425; at the San Xavier missions, 49, 50, 54-55, 64, 65, 186, 198, 199, 231, 233; mission for on the Trinity, 113, 180-181, 273, 341, 348, 365, 366, 423. Oregon, migration to, 294. O'Eeilly, Alejandro, takes posses- sion of Louisiana, 120-121. Orejon, tribe, 202. Orobio Bazterra, Joaquin, captain at Bahia, 23; expedition to the Orooquiza, 57, 64, 65, 158, 328- 335; opposes San Xavier mis- sions, 179-182; exploration to Eio Grande, 293, 296. Orobio Bazterra, Prudencio, gov- ernor of Texas, 8; recommends fortifying the Trinity, 64, 328. Ortiz, Father Francisco Xavier, visitor of missions, efforts in be- half of San Xavier missions, 44-47, 97, 150-153, 168, 170- 178, 183, 273, 274. Ortiz Parrilla, Col. Diego. See Parrilla. Osage, tribe, 122, 387, 398. Ovedsita (Wichita), tribe, 398. Pablo, Mayeye chief, at Guada- lupe mission, 276. Pacheco, Bernardo de Miera y. See Miera y Pacheco. Pacheco, Capt. Eafael Martinez, commander as San Agustin, 111-112; suspended, 112; seige and flight of, 112-113, 357, 366, 368, 372; aids missionaries, 365, 367, 372, 374; member of junta, 125. Pacheco, Leaudro, brother of E. M., 370. Pachiua, Indians, 331. Pachuca, assay made at, 82. Pack trains, 336. Padilla, villa, 295. Pajalat, tribe, 16. Pajasequeis, tribe, 293. Pajuache, tribe, 202. Palmillas, villa, 295, 300. Palou, Fray Francisco, assigned to San Sabft, 88; missionary historian in California, 290. Pamaque, tribe, moved from Nueces, 31. Pampopas, tribe, 17. Panis, tribe, 360. Pantapareis, 293. Panueo, 287, 292. [491] Index Parras, town in Coahuila, 89. Parras, Pray Pedro, assigned to San Sab4, 88. Paredes, Fray Miguel de, opinion cited, 144-145. Parrilla, Col. Diego Ortiz, com- mander at San Saba, 85, 86, 88, 275; campaign against and de- feat of by northern tribes, 88- 91, 414; appointed governor of Coahuila, 93; reconnoiters coast, 104-106; inspects site on the Guadalupe, 276-278. Paso de Jacinto. See Jacinto. Paso de la Cruz, 81. Paso de los Apaches, 225. Paso de los Vidays, 227. Paso del Norte (El Paso), 384. Paso Tomds, settlement founded at, 117, 405, 407, 408, 411. Pastates, tribe, 154. Pastlas, Indians, 17, 99. Patiri, tribe, 231. Patoca, tribe, 360. Pecos (Salado) River, 130-131. Pedernales River, plan for settle- ment on, 79, 80, 234. Pena, Father Juan de la, diary of, 284. Pensacola, 104, 345. Pfirez, Joseph Joachin, at San Xavier, 267. Periere, commander at Natchi- toches, 368, 393. Petit Cade, tribe, 2, 35. Petronita Creek, ranch on, 302. See Santa Petronilla. Pillages, Los, favored as site, 76, 354-358. Piguique, tribe, 15, 97. Pimeria Alta, 107. Pimeria Baja, 109. Pinilla, Fray Jos6, at San Xavier, 239, 248, 257, 264. Pinilla, Fray Miguel, at San Xavier, quarrel with Efibago, 54, 240, 248, 252, 256, 258-259. Piszina, Capt. Manuel Ramirez de la, commander at Bahia, 261, 281, 303, 305, 309, 310, 311, 316, 371; aids missionaries, 61-63, 310, 316, 318, 321, 322. Pita, Father, murder of, 27-28, 203. Platte Eiver, Mallet party on, 67. Pohlaciones, founded by Escan- d6n, 298. Point Couple, 389. Prado, Father Lector Joseph Guadalupe, 15; at San Antonio, 257. Presents, for