i^: nw-' I'M COR>IELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE GIFT OF ■ JAMES MORGAN HART U^ T PROFHSSOR OK ENGUSH ft^^'+Cf^ 'J, Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029308586 (/I THE />-(•/. I re BOOK OF ENOCH: ^^ TRANSLATED FROM THE ETHIOPIC, INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. BY Eev. GEOEGE H; SOHODDE, Ph.D. PBOFKSSOR IK CAPITAL UNIVEESITY, COLUMBUS, OHIO. WARREN F. DRAPER. a 18 82. /83o O— ' Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1882, by WARREN F. DRAPER, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. (J PROF. FRANZ DELITZSCH, D.D., Leipzig, Germany, PROF. EZRA ABBOT, D.D., Cambridge, Mass. PEEFACE. Scarcely any department of theological science has, in the last few decades, received such marked attention and cultivation as that branch for which the Germans have adopted the felicitous appellation Neutestament- licJie ZeitgeschicMe, — the study of the age of Christ in its political, social, and religious aspects. Observant readers will not have failed to detect that the tendency of modern evangelical theology is to transfer the centre of interest from the work of Clirist to the person of Christ. Hand in hand, and in close connection with this general tendency, certain auxiliary branches have assumed an importance hitherto not attributed to them. When the person of Cluist forms the cynostire of all eyes, his surroundings proportionally grow in interest and im- portance ; and hence it is not surprising that so much acumen and learning have been employed in the truly fascinating study of the Palestine of Christ's day in all its relations. The central sun casts its rays of resplen- dent light on every-day objects, and these become promi- nent in proportion as they reflect this light. In more than one respect the Book of Enoch is an VI PEEPACE. important factor in tliese investigations. Being one of the oldest specimens of apocalyptic literature ; reflecting in its different parts tlie convictions, feelings, and long- ings of the people of God at different stages of their development ; written in imitation of the spirit of the prophets, with religious purposes and spiritual objects ; it can safely be said to be an invaluable aid to the understanding of the religious and moral atmosphere in which the Saviour lived. It does not belong merely to the curiosities of literature, but is a book of positive worth, and tlie source of much information to the patient investigator. This will suffice as an apology for a new translation of Enoch. In the translation the object lias been to render as literally as possible, even if thereby the English should become a little harsh. Of course the notes do not pre- tend to unravel all the mysteries in this most mysterious of books ; but it is hoped they will be of some assistance in understanding these intricacies. Naturally, these and the Introduction are, in part, a compilation ; but the thoughts of others have been used with judgment and discrimination, and the sources arc indicated. In all questions the writer has been independent, as will be seen by the fact that he has frequently departed from beaten paths. Much remains yet to be done before this book will be entirely understood. Both its connection in sentiment and expression with the Old Testament, as well as its PREFACE. Vn influence on Talmudic and Rabbinical lore, especially the latter, must, to a great extent, be the work of future investigations. But even with the limited means at hand this book, which an inspired writer thought worthy of citation, will not be read by the Christian theologian and minister without deep interest. In conclusion the translator desires to express his thanks to his friend Prof. Dr. Adolf Harnack, of Giessen, Germany, for kind words and deeds in con- nection with this work ; and to Prof. Dr. Ezra Abbot for his interest and aid in its publication. GEORGE H. SCHODDB. Columbus, Ohio, Not. 21, 1881. GEI^ERAL IBTTRODUOTIOl^. Enoch (Tiiin, lxx 'Evwx) is the name of four biblical jersons. The first is the oldest son of Cain (Gen. iv. L7) ; the second, the son of Jared (Gen. v. 18) ; the third, ,he son of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4) ; the fourth, the old- !st son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14).^ Of these ,he second alone is of importance and interest for us, lot only on account of the mysterious prominence given lim in Gen. v., but especially from the fact that an in- spired writer of the New Testament, Jude, in his letter rev. 14, mentions him as a prophet, and produces a quo- ;ation from a book attributed to the patriarch. The ixistence of such a book does not, however, rest on the luthority of this statement alone ; but in the early liter- iture of the church there is a whole chain of evidences ,0 this effect. Nearly all of the church Fathers knew )f an apocryphal Book of Enoch, and their description )f the work and citations from it prove satisfactorily that t was virtually the same as that which now lies before us. imong the Apostolic Fathers, the Epistle of Barnabas ■efers to such a work. In chap. iv. 3 of that letter, dlnoch is cited, and the character of the quotation points io cliap. 80 of our book as its probable source, while in .he statement of the same Epistle xvi. 5, although in- 11 The last two are transcribed in the authorized version Hanoch, the )thers Enoch. 1 2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. troduced with the important words : \iyei yap -f] ypacfnj, we find almost the very words of En. 89 : 56. Prom that time on to about the seventh century Christian lit^; erature, to which alone we owe the preservation of the important work, produces ample proof of the constant use and high standing of this book. Beside the Jewisli- Christian Testament, xii Patriarch.,^ a production of the second century, the church Fathers '^ Justin Martyr,^ Clemens of Alexandria,* Origen,^ Irenaeus,^ TertuUian,' Eusebius, Jerome, Hilary,^ Epiphanius,^ Augustine, and otliers refer to and use it.i" The majority of these state- ments are indeed simply allusions and general refer- ences ; but they are of such a character that their source in the present Book of Enoch can generally be found to a certainty, the writers in this respect following the ex- ample of Jude, whose citation is taken from En. 1 : 9, and is not a literal reproduction. The Fathers all, with possibly the one dissenting voice of Tertullian [De Cult. Fern. i. 3), deny the canonicity of tliis book, and properly regard it as apocryphal ; some going even so far as to deny the canonicity of Jude because he had dared to quote an apocryphal work.^i The precedent for this step was given in the Apostolic Constitutions, vi. 16, in strong words. When, after the time of Au- 1 Cf. on 2 : 1 ; 15:5; 19:2; 25 : 5 ; 61 : 10 ; 89 : 50. 2 Their references have been collected and discussed in Fabricius, Codex Pseudepigraphus Vet. Test. vol. i. 1722, pp. 160-224, and in Philippi, Das Buck Henoch, 1868, p. 102-118. 3Cf. on 15 : 8, 9; 16 :2. " Cf. on 8 : 3 ; 16 : 2 ; 19:3. ° Cf. on 6 : 5, 6 ; 19 : 1, 3 ; 21 : 1. « Cf. on 10 : 3 ; 14 : 7. ' Cf. on 8 : 2 ; 16 : 2 ; 19 : 1 ; 82 ; 3 ; 99 : 6, 7. « Cf. on 6 : 6. 9Cf. on6 : 6; 16 : 2. 1° Cf. the discussion of these in Hoffmann, Das Buck Henoch, 1830-38, pp. 887-916. " Cf. Jerome, Catal. Script. Eccles. 4. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 3 gustine, the period of literary deatli robbed the church of many of her noblest monuments of literature, the Book of Enoch, too, was lost, and later investigators had to be content with the references in the Fathers, and a few extracts made by the learned monk of the eighth century, Georgius Syncellus, in his Chronography.^ A short time after him, in the ninth century, the book is mentioned as an apocryphon of the New Testament by the Patriarch Nicephorus.^ The fragments preserved by Syncellus, varying indeed in minor points of expres- sion, are still virtually an extract from the book as we have it now. They are divided into two parts ; the first containing chap. 6 : 1 to chap. 9 : 4, the second chap. 8 : 4 to chap. 10 : 14, and chap. 15 : 8 to chap. 16 : 1 ; in addition to which there is a small part not found in the Ethiopic. Here comes into consideration also a small fragment of the Greek Enoch found after the discovery and publication of tlie Ethiopic version. We refer to the Greek text of chap. 89 : 42-49, writ- ten with tachygraphical notes, and published from a Codex Vaticanus ( Cod. G'r.1809) in facsimile, by Angelo Mai in Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, vol. ii. These verses were deciphered by Prof Gildemeister, who published his results in the Zeitschrift d. Deutsch. Morgenldnd. Gesellscha/t, 1855, pp. 621-624. In Jewish literature, the Book of Enoch did not stand in such high regard as it did among Christian writers, and consequently was not so extensively used. It was, however, neither un- known nor ignored altogether. Already in the work so frequently cited in early Christian literature as Tci. 'la^riXala or r/ XeTrrrj yeveai'i, a production of the first 1 Published in Dillmann's translation, pp. 82-86. 2 Cf. Niceph. (ed. Dindorf), i. 787. 4 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Christian century, the references are frequent and un- mistakable.i A comparison of the statements of this book of the Jubilees, especially p. 17 sq. of the Ethiopic| text (ed. Dillmanii), with those of Enoch forces us to the conclusion that the author of the former book could not have written as he did without an exact knowl- edge of the contents of the latter. Of the use made of the book by later Jewish writers, we have a brief ac- count by A. Jellinek in the Zeitsclirift d. D. M. 0. 1853, p. 249. The clearest example in this respect is found in Sohar, vol. ii. Parasha rhv^ p. 55 a (ed. Mant. et Amsterd.) : '' Comperimus in libro Hanochi, Deum illi, postquam, sustulisset eum in sublime, et ostendisset ei omnes thesauros superiores et inferiores, monstrassei etiam arborem vitae et arborem illam, qnam inter- dixerat Adamo, et vidit locum Adami in Paradiso, in quo si Adamus observasset praeceptum illud, vixisset perpetuo et in aeternum mansisset." In vol. i. Par- asha Bereshit, p. 37 b there is a remark that covers about the same ground, with the additional statement that the Book of Enoch was " handed down " to him from the time when he began to associate with super- terrestrial beings.^ The existence of such a Book of Enoch, made certain from these numerous quotations, was the source of considerable perplexity and anxiety to Christian theolo- gians, and numerous and curious were the conjectures concerning its authorship and character. In the be- 1 Ronsch finds nineteen such references in the book of the Jubilees. Cf. Drummond, The Jewish Messiah, p. 71. 2 The Hebrew text of this quotation is found in Philippi, I. c. p. 121. According to Philippi's statements there are also references to Enoch in the Assumptio Mosis, a fragmentary production of the first or second cen- tury, A.D., and in 4 Ezra and in the Sibylline Books. Cf. l.c p. 105 sn. GENERAL INTBOBUCTION. 5 ginning of tiie seventeenth century it was confidently asserted tliat the book, mourned as lost, was to be found in an Ethiopic translation in Abyssinia, and the learned Capuchin monk Peirescius bought an Ethiopic book which was claimed to be the identical one quoted by Jude and the Fathers. Ludolf, the great Ethiopic scholar of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, soon proved it to be a miserable production of a certain Abba Bahaila Michael.^ Better success at- tended the efforts of the famous English traveller James Bruce, who discovered three copies of the book, and brouglit them, in 1773, with him to Eur.ope.^ One of these found its way into the Bodleian Library, the other was presented to the Royal Library of Prance, the third was kept by Bruce. Since that time other copies have been brought from Abyssinia. Strange to say, no use was made of these important documents until the year 1800, when Silvestre de Sacy, in his Notice sur le livre d' Enoch, in the Magazin Encyclopidique, an vi., tome I. p. 382, gave as specimens of the book the extracts and Latin translation of chap. 1 and 2, chap. 5-16, and chap. 22 and 32, from which then, in 1801, a German translation was made by Rink. There again the matter rested until 1821, when Prof. Laurence, afterwards Arch- bishop of Cashel, published an English translation from the MS. in the Bodleian, with the title : " The Book of Enoch, the Prophet: an apocryphal production, sup- posed to have been lost for ages ; but discovered at the close of the last century in Abyssinia ; now first trans- lated from an Ethiopic MS. in the Bodleian Library. Oxford, 1821." The second edition of this work ap- /f Cfct«Alf, Commentarius in Hist. Aethiop., p. 347. I '^P Cf. B^^ &ife;t2^- "• P- ■^^^ ^1- 6 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. peared in 1833, the third in 1838. In the same year: in which the third edition appeared, Laurence edited^ the Ethiopic text as: " Libri Enoch Prophetae Versio Aetliiopica." Both text and translation are unrelia- ble, and must now be regarded as entirely antiquated.^ Laurence's text is divided into one hundred and five chapters, which division was accepted by investigators down to Dillmann. He very properly made the division into one hundred and eight chapters. Prof. A. G. Hoff- mann, of Jena, issued a full translation of Enoch with copious notes, in two parts, as : Das Buck Henoch in vollstdndiger Uebersetzung, mit fortlaufendem Commen- tary ausfuhrlicher Einleitung und erlduternden Excursen. For Part i., chap. 1-57, issued 1833, Hoffmann could use only Laurence's text and translation, but for Part II., chap. 58-108, he, in addition to these aids, consulted a MS. copy brought by Dr. Riippell from Abyssinia and deposited in Frankfurt am Main. In the second part many of Laurence's mistakes are corrected, but not all by any means. With these aids at his disposal, Gfrorer made his Latin ti'anslation of the book in 1840, as : " Prophetae veteres Pseudepigraphi, partim ex Abyssi- nico vel Hebraico sermonibus Latine versi " ; but this was again unsatisfactory. The book of Rev. Edward Murray, " Enoch Restitutus, or an Attempt," etc., Lon- don, 1836, must be regarded as a total failure.