XV 
 
T»3 
 
 CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME 
 OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT 
 FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY 
 
 HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE 
 
PUBLICATION NO. 4 
 
 The Economic Conditions of Judaea 
 
 after the Destruction oi^0 
 
 Second Temple 
 
 BY 
 
 ADOLPH StiCgLEE, Ph.D. 
 
 PRINCIPAL OP. JEWS' COIXEOE 
 
 LONDON 
 
 1912 
 
The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924009095880 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter I. The places and the population of Judaea preserved after 
 the year 70 (3-29). Josephus's report in his Wars of places in Judaea 
 destroyed and people killed by the Romans in the years 66 to 70, places 
 not destroyed on the road from Caesarea to Jerusalem, east of the Jordan, 
 in the north, west and north-west of Judaea, number of people saved by 
 surrender and desertion from Jerusalem, noble and other deserters. 
 Talmudic references to persons saved, priests, levites, scholars, men and 
 women, places preserved, pilgrimage to Jerusalem continued after 70, 
 Lydda and Jamnia populated by Vespasian in 68 by Jews from other 
 places, some of the inhabitants, synagogues, schools, trade, places around 
 Lydda and Jamnia and in other parts of Judaea. 
 
 Chapter II. Economic conditions and landed property (29-55). Land 
 retained by deserters, leased from Vespasian by others, Talmudic 
 material on landowners, the laws concerning tithes and priestly dues 
 observed, wealthy scholars in Judaea, money, poor men, agriculture and 
 its results, cattle and flocks, drought, food and drink, occupations, 
 depressed mood of Jews, women and children. 
 
 Chapter III. The political conditions in Judaea and the Romans (55- 
 68). Robbers after the war in Judaea, Roman garrisons, imperial tax- 
 collecting stores in Jamnia, Roman courts, land in Roman possession, 
 taxes, idolatry, other non-Jews in Judaea, conclusions. 
 
THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OP JUDAEA 
 AFTEE THE DESTRUCTION OF THE 
 
 SECOND TEMPLE. 
 
 I. The Places and the Population of Judaea 
 Peeseeved aeteb the Yeae 70. 
 
 Josephus, the contemporary historian of the Jewish 
 war of the years 66-70, devoted a work of seven books to 
 the events of that short period, and it should not be diffi- 
 cult to describe the condition in which the war left 
 Judaea. Josephus seems rather anxious to register the 
 rapid achievements of Vespasian, Titus, and their generals 
 and officers, the Roman victories and the slaughter of 
 thousands of Jews; an enumeration of all the places 
 conquered or destroyed by the Eomans could then reason- 
 ably be expected. Actually, however, the information 
 from Josephus is rather fragmentary, though he describes 
 the downfall of Jerusalem and reports the destruction of 
 some parts of the trans-Jordanic country to Jericho in 
 the western district, and in Judaea of the region from 
 Antipatris southwards to beth-Grubrin. 
 
 1. From his fullness of material in these accounts the 
 inference seems justified that whenever in a report of a cam- 
 paign no destruction is mentioned, the towns and villages 
 were spared by the Eomans, probably in consequence of 
 the early surrender of the defending Jews. This can be 
 tested in his account of the way in which the Romans dealt 
 with places on the main road from Caesarea, the residence 
 of the governor and the starting-point of all military expe- 
 ditions against Judaea, to Jerusalem, the centre of the 
 Jewish rebellion. Owing to this geographical position 
 Antipatris, Lydda, Emmaus, and beth-Horon had to 
 
 a2 
 
4 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 suffer the first blows of the Roman revenge, and Josephus 
 described fully its details. At the beginning of the revo- 
 lution in the autumn of the year 66, Cestius Gallus on his 
 march from Caesarea against Jerusalem left Antipatris 
 without inflicting any harm (Wars, II, 19, 1), but owing to 
 the hostile military preparations of some Jews in a tower 
 near Antipatris he burnt many villages. In Lydda, a 
 Jewish town (Philo, Legatio 28), he found no man, for all 
 had gone up to Jerusalem for the feast of Tabernacles, but 
 he killed fifty persons and burnt the town. A part of his 
 army marched against Joppe and slaughtered all its in- 
 habitants, 8,400 men, women, and children, plundered the 
 town and burnt it (II, 18, io). 1 Early in the spring of 
 the year 68 Vespasian marched from Caesarea to Anti- 
 patris, where he spent two days to settle the affairs of the 
 town (IV, 8, 1). On the third day he marched on and 
 destroyed by fire and arms all the places round about. 
 Having subdued the whole district of Thamna, he marched 
 on Lydda and Jamnia that very soon fell into his hands, 
 and now received as inhabitants a suitable number of such 
 Jews as had deserted from the rebels to the Romans, 
 Thence he went to Emmaus, where he seized the defiles 
 which led to Jerusalem ; then he passed through the 
 district of Bethleptephai, laying it and the neighbouring 
 district waste by fire. These statements of Josephus 
 show that Lydda and Jamnia had been in Roman posses- 
 sion from 66 or 67 and were populated with loyal Jews, 
 and that Emmaus was not destroyed. 
 
 Again, Josephus reports (IV, 9, 1) that Vespasian built 
 a fortified camp in Adida, where he placed Romans and 
 
 1 It remained in this condition for two years, and only after the 
 Roman conquest of Galilee some refugees began to rebuild it (III, 9, 2), 
 but the Romans destroyed it utterly a second time (III, 9, 3). They placed 
 there a garrison of foot and horsemen who plundered the neighbourhood 
 of Joppe and destroyed the neighbouring villages and townlets (II, 9, 4) 
 and turned the whole district into a real desert. Lydda must also have 
 been rebuilt by the Jewish general appointed after Cestius's defeat by 
 the revolutionists for Thamna including Lydda, Jopp£, and Emmaus 
 (II, 20, 4). 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 5 
 
 soldiers of his allies. He sent Lucius Annius with a 
 squadron of horsemen and a great number of footmen 
 against G-erasa. The town was taken at the first attack, 
 all young men who had not escaped in time, numbering 
 a thousand, were killed, their families were taken captive, 
 and all property was plundered by the soldiers. After 
 burning the town they turned against the neighbouring 
 villages, where all fled, the weak were destroyed, and the 
 abandoned places burnt. In this way the whole moun- 
 tainous district and the whole plain were invaded by 
 war. Gerasa cannot mean the Hellenistic city east of the 
 Jordan, for it would not have been hostile to the Eomans, 
 but to the Jews. The term Oreine" and the immediate 
 reference to the position of Jerusalem suggest that this 
 Gerasa was in the mountains north or north-west of 
 Jerusalem, 1 and we see the destruction of many places, 
 but at the same time the escape of their inhabitants. In 
 Sivan of the year 69 Vespasian marched from Caesarea 
 to subdue all the districts of Judaea not yet conquered 
 (IV, 9, 9). He went to the mountainous country, seized 
 upon the district of Gofna and Akrabatene, then upon 
 the smaller towns of Bethel and Ephraim, where he placed 
 troops. Not one word suggests that these or other places 
 in the district were destroyed, while the necessity of 
 garrisons indicates the strategical importance of the 
 towns, and also the presence of a Jewish population not 
 quite to be trusted. Cerealis, the legate of the fifth 
 legion stationed in Emmaus (IV, 8, 1), had to subdue 
 Upper Idumaea, the southern part of Judaea. He burnt 
 Kafethra and besieged Kafarabis, the inhabitants of which 
 soon surrendered and were accepted (IV, 9, 9) ; this means 
 the place was spared. East of the Jordan, Gadara, the 
 important and fortified city and inhabited by many 
 wealthy men, asked for and in time obtained a Roman 
 garrison from Vespasian (IV, 7, 3). One of his officers, 
 
 1 See Reland ; Kohout, Flavins Josephus, 660, note 487, suggests Gazara, 
 Gezer. 
 
6 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 Placidus, continued in the spring of the year 68 the con- 
 quest of Peraia, killed thousands of Jews (IV, 7, 4), among 
 the first, the rebels of Gadara that had fled to Bethen- 
 nabris and had found there support ; then other villages 
 with their inhabitants were destroyed, Abila, Julias, and 
 Besimoth, and all the villages down to the Dead Sea were 
 conquered (IV, 7, 5-6) and Jewish deserters placed there. 
 Thus the whole district from Peraia down to Machairus 
 had either voluntarily joined the Romans or was con- 
 quered by force. During the winter of the year 68 
 Vespasian put garrisons in the conquered villages and 
 townlets and made many of the destroyed places habit- 
 able (IV, 8, 1). 
 
 2. Incidentally Josephus mentioned that Vespasian and 
 one of his generals had settled Jews who had deserted 
 to the Romans in Jamnia and Lydda and in some places 
 near the mouth of the Jordan, but he says nothing about 
 the original towns and villages of those Jews. They 
 were no Galileans ; for those who had surrendered in the 
 course of the Galilean war, as far as can be gathered from 
 Josephus, remained in their respective places, and no 
 transplantation is reported. After the conquest of Galilee 
 in the year 67 only a few Galileans left their country to 
 join the defenders of Jerusalem. Only John of Gischala 
 and his warriors of the same town with their families left 
 the place immediately before its fall, and made for Jeru- 
 salem (IV, 2, 4). But 6,000 of the men were overtaken 
 by the Romans and killed (2, 5), and 3,000 women and 
 children were forced to return. From Judaea great 
 multitudes under their respective leaders flocked into 
 Jerusalem (3, 3), zealots and sicarii (3, 4), but their num- 
 bers are nowhere stated. 20,000 Idumaeans came to Jeru- 
 salem (4, 2), but most of them soon left and returned 
 home (6, 1). As the siege of the capital in the year 70 
 began on the day of the Passover sacrifice (V, 13, 7, 
 VI > 9>3)> to which naturally many thousands of pilgrims 
 had arrived from all parts of the country, the number of 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 7 
 
 the besieged was very great. Among them were many 
 from beyond the Euphrates and other foreign lands (Dio 
 Cassius, 66, 4). 1, 100,000 men perished during the siege, 
 97,000 were taken captive (VI, 9, 3), of these only 40,000 
 were preserved (8, 2), all citizens of Jerusalem (8, 2), the 
 rest were sold for slaves, some sent into the mines in 
 Egypt (9, 2), others distributed among the provinces for 
 the circuses. 
 
 Considering the state of Judaea, the only questions are, 
 which section of the citizens of Jerusalem was preserved, 
 and where did the 40,000 settle after having been allowed 
 to go where they liked (V, 8, 2 ; 10, 1) ? In the course 
 of his account of the siege Josephus several times refers 
 to individuals who deserted to the Romans from Jeru- 
 salem, and it is not evident whether they were included 
 in the 40,000 ultimately preserved or not. He mentions 
 one of the four sons of the high priest Matthias (V, 13, 1), 
 the high priests Joseph and Jesus, and three sous of the 
 high priest Ismael, four sons of a Matthias, and many 
 other nobles who succeeded in escaping from the besieged 
 capital to the Eomans (VI, 2, 2). Many of the eminent 
 citizens ran away to Titus (V, 13, 7) and told him the 
 number of the poor who had died. Titus allowed these 
 to retire to Gofna ; there, he said, they should stay till 
 his hands would be free from the war, when he would 
 restore to them their property. Among the numerous 
 deserters was the priest Jesus, son of Thebuthi (VI, 8, 3), 
 who surrendered many costly vessels of the Temple, as 
 well as the curtains and the robe of the high priest. The 
 treasurer of the Temple also fell into the hands of the 
 Eomans and was exceptionally pardoned in exchange 
 for valuable stuff, priestly garments, and costly spices. 
 Already, after Cestius's defeat in the year 66, many of the 
 nobles had left Jerusalem as if it were a sinking ship ; 
 for instance, the two brothers Costobarus and Saul, along 
 with Philip, son of Jakimos, who had been a general of 
 Agrippa's troops (II, 20, 1). After the entry of the Eomans 
 
8 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 into Jerusalem Titus liberated all those Jews who had 
 been thrown into prison by the zealots (VI, g, i) ; they 
 also most probably belonged to the wealthy section of the 
 population. 1 It may be assumed as almost certain that 
 the members of both groups, of the priestly and of the 
 lay nobility of Jerusalem, received at the conclusion of 
 the war their landed property, and assisted the poor 
 country of Judaea in recovering from its terrible down- 
 fall. "Where they settled is nowhere indicated by Jose- 
 phus ; he lived in Rome and seemed to evince no interest 
 in the state of his native country after the destruction. 
 It is possible that, though owning land in Judaea, some 
 of the nobles settled outside Judaea, as Josephus, who, in 
 exchange for his fields near Jerusalem, received from 
 Titus others in the plain, and was rewarded by Vespasian 
 by additional property in Judaea (Vita, 76). 
 
 3. Though no historical work in the ordinary sense, the 
 Talmudic literature in its incidental references to condi- 
 tions of life and to property contains valuable information 
 about Judaea during the sixty-five years from the destruc- 
 tion of the second Temple to the war of bar-Kochba. The 
 Halakhah deals with all details of religious life that were 
 placed before the rabbis of that period or were discussed 
 in the schools ; but here only facts and incidents reported 
 within those discussions will be adduced. Two high 
 priests are referred to by R. Ishmael as testifying respec- 
 tively to two different ways in which they had performed 
 the same sacrificial act on the Day of Atonement. 2 A 
 
 1 In Vita, 75, Josephus reports how he, after the conquest of Jerusalem, 
 delivered from among the captives several men, his brother and fifty 
 friends, and from among the great mass of women and children kept as 
 captives in the Temple about igo whom he had recognized as belonging 
 to his friends and companions ; he freed them without ransom. In 
 Thekoa he saw many captives crucified, among them three of his friends 
 who at his request were taken down, but only one survived. 
 
 2 Baraitha in Joma, 59 a : two high priests survived the first Temple ; 
 one said that in the service on the Day of Atonement he had sprinkled 
 the blood of the sin-offering on the four corners of the altar while standing 
 in the same place, the other said that he had walked around the altar for 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 9 
 
 vice high priest, or the head of all the priests on duty, 
 coron jjd, was Haninah who had officiated in the Temple l 
 and survived its destruction. 2 E. Ishmael, a priest (Hull., 
 49a), was the son of a high priest 3 who had worn the robe 
 and the golden plate. 4 Simeon the Chaste told E. Eliezer 
 that he had once entered the space behind the altar with 
 unwashed hands and feet (Tos. Kelim, I, 1, 6) ; he was a 
 priest. E. Sadok, the priest (Bekhor., 36 a) who had once 
 quieted the people assembled in the Temple and excited 
 by the murder of a priest, 5 was, with his son Eleazar, 
 saved by E. Johanan b. Zakkai from among the captives 
 (Threni r., 1, 5, Gittin, 56 a), and both were later friends 
 of E. Gamaliel II in Jamnia. E. Sadok gave, with 
 E. Joshua, evidence about some customs in Jerusalem 
 ('Eduj., VII, 1-4), and his son reported many interesting 
 
 the purpose of sprinkling the blood, and both gave their reasons. In the 
 Mishnah Joma, V, 5, E. Eliezer holds the view of the first high priest, the 
 same in Baraitha Joma, 59 a, jer., V, 42 d, 62. The parallel account, jer., V, 
 42 d, 66, reads : two priests fled in the wars, one said that he had stood, 
 the other that he had walked while atoning. This shows, what is 
 otherwise clear, that high priests of the second Temple are meant, as 
 Ishmael, son of Fiabi, the best known high priest in the Talmud, who 
 survived the destruction and was later in Kyrene {Wars, VI, 2, a ; in 
 Sotah, IX, 15 : since Ishmael b. Fiabi died, the glory of the priesthood 
 ceased) ; he could have given the information quoted. 
 
 1 Jelamdenu in R&J, 1887, XIV, 93, Joma, 21 b, 39 a, 'Eduj., II, 1-3, 
 Pesah., I, 6, Shekal., VI, i. 
 
 2 Ta'an., 13 a, jer. Besah, II, 61 b, 51, and parallels. 
 
 8 Tos. Hallah, I, 10 ; when he was to be executed, he said to the Roman 
 executioner : 'lam a priest, the son of a_high priest,' ARN, XXXVIII, 57 b, 
 the parallels make him himself a high priest. As Samuel the Young, who 
 died before R. Gamaliel II (Semah., VIII), prophesied before his death the 
 end of R. Ishmael (Tos. Sotah, XIII, 4, jer., IX, 24 b, 38 ; Synh., ii a ; Semah., 
 VIII ; Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 234, 3). R. Ishmael's death seems to have been 
 brought about by the political unrest in the year 117. 
 
 4 A Simeon b. Jehosadak, a priest, died in Lydda (Semah. , IV, 11); when 
 his brother came from Galilee to engage in his burial and defile himself, 
 Simeon was already buried, and the rabbis— in Conforte B. Tar/on — would 
 not allow him to defile himself (Briill, Jahrbiicher, I, 38). As R. Tarfon's 
 name is doubtful, most scholars take Simeon b. Jehosadak to be identical 
 with R. Johanan's teacher in the first half of the third century (Bacher, 
 PA, I, 119). 
 
 6 Tos. Joma, I, 12, jer., II, 39 d, 15, b. 23 a. 
 
IO THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA APTEE 
 
 facts and customs which he had observed there before 
 the year 70. Another priest, Zechariah b. haKassab, 
 reports (Kethub., II, 9) how he escaped with his wife 
 from Jerusalem when the enemy entered the town ; and 
 we are informed of the arrangements which, on account 
 of that, he made for his wife with whom, as a priest, he 
 could no longer live (Kethub., 27 b ; Tos., Ill, 2). Later 
 on he gave evidence with Jose the priest, a disciple of 
 R. Johanan b. Zakkai, about a point of law. R. Tarfon 
 had once as a young priest stood on the platform in the 
 Temple, from which the priests, among whom was his 
 uncle, blessed the people (Kiddush., 71 a), and he watched 
 the blowing of trumpets by priests on the occasion when 
 King Agrippa read from the Torah before the people 
 assembled on the Temple mount (Tos. Sotah, VII, 16 ; 
 Sifre Num., 75). After the year 70 he settled in Lydda 
 and taught there. 1 Of high officials of the Temple, none 
 is mentioned as surviving its destruction (see below) ; 
 but R. Ishmael once met one of the grandsons of the 
 Abtinas family who had for some time prepared the 
 incense. R. Ishmael b. Luga told R. Akiba that he had 
 once gathered plants with one of the grandsons, and 
 R. Johanan b. Nuri told R. Akiba that he once met an 
 old man with a scroll on the preparation of spices in his 
 hand who belonged to the family of Abtinas. 2 The age 
 of the last mentioned man shows that he had lived for 
 some time before the destruction of the Temple which 
 he survived. As the Talmud refers only incidentally to 
 individual priests, it may be confidently assumed that 
 many more escaped from Jerusalem and other places in 
 Judaea. The institution of R. Johanan b. Zakkai, that 
 also after the destruction of the Temple priests should 
 
 1 E. Jehudah in Bekhor., 45 b, Tos., V, 7, reports how E. Tarfon said to 
 a man with twelve fingers on his hands and twelve toes on his feet and 
 inquiring whether he was fit (to he a priest) : May, like you, many be 
 (high) priests in Israel ; according to E. Jose he said to the man : Few 
 shall be, like you, Mamzers and Nathins in Israel. This man was a priest. 
 
 3 Joina, 38 a, b, jer., Ill, 41 a, 63 ; Tos., II, 7. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE II 
 
 barefooted bless the people in the synagogue (Bosh Jia- 
 Shan., 3ib),clearly shows the presence of priests in Jamnia. 
 This is also evident from his other decree quoted by 
 R. Gamaliel ('Eduj., VIII, 3) that no court should be 
 constituted to deal with the question whether a certain 
 widow may become the wife of a priest, as priests refuse 
 to accept the permission. 1 
 
 Of Levites little is known. R. Joshua b. Hananjah 
 had belonged to the singers in the Temple and had once 
 wanted to assist Johanan b. Gudgeda in closing the gates 
 of the Temple (AraJch., 11 b). He had at the same time 
 been a disciple of R. Johanan b. Zakkai whom he helped 
 R. Eliezer to carry from the besieged capital and with 
 whom he escaped into the Roman camp (ARN, IV, 12 a, 
 2, VI, 10 a). After the destruction of Jerusalem, he 
 belonged for many years to the school of Jamnia, first 
 under R. Johanan and later under R. Gamaliel II, and 
 reported several interesting details of religious practice 
 in Jerusalem. The other Levite, Johanan b. Gudgeda, 
 had belonged to the gate-keepers of the Temple (Tos. 
 Shekal., II, 14 ; 'Arakh., 11 b) ; he had in Jerusalem deaf 
 mute children who were entrusted with watching the 
 levitical purification of vessels (jer. Terum., I, 40 b, 24 ; 
 
 1 The priests continued to guard their purity of stock against the 
 intrusion of tainted or doubtful families. E. Johanan's decree could have 
 been issued before the year 70 ; but nothing is otherwise known of similar 
 decrees of his at that time, and, from the subject-matter, it is almost 
 certain that the ruling mentioned belongs to the period of his activity 
 in Jamnia. And there is evidence for the same attitude of the priests 
 even later. Eabba b. bar-Hanna (Kiddush., 78 b) and E. Assi in E. Johanan's 
 name (jer. Bikk., I, 64 a, 27) remark that since the destruction of the 
 Temple the priests have guarded their dignity by not marrying a woman 
 both whose parents were proselytes. Other peculiarities of priests proving 
 their number in Baraitha Bekhor., 30 b, reported by E. Jos§ b. Halaftha : 
 since the destruction of the Temple priests have guarded their dignity by 
 not entrusting their levitically pure food to a non-priest. In Tos. 'Eduj., 
 I, 9, it is stated that priests followed E. Ishmael's view on a point of law 
 discussed in 'Eduj., II, 6. In Tos. Aha., XVI, 13, Mikw., VI, 2, Pesah., 9 a, 
 jer. i, 27 c, 39, E. Jehudah and E. Simeon b. Gamaliel report incidents in 
 Rimmon with several priests. 
 