Indians, 305. Presidios, furnish mission guards, 11; quarrels with missionaries, 22-24; get supplies from mis- sions, 25; reorganization of, 108, 109, 113-119, 385; charac- ter of soldiers, 208. See under individual presidios. Propagande Fide, Colleges of, 12. Provincias Internas. See Interior Provinces. Pruneda, Eusebio, 45, 160, 175. Pueblo Indians, missions among, 11. Pueblos, at missions, 10-11, 303; officers at Bucareli, 412-413. Puentezitas, Mayeye tribe at, 145. Punishment, at N. S. del Eosario, 323. Punta de Siguenza, 242. Quelancouchis. See Karankawa. Queretaro, 294, 296. [492] Index Quer^taro, College of Santa Cruz de. See Santa Cruz, College of. Quisis, tribe, 154. Quisquate, village of, Vial at, 129. Quitseis (Kichai), tribe. See Kiehai. E&bago y Ter&n (Ther4n), Felipe de, captain at San Xavier, 52, 53, 220, 244^250; explores San Marcos Eiver, 249; quarrels with missionaries, 247, 251- 262; declared excommunieate, 258-260; charged with murder of Father Ganz4bal, 261-262; removed, 262; reinstated, 93; commander at San Sab4, 93-94, 109. Eabago y Teran, Pedro, expedi- tion against Apache, 30; pro- motes Apache mission, 80; ex- plores Concho (Florido) and San Sabd Eivers, 80; comman- der at San Xavier, 54, 262, 266- 268; urges moving San Xavier to • Apache country, 80-83; moves to San Marcos, 270-271; death of, 84, 268-270. Eaballo, trader in New Mexico, 67-68. Eamirez, Francisco, at San Xavier, 247. Eamirez, Juan Antonio, soldier at San Xavier, 267. Eamirez de Arrellano, Father Pedro, president of missions, 118, 396, 419-420; embassy to northern tribes, 121. Eamirez de la Piszina, Mq,nuel. See Piszina. Eam6n, Diego, expedition to Texas, 143; officer at San Xavier, 55, 211-212; 266; moves mission to the San Mar- cos, 270; to the Guadalupe, 275- 276. Eam6n, Domingo, expedition of, 141, 143; killed at Bahia, 284. Eancherla Grande, 17, 44, 142- 150, 165, 186. Eanches, at Los Ais, 378, at Adaes, 379; on San Antonio Eiver, 382; at Arroyo del Cibolo, 386; at Bueareli, 417; near Eio Grande, 299, 301; at Corpus Christi, 301. Eancho de los Dolores. See Do- lores. Eandolph, Spanish settlement at, 406. Easo (Easso), Ascencion, at San Xavier, 211, 212, 266. Easo, Ignacio, at San Xavier, 267. Eeal de Infantes, 300. Beales de Minas, founded by Es- oaud6n, 298. Eed Eiver, regarded as boundary, 1, 70-71; Indians on, 4, 103; French on, 33, 35, 66, 90-91; under De M^zilres, 120; Vial on, 129; colony proposed, 345. Eefugio, mission. See N. S. del Eefugio. Eegla, Conde de, Terreros created, 84. Eenteria, Gregorio Domingo de, at San Xavier, 267. Besidencias, 7. Eeten, Eancho del, 131. Eevilla, founded, 58, 297, 299- 301. Eevilla Gigedo, viceroy, 292, 318. [493] Index Eeynosa, founded, 58, 295, 299, 300. Eibas, Antonio de, 276. Ringgold, defeat of Parrilla near, 90. Eio, Domingo del. See Del Eio. Bio Grande, presidio and missions at San Juan Bautista, 6, 19-21, 222, 239, 255, 309, 329; settle- ments on established by Escan- don, 57, 58, 296-299, 301. See San Juan Bautista. Eio Verde, 289. Eipperdd, Col. Juan Maria, gov- ernor of Texas, 8, 9, 111; re- moves settlers