^ All these sins were atoned for when the master-hand of A. Dillmann issued the Ethiopic text in 1851, as : " Liber Henoch, Aethiopice, ad quinque codicum fidem editus, cum variis lectionibus." ^ Two years later the same 1 Cf. the severe judgment on Laurence by Dillmann, Das Buck Henoch, p. Ivii. 2 Cf. Hoffmann, Zweiter Excurs, pp. 917-965. * From this edition our translation has been made. GENERAL INTRODDCTION. 7 author published his accurate translation of the hook, with reliable notes, as : Das Buck Henoch, iibersetzt und erklart, a work of singular acumen and vast learn- ing, which is the standard translation of Enoch to this day. The publication of these two works inaugurated a series of happy studies by Liicke, Ewald, Kostlin, Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, Langen, Gebhardt, Tideman, and others, who have all sought to give solutions of the many difficulties presented by this most mysterious book, but with very different results.^ Before proceeding to the special examination and analysis of the book before us, it is highly important that the question of the trustworthy or untrustworthy character of the Ethiopic translation be discussed. Is the Ethiopic translation a reliable version of the Greek Enoch ? For it is evident that the translation belongs to the early period of Ethiopic literature, when the lit- erature in the Greek language was copied and transla- ted by the Abyssinian theologians, before the introduc- tion of Arabic influence and models. Enoch is, then, like all of the best specimens of literature in Abyssinia, — the Bible, the Book of the Jubilees, the fourth Book of Ezra, Ascensio Isaiae, and Pastor Hermae, — trans- lated from the Greek. Whether the Greek is the origi- nal language of the book, or the Hebrew or Aramaic, will be discussed later ; here we have to decide on the rela- tion existing between the Ethiopic and the Greek, from which our Enoch is a translation. As the Greek text, with the exception of some fragments, has been lost, this question cannot be apodictically decided, but there are means of reaching a probable result, sufficient to 1 The results of these inrestigations will be mentioned and used in the Special Introduction and in the Notes. 8 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. permit us to trust the text as we find it in the Ethiopia translation. This result can be reached in two ways, first by analogy, by seeing whether those translations of which the original Greek has been preserved are faithful representatives of these originals, and thus learning the general manner in which t]-anslations were made in Ethiopia, and secondly by comparing the fragments of Enocli that still remain with the transla- tion. Following the first method, we naturally begin with the comparison of the version of the Bible, trans- lated in the early days of Christianity among the Ethiopians, not from the Hebrew, but from the Septua- gint. Here only one authority has a right to speak, the editor of the Octateuchus Aethiopicus, Prof. Dill- mann. As late as 1877, after years of diligent research on this subject, his judgment of this translation and its relation to the Greek is as follows : ^ " With regard to the translation, it must be said that it is a very faithful one, generally giving the Greek text verbatim, often even the relative position of the words ; it abbreviates only now and then whatever seemed superfluous, and must, on the whole, be called a successful and happy version. Notwithstanding its entire fidelity to the Greek text it is very readable and, especially in the historical books, smooth, and frequently coincides with the meaning and words of the Old Testament in a sur- prising manner. Of course there is a difference in this respect between the different books. The Bthiopic translators were by no means very learned men, and had not an absolute command of the Greek language ; especially when they had to translate rare words and technical terms this clearly appears, and consequently 1 Cf. Herzog, Real-Encyklopddie (2d edition), vol. i. p. 204. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 9 some misunderstandings and mistaites have crept into the text through the fault of the translators." This version of the Old Testament is, then, on the whole, a faithful copy of the Septuagint. The same must be said of the translation of Pastor Hermae, although here " the sins of omission " are much more frequent, especially in Similitudines iv., v., and vi., which are rather an epitome of the Greek than a translation. Positive mistakes do, indeed, now and then occur,^ but the main deviations from the Greek are found in the omissions. These are by no means of much importance as to contents, except possibly in Sim. V. 2, and it would be difficult to decide who made these omissions, whether they were already found in the original of the traiislator, or introduced by him, or are to be ascribed to a copyist.^ A close comparison between the Ethiopic and the Greek text proves con- clusively that the former is what can be called a good translation. As the Greek text of the Physiologus has never been issued in a critical edition, a reliable examination of the fidelity of the old Ethiopic translation can scarcely be made, yet the evidences seem sufficient to justify an opinion equally as favorable as that passed on the ver- sion of tlie Bible and on Pastor Hermae.^ The Greek text of the Ascensio Isaiae recently dis- covered, and published by Gebhardt in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschri/t fiir wissenschaft. Theologie, 1878, pp. 330- 353, is evidently g, different recension from the one 1 Cf. DiUmann, in Zeilschrift d. D. M. G. xv. p. 121 sqq. 2 Cf. Patres Apostol. ed. Gebhardt, Harnack et Zahn, Prolegomena to Hermas, p. xxx. 8 Cf. Hommel, Die Aethiop. Uebersetzung des Physiologus, etc., 1877, p. xliii, sq. 10 GENERAL INTBODUCTION. from which the Ethiopian made his translation, hence a comparison could produce but few positive results. From the evidences, then, that can be regarded as valid we are, from analogy, allowed to expect that the Ethiopia translation of Enoch will, on the whole, be a faithful one, although occasional mistakes and omissions may occur. This opinion is confirmed by an examina- tion of the remaining fragments of the Greek text. Comparing our text with that of Syncellus it is at once apparent that they do not always agree. But this does not impeach the veracity of the Ethiopic, for Syn- cellus furnishes his own evidence that he did not quote literally, but in a free manner. Chap. 8 : 4 to chap. 9 : 4 he gives twice, and the two quotations are far from being alike, thus showing that Syncellus, in his extracts from Enoch, as he was accustomed to do when citing other works, does not pretend to quote literally, but simply to give the sense. Certainly Syncellus has occasionally, as in 6 : 6, the better text, but in other places the Ethiopic wording, as the notes show, is de- cidedly to be preferred. This comparison, then, in no manner injures the claim of the trustwortliy character of the vcrsioia before us. Gebhardti has attempted to draw capital from tlie Greek fragment of 89 : 42-49, and on the basis of these few verses has reached a very pessimistic conclusion on the Ethiopic text of Enoch, especially chap. 89 and 90. But here there is really but one verse where -the Greek presents a better reading,^ and this verse is of little importance, and can in no wise affect the con- 1 Cf. Merx, Archiv fiir wissenschqftl. Erforschung des A, T., ii. 2 p. 842 sq. ^ Cf. Notes. Tiijeman, I.e. p. 282 sqq., reaches the same conclusion. GENERAL INTKODUCTION. 11 elusion that we have in Enoch, as translated by the early Ethiopio church, a faithful copy of the Greek. Consequently we can proceed to the examination of the book itself with but little hesitancy. SPECIAL INTEODUCTIOl^. § 1. The book of Enoch is an apocryphal work. Ety- mologically the word apocrypha does not, and originally did not, possess the sensus in malam partem in which it is now generally used. ^AiroKpvjiov was, in contradis- tinction from avwyirjvaxTKoiJ.evov, i.e. read openly in a congregation, employed either to designate a book that was hidden, used only in private circles, or it signified a book of which not only the origin was hidden or un- known, but whose contents were also, i.e. veiled in the language of allegory, symbolism, and other figurative speech. 1 Canonical and apocryphal are then not in themselves contradictory terms, and a book could be both at the same time. Hence, too, we can easily under- stand how Epiplianius can call the Revelation an anro- Kpv(f>ov without thereby casting tlie least reflection on its apostolic origin and canonical authority.^ Although the Old Testament books now called apocrypha were received with some suspicion by the early Fathers, prac- tically they were regarded as of equal authority with the canonical writings. Only Jerome, in his Prologiis Oaleatus to Samuel, assumes an opposing position, and calls them apocrypha ; but the merit of making this ' Cf. Schiirer in Herzog, R. E. (2d ed.), vol. i. p. 484. "^ Cf. Volkmar, Das vierte Buck Esra und apokal. Geheimnisse uberhaupt. p. 2. 12 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 13 ■word synonymoiis with non-canonical remained for Carlstadt, who seized on Jerome's idea and developed it in his tract, De canonicis scripturis libellics, 1520. Since that time the Protestant church has used this word in this latter sense.i In the English Bible the word Apocryplia was not used for these books until the second edition of Cranmer's Bible in 1549, while in the first edition, in 1539, and Matthew's translation, 1537, they are still called Hagiograplia.^ Of these apocryphal works one species is embraced under the term apocalyptic. This latter class is of a prophetic character, and under the assumption of a superhuman source of information seeks to imravel the mysteries of the present and the future. The contents are generally of a strictly religious character, and contain revelations concerning the kingdom of God and its de- velopment, but also discussions of theological questions, such as the relation existing between man's sin and God's justice, and explanations of the wonderful work- ings of God in nature and its laws. The incitement to th? composition of such pseudo-prophecies must not be sought for so much in a morbid curiosity and a fan- ciful imagination as in an anxious desire to understand the workings of Providence, or even in a doubt concern- ing the promises given of old. They frequently owe their existence to the birth-throes of the persecuted and despairing children of God. Consequently the object is generally an apologetic and exhortative one. Botli in contents and form they differ from the prophetic books of the old covenant. While these latter form a 1 Cf. Schurer, I.e., and the different Introductions to the Old and New Testament. 2 Cf. Kitto, Cyclopaedia of Bibl. Lit. (3d ed.), i. 168. 2 14 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. collection of prophecies, or anthology of different proph- ecies uttered at different times, and are often unchrono- logically arranged, the apocalyptic writings generally contain a chain of such prophecies closely connected with each other. In form the enigmatical method of presentation is followed. Symbolical representations and figurative speech in general are employed, names and dates that could disclose the true author and his time are studiously avoided, and to give the whole the impress of antiquity and authority the most notable and pious 1 in the history of Israel are made the bearers of these revelations. All these works, to a greater or less extent, connect with the book of Daniel as the first and typical apocalyptical writing, and, like it, direct the suf- fering faithful from the afflictions of their own times to the speedy inauguration of the Messianic times, as the period when their hopes shall be realized and the prom- ises of God redeemed. That one specimen of this peculiar literature is ascribed to Enoch can certainly be no surprise, as the enigmatical words in which his history is recorded Gen. V. 21-24 was a valuable possession in the hands of an apocalyptic writer. The statements there left ample room for a vivid imagination to supply unwritten history, while antiquity and piety made Enoch a wel- come name to give force and authority to a book, and the "walking with God" of Enoch and his translation to heaven, which correct exegesis has always read in this passage,^ founded his claim of having enjoyed close 1 Thus we have the Apocalypse of Baruch, the Assumptio Mosis, the Ascensio Isaiae, Fourth Ezra, and here the book of Enoch. ^ Enoch is not again mentioned in the canonical books of the Old Testa- tament, but twice in the Son of Sirach, xliv. 16 and xlix. 4, and in both passages the " and he was not " is regarded as synonymous with trans- SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 15 communion with God and having possessed superhuman knowledge. That the ninbKn-PN tjbnnii is conceived by our author as a retirement from the earth" to tlie region of higher angelic beings, and the acquisition of super- human knowledge there, is clear from En. 12 : 2,^ and the method of receiving revelation is shaped accord- ingly, Enoch receiving his information not so much by dreams and visions as the prophets of old, but rather on a tour in company with the angels made to the ends of the earth and the heavens. In the Parables, 37-71, however, this does not so much exert an influence on the manner of acquiring heavenly wisdom, although the close communication with the angels is there too a prominent characteristic. Tlie number of years in Enoch's life being three hundred and sixty-five, cor- responding to the number of days in a solar year, this fact suggested the idea of making him the bearer of all kinds of secrets concerning nature and its operations and laws. Whether our author thereby gave expres- sion to an ancient tradition among the people or origi- nated the idea must, in the nature of the case, remain doubtful, although the former might seem probable, as a writer of the first century B.C., Alexander Polyhistor, as quoted by Eusebius, Fraeparatio Evangelica,\x. 17, 5 (ed. Heinichen, vol. ii. p. 21), contends that Enocli first discovered {evprjKevai irp&Tov) astrology (astronomy), lation into heaven, proceeding from the correct assumption that the word 15S''l!t1 , Oen. V. 24, forms a contrast to the well-known nai% used when speaking of the death of the other patriarchs. The same view is ex- pressed by the LXX on Gen. v. 24, by Josephus Antiq. ix. 2, 2, by the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews xi. b, the Targum of Jonathan, 1 Clem, ad Cor. ix. 3, and early writers in general. For the view of the other Targumim, and the Oriental versions, see Pichard, Le Lime d' Henoch, sur I'amitie, p. 23 sq. 1 Cf. also Liber Cosri (ed. Buxtorf ), p. 153. 