12 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 Tos., I, i). He survived the destruction of Jerusalem 
 and gave evidence before the authorities in Jamnia about 
 a point of law. 1 
 
 4. Of the scholars who survived the destruction of 
 Jerusalem E. Johanan b. Zakkai is to be mentioned 
 first. He was probably a priest, 2 and had not only been 
 the vice-president of the Synedrion beside Simeon 
 b. Gamaliel as president, but had also fought the 
 Sadducees in both their teachings and their practices 
 (Jadaj., IV, 6, Tos. ParaTi, III, 8). After the destruction 
 of Jerusalem he opened a school and constituted a 
 beth-din in Jamnia by which he created the means for 
 the continuity and the preservation without the Temple 
 of Judaism. As important members of this beth-din 
 the sons of Bethera are mentioned in Bosh haShan., 29 b. 
 Though they seem to represent a whole party in the 
 opposition, their name shows the stock to have consisted 
 of a family that had survived the Temple, as a Joshua 
 
 1 Qittin, V, 2 ; 'Eduj., VII, 9 ; Jebam., XIV, j, Hull, 55 b. In Tos. 'Arakh., 
 1, 15, R. Haninahb. Antigonossays that he knew certain men whohad blown 
 the flute in front of the altar in Jerusalem, and that they were Levites. 
 Either he lived before the destruction of the Temple and survived it, or 
 those Levites lived long after the year 70 and R. Haninah met them when 
 they were old. Now he quotes a, statement of R. Eleazar Hisma (Tos. 
 Temur., IV, 10) who was a disciple of R. Gamaliel II (Si/re Deut, 16; 
 Boruj., 10 a, b) and discussed a question with R. Meir, R. Jehudah, and 
 R. Jose ('Arakh., II, 4) after the year 136, so that there appears to be no 
 foundation for Weiss's view (II, 121) that R. Haninah lived before the 
 year 70. On the other hand, as he died in the times of R. Jehudah and 
 R. Jose (Bekhor., 30 b), he could have been born before the destruction of 
 the Temple, and if he died very old, could have, as a young priest 
 (Bekhor. , 30 b), observed the things reported by him from the Temple ; see 
 also Hyman, Toldoth, 480a. In Jebam., XVI, 7, R. Eliezer and R. Joshua 
 tell R. Akiba how once several Levites went to So'ar, the town of date 
 palm-trees ; on the way one of them was taken ill and brought to the 
 nearest inn. On their way back they learnt from the female innkeeper 
 that their companion had died and she had buried him, and on her 
 evidence the rabbis allowed the widow to re-marry. This seems to have 
 happened in the times of the rabbis mentioned, so that the Levites 
 as their contemporaries would also have survived the destruction of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 2 Aptowitzer in MGWJ, LII, 1908, 744 ff. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 13 
 
 b. Bethera gave evidence about the marriage of a eunuch 
 in Jerusalem. 1 Nabum the Mede was, according to 
 E. Nathan (Tos. B. bath., IX, i, Kethub., 105 a), a judge in 
 Jerusalem ; Nazirites who had come from Babylonia to 
 Jerusalem to fulfil their vow, but found the Temple 
 destroyed, he directed as to their duties (Nazir, V, 4), 
 and a few statements of his show him a teacher in Judaea 
 after the year 70. E. Dosa b. Harkinas, a member of 
 the school in Jamnia, was old and blind when the dis- 
 cussions between the schools of the Shammaiites and 
 Hillelites were being settled in Jamnia ; he must, there- 
 fore, have been born long before the destruction of 
 Jerusalem. He remembered how Joshua b. Hananjah — 
 born at the latest in the year 50— had been carried in 
 his cradle by his mother to a school in order to accustom 
 his ears early to the Torah (jer. Jebam., I, 3 a, 72, b. 16 a), 
 and he was a contemporary of E. Johanan b. Zakkai and 
 of E. Haninah, the vice high priest (Kethub., XIII, 1, 
 Neg., I, 4). Hizkijah E>py 13K, not otherwise known, gave 
 evidence before E. Gamaliel II in the name of Gamaliel I 
 (Bekhor., 38 a, Sifra, 53 d), so that he must have been born 
 about the year 40. E. Gamaliel II himself, the son of 
 Simeon b- Gamaliel the opponent of Josephus during 
 the revolution (Vita, 38) and president of the Synedrion, 
 was saved from the punishing hands of the Eomans by 
 E. Johanan b. Zakkai (Gitt., 56 b) whom he later succeeded 
 in the presidency of the beth-din in Jamnia. He re- 
 membered how his father counteracted as to a law of the 
 Sabbath the interfering presence of a Sadducee living 
 with him in the same lane (Erub., VI, 2), and how he 
 left the prescribed corner on fruit-trees (Pe'ah, II, 4) 
 and what kind of bread was not baked in his father's 
 house on a holy day (Besah, II, 6). From all this it is 
 evident that he was at least a man of 20 at the death 
 of his father. His co-president in Jamnia, E. Eleazar 
 b. 'Azarjah, was a priest and probably quite young in 
 
 1 Jebam., VIII, 4 ; see Briill, Einleitung, I, 30. 
 
I 4 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 the year 70, as E. Dosa b. Harkinas, though knowing 
 his father, did not know him {Jelam., 16 a) ; E. Akiba 
 speaks of' him as descended of great men and in the 
 tenth generation from Ezra (jer.BeraM., IV, 7 d, 10, b.2 7 b). 
 Also 'Elisha b. 'Abuja must have escaped young from 
 Jerusalem where his father was a wealthy man; 
 E. Joshua and E. Eliezer, the disciples of E. Johanan 
 b. Zakkai, attended his circumcision in Jerusalem 
 (jer. Hagigah, II, 77 b, 38). Many years after the destruc- 
 tion he attended E. Akiba's school, and during and after 
 the Hadrianic religious persecutions he lived in Tiberias, 
 where he died about the year 140. 1 A E. Jehudah 
 b. Gadish, not otherwise known, testified before E. Eliezer 
 that his father's household bought in Jerusalem fish- 
 brine for the equivalent of the second tithe. 2 
 
 Incidentally women, who survived the catastrophe of 
 the year 70, are also mentioned in the Talmud. 
 E. Eleazar b. Sadok saw Martha, the daughter of 
 Boethos and the wife of the high priest Joshua b. 
 G-amala, tied by her hair to the tail of a horse and 
 dragged from Jerusalem to Lydda. 3 E. Johanan b. 
 Zakkai saw the daughter of Nakdimon b. Gorjon, one 
 of the wealthiest men in Jerusalem, in Ma'on in abject 
 poverty. 4 There are references to E. Tarfon's mother 
 (jer. Kiddush., IV, 61 b, 18, b. 31 b) and his sister whose 
 children he taught (Zebah., 62 b) and also to E. Ishmael's 
 
 1 Jer. Hag., II, 77 c. 
 
 2 'JBrub., 27 a, bottom; Tos. Dfa'as. sheni, I, 14. His father came only on 
 pilgrimage to Jerusalem, as no man of the capital was allowed to redeem 
 the tithe ; but Tos. has, ' was selling,' so that the man lived in Jerusalem 
 (see Schwarz, Tosifta, I, 174 a). We find that the Galilean R. Jose, after 
 the year 136, met Abba Eleazar, who told him how he had sacrificed in 
 Jerusalem (Hag., 16 b), and that R. Jose could have received information 
 about the Temple and Jerusalem from his father Halaftha, who had 
 seen even R. Gamaliel I on the Temple mount (Tos. Saob., XIII, 2, and 
 parallels). Those and otheo- scholars who lived in Galilee are not 
 discussed here. 
 
 3 Midrash Threni, I, 16, jer. Kethub., V, 30 b, c, Gitt., 56 a; Bacher, 
 Tannaiten, I, 47, 6. 
 
 4 Si/re Deut., 305 ; Kethub., 65 b ; Mekhiltka on Exod. xix. i, 61 a. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 15 
 
 mother (Niddah, 48 b, Tos., VI, 8), E. Eliezer's mother 
 (jer. Jebam., Ill, 130, 60) and his wife, the sister of 
 E. Gamaliel (B. mes., 59 b). Naturally many thousands 
 of men and women, nowhere referred to specially, were 
 saved and remained in Judaea. There was no occasion 
 for mentioning them, though general references are not 
 wanting. It is also worth stating that some of the 
 so-called Nathins survived the destruction of Jerusalem, 
 for in the times of E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah it was proposed 
 to recognize them as proper Israelites. 1 
 
 5. By tracing some places in Judaea in which, after 
 the destruction of Jerusalem, Jews lived in greater or 
 smaller numbers, a clearer and more complete view of 
 actual conditions in the country can be obtained. Of 
 Jerusalem, strange to say, very little is known from the 
 Talmudic literature. It is true, some scholars state that 
 soon after the catastrophe some Jewish and Christian 
 families returned to Jerusalem, preferring to live in 
 poor houses among the ruins of the holy city to cities 
 in Judaea, 2 but no Jewish source is adduced, nor is 
 such known to me. Only Eusebius (Hist, eccl., IV, 5 ff., 
 V, 12) reports that the Christians, who during the siege 
 of Jerusalem had fled to Pella, soon returned. And 
 Epiphanius, just as reliable a historian as Eusebius, 
 relates (De mensuris, § 14) that, when visiting Jerusalem 
 (130-1), Hadrian found the city and the Temple de- 
 stroyed and only a few houses inhabited and a small 
 church. 3 E. Simeon b. Eleazar of the second half of the 
 second century reports (Semah., X) that E. Gamaliel II 
 had in Jamnia a hired grave for the temporary burial of 
 members of his family whence they were later taken 
 to Jerusalem. Whether other noble families continued 
 in the same way burying their dead in their family 
 
 1 Jer. Kiddush., IV, 65 c, 59; in b. Jebam., 79 b, top, Rabbi is mentioned 
 instead, evidently the name Eleazar having fallen out. 
 
 2 See, for instance, Munk, Palestine, 604 b; Besant-Palmer, Jerusalem, 52, 
 and others. 
 
 3 See Herzog-Hauck, BE, VIII, 687 ff. 
 
1 6 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 graves in Jerusalem, is not reported, but it is not 
 improbable. The ruins of the Temple were visited by- 
 scholars, as E. Gamaliel II, E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah, 
 E. Joshua, and E. Akiba (MaJclc., 24 b), who were grieved 
 by seeing a fox coming out from the ruins of the Holy of 
 Holies. E. Jose also entered one of the ruins of Jerusalem 
 to pray (Berdkh., 3 a) ; and 'Elisha b. 'Abuja told E. Meir 
 that he once on a Day of Atonement that fell on the 
 Sabbath, rode by the Holy of Holies and heard a heavenly 
 voice inviting him to repentance (jer. Hag., II, 77 b, 59, 
 Kohel. r., 7, 8). As he was then a sinner, it occurred 
 about the years 120-135. 
 
 There is even some, though late, evidence that scholars 
 and other Jews visited Jerusalem on the festivals. 
 E. Shela of Kefar-Thamartha, between 280-300, states 
 (Cant, r., 8, 9, 3) : though the Temple is destroyed, the 
 Israelites have not stopped their pilgrimages three times 
 a year. In Threni r., 1, 17, a number of differences between 
 the present and the old pilgrimage are stated; and 
 E. Berekhjah of the fourth century points out that both 
 the going up and the return are very quiet, according 
 to E. Levi of about the year 300 both are done secretly. 
 In a Baraitha, Nedar., 23a, a man prohibited his wife by 
 a vow to go on pilgrimage ; when she still went up, the 
 husband asked E. Jose's advice. It is true the destina- 
 tion is not stated, but it is hardly doubtful that Jerusalem 
 and not Jamnia is meant. 1 E. Eleazar b. Shammu'a, in 
 the middle of the second century, took to his house a 
 shipwrecked Eoman when the Jews went on pilgrimage 
 to Jerusalem (Kohel. >:, 11, 1). E. Haninah, E. Jonathan, 
 and E. Joshua b. Levi, about the year 250, on their way 
 to Jerusalem bought some produce and wanted to redeem 
 it outside Jerusalem, but an old man reminded them: 
 your fathers did not proceed in that way, but declared 
 such produce free property and redeemed it (jer. Ma'as. 
 
 * See the pilgrimages of people of Asia to Jamnia in Tos. EuU., Ill, 10; 
 Parah, VII, 4 ; Mikw., IV, 6. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 1 7 
 
 sh., Ill, 54 b, 20). Though the report is far from being 
 clear, it is evident that the law concerning the second 
 tithe in its relation to Jerusalem was still observed. 
 Accordingly R. Eliezer b. Hyrkanos, about the year 100, 
 declared the fruit of the fourth year of his vineyard free 
 property and expected the poor who would take possession 
 of it, to take it to Jerusalem (Bosh haShan., 31 b). And 
 R. Akiba changed for R. Gamaliel and R. Joshua 
 the money of redemption of their second tithe 1 to 
 spend it in Jerusalem. 2 R. Jonathan was another time 
 on his way to Jerusalem to pray there, 3 and fifty years 
 before, about the year 200, R. Ishmael b. R. Jose went up 
 to Jerusalem to pray (Genes, v., 81, 3; jer. 'AZ, V, 44 d, 41). 
 In spite of the statements of the church fathers that the 
 Jews were not allowed to visit Jerusalem, except on 
 the gth of 'Ab, they seem to have gone up regularly 
 on various occasions, so that R. Johanan, between 250 
 and 279, was able to say that the city was open to every- 
 body : whoever likes at present to go up, goes up, but in 
 the future only invited people will go up to Jerusalem 
 (B. bathra, 75 b, top). R. Johanan b. Marja in the name 
 of R. Pinhas says ( jer. Pesah., VII, 35 b, 39) : we see the 
 scholars take off their shoes under the doorstep of the 
 Temple mount 4 ; and in Threni r., 1, 17, Vespasian places 
 guards 18 miles from Poma'im, who inquired of the 
 pilgrims whom they recognized as their lord. All these 
 
 1 Ma' as. sh., II, 7 ; it naturally seems more probable to refer it to the 
 time of the Temple, but then R. Gamaliel II lived in Jerusalem and had 
 there no occasion for redeeming that tithe. And when R. Joshua and 
 R. Gamaliel knew R. Akiba, it was long after the year 70 ; for all attempts 
 to place Akiba's time of study before that year seem futile. 
 
 2 R. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah is in Sabb., 54 b, Besah, 23 a, said to have given 
 thousands of calves as tithe. This, however, had to be offered as peace- 
 offering, and was, according to Bekhor., 53 a, not to be given after the 
 destruction of the Temple ; see Tosafoth to all the passages. On the other 
 hand, the Mishnah Bekhor., IX, ±, states that it had to be given, but not 
 what should be done with the tithe from cattle. 
 
 3 Genes, r., 32, 10, Cant.r., 4, 4, Devi. /., Ill, 6, 7, 14. 
 
 4 See Lewy in haMaggid, 1870, 149 b, top. 
 
 B 
 
l8 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 reports agree in referring to a free pilgrimage to 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 6. Lydda and Jamnia, we have seen, were populated 
 in the year 68 by Vespasian with a suitable number 
 of loyal Jews (Wars, TV, 8, i). They were in no way 
 interfered with by the Romans or the national Jews 
 during the revolution of the years 69 and 70. "Whether 
 those Jews went up to Jerusalem to celebrate the Passover 
 in April 70 and were there surprised by the Roman siege, 
 is not reported ; but as they had previously surrendered 
 to the Romans, and Jerusalem was in the hands of the 
 revolutionists, a pilgrimage of those Jews is not probable. 
 Besides, as the Roman army began the siege of Jerusalem 
 on the 14th of Nissan, after one of the legions, the fifth, 
 had marched from Caesarea by Emmaus to Jerusalem, 
 it must have passed through or near Lydda at the latest 
 on the 12th of Nissan, and thus prevented the possible 
 pilgrimage of any inhabitants of Lydda or Jamnia which 
 were at a day's distance from Jerusalem. In any case, 
 both these towns had organized Jewish communities, 
 and we can easily understand why R. Johanan b. Zakkai 
 asked Titus's or Vespasian's permission to settle just in 
 Jamnia ; and even the statement that he asked for the 
 scholars of Jamnia (Gitt., 56 b) could be literally true, as 
 there may have been scholars among the settlers. Jamnia 
 became the seat of the great school and the beth-din of 
 R. Johanan, which is often described as a meeting in the 
 vineyard of Jamnia. 1 Lydda had several schools, in 
 one of which the teachers met to decide questions, and 
 before this meeting R. Tarfon placed a practical case 
 (Besah, III, 5) 2 ; five members constituted the body. 3 
 R. Eliezer, who is pointed out as the authority in Lydda 
 
 ' Krauss in I. Lewy's Festschrift, 21 ff. 
 
 2 Cf. E. Jehudah's report in 'Brub., IV, 4, and jer., IV, 22 a, with 
 Baraitlia b. 'Erub., 45 a : E. Tarfon entered on a Sabbath morning the school 
 and taught all day. 
 
 3 Jer. Besah, III, 62 a, 55 ; see my 'Am ha'ares, p. 302, 5. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OP THE SECOND TEMPLE 19 
 
 (Synh., 32 b), had a school of his own, called the great a ; 
 it looked like a racecourse, and there sitting on a stone 
 E. Eliezer taught (Cant, r., 1, 3, 1). There were also 
 several synagogues in Lydda, some of which were built 
 by the ancestors of E. Hama b. Haninah (jer. Shekal., V, 
 49 b> 33)j one was of the D«Dlts. 2 A school for children 
 is mentioned in the time of E. Akiba in Semah., II, 4. 
 Beside Alexa, a man of importance and generally 
 esteemed (Tos. Hag., II, 13), and the family of a Menahem 
 (Synh., 33 a) whose property will have to be referred 
 to later, the family of Nithzah is mentioned, with 
 whom E. Tarfon and his disciples stayed on a Sabbath 3 ; 
 and the family of 'Aris in whose upper chamber the 
 question heavy with consequences was decided by a 
 meeting of teachers, whether in religious persecutions 
 a Jew has to sacrifice his life for any religious command- 
 ment (Kiddush., 40 b, SifrS Deut, 41). A man Gornos, 
 whose little son committed suicide because the father 
 threatened to punish him (Semah., II, 4), is in the first 
 century interesting for his name. The same applies to 
 a doctor Theodos, who in the presence of E. Akiba and 
 other teachers, examined human bones in the synagogue 
 of Tarsijim mentioned above (Nazir, 52 a, and parallels). 
 In the bakers' hall (in the market of Lydda) E. Eliezer 
 was found by E. Jose b. Darmaskith. 4 The vendors of 
 Lydda rejoiced when E. Tarfon fixed the amount of 
 overreaching, justifying a buyer to return the article, at 
 one-eighth of the value; but when he added that the 
 buyer may retract the whole day of the transaction, 
 
 1 Mekhiltha, 53b; R. Simeon, p. 82 ; Bekhor., 5b; K,fij, 1910, LX, 107 ff. 
 
 2 Nazir, 52 a; the parallels in Tos. 'Ahil., IV, 2, jer. Berakh., I, 3 a, 19, do 
 not give the name. 
 
 3 Sabb., 29 b; Tos., II, 5 ; cf. Tos. 'Erub., IX, 2. 
 
 * Tos. Jadaj., II, 16. In Tos. 'Aha., XVIII, 18, about the year 200 
 Eabbi, R. Ishmael b. R. Jose and R. Eliezer haKappar stayed for the 
 Sabbath in the food-shop of Pazzi in Lydda, and R. Pinhas b. Jair, who 
 lived in Lydda, sat in front of them discussing with them fhalachic 
 questions. 
 