from eastern frontier, 113-115, 385-393; es- tablishes them at Bucareli, 115- 118, 395-398, 403-406, 414, 415, 417, 419, 421; policies of, 121, 123, 125, 126, 374, 396, 397, 399- 400, 407-408, 410, 411; charged with contraband trade, 117, 408- 412, 426-431; removed from of- fice., 123-124. Eivera, Afdn de, commander at San Agustin, commander at Bahia and San Agustin, 357, 367, 372. Eivera, General Pedro, inspection of frontier provinces, 28, 39, 63-64, 145, 168, 286, 328, 403. Eivera, Father, at mission at El Canon, 95. Eobbins's Perry, settlement at, 117, 406. Eobledo, garrison at, 384. Eockdale, missions near, 45. See San Xavier. Eock Dam, 138. Eodrlguez, Geronimo, at San Xavier, 248, 266, 275. Eodriguez, Joseph Antonio, soldier at San Xavier, 266. Eodriguez, Juan, Indian chief, 144. Eodriguez, Juan Victor, at San Xavier, 247. Eomero, Father, at mission N. S. de la Luz, 74, 347, 350; at Ais mission, 356. Eosario, N. S. del {See Nuestra Senora del Eosario). Eubi, Marques de, tour of inspec- tion, 94, 103-110, 357, 358, 367, 373, 374, 379-386, 402, 403 Euiz, Marcos, agent at Barrios, 65-66; at San Agustin, 112, 333, 336, 337, 346, 369, 371, 372. Eunaways, from missions, 5, 6, 17, 24, 44, 50, 53, 54, 94, 144^ 145, 199-200, 260, 311, 321. Eussia, fears of, 102. Sabine Eiver, not a boundary line, 1; Indians on, 3, 4, 91; French on, 35-36; Calahorra on, 92; Ybarbo on, 425-426; mentioned, 63, 131, 388. Sacramento, Santa Eosa del. (See Santa Eosa). Saenz, Father Jose, at Soto la Marina, 297. Sdenz, Father Joseph Calahorra. See Calahorra. Saint Denis, Luis Juchereau de, commander at Natchitoches, 33- 38, 40, 41. Saint Denis, Luis de, the younger, influence with tribes, 70-72; charged with plot, 77, 362-363. Saint Louis, post in Louisiana, Vial explores route to, 132-133. Salado Eiver. See Pecos. Salazar y Formento, Domingo, 243. [494] Index Salinas, Joseph de, at San Xavier, 247. Salines, 300. Saltillo, market at, 6, 39; a source of colonists, 74, 85, 89, 288, 344; settled, 288, 345. Salvador, Fernandez S&nehez, fears of Freneh, 68. Salvino, Father Luis, at N. S. de la Luz, 113, 365, 367, 370, 372. San Agustin de Ahumada, arroyo, 82. San Agustin de Ahumada, presidio and settlement, 74-77, 107, 111- 113, 180, 345-354, 370-374, 426. See Orcoquisac, N. S. de la Luz. San Antonio, missions at, 14-27, 47, 54, 60, 141, 183, 189-191, 202, 255-258, 273-276, 286; suc- cess at, 95-96. San Antonio, Eio Nuevo de (See San Jose, Eio de). San Antonio de Bfear, presidio, and settlement at, 3, 5, 85, 130- 132, 150-151, 206, 207, 211, 246, 341, 377, 380, 384, 386, 411, 444, 446; visited by Eubi, 107; Adaes emigrants at, 115-116; plan to move, 79, 234; Indian affairs, 27-31, 79, 87, 89, 111, 125, 126, 166, 261, 380; expedition from to mines 81. San Antonio de Valero, mission, 5, 16, 96-98, 118, 144, 272. San Antonio Eiver, 4, 5, 57, 58, 59, 62, 81, 97, 286, 317, 382; boundary at, 57, 292. San Antonio Eoad, 405. San Bernardo, mission, 6, 18, 94, 239, 284. San Buenaventura, presidio, 384. Sandoval, Manuel de, governor of Texas, 7, 8, 24, 29, 33, 34. Sdnchez, Francisco, soldier at San