16 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. over against the claims of the Egyptians. In harmony with this claim is the tradition recorded by Joseph us, Antiq. i. 8, that Abraham first brought the knowledge of astronomy and arithmetic from Chaldea to Egypt, and from there they were then transplanted to Greece. Accordingly later Jewish tradition has made Enoch not only the father of arithmetic and astrology, but also the inventor of the alphabet and the first author, to whom many books were ascribed. ^ Thus we read of the " books " of Enoch iu the Book of the Jubilees, Test. xii. Patriarch. ; Origen, c. CelsumY. p. 267, and Homil. 28 in Num. 34 ; Augustine, Civ. JDei, xv. 23 ; Jerome, Script. Uccles. 4 ; and Georgius Syncellus quotes from the first book of Enoch concerning the watchmen. With his literary fame walked hand in hand his renown for piety, so that the translated Enoch is even made the Metatron i.e. /xera Opovov or chief of those angels that stand before the throne of God.^ Among Mohammedan writers Enoch stood high as an inventor and literary character. In addition to the discoveries attributed to him by Jewish tradition, Mos- lem fame honors him with the invention of sewing.^ He is mentioned but once in the Koran, in Sura xix. 67, under the name of Edris, i.e. the learned, and is called a prophet. Beidawi, the best Arabic commen- tator on the Koran, remarks on this passage that no less than thirty divinely revealed books were ascribed to his authorship.* Of the writings attributed to this 1 Cf. Winer, Bibl. Replworterbuch, Art. " Henoch." " Cf. Targ. Jonath. to Gen. v. 24, and Pichard, I.e. p. 29 sq. Buxtorf, Zex. under ■|1"iBBa , and Jellinek, Bet-ha-Midrasch, ii. p. xxx, and 1 14- 117 ; iii. p. 155-160. 8 Cf. Pichard, I.e. p. 37. * Cf. Beidawi, Commcntarius in Coranum (ed. H. O. Fleischer), p. 583. SPECIAL INTRODDCTION. 17 anciPnt and pious favorite of God one of a prophetic character is made especially famous and important by being quoted by a canonical writer, Jude, Epist. 14, 15, of whicli work Tertullian ^ asserts that it still existed in his times. This is, as we have seen, the work before us. § 2. Contents. — Chap. 1: 1, Superscription. Chap. 1-5, Introduction. The source and divinely inspired character of this revelation given to Enoch during his intercourse with tlie angels, as well as its object: to announce the overthrow and destruction of tlie sinners when God shall come to judge, and the Messianic bless- ings in store for the righteous in the world now to come. Chap. 6-16, The historical basis of the book, containing an account of the fall of the angels through their carnal connection with tlie daughters of men, as the author's exegesis of Gen. vi. 1 sqq. The determination of God to inflict a temporal punishment upon them, which is to last until their condemnation in the final judgment, and the record of how this determination was carried out ; the prediction of the flood as the means of cleansing the earth. Enoch, as a man privileged to communicate with higher beings, is requested by the fallen angels to write for them a petition for mercy. This he does; but is sent back by God himself to renew the previous an- nouncement of the certain punishment of these angels. The object of this narrative is to prove historically that God will certainly punish sinners, and is thus to add force to the prediction of the true author in announc- ing the destruction of the sinners in his days. Chap. 17-36, Description of what Enoch saw during his trip around and above the earth. He describes the divine 1 Cf. De Idol. 4 and De Cultu Feminar. ii. 10. 2* 18 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. origin of nature and its laws, sees the place of departed spirits both good and bad, the place of final punish^ ment, the tree of life in the south, and the tree of knowledge in the garden of the just, and many of the secrets of nature. Chap. 37-71 form a rounded whole, and are entitled : The second vision of wisdom. It is divided into three parables by the writer liimself ; 38-44, being the first, contain a prophetic account of the con- gregation of the holy as it will be after tlie removal of the sinners. Enoch views the mysteries of heaven, sees the myriads of the angels, and notes four, Michael, Rafael, Gabriel, and Fanuel, as the archangels. He speaks also of some of the secrets of nature, and lauds ■wisdom, which he personifies. 45-57, introduced as the second parable, treat chiefly of the Messiah, his nature and work, especially his judgment, and glorify the period of blessing and peace that his coming shall in- augurate. 68-69 : 25 (with the exception of 60 : 65-69 : 25, which are from another hand), as the third parable, contain an account of the blessed condition of the righteous and of the judgment and condemnation in store for the wicked. Chap. 70 and 71 contain a suit- able close to all the parables. Chap. 72-82, with the spe- cial title. The book of the courses of the luminaries, the astronomical book proper, contain a long and tedious account of the course and movements of the sun, moon, and stars, respecting which the angel Uriel, " who is over them," instructed the seer. Chap. 83-91 contain two visions in dreams, the first, 83 and 84, pre- dicting the flood and the first judgment, the second 85-90, giving an allegorical account of the development of the world-history from the creation to the time of completion in the Messianic future, the whole from a SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 19 purely theocratic stand-point. Under the symbolism of wild and tame animals the relation of Israel to the neighboring nations is recorded, the whole, as far as historical, from a biblical view. Chap. 91 gives a fitting admonition of Enoch to his children. Chap. 92-93 (and 91 : 12-17) pass over the same ground that the second dream does, only more briefly, as ten " world- weeks." Chap. 94-105, the paraenetic part proper and the practical application of the instruction given to the times of the author, the cry of woe over the sinners, and the exhortation to hope and fidelity to the righteous. Cliap. 106-107 have an account of the birth of Noah and his wonderful appearance, and prediction of the flood. Chap. 108, introduced as " another book of Enoch," contains a renewed brief prediction of the sure destruction awaiting the sinners and of the certain blessing in store for the righteous. The revelation is received from an angel. § 3. Analysis. — The varied contents of the book, its many apparently incongruous elements, its obscure lan- guage and symbolical figures, together with the total lack of all outer evidences respecting author or authors, time of composition, and object of writing, have occa- sioned much perplexity to investigators, and given rise to a vast number of different opinions on the questions suggested by a perusal of Enoch. Neither combination or integrity, nor author or time or language, has been settled to the satisfaction of all, as scarcely two of those that have examined the book agree on all these points. This is not surprising in a book that seeks by all means to hide its authorship and period of composition, and in the nature of the case a full agreement on these topics 20 SPECIAL INTEODUCTION. can scarcely ever be expected, especially as preconceived notions concerning the New Testament canon, princi- pally concerning the Epistle of Jude, have unfortu- nately influenced the interpretation in both orthodox and liberal investigators. The results of an analysis will, then, in every case bear only the stamp of a possi- bility, or at best, a probability; absolute and convin- cing certainty will only be realized if some new outer aids, e.g. a new reliable Greek text, or earnest investi- gation in ancient Rabbinical and Talmudic lore, should throw light on the subject. Before proceeding to a further examination of the composition and compilation of the book, it will be well to survey the opinions of those who h^ve devoted learning and critical acumen to this topic. ^ Both Laurence and Hofmann, in their translations and notes, had complained of a want of unity and connection in the book. They therefore resorted to a transposition of different parts to more harmonizing places, but not to the satisfaction of later critics, as the necessary inner harmony and connection was not thereby restored. That plan was then dropped, and the idea that the book consisted of several independent parts, written by differ- ent authors at different times, became an almost uni- versal conviction. LiJCKE ''■ analyzes the book as follows : The present book of Enoch consists first of an older portion, em- bracing chap. 1-36 and 72-108, and secondly of a yotmger portion, contained in chap. 37-71, in which however, are some later interpolations. The former 1 These opinions have been mostly collected from the original sources themselves, and vfhere this source failed the deficiency was supplied by Schiirer, Neutestamentlicke Zeitgeschichte, Leipzig, 1874, p. 521 sqq. 2 Elnleit. in die Offenb. Jolumnes, 1852, pp. 89-144. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 21 was written in the beginning of the Maccabaean contest, 166-160 B.C., as the " great horn," 90 : 9, is Judas Maccabi, the later during the first years of tlie reign of Herod the Great. No date can be assigned to tlie in- terpolations. In his " Nachtrage," however, p. 1072, he holds that the older portion was written during the reign of John Hyrcanus, 135-105 B.C., adopting Ewald's view. J. Che. K. von Hopmann ^ claims that the main body of the work was written by one and the same Christian author in the second century after Christ. For him the small lambs in 89-90 are not the heroes of the Maccabaean struggle, but the early Christians. The quotation in Jude is, then, not from Enoch, but was the occasion of the production of this apocryphal writing. Later interpolations are found in 59-71 ; 82 : 4-20 ; 92 ; 106-108. Hofmann has the honor of being the first to discover ,the correct interpretation of the seventy shep- herds in*89 and 90. DiLLMANN '^ also claimed one author for the main body of the work, but did not deny later additions and interpolations. These are : (1) the historical 6-16, 93 and 91 : 12-17 ; 106-107. (2) the Noachic 54 : 7-55 : 2; 60 ; 65-69 : 25. (3) then chap. 20, 70, 75 : 5 ; 82 : 9-20 ; 108. The book was written about 110 B.C., as the " great horn " in 90 : 9 is John Hyrcanus. The addi- tions, however, were made in the first century before the Christian era. Later ^ he admits that, irrespective of the interpolations, the book must be regarded as a compi- lation of two, or even three, different works. He, with 1 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenland. Gesdlsclmjl, vol. vi. 1852, p. 87- 91, and Schriftbeweis (2d ed.), vol. i. pp. 420-4.23. 2 Das Buck Henoch, 1853, p. v sqq. 8 Herzog, R. E. (1st cd.), vol. xii. pp. 308-310, and Schenkel's Bibd- Lcxikon, vol. ill. pp. 10-13. 22 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. Ewald, regards 37-71 as the older portion, and places it ill the first years of the Asmoneans, while the union of the different parts was probably effected about the middle of the first century B.C. Ewald ^ discovers the following parts in the book : (1) The groundwork, 37-71, written about 144 B.C. (2) The second Hen6kh book, 1-5 ; 91-105, and other fragments, in the beginning of the reign of John Hyrca- nus. (3) The third Hen6kh, book of which remnants have been preserved in 8; 20-36; 72-90; 106-108, written about 128 B.C. (4) The Noah book, found in 6: 3-8 ; 17-19 ; 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 65-69 : 1, somewhat younger than the preceding. (5) The present complete Hen(5kli, whose editor added considerable in 6— 16, and wrote about the middle of the first pre-Christian century. KoSTLiN 2 divides thus: (1) The groundwork, embra- cing 1-16; 21-30; 72-105, and written about.llO B.C. (2) The Parables, 37-71 (with the exception of the Noachic fragments), written between 100 and 64 B.C. The same author wrote 17-19. (3) The Noachic fragments 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 60 ; 65-69 : 25, possibly 20 and 82 : 9-20, and probably 106-107, and also some things in 6-8. (4) Chap. 108, an Essenic addition about the time of Herod the Great or his successors. HilgenfeldS considers 1-16; 20-36; 72-105 the groundwork, written in the first years of Alexander Jaiinai. Later additions are found in 17-19 ; 37-71 ; 106-108, and these later portions are all the work of a Christian adherent of Gnosticism about the time 1 Abhandlung iiber des Aelhiop. Baches Hendkh Entslehung, Sinn und Zusammensetzung, 1855. 2 Theol. JahrbUcher, 1856, pp. 240-279 ; 370, 386. 8 Diejnd. Apokali/ptik, 1857, pp. 91-184, and Zeitschr.f. mssemch.Theol. iii. pp. 319-334; iv. pp. 212-222 ; v. pp. 216-221 ; xv. pp. 584-587. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 23 botwoou Satuniiiuis and Miiroioii. Ililgonfold lays special strcjss on a protoiidcd Cliristiaii clmractor of tlui Messiah in ;'>T-71. IIo declines to separate Noachic IVagmouts. Later ho moiniied his idea concerning the lirsl part by claiming that it was written about U8 B.C. This result is reached by interpreting the periods of tlio seventy sliephords as each of seven years, so that 7 X 70 or -IDO years from r)S8 n.o., as the acknowledged coiumenccnient of tiie reign of those sheplierds, would establish tlie period of writing. VolkmarI claims tliat the periods of the shepherds each embrace terms of ten years, so that the whole period of this rule would bo 70, or ratlier 12, accord- ing to his idea, timers 10, i.e. 720 years, and counting from 688 b.c. this would indicate l;i"i a.d. as the year in which the book was written. It is claimed to be tiie first connected account of the commencement of the insur- rection of Bar-cochobas, and was written by a disciple of Akiba. IIo rejoices in this conclusion exceedingly, and later- charactoi-i/es the book of I'lnoch as "a warlike zelotie announcement of the final victory of Bar-cocliebas after tlio defeat of Hadrian l'-V2 a.d. " ! IJANUE^f ** admits that in its present shape the book is tlie work of dilfereiit authors, biit claims that tlio in- tei'nal liarmony is such that a great diUbrenco of time (vumot exist. As he interprets the "great horn" as Judas ]\hiccalii, ho places the composition of the ground- work at about 1(>0 B.C. 1 Z'il.icliri/} nilsi-li(ii Margenland. Gesrlhchajl, xiv. ]ip. 87-13-1, 296; Xiilfi-hriJ} f. in'ssi'iixrli. Tlimt. iv. pp. 111-136, laa s(|q. ; v. p. 46 S(](i., nnd /■j'lioieiilvst. /•.'h/(/(vX»H(7, c'to. Ziirii'h, 1862. ^ I his ricric Ihirli Esra . . . ri/s iiltester Coiniiunlar ziim N.T. Tubingen, 1863, p. lOS. ' I'lis Jiidenthitm in raliislimr, 1866, pp. 35-64. 