 B 2 
 
20 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 they reverted to the accepted rule of the earlier rabbis, 
 for they sold dear. 1 Strange to say, very few details 
 are mentioned of the life of the Jews in Jamnia, though 
 sometimes 72 members of the school were at the same 
 time present in the town (Zebah., I, 3) and even 85 
 (Tos. Kelim, 3 II, 4). Only the family of a ben-Zaza is 
 mentioned, for whose mother R. Gamaliel held a great 
 public mourning (Rosh JiaShan., 25 a), and the bath of 
 a certain Diskos used for levitically purifying vessels, 
 which was once the subject of a discussion between 
 R. Tarfon and R. Akiba. 2 
 
 7. Around Lydda and Jamnia as centres several smaller 
 places had Jewish inhabitants. When a certain Alexa 
 died in Lydda, the men of the villages came to bewail 
 him, but R. Tarfon prohibited the public mourning owing 
 to the holy day. 3 In one of those villages, east of Lydda, 
 Kefar-Tabi, R. Eliezer of Lydda had a vineyard 4 ; another 
 was Kefar-Luddim (Gitt, I, 1) west of Lydda, already 
 outside Palestine, although quite close to Lydda (Gitt., 4 a). 
 R. Akiba had his school in bene-Berak, 5 a very fertile 
 
 1 B. rnes., IV, 3 ; they are mentioned also in Tos. Pesah., X, 10, but see 
 b. 116 a. 
 
 2 Kiddush., 66 b ; jer. Terum., VIII, 45 b, 36 ; Tos. Mikw., I, 17. 
 
 3 Tos. Hag., II, 13; in Bosh haShcm. , 29 b, on the day of a New Year 
 •which fell on the Sabbath, all the towns had assembled in Jamnia around 
 E. Johanan b. Zakkai. The Munich MS. and other authorities in Rab- 
 binowicz, however, have only, ' and all had assembled.' In Rosh haShan., 
 I, 6, it is reported : once over forty pairs of witnesses who had observed 
 the appearance of the new moon, passed on their way to the beth-din in 
 Jamnia through Lydda, where E. Akiba stopped them from proceeding ; 
 R. Gamaliel blamed him for it. In the parallel Baraitha, 22 a, top, jer., I, 
 57 b, 70, E. Jehudah says that E. Akiba would not have committed such 
 a mistake, but that it was Shazpar, the head of Gadar, who did it and 
 who was for it deposed by E. Gamaliel. The incident shows how many 
 men in the neighbourhood of Lydda were ready to go and give such 
 evidence. 
 
 4 Rosh haShan., 31 b ; it is again mentioned in Tos. 'AhiU, IV, u, jet- 
 Berakh., I, 3 a, 18, Nazir, 52 a : E. Jehudah said : boxes containing human 
 bones were brought from Kefar-Tabi to a synagogue in Lydda. 
 
 6 Synh., 32 b, and Pesah-Haggadah ; in Tos. Sabb., Ill, 3, b. 40 a, E. Jehudah 
 reports that E. Akiba and E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah bathed in a bath in bene- 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 21 
 
 district near Joppe, E. Joshua b. Hananjah taught in 
 Peki'in between Lydda and Jamnia, 1 E. Ishmael in 
 Kefar-'Aziz, 2 bis teacher Nehunjah b. Hakanah is once 
 called a man of Emmaus 3 where E. Joshua visited him. 
 This town had a cattle-market in which E. Gamaliel of 
 Jamnia, accompanied by E. Joshua and E. Akiba, bought 
 cattle for the wedding-feast of his son 4 ; it was Amwas 
 in the Shefelah at the entrance into the mountains and 
 reached from Jamnia by the valley of Surar. 5 Owing 
 to its strategical importance it probably had a Eoman 
 garrison. E. Eleazar b. 'Arakh, the favourite disciple 
 
 Berak ; see also Synh., 96 b, and Babbinowicz. K. Akiba taught also in 
 Lydda, Semah., II, 4, Nasir, 52 a. 
 
 1 Hag., 3 a, jer., I, 75 d, 54 ; Tos. Sotah, VII, 9 ; Synh., 32 b. He once 
 went to E. Johanan b. Zakkai to berur-Hajil, and the inhabitants of the 
 villages brought them fruit (Tos. Ma'as., II, 1; jer., II, 49 d, 24). E. Johanan 
 lived in that place (Synh., 32 b), but it has not been identified yet, nor is 
 there anything to suggest even the district where it was. If the incident 
 refers to a time after the year 70, berur-Hajil must be sought in Judaea 
 in a part inhabited by Jews. 
 
 2 Kil'aj., VI, 4. As R. Joshua visited him there (Tos., IV, 7), it cannot 
 have been far from Peki'in ; and as R. Ishmael attended discussions in 
 Jamnia (Jadaj., IV, 3) with other teachers, and on the death of his sons 
 was visited by E. Tarfon, R. Jose the Galilean, R. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah, and 
 R. Akiba (Mold k., 28 b), he cannot have lived far from Lydda and Jamnia ; 
 see Broil, Jahrbucher, I, 41. According to R. Jose (Eethub., V, 8), he lived 
 near Edom, and Neubauer, Giographie, 117 ; PEF, Mem., 3, 348 ff. ; Buhl, 
 Geographie, 163, identify on that Kefar-'Aziz with Hirbet 'Aziz not far 
 south of Jutta, but it seems improbable on the evidence adduced. Edom 
 need not mean ancient Idumaea, but the part of Judaea that in Roman 
 times was called Idumaea. In that district beth-Gubrin had Jewish 
 inhabitants, for Jehudah b. Jacob of beth-Gubrin gave evidence with 
 Jacob b. Jishak of beth-Gufnin concerning Caesarea in Tos. 'Ahil., XVIII, 
 16. Rabbi declared beth-Gubrin free from priestly dues, jer. Dammai, 
 II, 22, c, 55 ; JQB, XIII, 683. 
 
 3 Midr. Tannaim, ed. Hoffmann, 175, Dirra« with h instead of the usual 
 alef, e.g. jer. Shebi., IX, 38 d, 69; see Klein in M&J, LX, 1910, 106. 
 
 4 Hull., 91 b ; Kerith., Ill, 7, 8, here spelled DWffj ; Nehemiah 'jiDDSn is 
 also probably of Emmaus, Gratz in MGWJ, II, 1853, 112. Against the 
 identity of the two tells the essential difference of their rules of interpre- 
 tation, R. Johanan reporting imoi to of Nehunjah in Shebu., 26 a, whereas 
 Nehemiah applied bisdi 'in ; jer. Berakh. , IX, 14b, 68, and Pesah., 22b. Klein 
 thinks that the discussion between R. Nehunjah and R. Joshua took place 
 in Emmaus, but the report does not suggest it. 
 
 5 G. A. Smith, Histor. Geography, 209 ff. 
 
22 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 of E. Johanan b. Zakkai, after his master's death, settled 
 in Emmaus, a pleasant place with good water. 1 E. Akiba's 
 teacher Nahum was of Gimzo near Lydda (Shebu., 26 a), 
 E. Eliezer's son Hyrkanos lived in Kefar-'Etam, 2 near 
 Bethlehem, one of E. Johanan b. Zakkai's disciples was 
 E. Eleazar of Modeim, a disciple of E. Jehudah b. Baba 
 was Simeon <30Tin, probably of Thimnah. 3 
 
 In Ma'on in the south of Judaea, several hours' distance 
 from Hebron, E. Johanan b. Zakkai saw a Jewish girl 
 picking up grains of barley from the dung of horses 
 (Mekhil. on Ex. 19, 1, 61 a) ; the presence of this teacher 
 with disciples in Ma'on suggests with great probability 
 that Jews lived in the place. Bethlehem seems to have 
 retained its population after the revolution, as is suggested 
 by the well-known legend about the birth of the Messiah 
 ( jer. Berdkh., II, 5 a ; Threni r., 1, 16, 51) : an Arab told 
 a Jew, who was working in the field with his cows, that 
 the lowing of his cow announced that Jerusalem had 
 been destroyed, and the lowing of the other cow that 
 the Messiah had been born in birath-'Arabah of beth- 
 Lehem in Judaea. The Jew left his work and, in order 
 to find the future Messiah, went about selling flannels 
 for children from village to village, from town to town, 
 till he arrived at the village of birath-'Arabah where 
 he found the child. This story assumes that whole 
 
 1 Kohel. r., 7, 7 ; Sabb., 147 b ; ABN, XIV, 30 a ; 2 AEN, XXIX, 30 a ; it 
 is not Hamtha near Tiberias, but in Judaea, Bacher, Tann., I, 76, 3; by 
 removing from the second version the word Jerusalem all contradictions 
 disappear. 
 
 2 Jebam., XII, 6; but the Mishnah in jerus. Jebam. reads Kefar-'Ibdas, 
 the Cambridge Mishnah Kefar-'Akko. 
 
 3 In Besah, 21a; Tos., II, 6; Mekhiltha E. Simeon, 17, it is reported: 
 When on one holy day Simeon of Thimnah had not come to the school, 
 E. Jehudah b. Baba asked him the next morning for the reason. Now 
 from Tos. Berakh., IV, 18, we learn that Simeon belonged to E. Tarfons 
 school in Lydda, and from Tos. Synh., XII, 3, b. 17 b; B. kam., 90 b; 
 Bacher, Tann., I, 444 ff., we see that he had discussions with E. Akiba, 
 as R. Jehudah b. Baba with E. Akiba and E. Jehudah b. Bethera, so that 
 Simeon belonged to the school of Jamnia or Lydda. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 23 
 
 districts of Judaea were not destroyed. Reland (Palae- 
 stina, 647) refers to Anastasius's Biographies of the Roman 
 bishops, where it is reported that St. Euaristus of the 
 times of Domitian and Nerva was the son of a Jew 
 in Bethlehem; later when Hadrian defeated the Jews, 
 he prohibited them to live in the district of Jerusalem 
 and in Bethlehem ; this — he says — followed from 
 Tertullian, Contra Judaeos, 224, who remarked that in 
 his time no Jew was left in Bethlehem, for none must 
 live in its boundaries. 1 In the Apocalypse of Baruch, 
 47, 1, Baruch goes from the destroyed capital to Hebron 
 to hear there the revelation of God ; as the author wrote 
 shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem, he seems to 
 have known that Hebron was still a Jewish town. In 
 Rimmon lived a Jew of means and several priests 2 ; the 
 position of the place is not defined, but as R. Jehudah 
 and R. Simeon b. Gamaliel, both scholars of the school 
 of Jamnia, report the incidents, and Rimmon in Judaea 
 is otherwise mentioned, 3 it is probable that this was 
 meant. At the Dead Sea So'ar was visited by several 
 Levites (p. 12, note 1). "Whether the oasis of 'En-gedi, 
 with its balsam plantations administered by representa- 
 tives of the Roman emperor themselves, 4 had any Jewish 
 inhabitants left, is nowhere reported. But, as only the 
 
 1 See Guerin t Judee, I, 202. 
 
 2 Tos. 'AMI., XVI, 13 ; Mikw., VI, 2 ; Pesah., ga,jer., I, 28 a, 39. 
 
 3 Zech. xiv. 10; Tos. Sotah, XI, 14; S. Klein, Beitrage z. Geographie, 94, 3, 
 thinks of Rimmon in Joshua xix. 13, but the two teachers report, as in 
 many other instances, Judaean experiences. R. Simeon b. Johai in the 
 lifetime of his teacher R. Akiba stayed for the Sabbath in Kefar-beth- 
 Fagi {Tos. Me'ilah, I, 5, b. 7 a), where he met another disciple of R Akiba. 
 As it was on his way from Judaea to Galilee, the position is difficult 
 to define. 
 
 4 Pliny, H. N., V, 15 ; Galerius, vol. XIV, p. 25, Kuhn ; cf. Holscher, 
 Palaestina in d. pers. u. hellen. Zeit, 49. In Midr. Cant., ed. Griinhut, to i. 14, 
 it is said that 'En-gedi was beautiful, and wine was made there in 
 levitical purity for libations in the Temple ; and R. Josef the Babylonian 
 from a Baraitha states in Saob., 26 a, that balsam was gathered in from 
 'En-gedi to Ramatha. The vineyards there bore four times a year fruit 
 (Agad. Cant on i. 14). 
 
24 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 sicarii had during the revolution driven out the inhabi- 
 tants ( Wars, IV, 7, 2) and only the children and women, 
 about 700 were killed, it is very probable that the men 
 returned after the war to 'En-gedi. Eusebius (Onom., s.v.) 
 indeed says that the place was in his time a very large 
 Jewish town. 
 
 In Jericho R. Gamaliel with other rabbis stayed on 
 some occasion (Tos. BeraJch., IV, 15, b. 37 a) which 
 suggests a Jewish community there. As it was not 
 destroyed by the Romans in the revolution and only 
 a part of its population perished by the sword, while 
 the greater part escaped into the mountains opposite 
 Jerusalem (Wars, IV, 8, 2), many may have afterwards 
 returned, or Jewish deserters loyal to the Romans may 
 have been settled there under the protection of the 
 garrison and the fortified camp (IV, 9, 1). Interesting 
 evidence proves that Hadid and 'Ono in the north-west 
 of Judaea had Jewish inhabitants after the year 70. 
 R. Joshua and R. Jakim of Hadid 1 gave evidence 
 (before the authorities in Jamnia) about a point of 
 religious law. Hananjah of 'Ono obtained a ruling from 
 R. Akiba when the latter was kept by the Romans in 
 prison, and brought it before rabbis, among whom was 
 R. Jose. 2 Further north, beyond bene-Berak, Kefar-Saba, 
 
 1 'Eduj., VII, 5, reads Hadar, but the Cambridge and Naples Mishnah 
 and other texts quoted by Rabbinowlcz have Hadid, the place mentioned 
 in Ezra ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 35 ; 1 Chron. viii. 12, as Adlda in 1 Mace. 
 xii. 38, xiii. 13 ; in the Bible passages together with Lydda and 'Ono, 
 as they were neighbours, similarly in 'Arakh., IX, 6, b. 32 a, Hadid and 
 'Ono in Judaea as fortified since ancient times. In Kethub. , nib, bottom, 
 R. Jacob b. Dosithai says that he walked from Lydda to 'Ono to his 
 ankles in fig honey. 
 
 2 Gitt., VI, 7. In Tos. Synh., II, 13, b. n b, jer., I, 18 d, 76, he testifies 
 that the intercalation of a year may take place only in Judaea, excep- 
 tionally also in Galilee. It is obvious that that evidence was taken when 
 owing to the Hadrianic persecutions the religious life of the Jewish 
 community had to be guided from Galilee. Therefore the words ' before 
 R. Gamaliel ' in Tos. are a mistake. In Si/re zutta on Num. xv. 4 in Jalbii, 
 Num. 746, Horovitz, 92, a R. Papias of 'Ono is mentioned ; whether he 
 is identical with R. Papias, a colleague of R. Akiba, is uncertain. About 
 the year 200 R. Simai and R. Sadok went to Lydda to intercalate the 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 25 
 
 which may be identical with Antipatris, had Jewish 
 inhabitants. For E. Meir reports (Tos. Niddah, VIII, 5) : 
 a dead human body was suspected to have been buried 
 under a certain sycamore in Kefar-Saba, but nothing was 
 found. 1 A similar case is reported from beth-Horon, 
 south-east of Modeim, by R. Joshua, viz. that dead bodies 
 were suspected in a rock. 2 Gofna, a town north of 
 
 year and, when staying for the Sabbath in 'On6, gave a decision on 
 religious law (Hidl., 56b). R. 'Aibo of the fourth century says (Cant. /. , 
 *, 2; Lev. n, 23, 5; Threni r., 1, 17): God ordered Jacob's enemies to 
 surround him, so Halamish surrounds Naweh, Castra Haifa, Susitha 
 Tiberias, Jericho No'aran, and Lydda 'Ono. As 'OnS is mentioned as 
 an old fortress, we would suggest 'Ono to Lydda, but Lydda rose in 
 importance and may have superseded 'Ono even as fortress or merely 
 as city (JQB, XIII, 733). In jer. Gitt., IV, 46 a, 36, R. 'Ammi ruled that 
 if a slave escaped from abroad and reached 'Oni, he must not be surren- 
 dered to his master (for the place is in Palestine), if to 'Antris, he may 
 be surrendered (for it is not in Palestine') , if to ' Aparkoris, it is doubtful. 
 'Antaris cannot be Antarados, as Krauss, Lehnworter, II, 72, suggests, for 
 the place must be on the border of Palestine. Where is 'Oni? Is it 
 identical with 'Ono, and are the other two places in Philistia? Another 
 place is mentioned in jer. Synh., I, 18 c, 71: 'we still find that the year 
 was solemnly initiated in Ba'alath (in Judaea). This was at times 
 reckoned to Judah, sometimes to Dan. But do we not find that the year 
 was initiated in Balath ? Here the houses stood in Judah, the fields lay 
 in Dan.' In the two places mentioned the ceremony of initiating the 
 new year was performed after the authoritative beth-din had long been 
 transferred to Galilee. We learn that there were Jews in those places 
 in the fourth century, though it may confidently be assumed that the 
 same applied to earlier times, as Ba'alath was last in the line Lydda — 
 Modeim — Ba'alath (see, however, Neubauer, 99 ff.). The same may apply 
 to 'Ekron, of which Eusebius says that it was east of Jamnia between 
 this and Azotus and a great Jewish village. 
 
 1 It is again mentioned in jer. Dammai, II, 22 c, 47 : the law of Dammai 
 applies to Samaritans in Pondaka of 'Ammuda and of Tibatha to Kefar- 
 Saba ; see Schurer, II, 156 ff. Antipatris seems to have been raised at 
 some time or other in character as town, for Threni r., 1, 5 ; ed. Buber, 33 a, 
 says : You find that before the destruction of Jerusalem no city was in 
 their sight of value, but after the destruction Caesarea became a metro- 
 polis, Antipatris a central town, and Neapolis a colony. As the latter 
 became a colony only under Philip Arabs, the statement was made at 
 the earliest in the year 250 ; yet Antipatris may have been distinguished 
 at a much earlier time. 
 
 2 Tos. Niddah, VIII, 7 ; in the parallel Baraitha Niddah, 61 a, the infor- 
 mant is Abba Saul, and the scholar who suggested a new method of 
 examining the rock was R. Joshua. 
 
26 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTEE 
 
 Jerusalem, was conquered and spared by Vespasian (Wars, 
 IV, 9, 9 ; VI, 2, 2), and Titus sent there the nobles who 
 had deserted to him from Jerusalem, to stay there till 
 the war would be finished (VI, 2, 2, 3). Whether in 
 addition to the original inhabitants of the town, mostly 
 priests (Berahh., 44 a ; jer. Ta'an., IV, 69 a, 57), any of the 
 nobles of Jerusalem settled there, is not known. 
 
 Another place of interest is Adasa, of which E. Jehudah 
 in a Baraitha (Erub., 60 a) reports : There was a village 
 in Judaea called Hadashah where there were 50 inhabi- 
 tants, men, women, and children, and being an annexe 
 itself, the rabbis measured by it annexes of towns 
 ('Erub., V, 6). It seems hardly doubtful that E. Jehudah, 
 as in his many other reports, referred to Judaea of his 
 own times before the bar-Kochba war. Now Adasa is 
 known from 1 Mace. vii. 40, 45, and was, according to 
 Josephus (Antiq., XI, 10, 5), 30 stadia from beth-Horon, 
 probably identical with Adasa near Gofna. 1 But as 
 E. Jehudah says that Hadashah was in Judaea and 
 jer. 'Erub., V, 22 d, 54, quotes to it Joshua xv. 37, it must 
 have been the one nearer Jerusalem, and was the small 
 suburb of an unnamed Jewish town before the year 135. 
 In 'Eduj., VI, 2, 3, E. Joshua gave evidence with 
 E. Nehunjah b. 'Elinathan of Kefar-haBabli, obviously 
 in Jamnia as also evident from E. Nehunjah's discussions 
 with E. Eliezer. His native place occurs again in 
 'Aboth, IV, 20, as that of E. Jose b. Jehudah, who is 
 identified with Jose or 'Isi the Babylonian. 2 In a 
 Baraitha Pesah., 113 b, he is further identified with Jose of 
 Husal ; and as there is a place Husal of the Babylonians 
 in Benjamin mentioned in Kethub., in a; M egil., 5 b, the 
 matter seems quite clear. 3 There was then a village 
 
 1 Eusebius, p. 220; Schurer, Geschichte, I, 218, 28. 
 
 2 Jer. B. ham., Ill, 3(1,37; Bacher, Tann., II, 371, 3. 
 
 3 In Nedar, 81 a, a statement of Isi b. Jehudah is identical with that of 
 Jehudah of Husa (see Ratner on Shebi'ith, VIII, 38 b, 10, p. 77) ; see also 
 Kiddush., 58b, top, and Derenbourg, Essai, 483. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 27 
 
 Husal in the territory of Benjamin, a Babylonian colony, 
 about the year 150, which, however, must have existed 
 earlier. In addition to these places where Jewish 
 inhabitants can only be inferred, there are a few in 
 connexion with which Jews are expressly mentioned, 
 but their geographical position can only be suggested. 
 B. Jehudah reports 1 that about the levitical purity of some 
 pots in Kefar-Signa a dispute arose between B. Gamaliel 
 and other scholars; and B. Eliezer reports that a fire 
 broke out on the threshing-floor of the same place and 
 a doubt arose about the separation of priestly dues. 2 
 It was then a Jewish place that had survived the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem. B. Jose reports that from Kefar- 
 'Iddim a case concerning more than 60 troughs was 
 brought before B. Gamaliel to define their levitical 
 quality (Tos. Kelim, 2, XI, 2). As B. Gamaliel measured 
 the vessels, they had been all brought to Jamnia, and the 
 place cannot have been very far from that town ; its 
 inhabitants were either priests or trough-makers. 3 
 
 8. A characteristic instance of a town that survived 
 unimpaired the catastrophe of the year 70 is Betthar, the 
 last fortress of bar-Kochba. B. Jose says in a Baraitha : 
 Betthar continued for 52 years after the destruction of 
 the Temple and then it perished, because it had lighted 
 lamps (of joy) at the destruction. 4 And B. Simeon b. 
 Gamaliel reports : There were in Betthar 500 schools for 
 children, and the smallest of them had not less than 500 
 
 1 Tos. Kelim, 1, IV, 4, variants in MGWJ, 1901, XLV, 22. 
 
 2 Tos. Terum., Ill, 18 ; from the same place wine was in Temple times 
 taken for sacrifices, Menah., VIII, 6. Neubauer, 84, suggests Sukneh near 
 Jopp6, but the statement that Kefar-Signa was in the valley is too vague 
 for definition. 
 