Xavier, 266. Sanchez, Capt. Tomis, founder of Laredo, 59, 298-300. San Fernando de Austria, villa in Coahuila, 80. San Fernando de Bexar, villa, 6- 7, 25-27, 142, 176, 295, 381, 386. San Fernando de Mexico, College, 12, 84, 95, 109, 289. San Gabriel Eiver. See San Xavier Eiver. San Francisco de la Espada, mis- sion, 5, 17, 20-21, 17-18, 22, 96- 99. San Francisco Xavier de Horeasi- tas, mission, on the San Xavier (San Gabriel) Eiver, 49, 50, 54, 55, 185, 201, 225-226, 228, 230- 231, 265, 267. See San Xavier missions. San Francisco Xavier de Horcasi- tas, presidio, 47-55, 149-278, passim; established, 241-250; moved, 263-278. See San Xavier missions. San Ildefonso, mission on the San Gabriel Eiver, 50, 52-53, 66, 196-201, 205, 221-233, 248, 263- 267, 273. San Jacinto Eiver, exploration of by Orobio, 65, 331; Orcoquiza Indians on, 64, 65; plan to settle on, 74; French on, 331, 180-181. San Joaquin del Monte, mission, 295. San Jose, mission, 17, 18, 99-100, 371. San Jose, Eio de, 94. See Nueces Eiver. [495] Index San Joseph del Alcizar, mines on Llano, 82. See Los Almagres. San Juan Bautista, mission and presidio, 3, 4, 6, 17-18, 80, 97- 98, 105-107, 143, 206, 211, 239, 256, 295, 381, 384. San Juan Capistrano mission, 5, 97, 99, 261. San Juan del Eio, 287. San Lorenzo, mission near the Eio Grande, 80. San Lorenzo, mission on the Nueces, 94-95. San Luis de las Amarillas, presidio. See San Saba. San Luis de los Cadodachos, post, 121. San Luis Potosi, 58, 288, 295, 345. San Marcos Eiver, settlement moved to, 55, 69-71, 85, 213, 216, 238, 266, 273-274, 276; ex- plored by Eabago, 249; plan to settle, 286, 430; mentioned, 166, 217. San Miguel Eiver, 81-82. See Honey Creek. San Miguel de los Adaes. See Adaes, mission of. San Miguelito Eiver, 81. San Pedro, River, 70-72, 169, 329. San Pedro de los Nabedaohos, 167. San Eafael, Orobio at, 330. San Sab^, presidio and mission, question of jurisdiction, 1; his- tory of, 78-93, 128, 140, 270, 275, 277, 278, 345, 363, 379, 381, 384; Parrilla's expedition from, 89-91; massacre at, 87; visited by Eubl, 107, 108; war with northern tribes, 109-110; moved to Nueces, 110; Tlascaltecans sent to, 345. See San Luis de las Amarillas. San Sabd River, Apache on, 3; explored, 30-31; mission on, 32, 80, 78-93; San Xavi&r garrison moved to, 80, 84, 268. See San Saba, presidio and mission. Santa Ana, Father Benito Ferndn- dez de, president of missions, 14-16, 23, 24, 26-27, 31, 96, 155, 192; efforts in behalf of San Xavier missions, 49-51, 60-63, 158, 187, 190, 192-194, 197, 200, 203, 204, 209, 213-214, 216, 220; efforts for Apache missions, 79, 213; for Karankawa missions, 304, 307-309. Santa Ana, Fray Joachin Camargo de, missionary in Texas, 16. Santa Barbara, Arroyo de, 92. Santa Cruz de Queretaro, College of, missionary activities in Texas, 5, 6, 12, 18, 43, 44, 45, 47, 60-61, 84, 86, 97, 111, 141, 153, 162, 175-177, 183-184, 204-205, 222, 247, 255-258, 287, 303; in the Sierra Gorda, 56; in Sonora, 109; in Coahuila and California, 109; competition with College of Guadalupe, 60-61 ; abandons Eastern Texas, 141; proposes to give up Eio