24 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. SiEPFERTi considers 1-16 ; 20-36 ; 72-81 : 91-105 as the oldest portion, written about the time of Jonathan, 165-160 B.C., and interprets the seventy shepherds in 82-90, which he regards as a separate addition, in Hil- genfeld's style, but begins the rule of these shepherds already 598 e.g., and thus makes the book ten years older than Hilgenfeld, i.e. it was written about 108 A.D. Chap. 17-19 ; 37-71 ; 106-108 were written by an Essene, and before the invasions of the- Parthians in 64 B.C. Philippi 2 defends the absolute integrity of the book. With Hofmann he regards the small lambs as Christians, and interprets the period of the shepherds like Volkmar, but assumes only seventy shepherds and, counting either from 606 or 588 B.C., considers the book as one of a Christian origin, and written about 100 A.D. WiTTiCHEN ^ revives to a groat extent Dillmann's old opinions, considering the main body of the book as the work of one author, but written by him at different times. The oldest portion, 83-91, was produced about 166-161 B.C. Later interpolations are 6-16 ; 93 and 91 : 12—17; 106-107. A second interpolator, in the flrst pre-Christian century, added 20 ; 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 60 ; 65- 69 : 25 ; 70 ; 82 : 9-20 ; and 108 is a later independent addition, also written before Christ. Gebhardt ^ does not analyze the book, but gives a mi- nute and telling criticism on the different views expressed on the seventy shepherds in chap. 89 and 90. His con- clusions are of a negative character, claiming that unless 1 De apocryphi libri Uenochi origine et argumento, 1 867. ^ Das Buck Henoch, sein Zeitalter und sein Verhdltniss zum Judasbrief, 1 868. 8 Die Idee des Menschen, 1868, and Die Idee des Reiches Gott.es, 1872. * Merx, Archiv f. wissensch. Erforschung des Alt. Test., 1872, Vol. ii. Heft 2, pp. 163-246. SPECIAL INTEODUCTION. 25 a better text is discovered it will be impossible to find the true interpretation of the author's idea. ScHTJRER (p. 529 sqq.) considers as settled that there arc, at least, three distinct parts in the book: (1) The groundwork, 1-37 and 72-105 ; (2) The Parables, 37-71 , with the exception of (3) the Noachic portions 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 60 ; 65-69 : 25, and probably 106-107. The last chap. 108 is an independent and late addition. The ground- work was written in the last third of the second century before Christ, as the " great horn " is John Hyrcanus ; the Parables, during the reign of Herod the Great, as the invasion of the Parthians is presupposed as an his- torical event in chap. 56, while the Noachic additions are of uiicertain date. Schiirer adopts Hofmann's in- terpretation of shepherds as angels. ^ Vernes'^ regards the Messiah of the Parables as a Christian one, and hence (pp. 264 and 269) claims the end of the first Christian century as the time when they were written. As 90 : 9 refers to John Hyrcanus, the groundwork was written in his days. He does not settle thQ time of the Noachic additions. TiDEMAN^ claims that 83-91 do not belong to the original book, but were inserted afterwards, probably a few years later by an Essenic writer. He claims that the dream-visions interrupt the connection. His con- clusions are : The oldest book contains 1-16 ; 20-36 ; 72-82 ; 93; 91 : 12-19 ; 92 ; 94-105, and was written by a Pharisee between 153 and 135 B.C. The second book, 83- ^ Castelli's work : 11 Messia secondo gli Ebrei, Firenze, 1874, could not be consulted. ^ Histoire des Id^es Messianiques depuis Alexandre jusqu'u I'empermr Ha- drien, Paris, 1874, pp. 69-U7 and 264-270. 3 De Apokalypse van Henoch en het Essenisme, in the Theohgisch Tijd- schriji, Mei, 1875, pp. 261-296. 8 26 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 91, is by an Essene between 134 and 106 B.C., and thirdly the Apocalypse of Noah, 17-19 ; 41 : 3-9 ; 43 : 1, 2 ; 44; 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 59 ; 60 ; 65-69 : 25 ; 70 ; 106 ; 107, written after 80 a.d. by a person versed in Jewish Gnosticism and tlie Cabala. The Parables are by a Christian of the days of Domitian or Trajan, 90-100 a.d. The final redactor, the author too of 108, was a Christian Gnostic of the tendency of Saturninus, after 125 a.d. Drummond's 1 chief contribution to the understanding of Enocli is his peculiar vi(!w of the Messiah in the Par- ables. He thinks the Messiah must be a Christian one, but at the same time will not give up the Jewish source of the Parables, and therefore regards the Messianic passages in the second part as Christian interpolations, and explains the absence of the then expected references to the historical Clirist by saying, rather unsatisfactorily (p. 61), that " an interpolator would be careful not to de- part too widely from the character of the book in which he made his insertions." As the great horn is John Hyrcanus, the time in which the original book was written is " the latter half of the second century before Christ" (p. 43). Tlie orighial book embraces the chap- ters that are ascribed to it by Tideman (p. 37). In the Noachic fragments he seems to admit a post-Christian in- fluence in 67 : 4 sq. (pp. 57, 58). He adopts Hofmanu's and Schurer's view of the shepherds (p. 40). The majority of critics deny that the book, as we have- it now, is the work of one author, and Philippi stands absolutely alone in his refusal to acknowledge later ad- ditions or interpolations to a more ancient groundwork. In fact, this point can be regarded as settled, and the 1 The Jewish Messiah, from the rise of the Maccabees to the closing of tht Talmud. Loncion, 1877, pp. 17-73. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 27 question that remains to be discussed is the number of component parts and the chapters that belong to each part. As we are in this examination restricted to inner evidences alone, to the harmony or disharmony in style and sentiment, it will be necessary to inquire what evi- dences the book itself furnishes for the solution of this problem. It is important to notice that certain portions claim to be revelations not of Enoch, but of Noah, and this fact alone is sufficient to force the acceptance of a different author. The book pretends to be a revelation given to Enoch, and as it contains revelations given to Noah after the death of Enoch, we must conclude that these latter are parts foreign to the original work. Here we have first the whole of chap. 60 given " in the year five hundred of the life of Noali,"i concerning the flood, as the most important event in the life of that patriarch. The difference in style and sentiment, such as the masculine and feminine water, the Behemoth and Leviathan, and others,^ are so characteristic that it would be impossible for the same mind to have conceived this chapter and the groundwork of the book. With these indices, authorship, time, and sentiment on hand, it will be seen that 54 : 7-55 : 2, which verses there form an unexpected interruption of the connection, and the whole connected account in 65-69 : 25 form with 60 a separate element, that has very properly been called, The Noacliic additions or fragments. In addition, to make certainty more certain, the Parables, i.e. 37-71, I are expressly quoted in 68 : 1. To these additions un- [ doubtedly must be reckoned also 106-107, as the sim- f 1 That it must be Noah, and not Enoch, as the Ethiopic text reads, 13 I proved in the notes on this chapter. 2 Of. notes. 28 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. ilarity of subject-matter and of style point to this fact. Tliey are intended to give an account of the bearer of revelation in these additions, and describe his worthi- ness for this office. Not to these additions belongs chap. 108. It is intro- duced with the words: "This is another writing of Enoch," as an independent tract. It is a later, un- doubtedly the last, portion of the book. The object is clear ; it is a renewed exhortation to fidelity and hope to those disappointed ones wlio might lose confidence in the prophecies of the old book. We are, then, justified in separating at least 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 60 ; 65-69 : 25; 106-108 from tlie original book. With equal, yes with greater, certainty can this same thing be done witli 37-71, which are not only distin- guislied in a marked manner from the Noachic frag- ments, but from 1-36 and 72-105 also. A mere perusal of this certainly most beautiful part of the whole work shows that it forms by itself a complete whole, is in- troduced as a separate tract, divides itself into three Parables, treats of a different subject-matter, and this not simply as a complement to the other part. It is directed against peculiar enemies, and has the distin- guisliing feature of peculiar standard names for God, and differs in its angelology and demonology, in its eschatology and Messianic idea. We will here speak only of tlie different names of God and of angelology, as tlierein both parts can more easily be considered together, and at the same time sufficiently justify a separate examination of the Parables. The discussions of the other characteristics of the groundwork and of the Parables will be best given in tlie separate exami- nations of both. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 29 Tlie two appellations of God peculiar to 37-71 are "Lord of the spirits" and "the Ancient of days," tlie latter of these, of course, being taken from the book of Daniel (cf. note on 46 : 1). The classical name in tlie Parables, however, is " the Lord of the spirits " (cf. note on 37 : 1 sq.), and is an appellation that nicely har- monizes with the general spiritual and trans-mundane character of this part, although there may be some doubt as to the exact idea which the author intended to convey in it. Again, the Parables lack at least one name of God characteristic of 1-37 and 72-105, i.e. The Holy and Great one (cf. note on 1:8). Certainly this exclusive use of different names in different parts would, if it were the only reason, scarcely justify a sep- aration of the book into two or more portions, but taken in connection with the other indices it has considerable weight. A better reason for such a separation we find in the angelology and demouology of the Parables over against the statements in this respect in the other parts. In accordance with the more systematical character of the Parables in general, the classification of the angels is a stricter one than in the first part. In 71 : 7 those that guard the throne of God are classified as Cherubim, Seraphim, and Oplianim ; and 61 : 10, the whole host of heaven are divided as Cherubim, Seraphim, Ophanim, angels of power and of government. A certain class, of which Michael, 71 : 3, 8, 13, is one, are called archangels, and are probably the same as the four angels before the throne of God in chap. 40. The angel of peace (cf. note on 40 : 8) is peculiar to this part, and in general it will be observed that its angelology is of a higher, almost more philosophical, character than in the other 30 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. portions. This is apparent from the fact that the func- tions assigned them are all of an ethical character (of. notes on 39 : 13 ; 40 : 1 sqq., 47 : 4, etc.), regulated en- tirely by the relation they sustain to the development of the Messianic kingdom, and hence their connection with the physical world is not dwelt upon to any extent. Whether 1-37 and 72-105 have a distinct classification of angels is more than doubtful. Aside from chap. 20, which being of doubtful authenticity cannot be used as evidence, the author seems only to know a class called Cherubim, 14: 11, and the number of a peculiar class given differently in 87 : 2 ; 90 : 21-31 do not admit of any conclusion. Yet the greatest difference exists on the subject of evil spirits. The first part claims, 15 : 8, that the spirits of the giants, the sons of the fallen angels and of the women, are demons, who work violent destruction, and afterwards become the objects of false worship, 99 : 7. A different account is given in the Parables. Here we meet with satans, 40 : 7, of whom one, the Satan, is chief, 63 : 3 ; 54 : 6. The fall of the angels consisted in becoming subjects of Satan, 54 : 6, in whose service, 53 : 3, are the angels of punishment so frequently mentioned (cf. note on 63 : 3), whose work it is to punish the kings and the powerful after the final judgment. The idea of placing over against the king- dom of God an opposing kingdom of Satan, with a ret- inue of servants such as God has in the angels, can be traced back to the general plan of the author. His polemics are directed against the kings of the earth, hence he not only emphasizes the royalty of the Messiah as the future conqueror of these kings, but sees even in their future tormentors the emissaries of a prince called Satan. As the archangels are the chosen instruments SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 31 for the special punishment of the fallen beings of their own kind, on account of the terribleness of their crimes, chap. 54, thus the kings, as special sinners, shall have their special tormentors. The kingdom of Satan, al- though opposed to God, still seems in some way depend- ent upon his will. The idea has a great similarity witli that of Satan presented in the book of Job. This is but one of the many differences existing between 1-36 and 72-105, but is sufficient to prove that the same man did not pen both, tliat consequently the Parables are from a different author. How this conclusion is strengthened and verified will be seen presently in the separate examination of eacii part. But is the rest of the book, i.e. 1-37 and 72-105, from one liand ? Here the following chapters are probably in- terpolations : 20 ; 70 ; 75 : 5 ; 82 : 9-20, for the reasons assigned in the notes. Whether the account of the •world-weeks, 93 and 91 : 12-17, is altogether an interpo- lation, or only tlie account of the last three weeks, may be doubtful. That the account 91 : 12-17, at least, is such, is manifest from the fact that it makes no mention whatever of a Messiah, which we liave a right to expect if it were written by the author of 90 : 9. But as the whole account is a connected one, it is best to regard it as an addition made by some admirer of Daniel, and in imitation of him. The question as to the authenticity of 105 is difficult, as it is simply impossible to decide what idea the author desired to express with the " my son." "We have no right to see it in a ofioovaia nor to see in it the one who is Kar €^o-)(r]v, the cliief one of those wlio are the children of God, as Israel is frequently called, e.g. 2 Sam. vii. 14. If the latter is the case, it can easily be understood from the author's Messianic idea. 32 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. for here the Messiah grows out as a prominent one from among the faithful in Israel, and has nothing of the su- pernatural that characterizes him in the Parables. We can see no reasons for making any more separa- tions from the book. There can scarcely be a cause for doubting that 72-105 are from the author of 1-37, nor for considering tlie dream visions 83 sqq. (Tideman) out of connection (cf. notes). The conclusions, tlien, on the probable division of the work are these : In addition to the Noachic fragments 54 : 7-56 : 2, 60 ; 65-69 : 25 (106-107) and the Parables 87-71 (with the exception of the interpolations), which are parts most certainly foreign to the original ground- work, 108 is clearly an independent addition, and 20 ; 70 ; 75 : 5 ; 82 : 9-20 ; 93 and 91 : 12-17 are, in all proba- bility, later interpolations. In 105 not even a probability pro or con can be decided upon. § 4. The Groundwork 1-86 and 72-105. a. Object.