 3 In Tos. Bull., Ill, 23, b. 62 a, the opponents of R. Eliezer refer to the 
 fact that the people of Kefar-Thamartha in Judaea ate a certain fowl as 
 permitted, because it had a crop, a sign of purity. They were Jews ; but 
 it is not clear whether this refers to our period after the year 70. 
 
 * Jer. Ta'an., IV, 69 a, 23 ; Threni r., a, 2. In Seder '01am, XXX, it says : 
 From Vespasian's war to that of Quietus were 52 years ; see Ratner, 
 p. 73 b, note 78 ; Schiirer, Geschichte, I, 696, note. 
 
28 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 children. 1 It had bouleutai (jer. Ta'an., IV, 69 a, 26), 
 and a beth-din as Jamnia {Syrih., 17 b), and was conse- 
 quently a town of importance. Add to this the full report 
 of Dio Cassius, LXIX, 14, that the Roman general, 
 Julius Severus, sent by Hadrian to Judaea against the 
 Jewish rebels under bar-Kochba, razed fifty of their best 
 fortresses and 985 of their most important villages, and 
 that 580,000 men were killed in the sorties and battles, 
 and the number of those who perished by famine, disease, 
 and fire, could not be defined, so that almost the whole 
 of Judaea became a desert, as it had been predicted 
 before the war. Even granted that Dio grossly ex- 
 aggerated the feat of the Roman general, it will have 
 to be admitted that Judaea was fairly populated, as 
 many thousands of those who had been driven from 
 their towns and villages by the approach of the Roman 
 armies in the years 66-70, after the restoration of peace 
 gradually returned to their homes or settled in other 
 places of Judaea that had been depopulated. Just as 
 Betthar, there must have been several towns of greater 
 or less importance. For in the report about R. Akiba's 
 execution in the Hadrianic persecutions it is stated in 
 rather obscure terms : within twelve months after this 
 rm!>u in Judaea ceased. These were cities of importance 
 of which there were at some time at least 24. 2 But apart 
 
 1 In the parallel in B. ham., 83a, R. Simeon b. Gamaliel says that in 
 his father's house (school) were a thousand children, 500 learnt Torah 
 and 500 Greek science, and of all only he and his cousin in Asia remained. 
 Betthar is not mentioned, but apparently Jamnia is meant. 
 
 2 Semcih., VIII : mn -Ktov) rnirrjiD nw'ra lpcc lr/nn -ws W.v "in |«w 
 in rrn *rt / m« , Dpp ib« ninton /i-mrno niNra V*« rtmwo /nrreni nun maw 
 ;--3t; *on mrrais jinrt. Two groups of places are referred to : one mn/ra, 
 the other niN'Dpnp , for which D'TDn 'c, 80, 1, reads nwDp-itt lbs rra:wr> mn. 
 The verb pcD without complementary verb can hardly refer to persons, 
 but only to inanimate things, best to cities that felt too secure, open 
 places as opposed to fortified towns that offered safety, as already 
 N. Brull in his Jahrbiicher, I, 41, 89, explained them. As Dipi3 means a 
 fortress in T. Jebam., XIV, 8 : fortress of Betthar, nwopip, is most probably 
 a corruption of that word. As to the meaning of rnnVw, a Baraitha cited ' 
 by R. Josef in Gitt., 37 a, top, reads : I shall break the pride of your 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 29 
 
 from this the material, collected above about existing cities 
 and villages inhabited by Jews, conclusively proves that 
 Judaea was still fairly populated after the year 70. 
 
 II. Economic Conditions and Landed Peopeett. 
 
 1. From Josephus we have derived the information 
 that in the course of the long war in Judaea between the 
 years 66 and 70, several towns and villages surrendered 
 to the Romans, and that the Jewish inhabitants probably 
 retained their property and all their possessions. In 
 some other places loyal Jews were settled, and they must 
 have either received from the Romans or leased fields from 
 Vespasian and Titus. To many of the nobles who had de- 
 serted from Jerusalem into the Roman camp, Titus pro- 
 mised to restore their property after the war. Though the 
 redemption of the promise is nowhere reported, Josephus's 
 case is an instance of it, for his fields near Jerusalem 
 were restored to him, and when they were required for 
 the Roman garrison, Titus gave Josephus other property 
 in the plain (Vita, 76). On the other hand we are told 
 (Wars, VII, 6, 6) that Vespasian declared the land of 
 
 might (Lev. xxvi. 19), these are the niNVa in Judaea (not to be identified 
 ■with the interpretation of the same verse in Sifra, 11 1 d, § a: These are 
 the nobles who are the pride of Israel, as Pappos b. Jehudah and 
 Lulianus, Alexandri and his companions, for the characteristic word is 
 not there, see Bacher, Tann., I, 52, 6). And in jer. Nedar., Ill, 38 a, 13, 
 Pesiktha r., XXII, nab ff., B. Samuel b. Nahman says : Twenty-four m>Vu 
 were in the Darom and all were destroyed owing to a useless, though 
 true oath. Here it is evident from the word inn that buildings or towns 
 are meant. B. Haninah, the vice high-priest, says in 'Aboth B. Nathan, 
 XX, 36 b : The sons of my mother were angry with me (Cant. i. 6), refer 
 to nwVia in Judaea, who shook off the yoke of God and set over them 
 a human king. Here either leading men of the country are referred to 
 or the elders in 1 Sam. viii. 4 who committed that mistake ; as B. Haninah 
 hardly knew bar-Kochba, and, as far as we know, in the year 116 no 
 king of Judaea was elected, the reference is still obscure. If he meant 
 towns with proper constitutions, he may have referred to the revolution 
 in the years 66-70, though we only know of Menahem as a kind of king 
 (Geiger in ZS, VIII. 39, and Schlatter, Zur Topographie, 121 ff.). 
 
3° 
 
 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 Judaea his private property and disposed of some parts, 
 for instance, by giving to 8,000 veterans fields in 
 Emmaus, near Jerusalem, and by rewarding Josephus. 
 The rest had accordingly to be leased from the emperor, 
 even by the former owners. Before order was restored 
 in this matter, terrible conditions seem to have prevailed 
 in some places of Judaea, as the following incident 
 suggests. One of the wealthiest men of Jerusalem 
 before its destruction, 1 Nakdimon b. Gorjon, most prob- 
 ably perished during the siege of the capital. After 
 the catastrophe his daughter is found by R. Johanan b. 
 Zakkai and his disciples starving and picking grains of 
 barley from horses' dung, 2 and, when questioned by the 
 rabbi, explained that the money of her father and her 
 father-in-law was all gone. 3 Such cases of utter im- 
 poverishment may have been numerous, while such as 
 continued on their property may also have been many. 
 For Eusebius, in his short account of the bar-Kochba war 
 (Hist. Eccl., IV, 6), says : Tineius Rufus, the governor of 
 Judaea, availing himself of the madness of the rebelling 
 Jews under bar-Kochba, went out against them, killed 
 indiscriminately thousands of men, women, and children, 
 and, according to the law of war, brought the fields of 
 the Jews into his possession. 4 
 
 2. As to details reflecting actual conditions, Josephus 
 offers none, and it is again the Talmud only that contains 
 some very instructive information. Unfortunately this 
 
 1 His wealth and his position are described in ARN, XVII, 33 a, 
 VI, 16 a, b; »ARN, XIII, 16 a; Kethub., 66 b, bottom. 
 
 2 Sifri Dent., 305, 130 a; Kethub., 66 b; ARN, XVII, 33 a; Bacher, 
 Tamiaiten, I, 42. R. Eleazar b. Sadok met her in Akko in abject poverty, 
 Tos. Kethub., V, 10 ; jer., V, 30 b, 76 ff., b. 67 a. 
 
 3 Josephus in Wars, VI, 5, 2, reports that the treasure houses of the 
 Temple were burnt, in which an enormous sum of money, a mass of 
 garments and other precious things, in short, the whole wealth of the 
 Jews was kept, as the wealthy had brought there all their effects. 
 
 4 The same in jer. Gift., V, 47 b, n : the enemy decreed persecutions 
 first against Judaea, subdued its people, took their fields and sold them 
 to others. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 31 
 
 material is merely incidental and only in very few in- 
 stances descriptive ; in most cases it refers to the time 
 between 80 and 135 in giving illustrative incidents and 
 relating to the observance of the field corner for the poor, 
 the sabbatical year of rest, the priestly dues, and mort- 
 gages. When once E. Joshua visited E. Johanan b. 
 Zakkai in berur-Hajil, the people of the villages brought 
 them figs (see p. 21, 1) ; the farmers were Jews and lived 
 in several villages. When E. Eliezer was put in the ban 
 by the school in Jamnia, the world was smitten, one 
 third on the olives, one third on wheat, and one third on 
 barley (Bar. B. Mes., 59 b). Evidently Jewish land- 
 owners suffered either in the close neighbourhood of 
 Jamnia or in Lydda, where E. Eliezer lived. E. Akiba 
 remarks (Tos. Pe'ah, II, 21) that as to the field corner 
 to be left to the poor landowners (DTD ^jn) are liberal. 1 
 E. JosS relates (Kil'aj., VII, 5) how a man was reported 
 to E. Akiba for sowing seeds in his vineyard in the 
 
 1 In 2 ARN, XXXI, 34 a, a sentence introduced by idim rrn tun and 
 attributed to K. Johanan b. Zakkai, reads : Force the children (students) 
 away from haughtiness and separate them from D'na ^2, for these keep 
 people away from the words of the Torah. The wealthy landowners 
 are referred to who not only had no interest in learning, but also 
 dissuaded others from joining the schools. They are identical with the 
 yiNn TO, to whom E. Dosa b. Harkinas refers in y Aboth, III, 10: Sleep 
 in the morning and wine in midday and sitting in the houses of assembly 
 of the 'Ammi ha'ares remove man from the world. The comfort de- 
 scribed here points to a, class of wealthy men. It may be pointed out 
 here that the sentence quoted is in ARN, XXI, 37 b explained to 
 refer to those who sit at the corners in the market and divert one from 
 the Torah. The contemporary of K. Johanan b. Zakkai, Nehunjah b. 
 Hakanah, in his prayer in Baraitha Berakh., 28 b, said : I thank Thee God 
 that Thou hast given my lot with those who sit in the school and not 
 with those who sit at the corners ; for we both rise early, I for the words 
 of the Torah, they for vain things ; I toil and they toil, I receive a 
 reward, they do not ; I run to eternal life, they run to hell (in jer. 
 Berakh., IV, 7 d, 3g, instead of the corners, theatres and circuses). R. 
 Akiba termed himself an 'Am ha'ares in Pesah., 49 b, and in ARN, XI, 
 37 b he said in his later years when a scholar : I thank Thee my God 
 that Thou hast given my lot with those who sit in the school and not 
 with those who sit at the corners in the market. This shows the 
 identity of the latter men with the Am ha'ares. 
 
32 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 sabbatical year ; and E. Akiba himself once saw a man 
 prune his vine in the sabbatical year (jer. Shebi., IV, 
 35 a, 36). The proselyte Akylas, who is found in the 
 company of E. Gamaliel II, E. Eliezer, and E. Joshua, 1 
 acquired property in Judaea, for his exporting from 
 Judaea to Pontus some produce of the sabbatical year 
 is quoted as a mistake. 2 In ben§-Berak, one sold his 
 father's property and died ; his relatives protested that 
 he was a minor, and asked E. Akiba to examine his 
 body, but the rabbi refused to have the grave opened 
 (B. hath., 154 a ; Semah., IV, 12). A security once signed 
 a bill after the witnesses ; when the debt was claimed 
 from him, E. Ishmael ruled that only his movables were 
 liable (B. bath., X, 8). Joshua, E. Akiba's son, married 
 the daughter of a wealthy landowner and agreed with 
 his wife that she should maintain him and allow him to 
 study ; when years of drought came, the husband and 
 the wife divided between them her property (Tos. Kethub., 
 IV, 7 ; jer., V, 29 d, 25). The son of E. Jehudah the 
 baker gave by deed all his property to his wife who was 
 his cousin ; when creditors of the husband claimed the 
 property, the rabbis declared the wife's marriage settle- 
 ment void owing to the gift from the husband, and the 
 property liable for the debt, so that she lost all (B. bath., 
 
 1 He lived in Jamuia, Tos. Kelim., 3, II, 4 ; Sabb., VII, 18 ; Mikw., VI, 3 ; 
 jer. Meg., I, 71 c, 11 ; Genes, r., 70, 5 ; Kohel. r., 7, 8 ; Num. r., 8 end ; Pesik. r., 
 XXIII, 117 a. 
 
 2 Sifra, 106 e, § 9. When R. Gamaliel died, Akylas burnt more than 
 seventy manehs of money in his honour, 'Abod. z., n a; Tos. Sabb., VII, 
 18 ; Semah., VIII ; this shows his wealth. R. Tarfon in Lydda once 
 after the harvest plucked figs from another man's tree, Nedar., 62 a; 
 when the owner of the field found him doing this, he seized him and 
 put him in a sack to drown him. When R. Tarfon sighed and said: 
 Woe to Tarfon, for he will be killed, the man left him and ran away. 
 R. H au i ]la l 1 b- Gamaliel reports that R. Tarfon through all his life could 
 not forgive himself that he had derived this benefit from his position as 
 scholar. The parallel in jer. Shebi, IV, 35 b, 17, reports the incident to 
 have occurred in the sabbatical year, so that the owner of the field was 
 a Jew. As the field-guards who struck R. Tarfon know when hearing 
 the name who R. Tarfon was, they seem Jews. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 33 
 
 132 a). R. Joshua once walked across a field by a trodden 
 path ; a Jewish girl reproached him for this, and when 
 he pointed as an excuse to the path, she said : Eobbers 
 like you trod it (Erub., 53 b). Once, walking in the 
 road, R. Gamaliel and R. Joshua, owing to the uneven- 
 ness of the road, walked beside it in the fields. When 
 they noticed R. Pappos b. Jehudah approaching and 
 walking deep in the mud of the road, R. Gamaliel found 
 fault with this self-exhibition ; but R. Joshua explained 
 to him who the man was and how blameless his 
 character. 1 The fields to which Jewish law was applied 
 were Jewish property. 2 
 
 The law concerning priestly dues and tithes was 
 observed in spite of changed conditions of property, and 
 as there were many priests in Judaea, among them 
 several scholars, incidents reported about them will 
 throw light on property. R. Tarfon, a priest who sur- 
 vived the destruction of Jerusalem, is termed a very 
 wealthy man (Nedar., 62 a) ; he owned land and slaves. 
 Once the unusually red face of his disciple, R. Jehudah, 
 attracted his attention. He accounted for it as follows : 
 Thy slaves last night brought us from the field beets and 
 we ate of those without salt ; had we taken salt, our faces 
 would look even more red (Nedar., 49 b). R. Tarfon 
 once gave R. Akiba 600 silver centenarii to buy a field, 
 on the income of which they would live ; but R. Akiba 
 distributed the money among poor scholars. 3 R. Tarfon 
 
 1 Jer. Berakh., II, 5 d, 5, and Ratner, p. 62 ; in the parallel B. Team., 81 b, 
 the same is told of Jehudah b. Nekosa who was met by Eabbi and 
 E. Hijja in Sepphoris about the year 200. 
 
 2 Eeference is made to a p'SD in Eimmon in Tos. 'AMI., XVI, 13 ; Mikw., VI, 
 2 (see p. 1 1 , 1), who seems to have been a Jew in the service of the Bomans, 
 and who, by their assistance, acquired property {JQR, XVI, 153). In 
 Derekh 'eres, VI, Gaster, nvrcsn, 103, a Simeon b. Antipatris received 
 many wayfarers and provided food, drink, and lodging, but striped all 
 visitors who swore by the Torah that they would not eat, but in the 
 end ate. E. Johanan b. Zakkai and the teachers, hearing of this, sent 
 E. Joshua b. Hananjah to rebuke Simeon. As his place had a bath, it 
 was a town, perhaps Antipatris, as a part of his name. 
 
 3 Lev. r., 34, 16 ; Pesik. r., XXV, 126 b ; in Kallah the incident is 
 
 C 
 
34 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 received priestly due, Terumah ; once an old man met 
 him and asked him why people should speak of him 
 in disparaging terms for his accepting such dues all the 
 year round from anybody, as otherwise all his actions 
 were upright (Tos. Hag., Ill, 36) ? E. Tarfon referred to 
 a rule received by him from E. Johanan b. Zakkai on 
 which he had based his acceptance of such dues ; but he 
 declared, he would henceforth act more strictly. As we 
 learn of his specially solemn dealing with his priestly 
 dues in the days of E. Gamaliel II, 1 it is most probable 
 that also the incident just quoted occurred in Lydda or 
 Jamnia, and not before the year 70 in Jerusalem. In a 
 year of drought he betrothed to himself several women 
 to enable them to eat of his priestly dues. 2 These reports 
 presuppose several Jewish landowners in Lydda who 
 gave from their produce the prescribed dues 3 to E. Tarfon. 
 Probably one of them was E. Simeon Shezuri, whose 
 untithed produce became once accidentally mixed with a 
 
 reported differently: E. Tarfon was wealthy, but not liberal. Once 
 R. Akiba suggested to him to buy one or two places (? fields), and 
 R. Tarfon handed to him 4,000 gold denars which R. Akiba distributed 
 among the poor. After that, R. Tarfon gave him more money for distri- 
 bution. Interesting is his definition of a wealthy man in Baraitha Sabb., 
 25 b : He who has hundred vineyards, hundred fields and hundred slaves 
 to work them. It shows his standard of wealth and, if the figures are to 
 be taken strictly, also the relation between a unit of field and the number 
 of slaves required for it. 
 
 1 Si/re Num., 116 ; Pesah., 72 b ; Sifre zutta Num., 18, 7, Eorovits, 112. 
 
 2 Tos. Eethub., V, 1 ; jer. Jebam., IV, 6 b, 59. In jer. Kethub., V, 29^,46, 
 R. Tarfon says that all the food due to a betrothed woman after twelve 
 months should be given to her in the form of priestly due, for such is 
 found everywhere. The parallels do not contain the last sentence; it 
 would imply that there were fields in Jewish possession every- 
 where. 
 
 3 In a Baraitha Berakh., 35 b, R. Jehudah reports : Earlier generations 
 were different from the present one : those brought in (from the fields) 
 their produce by the way of jra-cp-i- in order to make the produce liable 
 to tithe ; the present generation bring in their produce by the way of 
 courts and enclosures in order to free it from tithe. In the parallel 
 in jer. Ma'as., Ill, 500,8, R. Jehudah says to Rabbi and R. Jose b. 
 R. Jehudah : See, R. Akiba bought three kinds of produce for one Perutah 
 in order to give tithe of each. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 35 
 
 tithed one, and when he asked E. Tarfon what he should 
 do, he advised him to buy produce in the market and to 
 separate from that the required tithe. 1 E. Simeon had, 
 accordingly, fields of his own ; the market was supplied 
 by non-Jews, as the context proves, and the Talmud 
 expressly states. Another priest and scholar was E. 
 Eleazar b. 'Azarjah, a very wealthy man (Kiddush., 49 b), 
 mentioned along with the fabulously rich Eleazar b. 
 Harsom ; he who dreams of him, may hope to become 
 rich (BeraJch., 57 b). Since he died, the crown of scholars 
 departed, for wealth is their crown (Sotah, IX, 15 ; jer. and 
 b. end). He gave to E. Jose the Galilean the amount of his 
 wife's marriage settlement to enable him to divorce his 
 wicked wife (Genes, r., 17, 3). No reference is found to 
 E. Eleazar's fields ; but as in Eabh's report (Sabb., 54 b) 
 the tithe of his herds were 12,000 calves every year, even 
 taking the figure grossly exaggerated, it presupposes in 
 E. Eleazar's possession either his own or leased pasture 
 lands of great extent. 2 He dealt in wine and oil all his 
 life (Tos. 'Abod. z., IV, 1 ; B. bath,, 91 a) ; whether it was 
 his own produce or bought from others, is not indicated. 
 As a priest he used to receive the tithe of the produce of 
 a certain garden till E. Akiba stopped it 3 ; the owner 
 
 1 Tos. Dammai, V, 22 ; jer., V, 24 d, 69 ; 6. Menah., 31 a. 
 
 2 A case concerning his cow is specially discussed in Sabb., V, 4 ; 
 Besah, II, 8, because he allowed her, against the opinion of the rabbis, 
 to go out on the Sabbath with a strap between her horns. In jer. Sabb., 
 V, 7 c, 28, the rabbis asked E. Eleazar either to leave the school or to stop 
 his cow being let out in that way; see Batner and Sabb., 54b, bottom. 
 It is evident that the controversy occurred when K. Eleazar was not yet 
 the president of the school in Jamnia. 
 