Grande missions, 222. Santa Dorotea, site of Bahia, 302, 305. See Bahia del Esplritu Santo. Santa F6, French relations with, 66-68; exploration of routes to, 127-133; forces to be increased, 384. [496] Index Santa Maria de la Visitaei6n, place on the San Gabriel, 225, 226, 234. Santander, villa de (Victoria), 295. Santa Petronilla, ranch at Corpus Christi, 301. See Corpus Christi. Santa Rosa del Ale&zar, Arroyo de, Orcoquiza on, 65, 332-333; identified, 333, 350; efforts to found settlement on, 74-76, 344, 348, 350-356. See Orcoquisac. Santa Eosa del Sacramento, pre- sidio in Coahuila, plan to move to Texas, 45, 164-179, 206; Felipe de Rdbago sent to, 262. Santa Rosa de Viterbo, place near the Trinity, 225, 330. Santiago de Jalisco, missionary province of, 109. Santiesteban, Father, at San Saba, 85, 86; murdered, 87. Santiesteban, Father, at San Lo- renzo, 95. Santos, Crist6bal, 129. San Xavier, missions near Rock- dale, history of, 43-55, 137- 278; beginnings, 149-161; strug- gles for authority to found, 162- 184; founding of, 185-203; difli- culties with Governor Barrio, 204-218; progress and problems, 219-240; map of, 229; presidio established, 241-250; quarrel with CaptaiH Rabago, 251-261; removal to the San Marcos and to the Guadalupe, 263-278. San Xavier de N4xera, mission, 144. San Xavier River (San Gabriel), 43-47, 50, 51, 139-142, 197, 203, 215, 217, 225. Satereyn, Father Marcos, at N. S. de la Luz, 74, 78, 347, 353. Satren (Latren), with French trading party, 67-68. Sauto, Hasiuai chief, 113, 387. Sayopin, Indian, 202. Sedano, Fray Francisco, lay broth- er, with Soils, 321-322. Seno Mexicano, conditions in, 56- 57. See Gulf Coast, Coast. Seris, tribe, 109. Serra, Father Junipero, at Jalpan, 290; assigned to Texas, 88. Settlements, 4, 111,, 378-379; ef- forts to found, 9-10, 12, 23, 34, 36, 37. See Colonies. Seven Years' War, results of, 102. Sierra Gorda, conquest of, 56, 57, 89, 287, 289-290, 292. Sierra, Pedro, at San Xavier, 211- 213. Sierra, Phelipe de, cava at San Xavier, 202, 220. Silva, Father, murdered by Na- tages, 79. Silva, Fray Bernardo, at N. S. de la Luz, 367. Siquipil, tribe, 16. Sitios, de ganado mayor, 299. Slaves, Negro, 71, 72, 360, 416; Indian. Smuggling. See Contraband trade. Soledad, Arroyo de, Apache de- feat at, 127. Soils, Father Gaspar Jose de, in- spects missions, 107, 367; report by, 285, 317, 318, 321; guardian of College of Guadalupe, 311. Sonera, 68, 107, 109, 127. Sosa, Joseph de, at San Xavier, 248, 266. [497] Index Sosa, Juan de, at San Xavier, 267. Sosa, Sergt. Miguel de, at San Xavier, 248, 267; charged with murder of Ganzdbal, 261. Soto, Fray Joseph del Eosario, at N. S. de la Luz, 367. Soto la Marina, founded by colony sent to Texas, 58, 297. Soto Vermudez, Manuel de. See De Soto Vermudez. Spain, condition of, 102-103. Spanish, activities on the lower Trinity, 325-374; policy, 343, 377. Spring Creek, 330, 333, 350. Stock, raising, 6, 99, 100, 300, 318, 360, 417; stealing, 28, 65-66; supplied for settlements, 85, 351. See cattle. Storm, on Gulf Coast, 357, 373. Subsidy, for colony, 351. Supplies, 6, 367. Tacama, tribe, 