— The author writes out of his time and for his time, and hence, before learning what his object is, we must discover the characteristics of his period, the grievances and wants of his people, and then what solutions he has for the problems that were suggested by the condition of affairs. In the pursuit of this effort the parenetic chapters 94-105 furnish us with the best material, and here again it is es- pecially the address in 103 : 9-15 that gives us tlie clear- est idea. The author is one of the faithful in Israel, one of the Chasidim, and his work is written principally for them. He finds them a disappointed and despondent party. God's promises given of old to those that would adhere to his law were clear and defined. Although these did not distinctly remove the veil from eternity and SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 33 offer retribution and reward beyond the grave, they had opened up to the just all the glories and wealth that this world afforded. The retribution taught by the Old Tes- tament (at least as it was conceived by the Jews) was a purely terrestrial one, and the degree of happiness on earth was made the index to moral worth and fidelity to God. External advantages, fruitful harvests, victory over enemies, quiet possession of the land, long life, numerous descendants, were what the faithful had a right to expect. For his faithfulness it " should be well with liim in the land that the Lord his God had given him." But how different was his condition at tlie time the author writes ! In 103 : 11 the faithful complain, " We hoped to be the head, and became the tail, and the unrighteous have made their yoke heavy for us." They are subjected to the will of their enemies, for ver. 12 laments that their haters had become their rulers, and they are the objects of the rapine, injustice, and persecution of the sinners. The Chasidim are a persecuted race ; yes, tliey are often killed, and must descend into Sheol in sorrow, 102:5. No charge is more frequently made than that of persecu- tion and oppression of the righteous by the unrigliteous 94 : G ; 95 : 7 ; 96 : 7, 8 ; 97 : 6 ; 99 : 13, etc., and the undercurrent of thought is this, that at the time of the author tlie just were as a minority under the tyranny of the sinners as the dominant party. It is important to notice this fact, not only because it explains why the period of the sword, the time of vengeance on the un- righteous, is so horribly pictured, but because it will give an important hint as to the time when the author wrote. In other respects the righteous do not possess wliat had been promised, for in addition to tlie political power all the honor and wealth of the earth belong to 34 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. the unrighteous, so that thejappear as the just, 9.j : 4, i.e. they are in possession of that which God had prom- ised to the righteous. To their crimes of sin against the faithful is added the great one against God, that of reviling him ; in fact " sinners " and " revilers " are al- most constantly spoken of in the same breath (cf. 5:4; 81 : 8 ; 91 : 7, 11 ; 94 : 9 ; 96 : 7 ; 97 : 6 ; 98 : 11 sq. (15) ; 99 : 1 ; 100 : 9, etc.), and they go so far as to betray the " inheritance of tlie fathers," 99 : 14, i.e. the God of Israel. With tliese data on hand it becomes clear what the writer wanted. Under the heavy yoke of the su- premacy and persecution of the sinners, and seeing these " eat the marrow of the wheat and drink the root of the fountain," 96 : 5, they are beginning to doubt the promises of God, to question the truth of God's justice and his faithfulness in carrying out what had been prophesied by Moses and the prophets. That such doubt was beginning to grow in the hearts of the cruelly wronged band is only too certain from 103 : 9-15. To wipe this out, to defend the truth of the revealed promises, and to vindicate the justice of Jehovah, that is the chief aim of the author. His ob- ject is, then, primarily an apologetical biblical one, but this only as the groundwork of the practical, exhorta- tive one of admonishing them faithfully and patiently to endure for the present. His answer to the questions of his suffering friends consists in directing them from the trials and tribulations of the nin ob-s to the triumphs of the son nbis, and therefore his admonitions centre in the words "hope" (96:1; 104:2, 4) and "believe" (97 : 1), for the day of Jehovah would surely come. It is inaugurated by " the period of the sword," of the de- struction of the sinners by the righteous ; and the vivid- SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 35 ness with which this period is pictured in 99 and 100, especially 100 : 3, shows how important it was for the author. He is a Jew, writes for Jews, and his standard of retribution is the Jewish one of " an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth." Tlie character of the sin shall determine the character of the punislnnent, and this terrible scene of carnage inflicted by the righteous on the unrighteous in the day of vengeance, 95 : 3 ; 90 : 19 ; 91 : 11, 12 ; 94 : 7, 9 ; 95 : 3 ; 98 : 12, etc., can only be regarded as the development from the sufferings of the righteous in the time of the author. It should be no- ticed here that the Parables, which do not presuppose a condition of persecution for the faithful, say little or nothing concerning the period of the sword. But this feature of the author's eschatological hopes are like his Messianic idea, developments out of the immediate wants and longings of his times. Here he meets an ob- jection. The sinners say that God does not regard tlieir actions, 104 : 7. Tlie author knows better than this, for these acts are known in heaven, 98 : 6, 7, 8 ; 101 : 7, written on the tablets of heaven (cf. note on 81 : 1), and are even remembered and related by the powers of nature, 100 : ]0 ; 104 : 8. This peculiar method of po- lemics is prompted by the manner in which he received his revelations as recorded chap. 12 sqq., and his intimate knowledge of the divine course of nature. An objec- tion, however, more subtile yet meets the author here tliat he must refute. The fulfilment of his prophecies rests on the assumption tliat there is a retribution after death, and this the siiners deny. They claim that death ends all, and no righting of the wrongs of life can be ex- pected after death. It must be especially noticed that the author nowhere presupposes the objection that there 36 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. is no life after death, but only that there is no retribu- tion then. Thus, 102 : 6-11, the sinners do not boast that the souls die with the bodies, but only that the fate of all is similar after death, and that the darkness of Sheol will receive both good and bad. The same idea lies in 103 : 5, 6. Therefore, too, in his exalted tone, the author emphasizes the fact, 103 : 1 sqq., that after death the good will receive their reward, and the evil their punishment, 103 : 7, sqq. The simple existence of the soul after death and the resurrection of the departed are never mentioned in a polemical spirit, but always as acknowledged facts ; but for the defence of a retribu- tion after deatli the author brings in all his power of persuasion. He seems to appreciate the fact that he has the letter of tlie bid covenant against him, that he must take a step beyond the Old Testament, and there- fore, with a powerful appeal to the greatness of God 103 : 1, he assures his readers of the truth of what lie says. In this way, then, he has removed the diffi- culties and cleared the way for the description of the manner in which this future retribution shall take place ; he can now proceed to what is his main inten- tion — to a description of tlie world to come, to his pecu- liar eschatology. Historically, his object and its origin can be easily understood. It is a well-known fact that ever since the time when Alexander and his successors attempted to establish Greek culture in the East, there had been two parties in Palestine also, the Hellenistic, or friends of progress, and the Chasidim, or those that clung to the law and to all Jewisli peculiarities, and bore within their hearts all the hopes and promises of Israel. It is equally well known that this class of faitliful ones were generally in tlie minority and sub- SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 3T ject to the persecution of the opposite party. Especially was this the case in the ever memorable conflict between the tyrannical and singular Antiochus (IV.) Epiphanes and the Maccabean party. That in this long struggle between the conservative and advanced elements the defeat and sufferings of the former, who knew that God had given them the promises, should excite doubts in their hearts such as the author meets is natural. To encourage them in their tortured condition, to defend the promises given them, to predict the downfall of their enemies and the enemies of God, this was the ob- ject and aim the author had in writing. It might be called a proclamation or manifesto to the Chasidim, exhorting them to steadfastness, announcing that the long-delayed retribution would surely and speedily come. ■ h. Contents. — As the author seeks to direct his readers from the tribtilations of their times to the glories of the future, his description will naturally be chiefly an eschatological one, embracing the topics of the period of tlie sword, the judgment, the punishment of the wicked, Sheol, hell, the reward of the righteous, and the Messiah with his kingdom. These topics are, in fact_, the objects of his prophecies. During his trip with the angel, Enoch, by a historical lapsus, sees Sheol already inhabited. It is the place of departed spirits both good and bad, for the righteous descend there also, 102 : 5. Although Sheol is but a temporary abode, to serve till the time of the final judgment, the fate of its inhabitants is already foreshadowed by their condition while there. In chap. 22, which is devoted to its descrip- tion, we learn that it has four apartments : one for those righteous who died at the hands of sinners, the second 4 38 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. for the other saints, the third for the sinners who were not punished on earth, the fourtli for those whose retribu- tion was at least partially given them before death.i The last class, however, shall remain here, and not be subjected to a farther condemnation, ver. 13. Tliis peculiar division well reflects the author's time. Only one that had seen with his own eyes tlie numerous persecutions of the righteous could think of making for them a special apartment in Sheol with the prototype of martyrs, Abel, where they have the special privilege of continuing their cry for vengeance. The inhabitants of three apartments shall rise again, the unrighteous for punishment, the righteous to take part in the glories of the Messianic kingdom. It should be noticed here that the author presupposes in this connection the res- urrection of the wicked, although in other places he mentions only the rising of tlie saints, cf. 91 : 10; 92 : 3 ; 100 : 5 ; 103 : 4. Preceding the judgment of the living and dead, and also the period of the sword, there will come the signs of the last times, of which we have a graphic description in chap. 80. Before the judgment, as 90 : 19 compared with sqq. sliows, there will be the terrible period of the sword of which we have already spoken. Then comes the judgment in which God himself judges, 1:9; 90 : 20 ; 91 : 7 ; 100 : 4. Although the judgment is stated to be uni- versal, embracing the just also, 1 : 7, it is evident tliat it is restricted to those wlio took active part in the con- flict between the faithful and the unrighteous, either as foes or friends, and is thus not universal in an absolute sense. Were it such, it would be impossible to conceive 1 We simply give here and in the following the results reached in the notes. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 39 how the author can speak of an increase of the Messianic kingdom after the judgment tlirougli tlie arrival of the hitherto neutral heathen nations. The place of judgment is Palestine, or rather Jerusalem, 90 : 20. The order is, first the fallen angels and the seventy shepherds 90 : 20 sqq., and then the renegades in Israel. The condemnation of the sinners is eternal, 5 : 6, 6; 10 : 12; 12 : 4, 5 ; 22 : 11, sqq., and consists of burning, 10 : 14, in a pool of fire, 10 : 6 ; 90 : 24, etc., or fiery abyss, 10 : 13 ; 90 : 25, etc., or in prison, 10 : 13, or in a fiery oven, 98 : 3, or in hell, 99 : 11. There are two places of punishment, one for the fallen angels, who are tem- porarily bound under the hills, 10 : 4 sqq., which is found " on the ends of the earth," 18 : 14 and chap. 21. It is the same place that is described in 90 : 24, 25, where again no geographical locality is assigned to it. The place of torture for the theocratic sinners is better out- lined. Going out from the Old Testament idea he places it in the valley of Hinnom, chapters 26, 27, 90 : 26. After the removal, 1 : 1, and destruction, 1:9; 97 : 1 ; 94 : 10, of the sinners, the happy period of the rule of the righteous is inaugurated. His de- scription is in accordance with his ethics and dogmatics. What the faithful lacked before they shall then abun- dantly possess. These are both physical and moral blessings. They shall enjoy the good of the land, 10 : 18, 19, the temple shall be built anew and the old one removed, 90 : 28, 29, and around it then will be gathered all the saints, 90 : 33, they shall eat of the tree of life, 24: 4, 5, which has been transplanted to the north, i.e. to Jerusalem, 25 : 5, they will have wis- dom, 5:8; 91 : 10, there will be absolute moral perfec- tion without sin, 5:8; 92 : 5, and this state sliall 40 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. be eternal, 91 : 17 ; 92 : 4 ; 105 : 2, and in these glories the risen jiist shall take part, 103 : 4 ; 91 : 10 ; 92 : 3 ; 100 : 5. The centre of the kingdom is in Jerusalem. But all this so far without a Messiah. He does not es- tablish the kingdom, but grows out from among the faithful after the establishment. We hear of him only 90 : 37, 38. For the author, this Messiah is one who is especially prominent by his fidelity religiously, for he is born a bullock while the others are sheep, and by his strengtli, as he has large horns. The description does not transcend the human, and thus forms a decided contrast to the Messiah of the Parables. Both Messiah and the Messianic kingdom are capable of development, for he grows, and they grow with him. He becomes strong, so that the nations who have iiitherto been mere lookers-on fear him, and all come and take part in his kingdom. This chief characteristic of the Messiah, as that of a military hero who will protect the just and establish their rule over all the nations, was suggested to the author as the fitting counterpart to the subjec- tion of the righteous to the supremacy of the sinners in his days. Not a small portion of the author's work is devoted to a tedious account of nature and its laws. Besides notices here and there, he devotes the whole section 72-82 to this topic. The sun, moon, stars, the plic- noniena of nature, such as lightning, thunder, rain, dew, etc., are the objects of his wisdom. For him these all have a moral purpose ; they demonstrate the power and wisdom of God, and in their relation to him are an example of how men should conduct themselves, 5:3,4; 101 : 1 sqq.i 1 Cf. notes, and Dillmann, p. xv sqq. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 41 0. Age. — The terminus ad quern is the Epistle of Jude, written in the first century after Christ, probably before the destruction of the second temple. This letter not only quotes the book of Enoch, 1 : 9, directly in ver. 14 and 15, but evidently uses it also in ver. 6. Hofmann and Philippi, indeed, claim that an inspired writer could not have cited an apocryphal work, and Jerome says that many regarded Jude as unauthentic, or placed it among the Antilegomena, for the same reason. Accord- ingly Hofmann and Philippi regard the words in Jude as the incitement that occasioned the writing of the apocryphal work. But if Paul could quote from the Gentile poets, it is certainly hard to understand why Jude could not cite a work that was evidently in high standing among the faithful. As, however, Jude quotes the book as a well-known work, its composition must fall quite a number of years before he wrote ; biit just when it was composed can only be determined by in- ternal evidences. In chap. 90 the author finishes his survey of the world's history, reaching his own time in 8-13, and passing-over prophetically in 14 sqq. It has been shown in the notes that in all probability the " great horn " is not John Hyrcanus, but Judas Maccabi, and that according to the historical account there the book would be written before the death of Judas, in otlior words, in the midst of the Maccabean struggle. It re- mains now to be seen whether the other internal evi- dence, the spirit of the book, best harmonizes with the historical foundation furnished by the events of Judas's time or by those of the reign of John Hyrcanus. It has been shown that the struggle between the conserv- ative and orthodox party of the faithful and the new friends of advanced ideas had reached a certain decided 42 SPECIAL INTEODUCTION. point, in which the latter are masters and the former are under their dominion. The Cl)asidim throughout appear as a persecuted and abased band, while the sin- ners enjoy the political power and posses's all the wealth and blessings of the land. In seeking to fix this to the history of the famous struggle Josephus (Antiqq. xii. 5 sqq.) gives a fitting and appropriate answer. It is the time of the terrible persecutions under the reign of Antiochus (IV.) Epiphancs and the uprising of the faith- ful under the Maccabees. And while the history pre- supposed in the book entirely suits this period, it does not at all that of John Hyrcanus. Here the historical facts were entirely the reverse of what is here demanded. His reign, an eminently peaceful one, and not " full of war and rumors of war," as 90 : 8—13 demands, was one characterized by the rule of the Ohasidim over the sinners. It is a well-known fact that in no period in the history of Israel, from the exile on, the party that is represented here as the persecuted, enjoyed sucli ab- solute control and such perfect political and religious freedom as just in this reign, and therefore the guess at John Hyrcanus is the most unlucky that could be made. Schiirer (p. 117) closes his review of this reign with the significant words that sinca the days of David and Solomon no period had been so glorious and grand. We can, then, have no hesitancy in saying that a book prophesying to the faithful what they really then pos- sessed would be without meaning and purpose, while making it a product of the Maccabean struggle, a word of encouragement to the little band of the faithful amidst their trials, can alone explain its origin, object and peculiar contents. Just at what time in this period it was written cannot be decided, but certainly, as chap. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 43 90 shows, before the death of Judas, and after his first victories. This statement cannot be overthrown witli the re- marls that it would bring its composition too near that of Daniel. Even accepting, what is by no means an absolutely certain result of investigation, that the Book of Daniel was written during the struggle of the Macca- bees, this itself does not exclude the composition of Enoch during the same period. This part of the book now under discussion does not, as the Parables so evi- dently do, show any positively certain dependence on Daniel, not even in the account of the seventy shepherds. There is not one passage of which we can say, as we can of many in 37-71, with a certainty, or even probability, that it has been taken from Daniel. In some respects indeed the general train of thought is the same, as might be expected from two authors writing about the same time iand with almost the same object, but the discrepancies and differences are equally apparent. We are, then, forced to the conclusion that this part of the book was written before the death of Judas in 160 B.C., as from the historical data of that period alone the original character of the work can be intelligently understood, while the pre-eminently peaceful reign of John Hyrcanus, and the prosperity of the faithful dur- ing that time, excludes the idea of putting its origin in his days. d. Language. — It is almost universally acknowl- edged that the book was originally written in a Semitic tongue, either in Hebrew or Aramaic ; Volkmar and Philippi alone from their false stand-points maintaining a Greek original. That the generally accepted opinion is the correct one admits scarcely of any doubt. Time, 44 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. object, and character speak emphatically for its correct- ness, while the names of the angels, that is of the non- biblical ones, and the Semitic etymology of the names of the winds in 77 and of the names in 78 : 1, 2 put the Hebrew or Aramaic original beyond all rational doubt. The book must, then, be regarded as tlie He- brew or Aramaic production of a Palestine Jew, written before the year 160 B.C. § 5. The Parables, 37-71 (with the exception of the interpolations), a. Object. — The intimate connectioa between the Parables and the Book of Daniel is appar- ent at a glance, and admits of no rational doubt. The fundamental idea of the canonical writer, who sees in the rulers of his own times the radically opposites of the realized idea of theocratic kings, who must there- fore give way to the God-pleasing and predicted Messi- anic kingdom, is copied throughout by his imitator in the Parables. The enemies this writer must oppose and the sins he must reprove are entirely different from those in the first part. Hence his aim is a different one, aUliougli his ultimate object, the prediction of the speedy arrival of the long-promised kingdom, is the same as that of apocryphal writers in general, and of the author of the first part also. His polemics are no longer directed against the class of sinners in general, but are particularly directed against the kings and the powerful, 88 : 4, 5 ; 46 : 4 ; 48 : 8 ; 63 : 5 ; 65 : 4 ; 62 : 1, 3, 6, 9 ; 63 : 1, 12, etc. Occasionally, indeed, they are ac- cused of injustice and actual persecution, 46 : 7 ; 47 : 4 ; but this state of affairs has by no means the prominence that it occupies in the first part. This, too, will explain the fact that in the judgment to come over the sinners SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 45 tiic period of the sword is not only not emphasi'zed, as in the first part, but there is even some doubt whether the author teaches such a period at all. The passages that might be interpreted in this direction, 38 : 5 ; 39 : 2 ; 48 : 9 ; 46 : 4 sq. ; 60 : 2, could all be well understood as referring in general to the overtlirow and destruction of the sinners in the last judgment. The crimes of the author's enemies are of a bloodless char- acter and centre in the great one of atheism ; not in a sin against the children of God, which is the basis of the first part, but rather in_ a sin against God himself. For they deny the Lord of the spirits, 38 : 2 ; 41 : 2 ; 45 : 1, 2 ; 46 : 7 ; 48 : 10 (cf. 43 : 4 ; 63 : 4-8), and a heavenly world, 45 : 1, and the Messiah, 48 : 10 (and the Spirit of God, 67 : 10, and the just judgment, 60 : 6). Hence, too, they rely on their wealth and are idolaters, 46 : 7; and in their confession, 63 : 1 sqq., they acknowledge that their cardinal sin and the ground of their condemnation was their failure to acknowledge God as their King and Lord, that they had placed their hope in their own power, and had not admitted that this power was from God. The author then directs his words against the doings of the aristocratic class among his people, who have deserted the God of the fathers and departed from the hope of Israel. The connection between the author's ideas and the Old Tes- tament idea of royalty, especially as laid down in the books since the days of David and Solomon, is apparent. The kings of Israel were not to be merely political Tig- ure-heads but were, as theocratical rulers, the instru- ments and deputies of God, ruling the people in his name and in his spirit. They had, then, a religious as well as a political aim to follow, and they, conse- 46 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. qnently, above all others, were called upon to aid in the development of Israel to that ultimate aim, the re- alization of the promises given it in the glorious kingdom of the Messiah.^ In the fulfilment of this theocratic object, the rulers, in the author's days, had signally failed ; instead of being the leaders of the faith and hope of Israel, the royalty and aristocracy had become the home of rationalism and infidelity. The perception of this fact, that there was " corruption in high places," will explain the peculiar apology of the writer, the judgment, the pre-eminently royal and judicial character of the Messiah, and the final pun- ishment of the sinners. Historically, the status here presupposed is easily understood. The Asmoneans, although originally faithful adherent's of the religion of Jehovah, soon after the assumption of royalty departed from the path of the Maccabean heroes. With the single exception of Alexandra (78-69 B.C.) all the rulers from Aristobulus I. (105-104 B.C.) were wicked and godless, by no means realizing what an earnest Jew might expect from theocratic rulers. This, too, makes clear the author's object. Over against the infidel rulers and the unjust rule of his day he maintains the speedy coming of the chosen ruler of God, Kar e^o-^rjv, the Messiah and his rule of justice and peace. He pre- dicts the downfall of false royalty and its unbelieving adherents, and the establishment of the true God- pleasing royalty through the Messiah as the head of the congregation of saints. b. The Messiah. — The contents centre in the Messiah, as the proper theocratic counterpart of a false royalty, 1 Cf. on this subject, on which we cannot enter more minutely here the article of Diestel, in Jahrhiicher f. Deutsche Theol., viii. 3, pp. 536—587. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 47 and tlie Parables could well be called the book of the Messiah. The chief interest of the book lies in his per- son and object. It has been a constant dispute among investigators whether the Messiah here is a Christian or a Jewish one, the latter position being generally held by older investigators, the former by the later ones. The first glance may speak with some probability for a Chris- tian origin, but a closer examination necessitates the acceptance of a Jewish source. This conclusion is already made probable by the general character of the Messiah as the embodiment of the true theocratic idea of the Old Testament royalty, and he is thus to be the realization of a pre-eminently Jewish hope. The posi- tive statements of the book make this probability a cer- tainty. The most important remark concerning the person of the Messiah is found 48 : 8, where it is stated that befoi^e the sun and the signs and the stars were made his name had been called before the Lord of the spirits ; and, 48 : 6, it is said that he was chosen and hidden before the world was created, and was hid- den, 62 : 6, 7, but preserved and revealed to the just, 48 : 7 ; 62 : 7. It is further stated that he " had arisen," 49 : 2 ; 51 : 5, or " appeared," 52 : 9 ; 38 : 2, and was " revealed," 69 : 26. The author here does not teach simply a predestination, but a pre-existence, or rather a pre-mundane existence, of the Messiah. For by his words " before the world " and " before the cre- ation of the sun " the author shows that he does not teach a pre-existence from eternity in an absolute and metaphysical sense, without a beginning or origin, but only in the sense in which ohis'a is used in Hebrew, from a time the limit of which is for the writer object- 48 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. ively beyond the horizon of his vision.^ The writer, who manifestly does not desire to give an exhaustive treatise on the person of the Messiah, has a special ob- ject in emphasizing the pre-existence. By stating that the author of the glorious times to come is now already prepared, and has been so before the creation of the world, he does not desire simply to vindicate the cer- tainty of the fulfilment of his prophecy, but rather, by ascribing this supernatural character to the Messiah, lays stress on the fact that he will he able to judge and condemn even the powerful kings. That the ability of the Messiah to carry out what is here stated of him is a thesis that the author must establish beyond all doubt, is only too manifest from 55 : 4. In thus ascribing pi-e-existence to tlie Messiah, the author does nothing more than is done in other respects by apocryphal writers in general. These frequently, in order to em- phasize the religious importance of a person, or even of a tiling, ascribe to him or it a pre-existence or an arche- type in heaven. Thus Assumptio 3Iosis, i. 14, Moses speaks of himself qui ah inifio orhis terrarum prae- paratus sum, and Baruch, Apoc. iv. speaks of Jerusalem as having been shown to Adam before he sinned, and the book of tlie Jubilees remarks that the Sabbath was kept by the angels before it was revealed to man, and Assumptio Mosis, i. 17, speaks of the temple as a place quern fecit ah initio creaturae orhis terrarum. A reflex of this idea is found in early Christian literature, where - pre-existence is ascribed to the church in Hermae Pas- tor, Vis. ii. 4, 2 Clem. 14.2 ygj j^ ^g j^q^. ^^^^ necessary 1 Cf. Orelli, Hcb. Synonyma der Zeit und Ewigkeit, p. 69 sqq. '' On this whole matter cf. Ilarnack's notes on these two passages in the new edition of the Patres Aposlolici. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 49 to go to the post-biblical literature of the Jews for the development of the idea of pre-existence. The kernel, yes, the idea itself, we find already in one canonical book that has been extensively used by our author. lu Prov. viii. 22-31, the personified wisdom spealcs of it- self as pre-existent and is thus conceived in En. 42. It is even probable that the different expressions with which the pro-existence of the Messiah is decribed are imitations of those in Prov. viii. The statement that the Messiali was before the sun and stars were made finds its parallel in Prov. viii. 27, where wisdom is said to have been there " when he prepared the heavens ; " and the words that the Messiah was before the creation of the world find their parallel in Prov. viii. 22-26. The connection between the pre-existent Messiah of Enoch and the pre-existent Wisdom of Proverbs is strengthened by the fact that it is stated of him that he has the spirit of wisdom, 49 : 3, and in his days the fountains of wisdom shall flow and the just drink from them, 48 : 1 ; 49 : 1, as well as by the use of the word iri265, unctus su,m^ in Prov. viii. 23, which corresponds to one of the classical appellations of this supernatural being, i.e. the name Messiah.^ But if the occurrence of pre-existence can cause no surprise when found in a work like the Parables, which are based upon close exegetical study of the Old Testament, and if the author possibly received some of the embellishments of the idea from Prov. viii., the idea itself he did not get there. If it can be stated as a fact that the Par- ables in general are closely connected with the Book of 1 Cf. Gesenius, Thes., p. 890. ^ The pre-existenco of wisdom is also spoken of in a weakened sense in Sirach i 4 ; xxiv. 9. Cf. also Mai. iii. 1; Isa. vi. 1 ; Bertholdt, CArato?. p. 131. 50 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. Daniel, this can be said to be especially true concerning the Messianic idea. Whatever may be the final convic- tion of critics concerning the one " who was like a Son of man," Dan. vii. 13, whether, on the basis of ver. 18, 22, 27, he is to be regarded as the embodiment of the ideal Israel, or to be considered as the personal Messiah, so much is absolutely certain that for out author, as 46 : 1 sqq. shows beyond all doubt, he was the personal Messiah. With this established, the source of the idea of pre-existence is given ; it is a development from Dan. vii. 13. The sudden appearance there indicated an existence before that time, and the coming in the clouds with the Ancient of days pointed to a supernat- ural being, and thus the author's exegesis on that pas- sage finds expression in ascribing pre-cxistenoe to the Messiah, and is a legitimate coiiclusiou from the prem- ises there given. And then our author bases his de- scription of the Messiah, to a great extent, on Isaiah and Micah, the two prophets who, more than others, emphasize the personality of the Messiah and allow their descriptions to go beyond that which is terrestrial in both his person and his work. For that the fr^n"' i2Sof Isa. xl.-lxvi. is for the author of the Parables, probably, no one else but the personal Messiah seems to be clear from many passages. ^ And as eternal existence in the future is frequently ascribed to the Messiah and his kingdom in the Old Testament, the step to eternity in the past is easily made. The eternity a parte post easily suggests the pre-existence a parte ante, and is a process actually gone through in En. 49 : 2, where his glory from eternity is placed in juxtaposition with his power to all generations, and the two are placed on a ^ Cf eg. note on 48 : 4. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 51 level. And should there still be any doubt that the author stands on Old Testament ground this will be dispelled by a reference to Micah v. 1 (Heb.), where it is said of the Messiah that liis going forth is from of old, from everlasting. Certainly the word there iised, nip, is raXher priscus (with which it corresponds etymo- logically) than antiquus,^ but being placed parallel here, as in other passages, with obis loia it is evident in what sense the author understood it. As to the supernatural character of the Messiah, it is, then, not only not neces- sary to go to the New Testament and Christianity for an explanation, but it is even unlawful to do so, as the idea was developed from Dan. vii. 13, and is justified by an exegesis of other passages in the Old Testament. Although the nature of the Messiah is thus of a su- pernatural character, and transcends that which is purely human, he is far from being equal to God. The author is very particular to state that he holds his of- fice and performs his functions under the command and authority of God and in his name. He has been chosen by God for this special work, and is his deputy ; cf. 45 : 4 ; 46 : 3 ; 48 : 6 ; 49 : 4 ; 51 : 3 ; 55 : 4 ; 61 : 8 ; 69 : 27 ; 71 : 17, etc., and is thus in reality a " ser- vant of God" (Isa. xl.-lxvi.) In him, then, the the- ocratic idea of royalty, that the true king of Israel is ambassador and vicegerent of God — an idea which the regents of the author's days, through their selfishness and impiety, had deserted — shall be realized. In no passage is divine honor bestowed on him. In 40 : 5 he is indeed praised by an angel, but as the chosen ones are there placed in the same category with the Chosen One, it is evident that nothing but the glorifica- 1 Cf. Orelli, I.e., p. 76. 52 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. tion of the Messianic kingdom, in head and members, is there meant ; and in one passage where the sinners are arraigned for not glorifying the Chosen One we must find a parallel to the passage where they deny the Anointed, 48 : 10, i.e. both passages indicate one phase in the general unbelief in the world to come. The Messiah appears under different names, some of which are taken from the Old Testament, and the rest owe their origin to the special work assigned to him in the Parables. He is called the Just or Righteous One, 38 : 2 ; 53 : 6 ; the Chosen One, the title most fre- quently used (cf. note on 40 : 5) ; Son of man, 46 : 2, 3, etc.; the Anointed, 48 : 10 ; 52 : 4 ; and once the Son of the woman, 62 : 5. None of these, when con- sidered as coming from a Jewish source, occasion any difficulty, with the exception of the last. It is claimed that the union of the divine and the human here pre- supposed could not have been made by any one before the coming of Christ into the flesh, that consequently this name proves a Christian origin. ^ The objection would be valid if we had a right to suppose the author understood a otioovaia or a deavOpcoirla by this term. But the case is different ; it is manifestly a name that is' to be regarded as a parallel to the frequently-used appellation, Son of man, which the author, as 46 : 1-3 conclusively shows, has taken from Dan. vii. 13. If the expression "Sou of the woman" proves a Christian ori- gin, we have a right to claim the same thing of the ex- pression "Son of man" in Daniel — a conclusion that would certainly be most uncritical. The case is very similar to Micah v. 1, where it is said of the Messiah that, although being from everlasting, he shall nevertheless ^ The last to use this objection was Drummond, p. 60. SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 53 come forth, i.e. be born in Bethlehem. The pre-existent being is still to be eartli-born. And if Daniel's and Micah's expressions can be regarded as within the bounds of tlie Old Testament, it is difficult to see why a post-canouical writer should not be able to use the same or similar expressions. This supernatural Messiah sliall appear and inaugu- rate the long-expected kingdom of glory. It had already been revealed, i.e. by the prophets to the righteous, 48 : 7 ; 62 : 6, 7, and was their hope, 48 : 4, and they believed in him. They shall form the congregation of the holy, 38 : 3 ; 39 : 1 ; 53 : 6, ; 62 : 8. It is held by many that in the Old Testament Messianic prophecies the chief interest does not centre in the person of the Messiah, but in the Messianic kingdom, and this idea may be correct. That it should be so is easily understood from the character of the Israelites, who knew themselves to be • the children of God and the bearers of his promises. In this respect our author is a true Jew ; his main object is the same that apocryphal writers in general have — the announcement of the speedy realization of the promises given of old ; and the Messiah's importance lies in the fact that he is to be the medium through which this realization shall take place, and after that shall be the prince and ruler of the established new kingdom. And as this establishment is in the first place of such prime importance, the person of its medium is dwelt so largely upon. But that the kingdom itself, the time when Israel shall rule in glory, is the chief object of the writer seems to be clear from the first Parable, which shows that the first and great news the author has to announce is the appearance of the congregation of the holy. This appearance is simultaneous with the 5* 54 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. appearance of the Messiah, and is so intimately con- nected with him and his work that an account of these is also virtually a record of the fate of the former. The congregation of the holy is represented as already existing in heaven, like its head, the Messiah, and both shall appear in the proper time. The author assures his readers that both the kingdom and its head are already realities, and their appearance is only a question of time. This spiritualistic view evinces a mind of speculative tendencies, and is a product of the continued disappointed hope of Israel, and a strong apology for the promises of God. Just when this king- dom and king shall appear the author nowhere defi- nitely states ; but it is evident from the fact that the rulers against whom he speaks shall be surprised by their coming, that the immediate future is the time. This is also clear from the statements that the saints contemporaneous with the author shall see them coming. But when the prophecy is realized, the first work of the Messiah shall be to exercise a just judgment. He is Kar e^o-)(rjv, judge. This fact has induced some, and among them Holtzmann, to claim a Christian origin for the Messiah here taught, as the Old Testament no- where, while repeatedly attributing royal and even priestly and prophetic attributes to the Messiah, ever represents him as judge, whereas this is one of the cliief offices of Christ in the New Testament. The difficulty is, however, more seeming than real. The Messiah is the realized ideal of a theocratic king, and as the royal and judicial power were united in the Old Testament, and are to this day in the Semitic nations of the Orient, the Messiah could easily be conceived as a judge. The emphasis laid on this peculiar trait is explained by the SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 55 fact that it was a matter of importance to the author to show that, above all things, the wicked and godless kings, as the chief obstruction to the development of the Mes- sianic kingdom, should bo judged and condemned. The state of affairs in his days necessitated the attributing pre-eminently of the ofBcG of juage to the Messiah The hearts of the faithful longed for a punishment of the wicked rulers, and this longing finds expression in the