 3 The garden had two entrances, one in a levitically pure, the other 
 in an unclean place (reported by B. 'Abba in jer. Ma'as. sheni, V, 56 b, 71 ; 
 b. Jebam., 86 b). E. Akiba objected to a priest's taking a tithe which in 
 his opinion was due to Levites only, and he persuaded the owner of the 
 garden to keep the pure entrance shut and, if E. Eleazar should send 
 a disciple for the tithe, to tell him that tithe must be called for by its 
 claimant. E. Eleazar soon found out the author of this trouble, and 
 recognizing his mistake, returned all the tithe which he had ever 
 received. 
 
 C 2 
 
36 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 was a Jew who kept the law about priestly and levitical 
 dues. 1 
 
 3. Several other scholars who had lived before the year 
 70 in Jerusalem, and now lived with the priests discussed, 
 in Judaea, were possessed of landed property. E. Dosa 
 b. Harkinas (p. 13) was once visited by E. Joshua b. 
 Hananjah, E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah, and E. Akiba (Jebam., 
 16 a), and he offered them gilded chairs, and his house 
 had several entrances ; but of what his wealth otherwise 
 consisted, is not reported, most probably of fields. R 
 Eliezer was before the year 70 assisting his father, a 
 wealthy farmer in the country, in his work in the field 2 ; 
 when, already a married man, he became a disciple of 
 E. Johanan b. Zakkai in Jerusalem, and during the siege 
 of Jerusalem followed his master to Jamnia. He lived 
 in Lydda in a house built in Greek style, 3 consisting of at 
 least a room, an upper room, and a dining-room. He had 
 a slave whom he freed when in the synagogue only nine 
 of the requisite ten Israelites were present (Gitt., 38 b), 
 
 1 R. Jose in Terum., IV, 13, reports that a case came before R. Akiba of 
 fifty bundles of vegetables having been accidentally mixed with a bundle, 
 half of which was priestly due. This landowner observed also the 
 rabbinic extension of the duty of tithing to vegetables. A landowning 
 priest was R. Ishmael in Kefar-Aziz (KiVaj., VI, 4) who planted vines, 
 figs, and sycamores in his garden, so that he must have otherwise 
 provided for his maintenance (see p. 21, 2). Another priest was Zechariah 
 b. haKassab, who, with his wife, had escaped from Jerusalem when the 
 Romans took possession of it (Kethub., II, 9, above, p. 10). He assigned 
 to his wife a separate house in his court (Baraitha Kethub., 27, b, bottom; 
 Tos., Ill, 2 ; Semah., II), and she lived there. There seems hardly any 
 interval between his escape from Jerusalem and his settling on his 
 property. Where he lived is not stated, but as R. Joshua quotes in 
 Sotah, V, 1, to R. Akiba a statement of R. Zechariah, the latter seems to 
 have lived in Jamnia. This is confirmed by his giving evidence with 
 R. Jose the priest ('Eduj., VIII, 2). As R. Eleazar b. R. Jose, who lived 
 in the Darom, probably Lydda, reported some of his statements, one in 
 Tos. B. lath., VII, 10 (in b. in a, R. Jose b. R. Jehudah and R. Eleazar b. 
 R. Jose, ctjer., VIII, 16a, 17), and another in Tos. Meg., I, 6, it is just as 
 possible that he lived in Lydda. 
 
 2 ARN, VI, 15 b ; 2 ARN, XIII, 15b ; Qenes. r., 42, 1 ; Pirte R. Eliezer, I. , 
 
 3 Synh., 68 a; Berakh., 16 b; jer., II, 5 b, 66; Semah., I, 10. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 37 
 
 he had also a female slave (Berdkh., 16 b ; Semah., I, io) 3 
 a vineyard (Tos. Ma'as. sh., V, 16; Rosh haShan., 31 b), 
 fields planted with flax, olive-trees, and date-palms 
 (Synh., 101 a). 1 E. Eliezer's wife, Imma Shalom, sent as 
 bribe a golden candlestick to a philosopher who boasted 
 incorruptibility, and brought a fictitious civil case con- 
 cerning her inheritance before him (Salt., 116 a, b). Her 
 brother, E. Gamaliel II, the president of the beth-din in 
 Jamnia after E. Johanan b. Zakkai, was a wealthy man. 
 The style of living in his house was that of a rich man, 
 his rooms were furnished with sofas for dinner {Tos. 
 Jom too, II, 13), guests dined with him on holy days, 
 among whom were E. Sadok and his son Eleazar (Besah, 
 22 b, 23 a, and parallels) ; after dinner smelling spices 
 were burnt, for holy days the scent was prepared before- 
 hand and kept in boxes (Tos. Jom tob, II, 14 ; jer. Besah, 
 II, 61 c, 57, 59, b. 22 b) ; special kinds of food were pre- 
 pared in his house, some with Greek names (Tos., II, 16, 
 jer., II, 61 d, 18. b. 22 b). As he gave tithes (Ma'as. sheni, 
 V, 9), he had landed property 2 ; he had for his fields 
 
 1 In a Baraitha in Sabb., 127 b, a man of Upper Galilee served for three 
 years with a farmer in the Darom. At the conclusion of his service on 
 the eve of the Day of Atonement, he asked for his wages in order to return 
 home and to provide for his wife and his children. The master replied 
 that he had neither money, nor produce, nor field, nor cattle, saddles, or 
 cushions, which the servant asked in succession. He took his luggage and, 
 greatly disappointed, went home. After the feast of Tabernacles the 
 master took the servant's wages, a load of three asses of food, drink, and 
 sweet things, and took all this to his former servant. In the conversation 
 it turned out that the servant had thought his master had expended all 
 his money on cheap articles for business, his cattle had been hired by 
 somebody, his field leased, his produce had not been tithed yet, and all 
 his other possessions consecrated to God. The master then explained 
 that, in order to force his son Hyrkanos to study Torah, he had prohibited 
 himself by a vow the use of all his property, but now his vow was 
 annulled by his colleagues in the Darom. This scholar, living in the 
 Darom, father of a Hyrkanos, and having relations with Upper Galilee, 
 is evidently E. Eliezer b. Hyrkanos, as She'iltoth, Exodus, § 40, in the same 
 report expressly state, and give as the name of the servant Akiba b. Josef. 
 Though the source of this is unknown to me, the Baraitha itself, with its 
 references to property of all kinds in Lydda, deserves special attention. 
 
 2 A female slave of his was once baking loaves of priestly due, and 
 
38 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 several farmers (dwk, B. mes., V, 8) to whom he advanced 
 wheat to be returned in kind and to be reckoned at the 
 lowest price. He engaged labourers for working his 
 fields whom he fed with produce bought from a Jew and 
 not certainly tithed. 1 R. Akiba was a wealthy man, as 
 he himself said to the crowd attending his son's funeral 
 (Semah., VIII), and there are various legends accounting 
 for his great wealth. 2 To satisfy both opinions in the 
 controversy of the schools, he gave two tithes of citrons 
 which he collected, evidently in his own garden (Tos. 
 Shebi., IV, 21 ; Bosh TiaShan., 14 a). A colleague of 
 R. Akiba in the school, R. Jesheb'ab distributed all his 
 property among the poor, and R. Gamaliel sent him the 
 message that the rabbis approved only of a fifth of one's 
 possessions to be given away. 3 Where he lived and the 
 kind of his property is not defined ; but in Nazir, 65 a, 
 a Baraitha says : Once R. Jesheb'ab examined a field for 
 human bodies and found two which had been noticed 
 before, and one that had not been noticed, and on this 
 he proposed to declare the field a place of tombs, but 
 R. Akiba told him : All your work is useless, for only 
 three known or three discovered bodies constitute sufficient 
 evidence. He lived, as other evidence shows, in Jamnia 
 or Lydda, and probably owned land ; as he can only have 
 
 another time she was stopping jugs of wine of such due (Niddah, 6 b). 
 RSBM and Tosafoth refer this to R. Gamaliel I, though as a rule he is 
 called Gamaliel the Old ; in jar. Niddah, II, 49 d, 36, the wine was for 
 libations in the Temple. 
 
 1 Dammai, III, 1. The Jew was not trustworthy in matters of tithes 
 and priestly dues. Such landowners were termed 'Am ha'ares, as we find 
 R. Sadok asking R. Joshua whether a distinction was made between 
 Haber and 'Am ha'ares as to blemishes of a firstborn animal (BekJutr., 
 36 a) ; and also in a discussion between Shammaiites and Hillelites, here 
 R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, about levitieal purity (Hag., 22 a, b ; 'Eduj., 
 I, 14). 
 
 _ 2 Nedar., 50 a, b ; ARN, VI, 15 a, b ; 2 ARN, XII, 15 b, describe his fur- 
 niture of gold and a jewel of his wife. 
 
 3 Jer. Pe'ah, I, 15 b, 39 ; a Baraitha in Kethub., 50a, merely reports : A man 
 wanted to give away more than a fifth of his property, but his colleague 
 would not allow it ; some say that it was R. Jesheb'ab and R. Akiba. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 39 
 
 examined Jewish property, we learn of such in Judaea. 1 
 A friend of E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah was Boethos b. Zonen 
 in Lydda ; in his house we find E. Gamaliel and his 
 colleagues in the night of a Passover discussing laws of 
 the feast (2b*. Pesah., X, 12), and as E. Jehudah reports 
 (Tos. Pesah., I, 31 ; jer., II, 290,1; b. 37 a), he asked in 
 Jamnia of E. Gamaliel and the rabbis a question about 
 unleavened cakes for the same feast. At the advice of 
 E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah, he had eight books of the 
 prophets bound together (B. bathra, 13 b, bottom). Once 
 he brought in a ship dried figs on which heathen wine from 
 a broken barrel came (Ab. zar., V, 2) ; the rabbis per- 
 mitted the figs. He lent money to Jews and took their 
 fields for pledges on the condition that, in case the debt 
 would not be paid on the appointed day, the field should 
 be sold to him ; to avoid even an appearance of interest, 
 he consulted E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah as to the procedure 
 (B. mes., V, 3 ; b. 63 a ; Tos., IV, 2 ; jer., V, 10 b, 13). 2 This 
 precaution shows that his debtors were Jews, and we 
 learn another instance of property in Jewish hands. 3 
 
 A few decisions of rabbis as judges in civil and other 
 suits also prove that Jews in Judaea owned not merely 
 landed property, but also other means. A man who had 
 promised his wife in her marriage settlement 400 zuzs in 
 case of divorce, vowed that he would not live with her. 
 At the complaint of his wife, E. Akiba upheld her claim 
 to the full amount. "When the man explained that his 
 
 1 To this may be added the legend in Hegesippus (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl, 
 III, 20) in which the relatives of Jesus were questioned by Domitian as 
 to their financial position, and they answered : ' We both possess only 
 goo denars, of which a half belongs to each, and even this we possess not 
 in cash, but in land consisting of 39 plethras.' 
 
 2 Another instance of lending money on fields is found in E. Akiba's 
 advice to his disciple K. Simeon b. Johai in Pesah., 112 b, top : If you 
 want to do a good deed and at the same time profit by it, lend money to 
 your fellow on a field to enjoy its income as instalment, and the borrower 
 has also a profit from your money. 
 
 3 K. Jehudah in Tos. Sabb., Ill, 4, reports that Boethos had a bucket of 
 water prepared on Friday to have it poured over him on the Sabbath. 
 
40 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 father had left to him and his brother altogether only 
 800 denars, so that he was unable to pay the amount, 
 R. Akiba replied : Even if you should have to sell your 
 hair, you must pay the marriage settlement (Nedar., IX, 
 5). A man who offended a woman by uncovering her 
 head in the street was fined 400 zuzs by R. Akiba ; when 
 he, later on, proved that the woman herself, when seeing 
 a jug of smelling oil poured out in front of her house, had 
 uncovered her head in the street, R. Akiba adhered to his 
 decision (B. Team., VIII, 6). In the first case the money 
 seems to have passed after the year 70 from the father 
 to the son, and must have been saved in spite of the 
 Roman conquest. In the second case, the amount of the 
 line shows the standard of wealth and of private honour. 
 R. Gamaliel fined a man ten gold pieces for covering in 
 anticipation the blood of a fowl slaughtered by another 
 man, and thus depriving him of the merit of a religious 
 act (Hull., 87 a). 1 There were in Judaea wealthy people, 
 as we read that R. Akiba, who lived in Lydda and later 
 in ben§-Berak, showed honour to such ('Ernb., 86 a). 
 They owned land, produce, cattle, and money ; and it is 
 noteworthy that the property could be sold or passed on 
 as a gift or inheritance, showing the right of free dis- 
 position and fullest ownership. Josephus's statement that 
 Vespasian declared the land of the province his private 
 property that was to be leased ( Wars, VII, 6, 6 ; Schurer, 
 Geschichte, I, 640), will have to be referred to the towns 
 and villages conquered by force, but not to those that 
 had surrendered and were not deprived of their property; 
 or the Romans sold the conquered land to any Jew for a 
 nominal price, holding the new owner responsible for the 
 taxes, as it mattered to them nothing who possessed the 
 land, if only the taxes were paid. For this purpose it was 
 
 1 A man bought something from one of two men, but did not know 
 from which, and both claimed the price; E. Tarfon advised him to put 
 the purchase-money between both and go away. R. Akiba said there 
 was no other solution but to pay both, B. kam., 103 b. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OP THE SECOND TEMPLE 41 
 
 the law that no property could change hands without 
 registration at the competent Eoman office, as several 
 passages in the Talmud and Midrash clearly state. 1 
 
 4. There were, naturally, also poor people in Judaea, 
 in the first instance many orphans whose parents had 
 either fallen in the "War or were taken captive and sold. 
 For in the upper chamber of E. Tarfon it was resolved, 
 after a discussion between the assembled rabbis, that 
 Psalm cvi. 3 b, Blessed is he who practises charity at all 
 times, enjoined the duty to bring up an orphan in one's 
 house. 2 There were other poor who had inherited no 
 property from their fathers, as E. Joshua b. Hananjah, 
 who earned a living by making charcoal (BeraJch., 28 a), 
 or needles (jer.,TV, yd, 20) 3 and who once reproached the 
 head of the school, E. Gamaliel, that he knew nothing 
 of the troubles of scholars in earning a living 4 ; his house 
 
 1 Baraitha 'Ab. ear., 13 a ; Tos., I, 8, speaks of slaves, male and female, 
 of houses, fields, and vineyards, purchased and brought before the office 
 of non-Jews ; similarly Tos. 'Ab. zar., VI, 2 ; Baraitha Gitt., 44 a ; Tos. B. 
 bathra, VIII, 2; Si/re Num., 117. As the office is already mentioned by 
 R. Akiba in Baraitha Gitt, 11 a ; Tos., I, 4 (see my 'Am ha' ares, 244, 37), 
 those passages could not very well be referred to Galilee after the year 
 
 135- 
 
 2 Midrash Esther, VI begin, on 2, 5, and Midr. Psalms, 106, 3, see Buber, and 
 Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 188, 4. As R. Eleazar of Modeim is asked to give his 
 opinion, the discussion took place in R. Tarfon's time ; in Kethub., 50 a, the 
 interpretation is quoted in the name of R. Samuel b. Nahman. In Midr. 
 Proverbs, 6, 20, R. Meir asks Elisha b. 'Abuja, his teacher, whether there is 
 a remedy for an adulteress, and Elisha cites a statement of ben-'Azzai, his 
 colleague, who recommended as a remedy for such a woman the bringing 
 up of an orphan in her house and teaching him Torah and observance. 
 
 3 In spite of his poverty he received a wayfarer whom he provided with 
 food and drink, and, as he had no room for him, he took him to the roof 
 of his house (Derekh 'eres, V, end). About midnight the stranger stole all 
 things which he found on the roof, and not knowing that his host had 
 removed the steps, tried to descend and broke his collar-bone. 
 
 1 A worse case was that of Nahum of Gimzo (Ta'an., 21 a) who, deprived 
 of the use of his limbs, arms, eyes, and visited by leprosy, lived in a house 
 in very bad repairs. For his terrible condition he accounted to his disciples 
 as follows : When once on my way to my father-in-law with three asses 
 laden with food, drink, and sweet things, I met a poor man who asked 
 for my help ; while I unloaded my ass, the man died and I cursed my limbs 
 and my body. 
 
42 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OP JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 was small, but had a gate in which once four scholars 
 sat and studied (Tos. Berakh., IV, 18). Especially in the 
 first years after the "War the struggle must have been 
 very hard, as is evident from a statement of R. Haninah, 
 the vice high priest (ARN, XX, 36 a) : he who takes 
 the Torah to heart, is relieved of many fears, the first 
 of them being the fear of hunger. This is explained in 
 full to mean : when one craves for a piece of barley-bread 
 or a drop of vinegar or drink, or would like to put on 
 a shirt of wool or linen, he does not possess it, everything 
 is lacking ; we are without a lamp, a knife, and a table. 1 
 R. Ishmael on one occasion said (Nedar., IX, 10) : Jewish 
 girls are handsome, but poverty disfigures them. The 
 Roman governor asked It. Akiba why God did not main- 
 tain the poor in Israel if He loved them (B. iathra, 10 a) ; 
 he evidently based his question on actual conditions in 
 Judaea. 2 It is related in a Baraitha 3 that the burial 
 of a dead relative was, owing to the expenses, a greater 
 trouble to the family than his death, so that some left 
 the dead and fled, till R. Gamaliel expressed the wish 
 to be buried in plain linen, when everybody followed 
 his example. Though some scholars refer this to 
 R. Gamaliel I, between the years 30 and 50, the name 
 without the distinctive adjective 'the old' and the 
 poverty are in favour of R. Gamaliel II. Poor students 
 belonged to the school of Jamnia (Sifre Deut., 16; 
 Horaj., 10 a, b) who were supported by wealthy scholars 
 
 1 Of R. Gamaliel's household it is said in Sabb., 113 a, bottom, Tos., 
 XII, 16, that they did not fold their garments on the Sabbath, because 
 they had another set to change ; it seems to imply that ordinary people 
 had only one set. 
 
 2 R. Akiba terms poverty an ornament of Israel (Lev. r., 35, 6), but 
 says that even the poor are nobles (B. torn., VIII, 6) ; he himself walked, 
 ■when he was a scholar, bare-footed even in Rome, and was jeered at by an 
 eunuch (Koh. r., 10, 7), and enjoined on his son Joshua among other things 
 not to withhold shoes from his feet (Pesah., 112 a; Bacher, Tamaiten, I, 
 270, 2). It is not evident whether he did so owing to poverty. R. Tarfon 
 wore shoes, Tos. Neg., VIII, 2 ; Sifra, 70c; jer. Sotah, II, 18 a, 7. 
 
 3 Kethub., 8 b ; Tos. Nid. , IX, 17 ; jer. Berakh., Ill, 6a, 34 ; Semah., XIV, end. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 43 
 
 such as E. Tarfon (p. 33) and Nehunjah b. Hakanah 
 (Megil., 28 a), and sometimes invited to dinner by their 
 masters (Derekh 'eres, VII). Some support was obtained 
 by collections, great scholars not minding to journey 
 for such purpose to distant towns (jer. Horaj. ,111, 48 a, 44), 
 and wealthy Jews contributing liberally. Characteristic 
 is the statement of Nahum of Gimzo that his old age 
 was due to his never having accepted presents (Meg., 28 a). 
 5. It may be safely assumed that the landowning Jews 
 in Judaea worked their fields as strenuously as before 
 the "War, as their taxes had increased owing to the 
 revolution and living was under direct Roman rule not 
 easier. Incidentally we hear of very early work in the 
 field. 1 "Whether the "Wars left the Jew in possession of 
 sufficient working animals, cows, and asses, is not evident 
 from the scanty records. E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah had very 
 numerous herds, and he probably was no exception. 
 Besides, there are in connexion with priestly dues a few 
 references to cows and sheep. The rabbis permitted 
 'Ela in Jamnia to charge four asses for his examination of 
 a firstborn sheep or goat, and six for a calf, no difference 
 whether it was found to be with or without blemish 
 (BeJchor., IV, 5). E. Sadok the priest had a firstborn 
 animal (BeJchor., 36 a ; Berdkh., 27 b) ; E. Gamaliel had 
 one, the lower jaw of which was larger than the upper, 
 and this anomaly was declared a blemish (BeJchor.,YI,g). 
 About the nature of another blemish in the house of 
 Menahem E. Akiba and E. Johanan b. Nuri differed 
 
 1 E. Eliezer in Cant, r., introduction, § 9, said : Nobody ever was before 
 me in the house of learning or left by me there ; onee I rose early and 
 already met the manure- and straw-labourers, they were early workers ; 
 should not we be at our work as early as they? Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 
 101, 3. The rabbis worked all day long in their respective occupations, 
 and in the evening they attended the school, even on Friday and holy day 
 night, Tos. Sabb., V, 13; Si/re Num., 116; Pesah., 72 b. E. Tarfon, Pesah., 
 109 a E. Akiba, Tos. Besah, II, 16 E. Jehudah b. Baba and E. Simeon 
 of Timnah. On some occasions also ordinary people were present in 
 greater numbers, Berakh., si h; jer., IV, 7<J, 5, 6, if dot means such, and 
 not the usual audience of scholars. 
 