15, 16. Tamaulipas, 287-291. Talancagues (Karankawa), 306. Tamique, tribe, 56, 59, 61, 285, 311. Tamoges, Indian chief, 363. Tampico, 56, 57, 287, 289, 295. Tanico, tribe, 154. Taos, New Mexico, French at, 67. Taovayas, tribe, 4, 92-93, 110, 121, 123, 125, 126, 127, 129, 131, 132, 154, 360, 397, 398, 399, 400, 435; Spanish defeat at village, 90- 91; trade in captives, 120-121; proposals to settle among, 91, 115, 345, 399. See Wichita. Tarahumara, Indians, 109. Tawakoni, tribe, 4, 91, 92, 127, 129, 233, 154, 183, 184, 407, 423, 432; French among, 36, 400; settlement among proposed, 91, 115, 399; De MfeiSres among, 121-122, 126. See Wichita. Taxation, exemptions from, 299. Teran. See E&bago y Ter4n. Teran, Joseph Thoribio de, at San Xavier, 247. Terrenate, presidio, 384. Terreros, Father Alonso Giraldo de, missionary in Texas, 15, 54, 151-152, 191-192; 255-258, 277- 278; on the Eio Grande, 80, 239-240; at San Saba, 84-86; murdered, 87. Terreros, Don Pedro de, gift for missions, 13, 84, 86, 88; assays ore, 82-83. Texarkana, Cadodacho village near, 121. Texas, province, boundaries, 1-2; Indians, 2—4; settlements in 1731, 3-6; secular administra- tion, 6-10; mission system, 10- 13. T6xas, Tejas tribe, 2, 21, 92, 150, 151, 167, 169, 331, 387, 398, 423, 424, 433-438. See Hainai. Thoribio, Father, 223. Tilpacopal, tribe, 16. Tinhioiien, Cadodacho chief, 121. Tiopanes, Indians, 17. Tithes, collected at Bucareli, 422. Tlascaltecans (Tlascaltecos), as colonists, 74, 85, 288, 345, 351; aid in campaign, 89. Tobosos, Indians, 166. Tom4s, chief, 232, 334, 341, 363, 366, 367. [498] Index Tonkawan tribes, 3, 36, 42, 146, 154, 183-184, 233, 407, 423, 424, 432, 434, 442; village captured, 89-90; De MeziSres among, 122, 126; at San Xavier missions, 50, 186, 190, 198, 199, 231. See Eaneheria Grande, Mayeye, Yo- juane, Hierbipiame. Tops, tribe, 154, 200, 230, 232, 234. Torres, Jose de la, at San Xavier, 267. Trade, of French with Indians, 35- 38, 70-72, 77, 111, 117, 118, 180, 335, 410; contraband at Buca- reli, 426-431; of French with New Mexico, 67-69; of French with Spaniards of Texas, 38- 40, 242; of Spaniards with In- dians, 85, 120, 129, 336-337, 424, 446; Fur trade, 418. See Horses, Commerce. Travieso, 25. Trevino, Antonio, captive, re- turned by Taovayas, 92-93. Trinidad, Father Francisco de la Sautlssima, 47, 176-177. Trinidad (Trinity) Eiver, bound- ary of Texas at, 1; Indians on, 2-4, 65, 146, 332-339; Spanish activities on, 1, 43, 73-78, 90, 111, 273, 327-374, 379, 417, 411; French on, 47, 63, 64, 66, 73- 78, 180, 338; boundary dispute, 73, 328, 330; overflows, 437- 438. Tubac, presidio of, 384. Tula, 295, 296. Tups, tribe. See Tops. Turnio, Lipan chief, 94. Ugalde, Canfin de, 127. Ugalde, Juan de, campaigns against Apache, 127. Ulibarri, Joseph Cayetano, soldier at San Xavier, 248, 267. Ulloa, Antonio de, governor of Louisiana, 105. Urdinola, 345. Urrutia, Jose de, captain at San Antonio, campaign against Apache, 29. Urrutia, Thoribio de, captain at San Antonio, 23, 30, 47, 49, 79, 87, 151, 158, 175-176, 188-189, 206, 211, 222, 224, 249, 261-262. Uruega, Carlos