judicial character of the Coming One. The judg- ment that shall come is to be held in a purely forensic spirit. It is universal, embracing both righteous and unrighteous, 62 : 3, and even the dead sliall rise for this purpose, 51 : 1. That, however, this universality is not an absolute one, but restricted to those who took part, either as friends or foes, in the affairs of Israel, is not only clear from the general character of the book, whose horizon in this respect does not go beyond the pale of Israel on earth, but also from the fact that after the establishment of the kingdom it shall grow and in- crease by the addition of the hitherto neutral nationali- ties around, 52 : 4 sqq. ; 57 : 1 sqq. The same idea underlies 50 : 2, where some of the sinners, on the basis of repentance, shall be received. The criterion accord- ing to which the Messiah will judge is the deeds done in the flesh, for the deeds of all are weighed, 41 : 1 ; 61 : 8. The first to be judged are the fallen angels, 55 : 3, 4, and then the sinners. Both shall be con- demned to be destroyed by fire, 48 : 9. But, unlike the first part, the place of condemnation (for there is but one) is certainly not Gehenna. The sinners are to be destroyed, 53 : 5 ; 56 : 4, and expelled, 38 : 1, re- moved from the face of the earth, 45 : 6, and will be neither in heaven nor on earth, 45 : 2, 5 ; 53 : 2, and 56 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. darkness and worms will be their dwelling-place, 46 : 6. Geographically, this place of torture, called a burning valley, 64 : 1, 2, or an oven of fire, 54 : 6, is not located, but seems to correspond to the place for the fallen an- gels in the first part. After the removal of the wicked rulers by the angels of punishment (cf. above p. 30), a period of peace shall be inaugurated, 53 : 7, and the new kingdom shall centre in Jerusalem, 56 : 6, 7, and it shall repel the last assault of the enemies, 56 : 1 sqq. The moral character of the kingdom is strictly such as could be expected from an Old Testament basis. The ruler is endowed with all the characteristics desirable in a theocratic king, whose rule' is, if anything, a just one; and the ruled shall partake of great blessings, 39 : 4, 7 ; 51 : 5 ; 48 : 1 ; 58 : 1 sqq., etc., which shall be both phys- ical, 45 : 4, 5, and ethical. The angels shall dwell with them, 39:1, also the Chosen One, 62:14, and the risen righteous shall take part, 51 : 2 sqq. The king- dom shall become powerful, 52 : 4, and all the nations shall take part in it, 57 : 3, and its members shall be clothed with the garments of (eternal) life, 62 : 16, and there shall be nothing perishable in it, 69 : 29, and hence the kingdom is eternal, 71 : 17, etc. That the above picture of the Messiah and his kingdom can be perfectly well understood from Old Testament premises, in fact, has been drawn from them exclusively, is our earnest conviction, and in this opinion we stand with Ewald, Dillmann, Anger, Langen, Schtirer, and others, while Hilgenfeld, Kuenen, Tideman, Vernes, and Drum- mond claim a Christian origin. But this latter is en- cumbered with the greatest of difficulties. Schiirer has very correctly drawn attention to the fact that a Chris- tian would certainly not have passed over the person of SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 57 the historical Christ without mentioniiig his death or resurrection. Drummond has felt the full weight of this difficulty, and tlierefore invents his curious theory of a Christian interpolation. He sees very well that the whole idea and contents of the Parables place it beyond doubt that they ai-e a Jewish production, but he is unwilling to sacrifice his idea of a Christian Mes- siah. But here the same difficulties meet him ; a Chris- tian interpolator would certainly, as little as a Christian author, have avoided the references to Christ which we have a right, from the nature of the case and from the analogy of other interpolators, to expect. When he tries (p. 61) to excuse this by saying " that an interpo- lator would be careful not to depart too widely from the character of the book in which he made his inser- tions," this must be regarded as entirely too flat. His foundation of sand will not bear the superstructure of theory he has built on it. Interpolators are not so deli- cate concerning tlieir insertions, as many interpola- tions, e.g. the Christian ones in the Sibylla and the Ascensio Isaiae, conclusively show The idea, too, of the kingdom is so peculiarly Jewish tliat it excludes every notion of a Christian source. The Messiah comes but once, and then to judge, and before that time he was hidden. But a Christian, who knew of the liistorical Christ, could not ignore his first coming, and say that Christ was hidden until he should come to judge. Even had he been a Chiliast, know- ing that Christ had once come, an event of prime im- portance to all Christians, whether orthodox or hetero- dox, he conld not have passed over in silence the first coming. But our author, like all Jewish writers, knows only of one coming of the Messiah, and that in glory. 68 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. Everything before that time belongs to mn oiwn, while his coming sliall inaugurate the san obwn, but for a Christian this latter period had already commenced with the first coming into the flesh. Then it must not be overlooked that the question concerning the relation between God and the Messiah, as to the nature of the latter, is treated in no place whatever in the Parables, while in the early church that was the question around which all interest centred. There is no phase of ortho- doxy or heterodoxy in the early Christian church in which we could find a place for the Messiah of the Parables. The conclusion, then, is that it is not only improba- ble but even impossible to give a rational explanation of the Messianic idea here developed by accepting a Christian source, while it is perfectly intelligible from a Jewish origin, and must bo attributed to such. c. Jge. — In trying to determine when the Parables were written we are again ret^tricted to internal evi- dences alone. The only place where an historical event could be regarded as having been before the eyes of the writer is the prophesied invasion of the Parthians and Modes in 5G : 5 sqq. It has been argued that the au- thor liere had in his mind the invasion of Partliians, 40-38 B.C., that consequently the book was not written until soon after that time, and that the time of composi- tion would then fall somewhere in the reign of Herod the Great, 37-4 e.g. But the allusion here is so vague that it does not necessarily rest on an armed invasion into Palestine, but seems rather to be developed from a general idea that these nations were at tliat time for- midable, and thus the author in seeking for the last enemies, who in apocryphal systems occupy a place of prominence, selects these. The possibility, however SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. 59 that the author does refer to this historical fact cannot be denied, as othei things point to the composition of the Parables about the time of Herod. The author's complaints of the untheocratic and impious character of the rulers and the aristocratic class of his day can best be explained from his period. It is a well-known fact that Herod, as an alien and not a true Jew, was a thorn in the eyes of the true Israelites, while his intro- duction and encouragement not only of Hellenistic cul- ture, but even of strange gods, and his alliance with the free-thinking wealthy class of the Sadducees, made him perfectly detestable. His government, in the eyes of all the faithful, was justly considered one that was the exact opposite of what it should be according to the Old Testament idea of royalty, and consequently it was endured with murmurings that found expression in conspiracy.^ From such a historical basis, the origin of the Parables as well as the peculiar eschatological prophecies in them, especially the character of the Mes- siah, finds a suitable explanation, and it would proba- bly not be far from the truth to say that they were written some time during his or his immediate succes- sor's reign. This conclusion must of course be regarded as a probable one only, since it is simply impossible to come to anything like a certainty as long as we have no better indices of the time of writing than are at our disposal at present. d. Language. — The object, character, and readers of the Parables make it probable that they are a He- brew or Aramaic production written in Palestine. Their Semitic original is also vouched for by the Noachic fragments. These, themselves written in He- 1 Cf Josseph. AntJqq. xv. 8, 3-4. 60 SPECIAL INTRODUCTION. brew or Aramaic, have used the Parables extensively, something that would not have been done if 37-71 had been written in Greek. § 6. The Noachic Fragments, 54 : 7-55 : 2 ; 60 ; 65- 69 : 25 ; 106-107. The object which these additions have is clear from tlieir contents. In the rest of the book the final judgment had been sufficiently dwelt upon ; but the first, that of the flood, had simply been prophesied, but not recorded. To supply this deficiency these fragments were added. And as Noah was the chief person in this judgment, he is made the medium of 2'evelation, an office he holds by virtue of his piety, Gen. vi. 1 sqq. In addition to the account of the flood and matters related to it, the author dwells on the va- rious secrets of nature, and by his cabalistic manner and fanciful explanations ^ forms a strange contrast to the rest of the book. He evidently seeks to imitate the author of the Parables, as the use of such expressions as " Ancient of Days," " Satans," " Angels of punish- ment," "Son of man" (used of Noah, 60: 10), the special citation of the Parables, 68 : 1, and other things sufficiently show. As to the time of compos-ition noth- ing definite can be said, only that it is a Jewish work, without the least indication of a post-Christian origin, not even in 67 : 7 sqq.^ The language is, as the names of the angels, 69 : 2 sqq. and the different etymologies of the name Noah in 106-107 show, either Hebrew or Aramaic. As to a precise determination of the time when these different parts were united into one book of Enoch, no one could come to a decision, as this would have only the merit of a conjecture. 1 Cf. Notes. s Cf. Notoa. THE BOOK OF ENOCH. SECTION I. Chap. 1. — The words of the blessing of Enoch where- with he blessed the chosen and just, who will exist on the ' day of tribulation when all the wicked and impious shall be removed. 2. And then answered and spoke Enoch, a just man, whose eyes were opened by God so that he saw a holy vision in the heavens, which the angels showed to me, and from them I heard everything, and I knew what I saw,^ but not for this generation, but for the far-off generations whicli are to come. 3. Concern- ing the chosen I spoke and conversed concerning them '^j with the Holy and Great One, who will come from his ' V abode, the God of the world. 4. And from there he ^ will step on to Mount Sinai, and appear with his hosts, * and appear in the strength of his power from heaven. 6. And all will fear, and the watchers will tremble, and great fear and terror will seize them to the ends of the earth. 6. And the exalted mountains will be / shaken, and the high hills will be lowered, and will melt ■ Jike wax before the flame. 7. And the earth will be submerged, and everything that is on the earth will be i|destroyed, and there will be a judgment upon every 6 61 62 THE BOOK OF ENOCH. thing, and upon all the just. 8. But to the just he will give peace, and will protect the chosen, and mercy will abide over them, and they will all be God's, and will be prosperous and blessed, and the light of God will shine for them. 9. And behold, he comes with myriads of the holy to pass judgment upon them, and will destroy the impious, and will call to account all flesh for everything the sinners and the impious have done and committed against him. Chap. 2. — I observed everything that took place in the heavens, how the luminaries, which are in the heavens, do not depart from their paths, that each one rises and sets in order, each in its time, and they do not depart from their laws. 2. See the earth and observe the things that are done on it, from the first to the last, how no work of God is irregular in appear- ing. 3. See the summer and the winter, how then the whole earth is full of water, and clouds and dew and rain rest over it. Chap. 3. — I observed and saw how then all the trees appeared as if withered, and all their leaves are shaken off, except fourteen trees, whoso leaves are not shaken off, but which abide with the old from two to three years, till the new come. Chap. 4. — And again I observed the days of summer, how the sun is then above it [i.e. the earth] , opposite to it, but ye seek cool and shady places on account of the heat of the sun, and the earth also burns with fervent heat, but ye cannot step on the earth or on a rock be- cause of their heat. Chap. 5. — I observed how the trees cover them- selves with the green of the leaves and bear fruit ; but observe ye all this and learn how he who lives forgver THE BOOK OF ENOCH. 63 has made all these for you ; 2. how his works are before him in every year that comes, and all his works serve him and are not changed, but as God has ordained, so everything takes place. 3. And see how the seas and the rivers together accomplish their work. 4. But ye have not persevered and have not done the command- ment of tlie Lord, but have transgressed, and have slan- dered his greatness with high and hard words from your iinclean mouths. Ye hard-hearted, ye will have no peace. 5. And therefore ye will curse your days, and the years of your lives perish ; the everlasting curse will increase and ye will receive no mercy. 6. On that day ye will give away your peace for an ever- lasting curse to all tlie just, and they will ever curse you as sinners, you together with the sinners. 7. But for the cliosen there will be light and joy and peace, and they will inherit the earth, but for you, the impious, there will be a curse. 8. And then also wisdom will be given to the chosen, and they will all live and not con- tinue to sin ; neither through wickedness nor through pride ; but they in whom there is wisdom will be hum- ble without continuing to sin. 9. And they will not be punished all tlie days of their lives, and will not die through T^\a,g\\