44 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 (VI, 6 ; b. 40 a ; Tos., IV, 8). A Baraitha in Syrih., 33 a, 
 reports another case in the same house : E. Tarfon 
 declared a cow without matrix unsuitable for food and 
 gave it to the dogs ; when the matter was brought before 
 the teachers in Jamnia, Theodos, the doctor, said that no 
 cow or sow left Alexandria without its matrix being first 
 removed to prevent it from bearing (IV, 4). A cow 
 expired on a holy day, and E. Tarfon brought the question 
 before the school whether the removal of the carcass 
 was permitted, and of priestly due that was defiled 
 (Besah, III, 5). E. Gamaliel had cattle, for his son 
 Simeon said (Tos. Sabb., XV, 2 ; b. 128 b) : "We used to 
 stimulate the maternal instinct of a clean animal on a 
 holy day. E. Simeon of Timnah slaughtered on a holy day 
 a calf, to appease a troop of soldiers (Tos. Besah, II, 6 ; b. 
 21a). Abba Saul relates (Tos. Sabb., IX, 21; Jebam., 114a): 
 We used to suck milk from a clean animal on a holy day. 
 It is noteworthy that the wealthy E. Gamaliel had only 
 just as many cows as the working of his fields required ; 
 for when the wedding feast of his son was to be prepared, 
 he had to buy some cattle in the market of Emmaus 
 (Hull., 91 b, and parallels). 1 
 
 It must not be forgotten that E. Eliezer was asked by 
 his disciples whether sheep and goats may be reared, and 
 that he gave an evasive answer (Tos. Jebam., Ill, 4), 
 while E. Gamaliel replied to the same question of his 
 disciples in the affirmative. 2 Perhaps the Shammaiite 
 E. Eliezer would not abolish even a temporary pro- 
 
 1 We find rabbis riding on asses, as R. Johanan b. Zakkai in Kethvb., 
 66 b; Si/re Devi., 305; Hag., 14 b , and parallels ; R. Gamaliel riding from 
 Akko to Ekdippa in 'Erub., 64b; Tos. Pesah., 1,28; jer. 'Abod. zar., I, 40 a, 65. 
 An ass of R. Gamaliel was loaded for too many hours with honey and 
 died, Sabb., 154 b. R. Gamaliel gave a Libyan ass as bribe to a philosopher 
 and judge who pretended to be incorruptible, Sabb., 116 b. When finding 
 that he will have to pay for the consequences of a wrong judgment, 
 R. Tarfon said : Thy ass is gone, Tarfon, Synh., 33 a. Doves in Lydda 
 are mentioned in Tos. Toliar., IX, 14 ; a dove-cote in Lydda in Tos. Berakh., 
 IV, 16 ; Mekhiltha, 31 b. 
 
 2 B. ham., 80 a, top, and my 'Am ha'ares, 191 ff. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 45 
 
 hibition in spite of changed conditions, while E. Gamaliel 
 the Hillelite had no hesitation to do so. It cannot be 
 accidental that no flocks were mentioned of any rabbi 
 or landowner discussed above; and it is most instruc- 
 tive that in the exhaustive enumeration of goods and 
 possessions in the house of a wealthy farmer in Judaea 
 in the Baraitha in Sabb., 127 b, herds, but not flocks, are 
 included, fully in accordance with E. Eliezer who is 
 meant there (p. 37, note 1). Professor Krauss 1 tried by 
 every possible argument to dispute the fact implied 
 by the questions addressed to E. Eliezer and E. Gamaliel 
 and to show that the prohibition to rear sheep and goats 
 was mere theory ; but arguments cannot remove clear 
 reports of facts. Though we may be able to point to 
 instances of sheep reared, 2 we have to consider that 
 E. Gamaliel had permitted it and 'Ela, the examiner 
 of blemishes of firstborn sheep or goats, acted as such 
 in Jamnia. There may have been farmers in Judaea who, 
 even before E. Gamaliel's permission, reared flocks ; but 
 that is no proof against the prohibition and its general 
 observance, as we find only herdsmen referred to inci- 
 dentally with E. Tarfon (Erub., 45 a), but no shepherds. 3 
 The fact that the prohibition of rearing flocks is put 
 together with that of cutting down fruit-bearing trees, 
 suggests some inner connexion between the two, in so 
 far as the protection of newly-planted trees, necessitated 
 by the devastation of the country by the Eomans, implied 
 the prohibition of rearing especially goats. 4 
 
 1 Bevue des Mudes Juives, 1907, LIII, 14 ff- 
 
 » In a Baraitha in Sail., 53 b, E. Jehudah reports that the family of 
 Antioohia had goats with large breasts and had to tie bags on them to 
 prevent their wounding them. Perhaps that family lived m Lydda or 
 
 Jamnia. , 1 ,. • i_ ■ * 
 
 » In Kiddush., 82 a, Abba Gorja says that no one should train his son to 
 be an ass- or camel-driver, nor a coachman or a boatman, herdsman or 
 grocer, because their occupation implies dishonesty. He seems to make 
 no distinction between herds and flocks; but from the several references to 
 shepherds as robbers it is probable that he referred in the flirt instance to 
 
 ^^SeTatso the report in the tractate of Kallah, ed. Coronel, 19 a : Once 
 
46 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 6. The success of the most careful farming depended to 
 a very great extent on rain in proper time. R. Simeon 
 b. Gamaliel, in the name of R. Joshua, said (Sotah, IX, 
 12) : Since the day of the destruction of the Temple 
 there has been no day without a curse, and dew has not 
 come down for blessing, and the taste of the produce has 
 been taken away. R. Joshua had known the years 
 immediately preceding the destruction of Jerusalem, 
 and though the bitterness of the fruit may largely have 
 been due to the bitter mood of the Jews, he must have 
 noticed some change in the produce. 1 R. Eleazar b. Parta, 
 who lived before the year 135, said in a Baraitha (Ta'an., 
 19 b) : Since the day of the destruction of the Temple, 
 rains have become scanty in the world ; there are years 
 when rains are abundant, others when they are too little, 
 in some they come in time, in others out of season. 
 Samuel the Young, a member of the school in Jamnia, 
 instituted public fasts on two occasions, obviously for 
 rain to come (Ta'an., 25 b) ; in Lydda the authorities, 
 owing to a drought, ordered a fast on the feast of 
 Hanukkah, but R. Eliezer and R. Joshua refused to 
 recognize it. 2 R. Eliezer and R. Akiba instituted public 
 fasts and rain came down (Ta'an., 25 b ; jer., Ill, 66 c, 76) ; 
 when once a fast was held in Lydda and rain came down 
 before noon, R. Tarfon allowed the people to go and to 
 eat and to drink and to have a holiday (Ta'an., Ill, 9). 
 In a year of drought, R. Tarfon betrothed to himself 
 several women to enable them to eat of his priestly due 
 
 R. Akiba sat at his table under an olive-tree owing to religious persecu- 
 tions, and said : Those who rear small cattle and cut down good trees, and 
 children's teachers who do not do their work properly, will see no sign of 
 blessing (see also Pesah., 50 b). The persuasive tone of the statement 
 suggests that some people were acting against the prohibition. 
 
 1 Judaean wine never turned sour in the times of the Temple, but it did 
 so in R. Jehudah's days, jer. Dammni, I, 21 d, 8 ; Tos., I, 2 ; b. Pesah., 42 b. 
 R. Eliezer never suffered any loss by his wine turning sour, or by his flax 
 being smitten, or his oil smelling badly, or his honey fermenting, 
 Synh., 101 a. 
 
 2 Tos. Ta'an., II, 5 ; jer., II, 66 a, 44 ; 6. Bosh haShan., 18 b. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 47 
 
 (Tos. Kethub., V, i; jer. Jebam., IV, 6 b, 59); and in such 
 a year Joshua, the son of E. Akiba, made special arrange- 
 ments with his rich wife (Tos. Kethub., IV, 7; jer., V, 
 29 d, 25). 1 Drought often entailed for many starvation 
 and death ; when once E. Eliezer prayed at a public fast 
 meeting for rain, and in spite of several fasts his prayer 
 was not fulfilled, he said to the congregation : Have you 
 prepared graves for yourselves (Tdan., 25 b) ? The land 
 was fertile, especially so in the western districts of Judaea. 
 E. Jehudah, by birth a Galilean, who attended the schools 
 in Lydda, Jamnia, and ben§-Berak, says (B. bath., 122 a) : 
 A se'ah of land in Judaea is worth five se'ahs in Galilee. 
 And his colleague, E. Jose of Sepphoris, says in a Baraitha 
 (Kethub., 112 a) : A se'ah of field in Judaea yielded five 
 se'ahs, one of fine flour, one of sifted fine flour, one of 
 bran, one of coarse bran, and one of cibarium. 2 E. Jacob 
 b. Dosithai tells (Kethub., nib, bottom) how he once, 
 early in the morning, walked from Lydda to 'On6 to his 
 ankles in honey of figs. 3 The produce of the fields in 
 ordinary years seems to have been sufficient for main- 
 taining the population in spite of the heavy taxes in 
 
 1 R. Jehudah speaks of a year of drought when men in places left their 
 Lulabs to their sons as inheritance {Tos. Suk., II, 9) ; perhaps it was the 
 same year when on his sea voyage with R. Joshua, R.Eleazarb. 'Azarjah, and 
 R. Akiba, only R. Gamaliel had a Lulab which he had bought for a thousand 
 zuzs {Suk., 41 b). There seem to have been unsatisfactory years not due to 
 drought ; for R. Joshua accounts by special sins for the lack of blessing in 
 produce and for man's toil not being rewarded by sufficient food (ABN, 
 XXXVIII, 57 a). R. Eliezer's or R. Ishmael's remark that when the Jews do 
 not fulfil God's will they are compelled to keep four years of rest instead 
 of the one prescribed (Mekhil., 23, p. 100 b), also suggests sad times. 
 
 2 The parallel in jer. Pe'ah, VII, 20 a, 70, by R.Hijja b. 'Abba, does not 
 mention Judaea. The price of land is nowhere stated, except in the legend 
 of Hegesippus about Jesus' relatives (p. 39i "• *)> where they state their 
 property to be 900 denarii in the shape of 39 plethra of land. Though 
 the historical value of the report is very doubtful, it may have been made 
 up on real conditions in Palestine of the time of Hegesippus, when 
 r plethra of land was worth 23^ denarii. 
 
 3 Rabbi once came to bene-Berak and saw lying there a cluster as big 
 as a calf of three years; Midrash Tannaim, ed. Hoffmann, 173 ff. 
 
48 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 kind to be considered below. 1 As there were many 
 without land, they had to buy provisions in the market ; 
 and we learn that E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah dealt in wine 
 and oil for many years (B. bath., 91, a ; Tos. 'Ab. zar., IV, 
 1). Of export, we hear only in a discussion between 
 E. Jehudah b. Bethera and another teacher. Boethos b. 
 Zonen brought from outside, by ship, dried figs (At. 
 zar.,Y, 2), perhaps in a year of drought. 
 
 7. A passing reference to the food of the Jews in the 
 period considered may be of some interest. E. Eleazar 
 b. 'Azarjah, in a sentence preserved in two forms, pre- 
 scribes food according to one's means (Tos. 'Arakh., IV, 
 27) : He who owns 10 manahs, may eat every day vegetables 
 boiled in a pot; if he has 20 manahs, he may eat the same 
 vegetables first boiled and then stewed ; if he has 50 
 manahs, he may buy every Friday a pound of meat ; if he 
 has 100 manahs, he may have a pound of meat every day. 
 In the parallel (Hull., 84 a) it reads differently : He who 
 has 1 manah, may buy for his pot one pound of vegetables, 
 with 10 manahs a pound of fish for his pot, with 50 manahs 
 a pound of meat, if he has 100 manahs, let a pot (of meat) 
 be put up on the fire for him every day. The difference is 
 not due merely to varying traditions, but, it seems, to 
 different parts of Palestine, which cannot be investigated 
 here. The pupils of E. Tarfon ate of his beets, raw ones, 
 with or without salt (Nedar., 49 b), but sometimes also 
 meat with eggs; for E. Jehudah reports (Nedar., VI, 6) 
 that when they— in the Baraitha Nedar., 52 b, he— once 
 vowed not to eat meat, E. Tarfon prohibited them— or 
 him — to eat even eggs boiled with meat. "What caused 
 this vow would be interesting, but is not suggested. As 
 was shown above (p. 44), E. Gamaliel had to go to the 
 market in Emmaus to buy cattle for the wedding feast 
 of his son (Hull, 91 b), as eating meat was an essential 
 expression of joy; and E. Jose reports (Bekhor., 40 a; Tos., 
 
 1 E. Gamaliel bought corn from u Jew who seemed unreliable as to 
 giving tithes, and fed his labourers with it, Dammai, III, 1. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 49 
 
 IV, 8) that in the house of a certain Menahem a cow was 
 slaughtered, but no special occasion is mentioned. In 
 R. Gamaliel's house, various dishes with Greek names are 
 incidentally referred to (Tos. Besah, II, 16 ; jer., II, 61 d, 
 18), to which pepper was used ; but even on a festival a 
 bucketful of lentils was in his house one of the dishes 
 (Besah, 14 b ; Tos., I, 22), and fish is also mentioned once 
 as brought to R. Gamaliel (Besah, III, 2). Akylas the 
 proselyte had a man-cook who once brought a levitical 
 question before the school of R. Gamaliel (Tos. Kelim, 3, 
 II, 4), as Akylas kept his food in high levitical purity 
 (Ton. Hag., Ill, 3). R. Joshua, when on a journey in 
 lodgings, lived on beans (JErub., 53 b), other teachers on 
 vegetables. Wine, as far as incidental remarks allow 
 judgment, was almost as rare as meat. At the wedding 
 feast of his son, R. Akiba offered freely wine to his 
 guests (Tos. Sabb., VII, 9; b. 67 b; jer. BeraTch., VI, 10 d, 
 58), as it was done at every festivity (nnt^D, Kiddush., 
 32 b, Sifre Deut., 38). In the houses of wealthy people 
 wine may have been more usual (BeraTch., VIII, 1 ff., and 
 jer., VI, 10, c, 76 ff. concerning miyD), so that R. Gamaliel 
 and his companion drank wine on the way from Akko 
 to Ekdippa (Erub., 64 b, and parallels). Bread was made 
 of wheat ; barley as every-day food of a wife was, accord- 
 ing to R. Jos&, permitted only by R. Ishmael, who lived 
 near Idumaea (Kethub., V, 8) ; on the festivals, as on 
 Passover, more luxurious cakes were baked, as R. Akiba 
 made on the Passover for R. Eliezer and R. Joshua a dough 
 with oil and honey (Pesah., 36 a). As Joshua, R. Akiba's 
 disciple, was a grit-miller (Erub., 21 b), grits must have 
 been common food. 
 
 All the food mentioned was in most cases derived 
 from one's own field and required no outlay of money. 
 Those who were compelled to buy provisions, had first to 
 earn some money. R. Gamaliel engaged Jews as labourers 
 (p. 38), and in addition to their food must have paid them 
 some wages. Of trade, hardly any clear evidence is found, 
 
50 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTEE 
 
 though there must have been grocers and bakers. E. 
 Eleazar b. 'Azarjah dealt in wine and oil (B. bathra, 
 gi, a ; Tos. 'Ab. zar., IV, i) ; E. Jehudah was a baker, and 
 bakers' shops are mentioned in Tos. 'AMI., XVIII, 18 ; 
 Jadaj., II, 16, and Joshua a grit-miller (Erub., 21 b). 
 Lydda had vendors who sold their goods dear (B. <mes., 
 IV, 3), and a synagogue of weavers or metal-workers 
 (Nazir, 52 a, and parallels). E. Joshi'a gave up his studies 
 and took up business, for which his colleague E. Matthia 
 blamed him (AEN, I, ia), and E. Akiba seems to have been 
 connected with shipping (Nedar., 50 a, b). A E. Johanan 
 was sandal-maker (Sifre Deut, 80; Midrasch Tannaim, 
 58) ; a Jehudah a perfumer (Hull., 55 b, and parallel) ; 
 Simeon a cotton-dealer (?) ; E. Ishmael a Torah- writer 
 (Sotah, 20 a) ; and Eleazar a writer (Hull., 55 b) ; and in 
 connexion with the deposition of E. Gamaliel, a fuller is 
 mentioned (jer. Beralch., IV, 7 d, 23). 1 
 
 8. As almost natural after the terrible catastrophe, 
 the mood of the Jews of Judaea was depressed. Not only 
 immediately after the destruction of the Temple and 
 of the country, when some men, on account of the 
 sanctuary, resolved not to eat meat and not to drink 
 wine, and E. Joshua had to dissuade them (B. bath., 60 b ; 
 Tos. Sotah, XV, 11) 2 ; and when the author of the 
 Apocalypse of Baruch voiced the despair of some religious 
 
 1 The rabbis urged the Jews to teach their children a craft ; E. Gamaliel 
 describes it as giving security, Tos. Kiddush., I, n, and E. Iahmael in jer. 
 Pe'ah, I, 15 c, top, explains ' choose life ' in Deut. xxx. 19 to refer to a craft. 
 Judaea had places engaged in the wool industry, not only women working 
 in their household (B. kam., X, 9), but, as E. Hosha'jah in the first half of 
 the third century reports (Tanhuma, nut:, 8, see Buber, 5 14, note 70), 
 there were villages in the Darom engaged in dyeing purple, and there 
 most men had dyed hands. See for the fourth century ' Totius urbis 
 descriptio' (Miiller, Geographi Grcuci minores, II, 513 ; Schurer, Geschichte, II, 
 56, 173), which mentions Lydda, Neapolis, Caesarea, Sarepta 'purpuram 
 praestant'. 
 
 2 Also E. Ishmael said in B. bath., 60 b, bottom ; Tos. Sotah, XV, io, that 
 we ought to abstain from everything, but it could not be carried out by 
 the people. E. Joshua himself had at first to be comforted by his teacher 
 E. Johanan b. Zakkai in ARN, IV, 11 a ; 2 ARN, VIII, nb. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 5 1 
 
 leaders and of a section of the population. But also later, 
 when a recognized authority gave expression to the 
 feelings of the people by prescribing for joyful occasions 
 some signs of mourning, the same mood still prevailed. 
 For Mishnah Sotah, IX, 14, reports: In the war of 
 Vespasian a decree was issued concerning wreaths of 
 bridegrooms and the drum (&. 49 b ; jer., IX, 24 c, 4) 1 ■ 
 and Tos. Sotah, XV, 7, says : Since the Synedrion ceased, 
 song ceased in the house of feasting. It is true, we find 
 that the book of Canticles was sung as an ordinary song 
 at feasts, and E. Akiba denounced such songs in the 
 strongest terms 2 ; but the section of the population that 
 feasted in this way did not seem to share the general 
 feeling in this as in other respects. Other constant and 
 spontaneous reminders of the loss of Jerusalem were 
 suggested by a rabbi, probably E. Joshua : One may 
 whitewash his house and leave merely a spot not white- 
 washed in memory of Jerusalem ; one may prepare 
 everything for a dinner and leave one thing out in 
 memory of Jerusalem ; a woman may adorn herself and 
 leave one ornament in memory of Jerusalem. 3 The strict 
 observance of the 9th of 'Ab, the day of the destruction 
 
 1 Of feasting at circumcisions and weddings we read in the Baraitha 
 Synh., 32 b; jer. Eethub., I, 25 c, 32 ; Tos. Sabb., VII, 9, and elsewhere, p. 49. 
 
 2 Tos. Synh., XII, 10; in an anonymous Baraitha in Synh., 101 a, 
 R. Joshua b. Hananjah denounoes the same ; in ARN, XXXVI, 54 b, it is 
 ascribed to R. Johanan b. Nuri. 
 
 3 Tos. Sotah, end ; B. bath., 60b; Bacher, Tannaiten, 1, 159, 3. Other things 
 of luxury ceased to be used, as white glass. Though in the report in 
 Baraitha Sotah, 48 b : Since the destruction of the first Temple the use of 
 Pranda silk, of white glass and iron chariots ceased, according to some 
 also the jelly of wine from Senir that resembled fig-cakes, this is connected 
 with the destruction of the first Temple (cf. jer. Sukkah, IV, 54 d, 13), it is 
 evident from Baraitha Mold kat., 27 a, bottom ; jer. Dammai, IV, 24 a, 66 ; 
 Tos. Niddah, IX, 17, that the second Temple was meant. For first wealthy 
 people went to comfort mourners with wine in bottles of white glass, 
 the poor in such of coloured glass, and as the poor were hereby put to 
 shame, it was instituted that everybody should use coloured glass. This 
 institution and the others reported there belong to a very late period of the 
 second Temple. 
 