de (Iruega), sol- dier at San Xavier, 266. See Iruegas, Yruegas. Utah, migration to, 294. Valc^reel, auditor de guerra, opin- ions of, 73, 278, 315, 342, 343. Vald^s, Juan, at San Agustin, 370. Valentin, Joseph, 333. Valise, La (Louisiana), 373. Valle, Joseph Joaquin, at San Xavier, 247, 267. Valle, Phelipe, Neri del, at San Xavier, 248, 266, 275. Valle de San Joseph (El Canfin), 94. Vallejo, Father Francisco, presi- dent of eastern missions, 33, 38, 41, 313, 314; efforts on behalf of N. S. de la Luz, 75, 76, 313, 348, 352, 353-356, 367. Valles, Villa de, 287, 292, 295. Valparaiso, Conde de San Mateo de (Miguel de Varrio y Saldi- nar), contador mayor, 243. Valverde, Father Acisclos, at S. F. de la Espada, 235, 273. [499] Index Varaona, Father Felix Gutierrez, assigned to Sau Xavier, 240, 257. Varela, Fray Benito, at Cande- laria, 274. Vedoya, Don Pedro, fiscal of the Seal Audtencia, 45, 46, 162-163. Vedoya, Villa de, planned, 57, 58, 293, 296. Vela, Joseph Crist6bal, at San Xavier, 247, 266. Velasco, Fray Jose Cortes de, in the Sierra Gorda, 289. Venado, 292; Tlasealtecans from, 288. Vergara, Fray Gabriel de, mission- ary in Texas, 15. Vial, Pedro (Pierre), explorations of, 128-133. Viceroy, functions of, 6-7; meas- ures regarding Texas, 23, 24, 25, 26, 313, 315, 351, 354, 355, 357, 360, 377, 385, 401. Victoria, Tamaulipas, founded, 295. Victoria County, ruins in, 285. Vidal, Marcos, convicted of smug- gling, 428. Villas, founded by Eseand6n, 293, 298. See names of different villas. Visitas, 7. Walker County, 406. War of the Spanish Succession, ef- fect of on border relations, 32. Wichita (Ovedsita), tribe, 4, 36, 121, 122, 127. See Taovayas, Tawakoni, Kichai, Yscanis. Wintuiseu, Tom4s Felipe, gov- ernor, 8, 149. Witcher House, 228, 230. Xaraname, tribe, at Espiritu Santo de ZHniga, 56, 59, 61, 285, 307, 423, 425; apostates, 423, 264; language, 311; desire to en- ter Candelaria, 200. See Ara- nama. Ximenez, Antonio, at San Xavier, 249. Ximenez, Diego, Father, at Apache missions, 85, 93-94, 152. Yadoxa, tribe, 183-184. See Dea- dose. YatasI, tribe, 2, 35, 121, 233. Ybarbo, Antonio Gil, 113-119; early career, 388-389; spokes- man for emigrants, 395; sent to Mexico, 398-404; founds Buca- reli, 405-424; among the In- dians, 424; expedition to the coast, 425-426; relation to con- traband trade, 426-431; moves Bucareli to Nacogdoches, 432- 446. Ybiricu, Fermin de, commander at Adaes, 3, 142, 146-150, 160, 165, 169, 183, 184, 186, 188, 190, 198, 213, 230, 231, 233. Yruegas, Joseph Francisco, at San Xavier, 247. See Uruega, Yrue- ga. Yruegas, Thomas, at San Xavier, 247. Ysasmendi, Father Pedro, 17, 18, 202, 210. Yscanis, tribe, 4, 11, 91, 92, 121- 122, 424. Ysurrieta, Juan, trading contract, 417. Yuta Indians, raids of, 107. Zacatecas, friars from. See Guada- lupe, College of. [500] Index Zambrano, Andres, aids Pacheco, 370. \ Zarza, campaign of, 287. Zavala, Juan de, in Nuevo Leon, 288.- Zevallos. See Bustillo y Zevallos, Juan Antonio. Zevallos, Juan Joseph, trouble with Babago, 251-253; mur- dered, 260. 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