 D 2 
 
52 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 of Jerusalem, 1 the mourning for the Temple (Threni r., 
 I, 2 ; IV Ezra 9, 38 ff.), the inclusion of a special prayer 
 for the restoration of the holy city in the eighteen 
 benedictions, 2 all show the mood of the people and the 
 endeavour of the rabbis to strengthen the hope of the 
 Jews for the restoration of Jerusalem and the Temple. 
 
 9. In conclusion a few words must be said about the 
 life and the position of women in Judaea between the 
 years 70 and 135. The very strange discussion as to 
 whether one is legally bound to maintain his small 
 children, suggests terrible poverty. E. Eliezer declared 
 it a good deed to feed one's little sons and daughters 
 (Kethub., 50 a), while E. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah formulated the 
 law in the gathering of the rabbis in Jamnia that little 
 daughters had no claim to maintenance (Kethub., IV, 6). 
 When a man refused to marry his niece, who was ugly, 
 E. Ishmael said that all Jewish girls were bright, but 
 poverty made them ugly (Nedar., IX, 10). All men 
 married, Simeon b. 'Azzai was an exception condemned 
 by himself and E. Eliezer. 3 As a rule girls married 
 after attaining puberty (Pesah., 112 a, b) and later; but 
 we find also a child married to a man, so in the case of 
 E. Ishmael's son (jer. Jebam., XIII, 13 c, 19 ; Nidd., 52 a), 
 and another that came before E. Jehudah b. Baba (Tos. 
 Jebam., XIII, 5). E. Eliezer married his niece, who was 
 an orphan and lived in his house, when she attained 
 puberty (ARN, XVI, 32 a ; inj'<?)\ Jebam., XIII, 13 c, 60, 
 before that time). To marry one's niece was commended 
 and practised, and among others 'Abba had E. Gamaliel's, 
 his brother's daughter, for a wife (Jebam., 15 a), and he 
 was the only instance reported to have had two wives. 4 
 
 1 'Erub., 41 a ; Ta'an., 13 a ; jer. Besah, II, 61 b, 51. 
 
 2 Weiss, II, 73 ff. ; Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 89. 
 
 3 Tos. Jebam., VIII, end; b. 63b; Genes, r., 34, 14 ; Sotah, 4b. 
 
 4 A very interesting question addressed to R. Eleazar b. R. Sadok by 
 his disciples indicates an otherwise unknown, but very instructive fact : 
 Why does everybody want to marry a, proselyte, but not a freed maid- 
 servant (Horaj., 13 a) ? We know only of few proselytes in Judaea in our 
 period, and cannot account for the statement. Is it perhaps the Galilean 
 R. Eleazar b. Sadok ? 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OP THE SECOND TEMPLE 53 
 
 "When E. Tarfon's wife died, he asked her sister in the 
 cemetery to take charge of his children 1 and betrothed 
 her. Once, when he saw a bridal procession pass by his 
 school, he interrupted his teaching, brought the bride 
 into his house and asked his mother and his wife to bathe, 
 anoint, and adorn the bride, and then he danced before 
 her and took her to her husband (AEN, XLI, 67 a). 
 E. Ishmael persuaded a man to marry his niece who was 
 poor and whom Ishmael's mother adorned for her wedding 
 (Nedar., IX, 10). Those girls had hardly any dowry, 
 but there was the rich wife of E. Akiba's son who was 
 maintained by his wife and studied (Tos. Kethub., IV, 7, 
 and parallel), and E.Eliezer's wife, the sister of E.Gamaliel. 
 In a year of drought E.Tarfon betrothed to himself several 
 women to enable them to eat of his priestly due (Tos. 
 Kethub., V, 1 ; jer. Jebam., IV, 6 b, 59). The husband had 
 to write to his wife a marriage settlement promising her 
 at least 200 zuzs in case of divorce or his death, and that 
 document protected her against whims of her husband 
 (Nedar., IX, 5) and made it for a poor man impossible 
 to get rid of a tyrannical wife (Genes, r., 17, 3). The son 
 of E. Jehudah the baker, who had married his cousin, 
 gave all property to her ; but when his creditors claimed 
 their money, she had to pay the debts and even her 
 marriage settlement was lost (B. bath., 132 a). 2 A married 
 woman had to have her head covered in the street, and 
 it was a serious offence to uncover it; E. Akiba fined 
 a man heavily for it (B. Team., VIII, 6). In moonlit 
 evenings women met and in spinning discussed the 
 latest events in the families of the place (Gitt., 89 a) ; 
 if they talk ugly things about a married woman, 
 E. Akiba says, she must be divorced. And E. Joshua 
 says (Sotah, VI, 1) that if a married woman was with 
 
 1 Jer. Jebam., IV, 6 b, 37 ; Semah., VII ; Moed kat., 23 a. 
 
 2 E. Akiba bought for his wife a golden ornament representing Jerusalem, 
 Sabb., 59 a, b ; jer., VI, 7 d, 65. When E. Gamaliel's wife envied her for 
 it, her husband referred her to the great share which E. Akiba's wife 
 had in his greatness. 
 
54 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 another man alone and women spinning in the moon- 
 light talk about it, she must be divorced (see Sotah, 6 b, 
 bottom) ; R. Johanan b. Nuri objected most strongly to 
 such evidence. Otherwise we find the wives and mothers 
 of teachers in conversation with other rabbis, Imma 
 Shalom, the wife of E. Eliezer (Nedar. , 20b) and the mother 
 of R Ishmael and of R.Tarfon. 1 "Women came to the schools 
 with all kinds of religious questions, 2 and R. Ishmael and 
 R. Eliezer asked their mother and wife respectively to 
 examine girls as to their signs of puberty (Tos. Nidd., VI, 
 8). R. Eliezer was once asked by a learned woman about 
 a contradiction in the Bible, and his answer was : A 
 woman's wisdom is in the distaff; in the parallel he 
 replied: Words of the Torah should be burnt and not 
 given to women. 3 He consistently prohibited to teach 
 a girl Torah (Sotah, II, 4). R. Joshua's opinion was not 
 favourable to women i : A woman is more satisfied with 
 a kabh of food from her husband if intercourse is with it, 
 than with nine kabhs of food and rare intercourse ; a 
 woman separating from intercourse is one of the de- 
 stroyers of the world. 5 Whenever Pappos b. Jehudah 
 left his house, he locked in his wife that she should 
 not speak to anybody ; but this is stated to have been an 
 exception and wrong. 6 In the home the wife had to 
 attend to the house and to its requirements, she had to look 
 after her children (jer. Jebam., IV, 6b, 37), and, when free, 
 she spun (Kethub., V, 5) ; and we learn that she sold wool 
 
 1 Kiddush., 31 b ; jer., IV, 61 b, 18 ; Nidd., 48 b ; Tos., VI, 8. 
 '' Tos. Kethub. , IV, 7 ; Niddah, 48 b ; VIII , 3 ; Kethub. , 10 b ; Jadaj. , III, 1 ; 
 Hag., 20 a. 
 
 3 Joma, 66 b; in jer. Sotah, III, 19 a, 5, the woman is a matrona, a non- 
 Jewess. 
 
 4 little is known about the relations between rabbis and women of 
 the people. E. Joshua once stayed with a woman who cooked his food 
 ('Erub., 53 b). When R. Ishmael died, the women of Israel bewailed him 
 [Nedar., IX, 10 ff. ; Baraitha, 66b). 
 
 6 Sotah, III, 4 ; the translation of the word by separation from inter- 
 course seems to me to follow from the context; see also jer. Nedar., XI, 
 42 c, 65. 
 
 B Baraitha R. Meir in Gitt., 90 a ; Tos. Sotah, V, 9. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 55 
 
 to dealers (B. Jcam., X, 9 ; b. 119 a). Of children we hear 
 little, only of the deaths of several young men, the son 
 of E. Johanan b. Zakkai, when already a scholar 
 (ABN, XIV, 29 b), of E. Ishmael's several sons (Moed k., 
 28b), and of E. Akiba's son (Semah.,VIII ; Moed 1c., 21 b). 1 
 On the eve of Passover children were entertained with 
 sweets by E. Tarfon or E. Akiba (jer. Pesah., X, 37 b, 75 ; 
 b. 109 a). An anonymous Baraitha in Jebam., 62 b, allows 
 an insight into the principles practised by the teachers 
 in their homes: To him who loves his wife as himself, 
 and who honours her more than himself and guides his 
 sons and his daughters in the straight way and who makes 
 them marry immediately after puberty, applies Job v. 24. 
 
 III. The Political Conditions in Judaea and the 
 Eomans. 
 
 1. Though a great part of Judaea was saved in the 
 catastrophe of the year 70, it did not escape an evil 
 attending great wars ; outlaws and robbers increased in 
 number and enhanced the difficulties of maintenance 
 and of recovery. Their place of activity was not only 
 Galilee, where a son of E. Haninah b. Teradjon of 
 Sikhnin joined robbers and was ultimately killed by them 
 as traitor (Semah., XII, Threni r., 3, 16). But Judaea 
 suffered even more from them, because there war fol- 
 lowed war. When staying in Babylonia, in the lifetime 
 of E. Gamaliel, on matters of intercalation, E. Akiba 
 met in Neharde'a Nehemia of beth-Deli ; they discussed 
 the question of finding witnesses to testify to a man's 
 death, and Nehemia referred E. Akiba to the fact that 
 Judaea was infested with raiding bands (Jebam., XVI, 7). 
 In the neighbourhood of Lydda E. Tarfon was once in 
 
 1 K. Akiba in ASN, XXVI, 41 b, in 2 ABN, XXXV, 41 a, Jose the 
 Babylonian accounts for the death of young scholars ; the frequency of 
 the sad occurrence demanded an explanation. K. Akiba visited one of 
 his disciples who was ill and visited by nobody {Nedar., 40 a, 41 a). 
 
56 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 danger of life when, according to Shammaiite rule, he 
 lay down in the road to read a prayer (Berakh., I, 3). 
 A man told R. Tarfon how he and a companion were on 
 the way pursued by a raiding band ; his friend broke 
 a branch from an olive-tree to use it as weapon and 
 thereby invited the raiders to return, and was taken ill 
 and died. 1 R. Jehudah relates 2 how a robber before his 
 execution in Mazaga (Caesarea) in Cappadocia confessed 
 to the murder of Simeon b. Kohen on entering Lydda ; 
 on this evidence Simeon's wife was allowed to re-marry. 
 The informant's person shows that the case was discussed 
 in Lydda or in Jamnia; as R. Akiba once stayed in 
 Mazaga, 3 perhaps he brought the confession to Judaea 
 before the schools. R. Joshua prescribed a short prayer 
 to be said in a place of danger [Berakh., IV, 4) ; though 
 he prayed therein for help for the remnant of the nation 
 "lusn nans btt , the parallel (Berakh., 29 b ; Tos., Ill, 7) 
 defines the danger as a troop of wild beasts and of 
 robbers. 4 Some seem to have been Jews, as those who 
 met R. Akiba's disciples on their way to Ekdippa (Ab. 
 zar., 25 b). It is true, most of these instances of robbery 
 and robbers in the Roman province of Judaea could belong 
 to one special period of unrest, the war of Quietus in 
 the year 116, when some revolutionary movement and 
 persecutions on the part of the Romans again disturbed 
 the country. 6 
 
 1 Baraitha Jebam., 122 b ; Tos., XIV, 9, 10 ; jer., XVI, 15 d, 38. 
 
 2 Baraitha Jebam., 25 b ; Tos., IV, 5 ; jer., II, 4 b, 2. 
 
 3 Tos. Jebam., XIV, 5; jer., XVI, 15 d, 14; b. 121a. K. Akiba in Semah., 
 IV) 34 ! Derekh 'eres s. , VIII, relates how in his earlier days he once found 
 a murdered man and carried the body 6,000 cubits till he reached a place 
 of burial, and buried him. When he reported his act to the rabbis, they 
 (R. Eliezer and R. Joshua) told him that he ought to have buried the 
 man where he found him. 
 
 * Simeon of Timnah tells R. Jehudah b. Baba how the night before 
 a troop of non-Jews came to his town and wanted to spoil the whole 
 place ; by slaughtering a young cow for them, they got rid of them 
 in peace, Besah, 21a; Tos., II, 6. Rashi explains the Hebrew word as 
 a great band of raiders who search everything ; see the dictionaries. 
 
 Punishments inflicted by the Romans on Jews also suggest violent 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 57 
 
 2. The Eoman military power in the newly subdued 
 province must have, since the year 70, been distributed 
 all over the country (see Wars, VII, 6, 1), and, we should 
 expect, could, if it wanted, have reached robbers near the 
 important town of Lydda without difficulty. Though 
 there is no evidence for the places of garrisons, numerous 
 or small, Lydda was certainly one of them. 1 E. Johanan 
 b. Zakkai had conversations with a Eoman official called 
 in jer. Synh., I, 19 c, 16, Antoninus hegemon ; I, 19 d, 3, 
 Antigonos hegemon ; 1, 19b, 18, Angatos hegemon; Num. r., 
 4, 9, Hongatos ; Bekhor., 5 a, Kontrakos the ruler 2 ; in Sifre 
 Deut., 351, Agnito shegemon, who asked E. Gamaliel a 
 question. Hegemon does not necessarily denote the 
 governor of Judaea ; he may have been the commander of 
 the garrison in Jamnia, and this all the more as none of the 
 few governors known suits the name, nor any Greek or 
 Eoman name has so far been found to cover the form 
 preserved in the Hebrew sources. 3 Jamnia was to the 
 Eoman administration of special importance on account 
 of its imperial stores of produce. For in Tos. Damm., 1, 13, 
 we read : E. Jose says : The rule mentioned applies to 
 private stores only, but in the stores of the emperors we 
 
 acts in Judaea. A Jew in prison freed without witnesses the childless 
 widow of his brother from marrying him (Jebam., XII, 4 and 105 b, 
 bottom), and E. Akiba declared it valid. Originally the rabbis said : 
 When one goes away in a collarium and asks that a bill of divorce should 
 be written for his wife, it should be written and delivered ; later they 
 added : a man who goes on a sea journey or with a caravan. E. Simeon 
 Shezuri added : a man who is dangerously ill, Gitt, VI, 5. Now this 
 disciple of E. Tarfon knew already the first additions to the original 
 rule, so that this must have belonged at the latest to the time of his 
 teacher. Executions, see in Semah., II, n, 13. Galilean Jews suspected 
 of murder came to E. Tarfon and asked for shelter, but he refused, Nidd., 
 61 a, bottom. 
 
 1 E. 'Aibo's statement about hostile fortresses in Palestine, p. 24, note 
 2 ff., must not be adduced, for he lived in the fourth century. 
 
 2 Here Mashi and Tosafoth read E. Gamaliel instead of E. Johanan. 
 
 3 See Gratz in MOWJ, 1885, XXXIV, 17 ff. ; Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 36; 
 Krauss, Lehnworter, II, 106. Midrash haGadol Deut., 33; Midrasch Tannaim, 
 215, read in the Sifre passage : Agrippas hegemon asked E. Johanan 
 b. Zakkai. 
 
58 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 go as to the origin of the corn by the majority of it. 
 R. Jehudah says : This applies to stores of Jews and 
 non-Jews, but in stores of Jews and Samaritans we go by 
 the majority of the produce. The rabbis then said to 
 R. Jose : As you have told us concerning the stores of 
 Jamnia before the war that the corn there was not 
 certainly tithed, and most of the people who delivered 
 there corn were Samaritans, we see that in the stores in 
 Palestine into which corn is brought from abroad, as the 
 stores of Eegeb, all goes by the measure of the corn. 
 R. Joshua b. Kaposai said that from the rules concerning 
 the stores in Jamnia he derived a halachic lesson. Into 
 those stores the taxes were delivered prescribed to be in 
 kind, as Tos. Damm., VI, 3, 4, clearly states : He who rents 
 a field from a Samaritan, gives him the rent in kind after 
 separating the tithes, then he weighs into the stores, he 
 weighs to the centurion and then gives it to him. A Jew 
 must not say to a non-Jew or a Samaritan or some one 
 not trustworthy in tithing: Take 200 zuzs and weigh 
 for me into the stores; but he should tell him: Free 
 me from the stores. 1 The stores in Jamnia continued 
 for a long time and existed still about the year 200. 
 "When once on the road, Rabbi and R. Jose b. R. Jehudah 
 saw a non- Jew coming towards them ; when he asked 
 them who they were, what their occupation was, and 
 where they were going, they replied : We are Jews 
 and business men, and are going to buy wheat from the 
 stores of Jamnia. 2 Here, then, produce could be bought 
 
 1 'Instead of me from the stores' cannot be correct, as the continuation 
 clearly shows ; cf. the Baraitha in 'Ab. zar., 71 a : A Jew must not ask 
 a non-Jew to enter for him into the stores ; see Rashi. 
 
 2 From an economic point of view Tos. Damm., I, 11, is very instructive : 
 He who buys produce from a ship in JoppS or in Caesarea must give 
 tithe. R. Jehudah said: The produce on the shore (?) of Jishubandof Anti- 
 patris and in the market of Patros was at first declared not certainly tithed, 
 because it generally came from the King mountains ; but now our rabbis 
 said. . . Jishub was a Samaritan place (Neubauer, Chronique Samaritaine, 19), 
 further south was Antipatria, so that the unknown Patros was further 
 south. We learn that Judaea and the places in the central range north 
 of Judaea exported produce via Joppe and to the three places. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 59 
 
 by anybody. It need hardly be pointed out that such 
 stores were supervised by officers, as the centurion men- 
 tioned, and other officials, and guarded by soldiers ; the 
 Kontarikos who discussed a question with E. Johanan b. 
 Zakkai could have been a centurion of the stores. 1 Ben- 
 Dama told his uncle E. Ishmael that in a dream both his 
 jaws fell off, and E. Ishmael interpreted it to mean : Two 
 Eoman soldiers devised evil against you, but died (Berakh. , 
 
 56 b). Neither the place, nor the soldiers, nor the kind 
 of device are defined, and it may be, that in order to 
 confiscate his property, they wanted to accuse him of 
 some invented crime, 2 as happened to the nephews of 
 E. Johanan b. Zakkai in B. bathra, 10 a. 3 Jerusalem was 
 a Eoman camp, with the greater part of the Tenth Legion 
 and all its usual following stationed there, and similarly 
 other important places must have had garrisons. 
 
 3. The administrative military centres seem to have 
 had Eoman courts of justice. For E. Tarfon 4 says in 
 
 1 The occasional visit of stratiotai in the school of Jamnia in the days 
 of R. Gamaliel who came to learn the law of the Jews, Sifre Deut., 344, 
 143 b; jer. B. kam., IV, 4 b, 29; b. 38 a, proves nothing for a garrison in 
 the town. 
 
 2 In an Aramaic story in Ta'an., 21 a, the Jews sent through Nahum 
 of Gimzo a box of precious stones as a gift to the emperor ; the Roman 
 governor is meant. R. Joshi'a, R. Ishmael's disciple, in ARN, XXXVIII, 
 
 57 a, says that owing to neglect in giving priestly dues and tithes the 
 skies withhold dew and rain, and the people is handed over to the 
 government. This is taken from life, and refers to Roman confiscations 
 of property. 
 
 3 The presence of soldiers constituted a danger for Jewish women, as 
 the case before R. Haninah in jer. Nedar., XI, 42 d, 58, shows : When once 
 soldiers came into a city, the wife of a priest came to the beth-din and 
 complained that a soldier had embraced and assaulted her; but the 
 rabbis permitted her to continue to eat of her husband's priestly due. 
 Also the Mishnah Nedar., XI, 12, reflects such a danger. First the rabbis 
 said : In three cases a woman must be divorced and receive her marriage 
 settlement : when she says to her husband, I am defiled for you, God 
 is between us, and I am removed from the Jews. Later the rabbis altered 
 that rule in order that a woman should not commit adultery because she 
 wants to marry somebody else. It seems that violation of women and 
 persuading them to leave Judaism reflects Roman times. 
 
 * She'iltoth, rvwo, read R. Meir, which is merely a misreading of the form 
 b*t ; Midrash haGadol to Exod. xxi also has R. Tarfon, and for agoras nv3i«. 
 
60 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 Gitt, 88 b: Wherever you find agoras of non-Jews, 
 even if their judgments are the same as of the Jews, 
 you must not apply to them. Also R. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah 
 in Mekhiltha on 21, 1, takes a stand against applying 
 to these courts, and E. Akiba refers to deeds made at 
 non-Jewish offices (Gitt., 11 a; Tos., I, 4). 1 R. Johanan 
 b. Zakkai refers to human judges who can be appeased 
 by gifts (Berakh., 28 b). This seems to point to his 
 experience with Roman judges in Judaea. 2 To such, as 
 R. Tarfon's strong warning shows, Jews were inclined to 
 apply, probably because the Roman officials suggested it 
 to them and such courts were everywhere near at hand. 3 
 
 1 Otherwise the Jews had their own jurisdiction in civil cases and the 
 right to impose fines, as the judgments of E. Akiba show (p. 39 ff.), and 
 also the statement of Rabh in Synh., 13 b, 14 a, that if R. Jehudah b. 
 Baba during the Hadrianic persecutions had not ordained five disciples, 
 the law about fines had been forgotten in Israel. There were no courts 
 for capital punishment, in spite of Origen's remark to the contrary ; for 
 R. Akiba and R. Tarfon say in Makk., I, 10, if they had been on a 
 Synedrion, nobody would have ever been executed. The past tense 
 clearly shows that in their times no such court was in existence. 
 Scholars frequently point out that the rabbis applied the ban to force 
 recalcitrant parties to obey their judgments. But as evidence not one 
 single occurrence could be adduced ; for all cases reported concern rabbis 
 who either persisted in their individual teachings and had to be banned, 
 or such as had disobeyed the orders of R. Jehudah haNassi. 
 
 2 In Jellinek's beth-haMidrasch, I, 1 ; Esther r., introduction, § 9, 'Abba 
 Gorjon, in the name of R. Gamaliel, says : Since untrue judges increased, 
 false witnesses increased ; since delatores (informers) increased, the 
 robbing of people's money (confiscations) increased, . . . since the beloved 
 children provoked their father in heaven, he raised over them a wicked 
 king to punish them. This statement, obviously picturing the times 
 of R. Gamaliel, reveals sad conditions in Judaea under Roman rule, 
 especially the evil of informers. Perhaps R. Eleazar b. 'Azarjah's sen- 
 tence against the evil tongue in Makk., 23 a, refers to the same : He who 
 speaks evil language and he who receives evil language and he who gives 
 false testimony, deserve to be thrown before dogs. See Bacher, Tannaiten, 
 I, 91, 1. 
 
 i Not merely in Caesarea where R. Eliezer was once tried on the bema 
 by a hegemon as judge, Kokel. r. , 1, 8, 3 ; 'Abod. z., 16 b ; Tos. Hull. , II, 24, 
 and R. Akiba by Tineius Rufus, Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 287, and Midr. Prov., 
 9, n. R. Eliezer's statement made in connexion with his trial in 'Ab. 
 zar., 17 a, on Prov. v. 8 b : Draw not near to the entrance of her house, 
 to the government, also warns against relations with the Romans. But 
 the two parallels quoted do not contain that word. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 6l 
 
 Not merely the wealthy Jews felt attracted by them, but 
 also the poor who seem to have received support from the 
 Bomans. For in an interpretation of Prov. xiv. 34 : The 
 lovingkindness of the nations is sin, asked by R. Johanan 
 b. Zakkai of his disciples, R. Eliezer says : All kindness 
 done by non- Jews is sin to them, for they do such only to 
 boast ; R. Joshua said : They do such only to prolong 
 their rule. The latter explanation clearly shows that the 
 Romans were referred to, whom also the interpretation of 
 R. Eleazar of Modeim fits, that they practise charity only 
 to abuse us. 1 Both rabbis presuppose that the Romans 
 support Jews by alms. 2 In this way and by persuasion 
 the representatives of the Roman government and other 
 non-Jews tried to win over the Jews of Judaea. For 
 R. Akiba, in a dialogue between Israel and the nations, 
 makes the latter say : Why do you die for your God, and 
 are killed for Him ? You are bright and valiant ; come 
 and mix with us. 3 
 
 The emperor owned property in Judaea ; not only 800 
 veterans received land in Emmaus near Jerusalem (Wars, 
 YII,6,6), but also other property must have been in Roman 
 hands. Apart from the agadic, but certainly not ground- 
 less reference to Hadrian's vineyard of 18 by 18 miles (jer. 
 Ta'an., IV, 69 a, 18) which was manured by the blood of 
 
 1 S. iathra, 10 b ; Pesik., 12 b; Baeher, Tannaiten, I, 34, 4. Of Roman 
 charity in Palestine about the year 300 speaks R. Jishak in Pesik., 95b : 
 The governors go out to the villages, plunder the farmers, return to their 
 town and say : Call the poor together, for we want to give them 
 charity. In Mid/rash haGadol on Deut. vii. 26, quoted by Dr. Sehechter 
 in his 'Agadath CanHcum, p. 71, the kindness of the nations in Prov. xiv. 
 34 is referred to the Romans building public and other baths for the poor 
 and rich, but leaving there a place for worshipping idols and for immoral 
 women. But there is beside a doubtful reference of R. Gamaliel none 
 mentioning such institutions in Judaea before the year 135. 
 
 2 See also Tos. Sotah, XIV, 10 : Since the number of those increased 
 who accepted charity from non-Jews, non-Jews began to increase and 
 Jews to decrease, and the latter have in the world no pleasure. If this 
 statement could be dated, it would be an instructive parallel to the above 
 passage. 
 
 8 Mekhil. on 15, 2 ; Mekhil. B. Simeon, 60 ; Baeher, Tannaiten, I, 285, 4. 
 
62 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 the slain of Betthar, a very instructive address of E. Jo- 
 hanan b. Zakkai (MeJcMl., 19, 1, p. 61 b) refers to imperial 
 vineyards. He said to some Jews, as representing the 
 whole nation : You would not pay the tax of one beka' 
 per head to God, now you pay 15 shekels to the govern- 
 ment of your enemies ; you would not repair the roads 
 and the markets for the pilgrims, now you repair na 
 paman nxi pDnun for those who go up to the vineyards 
 of emperors. 1 As E. Johanan spoke to all the Palestinian 
 Jews, there must have been in Judaea several such vine- 
 yards. Schiller 2 states that soldiers stationed in a Eoman 
 province were in peace engaged in draining work and in 
 planting vineyards, the latter especially to facilitate the 
 necessary supply of wine for the soldiers. In connexion 
 with such imperial plantations the Jews in Judaea had 
 probably to do compulsory work of various kinds ; as 
 E. Johanan's contrast of past and present shows, in the 
 first instance they had to keep up the roads. There is 
 express evidence that the balsam plantations of 'En-gedi 
 were imperial property and were farmed by the fiscus, 3 
 and the balsam was sold by the fiscus. 4 The same applied 
 
 1 In 'Agadath Canticum, i, 6, a similar but anonymous passage occurs : 
 You would not guard the Temple as required, now they guard the great 
 fortress. Schechter, p. 58, thinks it a corruption of the Mekhiltha passage, 
 but there is hardly a trace of it here. If pOTO were from ppnc, the 
 sentence would be clearer : They have to pay taxes to Caesarea or Rome. 
 
 2 Gesckichte der mm. Kaiserzeit, I, 881. 
 
 3 Galenus, vol. XIV, p. 25, ed. Kiihn ; Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverwaltung , 
 II 2 , 258. 
 
 4 Galenus, XIV, 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist, 12, 111, 113, 123. In whose 
 hands 'En-gedi had been before the war is not evident. Though it was 
 one of the eleven toparchies (Wars, III, 3, 5), but not mentioned as such 
 by Pliny (V, 14, 70), and though Eusebius, Onom., 254, terms it a very 
 great Jewish place, its plantations may have been already before the year 
 70 in Roman hands. During the revolution the s^carii of Masada attacked 
 it (Wars, IV, 7, 2) in the night of Passover, scattered the population and 
 drove it from the town, and women and children about 700 were killed. 
 All the villages around Masada were laid waste and the whole district made 
 desolate. It is difficult to see why the sicarii should have killed Jewish 
 women and children, as they could have taken the victuals which they 
 wanted from the women. It seems, 'En-gedi was either in favour of 
 peace or partly inhabited by Romans. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 63 
 
 to Jericho, as Pliny in his note on the balsam-bush says 
 (XII, 25, 112) : Servit nunc haec ac tributa pendit cum 
 sua gente, presupposing that both balsam gardens had 
 the same political position, as in fact he says (113): 
 Seritque nunc eum fiscus. 1 
 
 4. The Roman taxes weighed heavily upon all the 
 Jews. For even those to whom, as to Josephus, their 
 property was returned by Titus and Vespasian, had to 
 pay taxes, and Josephus himself reports (Vita, 76) that 
 the Emperor Domitian freed him from the taxes of his 
 property in Palestine, which was the greatest distinction 
 for any one. 2 The tax to be paid in addition to the poll- 
 tax varied in various provinces, 3 a fifth or a seventh of 
 the produce, in kind or in money, according to the value 
 of the field. "What tax E. Johanan b. Zakkai meant by 
 15 shekels, the passage quoted does not suggest. Nor 
 does the list of Jewish taxes in a papyrus from Arsinoe 
 of the 5th year of Vespasian 4 constitute a parallel to it. 
 Though the Jews are there distinguished from the bulk 
 of the native population, and already children pay the 
 Jewish tax by head and year, 8 drachmae and 2 oboloi, 
 and in addition to it 1 drachma dirap\fjs, and again 
 poll-tax, altogether about 40 drachmae, yet no relation of 
 those taxes is visible to the Judaean didrachma. 5 The 
 fixed amount mentioned by E. Johanan shows that the 
 tax was not varying according to the produce of a field, 
 
 1 Cp. Holscher, Jud&a inpers. u. hell. Zeit, 49. 
 
 2 The version of E. Nehunjah b. Hakanah's sentence in 2 ARN, 
 XXXII, 34 b : From him who takes upon him the yoke of the Torah, 
 the yoke of the government and of business is removed, and upon him 
 who shakes off the yoke of the Torah, the yoke of the government and 
 of business is imposed, suggests that scholars were exempted from taxes, 
 regular or irregular. See Krakauer in MGWJ, 1874, XXIII, 60 ff. ; BJBJ, 
 1912, LXIV, 60, which, however, refer to the edicts of the emperors of the 
 fourth century, as perhaps ARN; 'Aboth, III, 8, does not contain the ' yoke 
 of the government'. 
 
 3 Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, II 2 , 222. 
 
 • C. Wessely, Studiens. Palaeogr. u. Papyruskunde, 1901, 9. 
 6 Schiirer, Geschkhte, III*, 46 ff. 
 
64 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 but a fixed contribution, perhaps a minimum paid on 
 leasing one's own field from the Roman governor. The 
 tax in kind to be paid into the Roman corn stores to 
 the centurion (p. 58), was probably the income-tax or the 
 annona. The forced labour mentioned by R. Johanan at 
 ponu seems to have concerned fields, for the nearest 
 word, of which it is evidently a corruption, pjJTO is found 
 in connexion with fields, though only in statements 
 after the year 135. * In addition to those, a tax of food, 
 bread, drink, and clothes was demanded, called cellaria, 2 
 which, according to R. Haninah's, the vice high priest's 
 description (p. 42), was felt very heavily owing to the 
 great poverty after the "War. R. Gamaliel gives further 
 information about Roman impositions (ARN, XXVIII, 
 43 a) : By four things the government consumes (property), 
 by customs, baths, theatres, and annonae. 3 But very little 
 is known about duties in Judaea in our period, except 
 the Baraitha in B. Team., 113a: One must not put on 
 garments of mixed stuffs, not even over ten other gar- 
 ments, in order to defraud duty ; R. Akiba, opposing the 
 view, says : One must not defraud duty ; R. Simeon, in 
 R. Akiba's name, says : one may defraud duty. 4 But 
 even this is doubtful ; none of the other passages about 
 custom, Semah., II, 9; Nedar., Ill, 4 ; Tos., II, 2, can with 
 probability be referred to Judaea before the year 135. 
 About Roman public baths, nothing is preserved in 
 Jewish sources, though it is probable that for the Roman 
 garrisons and officials such were built; R. Eleazar b. 
 'Arakh settled in Emmaus on account of its good water 
 and its baths (p. 21 ff.). Even less is known about theatres 
 
 1 Krauss in Berliner-Hoffmann's Uagazin, XIX, no, without sufficient 
 evidence applies the words to military fortifications. 
 
 2 Marquardt, I.e., 232. 
 
 3 The wording is doubtful ; see Schechter, 12, who quotes a version 
 nwDM, altars. 
 
 4 Tosafoth Zebah. ,91b, quoting from memory attribute the first anonymous 
 sentence to E. Akiba, but his name is even in the second part doubtful ; 
 see Rabbinowicz and R. Isaiah Trani the elder in JQR, IV, 93 ff. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 65 
 
 in Judaea, as the only reference in R. Nehunjah b. 
 Hakanah's sentence in jer. Berakh., IV, 7 d, 39, is not to 
 be found in the parallel Baraitha in Berakh., 28 b (p. 31, 
 note 1). And it is not probable that the Eomans built 
 in Judaea theatres, as no halachic or agadic reference 
 deals with such. Nor is there any trace of any form of 
 idols and idolatry which the rabbis would have certainly 
 discussed for the guidance of the school and the people. 1 
 Jerusalem and Emmaus, important military stations, must 
 naturally have had some Roman temple, just as the mari- 
 time cities inhabited by non-Jews. 2 Akko had a bath of 
 Aphrodite" (Ab. z., 111,4), and Caesarea heathen sacrifices 
 {Hull., 39 b; Tos., II, 13). R. Akiba says (Synh., 65 b) 
 that as a heathen obtains by fasting the spirit of his god, 
 how much more should a Jew by fasting obtain the spirit 
 of God ; but our sins prevent it. And when Zonen asks 
 R. Akiba his opinion about healings by sleeping in a 
 heathen temple, 3 the master gives an explanation of such 
 cures; in both cases he presupposes the existence of 
 heathen worship in his neighbourhood. Either in Jamnia, 
 where Roman ofiicials resided, or more probably in 
 Caesarea or Askalon, the seats of various heathen worships, 
 R. Akiba and Zonen could have observed those rites. 
 Askalon had a market which the rabbis used to frequent 
 (Tos. 'AMI., XVIII, 18), and was a city which R. Gamaliel 
 
 1 Schlatter, Tage Trajans, 68, states that the Roman legion brought its 
 cult with it, and refers to the stone still standing in the Nebi Daud gate 
 in Jerusalem set by the legio III Cyrenaica in 116 for the welfare and 
 victory of Trajan and the Roman people to Jupiter Optumus Maxumus 
 Sarapis. 
 
 2 In Midrasch Tannaim, 58 ; 2 ABN, XXXI, 33 b ff., R. Johanan b. 
 Zakkai says : Be not hasty in pulling down the altars of heathens that 
 thou shouldst not have to rebuild them with thy hand ; pull not down any 
 of bricks that they should not ask thee to rebuild them of stone ; nor 
 of stone that they should not ask thee to rebuild them of wood. This 
 shows that there were in Judaea heathen altars which some Jews were 
 eager to pull down ; but it is possible and even probable to refer such 
 statements to the time before the War. Cf. also the parallel in Meg., 
 31 b ; Tos. 'Ah. z., I, 19 ; Bacher, Tannaiten, II, 425, 3. 
 
 3 'Abod. z., 55 a ; Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 294. 
 
 E 
 
66 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OP JUDAEA AFTER 
 
 with Akylas visited (Tos. Mikw., VI, 3), 1 and where 
 R. Joshua was on a political mission (Sdbb., 127 b ; 
 2 A EN, XIX, 21 a), and where Asklepios was worshipped 
 (Schurer, II, 24). 
 
 5. A few words have to be added about the presence 
 of non- Jews in Judaea. The land having been declared 
 the private property of Vespasian, and a million of its 
 inhabitants having fallen or been sold in the "War, it 
 would seem the most natural thing that non-Jews, 
 Rpmans, and non- Jewish Palestinians, flocked in great 
 numbers into the country and leased property. But no 
 information to that effect has come down, except a refer- 
 ence to property in the possession of a matrona who gave 
 Hyrkanos, R. Eliezer's son, yearly 300 kors, tithe from her 
 produce. 2 She was probably the wife or widow of a 
 wealthy Roman or Syrian in the neighbourhood of 
 Lydda, as we find a matrona in Askalon (Saib., 127 b, 
 above). R. Johanan b. Zakkai was asked by a non-Jew 
 the difference between Jewish and non-Jewish festivals 
 (Deut. r., 7, 7) ; and as he enumerates Kalendae, Saturnalia, 
 and Kratesis, he is a Roman official, provided the 
 enumeration is no imitation of R. Meir's in 'Abodali z.. 1, 2. 
 There was a non 7 Jewish laundry to which R. Gamaliel 
 of Jamnia gave his linen to wash, as reported by 
 R. Eleazar b. R. Sadok. 3 R. Johanan b. Nuri refers 
 to a religious question raised in Jamnia about a hen, 
 and his colleagues remind him that several non-Jews in 
 Jamnia prepared hens for food (Nidd., 50 b). An in- 
 cestuous heathen woman came to R. Eliezer and 
 R. Joshua to be admitted into Judaism (KoJiel. r., 1, 8). 
 A wealthy woman, Veluria, who owned slaves, became 
 a proselyte 4 ; she lived in Jamnia or Lydda, where she 
 
 1 R. Eliezer referred to a man in Askalon who honoured his father 
 greatly, Kidd., 31a; jer. Peah, I, 15 c, 18; Pesik. r., XXIV, 123 b. 
 
 2 Jer. Sotah, III, 19 a, 7 ; in the parallel Joma, 66 b, only a woman is 
 mentioned. 
 
 3 Saib., I, 9 ; Baraitha, 19a ; Tos., I, 22. 
 
 i ilelthil., 12, 48, p. 18a; Jebam., 46a; Gerim, II, 4. 
 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE 67 
 
 asked R. Gamaliel about a contradiction in the Bible (Bosh 
 ha-Shan., 17 b, bottom). R. Jos&, the priest, a former dis- 
 ciple of R. Johanan b. Zakkai, who was with R. Gamaliel 
 when that question was asked, was in his observance 
 of the Sabbath so strict that, to avoid a profanation of 
 it, he did not allow any letter of his to be found in 
 the hands of a non-Jew (Sabb., 19 a). Where they lived 
 is not indicated. A non-Jew brought on a Jewish 
 holy day fish to R. Gamaliel which he would not accept 
 (Besah, III, 2). But all these references prove nothing 
 as to an influx of non- Jews into Judaea after the War. 
 The long preparations of the Jews for the great rising 
 under bar-Kochba unnoticed by non-Jews, confirm the 
 impression that beside the few and scattered officials of 
 the Roman government very few non- Jews lived among 
 the Jewish population in Judaea. 
 
 6. The main results of these lengthy investigations 
 into the economic conditions of Judaea from the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem by Titus in the year 70 to the bar- 
 Kochba war in the year 133 are the following. In the 
 long war from 66 to 70 the Romans destroyed, besides 
 Jerusalem, many towns, forts, and villages, and de- 
 populated many other places. But as the resistance 
 of the country had not been sufficiently organized by 
 the leaders of the revolution, many important places 
 surrendered to the Romans and were spared. From 
 Josephus and the Talmudic literature the names of 
 several of those can be traced. Though a million of 
 Jews perished in Jerusalem, over forty thousand of its 
 citizens went over to the Romans during the siege, 
 and having been spared constituted with the Jews, spared 
 in the country, the population of Judaea after the cata- 
 strophe. Among them were many priests of high standing, 
 and nobles and wealthy landowners, some with their wives 
 and children, who, as a reward for their surrender, received 
 their former property from Titus and Vespasian. Others 
 bought or leased land, often their own, from the emperor 
 
63 THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF JUDAEA 
 
 who had declared the whole of Judaea his private pro- 
 perty, so that a considerable portion of the country was 
 farmed in the usual way. Among the survivors were 
 several wealthy rabbis, and having their property restored, 
 were landowners and supported their own schools. The 
 laws concerning the priestly dues and the sabbatical year 
 were mostly observed, and the poor without land and 
 money were supported, especially in years of drought. 
 The representatives of the Roman administration in 
 Judaea interfered little with the Jews, only the various 
 taxes were heavy and retarded the recovery of the country 
 and its population. Still, it progressed so rapidly that in 
 two generations a hundred thousand Jews could again 
 rise in several hundred places of Judaea against the 
 Roman rule. The best known towns were Lydda and 
 Jamnia ; they had received from Vespasian new in- 
 habitants from other Judaean places which had sur- 
 rendered to the Romans. Jamnia had Roman corn stores 
 for receiving taxes delivered in kind, and it was the seat 
 of the highest religious body, the beth-din. Lydda had 
 many wealthy inhabitants, among them scholars at the 
 head of schools for adults. Both towns are often referred 
 to in the Talmud, and the material preserved affords 
 some insight into the life of Jewish places. Around 
 them were several Jewish towns and villages of greater 
 and smaller importance. The discussion of many details 
 of private and public life, of men and women, of property 
 and farming, of schools and scholars, of goods and trade, 
 of towns and villages, and of Roman rule and violence, 
 affords additional information about the conditions in 
 Judaea and the life of all sections of its population from 
 the year 70 to 135. 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DS 112.9.B92 
 
 The economic conditions of Judaea after 
 
 3 1924 009 095 880 
 
 
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